A VINDICATION OF THE Church of SCOTLAND BEING AN ANSWER TO Five Pamphlets, The Titles of which are set down after the Preface.  
By the Author of the former Vindication in Answer to the Ten QUESTIONS.  
Licenced and Entered according to Order  Psal. 31: 18. 
Let the lying Lips be put to Silence, which speak grievous things, proudly and contemptuosly! against the Righteous.  Psal. 55.3. 
They cast Iniquity upon me, and in wrath they hate me.  Psal. 63.11. 
But the mouth of them that speak Lies shall be stopped.  Gregor. Lib. 18. Moral. 
Nonnunquam pejus est mendacium meditari quam loqui; Nam loqui plerumque precipitationis est, meditari vero Studiosae pravitarie.  Augustin, contra Parmen: L. 4. 
Quisquis vel quod porest corrigit; vel quod non potest Corrigere, salvo pacis vinculo excludit; vel quod salvo pacis vinculo excludere non potest, equitate improbat, is pacificus est.  
Printed at Edingburgh, and Reprinted at London, for Tho. Parkhurst at the Bible and three Crowns near Mercers-Chappel in Cheapside, 1691.   

The PREFACE.  
THe Wrestle of the Church of Scotland have been manifold, and of long continuance: Jacob and Esau have been long struggling in her womb; many Changes have gone over her; sometimes the one Party prevailing, and sometimes the other: If there were no more at bottom of this strife than is pretended; there might be some hope of Peace! If not by Oneness in Opinion and practice, yet by yielding so far as Conscience can allow, and mutual forbearance in that wherein we cannot unite. But the Enmity between the Seed of the Woman and the Seed of the Serpent, as it began with the World itself, so it is like to have no more early Exit. I am sure, Lying, Railing, and malicious Reproaches, instead of Argumentive Confutations, are not conducive to peace. This Conduct cannot convince them that are otherwise minded, nor can it render that way Lovely, for the sake of which it is used, to one who is influenced either by Religion or Reason, But it tendeth to render the Cause that is so managed, Suspicious; yea to disparage and Blacken a good Cause, in the Eyes of the Sober and rational part of Mankind. It is a bad Cause that must be so supported; and a worse Soul that will use such a weapon: Yea, men of a good temper will not listen to such Discourses, but abhor them, Nor will they auribus aliquem calumniari, as Simonides speaketh. It hath been an old stratagem of Satan, to disparage Truth, or the right ways of God; either by misrepresenting, or disguising the Opinions of them who own them; or drawing strange and absurd Consequences from what they hold: Or imputing that to them that they never said nor thought: Or by raising and venting Calumnies against the Persons and Actions of them whom they would expose: Thus did the Heathens against the Jews, and against the the Christians: For the former, enough to this purpose may be seen in Joseph contra Apion. lib. 1.2. And the Ancient Histories of the Church are full of the Latter: And the Apologies of Tertullian, and others, were occasioned by them. It was also the way of Papists against Protestants: Yea our Lord, in days of his flesh, suffered the same; and the very footsteps of these Enemies of Truth, do these Authors tread, with whom I have now to do: As will appear in our progress. It is a woeful work for men to employ their Wit in, and their time about. The Devil hath his Name from this practice, not only in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; but also in the Syriack N. T,— one that feedeth on Calumnies. It is strange that Veracity is become as much a stranger among Protestants as among Jesuits; Heathens would be ashamed of such Intemperance of the Tongue as some Divines use; and that in Debates about Religious things: It is Unmanly as well as UnChristian to tell a Lie, tho' for never so good a Cause, or on never so good a design: Plutarch: de Liber, Educand. Mentirienim servile est: Et dignum apud omnes Homines odio; ac ne mediocribus quidem servis ignoscendum. Is it any wonder that we hesitate about some things related by Ancient Historians, when so much false History is, with such effronted Boldness, written about the things that we all know and about which we could be proper Witnesses, and could Swear them to be Lies, before a Judge? Or that we can have little persuasion of what we Read, or hear about remote Nations: When things acted among ourselves are so falsely represented? Woe to Posterity, if the Lying Stories that some have Printed, and with bold Impudence avouched, pass with them for Authentic Histories. Not only the Writings of Jesuits, but these of some discontented Prelatists, are able to turn the succeeding Ages into absolute Scepticism about all the Transactions of former times.  
Sect. 2. Our Opposities, in the Debate that I now manage, have not only loaded as with reproach, without just cause given for their obloquy and clamours: But they have showed their aversion from Peace with us: And that by the methods unbecoming men of Candour and Integrity; as well as Lovers of Peace. We are not ignorant of the measures that were the result of deep consults, both in this Nation, and at London, when open Spire and Malice was not able to effect what they designed; that the several Parishes should address the King for their Ministers to be continued with them; even while it was evident that many of them regarded not the Civil Authority of the Nation now settled; and others by the Lewdness of Conversation made themselves unworthy to be in the Holy Function of the Ministry; and when this attempt did not succeed, it was concerted at London, and advice about it written by Dr. Canaries to Mr. Lesk, to be communicated to the rest of the Party; That they should yield feigned Obedience to the Presbyterians at present, because their other Methods could not take at that time. In pursuance of this addvice, two addresses were prepared for the Commission of the General Assembly, in which as little Wit as Candour appeared: It was evident by them, that the Addressers did not intend, nor desire, to be received into a share of the Government with Presbyterians. And these Papers were so ill contrived that it was visible to all, that no blame could reflect on the Presbyterians, by refusiing to admit them on the terms that they proposed: For their Lesson was conned for them. One of them was offered to the Commission of the Assembly that was for the South part of Scotland, by Mr. Alexander Lesle the 17. day of July 1691. In his own Name, and of several others in the North. He was told by the Commission, That they could not receive nor consider his Address; because he, and they in whose Name he made application to the Commission, lived in the North; and that the Commission had no Power from the Assembly to meddle with any Affairs in that part of the Country; but that another Commission was appointed for the North; to which he might apply if he pleased. He took Instruments in the Clerk's Hand that he had offered his Paper to the Commission; which was allowed. The other Address was, at the same time presented by Mr. William Denune and Mr. Thomas Wood: which was received, and Read: Of which I here give you a true and exact Copy. To the Reverend the Ministers and Elders by Law impowered to Establish the Judicatories of the Church of Scotland, The humble Petition of the Ministers of the Episcopal Persuasion, showeth: That whereas Episcopacy is by Law abolished in this Kingdom. We, who have in the most dangerous times, manifested our Zeal against Popery, are now ready to give all the assurances that are, or can be, by Law, required of us, of our Aversion to Popery: of our firmness to the Protestant Religion: And of our Duty and Fidelity to to their Majesties, King William and Queen Mary. We are farther ready and willing, in Our respective Charges and Stations to do every thing that is incumbent on us, as Ministers of the Gospel, for advancing the power of Religion, for the repressing of Scandal and Vice, and for sesecureing the peace and quiet of their Majesty's Government; and to Act in Church Judicatories for carrying on of these ends, without any regard to the differences of persuasion in matters that are not fundamental. We do therefore humbly and earnestly desire, that in order to these ends, we may be suffered to Act as Prebyters, in the Church, in our several Stations and precincts. Sic subcribitur, David Urquhart Minister at Clackmannan, William Denune Minister at Pentcaitland, Keneth Mekenize Minister at Fearne, T. Wood Minister at Dunbar; Ad. Peacock Minister at Morbotle, M. Howell Minister at Ploworth, John Swintoun Minister at Cranshawes, T. Edward Minister at Tyningham, Rob. Smith Minister at Lonformagus, Jo. Broun Minister at elon, George Dunbar Minister at Hadingtoun, Mr. Alex. Ireland Minister at, Mr. James Foreman Minister at Hadingtoun, Ber. Makenzie Minister of the Gospel, now at Iranent.  
Sect. 3. The presenters of this Pettiion refused to satisfy the Commission about some things in their Petition, which seemed to bear a dubious Sense; alleging that they had no warrant to explain any thing for such as had sent them: And when they were asked whether they would explain any thing in it, for themselves; their answer was that they could not explain any thing for themselves, because it was a joint Interest, and they would Act nothing without the rest. After the Deliberation of a few days, the Commission gave the following answer to their Petition, Edinburgh, July, 22. 1691; Which was read to them by the Clerk, and they desiring to have an extract of it, the Clerk was appointed to give it. A true and exact Copy of it, followeth The Commission for Visitation, etc. Having considered the Petition presented to them by Mr. Thomas Wood and Mr. William Denune signed by them and other twelve Ministers, who call themselves of the Episcopal persuasion, do find that some of these Petitioners are deposed, and some suspended: both of them for gross Immoralities: Others of them are in process referred by the General Assembly to this Commission: And some declared contumacious by the Presbyteries of the bounds where they have their residence; and some without the bounds committed to the inspection of this Commission: They do also find, that not only these Petitioners do not look on this Commission as a Judicatory of this Church; but also do mistake their work, by ascribing to them, a power to establish the Judicatories of this Church, which is committed to them by the Assembly: and tho' the Commission be satisfied, to hear the zeal against Popery, fidelity to their Majesties; Yet they find, that seeing the Petitioners have not offered to own and subscribe the Confession of Faith, which by Law is made the Standard of the Doctrine of this Church! they have no security against other errors; nor do they offer to submit, nor to concur with, the present established Government of this Church, according to the instructions of the General Assembly; much less to acknowledge it, as is required by his Majesty's Gracious Letter; and whereas, in the Petitory part, the Petitioners seem to desire an allowance for setting up a Government separate from, and independent upon that which is established by Law; and have refused (when desired by the Commission) to explain either for their Constituents, or for themselves, this, or any other expression, that seemed dark and doubtful to the Commission, declaring, also expressly, that they had no further to say than what was contained in their Petition, and that they could do nothing separately by themselves, without their Constituents. Therefore, udon these grounds, the Commission cannot grant this petition as it stands in terminis: However willing they be to receive such of them as personally compearing, shall be found duly qualified, according to the instructions of the Assembly, and his Majesty's gracious Letter. It is to be noted that Mr. Ireland is deposed, (they indeed pretended; that his name was blotted out, as soon as to they knew so much; but i was showed them that not his Subscription, but the name of the place where he had been Minister, was blotted out) Mr. Urquhart was declared contumacious by the Presbytery: Mr. Peacock was suspended Mr. Wood is under process before the Commission: Mr. Kenneth Mokenzie liveth in the North, and so is not under the inspection of this Commission.  
Sect. 4. It is manifest from their petition that they Act as a party combined against the Church as now settled by Law: Seeing they speak of a joint interest, out of which none of them would so much as answer any question that was put to them; also because this is owned as a petition of the Episcopal Clergy, not of some of them; which stateth them as one party, and the Presbyterian Church as another. It may be also rationally inferred from it, that they could not expect that the Commission could receive them, on the terms that they propose, for they do not offer Satisfaction to any one of the conditions required by the Assembly, of such as we should admit to rule the Church with us; we could not conclude their Orthodoxy from their being opposite to Popery, for so are Socinians. Arminians, Pelagians, Antinomians, Quakers, etc. Not had we ground to believe that they be Faithful to the Government of the Church; but had reason to think the contrary; because they take to themselves the designation of being of the Episcopal persuasion; which can bear no other sense, than that either they think Episcopacy to be of Divine Right, or at least that it is the best Government of the Church, and nearest to what is enjoined in the Scripture: for they who are for the indifferency of the species of the Church Government are not Episcopal more than they are Presbyterian. Now such cannot give security that they will endeavour to preserve Presbyterian Government, for it were to act against the Light of their own mind: and he who promiseth so to act, deserveth, no credit. This is yet more convincing, if we consider, that they must mean, that they are for Episcopacy as it was lately in Scotland: Now what that is not easy to know: For they had no Canons by which it might be circumscribed, and so it was a Boundless and Arbitrary Power. And in the Act of Parliament 1662. By which it was Settled, it was restored To all the accustomed Privileges and Jurisdictions; Which is as much Power as the Laws had ever given them: And it Impowereth them to manage the Affairs of the Church with Advice of such of the Clergy as they shall find to be of known Loyalty and Prudence; And that in their Administrations they are to be accountable to the King: It is further evident, that Presbytery could not be safe under their management; seeing they will own no Church Power in the Commission; but look on them as a Company of Ministers and Elders who derive their Power from the Law: Also because they look-on the Judicatories of this Church as what is to be settled; and that they are the Creatures of the State by looking on this Commission, as the Delegates of the State. It is further to be observed, That while they speak of Securing the Peace of Their Majesty's Government; They have no hint or any design to secure the Government of the Church; either as to its Peace or to its Safety. They tell us also of their design To act in Church Judicatories but whether they mean the Judicatories wherein Parity of Ministers is observed, or these wherein Episcopal Power over toppeth that of the Presbyters, we can neither know from their words, nor will they inform us what is their meaning. They tell us of their purpose To act in these Judicatories without any regard to differences of Persuasions in things that are not fundamental. We are here again left in the dark what things they will regard in their Management of the Affairs of the Church: For it is a Controversy among Divines, what points of Truth are fundamental, and what not: Some in our days have reduced fundamental points to a very narrow compass: Men of Latitude have so widened Heavens Gates, that even Heathens who know not Christ, may enter in: And how far these Petitioners Principles may stretch in judging what is, and what is not fundamental, we must not know for they will explain none of their words. But we think that many Truths of the Gospel are to be regarded by them who are Guides of men's Consciences, and who are to censure Men for Errors, as well as for immoral practices; about which we will not stiffly contend with them who do think fit to call them Fundamentals. Again they may know, that there are somt things Fundamental to Salvation: Others that are only so with respect to the Government of the Church; That is, without which the Government settled in any Church cannot stand. I know no Church; whether ruled by Parity of Presbyters, or otherwise, but they have respect to these; and refuse to commit the Ruling of the Church to them who have no regard to such things as are necessary to the standing of her Government: If we would rightly manage the Government of the Church, we must not regard the former only; but also the latter, We are not to admit to a share of Presbyterian Government, such as tho' they be sound in the Faith, will Vote against the Parity of Power in the Ministers of the Gospel: Nor who will be for setting Bishops over us again; nor who will not secure us against endeavouring the overturning, tho' it were by degrees, what is now, by the Mercy of God, established among us. One remark more I make on their Petition; which is; that they desire To be suffered to Act as Presbyters in this Church in their several Stations and Precincts. It is not only ambiguously worded, but they refused to tell us what they meant by it. For it may be understood either that they should concur with us in our Judicatories; which they cannot do for the reasons above adduced; or that they might Act in meetings by themselves, and without dependence on the Government of the Church now established by Law (as in many places they do practise, without leave asked or given) this is a most absurd desire: For it is, that Presbyterian Government being now established by Law, as it was before countenanced by the Gospel; the Presbyterians themselves should allow a contrary way to be set up, in opposition to it; and for perpetuating a Schism in this National Church: and that Presbyterians should, by this means, put themselves out of Capacity to purge the Church from Erroneous, Scandalous, and insufficient Ministers. If they have a third meaning, that they might be allowed to exercise their Ministry within their own Parishes; their Petition is wholly impertinent: For that is already granted them, and none of them is hindered from this, except such as the Church findeth to be Insufficient, Erroneous, Scandalous, or sapinely Negligent: If they plead for a toleration to such, neither Reason nor Religion will allow the granting of such a request. All this considered, let all the world judge whether these men design peace and union with the Church, on Rational Grounds.  
Sect. 5. While we have made such rational proposals for Burying former differences; and yet they can neither satisfy nor quiet a Spiteful and Clamorous sort of Men; We must defend ourselves, as well as we can, against Reproaches; and as we have (in this matter) a good Conscience towards God; so we must vindicate our way before Men. This Vindication hath been long expected: The cause why it cometh out so late, is not, that much time was taken to make it accurate, either as to the Style, or other management of it; neither the Author's capacity, nor inclination, nor the subject matter, do admit of that, it was written festinante calamo; though I hope, not any material escapes will be found in it; much less was it from the difficulty of the Work: Neither deep thinking, nor much Reading, was needful 10 answer the Reasons brought against us; The Argumentative part of these Pamphlets is of very small bulk, as well as of little Strength. But the true Causes of this delay were. 1. It was at first committed to another hand, who, after many months, returned the Papers to be Answered without any reply to them, next, the Person on whom it was laid, and who now hath done it, was sent a long Journey, about the Affairs of the Church, so that it was four months before he could do any thing toward it. 3. He hath so much necessary Work to attend, and that daily, that very seldom he could get an hour for this Business: which he looked on as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of what was his daily employment. 4. Informations from many corners of the Nation about matters of fact, contained in the Pamphlets that I Answer, were to be expected, and they came in very slowly; many of them after this Work was almost finished. For which blanks behoved to be left in several places of the Book: and some of them not come to this day. But the Reader must judge of the veracity and candour of some of the things charged on us by what he may observe in the rest of them.  
Sect. 6. I have treated the Adversaries I deal with as Brethren (desiring rather to exceed, then come short in Civility, and fair dealing with them) though they use us as Enemies; I hope, calling things by their true Names, will not be reckoned inconsistent with that moderation and calmness that becometh a Disputant, I have called nothing Lies nor Calumnies, nor Spite; but what is manifestly such; and is made appear to be such: If any sharpness of Style be used, how could it be shunned: Even the Disciples of Zeno would forget their Apathia, when lashed with such virulent pens, as my Adversaries use; but I hope there is nothing in the strain of this writing, that is beyond the bounds of the Apostles injunction, Tit. 1.13. of reproving sharply, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to argue the case cuttingly: As the strength of Argument should wound a bad cause so a Petulant and Effronted Adversary is not to be handled with that softness of stile, that is fit for such as are more modest. The truth of matters of fact asserted in this Treatise, is not to be taken from me; but from them who are my Informers: Few of them I pretend to personal knowledge of, therefore not my veracity is pledged for them, but that of others: If I have here asserted any thing that I cannot bring credible Witnesses for, let me be blamed: But if they have deceived, or been deceived (which I hope shall not be found) I am not to answer for that. Neither do I build on hearsay, or common talk; which is the best Foundation of many of the Assertions of my Adversaries: But for many things I name the witnesses of what I affirm: In some of them I bring the Testimonies of them who had sworn these things before a Judge; and where the names of Witnesses are for Brevity's sake omitted, it is in matters of lesser moment; and sufficient Testimony shall be given of things, when it shall be required. I hope the Reader will find by this Examination of the Railing Accusations brought against us, that the Church of Scotland hath given no just cause of Clamour to her Enemies, nor of dislike to our Rulers, during the time in which our Observers do fix blame upon us: which is to the end of the General Assembly, 1690. What the King and Parliament, and Council (and before them, the Convention of Estates) did that hath displeased this Party that I deal with, I have also Vindicated from unjustice and oppression, and breach of promise, that this pretended Loyal Party charge them with. For what was Acted by the injured and enraged Rabble, who in their own Persons, or in their Relations, had suffered intolerable and Barbarous favorities from these men; I am far from approving, or excusing: Only I affirm that many of the things they are charged with, are Lies and Calumnies: Others of them Truths so disguised, as none can own them for truths. I also show that the Actings of the Rabble, were not to be compared in Cruelty and Savage Barbarity, with what they suffered from that Party whom they attempted to rid themselves of, when they got opportunity. And what was done by the Episcopal party, was done under colour of Law, or connived at by them in Power; and was at the instigation of Churchmen: What was done by the Rabble was their deed alone: Neither Rulers nor Ministers, nor the sobere sort of the People, did either approve it, or was partaker in their Deeds.  
Sect. 7. I have, in a former paper, pleaded for the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, against an Adversary much of the same Temper with these I now deal with; whose ten questions, and answers to them, I have examined; I now examine five other Pamphlets: The first two were enjoined me to answer; the rest, being of the same strain, and coming to hand while I was busy with these, and some Persons of the best quality for rank, and for Religion, desiring it of me, I thought fit to give my help (such as it is) to this labouring Church, in opposing all these efforts of enraged Malice: If truth, and the ordinances of God, be thereby Vindicated, and weaker ones helped to stand against the shock of impudent Calumnies; and if any who gave too ready an ear to misrepresentations of our Affairs, be better informed, I have my design. When I first read and considered these Pamphlets, I hoped such a work would be needless; for among ourselves, most of their Assertions are known to be Lies; yea some of their own party have regretted that such Lies should be spread; and it was hoped that strangers would not suffer themselves to be imposed upon by such vile stories, while the Propagators of them had not the wit to personate Historians, but did openly vent such spite and inveterate Malice, as the condiment of what they set before the Readers, that might ruin all pretences they could make to Veracity, with them who wisely consider what they hear or read. But we see the world is so stated, that silent innocency may soon be run down by bold Calumnies: And therefore this Vindication was, on after thoughts, judged to be needful. I do not pretend to vindicate Presbyterians from all blame: I know they are subject to like passions as other men; they are Sinners and have need of a Saviour: And their public Actings, as well as personal Conversation, are short of perfection. There are many things among us that may be mended, or better done. And we are endeavouring to bring things into better order, and do not think that thus it must be, because thus it hath been. Yet we are not afraid to compare our Church order with that which our Opposites are so fond of: Nor that they can charge us with such mis-managements as we can charge them with; or as can infer any notable detriment to the great design of the Gospel, and advancing of Truth and Holiness. I meet, in these Papers with Variety of purposes, and frequent Coincidencies: To have enlarged in Discourse upon all these subjects would have swelled this work unduly. Wherefore I behoved, in many places, to give short answers; which yet may be understood by an attentive Reader: Especially if he compare the passages that are replied to (which I could not always fully Transcribe) with what is said in answer to it. If any thing be not touched, it is either not material or is before met with, or it is so plainly false and absurd, that every one may see it. I have not willingly overlookt any thing that might reflect any blame on the cause that I plead for.  

The Pamphlets here Answered are,  
I. An Account of the present Persecutions of the Church of Scotland, in several Letters.  
II. The Case of the afflicted Clergy in Scotland truly represented.  
III. A late Letter concerning the Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland.  
IV. A Memorial for his Highness the Prince of Orange, in relation to the Affairs of Scotland, etc.  
V. An Historical Relation of the late General Assembly, held at Edinburgh, from October 16 to Novemb. 13. Anno 1690.    

A VINDICATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, etc. PART I.  
THough it be no pleasant Task, to draw the Saw of Debate in Mats wherein Religion is concerned; especially, with such as own the same Religion with us, and who, with us, should be engaged against the common Enemy of the Reformation: Yet it is some Satisfaction, when we are attacked only with the force of Argument, with plain Scripture, or rational Deductions from it; but to be exposed to the dint of Malice, Lies, and Railing, and the foulest and falsest Misrepresentations that the minds of Man can suggest to them, when they are enraged by being deprived of the occasion they once had to Persecute their Neighbours, and being denuded of these Lucrative Places that they improved to such Ends; this I say is, and must be grievous to an ingenuous Soul: Now this is our Lot, Self-defence, yea the Defence of the Institutions of Christ, which should be more precious to us, than any thing that we can call ours, maketh it necessary thus to enter the Lists, in confident hope of his assistance whose Cause we Plead. I am far from either widening, or keeping up the Difference, that hath been between us, who own Presbyterian Government, and the Episcopal Party in Scotland: Our Church (now established by Law, through the Mercy of God, and the Zeal of Their Majesties, and of the worthy Patriots assembled in Parliament) hath declared (and doth practice accordingly) that none of those Men shall be removed from their Office or Benefice, but such as are found, on sufficient Trial, in an orderly way, to be Insufficient, Scandalous, Erroneous, or supinely Negligent; and that we will receive into a share of the Church-Government with us, such of them, as beside their freedom from the Evils mentioned, will own the Doctrine of this Church contained in the Confession of Faith, and will submit to, and concur with, and will be faithful to, the Government of the Church now Established. And we challenge our Adversaries to show that any stretches have been made in expounding of these Qualifications, or that any thing hath been imputed to any of them as Scandal, Error, etc. But what is commonly judged Scandal by Mankind, and Error by most of the Reformed Churches; or that we have censured any for their Opinion about Church-Government, or for their compliance with Episcopacy, when it was here set up; or that we have refused to admit any to Ministerial Communion with us, who made application for that Favour, and was qualified as above expressed.  
§. 2. Notwithstanding of this Moderation (a course diametrically opposite to the dealing that we met with from them, when their Way was uppermost) we have two things to complain of against them who make such Outcries against us: One is, That even the Soberest and best of them, are so far from endeavouring Peace and Union, that they stand aloof from the most easy Terms abovementioned, and think little of so great Condescendence made on our part: For let any unbiased Man judge what we could do more for Peace, unless we should have been so cruel to the Souls of People, as to have entrusted the Conduct of them to such as could not but ruin them, or that we should put the Government of the Church into the Hands of such as had been its declared Enemies, and would give no rational Security that they should not overturn it for the future. This their Aversion from coming among us hath this Evidence for it, that now when the Government hath been settled by Law near a year (and long before that they might have been Received if they had pleased) only three of them, 
This was written in March, 1691.  in all the Nation, hath hitherto made Application to the Judicatories of the Church, expressing their Desire to join with us; One of which is Received, and the other two were but delayed for want of time then to consider their Case. Is it not strange then, that such Outcries are made, that they are excluded from that part of the exercise of their Ministry, while none but themselves are to blame for it. The other thing that we have to complain of, is, That the greatest number of that Party do not only stand off from us; and with all possible Industry, hinder such as would comply with the established Government, but do vent the greatest Malice against us, and spread the most horrid Lies and Reproaches of us, that they are capable to utter, and do what in them lies to make us odious to the World, and to bring us under dislike with our Rulers: And that where there is no Cause given on our part. The Books that I have now under Consideration are a full proof of this, as also are the lying Reports that the Ears of People at Home, (and yet more Abroad) are filled with; which I hope will appear in the following Examination of them.  
§. 3. I do not here undertake to Vindicate all Presbyterians from all blame in their Carriage toward them that differ from them: We never thought that all of our way are so Good, and so Wise, and so Sober as they should be; but I am confident to say, that the Excesses, that any among us can be charged with, are not to be compared with the Barbarous Severities that they of late suffered, when they who now complain were in the Ascendent. That which I now undertake, is, to clear the Presbyterians from these Calumnies that are cast on them in general: And especially to vindicate the Actings of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, from what her Haters do brand her with, either in her Principles, or in her Practice. Five Pamphlets stuffed with such Reproaches I have seen, to answer two of them I was enjoined, to wit. The two first mentioned in the Title Page, the three which lately came to hand, I shall cast in as an Auctarium. I shall consider them separately, yet joining them when coincidencies occur, to avoid repetition. It is easy for an unbiased Reader to observe the scope of these Pieces to be, not so much the refutation of our Opinion about Church-Government, and the asserting of their own; (for little that looketh like Argument to that purpose, is to be found in them) or to set Matters of Fact in their true Light; for the Candour requisite to that is evidently wanting: As it is, partly to make all Presbyterians as hateful to others, as they are hated by them: And partly to beg Alms of the Church of England; which to be their Intention they do not conceal: While, Account of Persecution, etc. Preface, the Reader is thus Addressed to, I have but one thing to request from thee, and that is no more than what thy Profession will oblige and command thee: I mean to put on Bowels of Mercy and Compassion to the poor Afflicted, Distressed; to help them as much as thou art able with thy Substance, and to extend that Charity which is already gone over the Alps, and hath assisted the Protestants in France, Hungary, and Peidmont, to thy neighbouring Brethren, and of thy Communion in Scotland: And if thy Circumstances are too mean to assist them with thy Purse, be sure to let them have thy Charity for their Sufferings in thy hearty Prayers (it is well that Prayer hath some place, tho' but the second, and in want of Money) in their desires. As also, Case of the afflicted Clergy. Preface, the design of that Writing is said to be, Especially, that the most Charitable-Church of England may see the sad effects of Rampant Presbytery, pity their Brethren that have so severely smarted under it.— Of a piece with these Expressions are their setting up Conventicles here (so much decried by them before) and in them using the English Service, in all its Formalities, and their other Expressions of high esteem of, and Zeal for that way, which were never heard of before, while they were under no restraint, either for Pleading for it, or endeavouring its being set up by Authority. Let the World judge what Meanness of Spirit is thus manifested, and what Mercenary Souls they must have, who employ themselves in such mendicant Writings and Practices, in the Matters of Religion. But thus it appeareth, How wise they are in their own Generation: Who consider, What to do when they are put out of their Stewardship. It is indeed a wiser way for them, then to have complied with the present Eshablishment of the Church; from which not a few would, it is like, have been excluded, either for their Immoralities, or Errors; or their manifest abhorrence of the Civil Government. I observe but one thing more, common to these Books, That they complain much more of the Government of the State, than of that of the Church. And indeed the Council (yea the King and Parliament) and the Rabble, were the Actors of most of the things that they make such Tragical Out-cries against, and not the Church.  
§. 4. I proceed now to consider the first of these Pamphlets. The Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters. In the Preface to which, I have but few things to observe, beside what is already noted; what is calumniously asserted, without attempt toward any proof, I let pass as Railing: Such as, outdoing our specious Pretences by our Actions; Our being of the same Principles with Hobbs, whose Doctrines, none do more abhor than we. Our Principles being exceeded and basted by our Practice. That which is added (and may be designed as the ground of these Imputations) is as destitute of all resemblance of Truth, as any thing can be, viz. That They who lately Addressed for Liberty of Conscience, do now Usurp and Tyrannize over others, and deprive them of Liberty in Religion, of their Possessions, and of their Lives, for adhering to the Doctrine once delivered to the Saints, and often established by Law in that Kingdom. This Author had consulted his own Credit in the matter of Ingenuity and Veracity, if 1. He had made it appear, that we Addressed for Liberty of Conscience, in that general Notion wherein he expresseth it: None do more (and ever have done so) oppose an unbounded Liberty to speak, and own, what Men please in Religion, and particularly we, even when the Liberty that he aimeth at was granted, did (as much as we were capable) express our dislike of the Toleration given to the Papists for their Heresies and Idolatries: We thanked the King for allowing us to Worship God in his own way, and taking off the Yoke of Church-domination that sore pressed our Consciences, and ruined us in the World, if we would not ruin our Souls. And what we then were willing to accept, we do not grudge to others, who can show as good Warrant for their way, and use their Liberty with the same Moderation and Peaceableness. 2. If he had told us wherein this Usurpation and Tyranny was Exercised. These words use to signify the assuming an unlawful Authority, or the oppressive abuse of that which is Lawful. Let him bring proof for his imputing either of these to us, and we shall Answer him. 3. If he had told us what freedom of Religion they have been deprived of: Who of them have been Persecuted for Worshipping God, as we were by them; Except that some Ministers have been restrained from Preaching, for their Unworthiness of that Office; or from Preaching in places where they had no Legal Rights: What Possessions have any been deprived of, unless for Crimes against the State; and even that hath been very rare. Minister's Stipends are not their rightful Possessions, when either they are justly Deposed from their Office, or are found to be unjust Possessors of this, or that particular Charge. For taking their Lives on account of their Religious Principles, it hath never been heard of since the late Revolution; and it is the highest Impudence to allege it. 4. If he had told us what the Holy Doctrine is that they have under such Sufferings adhered to: Divines use to distinguish betwixt Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline; I confess there are Controversies about all these: But that the Debates about Church-Government (which is the only thing that they can pretend to have suffered for) belongs to the first of these Heads, I think none will say: But let us own Episcopacy as a Doctrine, that it is a holy Doctrine, or that it was once delivered to the Saints; he will find it hard to prove. But that which is most absurd, is that he should insinuate that they have suffered in their Freedom, their Possessions, or their Lives, for the Doctrine of Episcopacy, or their Opinion about it, is so false, as Impudence itself may blush to assert it.  
§. 5. A just Refutation of what followeth would require a full History of the Persecutions against Dissenters in England: not only that practised by the Justices of Peace (in the Execution of the most severe Penal Laws) but even by Church-Courts, in their Citations and Excommunications, and what followed upon both; to the ruin of the Estates and Liberty of many, and the Lives of not a few, by the Hardships they endured: But that is too long to be here inserted. I could fill many Sheets with what I know to be true in this matter. Was ever any such thing done by the Kirk (as he allegeth?) Let him tell us, if he can, that ever the Church of Scotland did either Fine, or Imprison, any Person; or whom they have (since the late Establishment of Presbytery) Excommunicated. What he talketh of Clubs and Battons, and insinuateth to be the deed of the Kirk, is beyond the common size of Slanderous Malice; these might be the Weapons of a Rabble, but not of any Judicatory of the Church. But what of this kind he imputeth even to the Multitude, is after to be examined. We are not afraid to have that English Persecution, and that which he calleth a Scots Persecution, impartially compared. But when he saith, It hath come near to, if not outdone the French Dragooning, is such an effort of the Rhetoric of Men of his Stamp, as is seldom parallelled by Men who know, or care what they say. We do, no less than he, apprehend the evil of the Riots committed by a heady Rabble, and detest conniving at, or countenancing such Practices; but we deny, that ever that was done among us; and what he can say to prove what he insinuateth, is in its due place to be considered. What he addeth of the resolute Christians of his Party, who dare suffer for the Truths that they have taught, maketh nothing against our Cause, nor for his: Causa facit Martyrem. If they suffer for well doing, they will have Peace in it; but when they have suffered as hard things, and as long, as they made others to suffer, than they may boast of their Sufferings.  
§. 6. Having now dispatched his Preface, I come to the first of the four Letters, of which this Book is made up. It is (or pretendeth to be) written by an English Chaplain to a Regiment; that of Sir John Laneer, as is supposed: In which I meet with nothing but false History, and an unfair Representation of things: Which might happen through prejudice, and mistakes, if the Author were indeed a stranger; but cannot be excused from downright lies, if he be one among ourselves, and acquainted with our Affairs. But whoever he be, that is evident, that the scope of his Letter is not barely to baffle Presbyterian Government of the Church; but to overturn the present Establishment of the State; to nullify the Convention of Estates, the Parliament, and all that they have done, to advance the Reputation of the Viscount of Dundee, and his Faction; so that the Gentleman doth indeed suppose that the Interest of King William, and that of Presbytery in Scotland, are embarked in the same Bottom; which many thinking Men take to be no unjust Idea of our Affairs. In his first Paragraph, he hath a heap of Assertions, some palpably false, others as really false; being general Assertions, built on, may be, a particular Instance or two, yet none named: Of which after. And except that it is said, Episcopacy is abolished, there is not a true word from the beginning to the end of it. In that which followeth, he layeth the blame of all the Disasters, as he calleth them, on the Cameronian Party, and Characterizeth them at his pleasure. Here I take notice of a few gross Mistakes, to call them no worse; That the prevailing strength of the Cameronian Party was the occasion of all that here he complaineth of; even the Abolishing of Episcopacy. All the Presbyterians in Scotland did contribute their Endeavours to this, as also did many who formerly had gone along with the Courses that the Episcopalians promoted: Now to call all the Presbyterians, or most of them Cameronians, is as remote from Truth as any thing can be. 2. He saith the Cameronians are Fifth-Monarchy-men, which is most false: I deny not that they have had Principles about Government, that Sober Presbyterians could not go along with them in; but that they were of the same Principles with these called Fifth-Monarchy-men, we deny: And he should have brought some Proof for his Assertion. 3. It is also false, That these Men care neither for King William, nor King James, but as these Kings happen to please them. They have given such proof of their Loyalty to King William, as their Enemies do envy, but are not able to obscure. Their Action at Dunkell, known over all Britain; and their cheerful going at his Command, to venture their Lives for him in Foreign Nations, are sufficient Refutation of this impudent Assertion. 4. He accuseth some designing Heads in the Council and Parliament, for raising Tumults among the Cameronians; and then by these Disorders representing abroad the Inclinations of the People. This is the height of Dis-ingenuity; for these Disorders (as he calleth them) were before either the Convention or the Parliament sat. The Convention began March, 1689. and before that time, the Ministers in the West were put out by the People; (I suppose this he meaneth by Disorders.) Again, That any in the Council or Parliament had a hand in these Tumults, or abetted them, is spoken with much Malice, but no Truth: The Men of most Note and Zeal for Presbytery, did what in them lay to allay that Forwardness of the People, that the Church might be reform in a more legal Way.  
§. 7. That there was no Redress after Complaints of injured Persons, is also false; for all the Ministers put out by Violence, without a Legal Procedure, after the 13th of April, 1689. were by the Parliament restored to their Places; such as were put out before that time, the Wisdom of the Nation thought it not fit to Repone; because what was done in that, was done in an Inter-regnum, when we had no Government: And it was procured by themselves who suffered, the People having been provoked by them beyond what can be easily expressed, (of which afterward;) and there was no other way to settle the Nation in Peace, but to Indemnify them who had avenged their own unparallelled Sufferings, on the Authors of them; while these that so suffered, were also put to suffer no greater Punishment for the Barbarities committed, by their means, on that poor People. What he addeth, That the Government became a Party against them, that they suffered by a Form of Law, is such Language as under any Government, but the present, might hazard his Neck. But we have here a Specimen of these Gentleman's Loyalty, and their Modesty, and Respect to Authority. It is evident, that they cannot oppose Presbytery, without setting themselves against the Civil Government now Settled by Law. Another Falsehood immediately followeth, That the Church-Party (as he calleth them) is predominant in Scotland, both for Number and Quality. That it is not so, is evident from the Constitution of our Parliament: And I have made it appear in my Vindication of the Church of Scotland, in Answer to the 10 th' Question. And every one knoweth, that if the Party which hath appeared in Arms against the Civil Government, and they who do palpably Favour them, be set aside, his Church-Party will be found to be very few in this Nation; especially among the Gentry, and the Inferior People; and a great part of the Nobility also are not fond of that way. One Proof of what he now allegeth, he bringeth from the Inclinations of the North: I confess, there is the greatest strength of that Party; but there Papists also abound more than elsewhere in this Nation, and there is the strength of the Highland-Army: Yet in the Counties of Sutherland and Strathnaver, in Ross and Murray, there might be, and have been a Force raised, to defend the Settlement of State and Church, which was a Terror to its Enemies: And many there are in other Counties of the North, who are of contrary Inclinations to his Church. Yea, it is found, that many of the Northern Ministers who had gone along with Episcopacy, and these the Men of best Parts, and most Soberness among them, are willing to join with the Presbyterians; who, on their part, are ready to receive them that are so qualified. Another Proof of his Assertion, I cannot forbear to smile at, being an Instance of the Vanity of his Mind: He had preached to the Satisfaction of the Auditors (it seems others have been wanting to praise his Gifts, and therefore he must even do it himself) and read Service, and the Gentry caressed him, and the People showed him Respect when they met him: They did not abhor him, nor his way of Religion. His Conclusion falleth short of the thing that was to be proved; for there are many Men (and may be not a few in Scotland) who have little Abhorrence of any false way in Religion, and as little Zeal for the right way. I doubt not that many Protestants did lately carry civilly toward Popish Priests: Must they therefore like that way? Neither can what he allegeth infer his Conclusion; for in our Country, the Gentry are Men of Breeding, and use a great deal of Civility to Strangers, even when they do not like all their Principles and Practices. If Men of our way thought fit to use this Topick, they could prove most of England to be Presbyterians; where they have often preached, and had a greater Following than ever he had in Scotland; and have been civilly treated among the Gentry, who yet were not of their Principles, in the matter of Church-Government. But such silly stuff is not fit to blot Paper with. The History that he addeth about the Magistrates of Perth, proveth no more, but that they are Enemies both to the Civil State, and the Church, which every one knoweth: Yet they did soon after receive a Presbyterian Minister (no Cameronian) into their Pulpit.  
§. 8. A most gross Misrepresentation followeth, viz. That at Edinburgh the Faction (he meaneth the Presbyterians) was so weak, that they were forced to send privately into the West for Assistance. The truth of this matter is, About the time that the Convention of Estates was to sit down, a Design was discovered (framed by the Viscount of Dundee and others) to surprise and seize the Convention; and for this End had secretly got together, of King James' disbanded Soldiers, and others, about 2000 Strangers in Edinburgh; which occasioned those in the West, to gather as many into Edinburgh to oppose them, and secure the Convention. It is true the College of Justice (many of them, but not all) did Arm; and it is no wonder, for they were King James' Creatures, and their Places depended on him: But they were soon made to lay down their Arms; which is no argument of the weakness of the opposite Party. He giveth also a false Account of Glasgow, when he saith, That the most Considerable, and of best Quality are well Affected (i.e. in his Dialect) Episcopal. Some such there are, from whose Quality we will not derogate; but in the Town they are very few; and in the Country about, much fewer, most of the Gentry being such as he will call ill Affected Persons.  
persons. 9 He objecteth to himself, that if the Presbyterians were so weak, how came they to prevail so much in the Parliament, the cause of this he maketh to be, that the Episcopal Party having deep impressions of their Allegiance to King James, did not appear in the Election of Members of the Convention and Parliament. Ans. 1. Here is some Ingenuity with a Confession that their opposition to the present Establishment of the State, and the Church go together. 2. If their concern for King James were so great, and they so strong, why did they not concern themselves in the Elections for his defence. It seems they love him and the Bishops, but will venture little for either. 3. It is well known that they made all the Essays they were capable of, about the Elections, and carried them in some few places; but were overborne by the number of Voters in far the most Counties, and burgh's. But this Gentleman will say, what he thinketh doth make for him, whether true or false. He doth in what followeth, most unjustly reproach the Convention of Estates. That they choosed a Committee for Elections where no Episcopal Man could carry it, though the number of Electors were never so unequal, nothing can be more unjustly averred; and it is the highest of Impudence and Sauciness, for a stranger thus to reproach the Representative of a Nation, where he was so civilly treated, as himself confesseth. Another of his reproaches is, that many were allowed to sit in the Convention contrary to Law; and particularly some who were not infeft in their Estates. If he had given instance, it could have been the more easily answered, but se●ing he thought not fit to do so, our denial is a sufficient answer to his Affirmation. I never heard that any such sat in the Convention, unless he mean of one or two, who had been most unjustly forfeited in the late Reign, and the Convention thought is not fit to debar any Man of his just Right, that had been unjustly taken from him. On this he saith, most of the Nobility withdrew from the Convention and Parliament. Ans. It is false that most withdrew, though some did, and they who did so withdraw, were found to be on the Plot which was after discovered for overturning the Government. So that it is evident, that this Gentleman all along his discourse pleadeth more for overturning the Throne, than the present Government of the Church. This is confirmed by what followeth. viz. That if Dundee had lived, no doubt but that he had changed the whole State of Affairs in this Nation. Hac Ithacus velit, & magno mercentur Atridae, nothing but overturning of the State and Church will please him, and his Complices. And it is reckoned by them a cross Providence, that he was taken out of the way, who was like to be the chief Actor in that Scene. But for all this confidence it might have fallen out, that Dundee might have lived, and yet the present Establishment continued, our confidence is built on a better foundation than such as Dundee was.  
§. 10. Having mentioned the Viscount of Dundee, he telleth us (in the Vindication of his Rebellion) an ill made Story; it is, that there was a design on foot to assassinate him, of which he complained to the Convention, and no notice was taken of it; though he repeated his Complaints, and offered to prove the Attempt: And being thus in hazard, and not protected, he went to the Highlands, and took Arms against his Country. This is purely a Forgery, and misrepresentation, Dundee did indeed pretend hazard and made complaint, but they were so far from taking no notice of his Complaint, that they examined such as he accused, but nothing could be found against them; but on the contrary it was evident, that his design was to have them who from the West were come to Town to oppose his Party, and Guard the Convention, sent away, on presence of his being unsafe among them, that so he may compass his Design abovementioned against the Convention. What remaineth of this Letter, I shall not much insist upon, it being mainly a Declaration against the State, and the present Parliament, which this Gentleman (according to his wont Modesty) wisheth to be dissolved, and another called, from which he promiseth a Redress of all these things that he thinketh to be Grievances: And indeed if we consider the strain of his Letter, we may conclude, that from it he expecteth an utter overturning of the present settlement both of the Church, and of the State, and all this he proposeth to an English Lord (to whom his Letter is directed) hopping that thence may come that which he counteth a Deliverance. Others hope that the Lord will preserve what he hath wrought for the Nation, and for the Church in it, either by this Parliament, or by another, or by what means he seeth fit. He mentions a great many things that he and his Party wonder at; which are no wonder to thinking Men in the Nation, but there is a sort of Men who wonder at all things; one of these Wonders is, how the King can be fond of this Parliament, which denied him a Sovereign interest in what is debateable in Parliament, which is an eminent Branch of his Prerogative. I pretend to no Skill in State Affairs, as this Military Chaplain doth: but wise Men among us look on the constitution of the Lords of the Articles (which is no doubt what he here aimeth at) as an innovation (I mean, considering that Committee with the power that it was lately screwed up to) as a destroying all liberty of Parliaments. And the King (who best knoweth his own Prerogative) with the Parliament, have happily composed this difference; which some managed as a device to break them.  
§. 11. His next wonder is, that the Parliament hath given the King no Money, notwithstanding of the great necessity of his Affairs. What was done when this Gentleman was pleased in his Letter to Criticise on our Affairs, which lay out of his way, I know not: but it is well known, that the Scotish Parliaments hath been as liberal in assisting the King with Money, as the Nation was able to bear. His next wonder is, How Presbytery can suit Monarchy in the State, and that One Ruler should give Encouragement to the setting up of many. Ignorance is the cause of wondering. We know how well these two Governments of Church and State have suited one another many Ages, since this Nation was Protestant, and before it was Popish, as I elsewhere made it appear; and surely, if the Argument have any weight, it will prove that Monarchy (and consequently Popery) must be in all the●e Churches where a King ruleth the Nation, which, I hope Protestants will not yield, whatever may be the Sentiments of this Gentleman, and his high flown Churchmen. I ask him, are not Bishops Rulers, and many Rulers in the Church? Let him then answer his own doubt: How is Episcopacy consistent with one Ruler in the State. And indeed this Argument striketh at the Root of Church-Government, of whatever Form it be, and brings in pure Erastianism. It is no rare thing to see contrary Inferences drawn from a false Position. Is it any wonder that many Rulers in the Church should well suit with one Supreme Ruler in the State, while these Governments have such different Originals? The one is from God, as King of the World; the other from Christ as King of his Church: They are about most different Objects, the one about the Affairs of the World, the other about the concerns of men's Souls: They are exercised in different ways; the one by Officers of Man's devising, the other by Officers of Christ's Institution. The one Inflicting Corporal or Worldly Punishments, the other Spiritual Censures only; especially while the Church Rulers are far from pleading exemption from the Jurisdiction of the Civil Magistrate, which is our Profession and Practice. This Gentleman might, with the same pretext of reason, have said, That he wondereth how Christ could pretend to have a Kingdom, and yet say, That his Kingdom is not of this World. Another of his wonders is a groundless mistake, it is, How Men should be turned out for not Praying for King William and Queen Mary by Name; when the Intruders (so he is pleased to call the Presbyterians) refused to do it: This is a gross Calumny, for Presbyterians generally did it: And if one or two in the Nation did it not, let him show that they were complained of, and yet escaped Censure: And if at any time they did not Name the King and Queen, they used such Circumlocutions as were sufficiently Intelligible: Whereas the other Party rather gave ground to think that they meant King James and his Queen: His next wonder doth indeed fill us with wonder, that he should think strange of it: It is, That they who in this complied, yet were put out on some other Libel. As if Praying for the King and Queen could atone all the Crimes of a Minister, tho' he were a Drunkard, Swearer, etc. If any be put out on Insufficient Libels, and their Grievances not Redressed, let them challenge us, but that some are put out on other Libels, even tho' they can comply with the Times, is not to be wondered at.  
§. 12. It is non causa pro-causa, that he allegeth, the reason why they had to that time made no Address to the King, was, because their Enemies had his Majesty's Ear: I hope the Presbyterians have not lost that Favour with His Majesty; tho' now these Gentlemen have made, yea multiplied, their Addresses: But it is evident, that such Addresses were never thought on, till the Success of His Majesty's Arms in Ireland, and in the Highlands of Scotland, did a little damp their Hopes from King James. He hath not yet done with wondering: It is wondered, That the Church of England doth not Interpose for them, since the violent Party in Scotland will influence the Discontented in England. For they are Sworn by then Covenant to Reform England upon their Model. He needed not wonder at this, for some of the Church of England have meddled far beyond their Line in our Affairs: Though we be far from interposing in any of theirs. What we are bound to by the Covenant, is not to reform them, but to concur with them, when lawfully called, to advance Reformation; and it is far from our Thoughts to go beyond that Boundary, in being concerned in their Affairs: We wish their Reformation, but leave the managing of it to themselves. What followeth concerning the Clergy, we are little concerned in: We wish they were better than they are, we never thought them all scandalous, but we know many are; and none shall suffer by us on that Head, but they who are made appear to be manifestly and grossly such. I shall observe but one thing more in this Letter, and dismiss it. It is a palpable and most soul Untruth, viz. That where but one single Dissenter is in a Parish, though all the rest of the Parish be for the Minister, it is a sufficient Reason to eject him: And he giveth-Instances in the Parishes of Mousgard (a place not known here) Colingtoun, Kirkne●●toun and Kirklistoun. Never any Allegation was more injurious and false; yea, the contrary is daily practised, that Men are continued where the far greatest part of the Parish are Dissenters. It is true, some, in that Case, have accepted of a Call to another place, where they might do more Good, and have more Peace; but never any was deprived on that Account. For Kirklistoun, I know the Falsehood of what he asserteth: Not above Sixteen in that great Parish did ever hear Mr. Mackenzie, the Minister there; and he had seldom preached in that Church; and his Admission to that Church was most irregular, even according to the Episcopal way: And on these Grounds the Assembly did not depose him, only declared him not to be Minister in that place; but left him in a Capacity to be called to any other Church.  

Answer to the Second Letter.  
THis Letter is mostly Historical; but such a parcel of false and disingenuous History it containeth, as is not easily parallelled elsewhere. We desire nothing more than what he would have us expect, An Account of the State of things among us, which may set things in their true Light: For than we are persuaded the World will be convinced that our Representations are neither unjust, nor calumnious, nor partial. He giveth, pag. 1. a most unjust Account of the Unity that, he saith, was between Presbyterians and the Episcopal Party; while he saith, That all Scots-men were generally of one Communion, and that the Presbyterians (except the Cameronians) had returned to the Episcopal Church, and were become Hearers, and many Communicaters with her: That there was no separate Meetings kept, at least publicly, but very rarely. This, I say, is most false: For though never any of the Presbyterians would, directly nor undirectly, own Episcopal Government, yet many of the more sober and intelligent among them did not think it unlawful to hear them occasionally, who had complied with Episcopacy; yet they choosed rather to hear their own lawful Pastors, though driven into Corners, than these unfaithful Men: And not only so, but there were many Thousands, beside Cameronians, who would never hear them: And that many (who when they had occasion to hear others, made use of that Opportunity) did go to hear these Men, when their Liberty of hearing others was taken away, it is no wonder. Yet this Practice was far less general than he saith, and Meetings of Nonconformists were not so rare (for all the horrid Persecution that they were under) as he would make us believe: Many, who were no Cameronians, kept up their Meetings; though I confess it was no wonder that their Meetings were not public, when they were by such barbarous Persecutions driven into Corners; and if some, under the Heat of Persecution, stretched their Consciences to comply, it is nothing but that which hath been common among Men of Infirmities.  
§. 2. Another Falsehood is, that the Party which was then treated severely, was only the Cameronians: Whereas, though they had their share of the Persecution, yet other Presbyterians were most cruelly dealt with; and it was observed, that, indeed, the Spite of his Party appeared most against the most sober of the Presbyterians, as being the Persons most capable to do them hurt. It is also false, that it was the Severity used against them only, that ma● complained of in the Prince of Orange's Declaration, and in the S●o●●h Inquisition: One of which Papers (but which of them no Man can know by his Words; and may be such Ambiguity hath been designed) he calleth a most scurrilous Pamphlet. It is also most false and calumnibus, that all Presbyterians in Scotland were of one Principle, only the Cameronians were more ingenuous: For the sober Presbyterians did always condemn many, both Principles and Practices, of that Party▪ Such as that Magistrates and Ministers fall, ipso facto, from their Authority, respective, and Stations, when they are guilty of Mis-managements▪ and that private Persons may treat them as such, without a ●●●●enee of State or Church. That the rest of the Presbyterians condemned the Cameronians for keeping up their Meetings, is also an Untruth, for they also kept up Meetings; but they condemned them for the manner of their Meeting, with such Contempt of, and bidding Defiance to the Authority of the Magistrate. He giveth a general Account of Argyles Invasion; But the Ground of the Presbyterians not joining with him, he misrepresenteth: It was not they, but an irritated Party among them, who had been provoked by the most desperate Hardships, and pinching Necessities, who had smarted for other Erterprises of that nature. The general and dark Account he giveth of the Concert made at London, by some of the State, and some Bishops, about taking off the Penal Laws, we can make no Judgement of, till that fuller Account be given of it, that he giveth us hope of: But this we know, that the Result of it was, these Men did what they could for taking away the Penal Laws that were against Papists, though that Attempt succeeded not in the Episcopal Parliaments; neither did we ever think that all, especially of the Gentry, and other Members of Parliament, who went along with Episcopacy while it had Law for it, were inclined to Poper●y.  
§. 3. He doth most injuriously charge the Dissenters with making a Schism, after that abovementioned Imaginary Union that he had talked of; and that by first Refusing, and then Accepting of the Toleration granted by King James, which was founded on the Dispensing Power. And after a great deal of pains to fix some Gild on them in that matter; he concludeth, that both the Declarations, that came out about that Indulgence, being materially, the same, in pursuance of the same Design, and both owning the King's Absolute, Dispensing Power, they were as guilty in using their Liberty on the last Declaration, as if they had done that on the first. For Answer; 1. Let his Friends reconcile him to himself, in saying the two Declarations were, materially the same; and yet that the one required an Oath of them who had Liberty of it, and the other not so. 2. It is well known that the Presbyterians would never meddle with that Liberty, till it was so contrived, as might neither engage them to own the Dispensing Power, nor to any other unlawful Act: For such a Power being asserted in the Declaration, doth no way infer their owning of that Power, by their using the Liberty granted them, after it had been unjustly withheld from them, and which was their Due by a Grant from Christ in the Gospel. What could prompt this Author to affirm, that the Presbyterians were moved at last to use the Liberty granted, because they could no longer be disobedient to the Divine Providence? And that, according to their Divinity, Providential Occurrences make a considerable part of the Rule of Faith and Manners? I leave it to others to guests; for none are more remote from such Principles, than Presbyterians. He next undertaketh to prove, that Presbyterians did not separate from them (he meaneth, make use of the Liberty granted them) on any Principle of Conscience. If this be well proved, it will give a deep Wound to our Interest, from their continuing in Communion with the Episcopalians some Years before their Liberty, and many some Months after. Answ. His Arguments, 1st are, This Communion was nothing else but Hearing them when they could get none else to ●●ar; which many, yea, most Presbyterians never scrupled. But let him tell us, if all that time they ever owned these Men for their lawful Pastors; or thought it Duty to forsake them whom they had owned as such, to cleave to these; or that they ever countenanced the Government or Discipline of the Church, which was exercised under Bishops, and by their Authority. If they had done so, it had not consisted with Conscience to separate from them on occasion of a Liberty granted: But if otherwise, it doth clearly consist with Leaving them for Conscience sake; because their Scruple was not simply about hearing, but about forsaking their lawful Pastors, and owning those others as their Pastors, and their Church-Government as Christ's Discipline. Arg. 2. While they continued with us, they acknowledged that their Consciences allowed them. Answ. And well they might, on the Grounds already given: But the fundamental Mistake, on which all his Reasonings are built, is, that he takes such occasional hearing of a Minister to be the Exercise of that Church-Communion that fixed Members of a Congregation have with that Church. Arg. 3. Many thanked God that they were reconciled to us, and frequently protested, all the World should never again engage them in the Schism. Answ. He wisely concealeth their Names (though he saith he can tell them) lest they should contradict him. But that which enervateth his Argument, is, that he inferreth the Practice of Presbyterians (which must be meant of all, or most) from that of many; and he is not pleased to tell us how many they were: Two or three to do so, were many, and too many; and I confess, such as said so, and yet did otherwise, did not act conscientiously: But I am persuaded, not one of a Thousand of them that were, from a Principle, Presbyterians, were guilty of such juggling; whatever some might do, who (from other Motives than Conscience) owned that way; in whose Actions we are no ways concerned. What he calleth Schism, we say, they are not engaged in who went to the Meetings, but they who had departed from the good old ways of the Gospel-Church, and the Church of Scotland; a Deviation from whose Courses Presbyterians could not own. Arg. 4. Some of the ablest Preachers, a few Weeks before, said, they would never embrace that Toleration, and that they resolved never to preach more. Answ. I have the Charity to think that this is a Falsehood that is too gross to be uttered by a Christian; but the Author might have consulted his Credit, by informing us who these able Men were: If any such were, I doubt they were neither able nor honest; and I am sure, if they were known, they would be abhorred by Presbyterians. Arg. 5. Some, even after the 2d. Edition of the Toleration, continued in their Resolution not to engage in it, and it cost their Brethren much pains to prevail with them. Answ. They who have considered his abovementioned Assertions, may easily know how to believe this: For my part, I believe not one word of it, save that there were some Men so unreasonable as to be shy of accepting any Liberty granted by the Magistrate; which was far from the general Sentiment of Presbyterians. A 6th Argument he useth, There could be no Conscience in this Matter, seeing we had no sinful Condition in our Communion; we agree with them in Doctrine, the Administration of Sacraments, and have Ordination which is valid; and our main Difference is about the Doxology, Lord's Prayer, and the Belief, rehearsed at Baptism. Answ. For the first of these, We deny it, for it is sinful to subject to Episcopal Government; and without this, no Man could be of their Communion; that is, subject to all the Ordinances among them. Again, though none of these were, removing our faithful Pastors, and settling Intruders over us, did warrant us to wait on the Ministry of the former, and not on that of the latter. That any separated merely on Account of the Doxology, Lord's Prayer, and Belief, I know not; though many would not use them as his Church did.  
§. 4. He tells us next of the wonderful Increase of Meetings, and of Meeting-houses; which was very true, but not well consistent with the Account he had but now given of the Disposition of the Nonconformists to comply with the Episcopal Way. It is not usual for a Nation to be born in one Day; but it sufficiently showeth how the Generality of the Nation, who do much concern themselves in Religion, are inclined: That many in the West went to the Meetings, we deny not; but that few went elsewhere, should not be insinuated. His Branding them with Fanaticism, is expressive of the Spite against them that his Party is eminent for, but hath neither Truth nor Charity to warrant it; for the Men of that Way will vie with any in the Nation, for Sobriety and Soundness in the Faith, and for Ability to give a rational Account of what they hold. But what followeth of the Cause he assigneth for this Concourse to the Meetings, is false (to say no worse of it) in all the parts of it: Never were Men farther from Compulsion, than they were in this matter: Yea, it can be made appear (which he doth not so much as pretend to for what he affirmeth) that many were restrained from the Meetings, by the power of illaffected Noblemen and Gentlemen. But it is not fit to rake into this matter, but to forget what caused Differences, that we may now unite in one good Way. He seemeth, p. 12. to ridicule the Presbyterians Grateful Address to King James, and Profession of Loyalty to him, on occasion of the Liberty that he granted them; but I gladly would know by what Topick either of these can be condemned: They gave Thanks for restoring them to their just Right, which had been unjustly taken from them; they professed and practised Loyalty towards their Lawful Sovereign, though of a different Religion from them, and though they had Jealousies of Designs on foot to ruin their Religion and them: While his Royal Authority was not taken away by the Nation, they, as private Men, ought not to question it. That nothing was spolen in Meeting-houses against Popery, is most false: The Preachers there, I confess, neither then did, nor now do make Controversies the constant Subject of their Sermons; yet are at pains, both in Sermons and Catechising, to clear the Truth, against all the Errors of Popery: But their main Word is to deal with the Souls of the People, about those things that do most nearly concern their Eternal Interest; to make them know themselves, and God in Christ, and Salvation through him: For they consider, that the surest way to preserve from Error, is not only to make them know the difference between it and Truth, but to get them to be truly concerned about their Souls, and seriously Religious. To the Falsehood of what he affirmeth, he addeth Spite, in enumerating the Causes to which he is pleased to impute their supposed Silence against Popery. Not one of them all hath Truth or Reality in them: Their Respect to Papists, their Influence from the Court, are Reflections which I will not brand with their due Name: Their Ignorance of these Controversies is an Allegation so impudent, that no Man that is not blinded with Rage and Malice could be guilty of. The Can● (that is the Word when such Men as he would ridicule whatever looketh like serious Religion) which he saith they use against Prelacy and Malignancy, and about King Jesus, and the Gospel being banished, is asserted, not because it is so, but because it is a fine Device to defame. Nothing is more rare in our Pulpits, than meddling with the late Controversies, which now we would have to be buried; and when they fall in, they are discoursed Argumentatively; and if any, at any time, do otherwise, that is not to be charged on all. There is no Party, among whom some Indiscretion doth not appear in the Conduct of some Men.  
§. 5. His next effort is, a Satire against the Prince of Orange's Declaration for Scotland; and he fixeth the Original of their Persecutions that he complaineth of, on it: He Characterizeth it as Down right Presbyterian. He taxeth the Presbyterian Nobility and Gentry's going to London to wait on his Highness: And confesseth them to be the chief Persons, who (upon his Majesty's retirement,) so he termeth that which the Parliament called K. James' Abdicating the Government) did confer the Government of this Kingdom on the Prince. This Paragraph is a sufficient evidence of the Temper of this Author, and of those for whom he pleadeth: And yet they have now the Brow to make Addresses to King William, full of the highest Assertions of their Loyalty both past and present. But they who knew their way, don't believe any such Professions; and they who read this Book will, I hope, be as far from giving Credit to them. He now (page 14●) beginneth to tell us of their Sufferings. And what horrid Barbarities were used against them: And is so kind to his Country, as to be spareing in this Relation, left he should thereby breed a disgust at his native Country. This is shameful Hypocrisy, twisted with Malice; For I hope it will be found, as we proceed, that his big Expressions about their Sufferings will dwindle into Fleabits, in comparison of the Bloody Lashes that others suffered, not long before, from Men of his Tribe. Which I mention not here to excuse, nor extenuate, any irregular Course that some took, nor to plead for retribution to his Party: We had rather suffer ten Wrongs, than do one. It will be found that his Party did indeed expose the Nation to the Reproach of Barbarity, and Persecuting their Brethren: So he doth what in him lieth to bring the same upon the Nation, by his horrid Lies, aggravating of things, and Misrepresentations. Before he came to his particular Stories of that which he calleth, The Persecution of the Clergy, he Prefaceth three things, to render these Passages more odious. The first is, The opportunity that was given for it by King James ' s Forces, being at that time called into England, to oppose the Prince of Orange, who sometime before that, had landed in England: And the Council at that time dissolved of itself, so that, saith he, in effect, the Nation was without Government. Whatever improvement he may make of this Remark, it may be of some use to us: For it is hence evident (as it is in itself well known) That it was by Force, and not the Submission, or Affection, the Call or Approbation of the People, who should have been their Charge, that his Party enjoyed their Ministry, or any Exercise of it: And indeed, an Army was, for many years, kept up in time of Peace, to force People to come to hear them. Another thing that I here infer is, That King James' Interest, and that of the Prelatic Clergy, were Embarked together, as be King William's and that of Presbyterians. A third Inference is, That it being an Interregnum, when there was no Government, Tumults and Disorders, though never to be approved, yet are not so much to be wondered at: And indeed, considering our Circumstances (after to be noted) it is a wonder that they had no sadder Effects. There are Men in the World, who being so provoked as that People was, and without restraint from Government, would have avenged themselves on their bloody Persecuters at another rate. But, as we are sorry that there were such tumultuous Actings, so we bless the Lord, that they had no worse Effects. The 2d thing that he premiseth is, The Story of a Massacre, by an Irish Army said to be landed at Kirkcubright, which he Fancieth to be a device of the Presbyterians; and industriously spread by them to be a Colour for disarming the rest of the Country. How that Story arose we are yet in the Dark, I hope his imagination is not sufficient to fix it on the Presbyterians: We know in such a time of Hurry, Fear and Confusion, with which the Minds of all sorts were then filled, such reports as to rise without design or grounds: If any did devise such a Tale, they deserve severe punishment. His three Remarks is on the day that the rabbling of Ministers was set on Foot, which he saith, was concerted to be on Christmas-day; on which many Parties, in several Corners, got together about that Work: And this Circumstance he tragically appeareth; It being a day which brought joy to all People, which was once celebrated by the Court of Heaven; which the Christian Church ever since hath solemnised; and let us remark a few a few things on this fine Notion, (on which this Author seemeth to value himself not a little) 1. I doubt of the Matter of Fact, in this Circumstance, it is like we should have heard of it, if it had been so. 2. That the day was chosen, or concerted, I as much doubt. 3ly, That the day was so celebrated, as he saith, is ridiculous to assert, did the Court of Heaven keep the anniversary Day? That the Church in all Ages keep it, is said without Book; tho' that Institution is very ancient. I know the Birth of Christ was celebrated by the Heavenly Host, and we celebrate it in our thankful Acknowledgements of it, as the greatest Mercies: But that either Christ was born on December 25. or the Heavenly Host did that day bring the glad Tidings of it to the Shepherds, or that any Anniversary day is to be kept by God's appointment, on that account, Quia Scriptum non Legimus, ideo Jussum non Credimus.  
§. 6. He cometh now, page, 16. To his particular Historical account of these horrid Persecutions which are above reported to be unparallelled, That even the French Dragooning cannot equal them: Before I consider them particularly, I observe a few things concerning them in general; which if impartially weighed, may sufficiently stop the mouth of all the Clamour, and let the World see the temper of these Men; and what Unmanly, as well as Unchristian shifts they use to buoy up their sinking Cause, 1. What is here said to be done, is not imputable to the Presbyterians: More than the Drunkenness, Swearing, Whoredoms, Persecutions, that we charge many of that Party with, are to be looked on as the Crimes of all the Episcopalians: they were done by a few, not Ministers, but of the meanest of the People; they never were, nor are approved, but rather disliked and lamented, by the Body of the Presbyterians, who are as far from disorderly and violent Courses, as any Men are, and who think that a good Cause needeth not the help of unwarrantable means, and that every Man should keep within the bounds of his Station: And that not the People, but the Magistrate and Church-Authority in their several Ways, should rid the Church of bad and unfit Ministers, whatever Reflections we have of the event, viz. Freeing the Congregations from evil Ministers, yet we are far from applauding this manner of doing it. 2. The People who did these things were under the highest Provocations imaginable, to do what they did; yea to have proceeded to farther Severities, which we rejoice that they were withheld from (we hope, by some measure of the awe of God upon them) for the Ministers had been not only intruded on the People, without their Choice and Consent, and were the mean of depriving them of such Gospel Administrations as they highly valued; but they were the chief Instruments of most horrid Persecutions and Barbarities, that that poor People and their Relations, who lost their Lives by that Persecution, had long and heavily groaned under: as will appear in the following Discourses, and as I hope shall be showed in a more full account of these matters. Oppression maketh a wise Man mad. It is no wonder then, that it causes them rush into some Practices which cannot be defended, who are neither so wise, nor so good as they should be. 3. These things were acted in an Interregnum; When we had no Civil, nor Church-Government. When one King was removed, and another not yet set up; and this poor oppressed and enraged People were chased in their Minds: they had now power (I mean Potentiam, non potestatem) to shake off their unsupportable Yoke, there was no orderly course for bringing that about, which either was then practicable, or that they could, in those circumstances, have the prospect of: and therefore, tho' it was not allowable, yet it was not to be wondered at, that they relieved themselves, when they saw none else who would or could do it. 4. The Histories that he here bringeth are partly Lies, partly unjust and unfair Representations of truth: and if all were true, can no way amount to such a horrid and general Persecution, as he speaketh of: So that indeed the whole of his account is Clamour and Obloquys, without any cause proportioned to such Complaints.  
§. 7. Let us now examine the Matters of Fact, which he adduceth to make out the Persecution that he chargeth the Presbyterians with, The 1. Of them is concerning Mr. Gabriel Russel Minister at Govan, whom some of his own Parish assailed (to several of whom he had done Kindnesses) Beat his Wife and Daughter and himself, so inhumanely, that it had almost cost him his life; carried off the Poors Box, and other Utencils of the Church, and threatened him with worse Treatment, if he should preach any more there. To this I oppose the truth of this Story, as it is attested by the Subscriptions of nine Persons who were present. That there being great Confusion like to be in the Country, they feared the Church Goods might be carried away: They went peacably, and demanded them, offering sufficient security that they should be safely kept and restored to them who should be concerned. This Mr. Russel and his Wife (who both were Drunk, as they used often to be) not only refused, but gave the Men very opprobrious and provoking Language: They essaying to lift the Box in which the Poors Money was kept, Mr. Russel setting his foot on it, and his Wife sitting down on it, they with all tenderness lifted her up, and carried away the Box; but before they went out of the house, they got the Key, and secured what was in the Box. Mr. Russel roared, and beat them with hands and feet: but they utterly deny that any of them did beat either him or his Wife: yea, are they parted from his house, they asked if any thing was wanting, and they could be charged with nothing. This is attested by the Subscriptions of John Murdoch, William Cowan, Zacharias Maxwel, John Keith, John Hill, Robert Burnside, Andrew Shiels, John James Hill. The next History concerneth Mr. Finnie Minister at Cathcart; whose Wife and four or five small Children, they thrust out of Doors at Midnight, though it was a most vehement Frost. Threw out all his Furniture, and by much entreaty, suffered his Wife and Children to have lodging in the Stable, without a fire; the Children fell sick thereafter. The truth of this matter (as attested by Robert Jamison, David Park, William Gouts. All living near to Mr. Finnie's House) is, There being that Night an Alarm, as if the French and Irish had landed at Greenock, all the Country got together in Arms. When the Alarm was found to be false, the Parish of Cathcart (though the Gentlemen had desired them to go home, and be in readiness if there should be need) hearing the Prince of Orange's Manifesto was to be proclaimed at Glasgow, went thither, and assisted at the Solemnity; and returning with Joy, made Bonfires in several parts of the Parish; and at Mr. Finnie's House (he being abroad) made a Bonfire before the Barn-door, of his Coals: Some of them, who had been greatly injured by Mr. Finnie, went into the House, offered Violence to no Person, only desired his Wife to withdraw; which she did till they were gone, which was about Eight or Nine-o-Clock at Night; when she returned to her House, and stayed in it for a considerable time, and left it of her own accord, without Compulsion. I hope the Reader, by comparing these two Accounts of the matter, may see how a Story may be altered, by the right or wrong telling of it: Yet I am far from approving what they did; but I am sure it is not like the French Dragooning.  
§. 8. The third Story is of Mr. Boyd, at Carmanock; whose Family, he saith, was as rudely treated. And the like was done in many other places. This General we cannot answer, he not being pleased to mention Particulars; but ●hat this Gentleman should give these for Instances of incredible Barbarities (as here he is pleased to call them) may help us to understand his Words, and to put a softer Sense on them than they bear; for it is evident that in this Cause his Words are full of monstrous Hyperbolics, if not of plain Forgeries. The Parish of Carmanock had their own former Pastor among them; Mr. Boyd had been a cruel Persecutor of some of them, by causing some to be imprisoned, forcing others to flee, and wander for several Months; they peaceably desired his Family to remove, which they did, leaving only some Lumber in the House, they expected several Months till that also should be taken away; which not being done, and finding that the Parliament had made an Act for the Old Presbyterian Ministers, who had been cast out, to return to their Charges, they took out what remained in the Minister's House, and committed it to the keeping of some of Mr. Boyd's Friends, till he should send for it; and this, that they might repair their House for their own Minister. All this is attested, May 12, 1690. by Francis Park, James Parker, Archibald Park, John Smith, Matthew Park, William Baird. Mr. Robert Bell, Minister at Kilmarnock, is the next Instance of the Persecutions complained of; Whom they kept bareheaded four or five Hours in a Frosty Day, caused his own Sexton tear his Gown in pieces from his Shoulders, burned the English Liturgy which they found in his Pocket, and that with much Ceremony, at the Market-Cross. This same Story we have at great length in the 2d Book that I have to answer, called The Case of the present afflicted Clergy; which I shall here consider to prevent Repetition. We are told of Abuses done to Mr. Bell, by a Party of the Presbyterians, now in Arms in Scotland: How they took him going to Riccartoun, made him put off his Hat, called him Rogue and Rascal, said they did these things by the Rule and Law of the Solemn League and Covenant; and other such Speeches they used: That they carried him Prisoner to Kilmarnock; that the Laird of Bridge-house, by the way, reproved them for their illegal Acting, willed them to leave these Men to the Parliament, now to be assembled by the Prince of Orange. That they answered, they would not adhere to the Prince of Orange, nor the Law of the Kingdom, farther than the Solemn League and Covenant was fulfiled and prosecuted by both. That when they came near the Town, they made the Minister pluck off his Hat, threatened to throw him into the Rivir: That they met the Body of their Party, who at the Market-Cross had discharged the Minister to preach any more: That they reproached the Church of England carried him to his House, where they got from him a Common-Prayer-Book; then carried him to the Marketplace, where, after some opprobcious Speeches against him, and the Churches of England and Scotland, they burned the Book, holding it upon the point of a Pike while it was burning: They asked if he were an Episcopal Prelate's Man, and of the Communion of the Church of England and Scotland; which he owned: Then they tore his Gown, required him not to preach any more; which he would not promise. This is all that is material in that long Narration, and his signed at Glasgow, January 8. 1689. Robert Bell. In Answer to all this, I shall give the Reader a Breviate, which is attested by many Persons in that Parish, of Worth and Credit, whose Names shall be subjoined. They observe his flattering Insinuations on the Church of England, and his most disingenuous Imputations, as if these things had been done by the Presbyterians; whereas his own Conscience hath extorted from him, in private Discourse, a Clearing of that Party from such Principles or Practices. They take notice of his small Proficiancy at the College of Glasgow, witnessed by his Master, and several Students: That being some time at Oxford, at his Return he was suspected at London, and elsewhere, by all good Protestants, who shunned his Converse: Yet, by the means of the Archbishop of Glasgow, he was planted at Kilwining, where he preached but one Lord's Day; then got into Kilmarnock by Si●●●iacal Dealings with the Patron, his Father giving a Bond for Two Thousand Marks, and he making Exchange of the Glebe: During his being Minister there he preached seldom, residing mostly at Glasgow, sixteen Miles distant, spending his Time in Whistling, Singing, Carding, Drinking, and the like. About this time, a Liberty being granted to Presbyterians, the Parish had recalled their old Minister, Mr. James Rowat, and called to his Assistance Mr. James Osburn, and built a Meetinghouse, where the whole Parish frequented: So that never above Twelve of that Parish (consisting of Two Thousand Five Hundred Persons, of Age to be Catechised) did hear Mr. Bell. They show farther, that among that whole Party who so treated Mr. Bell, there was not one Person that belonged to the Parish of Kilmarnock, save one poor young Man; but that some of the Parish, who never owned Mr. Bell as their Minister, yet did deal earnestly with the Party that molested him, to desist from their Course; but they were in no Case to hinder them by force, both because they were surprised by this Tumult, and because they had been frequently disarmed through the Jealousies of the former Government, and the Party consisted of Two Hundred well armed and resolute Men. They affirm farther, that the armed Party were as much Enemies to the Presbyterian Ministers in the Meeting-houses, as to the Episcopalians; calling them Apostates, and Preachers of the Duke of York's Gospel; with many other unsavoury Expressions: And that they had divers Consultations about the doing the same Indignities to them, that they did to the Episcopal Clergy; and that particularly they did threaten Mr. Osburn, if he did not depart thence. At the same time they fixed a Paper on the Meetinghouse at Irwin, threatening to burn it. Farther: Though they cannot evince the Falshhood of all that is here alleged, yet they can prove some things (where they were Ear and Eye-witnesses) that they are false; from which, the Credibility of what they saw not, nor heard, may be guessed at. As that the Service-Book was lifted up on the end of a Pike; there was not a Pike among all that Rabble: That it was done with Shouts and Acclamations, is also false: As also, it is false that any such Words were spoken as Down with the Idolatry of the Church of England and Scotland. And that he was questioned about the Church-Government, is false; nothing was asked, but if he owned Prelacy? To which he faintly replied, Yes. What is said of the Laird of Bridgehouse is incredible, for he never hath showed such Respect to the Prince of Orange, nor to our Sovereign King William; but often drinketh King James' Health, and hath often Caballed with Mr. Bell, especially when his Cousin Mr. John Bell, and his Brothers Colin Bell and Patrick Bell, were preparing for their Dublin Voyage; in which they were taken going with Supplies for the Irish Rebels there. These things are Attested by the Subscriptions of John Crawford of Crawford-land, Hugh Hunter, Robert Wright, John Paterson, John Boyd, Alexander Muir, John Adam, Joseph Waugh, Robert Bankhead, John Miller, James Campbel, Andrew Taylor, John Tunahill, Matthew Duncan, John Tunahill, John Armour, William, Robert Paterson. I leave the Reader to make his own Judgement on these Stories, the one avouched by the Person concerned, the other by so many unconcerned Persons, and of known Integrity. And to consider whether from this Tale such Barbarity as is alleged, be imputable to the Presbyterians.  
§. 9 I now return to the first Book: The Author's next instance is, Mr. Simpson Minister at Galston, whom they caused to go bareheaded to the publickest place of the Village, and caused him put on his Morning Gown, (the Canonical Gown not being found) which they tore off him, and caused him wade through a River at one of the deepest places, and commanded him not to return. The truth of the matter, is, Mr. Robert Simpson had violently Persecuted several of the Parish; particularly he had caused George Lamb, a very old Man, Janet Lamb, the Wife of James Mill, who was very Infirm, and brought forth a Child ten days after, and James Lamb; to be carried on Carts (not being able to go) to Kilmarnock by Lieutenant Colonel Buchan's Soldiers, and that for not coming to hear; some of their Friends in Resentment of this, did in January, or February 1689. take Mr. Sympson out of his House, and discoursed with him about an hour, he being Uncovered, and put him through the Water of Irwin out of the Parish, but they neither rend his Gown, nor did other Injury to him. These Persons were strangers, except some few of the Parish. This is attested by Hugh Hutcheson Notar, Thomas Morton, John Adam. Next cometh on the stage Mr. Mill Minister at Caudor: he being absent they rend his Gown, Harangued and Prayed before, and concluded with a Volley of Shot. Concerning this I have received no Information, but from what is said, have cause to disbelieve it: Next we have Mr. White Minister of Ballingtrea, whom a Pedlar beat on the Face with a Musket, for speaking to him with his hat on his head; thrust at him with a Sword to the piercing of his clothes and Skin, but it went no deeper, a throng being in the Room, and the Actor of it at a distance. To this is answered, that the Parish had no hand in this, tho' he had beat some of them of good note, and had been injurious to severals of them in his Dealings. This is attested by Henry Mackbreath, James Mowat, Hugh Kennedy, Gilbert Maciltire, John Macqualter: all who have their Testimony from their Minister, that they are credible and famous Witnesses. This is witnessed by the same Persons; that whereas he accused the Presbyterians for beating his Wife, that they never knew any to beat his Wife, except himself, which they have often heard and seen. Our next instance is Mr. Brown Minister at Kells in Galloway residing at Newtoun, whom in a Storm of Frost and Snow, they carried to the Marketplace about four a Clock in the Morning, tied him to a Cart, set his face to the Wether, where he had died, if a poor Woman had not cast clothes about him. The Truth of this Story is, that Mr. Brown being beastly Drunk at night, after a little sleep, went to his House at a distance from that Town, and returning in the Morning betimes, was by the Guard taken for a Spy, who were informed that six or seven Men had a little before gone through the River, supposed to be the Earl of Melford; and that they had inquired, if my Lord was at home: And were said to come by Mr. Brown's House: On these grounds, the Prison not being firm, they bound him: This is Attested by Gilbert Gordon, and Lieutenant Kennedy. It is hard to justify this usage of any Man: But it is yet harder to impute this indiscretion of Soldiers to the Presbyterians. Next we have Mr. Ross at Renfrew, whose Wife with her Infant they threw out the third day after she was brought to Bed. Ans. This Narration is so false, that neither Mr. Ross nor his Wife will own it: Mrs. Ross was brought to bed 17 days before these Men came to the House; they caused the Goods to be removed without any damage to them: And at the entreaty of some of the Town, suffered the Goods to be put into the House again, and Mr. Ross' Family lived peaceably in that House 16 Months after that time. But which is mainly to our purpose, the Presbyterian Minister at Renfrew, hearing of such Disorders elsewhere, had warned his Hearers against them; So that none of them had a hand in this Fact: But they who did it were Strangers, and such as joined with no Presbyterian Meeting. All this is Attested by William Scot baily, William Scot Elder, William Armour Elder, John Reidman, Patrick Scot, John Jackson.  
§. 10. Next he bringeth on the Stage Mr. Gutherie, Minister at Kier, whose Family, in a rainy day, they turned out, tho' three of his Children were sick; one of a Fever, and two of the Smallpox, and two of them died upon that Treatment. To this the Persons after mentioned do Answer two things. 1. That he did extremely disoblige and provoke the Parish, not only by his Intrusion against the Will, both of the Gentry and the rest of the Parish; but also by informing against the People: Who by his means were severely fined: He had a hand in sending out Dragoons who killed four Men, and hanged them on a Tree for 18 days, at the Church of Iron grey: He beat Bessie Smith (he being on horse back, and she on foot) to the great effusion of Blood, and till she fell dead; and after returned to her and beat her, saying, it would heal her. 2. The People being so exasperated, threatened to cast him out of his House, he often promised to remove, but did it not: At last they cast out his Family, without doing hurt to any Person, his Wife through peevishness would not go into another House, tho' earnestly invited by several Persons, particularly the Mistress of Waterside, John Osburn's Wife, and John Hudstons' Wife; there was but one of her Children sick at that time, who is still alive. The other two did not fall sick for eight Weeks after that time. This is Attested by Charles Maxwell, John Hudleston, Thomas Hudleston, William Hastings, William Halliday, John Maxwel, John Osburn, John Waugh, John Hudleston, Thomas Mitchelson, John Pagan, John Grant, John Smith, William Waouh, W. D. James M'gie. His last instance is of Mr. Skinner at Daly, They frighted his Daughter, aged about 20, into a Fever, returning after 5 or 6 days, they turned her out of her Bed, pretending to search for Arms, so that she died raving. This is most false; there came indeed, some Persons to Mr. Skinner's house, knocked at the door, which was opened to them by those within, Mr. Skinner asked them, what they were come for? Was it to fright him and his Family? They answered, they came only to search for Arms; and that they would do no harm to him, nor to his Family: He told them, he had no Arms, and he commanded his Daughter, Katherine Skinner, to set Meat before them: After they had eaten, they went away without doing prejudice to any in the Family: After five or six days, they returned, and forbade Mr. Skinner to Preach any more at the Church of Daly: Mr. Skinner's Daughter, Katherine, was them sick: One of them looked into the Bed where she lay, and said, who lieth here: A Woman who attended the sick Person, answered, it is Mr. Skinner's Daughter, who is sick; upon which they all removed, without saying or doing any more. All this is Attested upon Oath, before the Baron Court of Kilbochen, held at Halhil, June 30 1690. The Witnesses were Janet Dalrymple, the Wife of James Mackneben, Anna Abercrombey, the Wife of Andrew Neilson, Gilbert Mackennie Servant to Mr. Skinner.  
§. 11. The Author, as lifted up in his own conceit, with such full proof of his point, (as he fancieth) by these Stories that he hath told (though most disingenuously and falsely,) doth now page 18. Harangue upon the Disorders, That they contrived and raised at Glasgow, and at Edinburgh; Citations in Name of the Rabble, to remove from Churches and Manses; and thinketh it enough to his purpose, to tell the Person that he writeth to, that these were their common Methods, and that by such means in a short time, more than 200 were thrust from their Churches and Dwellings, and all this can be Attested with the greatest Evidence. It is not easy to Answer such loose Declamations; it is often observed, that some men's confident Expressions run highest, when Truth and Reason is with them at the lowest: Yet some Observations I shall make on this Passage, which may make him ashamed of his Confidence. 1. That they raised, and much more that they contrived Tumults, is an Impudent Calumny; for the Tumult at Glasgow, it was raised by his own Party, who were the Aggressors; and the Presbyterians did nothing but in their own Defence. But of it I shall here add no more, but refer the consideration of it till we come to Answer, The Case of the Afflicted Clergy, etc. Where our Author doth more particularly give Account of it. 2. For the Tumults at Edinburgh, we know of none, but what was made by the Students at the College there, in burning the Pope in Effigy, and defacing the Popish Chapel at the Abbey of Holyroodhouse: Few of these Actors were Presbyterians, tho' they were all Protestants; most of them were Episcopally inclined, and bred under Masters who were of that Profession● and that any Presbyterians who then, or since, had Authority in the State, or Church, did assist in contrivance or management of this matter, we do sitterly deny. 3. If their were Citations in the name of the Rabble (which we know not and wish he had attempted to prove it) It was done by the Rabble, whose Actions we disclaim, and who were not of our Communion. 4. What he saith, that these were the Presbyterians common Methods, is as false as any thing he hath yet said; or as any thing that can be spoken; and if it be enough that he telleth his friend so, he hath found an easy way of persuading to the belief of whatever he pleaseth. How many were put out by the Rabble we know not, but this we know, that most of them who went out, were put out by their own Consciences: For they deserted their Charges without either Sentence, Threatening, or Compulsion. 5. That all this can be attested, we deny; and bid him defiance, to bring half the Evidence for it that he vainly talketh of.  
§. 12. He doth now, with all the little Rhetorical Artifices he is Master of, labour to make these things credible to his Reader, by taking away what might be any Ground of Doubt about them: Wherefore he undertaketh to show, That Application was made to Magistrates, and no Redress: That they were not pure Rabble who acted these things: That these Actors were easily controllable by Authority: That Nobles, Gentry, Ministers had a hand in these things: That they who suffered these things were Men that deserved better Treatment. Let us now attend to his Proof of all these: He saith, p. 19 That Applications were made to Peers who were Privy Counsellors, not gone to London; but he is not pleased to tell us who they were, that the Truth might be enquired into; neither do we know that any Peer, to whom they made Address, was furnished either with Authority or Strength sufficient to repress such Disorders in that Inter-regnum, and time of Confusion: Every Peer hath not Authority over the whole Nation. That these Peers were Privy Counsellors is false, for there were none such at that time in the Nation, the Council having dissolved themselves, and another not as yet constituted. He next tells us of their sending private Accounts to London, but without success, because their Enemies (the Presbyterians) had many ways defamed them, and called all their Letters Lies and Forgeries. Here is Non causa pro causa: The true Reason why they then had no Relief was, None at London had the power to do what they designed, more than they had who were at home: That the Presbyterians did misrepresent them, is false. Let us see what was charged on any of them, but what can be made appear. And if our Party would have attempted such a thing, they had many of their own Party who were ready to believe what they wrote, and to improve it to their own Advantage. That any Matters of Fact (Rabbles or Tumults) that were acted then in Scotland, were industriously concealed or denied at London by the Presbyterians, he doth affirm with as little Truth as Honesty: Fain would he retort on us these lying Methods, that he and his Complices have followed; but we are beyond such Reproaches in the Consciences of all that know us, and do not hate us.  
§. 13. He beginneth, pag. 20. to give Account of the Prince of Orange ' s Declaration for keeping the Peace, and how it was mis-regarded by the Presbyterians. And he telleth us of Dr. Scot's Message and Instructions from the Deputies of seven Presbyteries (where it is pleasant to see what pains he is at to apologise to the Church of England for that odious Name) and how the good Party (so he calleth us Ironice) contradicted all the Accounts that they gave of things. (If the Doctor's History of things was of the same strain with what this Author giveth us, I hope the Reader will not wonder that he met with Contradiction.) On this Application the Prince's Declaration came out, though not so full as the Doctor would have had it. That he procured the Declaration, the Author dreameth: The necessity of the thing required it. That two contending Parties should be restrained from mutual Injuries, in an Inter-regnum, and time of Confusion, was very suitable to that great Prince's Wisdom and Justice: As also that Dr. Scot and his Party got not all their Will, was but Reason. The Presbyterians Disobedience to the Prince's Declaration, he proveth by three Instances: The first is, The Tumult at Glasgow; the true Account of which I have already referred to another place. The Second is, Mr. Little, of Trailslat, about to repossess his Pulpit, was assaulted by Women, who tore his Coat and Shirt off him; and had done so with his Breeches, but that he pleaded with them from their Modesty. I have often said, that we can no ways be accountable for what was done by the Rabble; they were none of ours, and little less unfriendly to us, than to his Party; which is particularly attested concerning them who did so use Mr. Little, of Tinal, or Trailslat. His Third Instance: He quoteth some Men and Women, calling the Prince's Declaration a Shame, and that they knew His Highness' Resolutions. If he had pleased to tell us who said so, we could have enquired into the Truth of what he allegeth, and have judged by the Quality of the Persons, what weight is to be laid on their Words: If we should be at the pains to print all that the Scum of his Party saith, we might write Volumes of Matter that would make them black enough; but withal, it might make us ridiculous to the World. But that this Author should lay such stress on the Talk of Women, whom no body knoweth who they were, as thence to fancy that they now have a Discovery of the Intrigue of Presbyterians, is no great Argument of his deep Judgement. He next telleth of an Intrigue in the Prince's Declaration (for even His Highness, nor now when he is our Sovereign, cannot escape the Lash of these men's Tongues and Pens) in commanding all to lay down Arms, save the Garrisons, and the Town Company of Edinburgh. It seems it grieves this Man that King James' Forces must be disbanded; for I suppose he will not quarrel with disarming any of the Presbyterians. But surely here was no Intrigue, but a plain Design that the two striving Parties should not fall on each other in a War commenced by Authority: But that which piqueth him is; that by this means the College of Justice were forced to lay down their Arms, which he will have to be taken up by the Authority of the Magistrates of Edinburgh, and in defence of the Ministers of that City, on whom he allegeth that the People resolved to fall. In answer to all this, I shall not derogate from the praises of that Honourable Society of Lawyers, and Men about the Law, which he is pleased to give them. But, 1. It was not the College of Justice, but some of them, who took Arms, some of the chief of them gave no countenance to that Action. 2. It is known that the members of that Society as then constituted were greatly opposite to the Revolution in the Civil state that then was in fieri, and therefore the disbanding of them seemed to be necessary for the peaceable conclusion of that matter. 3. Whether the Arming of the College of Justice was by Authority of the Magistrates of ‛ Edinburgh, I shall not determine: But the Magistrates as then Constituted were all opposite to the Prince of Orange; and therefore it was no wonder that any Force raised by them should be by him disbanded. 4. That there was a design to fall on the Ministers of Edinburgh, or that the College of Justice armed in their defence, is affirmed on no ground, and without any truth. It was rather on the same design on which the Viscount of Dundee had gathered Forces into the Town (of which above) and it was for opposing of them, and not assaulting the Ministers of Edinburgh, that the Western Rabble (as he is pleased to call them) came to Edinburgh, viz. To defend the Convention of Estates, against the Force that might have hindered their sitting and Acting. That the College of Justice were quarrelled (tho' yet no punishment, nor other effect followed on it) for their taking Arms without Law was no wonder: That the Western Rabble (as he calleth them) were not quarrelled, is as little wonder: For the one was a party of men that should have known the Law better than the other: the one did continue in Arms till they were forced to disband. Which the other did not.  
§. 14. Our Author's next Essay, p. 23, is (according to his strain and temper) to nullify the Convention of Estates, as being unduly constituted, and consequentially that all that they did is of no force, Which is at one Blow to dethrone Their present Majesties, and to unsettle the present Establishment. To what other purpose can his remarks tend, of the absence of so many of the Nobility, the scruples of the best and most Judicious of the Gentry of the Nation had about it, how thin the meetings of the smaller burgh's in many Shires were at the Election; How Industrious the Presbyterians were to get all Elected of their own gang, what methods were taken to impose on the simpler Members, what partiality was used about controverted Elections. I have seen a time when talking at this rate, and by so doing striking at the root of the Government, would have cost one a more severe Reprimand, then is a Paper refutation; but we have the advantage by this passage, that the Clamours against Presbyterians have the same Authors, and Grounds, with these against the Government of the State, which I hope will make them to be otherwise understood, then if they had taken the Presbyterian Church alone for their Party. After some Historical remarks on the Convention (which I insist not on) he saith that the Rabble which had thrust out the Ministers were thanked by the Convention, tho' not under that reduplication. Tho' this is no effort of his spite against the Church, but against the State, yet I cannot but observe his Malice in it, for we deny that they were the Men that put out the Ministers: and the thanks they had was for their zeal in defending the Convention from that opposite rabble, I mean the 2000 men that the Viscount of Dundee, and others, had gathered together at Edinburgh, to have surprised the Convention, as was above showed. When the hazard was over, they were, with the thanks of three Estates, dismissed to return to their several homes, and this was all the pay that they got, or were willing to receive, for their service. But he telleth us, that this was done when the Bishops, many of the Nobility, and not a few of the Barons, had deserted the House. These big words have no more truth in them, but that all the Bishops, and some others of the Convention, who were Enemies to King William, went away, and would not assent to his being called to the Throne: These were the Clergies Friends, being of the same Inclinations with themselves.  
§. 15. He now, pag. 24. quarreleth with the Act of the Convention, April 13, 1689, In which all were required to pray for King William, and Queen Mary. And to read that Proclamation in their Churches; and that the Refusers should be deprived of their Churches and Benefices: And that they who obeyed should be protected. From this he taketh occasion to digress very extravagantly, by recapitulating the proofs he had mentioned, that the Rabble were Acted by great Men: Which I have answered: and by telling us some stories that he had heard (may be from some of his twattling Gossips) what the Viscount of Stairs did, and what the Earl of Crawford said, which he bringeth no shadow of Evidence for; and therefore is to be slighted. For what he allegeth of the Earl of Crawford's writing Letters to the Rabble to go on, even after April 13. And of the Duke of Hamilton's producing one of these Letters in Council. Answ. This is a false Representation, and injurious to that Noble Earl, who did more for Suppressing the Disorders of the Rabble than others did, or could do; and who acted with Justice and Moderation towards the Party, whose ways he did not approve. The Truth of this Story is, The Minister of Logie was put out of his Church, he had made Complaint to the Council, who had his Case under Consideration, in order to do him Justice; mean while, Lieutenant Colonel Ramsay went from Stirling to Logie with a Party to Repossess the Minister by force of Arms, and that without any Warrant from Authority. The Earl hearing of this, and meeting occasionally with Lieutenant Colonel Buchan, told him how Irregular it was for Ramsay to interpose in a matter that was depending before the Council, and that nothing could excuse it, but that Ramsay was a Stranger, and understood not our Law, which doth not permit the Military Power to meddle in matters of Controversy between Parties, except when they were employed by Authority to assist in the Execution of the Law. This Buchan wrote to Ramsay; and Buchan's Letter was produced before the Council, where the Earl defended what he had said. That his Lord wrote to the Rabble, or to any person else, in this matter, is false. The man had little to write when he blotteth Paper with what he ascribed to Sir John Monro of Foulis, if all the Sarcasms thrown out against either Party should be Printed, we would do little else but make such Collections. It is one of this Authors doughty Arguments, to prove the Sufferings of the Clergy: Such a Man Jeered an Episcopal Minister as he passed by on the Street, Ergo, the Suffering of the Clergy from the Presbyterians, are worse than the French Dragooning. He objecteth, that not one Presbyterian Minister hath been heard to condemn the Disorders of the Rabble from the Pulpit. Answ. The Falsehood of this I can testify, ex certa scientia, Often we have condemned Peoples going out of their Line, and Prosecuting good ends by unwarrantable means, and commended Moderation, etc. And prevailed with them that are our Hearers: Tho' they whom he mainly chargeth, will take little notice of what we say. What he saith, that the Rabbling has been approved in the Pulpits of Edinburgh, is more than I know, or can believe, unless (if any be which I know not) one or two imprudent Men, casually employed in these Pulpits, hath done so, as I know they have spoken sometimes to the Offence of their Brethren. For what was spoken in the High Church of Edinburgh. Which he, according to his wont respect to the established Law saith, Is De Jure, the Bishop's Cathedral, but De Facto, a Presbyterian Meetinghouse: That such shake were the shake of God, and without them the Church used not to be settlled. I hope no intelligent Person will reckon these words an Approbation of the Rabble: Nor will think that they import any more, than, that the Lord is pleased often to bring lovely Order out of Confusion, which in itself is very undesirable: as he sendeth Divisions, and maketh a good use of them, so doth he with Rabbling. Next he complaineth, that no Proclamation hath been issued out against them; but because he cannot but know the contrary, therefore he chargeth the State, that they have not put their Proclamation in the Form and Words that please him. This I observe only to put a note on this Authors seeking occasions of complaint, and his Sawsiness, if not satisfied. But he telleth us, on the contrary, of Two or Three Cameronian Regiments (whereas we never heard of any such, save one, and of that the Officers and many of the Soldiers were men of Sober and Sound Principles, but the Regiment had the fate to be so called) who were Quartered in Perthshire, and in Angus, where should they be quartered but in these Shires, where many of the Inhabitants were Enemies to the State, and daily renewing to the Highland Army,) That they were sent to persecute the Clergy, is most false: Or that they did molest them, more than is ordinary for Soldiers to do to them who are not of their way. And but very few instances, and in very few of these Soldiers, can be given. He designeth to ridicule them (but exposeth his own Folly, Malice, and ●lly Credulity) by a story that he hath heard of their refusing obedience to their Officers in exercising, if they use often the the same Words, because they are against set Forms. Such a silly Forgery I should not have Noted (it being known no Regiment is better Disciplined, nor hath done better Service) if it were not to give the Reader occasion to observe the Spirit of our Adversaries, who lay hold on every Tattle they hear, to Reproach us, when they can find no better Arguments to disprove our way.  
§. 16. He further raileth at the Proclamation, April 13. saying, That by it all the Deeds of the Rabble are justified, and permission, and encouragement given to them to go on. One would think this needeth clear proof, instead of which we have a full Evidence to the contrary, in that very passage of the Proclamation which he citeth, which is, The Estates do prohibit and discharge any injury to be offered, by any person whatsoever, to any Minister of the Gospel, either in Church or Meetinghouse, who are presently in the Possession and Exercise of their Ministry. Whereby, saith he, all who were formerly thrust from their Churches are entirely excluded from the Protection of the Government. Let any unbiased person judge whether what he affirmeth, or the contradictory of it, be proved by this passage of the Declaration: It is evident that the very Design and Strain of it, was to protect these in Churches (who were the Episcopalians) from further progress of that disturbance from some hot and irregular Persons, which some of their Brethren had met with: And it was but reasonable that the Presbyterians (who then had the Meeting-Houses) should share in the same Favour. That they who were put out by the Rabble in the Interregnum (which did now terminate) were not by this Proclamation restored, can in no sense, be construed either to justify what was done, or encourage to do the like: Other men have learned Logic that teacheth them to infer the contrary, viz. A tacit blaming of what was done, and express forbidding the like in time to come. That the Presbyterians Preaching in Meetings, was directly contrary to Law, is false: They had the Authority of King and Council: And, while the Act of Supremacy was in force (as it then was) the Parliament had given the King Power to do in the external Policy of the Kirk, what he thought fit: And therefore he had Power by the Act of Parliament, to give Liberty to Dissenters. And it is contrary to the avowed Principles of his Party, who not only promoted this Act, that screwed up the Supremacy to the height, but pleaded always, till it crossed their Interest, for the King's absolute and dispensing Power. In confirmation of this, he citeth another Proclamation, August 6. 1689. Restoring such Conformists as had been thrust out by violence, after April 13. Can any Man hence infer, that the former Proclamation gave Liberty to put out Ministers by Violence: And not rather that it condemneth what had been done that way: And yet the man hath the Brow to value himself upon this as a full and concludent proof. Are ye satisfied now? saith he; No, Sir, and I think none else can be satisfied with this Inference, whose Wit is not a Woolgathering. But ‛ ex super abundante, we shall yet have more proof; It is from a passage in an Address to the King, of the greatest part of the Members of Parliament, complaining of the want of Ministers in the West, where most had been put out by the Rabble. I shall not trouble the Reader with observing the silly Quibbles that he strains at, upon some passages of this Address: But to show how unconsequential this proof is. 1. This Address was no deed of the Parliament, or of the Presbyterian Party, but of a few. 2. There is nothing in that Address, that either approveth of the disorderly way of putting out of those men, or encourageth to go on in so doing: What he citeth is merely matter of Fact related, that the West was desolate, that is, in great want of Ministers; can any rational man think that it thence followeth, that they who said so, do approve of the manner of putting them out, what ever thoughts they may have of the inconvenience of restoring them; of which in its due place. We must take farther notice of the Superfoetation of this Author's invention, to prove his point: The Council on Christmas Eve, 1689. (Our Author is a great Observer of days, which, it is like, the Council had no respect to) discharged all Inferior Judicatories within the Kingdom to give Decreets for the Stipend, 1689, to these Ministers who were out of Possession on April 13. reserving the Determination of that Case to the Parliament. Who but our Author, could thence infer, that they approved of the Summer way of putting out those Ministers, nothing doth thence follow, but that the Parliament might judge of the conveniency of reponing them. On this occasion he dilateth on the Misery of those Suffering Ministers, and putteth the question, Can any History show a Precedent for their Case? Was ever Christian Minister so treated in a Christian Kingdom? To these his questions, I answer Affirmative, viz. The Presbyterian Ministers, anno 1662., were worse treated, when upwards of 300 of them were put out, and no allowance given them at all. And yet worse, when afterward it was enacted that none of them should live within six Miles of his former Parish, not within six Miles of a Corporation: So that it was hard for not a few of them to find a Habitation, where they Lawfully might be in the Nation; But all of them were driven, with their poor Families, from their Habitations, from among their Friends and Acquaintances, who might show them Mercy in their Distress, to seek shelter among Strangers: And this was done in the beginning of Winter, when it was hard to remove a Family. But comparing their Sufferings, that they make such outcry about, with ours, which we bore patiently; we may observe, that some are so tender of their Worldly Accommodations, and ease: that they will complain more of the scratch of a Pin, than others will do of a deep Wound by a Sword.  
§. 17. We have, page 30. An evidence how resolute this Gentleman is to be unsatisfied with whatever is, or shall be done, either by the State, or by the Church, as they are now established; For when the Act of the Estates dischargeth any Injury to be offered to any Minister now in Possession of his Church; he quarrelled at this Restriction, and putteth a N. B. to it, They behaving themselves as becometh, under the present Government. Did ever any Government allow protection to any on other terms: Yea, it is not usual, under any Government, to give a Pass to any to travel on the Road without Let, or Molestation, without this express restriction. But what followeth is one of the highest efforts of Malice, blinding the mind, and depraving the apprehension of things. Which is, that giving them protection on their good behaviour, is to enjoin the Rabble to fall on them if they should not read the Proclamation, and pray for King William and Queen Mary. And the Man hath the brow to say, That no Man without doing Violence to his own Sense, could put a better Construction upon it, but I persuade myself, that unbiased Men will judge, that no Man without doing Violence both to his Reason and Conscience, can put such a Sense on it as our Author doth. For the Council did what in them lay to hinder all disorders of the Rabble. The State, more than the Church or Ministers, the King, the Council, and Parliament, are still Adversaries that this Hero will cope with. The Council required the Ministers of Edinburgh to read, and obey the Proclamation on April. 14. Being the Lord's day, after the forenoons Sermon: Which required praying for King William and Queen Mary, by Name: And all the Ministers besouth Tay to do the same on April 21. and these be North Tay to do it on April 28. where as it was enacted on the 13 about twelve a Clock, and came to the hands of the Ministers at Edinburgh late on Saturday, or on Sabbath morning: Some (as he was told) and we know many things were told him which were not true) not till they were in the Pulpit. This he thinketh absurd, because, the Bishops in England would not enjoin their Clergy to read Proclamations Fide implicita, and because the Parliament of England gave the Clergy there sever'dl Months to consider the like Case. He might know that tho' the English Bishops be admired, for advantage, by him and his Party, yet their practice need not be a Standard to the Scoth Council. And that the Parliament of England thought they had reason for what they did: And the Council of Scotland thought the same of what they did: The case, tho' of moment was plain enough, neither was it a Surprise to any of those Men, for the thing was long in Deliberation, and known to be so, before it was enacted: Few in the Nation, if any there were, who were not then at a point, whether they would own King William, or adhere to King James. Except such as were resolved to do either, as it might more serve their Ends. What is said of the People's going out of the New Church when the Clerk read the Proclamation after the Blessing; is not to be wondered at, for after the Blessing People use not to stay. And it is like it was designed to be read to the Walls, by uttering the Blessing before reading of it. The Minister's example in not reading it himself, it is like, did influence such as used to hear Men of his stamp. And of such was that Congregation then made up.  
§. 18. We now enter upon the Execution that was done by this Proclamation, which this Epistle doth lay heavy load on the Council for. Far less reproaching of the Justice of the Nation would have cost a Man his Neck in the former Reign. The first instance he bringeth is of Doctor Strachan, late Professor of Divinity in the College of Edinburgh, who when accused for not Reading and Praying as enjoined, pleaded, that in the Claim of Right it was found, that none can be King, or Queen, of Scotland, till they take the Coronation Oath: And that K. James had forfeited his right to the Crown by Acting as King without it. That the State had only named William, and Mary, but neither the Crown was yet offered to them, nor they accepted it, nor had they taken ehe Coronation Oath, and he wish others were deprived, who used the same defence, and added that they were willing to pray for King William and Queen Mary, as soon as they had accepted, and had taken the Oath. An answer to this might more be expected from some Statesman, who knoweth the reason that the Council were determined by in this matter. It is known that the exercise of the Government had been long before tendered to the Prince, and that his Highness had accepted and exercised it. That the Estates sat by his Authority, that the Nations Representative had than owned him as their King, and therefore it was a contempt of the Authority of the Nation for any Man to refuse to own him, when called to do so. Further, it is a material mistake of the words of the Claim of Right: Which doth not say, None can be King or Queen, but that none can Exercise the Legal Power, till they have taken the Coronation Oath. It is certain, that on the Death of a King, his Rightful Successor is King; and may be Prayed for as such; and such Praying may be enjoined, even before taking of the Oath: The same may be said of One chosen, and proclaimed by the Supreme Authority of the Nation: which is the Case now in hand. That these Men promised to Pray for K. William afterward, is false, and the Committee deprived none who were willing so to engage. The petulant liberty that he taketh to disparage the Council that was nominated by the King after he had accepted of the Government, I remark, but insist not on. He now, in the end of pag, 32 Returneth to the Rabble, his misrepresentation of things in General I stay not on, he is secure he cannot be refuted but by denying the truth of them: But his particular accounts of these things, I shall examine. The first Instance that he giveth is, of Mr. Mc Math Minister of Leswade: On whom one night as he was going from Edinburgh to his own House, 4 Fellows fell: Pierced him with Bodkins and Auls, so that he had ten or twelve Wounds in his Belly; filled his Mouth, till they had almost Choked, him with Horse-Dung; and left him in that sad condition. If one should consider the Ineredibility of this Story it might save the labour of a Refutation, or evincing the falsehood of it. He hath not told us who these four Fellows were, nor whisher they were Presbyterians, or not; must all the Robberies and Assassinations that are committed on the high way, by unknown Persons, be charged on the Presbyterians: Such Insinuations will better evince the Spiteful humour of our Adversaries, than the disorderliness of Men of our way. Next, is it probable, that a Man should have 10 or 12 wounds in the Belly with Auls or Bodkins, and none of them Pierce the Peritoneum, which would readily prove mortal? And yet Mr. Mc Math neither was sick, nor died, nor was any Indisposition visible on him next day, but what was the effect of his being Drunk overnight, which all that knew him do Affirm was very Customary to him. I wish our Author had told us who ever saw these Wounds, or the Scars of them. It is attested by his Neighbours as followeth: We under subscribers, declare, that we came of purpose to see Mr. Mc Math's pretended Wounds: The Gate being shut, we went to the House of Mr. Robert Trotter, his Precentor, who going to him, returned with this answer, that, he freed the whole Parish, and knew not who they were that injured him. At Lasweed December 6. 1690. James Currie, Adam Alexander, Gavin Hunter, James Simson. I declare that I saw Mr. John Mc Math, betwixt six and seven a Clock in the Morning, following that Night wherein he pretendeth that injury was done to him, at his own Gate, as he used to be, witness my Subscription at Lasweed, December, 6. 1690. Andrew Finlawson. For this Andrew Finlawson, was challenged by Mr. Mc Math: Which he also testifieth under his hand. Also James Simson declareth under his hand, that he saw Mr. Mc Math on the Street, 2 or 3 Days after he was said to be Wounded: And that People going on the Road from Edinburgh told him that they saw Mr. Mc Math Drunk that Night, as he came from Edinburgh, Likewise we have it under the Hand of John Young Merchand in Fisherraw, that at the time when it was said that Mr. Mc Math was Wounded, he went to see him (being his Cousin) and saw no appearance of Sickness or Wounds, and that when he went out of Mr. Mc Maths' House, Mr. Richard Hyslop, showed him the place where Mr. Mc Math fell, and got his Face daubed with Dirt: And that when Mr. Young said, That he had heard that Mr. Mc Math had this done to him by some Persons, Mr. Hyslop (his Neighbour and Friend) said, there was no such thing. It is also to be observed that not a few Persons who came to see him in his Wounds, were not admitted. Besides all this, we have Proofs well attested, to evince the horrid immoralities of Mr. Mc Math, such as Lascivious carriage towards several Women, Drunkenness, Imbezelling the Collections for the Poor, taking another Man-Horse and Saddle from his Servant, by the way, and giving out afterward that he found the Horse, which he restored, but kept the Saddle 40 days, denying it, till it was like to come to a public hearing, and then restored it. I hope the Reader by this time, can see what weight is to be laid on the Histories brought by this Author; and what sort of Men they are whose quarrel he espouseth: Though we are far from approving Irregularities and Injuries, whether done against good or bad Men.  
§. 19 Some other he nameth, who were Rabbled, but giveth no particular account of what was done to them; such as Mr. Burgess at Temple, Mr. Mackenzie at Kirklistoun, Mr. Hamiltoun at Kirk-newtoun, Mr. Nimmo at Collingtoun, Mr. Donaldson at Dumbarton, (some of whom we shall afterward meet with,) etc. And a whole Presbytery in Galloway. I hope a particular answer is not expected to these. And for the General Assertion, the Reader must be strangely biased, if before he have thus far proceeded, he doth not understand this Author's Dialect; that is, if he hath not learned to disbelieve every thing that he affirmeth, unless it be sufficiently vouched: That is the least punishment due to one, who hath so often, and so soully, prevaricated in his Assertions; wherefore we may justly reject all these as Forgeries; as two of them I can sufficiently disprove. Mr. Mackenzie was never Rabbled, only at the time he was at Kirkliston very few of the People heard him: And for Mr. Hamiltoun he never was Minister at Kirknowtoun: If the People have at any time refused to hear him, when he was to Preach transiently there, this is no Rabbling: He is a Man for whom we have due respect, and he is now received into Ministerial Communion by the Presbyterians. The rest I know nothing of, but three Instances he giveth us more distinctly, which obligeth us to a more distinct and particular Answer. The 1st. is, Mr. Macgil of Kilsyth, tho' he had obeyed the Proclamation, The Rabble hindered him to enter the Church; my Lord Kilsyth's Factor raised a Force to defend him: in the strife, one of the Rabble was killed: The Factor went to Edinburgh, and told the Commerce of Estates what had happened: The Lord Rosse being Prese of the Committee, thinking the Person Killed to be one of the other side; said, it would be hard to get that Murder punished: But at last, understanding that it was one of the Rabble, changed his Note, and aggravated the Business. The next day the Rabble fell upon Mr. Macgil' s House, destroyed his Furniture, Books, and Papers, plunged his Hat and Peruke in the Churn, among Milk, emptied out his Meal, and a Chamber Box among it. So that he suffered loss to the value of 150 pound Sterling, and to this day hath got meet her Reparation nor Protection. The truth of this story is, some Soldiers had hindered Mr. Macgil to Preach, they being gone, he on the Lord's day, intended to reassume his Pulpit: some of the inferior People gathered together, and refused to let him enter; but used no other Violence: My Lord Kilsyth's Factor caused beat of Drum, and gathered a great many Men in Arms, and assaulted the People that were in and about the Church door, and killed one of them: This matter was tried before the Lords of the Justiciary, who found both Parties guilty of a Riot, but the Factor to be more guilty, as having with Arms fallen upon them who had no Arms, and killed one of them: He was fined, and declared incapable of any public Employment. For the Stories about my Lord Ross, and the People's so abusing Mr. Macgil's House and Goods, we must receive them on the Credit of this Author, (id est) Look on them as his own Invention, or that some Body had told him: For I can find no ground to believe one word of what, in these, he affirmeth. His other two Tales, of Mr. Craig, and Mr. Buchannan, I find no ground to believe. But on the contrary that they (at least Mr. Craig) were put from their charges by a Sentence of the Presbytery, and that for gross Scandals, and obstinate refusing to submit to the Discipline of the Church; as can be made appear by their Processes yet on Record. The account that he giveth of those two Ministers (being also Heretors, who have Vote in Election of Members of Parliament) their appearing for King William; by Voting for such as Voted him into the Throne: This, I say, is a foul Misrepresentation; for these two Ministers (especially Mr. Craig) entered a Protestation, at the Meeting for Election, that whoever should be chosen, should fall from their Commission, if they transgressed the limits set to them by the Electors: And that they should do nothing in prejudice of King James, nor Prelacy, nor the Test. It is true they Voted for the Laird of Houston, who in the Convention, Voted for King William, and for Presbytery: But it is known, that these two persons have often said, that the Laird of Houston is a perjured person, for they had his Engagement to Vote for Episcopacy. And when there was a vacancy by the death of one of their Commissioners, at a second Election, these two Gentlemen Voted for a known Jacobite, who had a little before, been actually in Arms against King William, but now was freed by the Indemnity. It is also known, that since it was Enacted, that the Oath of Allegiance to the present King and Queen, should be imposed on all Electors, neither of these two Ministers have appeared.  
§. 20. Our Author catcheth hold on all the occasions he can find (whether offered, or not) to reproach us: Wherefore he taxeth our Address to the Parliament, given in, in July 1690, which he taketh to have had its rise from the Councils delay to deprive none complying Ministers, being very unpleasant to Presbyterian Preachers: This is a strange mistake (to call it no worse) for in that Address there is not one word of complaint of such delay: Nor of Petitioning that the Council would deprive any of these Men. But on this Address he giveth us the best Specimen he can, of his Critical Skill; with what Success let us consider. He passeth the Preface of it with his mocking at our owning the Prince of Orange for the Instrument of our great Deliverance, and as our King: This we are not ashamed of: Let him and his Complices gnash their Teeth at it. He saith, We Miscall the Bishops, which is false: We gave them no Names of Reproach, but relate the Hurt that they have done in this Church; which we are able to make appear. The first thing that he reproveth in the Petitionary part of the Address is, Our desire that this poor Oppressed Church may be freed from such Oppressors and Oppressions: And what harm is in this? do not they complain of Oppression; which yet it may (and I hope shall) be made appear, that their Sufferings were not once to be compared to ours. We press no man's Consciences as they did, nor force them to compliance, by Prisons, Finings, Banishment, and yet greater Severities. He next Narrateth our desire of Settling the Church in the Hands of Presbyterians; his Note is, This is nothing like Prelacy. Why doth he wonder at that: Had it been a wise observation, for showing the absurdity of their Attempts, for Settling Prelacy: This is nothing like Presbytery. But yet a greater Absurdity he observeth in our Address, viz. That we Petition, That the Church established, may be allowed to purge out insufficient, negligent, scandalous, and erroneous Ministers. His strong Argument against this is in a Parenthesis: And what Apostle (saith he) if ye give them a Presbyterian Jury, shall not come within the compass of one of these four. Such ignorant Malice is not to be answered, but despised. We esteem all the Apostles (except his Predecessor Judas Iscariot) as much as he or his party can do: And we know, that not only the Apostles, but some who have complied with Episcopacy, may, and have escaped all these four, even by a Presbyterian Judicature. But I am weary of such trisling. He afterwards falleth more heavily on these four Qualifications of Ministers, in p. 44. where we shall attend him, being obliged to follow this his interrupted Method.  
§. 21. He now, page 36. Reentreth the Lists with the Council, as the great Persecuters of the Clergy. He complaineth of the undue transmitting of the Proclamations to the Ministers who were to give Obedience to it; alleging, That there came but six Copies of it to Fife. His Voucher for this is, he is credibly told it. But we have already found that he hath been told a great many Lies, and that credibly enough too, for a Man of his large Credulity; which is as receptive, when ill is spoken of Presbyterians, as that of any Papists, with respect to the Legends. If these Proclamations were not so dispersed as was fit, it was not to be wondered at: For many of the Servants of the late Government were still in place, with whom the Ministers concerned might have correspondence: That they might not see such Papers in time. But this can best be answered when we come to particulars. Then he narrates the Councils proceeding in the Indictments, and Interrogatories, putting all in the most odious and ridiculous dress that he can devise; which yet he can fix no blame upon: Only his uncivil Reflection on the Earl of Crawford, is like the spirit of this Author. That Noble Earl is Master of so much Sense and Reason, as that he could not ask whether they mentioned in Prayer the Surname of the King and Queen. Tho' I know such an Expression might have inadvertently dropped from a person no ways contemptible, as that which is a word of course. That they were Censured for neglecting thus to Pray; what wonder is it, seeing the Law expressly required it. And is it to be thought strange, that the Law should require this, when it was notour how disaffected most of these Men were, and how openly they owned King James' Interest? Was it ever heard of, that any Government allowed Persons to hold Public Places, who would not own the Government under which they lived? The former Government took the Lives of such as showed the least scruple in this matter, so far was it from allowing public Places, or Benefices to any such. Next he complaineth that they were put out for not Reading and Praying as enjoined, If either the Proclamation was sent to them, or it came to their Hand, or if they had knowledge of it: And here we have an Instance of Mr. Guild, Minister at Northberwick, who had Prayed but not Read; and he telleth us of half a dozen more such Instances, but we must not know them, lest we examine them. What to think of his hidden Instances, I know not; but Mr. Guild was not deprived simply for not Reading at the time appointed; but because he declared before the Council, that he was not free to Read it afterward: This is Attested by the Records of the Council. He bringeth Instances of them who had Read and Prayed, but not on the Precise day, who were deprived. Mr. Hay, Minister at Kinneucher, (our Author or the Printer mistaketh the Name of the place) Mr. Hunter at Sterling, Mr. Young at Monyvaird, Mr. Aird at Torryburn. This is strange prevarication, Mr. Hay was deprived for not Reading and Praying, and for Praying for the late King James, and for Reflecting upon the Estates: witness the Records of Council; which say that all this was fully proved: Mr. Young confessed before the Council, he did not Pray in the Terms of the Proclamation, till the Sabbath after he was cited to appear before the Council. Mr. Aird was deprived for Praying for King James as our Natural Prince, and Praying that God would send back, with a Hook in his Jaws, that Tyrant that had come to Invade these Lands; meaning King William; all this proved, (and that of Mr. Young) and Recorded in the Books of Council. For Mr. Hunter I find nothing of him in the Records, but the Reader will easily judge, by what is already said, how far our Author's Assertion is to be believed in such a matter. That it was not asked them whether they would obey for time to come, is not strange: in Civil Courts amendment useth not to a●tone Crimes committed. Therefore his story of the Magistrates of Perth desiring of my Lord Crawford that their Minister might be reponed, is wholly Impertinent: Beside the Authors most uncivil. Treatment of that Noble Earl, saying he turned Hussie, which is far from both the Natural Temper, and Civil deportment towards all, that his Lordship is Commended for, by all who know him, and do not hate him; as this man seemeth to do, by taking all occasions (and seeking them) to quarrel with his Lordship's actings. What he after imputeth to my Lord, that he said to a Minister, it was enough to deprive him, that he Prayed not for the King, as is directed, 1 Tim. 2.1, 2. Was no Derogation (if it was expressed as is Alleged) from the Authority of that Scripture: for when the Apostle requireth us to Pray for Kings, and the Law requires us to Pray for this King, and not for his Competitor: The one of these do not hinder the other, for Subordinata non pugnant: nor doth it derogate from the sufficiency of Scripture as our Rule, to say, that some more may be required, in some exigents, to particularise what the Scripture doth in general hold forth. Even the zeal of the Noble Lord that he is pleased to set as the Butt of his Malice, this Author reproacheth; when it appeareth either for the service of his Prince, or for purging the Church of such as were a reproach to her; while he doth expose my Lords care to get the Council to meet at its appointed times. But I give too much to his impertinencies by thus notjoing them.  
§. 22. He will now, pag. 38 Return to his thread (which he had broken off to reach the Earl of Crawford) and he blameth the Council for allowing the People to Cite the Ministers who had not Read and Prayed, before the Council. What harm was in this? May not any of the King's Subjects make complaint of breaking of his Law? This is not to be compared with what his Party did, when in Power, who made Soldiers Judges and Executioners of some of the Laws against Nonconformists: Yea, committed the power of Life and Death to many of them. He telleth, that immoralities were libelled, tho' the Council Judged nothing but not reading and Praying, yet the Lybels were kept in retentis. Ans. The Council Acted Rationally, and with Moderation in this. They could not reject Libels which they had called for by their Proclamations; and if any thing was in them that was not ejus fori, they passed that without Notice. Is it not ordinary to all Courts to pass Sentence on one Substantial part of a Libel, sufficiently proved, tho' other parts of it be neither relevant, nor proved. What he surmiseth of Church Judicatories sustaining these Libels as sufficiently proved already, is refuted by the Event; no such thing hath been done. And it might have been silenced by the known Principle and way of Presbyterians, who are against such Illegal Actings: But we must be made black by his evil surmisings, when he can find no other way to do it. Every thing Acted by the Government is evil in this Gentleman's Eyes: Wherefore a third Proclamation falleth under his Lash, whereby Heretors in a Parish, (though not living in it,) Sheriffs, and their Deputies, Magistrates of burgh's, Members of Parliament, in their respective Bounds, might Cite Ministers who had not Read and Prayed. What harm in all this? May not such call for Justice against Offenders? The Council were still Judges whether any offence were committed or not. But now that he is in a quarrelling strain, even the Nations humbling themselves before God for Sin, and Fasting and Praying to implore his Mercy, stirreth the Choler of this Momus. His 1. Imputation to it is, It was designed for a Choking Morsel. Who made him the Judge of Hearts and Designs? It was designed for humbling the Nation, and Imploring Mercies from the God of Heaven: And that it was not designed as a Trial of men's Compliance, is evident from this: That he cannot Instance in any Person that ever suffered for not Observing it. But our being thus reproached, is but what better than we have before met with from such as he is, Psal. 69.10. When I wept and Chastened my Soul with Fasting, this was to my reproach. Next he blameth this Fast, That it was on the Sabbath Day: We deny not but that another day of the Week is better for Fasting: But we know no Law of God that is broken by Fasting that Day; whatever he, or any other think in the contrary. When he shall please to bring his strong Reasons for his Opinion, they shall, I hope, be considered. The Reason why that Day was pitched upon was, it was Harvest, and a very bad and dangerous Season, and it was not fit to take People off their Work on a Week day, when the loss of a day might have hazarded their Corn: And People would have been under Temptation to neglect the Solemn Duties of the day. Further, he chargeth the Proclamation for the Fast, with bad Grammar, and a good stock of Nonsense, and for Unministring and Unchristning the whole Regular Clergy. This is the Title that the Episcopal Ministers use to Dignify themselves with, (tho' now they walk not by the Rule of the Law, as formerly they did deviate from that of the Scripture) and them who owned them. If he had pleased to tell us what Words or Expressions, in the Proclamation, are thus faulty, we should have treated him as a Disputant, but seeing he thought not that fit, we must entertain his Discourse, as Hezekiah commanded the Jews to do, by that of his Patron Rabshakeh, such Language is not to be answered. We find nothing in that Paper but what is good Grammar, and good Sense. It may be some parts of it contain such Spiritual matter, and in which the inward Exercises of the Soul is so concerned, as a Man who is alien from the Life of God, doth not understand, and therefore may count it Nonsense. I suppose he will reckon this to be cant: But it is not mine, but the Apostles, Eph. 4.18. That it complaineth of the withholding of the Spirit in the work of Conversion, is not meant of Episcopal times only, tho' then it was observable: But he, and Men of his Temper, use not to trouble themselves with such thoughts, and therefore they think strange that others do. That two Ministers of Edinburgh were deprived for it, that is only for not keeping the Fast, is absolutely false. The story of the Laird of Brodie, acting as Accuser and also as Judge, is like the rest of his Forgeries, or Hear-sayes.  
§. 23. This Epistler now telleth us, pag. 41. That he hath done with his History, what he next falleth upon is a Recapitulation of what he had said, and determining what shall be for the future, viz. That none of the Episcopal Clergy shall be spared, but all who entered by Presentation from a Patron or a Collation from a Bishop must be turned out. This his Prediction he Establisheth on several Grounds, such as they are: One is, a nameless Counsellor said to his Cusing a Minister, (who also must not be named) that he was glad that their Minister had not complied, for the Resolution was that none of the Episcopal Clergy should be spared. The strength of this Argument lieth on this, that none can find out the truth or falsehood of the Anticedent, viz. Whether such a thing was said or not; Yet I am sure it is easy to deny the consequence: for all Counsellors are not Infallible, nor know the mind of all the rest, where never any conclusion about the matter was made at the Board, as in this case is certain. His other Argument is, some Argyle Ministers were put out for not Reading and Praying, and on after-complyance, they have the offer of other Churches, but must not Re-enter to their former charge. Ans. There was reason enough for this, from the Credit of the Councils Authority; which should have been Baffled by putting those Men into the same Charges; the sentence being that they should Preach no more in these places; which was shunned by admitting them to other places; especially considering that it was not the Council, but the Church that was to admit them. A 3 d. ground is, He is told the Statesmen are clear for this Resolution: An usual Argument with this Learned Author, on which he useth to build very weighty conclusions: But other wise Men think it fitter for Fools and Children. He hath yet a 4th Ground. Dr. Robertson, and Mr. Malcom, Ministers of Edinburgh, have made great compliances, and sent to the Presbyterian Clubs, that they might be admitted to sit in their Presbyteries; and yet this could not be granted. Ans. 1. It is an impudent falsehood to affirm that either of these two Ministers sent such a Message, or made application to any Presbyterian Judicatory: For their Clubs we have none for Drinking; and any who casually meet for conference, have no Power to receive, or answer, such addresses: Neither was it ever heard among us, that either of them spoke, or sent, about that matter, either to any one Minister, or to more than one met together. 2. Suppose that they or any other in their circumstances, had made such compliances, and such application; we have declared that we will receive none to Rule the Church with us, but such as are qualified for the Ministry, have been diligent in that work (if they have been before employed in it) are free of Scandal and Error, and who will submit to, concur with, and be faithful to the Presbyterian Church Government: Wherefore he must not wonder if we reject some Complyers, for we know that the worst of men are often readiest to comply with what they hate, and have violently opposed. But for men so qualified, as is above expressed, who shall make application to us, Our Assembly hath declared that we will reject none of them. And we have acted accordingly, in receiving most of such as have applied. For the two Persons that he mentioneth, one of them is now removed by Death, and was never molested by us: The other is deposed, for declining the Authority of the Commission of the General Assembly, when he was cited to answer to what Immoralities he was charged with.  
§. 24. His next undertaking is, to Vindicate the Scots Episcopal Clergy from the account that hath been given of their Lives and Abilities. Two Accusers of these Brethren he taketh to Task, p. 43. The Prince of Orange (he saith) in his Declaration declared them Generally Scandalous, and Ignorant. This is to belie that Illustrious Prince, who is now our Gracious Sovereign: when he is thus Treated, what may others expect? The demerit of which Crime I leave to the Law to determine. That Declaration speaketh of many, not of all, nor the Generality. The other sort of Accusers he maketh the good Party (it is his Ironical, and Sarcastic Designation of the Presbyterians) If any of us have Printed or Published false Stories of them (Odd Stories, which he chargeth us with, may be true Stories) let us know them, and the Author of them, and what is asserted shall either be proved, or our fault in so saying acknowledged. We never charged them all as such: we know there are Sober and Learned Men among them. We know also that such general Assertions, and indefinite Accusations of Men cannot be proved: And it is unfair dealing on all hands: Neither do we deny that there may be found among us, some unconsiderate Persons, Men or Women, who have been too General in their rash discourses to this purpose: but who can answer for all that is said by every individual, with whom they live in Communion: I am sure he, nor his Party, cannot: Nay, nor can they make good what is commonly in Print, and by their Chief Men, usually charged upon us, as if we were all Ignorant. Nor can this Author make good what we have met with, and what he after saith of us, neither can he prove the General, and indefinite Assertions that he useth concerning the Learning and Piety of his Party. I am unwilling to enter into such a debate, where so little can be proved, or disproved: Tho' in matters of principle, the more General the conclusions be they are the more Scientifick; yet it is quite contrary in matters of Fact, such as this is. But we must follow as he leadeth. I shall observe some few things in his Discourse in the Praise of his Party. He saith, page 43. Since the Reformation, the Church of Scotland was never generally so well provided with Pastors, as at the beginning of the present Persecution. This he confesseth cannot be demonstrated; which is truer than most of what he writeth beside; but other Men will as confidently, and with more truth, Affirm, that she was far better furnished at the beginning of another Persecution, viz. 1661., and 1662. Neither Assertion can be proved without going through all the individuals, and considering, and making Faith concerning all their qualities, which is a work not to be undertaken. Wherefore we must leave it to the Sentence of him to whom both Parties must give an account, and to the Sentiments of the World of unbiased Persons, who have known this Nation, and the Affairs of it. He will now vindicate his Clergy. 1. From Ignorance, and that by the Trials they must go through before they be admitted to the Ministry. Ans. Tho' we do not charge all of them with Ignorance, yet this Argument cannot vindicate any one of them. For, 1. Ad hominem; That would prove all the Presbyterians to be Learned, whom yet he reproacheth as Ignorant. For they all pass through exactly the same steps of Trial. 2. Ad rem, it is not the kind of Trial, or the multitude of the parts of it, which showeth a man's ability: But the Accuracy that is used in management of it; and the Faithfulness of the Judges who must determine upon what is observed in the Trial. This he hath not asserted. And if he should, we have but his word for it: Of the veracity of which this Book hath given but small proof. Another Argument for their Abilities, is their Education, which he far preferreth to that of the Presbyterians: They being consigned to the Dutch Divinity, and making the Common-place-Men the Standard. Whereas the Episcopal men, after the way of England (If this Insinuation had been left out, it might have spoiled much of the design of the Book, and lessened the Favour and Beneficence of our great Patrons) take the Scriptures for their rule: and the Ancients, and right Reason for guides, for finding the Genuine sense of that rule. Whereby they come to have their thoughts better digested. Ans. I wish he had told us more plainly what he meaneth by the Dutch Divinity, for there is Divinity taught in Holland, (I mean Arminianism) which his Party do generally fall in with, and ours as generally do dislike. But for the Divinity publicly Authorized and Taught in Holland, and which was agreed to by the Synod of ●or●, where were British Divines, and therefore might be called British Divinity: We own it as Scripture Divinity, the Divinity of the Ancients, and the Divinity that right Reason doth Countenance, above any thing that is contrary to it. For the Common-place-Men (whom he so despiseth) we value them as Men eminently Learned, and have not yet seen the Works of any of his Party, wherein the Form of Sound Words is more clearly and fully held forth, nor more Learnedly Defended against the Assaults of all sorts of Adversaries. Yet we never made them our Standard, nor did confine our Studies to them. Let us know what Books (that are of value) they Read, which we neglect. What parts of Learning (that are truly such) they can pretend to, which be not found among us. (the Reader I hope will not misconstruct this confidence in boasting: It is from the same provocations and necessity, that moved the Apostle in the like case: Neither do I speak thus of myself, but of the many worthy Men who own the way that I profess) It is a most injurious Insinuation, as if we did not also take Scripture for our Rule (no mwn contend more for it then we do; and if his Party did so indeed, as they pretend, and in all the Controversies of Divinity, as they do in some, we should have fewer debates with them) and that we do not make use of right reason, and of the Writings of the Ancients, as helps to understand the rule, is false. We both profess and practise this: Tho' at the same time, we do not pretend to make Reason the rule of judging of Truth, or of the sense of Scripture, as some Socinianizing Divines among them do: Neither do we make the Fathers the Rule of judging of truth, as many of them, with the Papists, do; we study their Writings, and make use of them; and give all that Authority to them that is due to humane works; yea, all that they require should be given them, or that they gave to them who were their Fathers, and went before them: but we reserve a Liberty of Dissent, when any thing occurreth in them which is inconsistent with plain Scripture, found Reason, or the Analogy of Faith: Considering, that the Fathers (particularly Augustine, that great Light of the Latin Church) do often advise to receive their word no further than it is consonant to Scripture, and do always call People to judge by the Scriptures alone, and to refuse to be determined merely by the Authority of men, tho' never so Learned or Holy. It were easy to multiply Citations to this purpose, if it were not to digress. Aug. Ep. 19 Ad Hier. denieth to be concluded by the Authority brought by Jerome against him out of some Greek Fathers, and pleadeth that Jerome was of the same mind. And Aug. lib. 11. Contra Faust. Quod genus literarum non cum credendi necessitate, sed cum judicandi libertate legendum est. We use them in our Studies, tho' we think it not fit to intersperse our Sermons, so much as some others, with Greek and Latin Citations out of them: We think Scripture Authority is most Convincing, and Affecting. He will now prove the great abilities of Episcopal Men. Because of them who had been Presbyterians, and conformed 1662. They were generally of Presbyterian Education, and the ablest among them; and yet if they were examined with them who after had Episcopal Education, he will lay an even Wager, yea three to one, that Impartial Judges would determine in favour of the latter sort. Ans. 1. Tho' I deny not that some of them who Conformed were of good Abilities: Yet that either the best of them were beyond such as did not Conform, or that generally there were such, is absolutely, and notoriously false. 2. That they who arose after them, in the Episcopal Church, went beyond them, in Abilities, whether ye compare the generality, or the best on both sides, is so false, that no Man will affirm it, but he who can say what he will. And it is known that they were generally the Men who got the chief places, both in the Church, and Schools. I instance Mr. Sharp, Mr. Fairful, Mr. Scougal in the Church, Mr. Cant, Mr. Charters in the Universities. 3. His Learned Argument, laying of Wagers I will not meddle with, I leave it to Women and Children. His conclusion from all this is, That the Episcopal Party understand the Christian Philosophy better, and that Philosophy was never understood nor Preached better in Scotland, then under Episcopacy. Ans. I thought the Commendation of a Minister had been rather to understand Christian Divinity, than Christian Philosophy: But we must not wonder that Men so strongly inclined to Socinianism, speak in the Socinian Dialect, with whom Philosophy, That is, the Improvement of Reason, overtopeth Divinity, that is Divine Revelation, for indeed that which goeth for Religion among some Men, is nothing but Platonic Philosophy, put into a Christian Dress, by expressing it in words borrowed (some of them) from the Bible: And the Preaching of some Men is such Morality as Seneca and other Heathens taught, only Christianised with some words. I confess this Philosophy was never much Preached by Presbyterians: Yea the Apostle disowneth it as not his Work in Preaching. He (and we endeavour to imitate him) Preached Christ Crucified, 1. Cor. 1.23. Not the Wisdom of this World, but the Wisdom of God in a Mystery, which even the Princes of Philosophers (as Plato, Aristotle, etc.) understood not. It is true we Preach Obedience to the Laws of Christ; That is, Holiness in all manner of Conversation: But with that respect to the Righteousness and Strength that we look for from the Lord Jesus, That maketh it another thing than the Philosophy that he ignorantly talketh of. And if that Preaching of Philosophy that he valueth himself, and his Party upon, be the Excellency of a Minister, we are not Ambitious of the Victory in that point: Thou may be, we understand even that, as well as our Neighbours do.  
§. 25. He acknowledgeth page 46. the Immorality of the time of Episcopacy in Scotland: But layeth the blame of it upon the Presbyterians; but from so absurd and Ridiculous Topics, that I am almost ashamed that they should have been mentioned by a Man pretending to Learning. The 1st. is, Presbyterians made Rebellion and Presbytery Jure Divino, and baffled People's Credulity, and hindered the Success of the Gospel. Ans. 1. Presbyterians always abhorred Rebellion, so far were they from asserting a Divine Right of it. What Disorders were in the Nation, that could be called Rebellion, was the Fruit of Episcopal Fury, more than of Presbyterians Disloyalty. Some (whom Presbyterians pitied for their Sufferings, but did not approve their Actings) made stirs because of that Oppression from such as he is, which maketh a Wise Man mad. The Jus divinum of Presbytery we own: But understand not (till we be illuminated with this Learned Authors singular Speculations) how this can baffle any Man's Credulity, or be the cause of Profaneness. Neither can we easily guests what he means by Baffling People's Credulity: Nor are we curious to inquire into the abstruse Sense of the Phrase, if it have any Sense at all. 2. I hope the Immorality was not among them who owned the Divine Right of Presbytery ● If no more Drunkenness, Whoredom, Swearing, etc. had been found among others then among them, there had not been Ground for his Complaint, as indeed there was A 2 d. Proof he bringeth: The Schism made by Presbyterians caused Immoralities. Ans. That Schisms cause Immoralities, and are a great let to the success of the Gospel, I deny not? But the Schism that hath been among us was made, and is fomented, to this day, by his Party, not by us: We hold to the good way that this Church was settled in; they treacherously set up (by the help of the Civil Power) an opposite way: And not only so, but they imposed Compliance with it on the highest Penalties, and with the out-most Severity: The Consciences of some could not yield to this Barbarous Treatment; such therefore must be reckoned Schismatics; with the same reason on which Papists impute Schism to Protestants, who cleave to the Ancient Scripture Christianity, and cannot receive their Additions to it, nor depravations of it. Hence that he citeth out of Irenaus, belongeth to himself, not to us. But that he hath the Brow to ascribe the meek Calm Spirit of the Gospel, to his own Party, and the contrary to ours, is beyond comprehension, to any who knoweth the Bloody Laws that the Bishops assisted the making of, and the inferior Clergy assisted and instigated the Execution of: Which all Scotland knoweth, and most of the Nation cried shame upon. The contempt of the Ministry he imputeth to pleading God's Authority to all their unaccountable Freaks: Whereas indeed it came from the Atheism, and Debauches of the Clergy, that he his defending: If any entitled bad ways to Divine Authority, it was not Ministers, but some weak Christians, who had been horribly oppressed, and were driven beyond the Bounds of Reason and Soberness by the usage that they met with. His last thing on this head is, He challengeth an equal number of Presbyterians and Episcopalians, to a dispute, for Trial of their Learning: Which we shall not decline, if he will find a way to make it practicable.  
§. 26. He will next (page, 47) purge the Clergy from Immorality, and that 1st. By recrimination. There is one Man among us, Mr. Williamson who hath played Tricks beyond what can be showed in any Episcopal Man, and yet he is not Challenged, but in esteem. Ans. Suppose this were true, The Faults of one doth not blacken a whole Party of Men, so much as those of Scores, or Hundreds, which yet were born with under Episcopacy. 2. What these Tricks were, he doth not tell us, and therefore what he saith, is to be looked on as Slander; Mr. Williamson is deservedly esteemed among us, as a Man of a good Conversation, and while it is so, we Love and Honour him; if he or any other can make what he allegeth to appear; he shall see Justice done. Another Topick is, An Edict is served in the Congregation, inviting every one to object what they can with Truth, against a Minister before he enter. Ans. This is not always done: The Edict of Mr. Mackenzy who was placed at Kirkliston, was served, not there, but at Sr. Andrews, 30 Miles distant: Nor were ever the People of Kirkliston put in a Capacity to object. Again, we know many People will not object against a bad Man; but Love such as will Patronise their wickedness. His third Topick is, They are Deposed if a Crime be proved against them. Ans. I deny not, but this hath been sometimes done; but so rarely, as was next to nothing. All this then is an Insufficient exculpation of his Clergy: Especially it is so notorious that there are many gross Immoralities among them, that few of his own Party can deny it. Another Topick is, The pains that was taken in the Diocese of Glasgow, by Bishop Lighton and Doctor Burnet, and yet they could find none but one to be Deposed, and that not without some Suspicion of Injustice. Ans. What Truth is in what is here asserted, I know not: This Author's word goeth not far with them who have read his Book: Or how impartial the Judges, and others were who had the Management of that Affair, we know not, but all who have lived in that Country, even they who are no Presbyterians, do know, that much more guiltiness was to be found. Negligence is the third thing that he undertaketh to clear the Clergy from: Which he doth by saying, There are no Pluralities, nor Non-residencies in Scotland, and they generally Preach twice every Lordsday. Ans. May not a Minister be counted Negligent who doth not visit Families in the Parish, nor the Sick, or otherwise distressed; or who doth not Catechise the People? So we reckon in Scotland, whatever they do in England; to satisfy whom alone this Book is Calculated. He is as slight in clearing the Clergy from Error, viz. Because they could sign the 39 Articles of the Church of England. So can many do who every day Preach against the Doctrine contained in these Articles: We know that Socinians, Arminians, and some Papists sign, and Swear, Assent and Consent, for a Livelihood, who yet are unsound in the Faith. He confesseth, There are many among them who are not inclined to be every day talking to the People, of God's Decrees, and absolute Reprobation, and Justification by Faith alone, in the Presbyterian Sense, and think their Hearers may be more edified by other Doctrines which he nameth. Ans. If he mean no more than what he expresseth, his Discourse is Impertinent, for who ever blamed any as Erroneous because they insisted not always on such Subjects: We do but rarely, yet sometimes, instruct the People, about the Decrees of Election and Reprobation: Imitating the Apostle in both. But if he mean (as he must if he speak to the purpose) that the absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation; both praeteritum, as an Act of Sovereignty, and Praedamnatum as an Act of Justice, are not to be held forth, or taught to the People, we abhor this as unsound Doctrine, and look on him as a pitiful Advocate for the Orthodoxy of the Clergy: Yea he is unjust to them, for I know not a few of them who served under Bishops in Scotland, are far from these Arminian Tenets, tho' many of them incline that way. For Justification by Faith alone (what he meaneth by the Presbyterian Sense of it I know not) we hold nothing is our Righteousness but the Satisfaction, and Merits of Christ, and that neither Faith, nor Works can stand in that stead to us; and that his Righteousness is made ours, not by Works, but by Faith: Tho' we say, that this Faith can never be without the Works of Holiness. If he deny Justification by Faith alone in this sense, we judge him erroneous, and as many of his Clergy likewise as are of the same Sentiment: But I am far from thinking that all the Clergy are of his Opinion in this.  
§. 27. His next flash is to free the Clergy from Persecution: Which he manageth with a confidence, in asserting falsehoods, and denying known truths, beyond any degree that any sort of Men (except Jesuits) have arrived at. He is bold to affirm the Persecutions under Presbytery in former times, and now, to be beyond what was under Episcopacy. Let him tell us who hath been imprisoned, fined, to the impoverishing of such as were Rich, banishing for not Preaching against the light of their Consciences, or for hearing the Word Preached. Who hath been pistoled by the high way, and while about their Lawful employments, for refusing to declare their Opinion in matters controverted; and yet this was frequent under Episcopacy: And it was not for rising in Arms alone (tho' that was from the force of necessity caused by Persecution) that men suffered: So that it is the highest of affrontedness, to ask, dare any men say than Presbyterians suffered any thing for Conscience sake these 27 Years? That the Clergy did as little toward the Execution of these Laws as they could, and did no more but inform what the Law obliged them too, is most false. The Bishops concurred in making these persecuting Laws; And many (not all) of the Inferior Clergy did officiously, and maliciously, instigate Magistrates, and Soldiers, and did assist them in the Persecution. The instance of Sir John Riddle of Riddel's carriage towards Mr. Chisholm, is false: Sir John neither said any such th●ng to Mr. Chisholm, nor had ground to make such acknowledgement of favour received from Mr. Chisholm: Which I have good ground to aver. pag. 50. He maketh a ridiculous Recapitulation of his former defences for the Clergy, and asketh some impertinent Questions, which could be answered if they could be understood, and pag. 51. He is at his predictions again. That the Church will not be so well planted, nor the Gospel so well Preached: That the State shall not be in peace, nor our King sit securley (which King he meaneth, we are less to guests) on His Throne, nor have his due; That the Church of England shall not want a Thorn in her Side, that there shall never be Peace, nor Union, while there Dagon (Presbytery) standeth in the Temple, and all this he foretelleth on no less hazard than his being deceived by experience, and mistaking of his measures: What security the Reader hath by these Pledges, he may judge: He concludeth his Letter that he hath omitted a hundred things proper to have been inserted: And I conclude my Observations upon his Letter, affirming, that he hath inserted several hundreds of things which might have been spared, without derogating from the Honesty and Veracity of the Letter.   

Third Letter.  
THis Letter is from the same hand with the former; for he beginneth with supplying the things that he said were omitted, and might have been inserted, in the former Letter. 1. Several Ministers who were Injuriously dealt with by the Council. His first instance is Mr. Pitcairn of Logie, who was deprived, tho' he had eight or ten years been disabled from the Pulpit through Age and Infirmity, and hat been obliged to maintain an Assistant. Ans. It was reasonable that he should be put out of Capacity to keep a man in that Charge, who did defy the Government; for the man whom he employed, Mr. David Balfour, refused to Read or Pray. Another instance is Mr. Johnkine, at Abernethie, who came that day, tho' he appeared not at the hour appointed. Of this man I find nothing in the Records of Council, and therefore Judge that the Epistler doth mistake in this: But if it were true, the Council cannot be blamed, seeing their Citations are to a peremptory time, which ought to be observed: It could not be expected that they should wait his time, which they were uncertain of. Mr. Falconar at Dick in Murray, is his next Instance. Who read not the Proclamation on the day appointed, because the Viscount of Dundie, with his Forces, were his Hearers that day. Ans. He continued in his disobedience, even tho' protected by Macky's Forces, in the vicinity: And Dundie was removed, and seeing he had so long been disobedient, The Council thought it not fit to try his Obedience any further: For Mr. Moncrieft at Heriot (his next Instance) he doth not say that he was deprived by the Council, but his Church is planted by a Presbyterian Minister; may be it is by the former Incumbent; who hath right to it by the late Act of Parliament. If the Author had given a more distinct account of the case, he might have expected a more positive Answer. He telleth us likewise of turning Ministers out of their Houses, as Mr. Galbraith at Jedburgh, Mr. Millar at Musleburgh, and many others. Answ. When they are for Disobedience to the Law, turned out of their Churches, it is but reason that they should be removed from the Houses that should be occupied by them who succeed them: These Houses belonging properly to the Ministers of the Parishes. Neither was this done suddenly: They had sufficient time allowed to provide other Habitations, and to remove. For the many others, I judge if he had ground to allege that many others were so turned out, he would not have spared to tell us of them: Tho' it had been but upon report, or his being told so: But this he loveth, to make as fair an appearance, as he can, with what he hath a mind to charge us with, with or without ground for it, is much at one with him, He affirmeth also, that the Rabbling work is begun again in the West; and that they will not suffer them who were thrust out a year ago, to live in that Country. If he could we think he would have given Instances of this: We hear nothing of it from other hands, and therefore judge his imagination tinctured with ill will against us, hath thus represented things to him. What followeth is absurd above measure. He telleth us of a design (and that on his usual ground of Assurance, he was told it) to Banish all that live in Drumfries, and in Glasgow; this design no man knoweth but himself: And now his Book hath been out more than a year, and yet no such thing put in Execution: Which I hope will help the Reader, how to judge of this man's Veracity.  
§. 2. His Invention is very fertile of Arguments against Presbytery: One of them page 53, is, the Magistrates of Edinburgh, being Presbyterians, called for the Utencils of some of the Churches from the Church Treasurer, who had the keeping of them, and the Lords of Session suspended their proceeding against him. What is this to the cause: did never Episcopal Magistrates mistake in one step, or if they did, will this ruin Episcopacy? But there are several Misrepresentations in this Narrative, as that the Church Treasurer is chosen by the Sessions: He is chosen by the Magistrates; and therefore they might call him to an account of what was entrusted to him. Next, it is false that the Magistrates are no more concerned in them than in a private Man's Furniture; For some of them were bought out of the public Stock; and tho' others of them were Dedicated by private Persons; yet it was to a public use, and therefore are under the Magistrate's Care, as the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Church. Again, that Sir John Hall consulted the Earl of Crawford in this matter; What moved him to affirm! But he is resolved that that Noble Lord shall bear the blame of all that he thinketh to be evil. But why do I imitate him in blotting Paper with such stuff? When he hath no more to say, he must, ad pompam, conclude the History of the Troubles of the Clergy (which exceed the French Dragooning, on which he hitherto hath infilted) with telling of Innumerable things that he hath to say, but we are no wiser for this, while not one of them is told us. Instead of these he accuseth us of Printing and Publishing Pamphlets at London (not known here) full of lying Aspersions against the Clergy: And addeth, that Lying hath ever been one of our chief Artifices for carrying on of our Purposes. What these Pamphlets should be I know not: I never heard of any such either here, or while at London, since the late Revolution. But his imputing Habitual Lying to Presbyterians, is an Allegation so impudent and false, that we challenge him, and all his Party, to give the least evidence for what he saith. I shall not, I need not recriminate, the way of his Party is so well known among us, even in that particular: I need go no further for Instance than this his Book, out of which I have observed so many gross untruths already, and it is like, may meet with more. One Presbyterian lie he is pleased to insist upon, p. 55. Concerning the Excommunication of A. B. Spoteswood of St. Andrews, 1638. It is like he thought the Falsehood of this Story could not, after so long time be traced: But the Reader may know, that the slander is built on no better ground than this, He had it from Persons of great Integrity (but none shall know who they are, left some Body ask them about it) and they had it from an ear Witness; so that a story at Second hand, from nameless Persons, must be enough to defame Presbyterians. But I can on better grounds disprove his History as a Forgery: viz. From the Acts of the Assembly at Glasgow, where the Sentence of Excommunication against that Ar. B. is set down, as it was pronounced by the Moderator; and not one word of any of the Crimes that he mentioneth, nor any other, save Usurpation over the Church, and declining the Authority of the Assembly: And he with others, are charged with refusing to underly the trial of Scandals libeled against them. Let any now judge whether he or Presbyterians be more chargeable with telling Lies. The contradicting of the Accounts of his Party sent to London of the Persecution of the Western Clergy, I have above Vindicated; the Malicious aggravations of this which he letteth his Pen lose unto, I do not notice, further, than to observe that very temper in himself, which he would fain charge others with. What followeth about the false news that have been spread, could not be observed with such concern by any Person, but one of his Temper; while spite prompteth him to say, all the evil that can be devised against Presbyterians. Was there ever a time when all the News in Coffeehouses, and elsewhere, were true; can he make it appear that the news that fly about are invented by the Presbyterians? Yea, it is more than probable, that many of them were the Inventions of his own Party to make the Intelligence that seemed to make for us, Ridiculous, and Incredible. What he further addeth, of our forging of Lies, if turned upon him and his Complices, would have a more certain and complete verification: Mutato nomine de te. If the Author of this Letter be the Person whom I guess, I could convince the Reader of his most absurd and habitual lying: known to most in the Nation, even to a Proverb. These Presbyterian Lies he attempteth further to prove by a strange Argument, viz. That the Council deprived the best, and spared the worst of the Clergy. And a large Comment on this he giveth us, as his conjecture of the design of it. This last we may justly neglect, as that which no reason, but purely his design to defame the Council, could suggest to him. The former (if true) hath a plain reason for it: The Council considered no Ministerial qualifications in such as came before them; only whether they Read and Prayed: And it may be some of the best might scruple this, and some of the worst might comply with it; yet I know that some very Immoral men were put out by the Council: And it is like (if we also may make conjecture) that they thought this the more creditable way of being turned out, then to be deposed for Scandal, which they might justly expect from Church Judicatories.  
§. 3. That which in the next place (page ●7● he is pleased to propose, as the subject of the debate, is the Inclination of the People. That expression being put in the Claim of Right, as one of the grounds of putting away Prelacy, because the Inclinations of the People were against it. On this head he screweth his wit to its outmost extent, to disprove this. And I shall premise to what I have to answer to what he saith: That Presbyterians wished, and endeavoured that that Phrase might not have been used as it was; not that we call in question the truth of it: But because we know People to be changeable, and often most Inclinable to what is bad: And we think the Government of the Church is Christ's appointment, as in General, so in the particular Species of it: And therefore aught to have been settled on a more firm Basis; yet it satisfieth us, that the States mentioning that foundation of it, did not derogate from what is more Divine, and unalterable. He excuseth his not speaking on this Subject in his former Letter, because he was not willing to fall foul on the State. If it had been indeed so, his modesty were to be commended, but it is so far from that, that the Strain of his Letter (as was before observed) was most petulantly to expose the actings of the State, both in the Convention, and in the Council: But it seemeth this pretended modesty is now to be laid aside, and he will fall as foul on them as his Power, Parts, and Malice can reach. 1. Then he telleth us, this is an Inconsequential Argument. Episcopacy must be abolished, and Presbytery established, because the generality of the People are for the last and against the first. And this his Repartee he manageth with a great deal of insolent scorn of the Estates (whom he calleth the Scots Laiks) who do thus argue, while the English Divines (as if no other Divines but the Church of England had managed that point against the Papists) thought universality no Argument for the Church of Rome. All this Discourse (except the violent and insolent style, which deserveth an answer of another nature) may receive an easy answer. In that Honourable Convention (and in the Parliament also, who with His Majesty, who gave His Royal Assent to the Act establishing Presbytery, where the same consideration is used) there were some who looked on both Governments as Lawful, and some of these thought Presbytery to come nearer to the Word of God, tho' not absolutely, and unalterably enjoined there: others thought it to be Christ's Institution, and Episcopacy to be a corruption of, and sinful deviation from what our Lord had appointed. The first sort might well make use of the Inclinations of the People, as that which might determine them in a case, either otherwise equal, or inclining to the same side with the desires of the Nation. This is most foolishly compared with being determined in the controversies between us and the Papists, (where we can show Scripture Arguments against their way) by the Inclinations, or Universality of the People on that side. It is one thing to determine a Controversy in Divinity, in which all do acknowledge Truth and Error, by the Sentiments of the multitude, and another, to satisfy the People of a Nation in a matter which they are zealously for, as that which is commanded of God, and to the contrary of which their Consciences cannot submit: While they who are thus to satisfy them see nothing in that way contrary to the Law of God. The other sort might rationally make use of this consideration, as that which might strengthen them in doing that which otherwise they know to be their duty.  
§. 4. His next effort against this determination of the States, cannot be better exposed, and the Man Characterised by it, than by giving it in his own words; which are, Why then, to tell you in a word, Sir, (If I may say it without giving the Lie to the Convention) There is not a falser proposition in the World, than that the Inclinations of the generality of the People of Scotland are against Episcopacy, or that they look upon it as a great and insupportable Grievance to the Nation, I hope the Reader now hath a Specimen of this Gentleman's Temper, and of that of them whose cause he undertaketh; and will be confirmed in what I have formerly observed, viz. That the Friends of the present Government of the Church, and of that of the State are the same; a very few excepted. Of this Subject I have said enough in my former Vindication; in answer to the 10 th'. Question. Wherefore I shall here only consider that which goeth for his proofs, of what he doth here so boldly, and so indecently assert: He affirmeth that of the Rude, Illiterate Vulgar, not the third Man of these of the better Quality and Education, not the thirteenth Man is Presbyterian. Here I observe a few things; he mistaketh the question, for many groaned under the Oppressions and Usurpations of the Bishops, and their Clergy, who had no fixed Principle on either side, in the Controversy about Church Government; and that either because of their Ignorance, or because of their Indifferency about such matters. 2. There are many thousands in Scotland, who belong to neither Member of his Division, they are not of them whom he calleth of the better Quality; but among the lowest of the People, for worldly Advantages, and neither are they Rude nor Illiterate: But tho' they want Philosophy and such humane Learning, they are knowing and serious Christians, and can give a Scriptural and Rational account of what they hold in the matters that belong to their Faith, and their Duty. 3. It is most irrational, in a Controversy of this kind, when the debate is about the number of them who are on this, and of them who are on that side, in a Religious Controversy. To consider them who are Neutrals, and on neither side; as are all they who are unconcerned about Religion, both in the greater and in the lesser Truths of it; and we know that many ten Thousands are of this Stamp, and are for whatever side is uppermost. Beside, there are not a few who are of opinion, that Church Government, as to the Species of it, is indifferent: These (tho' they may be Persons Religious and Learned) are on neither side; and not to be brought into the reckoning. 4. There are not a few whose Light and Conscience doth no ways incline them to Episcopacy, who yet are zealous for it, and against Presbytery, because under the one they are not Censured for their Immoralities, as under the other. One would think that Episcopacy hath little Credit by by such Bigots for it, and that Rulers have little cause to consider the Inclinations of such, when they would settle that Government in the Church that may most conduce to the Nations Peace, and well being. 5. There are many who seem to be zealous for Episcopacy, who are with all, Implacable Enemies to the King and the Civil Government of the Nation, as it is now Settled by Law; and it is unreasonable to think that such a Government could be Settled in the Church as liketh them, and might give them advantage to overturn the State: When no other Obligation lieth on them to Settle it. Now let all these be call out of the reckoning, and I affirm that they who are inclined to Episcopacy (tho' some there be) are not one of a thousand in Scotland.  
§. 5. I now come to consider his Arguments for what he hath so boldly asserted: His talk of putting the matter to the Pole, I neglect as an impracticable fancy. Then he telleth, How little Phanaticism hath prevailed be worth Tay. Ans. 1. It is not Phanaticism, but Presbytery that we plead for, that is, not for wild unscriptural Fancies; but for Sober Scriptural and Rational Principles, which we are ready to make appear to be such in defiance of what he can Object against them. 2. If there be many in the Northern parts, who are not for Presbytery, there are as few who are for the present Settlement of the State. 3. We affirm, and can make it appear, not only that there are many in the North who appeared zealous for Presbytery, as was evident by the Members of Parliament who came from these parts; very few of them were otherwise inclined, and they made a great Figure in the Parliament, for settling both the State and the Church: But also there are very many Ministers in the North (and People that own them) who tho' they served under Episcopacy, are willing to join with the Presbyterians, and whom the Presbyterians are ready to receive, when occasion shall be given: And those of the best qualified that are among them. That there were so few Meeting-houses in the North (tho' yet they far exceeded the number mentioned by him) was caused by the opposition some great Men made to it, and not through want of inclination in the People to it. He sayeth, even he saith Tay, the third Man was not concerned in the Schism. Ans. We know no Schism but what was made by his Party. But that the plurality did not suffer under the horrid Porsecution raised by the Bishops, doth not prove, that they were not inclined to Presbytery: But either that many Presbyterians had freedom to hear Episcopal Ministers, or that all were not resol●●● enough to ●offe● for their Principle: so that this is no rational way of judging of the People's inclinations. His next Argument is, that Phanaticism (thus he is pleased to use reproaches instead of Arguments) tho' it prevail most in Towns, yet in many Towns, the Plurality are against Presbytery: And he bringeth instances in Perth, etc. Ans. 1 st. That Presbyterianism, or serious Religion either, prevaileth most in Towns in Scotland, is no well grounded Observation; The contrary is often seen, and it is no wonder if we consider what sort of Magistrates and Ministers have been set up in Towns under the late Reigns, when Magistrates were forced in on the People, and they choosed Ministers of their own Stamp. Religion is more ordinary among our Gentry and Commonality in the Country, then in many of our Corporations, tho' (through the Mercy of God) it is not wanting in them. For the instances that he giveth of Towns inclined to Episcopacy, Perth is known to be almost generally addicted to King James, and gave proof of it when they had occasion, by the Highland Army being in their Vicinity. What he saith of Couper and of St. Andrews, both are certainly false. Tho' we deny not but that the late Constitution of the University, in the latter, had much alienated many from the best things. Sterling is little better than Perth; tho' not wholly so bad: Bruntisland is hot of that Temper that he ascribeth to it. Musleburgh hath many Presbyterians, tho' may be, some more be for the way that alloweth them more Liberty for their Lusts. Dumfermling hath very Sober Ministers who Conformed, which made many cleave to them; Dysert hath a Meetinghouse well frequented; of Weems he is in a great Mistake, the whole Parish goeth to hear the Presbyterian Minister, after the example of the Noble and Religious Countess and her Family; it is so also with Leith, Kelso, and Jeaburgh have many Jacobites; yet the former did unanimously call an eminent Presbyterian Minister, tho' they did not obtain him, and the latter did the like, and after missing one, they called another, whom they now enjoy. Nothing can be further from Truth then what he saith of Edinburgh: For tho' one Church there while it was possessed by an Episcopal Minister, was as throng as some of the Presbyterian Meetings; yet the other two were far from being so; and one of them was shamefully unfrequent, while the Meetinghouse in that Parish was Crowded; and the daily Collection in the Meetinghouse was five or six times greater than that in the Church: Neither is it to be wondered at, that in so populous a City, and where the worst as well as the best, of all places in the Nation do resort, one Church should be throng with Persons of that way. That the greater number of Citizens of Glasgow of the best Quality are of Episcopal Principles, is so false as nothing can be more so, and yet this he is told. From all this we may infer, what horrid Lies some do either Invent, or are willing to receive, and propagate, when they may serve their Design.  
§. 6. He will have us believe in the next place, that the People's Inclinations toward Presbytery is diminished from what it was a Year or two ago, by a third part, and that People now observe their Principles and Practices, are inconsistent with the common Rules of Nature and of Christianity. This is a bold Assertion, and a heavy charge: Of which, full, clear, and uncontrollable proofs might be expected: Instead of which we have only these two. The one is, that an Ingenuous Gentleman told him, at second hand from another Gentleman of good Quality, and good Abilities, that he had heard the Presbyterian Preachers (I observe he will never own them as Ministers, I suppose because they want Episcopal Ordination) and he censureth them that he never heard one Criticism with the explication of a Text, nor a Citation out of a Father, Poet, or Philosopher; or of Civil Church or History: And but little sense: And mockingly calleth all their Preaching, pure Scripture, and clean Gospel. Answ. If the inartificial Argument of the Testimony of Ingenuous Gentlemen, and Gentlemen of Quality and Ability, might carry the cause, especially when the report passeth through so many hands, and heads, who may practise upon what is talked, to improve it; and if we could abandon Conscience, and say what ever might contribute to our design, right or wrong, we could tell as many tales, and more of them with truth, of the manner of Preaching on their side, but we affect not such Recriminations: I wish both they and we might Preach more edifying than we do. For his ●s● Gentleman, being Ingenious, he might invent or heighten what is said; and the other seemeth to have been a profane mocker; as many are who are persons of Quality and Abilities: But it is evident to any who know the Presbyterians; and can speak truth of them, that they preach good Sense and useful Doctrine. 2. That our Sermons are not bespangled with Latin and Greek Sentences, out of Fathers and History (for Poets and Philosophers, we think that however their sayings might be Argumenta ad Hominum, against Heathens. The Gospel, and the Salvation of men are little concerned in their Sentiments) It is not because we cannot, but because we think it not fit, to use such means to convince the Consciences of Sinners. We know the Gospel revealed in the Scripture is the power of God to Salvation. But that either writings of Fathers, or History, deserve that Character we are not convinced: We read these, and take their help in our studies. And if any thing occur in them that hath some peculiar Emphasis or usefulness, we use that in Sermons: But the use of them we neither affect, nor make our daily Practice. 3. His Gentleman of Quality is either a stranger to our preaching, or some what that is worse, if he say, that we use no Criticisms in explaining the Text: tho' we think some others exceed in seeking after them where they do not occur, and are more curious than edifying in the use of them. 4. To mock at preaching Pure Scripture and Clean Gospel, is able to give such a Character of this Author, and of his two Gentlemen; as I am not willing to name: Had he heard the Apostle Paul, who determined to know nothing among the People, but Christ and him Crucified, The same Sarcasm had been thrown at his head. Another Argument to prove his point is, a Statesman who had a hand in the late revolution, did affirm that he thought the Episcopal party the greater, and the better part of the Nation. Ans. 1. We are not obliged to believe this on the bare affirmation of a Person who hath written so many falsehoods, in so few sheets; And we cannot inquire into the truth of what he sayeth, unless he had told the Statemen Name, which he hath more prudently then honestly concealed. 2. It is not unlikely that there might be Statesmen, one or more, who might have a hand in the late Revolution, without any regard to Religion; who being disappointed in their Designs, might change their thoughts about the constitution of State, and show spite enough against the Church▪ However it is but the Opinion of one man; whose Person and the Credibility of what he sayeth, and his capacity to judge, we are ignorant of.  
§. 7. He frameth and answereth an Objection: Why then was this Article put in the Claim of Right, concerning the inclinations of the People: This he imputeth to the bad constitution of the Convention: through the negligence of the Episcopal Party, and the vigilance of the Presbyterians: To the Members (many of them) deserting the Convention; and such like. All which was answered before. I cannot shun to take notice, that he designeth his party, The Loyal and Episcopal Party: No man will doubt but he meaneth Loyalty to King James; which confirmeth what I have often said, that the present constitution of the State and that of the Church must stand or fall together. He concludeth his Letter with the greatest and most comprehensive Lie that is in it all: Viz. That there is nothing but Truth in it. Of which I hope the Reader is, by this time, capable to judge. To his Letter he addeth two Postscripts. In the first of them he telleth us that The Presbyterians cast many Reflections on the Church of England, But names but one of them, That her Clergy have deserted their former Principles of Passive Obedience and Nonresistance. I wish the English cast no more groundless Reflections on us: Truly it seemeth so to us, and tho' some have endeavoured to clear them in this; I am one of these who are not cleared by any thing they have said on that head; however, tho' we talk of these things, we leave our Brethren of England to stand or fall to their own Master, and do not meddle in their Affairs; as we think they should not concern themselves with ours. He saith, It is our Common talk, that King William loveth Episcopacy as ill in England, as in Scotland; We cannot answer for all that is talked; but wise men among us do not meddle with judging the hearts of other men, far less of Kings, which are deep. The Act of Council, December 24, 1689. Which he setteth down at length, can answer for itself: And giveth good reason for what it appointeth. His second Postscript containeth a Story which he seemeth to be very fond of: he could not let it pass, after he had finished his Sheet. It is, That a Presbyterian Minister in Edinburgh, confessed to a Gentleman, that within half a year last passed, the Presbyterian Party had lost 40000: And that they were not inclined that Patronages should be taken away, in that Session of Parliament, lest by Popular Elections all Ministers should be chosen either Cameronians, or Episcopal. Answ. This also we have on his single Testimony: And his concealing the Ministers and gentlemen's Names, is not, I presume, out of tenderness to any of us, but that we might not inquire into it. I converse with all the Ministers of Edinburgh, and I never heard any thing of that kind from any of them. But and if one man had such a Melancholy apprehension; his mistake is not probative. For hindering the taking away of Patronages at that time, it was so far from that, that the Presbyterians laid-out themselves to the outmost to get it done, and obtained it, and I never met with one man among them who was against its being then done. What he saith, that there is as little Religion in the Western shires of Scotland as in any part of Christendom, is so notoriously false, as I did not think the worst of Scots men had been capable of this Assertion, Except them who know not what Religion is, or who hate any thing that hath the appearance of it.   

Fourth Letter.  
IN this Letter, I find a Repetition of many things said in the former Letters, and already refuted, which I shall pass over in silence. It is not Inferior to any of the rest in abominable Lies, and Reproaches: Such as, That no History can parallel the Tragical Disasters the Clergy hath met with: That their Judges plainly and openly avow, that they do not intend their Obedience, but their ruin. The most bitter Invectives can be invented fill up his few pages: Such as, That the Protestant Religion is now no more than every man's Fantastic humour, new Models of Governments, and a Liberty to pull down the things that are most Ancient, and most Sacred. These things are not to be refuted, more than the words of a mad man, or of one raving in a Fever. He saith, Some were deprived merely for not reading the Proclamation for the Fast: Which is an abominable falsehood: Tho' such disobedience to the State deserved a check. It is as false, that any such Reflection as he mentioneth, was cast on the Episcopal Clergy, by the Narrative of the Proclamation, as any who readeth it may see. And the Nonsense imputed to it, is most falsely, and most wickedly asserted; and yet without cunning malice: For it doth not tell what it was. In a word, this Letter holdeth all in general; and so is unexaminable (except one passage, of which anon) and is full of virulent Reproaches, and so void of any thing that is Argumentative, that it is impossible for any man to answer it; except his Talon for Railing, and his Conscience to say what he will, true or false, be equal to that of this Gentleman's. Wherefore, I shall pass it with a few Remarks. I might refute all that he saith, as it deserveth to be treated, by writing on the Margin of every Page Lies and Calumnies, He telleth us page 65. That the Presbyterian Party are not considerable: And will prove it by daring the West Country people to reduce the Highlanders. He may know what one Regiment of them did toward it at Dunkell: And many wish that they were Authorized to attempt it. He talketh idly when he speaketh of The Supremacy of the Kirk: They never pretended to any Power but what God hath given them, to Govern their own Members, in things that belong to the Soul, and by means that reach the Conscience, not the Bodies, or Purses of Men. His further ●ailing on this Head I pass, finding nothing that hath so much as the shadow of Truth, or Argument. He calumniateth, us when he saith, that we have hired Scribblers to defame them: The Pamphlet he speaketh of, called Plain Dealing, I never saw, nor heard of before; and therefore can say nothing of it. His Defence of the Clergies Morallty, I have above-answered, in the former Letter. That the Council received Libels against them, containing Immoralities; is no blame. They must hear the Complaints of all the Liege's: That they did not try them, is as little blame, for their work was only to judge whether they Read and Prayed, as was enjoined them. He in the midst of this Discourse, telleth us of the Persecution of the Clergy as unparalelled: But one instance must be suffieicnt to vouch for this full mouthed Calumny. It is of Mr. Mowbray Minister of Strathbrock, Tho' he complied to the full, yet he was Rabbled, his Gown Torn, his Life Threaned, his Daughter beaten, his Wife frighted to Death, and His Church door shut against him, by my Lord Cardross. The falsehood and disingenuity of this Story is manifest to all who know our Affairs; for several things are here eyed together, that were acted at different times, and had very differencing Circumstances. My Lord Cardross had been out of Scotland for many years; being persecuted for his Conscience: Nor had his Lordship been in the Parish of Strathbrock till several Months after the time when Mr. Mowbray was put out by the Rabble: But Mr. Mowbray being one of them who were excluded from re-entering their Churches, having been outed before April 23. 1689. Yet in August, or September 1689. did re-enter his Church: Whereupon my Lord, being both Patron, and Heretor of the Parish▪ seeing to him desiring him to forbear, seeing he had no Legal Title. And his reentry could give him no Title. When he would not be prevailed with, my Lord caused shut the Doors, desiring Mr. Mowbray to apply to them who had Power in that matter, which he never did; but signed a Dimission; and after that lived peaceably with the Presbyterian Minister, who was settled in that place. For what is said of the Actings of the Rabble against him, it was before my Lord came to that place, and deserveth no Credit; considering what disingenuity appeareth in the general Narration. He saith, That all that was acted against Mr. Mowbray, was only because he had Episcopal Ordination. This is false, for he was Ordained by a Presbytery, when there was no Bishop in Scotland: For he was Minister at Strathbrock in the year 58, or 59 His Defence of the Clergies Learning I have examined in the former Letter. Only a new Topick I cannot let pass: They are favoured by the College of Justice: And these are all Learned men. Ans. Non sequitur. His Calumnies about the Education of young Men for the Ministry among Presbyterians, are not worthy to be noticed; they are so manifestly false. He telleth a ridiculous Story, of one of them which I never heard of, nor have ground to believe: But the Truth of it cannot be examined, because we know neither the Person, nor any Circumstances to guide us in enquiry about it. I conclude my Remarks on the first of the Pamphlets, with an Appeal to the Judicious and unbiased Reader, whether the noise they make about their Persecutions be proportioned to what they have suffered? Whether the Presbyterians in general be chargeable with what hath been done against any of them. Whether such a strain of Writing do tend to Union, and Peace in the Church? Whither they show a Christian Spirit in dealing thus with others, when they take it so ill, when they imagine themselves to be injured in Word 〈◊〉 Deed?  
FINIS.