A COMPARISON Between the Eloquence OF Demosthenes and Cicero.  
Translated out of French.  
OXFORD. Printed, and are to be sold by the Booksellers there. Anno 1672.   

A COMPARISON between the ELOQUENCE of Demosthenes and Cicero.  

CHAP. I.  
A commendation of Demosthenes and Cicero, giving an account of their respective Merits.  
SUch is the worth of Demosthenes and Cicero, that it cannot be discovered but by those who are in like manner qualified; nor valued but according to the degree in which it is possessed. The understanding which young men acquire by their first studies, is too much limited to make them capable of judging between these Authors, or of putting a just value upon their works; to which end there is required both a good stock of natural abilities, improved by a settled& solid reason,( the effect of time& age)& an uncorrupted& unprejudiced judgement, gained by being well red in ancient writers. I am far from presuming that I am endowed with these qualifications, yet I hope my endeavours will not altogether prove useless to others towards the attaining them, if I here make observations upon what is most remarkable in these two Orators. This was the only motive which induced me to publish my reflections upon this subject: and I must needs confess that after having made them, I was more persuaded than before, that the Genius of these two men, like other miraculous productions of nature, was never seen in the world but once; and that though 'tis difficult to apprehended their excellencies, yet 'tis much more so to describe them. It is acknowledged that neither Eloquence ever made two greater Orators, nor Policy raised two more accomplished States-men. But it is not easy to determine, by which of those two means they got most reputation; Since besides their great abilities, and the profound insight which their refined understandings gave them into business, they also had the advantage of being able to maintain in their public assemblies, whatever they propounded, and of persuading their audience to what they pleased. It were superfluous here to treat of the Orations, negotiations, Embassies, Treaties, secret and public intelligences, and the Expeditions Demosthenes ran through; as well as of the Superintendencies, Provincial governments, Military commands, and absolute power Cicero enjoyed in the most flourishing State in the world, seeing they furnish us with far greater subjects to discourse of. For there is no body but knows the good fortune they both had, of numbering Kings in the list of their Clients and adherents; of giving their protection to Crowns, and of ruling the Destiny of all that was then great in the world. The Eloquence of Demosthenes, was the Grecians surest defence,& the Persians greatest security against the designs of the Macedonian Kings; and that of Cicero in destroying Catiline, saved Rome from a ruin, which otherwise she neither could have avoided, nor repaired; and raised young Octavius to the Consulship, when he,( considering the aversion which all men then had to the Usurpation of his Predecessor) dared not so much as think on't; especially at the age he was of, had not Cicero encouraged him with a promise of his assistance: and indeed it was he alone who first turned the tide, in that strange conjuncture of affairs, by those Orations he made to the people against Marc Anthony.  
The abilities of these two great men were such, as made the most knowing persons among the Ancients look upon them as prodigies; and indeed if any one will take the pains to dive deep into their works, they will find so vast an extent of knowledge, that it is hard to conceive, how it was possible for them, who spent almost their whole lives in public employments, to spare so much time for study: for never did any two heads contain, either so many State Intrigues, or so much of that knowledge, which is obtained by study and meditation.   

CHAP. II.  
Learned men have not dared to determine which of the two ought to be preferred.  
NOthing can represent unto us so lively an Idea of their worth, as the difficulty all learned and Eloquent men have found in deciding which of the two ought to have the precedence; the forbearance of which, is an indubitable sign of the respect every one bore them; this decision being looked upon, as a thing too difficult, or too bold, for any one to attempt; and the truth is( not to mention a great many able-men who have been famous in later times) I find that Plutarch, Quintilian, and Longinus, who are the three Persons of the ancients who have best known, most carefully examined, and most clearly judged of Demosthenes and Cicero, are very reserved in this matter; and have not dared to declare themselves in the deciding of it. I mention not here that Sicilian called Cecilius, who first( as Suidas tells us) compared them together, because his works are lost.  
Longinus in his treatise of the Lofty way of speaking, after having compared the Eloquence of Demosthenes to Lightning, which overturns all things, and 
{αβγδ}, Cap. 11.  Cicero's to a great fire which devours and consumes all, that he might not be obliged to give his judgement of them, refers his Readers to Terentianus, who is more obscure in the case than himself.  

Non ignoro quantam mihi concitem pugnam, cum id non sit propositi ut Ciceronem Demostheni comparem. Lib. 10. cap. 1.  Quintilian where he compares the qualities and accomplishments of these two Orators, does first premise, that he pretends not to decide which ought to be preferred, but avoids it as a presumption he dares not allow himself; and adds, that he should think himself too far engaged, if he should venture to declare his opinion in the case.  
Plutarch the most judicious and quick sighted amongst the critics, after having at large drawn their Pictures; after having put their fancy, humours, tempers, and even their adventures in the balance, dares not make it incline either way, but acknowlegdges that he is not well enough versed in the latin tongue, to be able to judge between them. It might be thought, seeing he had been Tutor to Trajan,& wrote in the time of Adrian,& it being the custom of the Greeks, not to writ in praise of any nation but their own, that this his reservedness proceeded from an excess of complacency, or from some politic reason, as if he designed by this means to ingratiate himself with the Romans;& indeed one may wonder, he laid not hold the advantage of three hundred yeares reputation, which his Demosthenes had over Cicero, it being in case of reputation as in that of Nobility, where that which is most ancient is most esteemed. But not to stand upon false conjectures, it is more then probable that these three critics, who are reckoned among the most judicious, have not determined any thing in the forementioned controversy, because it is difficult to resolve which side to take, when both are so eminently deserving. For a discerning apprehension, which in other cases is indispensably necessary to fit one to judge well of things, is here an obstacle to it, and the more one sees into them, the more difficult it is to pronounce, which best deserves the prise. For this cannot be determined, unless there be some apparent disparity, which it is as hard to discover, as 'tis to compare their wit or Eloquence, seing there is no certain rule whereby to measure them. Notwithstanding that we may make some kind of comparison between them, we must fix upon some principle, according to which we may examine these two great Persons who hitherto have past for the sole standards of true Eloquence.   

CHAP. III.  
The fixing on a rule by which the comparison may be made.  
SO then we are to inquire what Eloquence properly is; and being it is an art that does altogether exist in the internal faculties of the soul, the Ideas of it have been multiplied, according to the diversity of the Genius of those, who have applied themselves to it;& hence it came to pass, that every age has formed to its self a Character of Eloquence, agreeable to the humour and mode of the times. Protagoras his Eloquence, whom Plato stiles the first founder of the order of Sophisters, was altogether superficial, and consisted only in words, whereas that of Pericles and Lycias was nothing but things.  
The Eloquence of Crassus and Antony, of Cotta and Sulpitius, of which Cicero hath left us so faire characters in his book de Oratore, is much different from that of those declamers, the fragments of whose works we meet with in Seneca's controversies. I mention not the divers kinds of Eloquence, we light upon in the works of Pliny the younger, Cornelius Tacitus, Cassiodorus, Symmachus, Pacatus, Mamertinus, Ennodius, and many others, in whom the acuteness of style by degrees grew duller, and followed the fate of the then declining Empire, for its survey would be endless. So that considering in how many several shapes eloquence has appeared in divers ages, it may well be reckoned among those things, which by being too general, and having too many different dresses, cannot be particularly defined, and thereby seem not to have in themselves any certain state. But however it will be sufficient to our purpose if under so changeable an outside, we find that she hath constantly preserved her most essential part, which is the art of persuasion, unalter'd: For all the Authors both ancient and modern, who treat of this subject, do conclude that persuasion is the end of Eloquence; though they do not agree upon the means that must be used in the attaining that end: they being so different, according to the several methods that men have invented to affect the heart: and yet this must be known, if we will be sure not to mistake, in the comparison we are pursuing.  
As therfore Eloquence must persuade, so must rhetoric seek out the means how it may be done; the first finds materials, and the latter must set them a work. But let us consider a little what it is to persuade? Quintilian makes his Apollodorus say, it is a rendering ones self master of the soul of the auditor, and a leading of him as it were in triumph wheresoever we please. This definition, as figurative as it is, is very natural, for persuasion is a kind of captivating of the soul of a man, it is a victory over his opinion, a fetching over of his will to our own side, a mastery gained over his heart, and a despoiling him of what he holds most dear, that is his liberty. What can a man imagine to be more great or glorious, then this? Or how inconsiderable is all the power of force, and authority, compared to this of persuasion, whose Empire extends itself even over the heart. 
lib. 1. {αβγδ}.  It was for this reason doubtless, that Xenophon makes Socrates observe, that persuasion is more powerful than even violence itself.  
It is then no wonder, considering the natural inclination all men have to govern, if an art that so much enlarges our Empire, has had so many disciples who desired to learn, or so many masters who pretend to teach it. All books are full of precepts about this ambitious science, neither was there ever so much writ about any of the other parts of learning, as about this of persuasion:& that I may not engage myself in a tedious search into all those who have treated of it, I shall only mention six of the Greeks, and two of the Romans, who have been famous above all others in this matter, and from whom, all that have written since, have either copied, or collected all they have. The Greeks who have written of it, are Plato in divers places of his works, Aristotle in his books of rhetoric, Demetrius Phalereus the disciple of Theophrastus, in his treatise of Elocution, Hermogenes in his of invention, and in his Ideas, Dionysius Halicarnasseus in his art, and in his construction of words, and Longinus in the forementioned treatise of the Lofty way of speaking. The Romans are, Cicero in his book de Oratore, and Quintilian in his institutions: but because Aristotle is he of all the rest, who seems best to establish and draw things into the most regular& exact method, I shall adhere to him in making my reflections upon this universal art of persuasion, whose nature and origine I am now pursuing.  
I confess Plato's manner of writing is Lofty, and his designs noble, which he carries on to the end with admirable order and method, and that he is much less fantastic, then some of the Aristotelians would persuade us in these latter times; and the truth is, he proposes to himself greater things in all arts, than those who have writ after him; and his more elevated thoughts do plainly discover the more then ordinary familiarity he had with the egyptians. For 'tis from them, who were the first learned men in the world, that all sciences descended to us: and as their apprehensions of things, were more conformable to the simplicity of nature, not as yet corrupted by a multitude of different opinions, nor biased by the partiality of divers sects; so doubtless was their insight more clear, their notions less abstracted, and their knowledge less limited.  
Socrates, whom he makes his hero, and his universal example and model in all sciences, and whom he represents speaking all those precepts he gives the world, does very well express what he would give us an Idea of: and this insinuating way he takes, of setting out his chief character, is very neat and handsome; but while he endeavours to make him in his discourses appear natural, easy& complaisant, he represents him as one that doubts of the very things he pretends to teach, by his entangling questions. Not but that his reasonings are forcible enough, and command their minds to whom he speaks; but yet whosoever reads his works, is often forced to make conclusions of his own, because this author is too unresolved, and leaves them without concluding any thing himself. Men are more benefited by his Scholar Aristotle, who is more instructive, more ingenuous, and sticks closer to his purpose. Plato's way of beginning with commendations, of that he intends to find fault with in the end, would be proper I confess in a Negotiation, where one subtle politician designs to overreach another, but Aristotle's being more plain, is fitter for the Schools; for those that teach must be positive in their assertions. I shall not stand to characterize the other four Greek Authors who have writ of Eloquence, though I agree that Demetrius is an author, that judges as discerningly as any of the ancients, that Hermogenes seems one of the most exactly methodical, Dionysius Halicarnasseus one of the most learned,( though his art be less instructive than his construction of words) and Longinus very judicious: but being Elocution is the bound, which they pretend not to go beyond, and of which Demetrius meddles only with the more smooth part, Hermogenes with its different Characters, Dionysius with its ornaments, and graceful harmony, and Longinus with its majesty; none of them have been particular in defining the nature of that persuasion which we now spake of▪ Cicero and Quintilian 'tis true have done more towards it, but seeing they treat of it only in the same method with Aristotle, and have indeed only explained his meaning in it; I shall stick only to him, in the clearing of the essential constitutive parts of persuasion, the rule I intend to make use of, in measuring the Eloquence of Cicero, and distinguishing it from that of Demosthenes.  

{αβγδ}. Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 2.  We persuade( saith Aristotle) by the credit we get in mens thoughts. There are three things which concur to the acquiring of this same credit, and which are as it were the springs, whence flows persuasion. These three things are the deserts of the speaker, the favourable disposition of the Audience, and the manner of speaking. And seeing the whole art of rhetoric may be reduced 
{αβγδ}. l. 1 Rhet. c. 2.  to those three heads, it will not thence be impossible to draw a scheme by which we may in some method judge of these two orators. That we may then begin with their personal desert, we will endeavour to dive into their heart and thoughts; for all personal worth, which consists either in our abilities, or manners, springs thence. And seeing nothing does conduce more to persuading, than the opinion we raise in the audience of our ability and honesty, we will inquire what portion of these Demosthenes and Cicero possessed; and what impressions they were capable of making therewith in the minds of men: and first of their abilities.   

CHAP. IV.  
The abilities of these two Authors compared.  
DEmosthenes having lost his Father whilst he was yet young, fell into the hands of Guardians, that too much consulted their interest; who partly out of negligence, and partly out of avarice, took not that care of his education which they ought. So that he learned scarce any of those things, which it is the care of parents generally to fix in the minds of children, when they first begin to enter upon study. His Mother too gave way to this neglect, through her overmuch fondness of him; besides that he was of so weak and tender a constitution of body, that his unhealthful condition could not permit that he should be set hard to his studies. As soon as he was sixteen years old, which is the time for learning of rhetoric, instead of sending him to the School of Isocrates who was then in most esteem, he was placed with the Orator Iseus, because that as his reputation was less then the others, so were the charges they were thereby put to; and it was there that he got those ill habits, which he himself tells us he afterwards so difficultly broken himself of.  
Cicero had the advantage of being incomparably better educated then Demosthenes; for his parents having discovered in him very good natural parts, and an early dawning of those excellent qualities he afterward was master of, took an extraordinary care of him. But though at five years old, when other children are not capable of applying themselves to any thing, he discovered a great inclination to study, his Father thought good rather to keep him back a while, then to egg him on: at which Cicero seemed not a little dissatisfied, and impatient, especially when he saw some of his companions go to Sch●ol to one Plotius, who was then in vogue for a good master: yet his father was much to be commended for this restraint, seeing the too early setting of children to study, by striving to ripen the understanding before the due time, may weaken nature, but will never bring her to perfection. And I find also both these great persons, who attained to that perfection all the world knows, began not to set themselves to their studies till pretty late.  
Cicero's Father and friends judged, the Greek tongue the fittest thing they could set him to at first, and therefore made him begin with that. All the able men that came to Rome between the time of the Consulship of M. 
Continebar hominum doctissimorum authoritate, qui existimabant Graecis litteris all melius ingenia. Epist. ad M. Tit.  Scevola, and the end of Sylla's Dictatorship, were his masters. I mean that Phedrus he commends so much in his Epistles, that Philo the academic and Scholar to Clitomachus, whom he mentions in his book De natura deorum, Molo the Rhodian, whose Eloquence was so much talked of, and under whom he studied two several times, and a certain Sicilian called Diodotus, a Great Geometrician, of whom he learned logic, and whom he speaks of in his Tusculan questions. Thus at the age of seventeen or eighteen years he had ran through the almost infinite extent of all the Sciences, which might any way be useful to him, in the acquisition of his passionately beloved Eloquence.  
As soon as he had mastered the greek tongue, he gave himself to Poetry, unto which in his younger years he had a great inclination. At 
Athen. l. 3. Strab. l. 10. Hist. Pausan. in descrip.  sixteen years old he wrote the poem of Glaucus Pontius, in imitation of Eschylus;& the following year, that he might better understand Astronomy, he translated the Poem of Aratus, of which some considerable fragments are come to our hands. He translated likewise not long after Plato's Timeus, and his Protagoras, the economics of Xenophon, and divers other pieces. Plutarch tells us, that from his very tender years, he discovered a natural capacity for all sciences, such as Plato requires in the Philosopher whom he describes; who ought to be( says he) a lover of all kind of knowledge. It was on this manner Cicero past his youth, till his twenty sixth year, at which time he began to speak in public.  
But as Tully on this side so happily made use of his natural pars, and the care his friends took of him; so on 
Lr 5. Reip.  the other Demosthenes found no small oppositions to that thirst of glory his ambition excited in him. For besides the base avarice and cheating tricks of his Guardians; who were nothing sorry to see him loose his time, that thereby he might remain in obscurity,( as tis generally the lot of ignorance to do) and so probably not be in any capacity of bringing them into any trouble after his minority; he found yet greater obstacles both in his inward faculties, and in the outward imperfections of his body, to his ardent desires of becoming eloquent. But what nature did for Cicero, endeavour performed in behalf of Demosthenes. This desire in him was so violent, that he found no obstacle able to withstand it, nor any difficulty but what it easily overcame; so that it was nothing but ambition which fashioned him, and made him conquer the evil inclination of an age, which sought after nothing but pleasures, and that in Athens, where they were authorized by the ill example of a people wholly given to luxury and debauchery. And this made him prefer the conversation of Theophrastus and Xenocrates, and the Platonists, before Phrynes.  
Nay he imposed upon himself a necessity of retiring for some time from the converse of the world, which to effect, he made use of a very odd expedient, which was to shave half his head, that by reason of the shane of that deformity, he might be obliged to hid himself for some moneths. One may well say of him, that he was content to be buried alive, or at least that he would not live for any other end, but that he might apply himself to the study of Eloquence, unto which he had devoted all his thoughts. He was about sixteen years old, when he began to study it, and this passion was first excited in him, upon the extraordinary applause, which he saw given to Callistratus, for some cause he had pleaded: with which Demosthenes was so taken, that he immediately abandoned all his other studies, that he might wholly apply himself to that of Eloquence. This retirement and all the other hardships he underwent, which Cicero, Plutarch, Quintilian, Libanius, Lucian, Photius, and many others mention so much to his advantage, were evident signs of this his violent inclination. And indeed what was there he did not to gratify it? Can one imagine any thing more odd, then to go and declaim upon the Sea Shore, as he did, that by hearing the Roarings of its Waves, he might use himself not to be disturbed at the tumultuous commotions of the multitude, and the rude noise of the rabble? What is there more toilsome then to speak loud, and with vehemence, climbing up to the top of some craggy steep places, as he did, that thereby he might strengthen his voice; his tongue was so unwieldy, that he could not pronounce certain letters without much trouble; which imperfection that he might break himself of, he used to declaim with his mouth full of pebbles. He also practised speaking to a lookinglasse, thereby to acquire a graceful air, and becoming action when he spoken. Nay he had recourse even to a Player who was then famous, that he might learn of him to pronounce well, and to suit his expressions with all proper external ornaments of gesture; and by these laborious practices and an unwearied perseverance it was, that at last he came to surmount all those impediments in his speech, and other imperfections, that so much disgusted the Athenians, the first time he spoken in public.  
Tis then no wonder that Cicero finding none of these obstacles to struggle with, enlarged his knowledge to a far wider extent then Demosthenes; the latter of which being naturally very eager and ambitious, and seeing Eloquence the only way he had to become great, employed all his study in its acquisition. So that at the age of eighteen, he began to pled against his Guardians Aphobus and Onetor, to constrain them by law to give him an account of his estate: whereas Cicero letting himself loose, and giving himself a full career into the universal pursuit of all Sciences, ran through them with an indefatigable industry; and so replenished his mind with all kind of knowledge, which could either perfect or adorn it.  
He failed not however at nineteen years old, to be very constant and assiduous in hearing the Orations P. Sulpitius made all the year he was Tribune, that by the imitation of so great a pattern, he might perfect himself in the practise of Eloquence; for he was the man, who was most esteemed of at that time in Rome, as to what concerned Eloquence. But he himself began not to speak in public, till he had attained to the age of seven and twenty, which he did in so remarkable a manner, as made the whole Commonwealth take notice of him. All the most famous Lawyers of the Court fearing to offend Sylla, had refused to undertake Roscius's case, who was accused of Parricide; when young Cicero, with a confidence becoming his age, undertook his defence against the Dictator's favourite; The good success of which, proov'd the first step toward that glory he afterwards arrived to. But it made too much noise, not to be look't upon by Sylla with a jealous eye, and by Chrysogonus with a revengeful one; for this freed-man that ruled him who had made himself Master of the Commonwealth, brought upon Cicero, by the ill offices he did him, a persecution which ended not but with the Dictators life.  
So being forced to leave Rome, to avoid the storm he saw ready to break upon him, he wisely spread a rumour, that he did it only by the advice of his Phisitians, who  told him, it would be much for his health, to interrupt his study's, and go travel for some time. He made use of this pretence for his retirement, least he should seem to betray any signs of fear, or inconstancy, which might possibly have taken off from the good opinion all men had conceived of him for his last action. Thus he stayed some time at Athens, were finding himself free and disengaged from all other business, he acquainted himself with the different opinions of the several sects of Philosophers, that were then famous. He also applied himself again to the study of Eloquence,( that thereby he might recall into his mind his former notions of it,) under a certain Syrian Orator name Demetrius. The eager desire he then had of knowledge, made him within a while after travel through all Asia, to be there instructed by the most famous men in every science, among whom was Menippus the Carian, the best Orator of his time, Eschylus the Cnidian, Dionysius the Magnesian, Xenocles, and some others. And as he made Eloquence his chiefest aim, so would he many times exercise himself therein with these men upon proper subjects, and by this means he made more advantage as to his studies of his travels and rambling, then he could have gained at Rome in his closet.  
About the same time he likewise met with Apollonius Molo in Rhodes, who had formerly been his master in Italy: this Orator having heard him repeat some piece in Greek, because he understood not latin very well, spoken that sentence to him, which we find recorded by 
Plut. in the life of Cicero.  Plutarch, go Cicero( said he) and ravish from us Greeks the only thing was left us to glory in, our wit and Eloquence, that thou mayest transfer it to the Romans, who have already bereft us of that reputation we once had in arms.  
He learnt in this voyage Astronomy, Geometry, the old and new Philosophy, also the heathen Divinity, and the laws& customs of Athens, and all the rest of Greece. Diodotus taught him the mystery of Pythagoras his numbers, and his System of music. He studied the stoics morals under Philo and Clitomachus. Antiochus, who in opposition to Carneades stood up against the new academics, instructed him in the opinions of the Ancients, and Zeno& Phedrus ought him those of Epicurus, which he since has so much blamed in his writings. And at last after the death of Sylla he return'd to Rome, with a mind enriched with all sorts of knowledge, and a body restored to a perfect health, by the exercise he had used abroad in his travels.  
His friend Pomponius Atticus, and the other learned men of that age, with whom he kept a continual correspondence, were no little helps to him in the acquisition of all these sciences, which it is hard to conceive how one man should understand, especially in such perfection as he did every one of them. But as Eloquence was that for which he had most inclination, so did he more carefully set himself to it then any of the rest, and neglected not the least thing, which might any way further him in it; and above all he took a special care, to form the modulation of his voice, the air of his face, his actions and gestures, which Quintilian calls the Eloquence of the body, as should most become him; and to that end he frequently consulted the famous Actor Roscius, that from him he might learn that admirable art of pronunciation, which many times puts a value upon the most ordinary trifles, and which is the very soul of all things that are to be spoken in public.  
It was on this manner that this great soul flew at all: whereas Demosthenes whose desires after knowledge were more confined, applied himself wholly to the reading of Thucydides,( whom he made almost his whole study) that so he might get the style and way of writing of that Historian. And truly I wonder not that Demosthenes choose him as his pattern, seeing as yet nothing had been given to the world so perfect as the works of that Author. Herodotus indeed who went before him, has a more pleasing way of writing by reason of, the great variety of the things he treats of, and his graceful manner of expressing them: for he not confining himself strictly to the truth, it was easier for him to affect, and please his readers, whereas the other on the contrary could not dispense with any thing which was opposite to it, but kept it as an inviolable law never to recede there from. Notwithstanding Thucydides though he design only to instruct us, is pleasant enough too: his narrations are plain and close, but clear likewise and natural, and that plainness hath always in it something sublime and noble, which always maintains itself by the propriety of the expressions. So that it was in imitation of Thucydides, that Demosthenes framed his style, which that he might the more exactly 
Rerum gestarum pronunciator sincerus Thucydides grandis etiam fuit. Cic. in brute.  follow, he wrote his 
luke. in Dem.  Works eight times over with his own hand. Yet one may easily perceive by the several different way's he takes in his Orations, that he had likewise searched into other mens works, and that it had been his good fortune to hear Plato, with whom no body could converse without becoming wise. And the opinion of Cicero, Plutarch, and Lucian is not groundless, where they tell us, that through the means of a learned Sicilian called Callias, he came secretly to the sight of some of the works of Isocrates and Alcidamas, whom Plutarch highly esteems. But whether it were so or no 
Curae plus in illo, in hoc naturae. Fab. l. 10. C. 1. , tis agreed that Cicero was more happy then Demosthenes, both as to advantages of nature& education; that he likewise spent more time in the universal study of all sciences, both in reading Plato, Aristotle, and all that wrote after them, which had any relation to Eloquence, and also conversing with the most famous men of his time, whom he met with in his travels: and that consequently his abilities and knowledge were doubtless greater then those of Demosthenes. This ability is the first part of that personal worth, which as we before observed, is so necessary to them, who would have any force in persuading; for the more understanding a man hath, the more are we inclined to believe what he tells us.   

CHAP. V.  
Of the second quality requisite to persuading, which is Integrity.  
THe second part of personal worth is integrity, whose power in persuading is far greater then that of the former. For seeing those who are persuaded to any thing by another, do submit themselves to him that persuades, they will certainly much rather do so to a man of known integrity, then to one suspected. The most mistrustful that are, have a deference to such;& the good opinion we have of a man, conduces to his being credited, whilst every one thinks the better of himself, for being of the same judgement with a virtuous person; which gave occasion to that excellent saying of Aristotle, Among all those things, which make a man believed, none has so much power as the manners of the speaker.  
These two Orators had acquired this virtue in so eminent a manner, by their good conduct in all their actions, that the people had a perfect belief of whatever they said. Their advice was harkened to as the most profitable; they were looked upon as the public Oracles, and Tutelar Genius's of their country, and that because every one was satisfied, that they never spoken, but to establish the authority of the laws, and to the advantage of the state. The truth is, they were both, persons of much honour and integrity, and the frequent mention they made of the Gods in their Orations, made them be esteemed very pious and Religious, which has a great influence over the minds of the people, because it is a rule and measure to all other virtues.  
And besides this, they prescribed themselves the use of such popular principles as referred to the public good; and because they professed to aim at nothing, but the glory and advantage of their Country; they always found the minds of the people, ready disposed to give them a favourable attention, and that general esteem they had acquired gave them that authority, wherewith they spoken. This is what may be said of their reputation in general. I shall now proceed to discourse of what each of them had in particular.   

CHAP. VI.  
Of the Integrity of Demosthenes.  
DEmosthenes was naturally inclined to justice, which he very much fortified by an exact morality& the advantage of a severe temper, so that he could not in the management of affairs, make use of th●se indirect way's which the greatest politicians commonly practise. Justice, honour, and the public good, were always the considerations which most swayed him in his proceedings. The Philosopher Panetius assures us, that in all public affairs his maxim was, that 
Plut. in the life of Demosth.  Convenient and Pleasurable good must yield to that which is honest.  
These his morals appear in all parts of his works, but especially in his philippics, his Olinthiacks, in the Oration about privileges, in that for Aristocrates, and in that of the crown; and if this last be well examined, one shall easily find, that his zeal for the public good, his submissive resignation to the people, and the devotion he seems to have for the good of the state, are that which makes up the beauty of the Oration, which may justly be termed the most perfect antiquity ever boasted of, and which Cicero stiles the rule of Eloquence. In a word he neglected nothing that might acquire him the reputation of an upright man, wherein he succeeded by the frequent characters he made in his Orations of a good Patriot& Citizen, as it appears in his third Olinthiack. For in public actions, the more severe the discourses of Morality are, the better they are entertained. And in my opinion an Orator hath no such advantageous way of recommending himself, as by making a strict and severe profession of virtue.  
But nothing did more contribute to the credit of Demosthenes, then the liberty he took of declaiming against Philip. Indeed what could be more glorious for a mean Citizen of Athens, then the courage he shew'd in declaring himself against a King, that had already the greater party in that republic. Neither the power, the armies, the threats, or promises of that Prince could ever work upon him; and that I may use Plutarchs expression, 
{αβγδ} in vit Demosth.  the glittering of all the Macedonian gold could never dazzle him. He was ever deaf to all the proffers were made to corrupt him, which gave occasion to Antipater, 
Lucian in his commendation of Demosth.  one of Alexanders successors to say, that if any of his Officers had been as uncorrupt as Demosthenes, he had been invincible. That which this Prince adds, does yet more perfectly represent the virtue of this great Orator; It was the only love of his country, which made him undertake the Government of the state;& he made that the object of his virtue, which others do of their interest. What would not I give, said he, for such a man, that I might be advised by him in my present affairs, and hear him who would freely speak his mind in the midst of the fawnings of flatterers? Such a sincere counsellor it is that I want to direct me amongst all these court dissimulations. This Prince who had nothing of Alexander in him, but his boundless ambition thought he should soon have made himself master of the world, had he had so faithful a Minister as Demosthenes, and that because 
Lucian in the forementioned place.  he could neither be weight corrupted nor surprised. And indeed what was it he did not to gain him? But Demosthenes out of a generosity not to be paralleled, preferred without debating the case even death itself to all Antipater's favour: and swallowing the poison in the presence of Archias, who was urging him to yield himself up to the conqueror of all Greece, go, said he, and tell thy master, that Demosthenes will in nothing be beholding to the Usurper of his country. Such was the integrity of this great man, who was so remarkable an instance of Pagan virtue, as may farther appear by what Lucian has writ in his commendation.   

CHAP. VII.  
The Integrity of Cicero.  
THe integrity of Cicero was no less valued at Rome, than that of Demosthenes had been at Athens, and to this reputation of his we may attribute the most remarkable passages of his life; for it is certain, that his Eloquence alone with all its power, had never gained him the suffrages of the people to make him Consul, had it not been backed very powerfully by the opinion every one had of his integrity; which as it raised him to honour, so it likewise objected him to envy. Clodius was the first who could not endure the splendour of his virtue, and made his great reputation an instrument wherewith to destroy him; for seeing him so zealous for the public good, he looked upon him as a main obstacle to his wicked designs; to which purpose as soon as he was Tribune, he made use of all the authority and power of his office to get him banished Rome: he spared no violence to procure his remove, whom he feared as a severe Censurer of his actions. One need only to red the Epistles Tully wrote to his brother, and the rest of his friends, to discover the sincerity of his sentiments, the disinterested thoughts of his heart, the uprightness of his principles, and his unfeigned zeal for the good of his country. What resolution did he discover against the young Nobility of Rome, whom ambition and debauchery had engaged in the conspiracy with catiline? Those that find fault with him for boasting too much in his Orations, of this great action, by which he preserved the common wealth, have more reason to ascribe it, to the great love he had for his country, than to his vanity: for it is certain that without the constancy& resolution which he discovered in the whole course of that business, Rome had been exposed to the fury of the Conspirators, who to raise their fortunes, which were desperate in peaceful times, thought of nothing but embroiling the Common-wealth. Neither is there any reason to imagine that Cicero in declaring for Pompey, when Rome began to be divided into parties by that civil war, did it with any other designs but what were virtuous, and tended to the public good. For that party did not appear to be more powerful, but more just: and it lay in his own power to have made his advantage of the proffers caesar made him by 
Civilibus bellis neque spe neque metu declinatus Ciceronis animus, quo minus optimis partibus, id est Reipub. se jungeret. Quint. l. 2. c. 1.  Trebatius, if he would have accepted of a command in his army; but he would not forsake the common-wealth:& we know that took Pompey's side.  
What can those that accuse him of want of spirit, ascribe that courage to, which he did evidently discover in his opposition to Marc Antony, whose ill intentions were sufficiently manifested, by that garland he presented caesar with, at the solemnity of the Lupercalia? I believe Brutus, who was witness of that action, scarce knew what he did in saving Antony's life, when they destroyed caesar: for had he consented to his death as Cassius desired, the Common-wealth had recovered her liberty. However nothing is more clear than the zeal Cicero shew'd for his country against this ambitious man, who thought on nothing but how he might raise himself by unlawful ways. Not that Tully did want means of being reconciled to him, and those much to his own advantage, if he could have resolved to play the Politician; but he had too much sense of his duty to have to do with those practices which ended in the ruin of the public liberty. Neither had he ever thought of raising Augustus, had he not judged him a fit Person to oppose the design of M. Antony. And that Prince had so great an opinion of Cicero's concern for his country, that he gave a public testimony of the esteem he had for him, and such a one as cannot be suspected, since it was made some time after his death. For having once surprised a young relation of his striving to hid a certain book under his coat, he asked him what it was; the boy was unwilling to show it, for fear of displeasing him, because it was Cicero's works, whom he had suffered to be proscribed not long before: But the Emperour having taken and red some passages in it, gave it him again saying, 
{αβγδ}. Plut. in Cicer.  red this book carefully child, for the author of it was a very able man, and a great lover of his country. And though out of a love to the public which this good man had imprinted in his heart, he much disapproved of Julius Cesar's designs upon the sovereign authority, however by insensible degrees usurped; and had sufficiently declared this dislike to his friends; yet Brutus and Cassius would not acquaint him with their purpose to dispatch him, not out of any suspicion they had of his fidelity, which they had no reason to doubt; but because they judged his good nature would never have consented to so violent a resolution.  
It was not only on these public occasions, in which vanity has often more share than integrity, that Cicero approved himself: he was no less exemplary honest in private concerns; for he was a perfect friend, a good father. He loved his children, and deserved more kindness from his wife, then she shew'd him in his disgrace. Nor was it so much for his Sons sake, though he tenderly loved him, that he composed that admirarable treatise of Offices, as to give the public an Idea of his morals, which were so little allied to any thing of interest. And the truth is, there was never any thing writ in that kind, that was more strict, especially if it be considered that it was composed in a time when there was no other conscience known but honour. Cicero had likewise the art of ordering all he did so, as that it in some manner serve his Eloquence, which is never so powerful as when conjoined with reputation. 
Decorum nihil est profecto quam aquabilitas universae vitae tum singularum actionum. Cic. 1. Off.  And seeing nothing is so likely to assure it us as a uniform course of life, suited to the rank we hold in the world, and maintained with that constancy, which our condition requires, Cicero had made this an unviolable law, and a rule to all his actions: the neglect whereof, is the rock whereon most of those who profess to speak in public are split; for they either do not apply themselves to the search of those things which become their condition,& according to which their life is to be conducted, or else when they have found it, they have not constancy enough to make it good. But though it be difficult to make our practise answer to the severity of our principles, yet Cicero minded nothing more, than to be the first who should practise what he taught to others, and maintained in all things, not only the dignity of his Place, but that evenness and constancy which is observable in the actions of virtuous men.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Wherein the Integrity of these two orators was most assaulted.  
DEmosthenes was in that more unhappy than he, for he gave his enemies leave to accuse him, and that not without some reason, of having received twenty talents, and a Golden piece of plate of great value, from an officer of Alexander's; who being in disgrace for not haing faithfully managed the King's revenues, had retired to Athens. This present made the people suspect the integrity of him that received it, because it came from one who had been a creature of the declared enemy of their Commonwealth. Hereupon Dinarchus stirred up by the enemies of Demosthenes, accused him to the people of bribery; and such was his misforune that they would not hear his justification; so the respect every body had for him, was changed into contempt; and after a tiresome inprisonment, he was shamefully banished his country. Plutarch who so much commends him on all other occasions, can find no means of justifying him in this, although 
Paus. in Corinth.  Pausanias, whom I had rather follow, hath endeavoured to maintain his innocence, and make this accusation pass for a calumny. Not but that Cicero had the misfortune as well as he of being banished, but the cause of his exile was not so infamous; for though the Senate consented to it, yet was their consent forced by the violence of Clodius the Tribune, and the practices of Piso and Gabinius, whose Consulship became odious thereby, and was indeed nothing but an outrage and prostitution of laws. But that which Cicero resented most in his misfortune,& which he laid a little too much to heart, was not so much to see himself thereby laid aside from all public employments, as that he was forsaken by his best friends, and chiefly by Pompey and caesar, whom he most esteemed, and who had always pretended a respect for him; and that so lively description of his grief, which he made on this occasion, was an effect rather of his tenderness of affection, than any resentment proceeding from ambition.  
The truth is he was pitied by the people, and so was not the other, because his reputation was not so spotless; Demosthenes defended himself indeed against the temptations of the Macedonian gold offered by Philip, which was the Athenians sworn enemy, but could not resist the Persian, presented by Darius an ally to the Common-wealth; whereas Cicero on the contrary maintained his integrity in a far higher degree, in refusing the presents and bribes both of friends and enemies; because he knew well that presents, from whomsoever they are sent, do make the fidelity of a public person suspected; who ought never to think of measuring his duty by his interest. And on this account this great man, being Proconsul of Cilicia, refused the presents sent him by the Cappadocian King,& those of the Sicilians when he was praetor of Sicily; though both the one and the other were the Romans allies. And his spirit was so great, that he thought he could not receive any thing from any body, without someway submitting himself unto the donor. Neither can any great person, whose life and actions are always exposed to public view, be too scrupulous in their conduct, or too curious in what concerns their duty, if they have a mind to preserve their reputation.  
It is objected to Cicero, that having commended and praised caesar so much in his public Orations, he abused him so intolerably in some of his private letters, which was very ununhansome, and a baseness not to be pardoned. It is true that Cicero has spoken very differently of caesar, in whom he observed both good and bad qualities, and therefore he commended the good, and blamed the bad● neither did he ever mistake one for the other, but it was his prudence made him find fault in secret with what deserved it, and commend in public what was praise worthy. And when it shall be considered that it was only to save the lives of Marcellus and Ligarius, that he did so freely bestow his praises on caesar, that alone will sufficiently vindicate him in it. For what is it one would not do to save ones friend? And it may be likewise lawful sometimes, to praise those that do not merit, if it be but to incite them thereby to deserving actions.  
That which is objected against him about a house belonging to Crassus at the foot of the Mount Palatine, which he bought as was pretended with a sum of money presented him by a criminal called Sylla, to purchase his favour, has so little ground that it deserves not to be confuted; since A. Gellius, who relates the story, brings nothing to confirm, nor any circumstance which should make it seem probable.  
That which Brutus reproaches him with in his letters, is much more specious. That man that intended so well, and with whom the remaining Liberty died, accuses him of having been the first that adored the young Octavius, and that he had indirectly contributed towards raising him up to the throne, from whence he had so lately cast down the former Usurper. Nevertheless if one will seriously reflect upon the condition of the state of that time, the factions wherewith it began to be then shaken, the ill intentions of Marc Antony and Lepidus, and finally the necessity there was of giving a Master to the people, who among so many different pretensions would no longer hear of any lawful authority, we shall find that 
Non dominum fugisse said amiciorem dominum quaeflsse videberis. brute. ad Cicer.  Cicero did very prudently in striving to ruin all the parties that were then on foot, by raising this young man, into whom he hoped he might put such principles, as might be for the good of the state; and also to regulate by his counsels, that authority he had given him: hoping he should always be hearkend to by him, who was so lately his creature. So that if Cicero was faulty in this matter, it was only in confiding too much in the power he thought he might retain over the spirit of Octavius. But there is nothing in which great Persons are more mistaken, then in the presumption they have, of being able to turn& wind others which way they will.  
This error might well be thought pardonable in Cicero, at such a time when he was in greater reputation then ever: for upon the new's of Antony's defeat, the people went and took him by force out of his house, and carried him in triumph to the 
Sustinuisse gloriatur bellum Antonii togatus Cicero noster. Brutus ad Atticum.  Capitol, out of the belieif they had, that business had thrived only by his good counsels; and from that time he began to be looked upon in Rome, as the upholder of the Common-wealth,& as the only person, in whom the authority of the state restend, being now disordered by the death of both the Consuls which were killed at Modena. And it is certain, that at that time all things were done by his advice: and that never any private person was seen, who had so absolute an authority in his country. And had he not been very scrupulous in things that related to his duty, the Occasion might have tempted him, to set up for himself in so favourable a conjunction of affairs; when the weakness of all parties not yet formed, the confusion that possessed all mens minds, the esteem the Senate had of his worth, and the good will of the people, seemed equally to conspire to raise him; so that if he could not have been master himself, he might at least have raised whom he pleased; yet he did nothing but what he thought profitable for his fellow citizens, and becoming his own glory; and it may be it was out of too much care 
Nec in Tullio de fuisse video in ullá parte civis optimi voluntatem, testimonio est actus nobilissime consulatus, integerrimè provincia administrata, repudiatus vigintiviratus. Quint. l. 2. c. 1.  and circumspection, that he gave occasion to those fatal conferences between Lepidus, Octavius and Marc Anthony at Modena, where soon after was contrived that bloody project of the Triumvirate, which cost the Senate more blood, then had been spilled on the plains of Pharsalia; the head of Cicero was the price of the reconciliation of Octavius to Marc Anthony; whilst he minding nothing but his own greatness, forgot both his benefactor, and the instructions he had given him; and signed his death, because that he well foresaw that his virtue would never yield to an usurping Tyranny.  
The success that Cicero had in his warlike expeditions in Cilicia, and on the banks of Issus, and near the mountain Amanus against the Parthians, sufficiently declares that he had more courage then most learned men have imagined, and that he was more valiant even then Demosthenes, who being once upon service in a small party at Cheronesus against the forces of Philip, and having on the first onset seen the first ranks fall, he was so terrified, that he betook himself to flight amongst the foremost, and was so distracted with fear, that he mistook a bush which caught hold of his coat for an enemy, and in that taking cried out for quarter. But on the otherside, he died much more courageously then Cicero, going to his death with a quiet composed countenance, and without much concern, whereas Cicero discovered a great desire to avoid his. Not but that he is unjustly accused of cowardice, upon some letters of his to his brother Quintus, and his friend Atticus, wherein he betrayed too much weakness, and too freely laid open his thoughts to them, from whom he could hid nothing. But if we consider that there are many things that pass in the souls of the greatest men, which if we could look into, it would appear that they have their weakness as well as others, and are not altogether insensible of misfortunes and dangers; and we should find that many times Heroes gain not their reputation so much by discovering their good qualitys, as by the care they take to hid their bad ones, and to let no body dive into the secrets of their hearts. So that the little concern Cicero had to hid his failures, ought rather to be ascribed to his too great sincerity, then any meanness of spirit: neither is it a disclosing of our weakness, to impart it to a friend, but a resenting and relating of it to ones self.  
But as most things are interpnted, and that favourably enough according to their outward appearances, 
Caput Oratoris ut ipse apud quos agit talis qualem scipse oplet videatur. 1. de Or.  so the art of imposing upon others, and concealings ones self, passes for a great virtue amongst Politicians. This was not Cicero's way, who discovered himself without reserve, and always thought it becoming to appear in ones own shape without any disguise; and this he recommends as a precept to his Orator.   

CHAP. IX.  
Their other personal Qualities compared.  
HAving taken notice of the difference that was to be found, both in the abilities and integrity of Demosthenes and Cicero; it should seem that nothing else that is remarkable could be added about their personal worth. But yet each of them had some other particular qualities, which however less essential to their Eloquence, did nevertheless much contribute to the reputation they gained. The advantage which consists in the agreablenesse of the Orators behaviour one would think should be the most inconsiderable; and yet we find it is important enough to him; and Quintilian, who forgets nothing which may conduce to his perfection, teaches that the care of his deportment is no small advantage towards gaining the favour of the Audience.  
For if to persuade 'tis necessary that we please, we ought to take care to do it in every thing; and it is especially requisite to have nothing that is disgusting in ones person. In this Cicero may be said to surpass Demosthenes;& it may be more then he needed; so that no comparison can be made between them in this case, without allowing Demosthenes a little more care of himself then he had, and Cicero a little less. 
Mirè auditurum dicturi cura delectat, ipse judex se componit. Instit. l. 2. C. 3.   
For it is observed that Tully was very neat in his clothes, and in all his dress even to affectation; that he loved perfumes, and a splendid table. And as he was very pleasant in conversation, so he delighted in company and feasting; he was very complaisant with his friends; his raillery was smart and neat; and he managed all business with such address, that in the most serious consultations, he would frequently mingle so much of light conversation, as might be sufficient to refresh the mind, without taking off the intention: and that was properly that Character of urbanity he instructs us how to acquire in his Treatise de Oratore. And though it be something difficult in these times, to judge of the wit of what he there proposes as examples of it; yet it is certain that he was very good at it; seing Cato as grave and as much a stoic as he was, after 
Plut. in his life.  having heard Cicero burlesk the stoics Morals, could not forbear laughing and saying, 
Muren Plut.  I must needs confess we have a very pleasant Consul.  
Demosthenes had not this taking way in his conversation, and if at any time he ventured at it, he miscarried therein, as Longinus observes, where he compares him with Hyperides; his behaviour also being more reserved, made his discourses fitter to be lissen'd to,& to be received as oracles. But as this his serious humour made him prudent& circumspectly, so did it make him politic even in all his expenses, in which he was guided by his ambition only, which was the end of all his actions. Thus he took pleasure to lay out his money in repairing the town-walls, in equipping of ships, in encouraging trade, in ransoming of slaves, in marrying of poor maids, in public sports and shows which he gave the people. And though 
Lucian in his elegy of Demost.  this did in some measure gain him affection, yet could he never condescend so far, as to do any of those things with that affability and popular air which is so necessary in a Commonwealth.  
Not but that Cicero was likewise liberal,& that even to excess, but he took not altogether so much care to be so in those things which make so much noise; for all his expenses were Lordlike, and proceeded more from his temper, then any politic end he had in them. And by this means he deserved the name of magnificent, and liberal, though he sought it not, and was generally as much so on all occasions as Demosthenes was in some particular ones. He is reckoned to have had eighteen country houses, all stately built, and splendidly furnished though he possessed them not all at the same time. The chief of these were, the 
Blond l. 19. Ram. triumph.  Tusculane, the Formian, that at Cajetta, that at Arpinas, the Pompeian, and lastly that which he had at comes. Neither was it so much out of pride that he affencted this Pomp( though it must be confessed he was somewhat vain) as out of a height of spirit, which sought thereby the esteem of a people, which did not at all disrelish any thing that was sumptuous, so it were maintained by wealth honestly got. I thought it would not be superfluous here to take notice of this difference that was between them, though it have little relation to their Eloquence; because that it did however make this great man more considerable, in a state which had a regard to any great quality in its Citizens. To conclude, both of them had the skill of managing all things, which might any way conduce to recommend them to their best advantage: and their discreet conduct gained them so much authority, that they seemed to make themselves masters of their auditors hearts, and to command whatever they persuaded; and this was that which was most admirable in these two Orators. For whether it be look't upon as the peculiar gift of heaven, or as an effect of their personal desert, it is certain that never any two single persons, had ever a more absolute empire over two nations, that were more shie or Jealous of losing their liberty. But that we may the better judge of them, we shall do well to examine the second thing, which Aristotle tells us is necessary to the art of persuasion, which is to know how the minds of the audience stand affencted.   

CHAP. X.  
That to persuade, it is necessary to consider the inclination, and disposition of the audience.  
IF it be true that persuasion is a kind of conquest over the hearts of men, an Orator may fitly be compared to a General,& the minds of those he is to work upon, to a place assaulted by him; and as valour is not sufficient to make an attempt successful, without knowing the condition of the enemy; so neither is the Eloquence of the Orator sufficient to persuade, unless he first apply himself to find the humour, and genius, and the interests of those he is to work upon.  
No body ever understood, or taught the way of gaining the minds of men by persuasion, so well as Aristotle in his books of rhetoric: and he is the only man, who knew how to search into that obscure place, the heart of man; who could fathom the depth of that abyss, and find out the clue that must guide us through those many winding Meanders, that led to it. Tis he we are beholding to for reaching us how to keep private intelligence in it, by the help of the passions, how sometimes to attempt a surprise upon it by frights, to 'allure it with hopes, and win it either by stirring up desires, or kindling anger, and exciting in it all those commotions, which are capable of gaining a party there for him that speaks: but unless we can discover how the soul stands affencted, where she is fortified, and where open, it is hard to exercise this art with any success. And though this Philosopher be much to be admired throughout all his works, yet is he no where more, then in this part of them, where he has reduced that which before was only a rude and confused mass of precepts, into principles and a clear science; his instructions about it being so infallible, that if they be followed, they cannot fail of bringing us to the proposed end. It is then from that admirable book, and excellent Epitome of morals, that we must gather rules, whereby to see into and gain hearts. For unless we can find out and move the most hidden springs which turn and bias us,& sink into the bottom of the infirmities of human nature, what impression can all the outward force of Eloquence make upon the soul?  
The ordinary Declamers are far from this perfection, who instead of studying the manners, inclinations, and humors of men, the foundations on which all persuasion must 
Nisi naturas hominum vimque omnem humanitatis Orator perspexerit dicendo quod volet perficere non poterit. Cic. de Orat. lib. 1.  be raised, employ themselves in ordering their words handsomely, and seek nothing but the ornaments and flourishes of speech, which make no impression upon the hearers, but are forgotten as s●●n as the speaker leaves off. Whereas the true Orator makes it his chief business, to understand the affections and interests of his audience, and finding what effect each passion produces in their hearts, makes use of that which may best suit with his purpose; he finds what naturally they are most prove to, and takes hold of them on that side they bend towards, that he may with more ease pull them after him: and this violence he does his Audience is carried with so much art, that they think they go of their own accord, when the Orator drives them. But how few are there, who have this art of entering, and commanding mens hearts! The inconstancy and mutability of our inclinations and humours, the diversity of interests, the circumstances of time and place, and even chance itself, which has so great a share in this disposing of mens minds towards the bringing to pass of any great event, are things of so large an extent, that to be well understood, they require the perpetual study and attention of an Orator, who must make use of all these methods when he proposes any thing in an Assembly, and designs to draw them over to his opinion.  
But if the same men, in the same country, and in the same day, are many times in divers minds about the same thing; according as they are differently possessed by several passions; as 
Lib. 1. Rhet.  Aristotle hath well observed: how much more variable will the opinions of people of different climates be, whose laws, customs, manners, and humours, are so vastly different? And will it not be requisite, 
Naturae& variae voluntates, multum inter se distantia effecerunt genera dicendi. Cicer. de Orat.  that an Oratar be able to discern all these varieties, and put on divers forms, as there is occasion, if he desire to be successful in persuading? Had not Cicero been much mistaken, if he had gon about to persuade the Greeks to any thing in the same manner as he used to do the Romans? And had not Demosthenes mist of his aim think you, if he had undertook to gain the Romans by that vehement way wherewith the Greeks were pleased? But that we may the better judge of the divers kinds of Eloquence, which the different tempers of the people they had to deal with forced them to use, let us a little examine their humours and Genius.   

CHAP. XI.  
A character of the humours of the Greeks in Demosthenes his time.  
THe Grecians were so polite a people, that they looked upon all other nations as clownish, and even barbarous. But of all the Greeks the Athenians were those who were most ingenious in all arts and sciences, and who did most relish Eloquence. Their country had bread so many great Orators, that by degrees the knowledge of handsome things, became almost natural to them. Pericles whose discourse they compared to the thunder and lightning of their Olympian Jupiter, had so used them to hear nothing but what was elegant and clean, that those who were to speak in public, looked upon even the lower sort of people, as so many Censurers of what they were to say: and this their accurate judgement had introduced amongst them, 
Sincerum fuit sic eorum judicium ut nihil possent nisi incorruptum audire& elegans; eorum religioni cum serviret Orator, nullum verbum insolens aut odiosum ponere audebat. Cic. de Orat.  so curious and scrupulous a way of speaking in public, that they dared not use in their Orations one word, which was not extremely proper, and authorized by frequent usage.  

Gloriae& Eloquentiae solius libidinosi. tertul. Apol.  But as the good language and eminent Eloquence of these orators, had made them great critics, so had flattery much increased the natural proud and fierce humour of this people, insomuch that an ordinary address was not sufficient to persuade those who would always be looked upon as masters, and have a command over them that pretended to persuade them. The law of ostracism, which was made upon occasion of the insupportable tyranny of Pisistratus, did much add to the haughtiness of this arrogant people. This law was instituted by Heraclides to give a form of government, which might exclude from public affairs and banish for ten years those, whose credit and extraordinary merit might render them suspected:& therefore such who had raised themselves by the most lawful and commendable means, were to carry themselves so, that their greatness might never give offence to the pride of this people; which could not endure any thing should grow too high, and out of their reach.  
This law was so rigorously observed at first, that Aristides, who had acquired himself the epithet of Just, and had done so much for the glory of his country, was condemned to be banished like a criminal, and that by an unknown abject contemptible fellow, who could not so much as writ or red. And though this rigour was much abated in the time of Alcibiades, and almost quiter abolished afterwards, as it happens to all laws that are too severe; yet it had left such an impression in the minds of the Athenians, such an aversion against any body that was extraordinarily eminent, and kept such an awe over all those that spoken in public, that they were obliged to a great deal of caution and circumspection. And the laws they tied them to, went so far, as to forbid all such artificial ornaments, as might in the least disguise the truth; and the stirring up any passion, which might surprise their reason: because they looked upon the one, as a snare laid to catch their belief, and the other as an attempt made upon their liberty. And this rendered their discourses more could and barren then otherwise they had been, which faults were produced more from the restraints that lay upon them, then any defect in their abilities. For if we bar Eloquence from the soft ways of moving pitty in mens minds, we disarm her of her chiefest strength, and leave her nothing but only rough and violent passions to make use of, in which a vehement pronunciation does many times more, then all the cunning of art.  
Julius Pollux observes, that there was also another law made by the Areopagites, against the use of prefaces& perorations in any criminal cases, because those parts of a discourse being most fit for rhetorical ornaments, and working on the affections, might give the orators an opportunity of surprising, and shaking the resolution of the Judges. Aristotle in his rhetoric, 
Arist. C. 1. Rhet. Quint. lib. 6. Athenis affectus movere etiam per praeconem prohibebatur Orator.  and Quintilian in his institutions, do at large explain the intention of that law: and it may be the Greeks had borrowed this severity from the Arabians; since Averroes in his Comments upon the place where 'tis mentioned by Aristotle, tells us, that among them it was the custom to speak in public without any action or gestures of a declamer, least the orator should thereby impose on his audience. And though this was not strictly observed in Demosthenes his time, as it had been in Solons, yet one may easily see, that he had confined himself to the observation of that old custom; for his great fancy had otherwise doubtless furnished him with more moving passages in the close of his Orations, which are never emprov'd to the degree they otherwise might. At least 
Epilogos illi mos civitatis abstulerat. lib. 10. c. 1.  Quintilian imputes it to this law, which he pretends to have continued in force at Athens in the time of Demosthenes. However 'tis certain that this custom was very disadvantageous to him; 

Omnis vis ratioque dicendi in eorum qui audiunt mentibus aut excitandis aut sedandis exquirenda. Cic. de Orat.  
In quo uno regnat Oratio. Ibid.   for unless Eloquence does employ and make use of all her forces to stir up or to calm the mind, she never can gain an Empire over the heart.  
But the Athenians were not only proud, fiery, Jealous of their power, and severe towards their Orators, in that they allowed them not to move pitty, nor work on the passions, which are the chief things whereon depend the success of Eloquence; but besides all this, they were so impatient, so light and inconstant, that many times they would pass on a sudden from one resolution to a quiter contrary, without any reason but only their Humour, whereby it became impossible to take any measures how to proceed with them. Thucydides, Plutarch, and Polybius, have left us in many places of their works, very lively descriptions of this their humour: but no body has better represented it, then Cicero in the Oration he made in defence of Flaccus, his successor in the praetorship of Asia, who was accused of cheating the state. For he there imputes the many troubles, and finally the ruin of Greece, to nothing but the inconstancy of that turbulent and unquiet people, which would many times be ruled by nothing but their own capricious humour, whose deliberations 
Thucyd. lib. 1. Hist.  
Plut. in Lycurg. Polyb. lib. 6. Hist.  
Graecorum Respub. sedentis concionis temeritate administrantur. Cic. pro Flac.  were accompanied with so much tumult and confusion, that the most rash and impudent were generally those whose counsels were followed. A hand held up, or an outcry raised by some factious fellow, was frequently that which carried the thing in debate; and this doubtless was the reason that Aristotle; who takes most of his notions from the customs and manners of the Greeks, observes in his politics, that the most pernicious kind of tyranny is that which proceeds from the immoderate unlimited power of the people, when they have the sovereign authority in their hands.  
And as we find that those who are most insolent when in power, 
Graecia concidit libertate immoderata& concionum licentià. Ibid.  
Psephismata declarata manu porrigenda& profundendo clamore multitudinis concitatae. pro Flacco C. 5. lib. 4. Politic.  are always the most abject, poor spirited, and submissive when in subjection: thus the Athenians, who had been so imperious in their prosperity, became the most abject slaves to the successors of Alexander, and afterwards to the Romans, when they had masterd them. And indeed never any nation seemed more born for servitude then they: for scarce had Rome extended i●s Empire beyond italy, but it swarmed with them, so that it gave occasion to 
Demercede conductis.  Lucian, who is always pleasant in his raillery, to say, that there was no work for any body in great mens services at Rome but the Athenians.  

Timidi& imbelles, quails amoena Graecia& deliciae Orientis educunt. Ann. 2.  Tacitus uses them yet worse, for he reckons them in the same rank with the Asiaticks, who were then esteemed, as generally the inhabitants of beautiful and pleasant countries are, the most cowardly effeminate people in the world. All these things do make it appear, that with their wit and inconstant lightness we just now mentioned, this people had at the bottom a great deal of baseness& cowardice; which forced their Orators to condescend to their humours, when they designed to persuade them. They were fain by turns to compliment and terrify, to awe and flatter them in a breath; and this was it which Demosthenes knowing their temper managed wi●h such success.  
It were nevertheless very unjust, to include into this number all those of that nation, which have distinguished themselves from the rest, either by the glory of their actions, or the excellency of their writings. For 'tis well known, that from them we have derived all manner of knowledge in the Arts& Sciences, as well as the first precepts of honesty, civility and morality. But these great persons had many times so little share in the public decrees, that the virtue, of which they have left behind them so many illustrious marks, ought not to be admitted as the general Character of this people. Notwithstanding this small number of worthy men, we may with truth affirm, that no orator ever had to do with more untractable spirits then Demosthenes, or built his Eloquence upon methods more unlikely to give it perfection.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Character of the Romans in Cicero's time.  
CIcero found a far more spacious field wherein to exercise his Genius. Rome was no more in his time, what it had been in that of the first Consuls, and the Decemviri, 
Qui been pugnabat Romanam noverat artem Ovid Fast.  when their severe and hardly civilized humours made all the virtues that they gloried in, to consist in war and handling of arms. She had by this time insensibly lost her former fierceness, by conversing with other nations, and by the care of Scipio the younger and Lelius, who began to introduce amingst them a more civill way of conversation, and make the people relish arts and ingenious things. Terence● by the help of those two admirable persons, represented on the stage a pattern of civill life, by which he did so well refine their manners& understandings, that Ennius his old-fashioned stuff, and Pacuvius his uncouth style, which they had before so admired, began to disgust them; so that they ventured even to criticise upon the ill expressions of Plautus, whom before they had too patiently heard. All those great men who were famous from the time of Terence, unto that of Cicero, did contribute very much to polish and refine the nation: though it never devoted its self so entirely to those studies as the Grecians did. The truth is, this refining of the Roman wits did neither abate their haughtyness, nor make them less Jealous of their glory: but as the fierce humour of the Greeks proceeded from a principle of pride, so did that of the Romans from an excess of courage. And this made Cicero say, that 

Aliae notiones servitutem pati possunt, Romani propria libertas est. 6. Phil.  
Tu regere imperio populos. &c. 6. Aeneid.   other nations were fitly qualified for slaves, and were able to undergo the yoke: but that the love of liberty, and that greatness of spirit which is requisite in those that are to command, was the proper character of the Romans. And the privilege the Roman laws allowed young persons of leaving their Estate by will to whom they would after the age of fourteen, contrary to the custom of other nations, does sufficiently evidence, that the love of liberty seemed very just to them, since they made laws to authorize it. Pride was so odious to them, that they could not bear with it so much as in their masters. Fair methods and modesty were the surest means, that could be used by any one to recommend him. 
Suos agros studiosè colentes. Cic. pro Rosc.  And as they were wholly given to war and laborious occupations, so they could not endure any of those vices which proceed from idleness, and which they never were infected with, till their frequent conversation with the Greeks after the taking of Corinth.  
Their orators were likewise less confined in their public discourses, then were the Greeks. Those austere rules, which were so strictly observed at Athens, were not known at Rome, and unless it was the length of their Orations, which was stinted by Pompey in his first Consulship, there was no confinement set upon Eloquence, which might any way hinder her from using all her arts, and setting all those engines on work, which may any way affect the hearers.  
In fine as there reigned in the commonwealth of Rome a certain majestic air of greatness, which had in it something more substantial then what was to be found at Athens, as Lucian observes in his Characters: and as the Romans had naturally 
Jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam natura valebat. De civit. dei cap. 12 lib. 18.  a love for justice and virtue, as St. Austin tells us; so were they not addicted to that levity of the Athenians, which gave their Orators so much trouble, that they knew not which way to deal with them. And in this Demosthenes had as much reason to complain of his bad, as Cicero had to rejoice at his good fortune, seeing he had lighted upon a nation inclined to a passionate moving Eloquence, from which the Greeks receded as a thing forbidden by the laws; so that the one might give his fancy a free liberty to employ the whole extent of his art in persuading; whereas the other, being confined within the narrow limits allowed him by the laws, was constrained to make all the art of his Eloquence consist in the force of his argumentation. And therefore though this very different way of speaking, gave Cicero many great advantages over Demosthenes: yet we cannot from thence infer that he deserved to be preferred before him. We must then examine, what that way of speaking is which Aristotle makes the third thing necessary to persuasion, before we can determine which deserves the pre-eminence.   

CAAP. XIII.  
Of the third thing necessary to persuasion which is the way of speaking we ought to use, and of the art of Eloquence in general.  
THough the personal worth of the Orator, as well as the favourable disposition of the Audience, are powerful instruments to prepare mens hearts for persuasion, yet the way of speaking makes up the greater part of that impression, which Eloquence produces in the minds of those it would effect. persuasion in general is that admirable art, which makes so much noise in the schools of orators, and which all the Declamours make such fair promises of teaching, though they understand it not themselves. It is that wonderful secret of moving hearts, which rhetoric hath so long sought after with its train of precepts, without being able to find it; and indeed it is much easier to be sensible of it, then to express it: for it is not the heaping together many tropes& figures, where with books are stuffed, nor in the pompous ordering of many extraordinary and high flown thoughts, which surprise and dazzle us with an empty splendour, in which this art of persuasion consists: for good sense, which always is most persuasive, has never so gaudy an outside. Let us then examine wherein this great secret consists.  
That we may better clear this point, we must observe that the briskness of parts which we have from nature, is likewise the chief ingredient of that Eloquence we seek after: so that the ground of it is indeed natural, as it is in all things which art is capable of improving; and therefore whosoever intends to be Eloquent, 
Intelligentis est videre, quo ferat natura su● quemque. brute.  must begin by studying himself, and examining whither he have any natural Genius, which if he have, he must carefully strive to cherish and improve it:& make it his guide in all his course of study: for without this caution, all the steps we make led us out of our way, by 
In quâ deliberatione ad suam cujusque naturam consilium omne est revocandum. office. l. 1.  reason of our neglect in first seeking to find out, what nature had fitted us for.  
The rule that we ought to follow in this our research is, first carefully and patiently to apply ourselves to the seeking it,& then constantly to cultivate when we have discovered it. It is good always to follow what we find ourselves most inclined to, especially in the case we are now mentioning, if our inclinations are not absolutely bad. This is the first thing that Cicero advices us to in his rules about decency; because whatever is not natural is affencted, and all affectation becomes a real fault: and this is so true, that we find the misbecoming air, which is so disgustful in all those who either go, speak, or do any thing affectedly, proceed's from its being forced, and unnatural. Every one ought to regulate himself by this maxim, for 
Id maximè quemque decet, quod est cujusque suum maxim. Cic. office. 6.  nothing can become any body, which appears to be forced; and whatever is natural in any one, doth certainly become him best. So that if we will be successful in all we 
Tuenda sunt sua cvique non vitiosa, said propria. Cic. office. 1.  do, and even in the manner of life we take to, we ought never to endure any thing, that is not what it appears to be, that is any way strange, or disproportioned to our natural inclination. For it is hardly credible how much we injure ourselves, by a servile imitation; and it is one of the most universal causes, why so few orators succeed, amongst so many who apply themselves to the study of Eloquence. For the most part of those who speak in public, not being contented with their own small abilities, strive to imitate and take pattern by those, 
Nihil decet invitâ Minervâ, id est, repugnant naturâ.  they see succeed better than themselves;& this brings them into that inconvenience, wherewith Cicero threatens those who change their course, b It is not possible, says he, that any one should ever be in a capacity of pleasing, when he 
Sic ut decorum conservare non possis si aliorum naturam imiteris, omittas tuam. office. 1.  leaves the means which nature had given him, and borrows from others.  
Cicero's way had doubtless never took, had it not been raised upon Demosthenes his bottom; and that pleasant air which so became him, would never have suited with Demosthenes his more severe temper. But they both knew well, what fitted them best. This Genius and capacity is the chief of those natutural qualities, which are absolutely necessary to Eloquence; upon which I have been more large than otherwise I should, because it is generally so little known or minded.  
As for the other natural qualities, it will not be requisite I stay so long upon them. They consist in a deep understanding gained by a long exercise of prudence and discretion, whereby a good judgement is acquired; but this solidity will be defective, if it be not accompanied with a clear, even, and undisturbed fancy. For let the understanding be never so good, it will miscarry, if the imagination be not rightly disposed; for it is that active part which sets all on work, and thence it comes to be of such importance. The voice,& air of the face, the gesture of the body, and all the outside, are other natural gifts requisite in an orator; the perfection of which consists, in having in every one such a becoming grace as does set off all our outward actions.  
Learning and Art are not less necessary to Eloquence, but those are such qualities as may be acquired. As for the first it is certain no body can have any great share of Eloquence without it; which will prove but an empty sound, uncapable of producing any effect, if it be not furnished with a good stock of all kind of knowledge. And it is for want of this, that the young man in the satirist, is so angry with the Declamers of his time, whom he taxes n with being the first corrupters of Eloquence, because they minded nothing but a certain specious flourishing way of speaking, which had in it nothing of folidity. That was not the way, says he, which Homer, Pindar, Plato, Thucydi●es, Hyperides, and Demosthenes took to become Eloquent.  
His indignation at this so great an error, was much increased, when a certain grave Doctor, to appease him,  told him, that this disorder proceeded from the professors of rhetoric, who to 'allure young men, did amuse them about the outside of words, which imposes on them, and pleases none but those who are ignorant: and that the parents were likewise in fault, who by ill education,& too early setting their children to study, do render them incapable of great things, whilst they pretend to 
place vestra dixisse liceat, primi eloquentiam perdidistis. Sat.  make excellent orators of them, that can hardly speak plain; and after all, he concludes in these words, which would loose all their beauty and grace, should I translate them: Quod si paterentur laborum gradus fieri, ut studiosi juvenes lectione severâ mitigarentur, ut sapientiae praeceptis animos componerent, ut verba atroci stylo effoderent, ut quod vellent imitari, diu audirent, sibique nihil esset magnificum, quod pueris placeret; illa grandis oratio subiret majestatis suae pondus.  

Nemo poterit esse omni laud cumulatus Orator, nisi erit omnium magnarum rerum& artium scientiam consecutus. 1. de Oratore.  This so rational discourse, does in general show the path we must tread, to arrive at that supreme degree of Eloquence which gains admiration. And it is certain, that we cannot pretend to any thing in it that is great and substantial, unless we do first get a stock of large conceptions, by filling our mind with all those Ideas which the knowledge of sciences can supply us with. This is the ordinary defect of th●se superficial orators, who think to make amends for the weakness of their fancy by the strength of their expressions, and who distinguish themselves from others by clothing pitiful ordinary matter in great strong lines. This is in short what may in brief be said of those abilities which are so absolutely necessary for those who would deserve any place among orators.  
It remains that we say something of Art, which though it be a large subject to discourse of, yet I shall not fully examine, least I should oblige myself to writ a whole treatise of Eloquence, when my subject only requires I should make some draughts that are most necessary for the comparison I design; though even this be difficult enough to do. For who is able to determine precisely in what the supreme perfection of this Art consists? Is it in the great and lofty, or else the strong and forcible way of expression? in close and concise, or in pompous full discourse? Is it the frequent use of figures, or a plain style that constitutes Eloquence? Is it the art of Protagoras and Thrasymachus, who boast in Plato that they can persuade to what they please, or the natural sauciness of Socrates who does really persuade without bragging of it?  
The more we search into this matter, the more difficult we find it; when we reflect on that piece of Cicero's, wherein he does so admirably enlarge himself upon the Punishment of parricides, and 
Quantis illa clamoribus adolescentuli diximus de supplicio parricidarum? Quid tam commune quam spiritus vivis? &c. Orat.  which so took with the People, though that orator himself, when he grew more in years, esteemed it but as one of his first juvenile Essays. The truth is, there is in it something that seems forced and studied for; he discovers in it too much of art, which has something of the young man in it. How then should we make a particular discovery herein, if we stay to reflect on all those things wherein Eloquence consists not? It will be sufficient to our purpose, if we can find that which is most real and essential to it, to which end it may be enough to establish some general maxim, according to which we may frame such an Idea of Eloquence, as may agree with all the worlds conceptions of it; concerning which these are my sentiments.  
The most essential part of all things, especially of those which are to please, is a certain grace in the doing of them, which is the ground and original of the pleasure they raise in us. It is a principle and general rule which 
Quod ipsi Roscio saepe aud●o dicere, Caput artis decere. De Orat. lib. 1.  Roscius, who taught Cicero to pronounce, did often put him in mind of, and which he afterward applied to Eloquence, that the most essential part of this art, consists in knowing how to find what becomes us. But what that is he 
Quod tamen unum tradi arte non potest.  says can neither be expressed, nor taught. Yet he does something towards the explaining what it is, in his Offices; where talking of the decency that ●ught to be observed in all duties, which is the foundation of it, he says, 

Decet quod aptum est personis, temporibus, aetatibus. office. 1.  
Cum id quod quaque personâ dignum est& fit& 〈◇〉 tur   It is notbing but a suitableness of our words or actions, to the circumstances of time, place, occasions, and persons. Which is so true, that Hortensius his way of speaking in public, which to●k so much when he was young, 
Manebat idem non decebat idem. Cic. in brute.  ceased to do so when he grew older, and that because it was no more suitable to his age.  

Is erit eloquens qui ad quodcunque decebit pote●it accommodare orationem. Cic. Orat.  And it is for this very reason, that Cicero in the description he makes of a true orator, 

Quaero quem probem probabo eum qui quod deceat videbit. Ibid.  
Nihil tam difficile quam quid deceat videre. Ibid.   says, that no body will ever be so, but those who are able to discern what becomes them, and have the art to practise it. There is nothing more difficult or seldomer found than this art, as he himself confesses. Without it one can never please, and with it one can never fail says 
Nihil potest placere quod non decet.  Quintilian. For that disposes of all things as they ought to be, that is in their own proper rank and place, from which proceeds that admirable order, not only of words, but also of conceptions, which is always so pleasing and satisfactory. And the chief perfection of this art, is not so much in finding ornaments for the discourse, as in disposing of them in their places; as that of the Painters is to cast the light, and place the objects in a just proportion of height from the level. This was Cesars and Antony's great talent, as Cicero tells us in his Orator, one of which could marshal the parts of his discourse, as a Geneneral does his troops; and the other, dispose of them as a Painter does the objects in his Picture. This order thus observed, is no small advance towards pleasing; for nothing does so much disgust, as the disproportion there appears between the parts of a discourse when the words& arguments are not placed in a convenient order. Besides this ranking of the parts where they do most naturally fall in, which is that which makes up a decorum; there is likewise a certain secret grace in the pleasing manner of urging any thing, which is more unexplicable, and as necessary to Eloquence as the former, for we persuade only so much as we are able to please. This gift proceeds from a natural happiness which some have in setting off their thoughts in the most taking air. For a discourse may have a due proportion between its parts, may have its ornaments,& many beauties, and yet not please; because the things in it are not set off with that unexpressible air, which is so taking and charming. We find a great deal of difference, between prettiness, and exact beauty.  
But what is this admirable air which makes all the orator says be kindly admitted into our minds. and which produces such strange effects in Eloquence? Cicero would fain tell us what it is, but cannot; we must return to the former principle we have established, which is Caput artis decere. One may be taught to speak well, but no precepts can be found capable of teaching this most proper becoming way, wherein all things must be delivered. Happy he that has it, for in that consists all natural Eloquence, which is very differing from the artificial.  

Dicere nemo benè potest nisi qui prudenter intelligit. Cic. Or.  The second principle which constitutes this art, is thinking well and soberly upon the subject of our discourse, and in this always to consult good sense, the least grain of which is of more worth, then all the superficial lustre the ornaments of rhetoric can supply. This prudence, which is the foundation of all Eloquence, as Cicero tells us, includes a solid judgement, and a clear discerning faculty, to make us invent what in itself is g●od, and then express it well. There is nothing of more importance to this Art then this, for whatever is sense is alway El●quent, and whatever is not so, be it never so elegant, can never be brought to be persuasive.  
Besides this gift of pleasing by decency and solidity of sense which is so requisite to Eloquence, there is also a certain conduct by which the Orator must be guided; and this I make the third principle, which consists in making as much use as one will of all the art of rhetoric, so the art be not too apparent; for nothing can please when one may discover it was designed to do so; and we can never charm, when it is plainly seen we aim at nothing else. Demosthenes himself, as great an Orator as he was, is never less taking, then when he strives to be so: for art can never be successful, unless it be disguised. All things are good used with this precaution, and yet it is a rule which we find observed but by few, because it is difficult to go about to please without seeming to design it, and to seem careless when most concerned. 
Eloquentiam qui consecuti sunt, quia lingua suspecta est.   
The last thing that ought to be observed, is an exact proportion of the discourse to the subject, so that we neither speak of what is great and lofty in a low style, nor on the contrary clothe ordinary matter in high flown elevated expressions. There is nothing that is more offensive to any person of judgement, then this disproportion, which is so ordinary a fault with young writers, who do many times discretely fly higher then they ought when their subject is mean, and are not able to reach high enough when the matter requires it. The precept of the Orator must be carefully observed, 
Cic. Orat.  Quanta ad rem tanta ad orationem fiat accessio. This rule ought likewise to extend itself to the persons to whom we address ourselves. For it is above all things requisite to proportion our discourse to the apprehensions of our audience; we ought to speak otherwise before understanding persons then the ignorant& unlearned, even as Cicero& Demosthenes have shown us the way. According to these rules and maxims we have fixed upon, we may now examine the Eloquence of both these great men, and compare their Characters, that so we may observe how they differed in their several ways, and accordingly determine which of them is most likely to persuade.   

CHAP. XIV.  
A Character of Demosthenes his Eloquence.  
DEmosthenes was of a choleric melancholy temper; the heaviness which proceeded from his melancholy, made him obstinately persevere in any thing he had undertaken, and his choler inspired him with vigour and all abilities necessary to bring it to perfection. Though this his temper made him something peevish and cross, yet did it due him with that serious humour, which so much conduced to the great reputation he at length obtained. For it was partly from this temper that his great severity of manners, which gained him the name of so virtuous a person in his country, proceeded; as also that courage he shew'd, in declaring himself so openly against Phillip and his Son that Conquered the world. And though the power of these two Princes, had made them terrible to all Greece; yet Demosthenes used them at such a rate, as never any King was by a private person, who had no authority but that of his reputation, nor weapon but his tongue.  
He had likewise from nature, a great and sublime Genius for all kind of sciences, and spirit enough, to be able to surmount all the obstacles he found in his endeavours to become learned. After having replenished his mind with that knowledge that was necessary to his profession, he made use of a certain Player whom Photius calls Neoptolemus, to teach him to pronounce well. Quintilian calls him Andronicus, and Plutarch, Satyrus; which makes it seem probable, that being so passionately desirous of succeeding in it, he made use of divers masters, that he might not be wanting in any thing which he could so easily allow himself. This Satyrus, who understood his art very well, made him begin, as Plutarch tells us, with rehearsing some of Sophocles, and Euripides his Poems, but after he had done, this Player repeated them again with so much life and grace, that they seemed quiter another thing. Whereupon he began to apprehended how very requisite a good pronunciation is to an Orator, since the same thing only diversely pronounced had seemed so strangely different to him.  
Thus by the help of these masters, this young man found encouragement enough from his natural faculty's that way to make him resolve upon addicting himself to pronunciation, as the chief art wherein his Eloquence would consist. And indeed he added to his natural vehemency such lively exterior actions, that it was impossible to hear him, without feeling at the bottom of ones soul sensible effects of his action. 

Lib. 8. cap. 10.  
In actione dominatur vultus: hic est saepe pro omnibus verbis.  
In ipso vultu saepe valent oculi per quos animus emanat. Fab. lib. 11. Cap. 3.   Valerius Maximus tells us, he had a marvellous piercing sparkling eye, and that he made good use of that natural advant●ge, to express diversely in his face such motions as his subject did require, but above all to make him seem terrible and dreadful, when it was requisite he should so. He let his voice fall so properly where it ought, gave his words such a tone, and a graceful air to all his action, that it made every one that heard admire him; so that Action was almost the chief quality, wherein his Eloquence consisted: and 
Pronunciationi palmam dedit Demosthenes. Just. lib. 11. Cap. 3.  he himself used to say, it was the first, second, and third part of it, meaning that it was all in all to pronounce well what one had to say; and that 
Omnia perinde sunt ut aguntur. Cic. de Orat. l. 1.  all things are to be esteemed according to the manner they are delivered. But nothing can better make us apprehended the great advantage Demosthenes had over other men in this art of pronouncing, then the suffrage of his greatest adversary in the case. For Eschines having been cast in the svit he undertook against Ctesiphon, whom Demosthenes had defended, and having retired himself to Rhodes, to avoid the shane and alloy the grief it had caused him, some of his friends desired him to repeat to them the Oration he had made against Ctesiphon, which when he had willingly, done they desired him likewise to let them see that which Desthenes had made against him, he red it to them very distinctly, whereupon they all began to admire it, 
Magis admiremini si ipsum audissetis 1. de Orat.  but what would you have done said he, had you heard him speak it himself? intimating thereby the excellent way he had of pronouncing.  
Besides this his action, which gave a life to all he said, he did improve all he had to say with proper expressions, lively descriptions, touching passages, and representations, that affencted and made strong impressions in the mind. In fine, all his discourse was 
{αβγδ}. Phot. in Demost. sect. 17.  full of expressive figures, of those frequent apostrophe's, and reiterated interrogations, which add so much vigour, and do so animate a discourse, as Longinus observes. So that one may truly affirm, that never any Orator raised his anger, hatred, indignation, and all his passions to that height as did Demosthenes. And that doubtless was the reason, that Demetrius Phalerius says, that he pronounced as if he had been inspired, and Eratosthenes in Plutarch says, that he spoken like an Enthusiast. For he was as it were inflamed, whilst he spoken, by the heat of his action, and the violent transport of his Imagination.  
What shall I say of that sharp style wherewith he stirred up the minds of all the Common-wealth against Philip, without any regard of his quality? of his invectives wherein he fell upon Midias, to render him odious, and obnoxious to public hatred? of those passages where he is so transported against Eschines, in the Oration for Ctesiphon? and of all those frequent invocations of the Gods? those Apostrophes to the Sun and stars? of those oaths by Heaven and earth, by the fountains and rivers, according to the maxims of his Religion? of those strange forced figures, and other violent passions, all his discourses so abound with? To all which, he added a pronunciation, and tone of his voice, more thundering then that of Pericles whom he had taken for his pattern. And this his vehement action, joined to that of his expression, are the things which chiefly make up the Character of that powerful Eloquence, unto which no body besides him ever arrived, as Longinus assures us, and of which Quintilian in his Institutions has left us so fair a description, where he says, that Demosthenes made what impression he pleased upon those that heard him, 
Aut qui non est, aut majorem, qui est, faciat affectum: haec est illa rebus indignis, asperis, invidiosis vim addens oratio: quà praeter alios valuit plurimum Demosthenes. l. 6. c. 2.  either in inspiring them with his own sentiments and passions, or in raising and exalting those they already were possessed with, by making them sensible of all his ardour, and in stirring up in them either anger, envy, or indignation, against the subjects he discoursed of, and that this was the chief art wherein his Eloquence consisted.  
He had also a particular talent, in representing things exactly with all their circumstances, which is of no small moment to work belief in the people, to whom all things seem much more probable from circumstances. And he had so exquisite an art of describing all things naturally, that the merest fables as he related them, would persuade much more, by reason of that plain natural way he delivered them in, then the most solid truth alleged by another; and these kind of representations taken from the nature of the things, were very successful to him.  
We are  told by 
Cap. de figure. causis.  Dionysius Halicarnasseus, that his Eloquence was likewise very subtle atd artificial; he could turn and wind about, and follow the most untrodden paths, to come the more surely to his proposed end. And thus in the Oration about the fleet, that was to be set out against the King of Persia, by representing to the people the difficulty's they would find, if they went about such an enterprise, without engaging all Greece in the same design; he makes the thing appear so difficult, as he represents it, that though he seems to persuade them to it, yet he dissuades them from it in reality as he at first designed. And in the same manner, when he intended to blame the carelessness and cowardice of the Athenians, he did it 
Ut objurgaret populi segnitiem majorum, laud uti maluit. Quint. l. 6. cap. 6.  by representing to them the valour and brave deeds of their ancestors.  

Ut meliora probantes pejorum poeniteret. Ibid.  Quintilian in his sixth book of Institutions, explains this expedient, which this orator made use of, to surprise his auditors, and of which he had the first hint from Thucydides, in the examples of Nicias and Archidamus. Ulpian observes, that there were but few examples of any artifice of this nature in his time.  
And this it was doubtless, which gave Hermogenes occasion to say in his first book of ideas, that Demosthenes was very skilful in concealing this method. Which Ulpian does also more expressly tells us, in the perface before the Olinthiackes. Dionysius Halicarnasseus especially commends the excellent ordering of his discourse, which he marshals with so much art, that he always puts every thing in its most proper place. But though he was very happy in alleging& establishing his own arguments, yet was he infinitely more so in confuting those of his adversaries, by the strength of his Enthymem's, which were so celebrated by all antiquity. And he never seemed greater nor more wonderful, then when he was most powerfully opposed; as we may see in the Oration for Ctesiphon, the success of which was the more esteemed of, by reason of the worth of Eschines, his adversary. Never was any business pursued by two Orators with more eagerness, nor undertook with more preparation; for both of them employed above four years in it. 
Ad quod judicium concursus dicitur è totâ Graeciâ factus. Quid enim tam visendum quam summorum Oratorum in gravissimâ causâ accuratâ& inimicitiis accensa contentio? Cic. de opt. gen. Orat.  This animosity which was heard of throughout all Greece, brought together a great concourse of auditors from all parts to assist at this decision, and to see a trial of skill between these two great men, which became so famous by their emulation.  
But as his vehemence was the chief quality in his Eloquence, so Photius assures us, that those Orations he made to the people had much more of it in them, then those he made to the Senate; for whatever is great& noble in Eloquence, becomes most so when delivered to a great assembly. It is true that the credit he had gained in his Country by the integrity of his intentions, did authorize him to allow himself any thing,& to take a great liberty of speaking to this people, who needed to be put in mind of their duty. The sharpness and anger of this orator, did not at all displease them, when they found they needed to be waked out of that Lethargy, into which their natural negligence and idleness had plunged them: and Demosthenes that he might the more securely master this sort of people, which truly was proud● but withall cowardly, always made a great show of his zeal for the good of the state upon all occasions. They had used themselves to endure patiently his invectives and reproaches, by reason of the fruit they had often reaped from his good counsills; and he himself knew very well, that sometimes it is very requisite to seem angry and severe, that he may be useful thereby to his auditors.  
There was nevertheless in all this austere kind of Eloquence very much solid& judicious reason, which had in it nothing that was either superficial or weak; and his reproaches how severe soever, were always taken in good part, because he backed them with such weighty reasons and arguments as were irresistible. His language was ordinary, having nothing far fetched or sought for in it, and yet it was very pure, and conformable to that critical palate, that reigned then at Athens; but he had the art of putting into that language, as plain as it was, and into all his words, all the life and vigour that he pleased by the vehemence of his action. And now that we may the better come to judge of the value of this his Eloquence, we shall do well to examine what effects it produced.   

CHAP. XV.  
The Effects of Demosthenes's Eloquence, and the commendations the ancients have given it.  
THough learned men have striven who should speak most in his commendation yet nothing seems comparable to what Lucian says in the case, who commends this orator by the mouth of Alexander's successor. Had it not been for Demosthenes, says K. Antipater, I had taken Athens with less trouble then Thebes, but he was every where to oppose my design: he could by no means be surprised, but was alone more formidable, then whole fleets and armies. What would he have done had he had the command of numerous Forces, or the disposing of the public revenues, since we found it so difficult to bear up only against the power of his words?  
King Philip reflecting on the power this great man would have got, and how terrible he would have been, if he had had any warlike command, seeing the thunder of his Eloquence was alone so dreadful, says in the same place, Let no body any more say the Athenians are my enemies, for I know none I have but Demosthenes, it is he alone that wages war with me, who brings to nought and opposes my designs, and frustrates all my enterprises. And indeed it was his Eloquence alone joined all Gr●●ce in a League against the Macedonians; it was that which made the Thebans enter into the league, though they were before engaged to Philip; and this he did notwithstanding that Prince had sent thither two of his greatest statesmen, viz. amyntas, and Clearchus, to maintain his interest there, and to oppose the designs of Demosthenes, who was there as envoy from the Athenians.  
So that this incomparable person gave that Prince more trouble with the only power of his office, then did the Pyreum with all its Galleys, or all the united forces of Greece with all their Commanders. Nay his famed was so great, that as soon as it was known that he was to speak publicly, 
Ut concursus ex totâ Graeciâ fierent cum Demosthenes dicturus esset. Cic. de claris Orat.  all the people flock't from all the neighbouring parts to hear him. Dionysius Halicarnasseus confesses, 
Epist. ad Am.  that whenever he red one of Demosthenes's Orations, he found himself so s●●angely moved that he was no more himself, but was absolutely captivated by that author. He fully resented all his hatreds, angers, compassions, indignations and hopes, and all that he said made the same impression upon him, as the mystery's of the Goddesse Cybele did upon her Priests. I confess I do not wonder that this learned man was so moved and affencted when he red Demosthenes, for as he himself was of a very penetrating judement, so he did easily comprehend and see into the reasons, and all the sentiment of this Orator, and by a kind of sympathy was affencted with them as with his own thoughts. And there is no body but will find the same effects from reading Demosthenes, if he do it with the same attention and preparation of mind, as did that orator, for we are certainly touched with every thing he says, if we be fitly disposed.  
One need only take the pains to red Plutarch upon the life of Demosthenes, to see the strange effects of his Eloquence. But after I had red that, nothing seemed to me so glorious for this great man, as what Quintilian says of him, viz: 
Cicer. quantus est magnâ ex parte fecit. l. 10. c. 1. Inst.  that it was the Eloquence of Demosthenes which made Cicero what he w●s. And what Cicero himself confesses, 
Demosthenem imitamur, quid uliud agimus? ab non assequimur. brute.  that he strives to follow, but cannot reach him.  
I mention not the advantage which Demosthenes got over Python the Orator, and chief Minister of Philip, whom Diodorus Siculus commends so much. I likewise pass over the success he had against Hyperides and photion so admired by Plutarch: and will now set down, some of the Elogium's learned men have given this incomparable orator.  
Eratosthenes in Plutarch says, there is something divine in Demosthenes his Eloquence. Leosthenes in Lucian assures us, that the discourse of Demosthenes, was the only one which seemed to h m to have life in it. Theophrastus being demanded what he thought of Demosth. his Eloquence, answered, it was far better then Athens deserved. Polyeuctes the great Spectian orator, who had a share in the management of the state affairs, and lived in Theophrastus his time, does give it as his opinion, that Demosthenes was the greatest of Orators. Aristotle in Lucian presenting this great man to Alexander, assures him, that the greatness of his Eloquence, made him admire him above all others. Alexander the great called him the most powerful Orator of all the rest in persuading, and he said, that his Eloquence had enchantment in it, because he persuaded to what he would. Menedemus in Cicero, says of him, that he had the art of affecting mens minds, and doing what he pleased with them.  
Demetrius acknowledges that Demosthenes, when he spoken, seemed to be inspired. Hermogenes in his Ideas, that the way of speaking of this Orator came nearest perfection of any. Dionysius Halicarnasseus, that he outdid in Eloquence all his predecessors, successors, and Contemporaries. Suidas that he was wonderfully powerful, in expressing what he had premeditated. Cicero where he seeks a perfect orator, in the description he makes of him declares, that no example of him can be found but in Demosthenes. Valerius Maximus assures us, that his name alone makes one apprehended all that is great in Eloquence. Longinus stiles his Eloquence, naturally great, and brought to perfection. Plutarch and Quintilian have said more of it then all the rest; and Ausonius in his Epistles to Symmachus says, that never any besides did arrive to the strength of Demosthenes his reasoning.  
These eulogiums may be opposed to the invectives of Juvenal and Sidonius, who have dared to reproach Demosthenes with the obscurity of his birth; as if the faculties of the soul, and natural abilities, depended upon the circumstances wherewith a man comes into the world. I shall not stand upon the commendations that are given him by modern writers, but I cannot omit what one of the most considerable hath said of him, viz: 
Erasmus in his preface to Demosthenes.  that no body can thoroughly understand the art he shew'd in his Enthymems and argumentations, but according to the proficiency they have in learning, and the knowledge they have in rhetoric. I should never make an end, should I pursue this subject; that which hath been said may suffice to acquaint us with his extraordinary merit, and give us an estimate of his worth.   

CHAP. XVI.  
The Character of Cicero's Eloquence.  
NEver had any one a more happy birth for Eloquence, nor which was accompanied with more signal circumstances then Cicero. He had a Father that was a person of very Good Quality, and was born in the most flourishing State, in the most knowing age, among a people of the most refined manners, and in a time famous for the number of great Wits then flourishing. Nature which for the most part does bring forth her productions at all adventures, without any choice of materials, or other design then to go on in her old tract, did not keep to her principles in what concerned him, for she never was more favourable to any one, that was designed for a perfect accomplished Orator. She began with giving him a body endowed with all those graces could make him lovely, and with filling his mind with all those great natural gifts that were fit to make him a very extraordinary person. His melancholy, which according to Aristotle, is the most ordinary temper of great wits, had nothing in it that was dull or heavy; and which is very unusual, there was never any one person master of so much solid reason, and so much brisk gaiety at once as he.  
He had a great soul and a deep judgement, a plain, and sober, but rich and fruitful fancy, a tender heart, an affecting air, and taking delivery, a handsome face, a good voice, a good address,& a very pleasing presence. Plutarch assures us that he was so pretty a youth, that his school-fellows fathers took pleasure to see him, where he went to School. That vast extent of learning and stock of knowledge, wherewith he so carefully replenished his mind in so many years he spent, and voyages he undertook, gave a weightiness and authority to all he proposed, and made him speak with the greatest solidity that one can imagine. And in truth without this ground work of knowledge, Eloquence would be but an empty kind of chat, and a confused medley fit for nothing but to make a noise.  
Besides this solidity which included so much sense and prudence; he had a certain grace and sprightlinesse of wit, which made him able to embellish all he said, so that nothing came into his fancy, but he set it off with the most pleasant dress, and the most lively and natural touches that could be imagined. Whatever he treated of, whether it was the most abstruse questions of logic, the most barren parts of natural Philosophy, the most crabbed difficult cases in law, or whatsoever else is troublesone and difficult; all this I say when it chanced to be the subject of his discourse, did participate of those airy touches of wit, which were so natural to him, for we must needs aclowledge that never any body had the gift of writing at once so judiciously, and so pleasantly as he.  
He does well represent his own Character, in that he makes of Crassus, whom he brings in as the most accomplished orator of his time: he had, saith he, much gravity in his discourse, but it was free, pleasant, and gentle: he was elegant without affectation, had a popular air, but yet maintained by his graceful manner of expressing himself. The truth is he did not amiss in preferring him to all others, whom he there looks upon as the most exact model of Eloquence. 
Crasso nihil status fieri posse perfecticis. In brute.  And that is the reason, why in his books de Oratore he delivers his own sentiments altogether through the mouth of Crassus, and speaks for the most part in his person, so to give greater weight to what he delivers, and the more to authorize his opinions. And as his knowledge was universal, so did he writ equally well upon all subjects, which is the greatest and surest sign of the excellency of his Genius, which having no limits, was capable of succeeding in whatsoever he took to. And that is also one of the chief commendations Cicero gives his Crassus. There are also many other things to be said of him, if one would descend to particulars, but that would be endless.  
But after all, the chief perfection of his Eloquence was his admirable talent of affecting the heart upon 
Versatus in omni genere causarum Cic. in brute.  
Tullium habemus in omnibus dicendi generibus eminentissimum. Inst. lib. 10. C. 9.  pathetic subjects, by that wonderful art of moving the passions, the ground of which he had from nature, and which he so well improved by his constant studying of Aristotles rhetoric: for tis in that the power of Eloquence may most display itself, by the great motions, and violent impressions, she makes on the heart in stirring the passions. Cicero was master of this part of Eloquence in so eminent a degree, that in cases of great importance, in which divers orators were employed in the choosing of parts and subjects, he had always allotted him those in which one might be the most pathetical, because he was happier at that then any body else. And Brutus himself said, that though Hortensius was so well qualified for Eloquence, as to vie with Cicero, or at least to be opposed to him in important causes, yet 
Hoc est quod dominatur in judiciis haec eloquentiam regunt Quint. lib. 6. cap. 2.  when they speak together upon the same subject, he did willingly yield him the making of the conclusion, because it was Ciceros chief talent to affect, and make impressions upon the minds of the Judges by the turns of his Eloquence. And in this he was so successful that many times he would force sighs and tears from the assistants at the bar. These strange effects proceeded from a singular art he had of insinuating himself through the mind to the heart, and of sowing there the seeds that produced these soft motions, by the force of his argumentations, that so he might therewith shake the resolutions of all he spoken to.  
He arrived to this perfection, chiefly by his natural temper; for he had a very tender soul, and a soft passionate air in all he did: and besides his graceful delivery and his excellent pronunciation 
Ut plangore& lamentatione forum compleremus.  gave him a very easy admittance into the hearts of his audience, who finding themselves surprised by so many charms, were not able to make any resistance. But to all these natural beauties, he also added infinite artificial ones throughout his whole discourse, by an Eloquence enriched with all the Figures and ornaments of speech; which last was one of the most eminent parts of his Character: for never had any one in any language so fluent●a tongue, or so much command of words.  
plainness backed with a great deal of sense,& upheld by an air becoming the dignity of the subject, is in my opinion the sovereign perfection of discourse. I find in the expressions of the ancients, who are our truest patterns, a threefold plainness, in caesar a naked bare plainness, in Petronius an affencted one, and the third in Cicero, who choose a mean between those two, which made up his Character as to expression, and in my opinion is far beyond either of the other. caesar is too plain, Petronius is not enough so, and Cicero is as he should be; for avoiding the barrenness of caesar, and Petronius his affectation, he does mingle ornaments among those things which will bear them, and cuts them off from those that deserve them not, without ever raising himself above his subject, as men of shallow parts, and those who are any thing inclined to the puerile way, use to do. So that the plainness of Cicero's discourse is more or less according as the subject requires.  
His metaphors are neither too dazzling, nor too bold; but the way of his discourse is always easy and natural; his connexions are never forced nor sought for, all his figures and ornaments are disposed in their proper places; his thoughts are great, and it is hard to determine, whether he was more happy in choosing, or expressing them: for he never wants in his expression any thing that is requisite either to please or affect his audience.   

CHAH. XVII.  
The effects and commendations of Cicero's Eloquence.  
WE need not then wonder that so accomplished an Eloquence produced such wonderful effects; for it was that alone, which without any other accessary help but the virtue of this orator, raised him from a man that was of no note, and whose ancestors had not bore any offices in state, to the highest of all greatness, and made him master of the world. It was that by which he deserved the most glorious title, that any private person could 
Omnia incrementa sibi debuit vir novitatis nobilissimae. Vell. Pater.  hope for; which all the conquerors that went before him could never obtain: for he was called the father of his country, which is the most fit title that can be to satisfy the ambition of a sovereign, who has a soul great enough to be sensible of the inexpressible satisfaction there is in having a sovereignty over mens minds and reigning over his peoples hearts. Lastly it was this his Eloquence which triumphed over caesar, even then when he came from conquering Pompey, and when he began to ascend the throne and be master of the world.  
For Cicero being now come over to Cesar's party, undertook the defence of his friend Q. Ligarius, who was accused of having born arms against caesar, notwithstanding the great obligations he had to do the contrary. caesar who had already 
Primus omnium pater patriae appellatus. Plin. hist. l. 7. C. 30  condemned him in his heart, had yet a mind to hear Cicero, whom he had not heard a great while by reason of his long absence& business in the war newly ended, and therefore answered some of his friends, who would have dissuaded him from it, What matter is it? let us hear him, but yet it shall be neither here nor there for that: for I have already taken my resolution. But this orator 
Plut. in Cicer.  spoken so stoutly for the defence of his friend, that he affencted caesar notwithstanding his former resolution to the contrary. And Cicero having mentioned something that happened in the battle of Pharsalia, caesar found himself all over strangely moved, so that, as if he had been enchanted, he let fall some papers he had in his hand. In fine he could not resist such powerful charms, nor that subtle artifice he used in commending him;& though he had taken a firm resolution before hand of not being overcome by the Eloquence of this powerful Orator, yet was he at last forced by it to forgive Ligarius.  
I mention not the same favour Cicero obtained for King Dejotarus, and for his friend Marcellus, of the same Emperour, who was so resolute and hard to be persuaded to any thing. One need but look in the Comments which Tho. Freigius has very methodically made on Ciceros Orations for the particular success of every one of them, to know thereby the effects of his Eloquence, which I shall not stand upon, that I may say something of what he did in Catilines business, which got him so much reputation, both upon the account of the importance of the Conspiracy, and the persons that were engaged in it.  
L. Sergius Catiline was a Roman of great quality, but of a very dangerous 
Nihil soles oblivisei nisi injurias. Pro. Lig.  spirit, by reason of his being endued with some very great virtues, but more and greater vices. He had large thoughts and designs, he was daring, of a great spirit, of a strong and vigorous constitution of body; he was temperate, watchful, always in action, and never cast down by his ill fortune, close and dissembling, but openly affecting to seem free and candid, subtle without seeming so, and doing nothing without design. He was liberal of what ever he had even to prodigality, and insatiably coveting all that he had not. He had acquired himself an Eloquence fit to please malcontents and mutineers, and to maintain and put the best face on wicked practices. He likewise knew how by engaging his person to promote his enterprizes; which he might have pursued farther, had he had conduct enough to overcome and weary out the obstinacy of his ill fortune. For never was any body more brave and daring, and yet more unfortunate then Catiline.  
An enemy of this importance, having engaged all the most considerable and most hot headed youth of Rome on his side, started up against Cicero, at a time when Pompey was busied in a long and troublesone war against the Kings of Pontus and armoniac. So that Rome was then unprovided of forces, and exhausted of her wealth, by the luxury that then reigned, and most peoples minds and affections, whom Sylla's Dictatorship had lately shaken and disturbed, were yet unsettled.  
In so cross a conjuncture of affairs, this seditious fellow, having found all Tuscany, and a great part of Lombardy, easily inclinable to revolt, appeared a Candidate for the Consulship: and this his demand was backed by the credit and name of caesar, who had been engaged in this design the more to authorize them. They were likewise maintained by many other persons of quality, who declared themselves more openly then caesar, for he so well knew how to behave himself in these kind of businesses, which for the most part are very hazardous, that he never engaged, but when he saw so many already declared, as took away all possibility of danger to himself whatever happened; so that though he had a share in most of the ill practices against the state which happened in his time, yet he choose his side so wisely, that he never was exposed to danger in any; and this made Cato say, That of all those who had plotted against the state, caesar was the only man that came sober to destroy the commonwealth. 
Unum ex omnibus Caesarem ad evertendam Remp. sobrium accessisse. Sueton. Jul. Caes.   
Cicero had nothing to oppose to so horrid a conspiracy, but the power of his Eloquence; and yet he brought it to nought without any other assistance but that of his resolution. For having himself made Lentulus and Cethegus, the two chiefs of the conspiracy that were to be found, be carried to prison; he caused them to be beheaded in his sight. The people was so wonder-struck at so bold an action, that by the advice of Catulus, who was then speaker of the senate, and of Cato, they decreed him such public honours as before had no precedent. And it was on this occasion that Cicero, by the unfeigned zeal for his country and unshaken courage, deserved that glorious name of his countries father, which was since the proudest title wherewith the vanity of all the Emperours suffered themselves to be flattered by the base fawnings of the slavish people. After so brave an action, upheld by the strength of his Eloquence, the whole party was so discouraged and disturbed, that Catiline was fain to fly from Rome, the people beginning now to be inflamed with indignation against him.  
And it was this glorious action, for which Rome was more beholding to this her Consul, in that he delivered her from so great a danger, then to Romulus for building her; seeing her being first founded was a thing of mere chance, but her preservation in such a time, was an effect of a most prudent and generous conduct.  
The war which the republic waged against Marc Antony, who by reason of his consulship had grasped the whole government of the state into his own hands, and the raising of young Octavius, were as wonderful 
Non tantam urbem fecit Romulus, quantam Cicero servavit. Tit. Liv. in Sen. Decl.  effects of Cicero's Eloquence, as was the preservation of the state from the ruin it was threatened with by Catilines conspiracy.  
And indeed in that this orator did even more then he himself intended, for he designed nothing in raising Octavius, but the destruction of Antony. But the elogium which he made of him and his virtues, put him so far into the peoples favour, that it immediately raised him higher then ever Antony had been; and that advantage over Pompey which cost caesar so much blood in the plains of Pharsalia, was not so great as that which Cicero's Eloquence alone gave Octavius over Antony. For this young man had so much discretion, as to make use of his nomination of him for consul, and of the public employments he put him upon, as of so many steps by which he ascended the throne of of the Empire; which caesar did so difficultly bring to pass, with all the most experienced Roman Legions, and with the Forces of the greatest part of the world which he commanded.  
The renown of this his Eloquence was so great, when Bestia and Metellus were tribunes, that both of them did what they could to hinder Cicero from ever speaking in public, because of the too great power he had in persuading: in which he was like him who is mentioned by 
Rerum potiebatur cum loquebatur ad populum.  Seneca in his declamations, who always commanded the assent of those he spoken to as soon as ever he opened his mouth.  
I shall not here stand to transcribe at length all learned mens judgments upon this orators Eloquence, which would be very tedious, seeing there are none but have signalis'd themselves by the praises they have given this great man. But I can not omit the suffrages of the two first Cesar's, and some others, which are too considerable to be past by. Julius caesar said, as Quintilian reports, that Cicero had triumphed oftener by virtue of his Eloquence, ahen all the rest of the Romans put together by their arms. Augustus in Plutarch, says he was a very great Orator. Asinius Pollio, who made himself so famous, by the great love he had for learning and learned men, believes, that 
Hujus ingenio atque industriae superba natura pariter& fortuna obsecuta est.  nature and fortune had taken a pride injointly being favourable to the Genius and Industry of this admirable orator. Hortensius assures us, that Cicero's chief talent, was in moving his hearers hearts, which is the greatest commendations can be given an Orator. Aufidius Bassus says, his Eloquence was so extraordinary that 
Vir natus ad Reip. salutem.  he seemed born for the safety and preservation of the Commonwealth. Titus Livius in a fragment of his, which we find in feneca's Declamations, says, that never any body had made himself so much admired by his Eloquence as Cicero; that he was happy both in his works, and the recompense he gained for them. Paterculus, that 
Delectari ante eum paveis●mis, mirari vero neminem possis, nisi aut ab illo visum aut qui illum viderit. Hist. l. 1.  no body could be excellently Eloquent unless he had been conversant with Cicero. Pliny the Historian, that 
Extra omnem aliam ingenii positus. Hist. nat.  no body is to be compared to him. Quintilian amongst many other commendations of him, which his books are full of, declares, that this great man was a gift sent down from heaven, in whom Eloquence takes pleasure to display all her power, and to unfold all her wealth, and that it is a shane not to yield ones self when he goes about to persuade.  
I mention not that famous epigram which Catullus made in praise of Cicero's Eloquence, nor what Juvenal says in his commendation in his eighth satire, Martiall in the third and fifth books of his Epigram's, Cornelius severus in his Poem, Pliny the younger in his Epistles, St. Jerome in the Epistle to Nepotian, and many other places of his works, where he confesses what a great esteem he has for Cicero; Aurelius Victor, Cossiodorus, and a multitude of other great persons, who have done themselves much honour in the Commendations they give of him. This is what I had to say in particular of the different Characters of the Eloquence of Demosthenes and Cicero; I come now to the comparison between these two Characters, which is the main design of this discourse.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
A comparison of the Characters of the two Orators.  
BEfore we decide any thing, that we may reconcile those who have declared themselves for either of these two great Orators, we shall do well to lay down one undeniable maxim, which is, that though every thing have but one metaphysical truth, yet it may have divers degrees of perfection and goodness, which may consist in very different qualifications; and this may sufficiently authorize mens several relishes, and justify their various judgments of them. For every perfection may have in its kind a great extent of differing degrees, but the truth of it cannot, which being a perfect conformity of our apprehension to the object, must of necessity be still one and the same.  
But if this maxim be true in other things, it is much more so in Eloquence, which requires so great a number of different qualities to make her perfect. And this doubtless was the reason, why Cicero makes Brutus observe, that though Cotta and Sulpitius were both perfect Orators, yet their talents were very differing. For Sulpitius's excellency, consisted in the force and vehemence of his discourse, whereas that of Cotta was his sweetness and gracefulness; whereupon Brutus speaking of them, cries out, 
O magnam inquit artem, si quidem istis cum summi essent Oratores duae res maximae altera alteri defuit. brute.  O the admirable art of Eloquence which has so great an extent of perfection! For Cotta and Sulpitius were both of them perfect in their way, though each of them wanted some very considerable qualifications. And this makes Cicero confess, that 
In oratoribus possunt esse summi qui inter se dissimiles sint. Ibid.  there may be two accomplished and perfect Orators, though they be of very different Characters. Because there are 
In aliis dignitas oris, in aliis venustas. Ibid.  in Eloquence, as all other things, beauties of very different kinds.  
So that according to this principle, we may judge between Demosthenes and Cicero without preferring either of them before the other: and compare their excellencies without diminishing either's reputation, seeing they had each of them in their way arrived to sovereign perfection. I shall therefore now lay down the differences, which may be found in the comparison of these two great persons.  
As for Invention, which is the chiefest of the natural qualities that are necessary to an Orator, it is difficult to say which of them had most, since they both were possessed of it in so vast an elevated,& extraordinary manner: but as the fancy is that which gives the invention those delightful slight touches which do most beautify it, Cicero having had a more pleasant and taking fancy, had consequently a more neat Invention. Their Judgments seem to have been equally solid; there is nothing to be found in them, that is either deceitful or faltring; all is substantial and raised on good grounds, and they both have strictly observed that precept of Aristotle in his rhetoric, which teaches that persuasion is effected only by the natural bringing in of the most ordinary things. And these ordinary things are ordered by them both in such an excellent manner as can admit of no exceptions.  
Their expressions are proper and neat, and have nothing in them that is exquisite or studied for, though Demosthenes by reason of the copiousness of the Greek tongue does allow himself to be more bold then Cicero, who keeps closer to the purity of his language. His expressions show more his modesty and the respect he had for the latin tongue, and Demosthenes is more lofty and elegant: but Cicero's softness hath nothing effeminate in it, as Seneca observes. Both of them are equally admirable in the Lofty way, and in that elevated discourse, which Longinus treats of, and which he calls 
{αβγδ}. cap. 9.  the Image of a great soul.  
Their thoughts and expressions are always strong and full, having nothing in them either that is to low or could; and are always accompanied by a majestic air, which does so much distinguish them from all other Orators. 
Sine in famiâ mollis.   
But as Cicero's Genius was more universal then Demosthenes's and his learning of a greater extent, so had he the advantage over him of leaving no kind of Eloquence unpractised, and wherein he had not exercised himself, as I observed before.  
Demosthenes had confined himself to the business of the state and the bar only, that is to the Judiciary and deliberative parts of Eloquence, and hardly meddled with the Demonstrative; for the Commendation of Chabrias the general in the Oration against Leptinus, is mean and weak, in comparison of that which, Cicero made of Pompey, in the Oration for the Manillan Law. Libanius does also pretend, that the funeral Oration upon those who were killed at Cheronea, which is among Demosthenes works, is not his, because the style of it is too low. He affirms the same of that of love, because it is too soft and unlike his ordinary style. Dionysius Halicarnasseus is also of the same mind, who likewise observes, that Demosthenes's periods are very round and harmonious, and of a very regular number, in which Cicero comes not behind him in my opinion.  

Quorum virtutes plerasque arbitror similes, consilium, ordinem, praeparandi, dividendi, probandi rationem, omnia denique quae sunt inventionis. Quint. l. 10. cap, 1.  The design of the discourse, the order, arguments, divisions, and all things that any way depend upon the invention, are much alike in these Orators, and that because they both imitated no other pattern in these things but nature, which is that we must regulate ourselves by in all these parts, if we would succeed; and as they both worked in that upon the same ground, so have they little differed in it. Not but that in Cicero's argumentations, his logic seems more exact and less intricate then that of Demosthenes.  
It is also probable that the art of syllogizing, which Cicero had so carefully learned in Aristotles logic, was not so much in use in Demosthenes his time, whose argumentations being only plain Enthymem's, were more natural, and agreeable to his vehement pressing way; as that art of deducing particular consequences from universal principles, which Aristotle reduced into a method, and which Thomas Freigius has so well picked out of Cicero, is much more insinuating, and suitable to his manner of writing.  
After all these things which were common to both these Orators, these are the chief differences we can find between them. Demosthenes is more passionate then Cicero and more grave, he sets upon his business resolutely, and pursues things roughly, without having any respect of persons, no not though they be Princes. He lays all Philipps practices open, as soon as he is got into his office, without any regard either to his person or Crown; nay he does as it were degrade him and strip him of all his honours, to treat him like a private person, and calls him the fellow of Macedonia. He likewise delights sometimes, out of a moral austerity which was natural to him, to pull down the pride and haughtyness of the Athenians, who were so jealous of their authority. And as his choler and peevish humour were visible in all he said, so did he give himself up so much to the impetuous current of his temper, that it was but very seldom that he was cool and without passion when he spoken. His discourse is likewise rough and harsh, and is never smooth or moderate. But Cicero is much more master of himself and all his passions, he 
Riget ejus oratio, nihil in eâ placidum, nihil lene. Sen. Cont.  more gently manages his auditors minds, and regards whom he speaks to, he has nothing that is harsh or surly, is pleasant even in his anger and indignation, and has the art of pleasing still whatever he speaks of. It was he indeed that first made the Romans sensible of the pleasures of Eloquence, as Plutach observes in his life, and who knew how to make that be thought pleasant, which is honest.  
Demosthenes finds out in all the reasons he thinks on, all that is in them either of solid or substantial, and has the art of representing it in its full strength, but Cicero, besides this solidity, which never scapes him, does likewise lay hold on all it has in it of pleasing and taking, and never fails of his aim in the pursuit of it. The torrent of Demosthenes's discourse is so violent and rapid, his argumentations so close, and many, his whole manner of writing has it in a height so like that of 
{αβγδ}.  craggy rocks and precipices, as Longinus expresses it, that it is difficult to follow, and keep place with him; whereas Cicero carries his auditors along with him, or makes them go before him; he turns and winds the minds of his hearers, and touches their hearts so, that they guess before hand what he has next to say, and in a manner prevent him. And when he first begins to speak of any thing, they find which way he is going by the address he has, to let them know from whence he comes; so well he knew all the springs and turnings of mens hearts, and in that his great art and chief masterpiece consisted.  
Thus that we may distinguish the Characters of these two Orators by their real differences, one may affirm( me thinks) that Demosthenes, by the impetuousness of his temper, the force of his arguments, and the vehemence of his pronuunciation, was more pressing and forcible then Cicero, as Cicero by his soft and gentle way, his smorth insinuating passionate touches, and all his natural graces, did more affect and move. The former struck the mind by the force of his expression, and the ardent violence of his declaiming; the latter made his way to the heart, by certain pleasing imperceptible charms, which were natural to him, and to which he had added all the art Eloquence was capable of. One dazzled the mind by the splendour of his lightning, and surprised the soul by the mediation of the amazed understanding, but the other by his pleasing and taking passages, would slip into the very heart,& had a way of insinuating himself into, and making use of the interests, inclinations, passions and opinions of those he spoken to.  
And it is in this difference, I imagine, that may be found the explanation of that passage of 
Cap. 10. {αβγδ}.  Longinus in his comparison between Demosthenes and Cicero, a fragment of which is come to our hands, and which it would not be easy to apprehended without the light we have from this observation. For at first dash that similitude of lightning which he makes use of to express the Eloquence of Demosthenes, and that of a great fire to which he compares Cicero's, forms no very distinct Idea of the difference between their Characters. One would think that he meant only that the Eloquence both of the one and the other, was so powerful that nothing can withstand it. The Eloquence of Demosth. says he, is a whirlwind and clap of thunder, that overturns all things, and that of Cicero like a great fire, which devours all things. So that violent and Impetuous make up the Character of Demosthenes his Eloquence, and the progress of a great fire, which consumes all that withstands it by degrees, together with the heat and insinuating power of fire, are the chief qualities of Cicero's. The graecian break's out like Thunder, the Roman warms and inflames like a great fire. And therefore Longinus adds, that Demosthenes succeeded always when it was requisite to strike terror into the hearers, and to work upon them by strong representations and violent motions. But when it was necessary to go to the very heart, and insinuate ones self into the mind, by all those charms and delicate strokes which Eloquence is capable of, then it is that Cicero's art is triumphant, and that his diffused, enlarged discourse, succeeds far better then Demosthenes his more close concise way; and the one has not more power in the surprising strength of his reasoning, then the other gain's by the warming and affecting motions he raises.  
We should have known much more from this learned critic, who was so Judicious, were the place where he makes this comparison perfect, and if the greatest part of it were not lost, to the no small disatisfaction of his interpreters. But however, he says enough to establish that distinction I have put between their manner of writing: which I likewise find altogether conformable to Plutarch's opinion, who where he compares these two Orators, says that Demosthenes is every where concise and close, and his arguments very pressing, without any ornament or beauty: whilst Cicero scatters many graces throughout his discourse, and is every where pleasing. Philostratus in the life of the Sophisters, and Dionysius Halicarnasseus in the Epistle to his friend Ameus, pass the same judgement on Demosthenes.  
But whilst we thus distinguish between the divers qualities of these Orators, wee must in some manner limit what we have delivered; for though Cicero was generally insinuating and affecting, yet he could likewise when it was requisite, add to his natural sweetness as much passion and indignation, as his subject required, or the most transported spirit was capable of; as it appears in the Orations he made against Verres, Piso, Claudius, Vatinius, Catiline, and Marc-Antony. Demosthenes is likewise not so absolutely given to be violent and passionate, but that he can sometimes make use of the other softer way, as it appears in some passages of his Olynthiacs, in the Oration about the liberty of the Rhodians, in the defence of Diophites, and that of Ctesiphon, and in the Oration against Midias, though the greatest part of this last be very vehement. But seeing the Genius of Demosthenes, his nature, his art, his austere manners, and even his action and gestures inclined him to be more pressing and violent, and that all Cicero's natural qualities were such as were more pleasing and touching; one may methinks without being much mistaken, distinguish them by these two assigned ways of writing, wherein does consist their greatest perfection and the essential difference of their Characters. And it was doubtless as much for this reason, as out of his inclination, that Demosthenes dealt more in Accusations then Cicero, for he hardly ever undertook the defence of any one, but his severe humour lead him rather to the contrary; and Cicero accused but few persons, for his nature was more inclined to sweetness and pitty, and it was against his will if he accused any man.  
Yet Cicero's Genius being more universal then that of Demosthenes, he knew better to turn and wind himself to all things, and to transform his into any of the other Characters of Eloquence. He knew likewise by a peculiar art he had, how far to urge and pursue a subject, when it was requisite to be violent, which methinks Demosthenes, through indulging too much to his inclination, did not observe, and in which it was very easy to exceed: for no body delights in being continually importuned and prest, but one can never be weary of being touched with what is pleasing, or of being entertained with it; and this is Cicero's great talent, who pleases always, and by means of the delight he affects us with, inspires into us what sentiments he will. It is this taking air, which accompany's all he says,& constitutes that his sweet obliging kind of Eloquence, wherewith all souls are charmed.  
But besides Demosthenes's his natural inclination, that had in it nothing of tender, but was harsh and austere, the laws of his Country forbade him to make use of any affecting passages, as I observed before; so that for the most part, he is very could and mean in his Perorations, which are ordinarily only plain conclusions of what he was about, or at the best mere wishes for the glory& prosperity of his Country, which he made with very much concern, to give some kind of vigour to the end of his discourses.   

CHAP. XIX.  
Wherein is debated which of the two ways of speaking is best.  
IT will be easy by what I have discoursed about Eloquence in general, to determine, which of the two ways so remarkable in these two Orators, is to be preferred. The Orator who persuades best is doubtless the most Eloquent: and seeing he persuades but in proportion as he pleases, because the art of persuading is one& the same with that of pleasing, as 
Peritiam gratiae& voluptatis. lib. 2. c. 15.  Quintilian observes from Plato's Gorgias, one may venture to to say, that Cicero, who pleases more than Demosthenes, is at least in that particular more Eloqeent than he, unless there being two ways of persuasion, one that works upon the mind and understanding, and another upon the heart and will, it be likewise requisite to examine, which of those two ways is most suitable for an Orator to use.  
The persuasion of the understanding is effected by a kind of dazzling light, which is darted forth, and a violent impulse of reasons which the mind cannot resist: it works in a certain elevated manner, and with such force, as surprises and confounds the faculties, x as Aristotle observes: but that of the heart is produced by those graces and pleasing charms, which captivated the will, and draw her after them so delightfully, that she is pleased in forsaking her resolutions, and in giving away her liberty. For as the understanding does not assent unto any thing, but 
{αβγδ}. lib. 1. cap. 2. Rhet.  the evidence of reason, and to that which enlightens her, so neither can the will yield itself, to any thing but the allective of good,& what is taking and pleasing, neither does it cease to act voluntarily in submitting itself to the pleasure that carries it away, because in that it follows its own inclination, which is to be pleased.  
It is sufficient that one be sensible, to be capable of being touched and persuaded by the mediation of the heart, but no body can be persuaded in his understanding unless he be reasonable, that is do both understand and yield to the force of consequence. So that the Orator who makes it his chief business to please that he may persuade, goes a surer way to work than he who strives only to do it by conviction, because every one is capable of being affencted with what is pleasant.  
It is without doubt for this reason, that Cicero says, 
Quod probat multitudo, id doctis probandum. Cic. in brute.  the multitude is a better Judge of Eloquence, then learned men. For besides that the people are not ordinarily prepossessed with those opinions, about which learned men dispute, they do likewise judge as one may so say, according to the heart, that is less subject to be imposed upon than the understanding, which according to ill representations of things and false lights, it may have been affencted with, is more liable to see things otherwise than they really are: On the other fide, the heart which judges only according to what it resents, cannot be mistaken, seeing it can resent nothing from any but what that thing hath really in it. Only natural true beauties affect this; when false apparent ones do often please understanding and learned men, whose palate is more corrupted by the divers tastes they have experienced.  
And this Eloquence which works upon the understanding, is rather an instruction than rhetoric, that I mean which Socrates 
cvi Socrates non docendi, said persuadendi facultatem tribuit. Quint. lib. 2. cap. 15.  mentions in Plato; and though there be some minds on which nothing will work, but the force of reason, and who must be convinced before they can be persuaded, yet I esteem it not convenient to be always urging of arguments, and that as home as one can; for at least it is certain, that it is natural to yield ones self more willingly to a gentle than a fierce haughty conqueror. And this is the reason why Homer, who makes his Nestor Eloquent in perfection, puts in sweetness as the chief part of his Character.  
Nevertheless that Eloquence, which works upon the understanding is more glorious, than that which wins the heart. A heart that is affencted, is no such subject for the triumph of an orator, as a convicted mind, and that which strikes the mind makes a more lasting impression, because that reason which gave the stroke still continues the same, but that which touches the heart vanishes with the heat of that passion which produced it, because 
Nihil citiùs arescit lachryma. l. 6. c. 1.  all things that proceed from passion are very transient. Finally in as much as the resistance of the understanding is more difficult to be overcome than that of the will, so is passion less powerful to persuade than reason.  
This tempestuous Eloquence, which Aristotle says troubles our minds, by overturning our opinions and subduing our reason, never does any thing but openly, and so as to be taken notice of, her strokes stun and dazzle like lightning, and smite like thunder, shee is like those whirlwinds, which overturn the tallest trees with the same facility as the trembling reed. Such was Desthenes his Eloquence, who had the art of governing and mastering the minds of the most fierce, light and untractable people that ever was. This masterless rabble, which was so jealous of the merits of any one that made himself remarkable in their commonwealth, did submit their reason to that of Demosthenes, who forced them to bend under the weight of so irresistible a power. The truth is Cicero's Eloquence charms the mind, but Demosthenes's astonishes; the former makes itself loved, the latter feared and obeied. After all it is very difficult to say which is the most advantageous for an Orator. If I were to speak to person's above me, I should choose to please like Cicero; If to a people below me, I would fright them like Demosthenes. However since that all this distinction I make between these two orators does not decide the controversy, nor give either of them the precedence, I shall leave the debate to those who have so good an opinion of themselves, as to think they are equal to it; when I shall have added a word out of Sidonius, which does more particularly point at the difference that may be found betwixt them. It is in an Epistle to a friend of his called Claudian, who was brother to Mamercus Bishop of Vienna, were he says speaking of his Eloquence, that he is violent and passionate like Demosthenes, and persuades like Cicero.  
Before I put an end to this comparison, I can not omit the opinion of monsieur De Vair keeper of the seal, who after having translated into our language the Oration of 
Irascitur ut Demosthenes, persuadet ut Tullius. l. 3. cap. 4.  Demosthenes for Ctesiphon, and Cicero's for Milo, which he thought the best which those Orators ever made, without meddling with the controversy about the precedence, which he avoids, he says nevertheless in his discourse of Eloquence, that Cicero's is less suitable to our humours and tempers then that of Demosthenes. It may be he minded not what he said. For besides the disgust those bitter and cruel invectives, which the Greeks used towards one another in their accusations, would produce in a gentle and civilis'd nation; We are likewise better natured than to be pleased with Demosthenes's harsh and dry way, which designs the moving or touching the affections, especially in competition with Cicero's soft and charming Eloquence. I might mention many more disproportions between our humours and his kind of writing, as his violent declamatory way, and excessive transportment, his bold figures, and those passionate Apostrophe's and frequent invocations of the Sun, stars, rivers and fountains, and swearing by insensible things; as also those dry barren argumentations, that are voided of all graces& artificial ornaments, and generally his whole manner of writing so opposite to us, with whom Cicero's way agrees and takes best.  
I made some stay upon the unraveling of the essential difference of their two Characters, that I might do it more exactly. The Comparison of their other qualities, as it is more easy to be made, so it will not require we should spend so much time about it. There appears in Demosthenes his art more pains and care, but Cicero's is more pleasing. Tully allows himself a larger field in his amplifications, and in the ordinary course of his orations, as the greatness of the theatre on which his Eloquence appeared, which was the Capital City of the world, did require: whereas Demosthenes seems to have proportioned himself to the fortune of the people with whom he had to do, which being confined to narrower limits, his style was the more agreeable thereto. But both Demosthenes and Cicero arrived to such perfection each in his way, that 
Huic nihil detrahi potest, illi nihil addi. l. 10. c. 1.  nothing can be spared from one, nor added to the other says Quintilian.  
It must be confessed after all, that Demosthenes his ratiocinations are stronger and closer than Cicero's, and that according to the height of his spirit, he was capable of none but great subjects, as that of setting out fleets against the Persian, of bringing the State into a settled order of Peace, of the Rhodians liberty, of the succours that ought to be sent to the neighbouring people against Philip, and all the most Important affairs of Greece. So that it seems he could not take any other subjects for his Orations, disdaining to stoop to lower. Which Cicero out of the universal extent of his abilities and fancy which he would fit as well to mean as higher subjects, never stuck at. For his discourse can in every part of it uphold itself by its proper strength, whereas that of Demosthenes required sometimes to to be made out and maintained by his action, which was the life of it. The former was fearful when he was to speak in public, the latter bold and confident; though he was once out of countenance speaking to Philip. Demosth. 
Quorundam probatio in sola asseveratione. C. 2. l. 4. Inst.  was so positively affirmative, that he would always be thought to be in the right, but Cicero was content to make it appear he was so. Demosthenes was but seldom known to aim at wit; but it was so natural to Cicero to be facetious, that he was pleasant in his adversity, only his exile did something disorder his ingenious fancy whilst it lasted. The Roman was of a very personable presence, had a comely face, and a good clear loud voice. The Greek was not unhandsome, but the earnestness of his action did recompense for the other exterior quality's which he wanted. The truth is he spake with much more heat and vigour, and Cicero more gracefully and pleasingly. Finally though according to the principles I fixed upon, before I entered upon the distinction I have made between their two Characters, I find that Demosthenes his air is more majestic then that of Cicero, and that Cicero's is more pleasing then that of Demosthenes, yet if we consider the circumstances of time, persons, and affairs, we must needs conclude, that both these Orators were perfectly accomplished each in their kind, and that they could not have been so, but by the different ways they took as most suitable to the temper of their Auditory's; that their peculiar excellence, and the great advantage they had in Eloquence was founded, upon the perfect knowledge they had of the dispositions of the people with whom they dealt, and in the skill they had of fitting themselves to their Genius; in such manner that one would imagine Rome and Cicero were made for one another, and Demosthenes for his Athens, and that never any third person arrived to that supreme degree of perfection, as did these two great men. But seeing the divers ways they took do constitute two quiter different kinds of Eloquence, I shall leave it to be decided which of the two is the best, by those that understand it better then I pretend to do. Yet that 
Orationis differentiam fecisse& dicentium& audientium naturae videntur. Quint. l. 12. C. 9.  I may plainly clear this matter, I shall make an end of explaining the remaining difficulty's about this subject.   

CHAP. XX.  
A resolution of some remaining difficulties by way of conclusion to this discourse.  
THe first difficulty that presents itself in the comparison we are making, is a certain passage in Quintilian, whose suffrage is very considerable in this case, which he has so diligently examined. For seeing he pretends that Demosthenes is the model from which Cicero took pattern, he seems to give the former a great advantage over the latter: These are his words. Cicero must yield to Demosthenes as his original, and him who made him what he is. The truth is, this commendation is so glorious for Demosthenes, that it may be doubted whether Quintilian has not said in it more then he thought. For this critic, after having exalted Cicero above all orators, seems very much to debase him, and rank him below Demosthenes. I scarce believe after the observations we have made, that all people will be of his opinion; or that this orator, who was the most celebrated Oracle of the mistress City of the world& never opened his mouth but to sand forth charm's, and enslave the most free people that ever was, I say I scarce believe this man of so admirable, discerning and universal parts ought to yield to Demosthenes because he was his pattern.  
For if Demosthenes himself has out 
Cedendum vero in hoc quod ille& prior fuit,& Ciceronem quantus est magna ex parte fecit. lib. 10. c. 1. Instit.  done Pericles, in Lucian's opinion, though he took him for his exemplar, if he has effaced the glory of Thucydides, whom he did so exactly and carefully imitate, as the Orator Ulpian who is his most faithful interpreter relates, what should hinder us from believing, that Cicero has at least equalled Demosthenes? Hath not virgil equalled Homer? hath not Aristotle gon beyond Plato? though Homer and Plato were the modells by which Virgil and Aristotle framed their works? Did not Raphael Santi, that great artist in painting, obscure the reputation of P. Perusinus who was his master, and the copy by which he drew? And do we not see daily, persons of great capacity's, who in all arts do far surpass those from whom they have the first instructions.  
But Cicero confesses that he proposed to himself Demosthenes as his pattern, but could not arrive to that perfection he striven to imitate in him. I deny it not, for this great man as he was something vain, so had he also some fits of modesty, but they lasted not long as it appears on this occasion: for he elsewhere disgusts even Demosthenes himself, where he declares, that in some places he is not satisfied with him. And besides that, it may be said, he striven to imitate Demosthenes only in that forcible vehement way which he so admires in him, and which the truth is he did hardly arrive to. Neither know I whether he desired it or no; for those that can be charming and pleasing when they will, care not so much to be terrible and violent, as often as they can. But Quintilian decides it clearly, where he says 
Imitemur Demosthenem quid aliud agimus? said non assequimur.  
Usque eo morosi sumus ut non satisfaciat ipse Demosthenes.  that Cicero was powerful as Demosthenes, copious as Plato, and pleasing like Isocrates.  
The second difficulty we meet with, is an expression in Longinus, about Demosthenes, which his abettors it may be will not approve of. Longinus in the comparison he makes between Hyperides and Demosthenes, says that he understands not mens tempers so, as thereby to set the passions in motion, which is that wherein Eloquence may most display her power. The truth is we must agree with him that he understood not very well the different motions of the soul, nor that temper of the mind, which Aristotle explains in his rhetoric, which Demosthenes never saw, what ever Lucian as exact as he is, and Aulus Gellius who is very judicious pretend to the contrary. 
Videtur Cicero vim effinxisse Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, jucunditatem Isocratis. l. 10. C. 1.  
{αβγδ} sect. 13.  For it is evident that Aristotle wrote not that book till he was pretty well in years, and after having studied above twenty years under Plato, without declaring himself for any of those sects of Philosophers, which were then in vogue at Athens, or so much as teaching.  
It is likewise evident, that Demosthenes spoken all his most considerable Orations, before the Praetorship of Lysimachides, and that Aristotle wrote his books of rhetoric some time after. Nay he does there make some kind of mention of the Oration for Ctesiphon, in these words [ as to the matter of Demosthenes] which that Orator spoken nine years after the Chersonesian war, eight years after the death of Philip, and about the time of the victory which Alexander got at Arbela. This is Dionysius Halicarnasseus his opinion in his Epistle to Ammeus, and the 
{αβγδ}.  reputation this author hath of being a very exact and careful Chronologer, does make his suffrage much more considerable. And Laertius observes that Alexander forbade Aristotle to let any besides himself see his books of rhetoric, that he might alone have the enjoyment of so great a treasure; and Plutarch relates the same thing.  
So then we ought not to wonder, if Demosthenes understood so little of peoples manners and tempers, according to Longinus, seeing he could not come to the sight of that Treatise Aristotle has made of them in his rhetoric; where he has very plainly laid open the whole mystery. And in this, Cicero had the advantage over Demosthenes; for he drew all that perfect knowledge he had in those matters, from that copious spring. I stand not to examine, why some pretend that Aristotle wrote his books of rhetoric only from that he saw Demosthenes make use of, because it has no ground. They would have had some reason for what they say, had Demosthenes been the only orator Aristotle had heard, but he was the Auditor of Hyperides, Demades, Lysias, photion, Eschines, Python, and many others; he had likewise some acquaintance with Iseus and Isocrates, not to mention Plato, whom he had thoroughly searched into. And he framed from all these great patterns taken together, and from the reflections he had made on them himself, that admirable platform of rhetoric which he has left us;& which ought rather to be meditated upon then red, as well as the rest of his works, for it is an unvaluable treasure; which those who speak in public can't be too much exhorted to red, and thoroughly search into all the art it contains. But as it is probable Cicero understood the intrigues of mans heart better then Demosthenes, having learned it so well from Aristotle, so to be even with him Demosthenes understood better the interest of his own and the neighbouring nations, then Cicero did that of all the allies of the Empire. Philip's Ambition, which had long sowed divisions among the Greeks by many dark contrivances and secret practices, had long taken up his mind, and he had made it his business to follow and study his designs. This he had firmly set upon, and the perfect knowledge he had of it, gave him an opportunity of laying open, to the greatest advantage the particular interest that all nations had to oppose themselves unanimously to the increasing greatness of that Prince: and this did exceedingly set off his Eloquence, by the glorious representations of those things which were for the public good; and those frequent politic Ratiocinations, wherewith most of his discourses abound, and which are so effectual in his Orations, whose subjects are always either great in themselves, or made so by the art he has of bringing into them affairs of great concern. So that power and weightiness, which Quintilian seems to ascribe to the Romans above the Greeks, to whom he yields the pre-eminence as to gracefulness and delicacy of writing, is not to be interpnted in my opinion of Demosthenes and Cicero in particular, but of the whole nations, and their two languages, For the Greek is more delightful and pleasant, and the latin more grave and serious.  
The last difficulty would be to satisfy the critics, in giving them here a parallel of the best passages in Demosthenes's Orations with those 
Non possimus esse tam graciles, simus fortiores: subtilitate vincimur, valcamus pondere, lib. 12. cap. 2o.  in Cicero; which it may be, might be very acceptable to them,& would be a going to the very bottom of the case in dispute and pursuing the comparison as far as ever it will be carried. To which I answer three things, First that there is nothing more difficult then to agree upon those passages which are best in these two Orators, being men have such different palates as to those matters, that they are so far from ever agreeing about them, that we cannot according to the rules of prudence dispute of them. Secondly that if we had agreed upon them, those choice passages must either be translated into our language, that they might be compared, or be let alone each in their own, from both which many inconveniencies would arise.  
For as every language hath a particular Character of its own, and a certain beauty which is peculiar to its self, and cannot possibly be expressed in any other, it would not be a little difficult, to be just to both languages in the translation, and it would be a kind of degradation from their elevated style, to translate them into any modern language, because they are not yet arrived to that majestic height, which learned men find in the Greek and latin, whose Characters have in them something more great and strong then ours.  
This is easily discovered in Comedies, where the language being constrained to trust as it were to its own mere natural strength, maintains its self always in Greek and latin at an other rate then does the translation, in which the expression is often weak even in verse, and will never bear itself up with any success in prose, by reason of a certain poor and languishing weakness that it has. Lastly it may be replied that Lipsius in many places of his works hath already compared the most admired passages in these two authors, as also Father Causinus in his Parallel of Eloquence, which neither of them had any success in, for the reasons already mentioned. So that it would be not only imprudent, but also unprofitable to venture at it again, of- their miscarriage in the attempt; especially since those passages cannot be taken out from the rest of the discourse, without being spoiled and strip'd of their greatest beauty, which many times consists only in that exact proportion, and cleanness they have with the other parts. It ought to be in a discourse as in buildings, whose beauty consists in a general uniformity.  
This may easily be seen in that admirable passage of Demosthenes his Oration for Ctesiphon, which is so cried up by all the great masters of Eloquence, where he says. No it is not so, I swear it by the ashes and Manes of those brave men that were killed in the battles of Salamis and Marathon. &c. where the Orator sets forth all that is great and glorious in Eloquence, and which indeed is admirable if it be well considered. But it is not the same thing, when it is taken out of its place, and look't upon by its self, without being concerned, or having ones mind prepared by what goes before; for so the dependence of it and its proportion to the rest, which makes up all its beauty, appears not. The same may be said of that passage in Cicero, which Quintilian commends so much in the Oration for Milo, Vos Albani tumuli atque luci: and of many others. But those who are so curious as to desire to make this comparison, may be satisfied with opposing Demosthenes's philippics to Cicero's, for both the subject and the way in which they treat of it, is much the same; so that they can no where be better compared.  
And it may be the observing of the most essential parts of their Characters, will be found sufficient to enable any body to judge exactly between these two Orators, without descending to a long tedious research, which would have swelled into a complete treatise of Grammar or rhetoric; a design distant enough from what I pretended to: for it was not my purpose, to writ for the satisfaction of Pedants and Grammarians, who love to examine things with a critical nicety, that is altogether ridiculous: and tis very probable, they will be the only persons, who will not think this matter sufficiently cleared. But I am certain, that those who are really learned will judge I have said enough, to furnish any body with a rule, whereby to judge of the rest.  
Lastly as I am not so vain as to value myself upon the reflections I have made upon these two Orators, so I desire it may be known from whence I have gathered them, which may something conduce to authorize them the more. I declare therefore that I have delivered nothing of Demosthenes, but what I had from the most learned writers of Antiquity, who knew him best, and among the rest Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Hermogenes, Plutarch, Longinus, Lucian, Cicero, Quintilian and Photius. As for Cicero, though it may be I am pretty well acquainted with him myself, yet I choose rather to trust the judgement of Seneca, Plutarch, Quintilian, Longinus, and the Historians who were his co-temporary's, then to my own. As I have not then spoken at random about these great men, so possibly I may have contributed by these observations, to make then known after another manner then they usually are. And it may be this discourse will not be useless to those, who have a love for Eloquence, to call into their minds the notions of it, by the greatest Characters thereof that ever were, and which it is good now and then to consider to frame ones self after such patterns. Some may also discover in it the way that must be followed to attain Eloquence, by pursuing that which these have already taken: and the Pictures I have made of them may also enable us to discover who are the Demosthenes's and the Cicero's of our age, or those who come nighest them, if there be any that do so.   
FINIS.