REASONS FOR A Limited Exportation OF WOOL.  
Printed in the Year, 1677.   

REflecting with great resentment on the just complaints of the Landlords and Tenants of this Nation, who attribute one of the greatest originals of their misery to the cheapness of their Wool; I began to think of some remedy to this disease; which though 'tis not in my power to cure, yet to propose the means to such as can, I am not forbid. But finding my design opposed by several Pamphlets under the name of W. C. and chiefly by one he calls England's Interest. I have here endeavoured to winnow his handful of Corn from the abundance of chaff; and reducing his whole discourse to a few propositions, with some objections and answers; I do willingly grant him those which follow.  
1. SINCE the time of E. 3. (the founder of the Woollen-manufacture) the trade of Wool hath been one of the chiefest riches of this Nation: it emploies many persons, brings many profitable returns, increases the Shipping, etc.  
2. On the contrary, the diminution of this manufacture is disadvantageous to many families and to the Nation; by not making the greatest advantage of the superfluity of a Native commodity, etc. and though this be granted,  
Yet I cannot acknowledge that a Manufacture maketh fewer poor, but rather the contrary. For though it sets the poor on work where it finds them, yet it draws still more to the place: and their Masters allow wages so mean, that they are only preserved from starving whilst they can work; when Age, Sickness, or death comes: themselves, their Wives, or their Children are most commonly left upon the Parish. Which is the reason why those Towns (as in the Weald of Kent) whence the Clothing is departed, have fewer poor than they had before.  
3. The profit arising by the Transportation of a Manufacture is much greater (supposing equal vent) then that of unwrought materials. Art increasing the value so much as the thing wrought is more useful, and the working laborious.  
4. The transportation of Wool is a benefit to others (as all things vented to foreigners are, who else would not buy them) it increaseth their manufactures, giving other Nations the advantages we wish to ourselves; and particularly it much profits the French, helping them to work out their own course Wool, etc.  
5. It were therefore to be wished and all endeavours ought to be used, that our superfluous wool (which we spend not ourselves) might be vented in Manufacture, and not in the Crude material. Tho I cannot be informed, this was ever yet done in England, yet I wish honest industrious workmen would bring it to pass.  
II. But all these being granted, the question still remains; whether, since the manufacture of our superfluous wool cannot be vended abroad, it were not better to permit the Wool unwrought to be transported, with such limitations as may be least detrimental to the Kingdom?  
And this we affirm.  
1. Because, otherwise a profitable commodity will be utterly wasted; and so not the manufacturer only, but the Farmer and Landlord also, will be so very much damnified; that the one cannot pay his rent, nor the other sustain the Taxes. And is not this the chiefest, if not the sole, reason of sinking our Rents, throwing up Farms, and the misery of the whole Country?  
Now that it is the greatest concern and Interest of the Nation, to preserve the Nobility, Gentry and those to whom the Land of this Country belongs, at least much greater than a few Artificers employed in working the superfluity of our Wool, or the Merchants who gain by the exportation of our manufacture, is manifest. 1. Because they are Masters and proprietaries of the foundation of all the wealth in this Nation, all profit arising out of the Ground, which is theirs. 2. Because they bear all the Taxes and public burdens: which in truth are only born by those who buy and sell not; all sellers raising the price of their commodities, or abating of their goodness, according to their taxes. 3. Because they maintain great families, which conduce much to the consumption of our Manufactures, many People relying upon them: and perhaps as many as upon Cloth-working. 4. Because they must of necessity bear all Magistracies and public employments (how burden some soever) and are the only hindrances of the confusion which would follow upon equality. Whereas ordinary working persons may, if one employment fail, presently undertake another without any great inconvenience or detriment. Now then suppose wool fall to 3d d per pound (as it must in a short time, if not prevented) the price of all Land in England must likewise fall; there being not one Acre which produceth not Wool (ploughed-lands at least from Harvest to Seedtime and longer when they lie fallow:) consequently the Taxes (which now are generally on Land, and ever proportioned to the Rent, the ancient manner of taxing by tenths and 15s being of late out of use, much to the advantage of the Usurer, but to the prejudice of the Country Gentleman) will be also lessened when they come into the King's Coffers: yet the constant charges of the Kingdom do not lessen. Therefore our Taxes must be still oftener renewed, & the Landlords charge yet more increased, but his means of discharging diminished; and he must pay the more, the more he is disabled. A hard case, yet inevitable, unless the King and Parliament please to apply a speedy remedy. Thus must our Nobility and Gentry be forced to live at a meaner rate (who live alas too meanly in their Countries already) break up House-keeping, maintain fewer Servants, less Hospitality, etc. Which has already some what, and will in time, as eminently, lessen the Kingdom as transportation of Wool, or perhaps any one thing can do.  
2. By hindering exportation of Wool, pray ye consider the great loss this poor Nation sustains. I shall instance in Romney and its neighbouring levels, which contain about 44000 Acres; each acre, one with another, in Romney-Marsh feeds three Sheep (besides other Stock) at the least, suppose than we rate the whole Level thus; there will be found 132000 Sheep; whereof 300 fleeces will at the least make 4. Packs of good Wool (240. pound to the Pack:) so then there are yearly shorn 1760. Packs, each of which were, formerly, constantly sold for 12 pound. In the year, 1647. (when exportation of Wool was first prohibited) it was sold for 15. pound; the year after (by reason of the great Rot added to the mighty destruction of Sheep in the Wars) it was sold for 16. pound per Pack. but the mortality of Sheep being recovered, yet the prohibition continuing, Wool has almost every year since abated of its price, and now there are divers persons, who have 4. and some 5. Years Wool upon their hands, not being able to get above 4d d or 5d d per pound that is, 4 or 5. pound a Pack for it: and I hear it has been sold this very Year in some places but for 3. pound 10s per Pack. Thus by the most modest computation, and such as no Man can gainsay, there is lost upon every Pack of Wool 7 pound. which, supposing all the Wool of that Level sold, it is evident 12320. pound is quite lost every year in that little place only: which is very near 6s per Acre throo the whole Level, lost in the Rent. By which pray ye judge how many Millions are yearly lost throo all England by this want of a limited exportation. Who then can show so much cruelty as to blame poor People, who to prevent some of this damage do adventure to help themselves by exportation? though they had much rather be content with a moderate price in their own Country.  
And truly 'tis no wonder that W. C. complains of the difficulty and impossibility of hindering Exportation, yet glories of his diligence in ruining so many poor and industrious Persons for doing what he confesseth impossible to hinder. But our Superiors may conclude, since 'tis either impossible, or extreme difficult, to hinder Exportation, and that there may arise troubles (as some have been killed) for endeavouring it, it is much better and more natural to permit Exportation under the most advantageous terms their wisdom shall think fit. For in truth is it not very absurd to imagine, that because we cannot make so much of our Woolas possibly may be made, that therefore we must make nothing of it? like some perverse and obstinate Landlords, who choose rather to lose all their Rent then abate the least part of it.  
3. A limited Exportation will be more for the advantage of our own Woollen-trade, and less for that beyond Sea, than the hindering of it has been. For if strangers might come hither to buy the Wool, though they bought greater quantities, yet should they pay dearer for it then they do at present: and the dearer their Commodities are, the dearer must they sell their manufacture, consequently the more easily we may beat them out of their Trade. For when a poor Man (none else now will venture to transport it) comes with a freight of Wool into France or else where, they make him take their own price for it; his necessities and his danger forbid him carrying home his Merchandise as well as staying there to contend for a better price: but being slenderly paid for his charges, and little or nothing for his pains and hazard, returning thinks he comes off very well whilst undiscovered. (Yet to have the names of Merchants, and to gain perhaps sometimes more than 12d d a day to live with more ease though with greater hazard, possibly some may still be invited to continue this traffic notwithstanding any the severest prohibition) After this manner strangers now, and will hereafter, have our Wool almost as cheap as our-selves can buy it. But were the Trade laid open, Englishmen might still buy their wool at reasonable prices, but strangers must pay the dearer for it: as the custom, Officers fees, freight, factorage, and other charges amount unto: which will perhaps be equal to the first penny paid for the Wool itself. Thus strangers shall pay twice-as-much for our Wool as the English clothier, who therefore may undersell them, and make more advantage in the price of his Cloth by the exportation of Wool, than ever he did by the prohibition of it.  
4. My next reason against the hindering Exportation of Wool is, because by our forefathers it never was prohibited, unless upon some great occasion, and for some small time, till Anno 1647. and then also upon pretence, that there was not Wool enough to furnish our own necessities. Which (if true) might be because of the great destruction of Sheep by the Wars. Yet there seems to be an other ground for that act: The government of that time, having been assisted in the civil Wars by great numbers of the Wooll-workmen, (who liked much better to Rob, and plunder for halfe-a-crown a day, than toil at a melancholy work for sixpence a day) to encourage and reward them, I say, & to weaken the Gentry they made this prohibition. But to make this reason good, let us run over the whole History, or as much as we can find, either in our Acts of Parliament or creditable Historians concerning this Wool business, with all convenient brevity.  
§. 1. Tho there were several ordinances concerning Wool in other King's Reigns, yet the Prince did not seriously begin to set himself to make the best advantage of Wool, till the ninth of Edward the third, at which time all Wooll-workers were invited to come and settle in England, to have places assigned them, many privileges and liberties granted, and wages from the King, till they could gain a livelihood by their art etc. whereupon many Flemings and others, chiefly Subjects to the Duke of Burgundy, repaired hither, and set up the manufacture of Wool in England.  
§. 2. 11. E. 3. c. 4. It was made felony to carry Wool out of the Realm, till otherwise ordained. This prohibition (saith Speed) was made to show the Flemings the necessity they had of leaguing with England, as soon after they did; and the prohibition was taken off. or, as Walsingham says, to humble the Flemings; qui plus saccos quam Anglos venerabantur. The same year it was enacted (no doubt for the better vending their Wool, the Exportation whereof being prohibited, made it of small value at home) that none should wear other than English Cloth; Except the King, Queen, and their Children. But persons of such degrees might use foreign furs, and face part of their garments with Silk. Also that no beyond Sea clothes should be brought into England; and that foreign Clothworkers should have several privileges. Whereupon (says Speed) many presently came over.  
§. 2. 14. E. 3. Was granted to the King the 9th Lamb, 9th Fleece, and 9th Sheaf for two Years: also 40s upon every sack of Wool and 40s upon every 300 Woolfels transported: (some say also that not long before this, was granted to the King half the Wool of the Communality, and nine marks upon every sack of Wool of the Clergy.) By these great subsidies it is probable, the King had great quantity of Wool upon his hands: and about this time the King sent the Bishop of Lincoln into Flanders with 10000 sacks of Wool; which he sold for 20 pound sterling a Sack. (Knighton.) And in his fifteenth year ordained, that no Merchant or other should carry any Wools out of the Realm till after Michaelmas (by which time 'tis probable he had sold his own;) but after that every Merchand, Stranger, or other, might freely buy and export his Wool, paying the due customs; and that those, who had Wools, should be compelled to sell them according to the price and sort, in the Country; to accomplish the Wools granted to the King, which afterwards was disannulled.  
§. 4. 23. E. 3. The King stopped the Wools in the land till the Merchants had fined with him for the same. (Holinsh.) 26. E. 3. the staple was brought to London, to the loss of the Merchands but advantage of the King who got by it 1200 pound that year. Knighton.  
§. 5. 27. E. 3. This year a great advantage befell the Nation; for (because the young Earl of Flanders married not with the King's Daughter, as he had promised; but with the Daughter of France: or because the Flemings observed not the agreements, which the King made in the life-time of Jaques de Arteville who procured of the King that the Marts might be kept in several Towns in Flanders) the King removed the Staples and Marts of wool from the Earls Towns, establishing them in several Towns of England: Newcastle, Canterbury, etc. Some of which, not being Port-Towns, he afterwards changed for such: and withal regulated the whole trade with certain ordinances; for which I refer you to the Statutes.  
§. 6. 27. E. 3. 50s were given the King by Act of Parliament on every sack of wool transported. By which grant it was thought the King received 1000 marks per diem, Holin.  
§. 7. 37. E. 3. The Staple was removed to Calais; putting the Town into the hands of certain Merchants, (that the Trade might be the more secure for them.) And not long after it was again returned to Towns in England; but most of them Port-Towns, for it was very usual to remove the Staples. Holin. 38. Ed. 3. was granted to the King 26ˢ s8 of every sack of wool transported for 3. years.  
§. 8. What was ordained by our succeeding Princes was either in conformation or regulation of what was already established: according to the advantage of the King and People. But that is very remarkable which is recorded by Hen. de Knighton 14. R. 2. being a case somewhat like ours at this present. He, describing a great dearth and calamity of the poor in this Nation, though there was Corn enough laid up in private hands to serve the whole Nation five years; neither was the Corn then at any extraordinary price: at last gives the reason of it to be want of money, and this he ascribes to the not vending our wool; whereof he says some men had 3, others 4 years, wool upon their hands: though now there be many who have 5 years-wooll unsold. And this came to pass, saith he, because the English Merchants were forbid transporting wool: wherefore the year following liberty was granted them to transport wool whither they pleased. In those days, saith he, wool was so cheap that a stone of the best chosen wool was sold for 3s and in Leicester for 2s or 20d d pence. Now three shillings in those days was as much as 9s at present; and therefore dearer by 3s a stone than it is sold for at present, 6s being a good price at this time.  
§. 9 8. H. 6. An act was made to regulate the Merchandstrangers, who exported our wool, and An. 27. H. 6. It was decreed, that till our clothes were accepted in Brabant, no merchandise growing or wrought there should be brought into England upon pain of forfeiture.  
§. 10. 3. E. 4. An act was made concerning exportation of wool, and then it was likewise ordered; that no cloth wrought beyond Sea should be brought into England: none should buy wools (except he wrought it himself) till after Bartholomew-tide: and 22. H. 8. not till after the Ascension of our Lady: nor a stranger before the Purification; no woollen yarn or cloth should be exported unfulled; and 3. H. 8. none undressed. And an. 1 of Queen Mary, as also in the first of Queen Elizabeth their Parliaments gave them 33s 4d on every sack of wool, and every 240 woolfells transported by a Native: & 3 pound. 6ˢ. s8 on the same transported by strangers; and this to continue during their lives.  
§. 11. An. 1. Jac. A subsidy upon wool transported was granted the King for his life-time: a denizen was to pay 33s. 4 d. a stranger 3 pound 6s 8th for every sack. And there has not been a Prince from Ed. 3. to Ch. 1. who have not gained considerable revenues by the exporting wool.  
III. Out of which collections you may observe:  
1. That this wooll-trade beyond Sea was always accounted a very great advantage both to the King and Subjects. Which was the reason, why it was so carefully managed, and more laws about it then any one Subject whatsoever. Nay scarce has there been any Parliament, since the beginning of E. 3. wherein somewhat hath not been established concerning it.  
2. That no absolute prohibition of exporting it was ever enacted till the Reign of Char. 1. nor then, till 1647. at which time neither could he be said to Reign. Temporary ones indeed there have been; but those of ill consequence to the Nation.  
3. That sumptuary laws concerning wearing, vending our Cloth, and the like, were always enacted pari passu with those concerning wooll-working. For it is very advantageous to the Kingdom, that much of it should be spent here. Whereby many workmen would be maintained, and less foreign unnecessary trifles imported, which now take away much of our money.  
4. That it was thought sufficient advantage to the Nation that they might buy wool when and where they pleased; but whatsoever wool, was sold, by Strangers especially:) was not sold till after a certain time fixed. That it was not to be bought by Brokers; that what was bought by foreiners to be exported paid greater duties than what was bought by the Natitves. which cautions alone, if well regulated, would render the exportation at this day very advantageous; certainly much more than to let it putrify and moth-eat in our storehouses.  
5. My next reason for the permission of Exportation is, because it will better his Majesty's customs: for it being impossible absolutely to hinder the exportation, (Men naturally inclining to run any hazard rather than apparent beggary, by suffering their goods to perish in their hands) the customs must of necessity be lessened. What perishes un wrought, and what is exported by stealth, pay no custom. But besides this, it was the frequent use of our Fathers to help the Prince and ease the Subject by imposing taxes upon the wool Exported. Sometimes 50s a pack; sometimes more, as occasion required, which was the ordinary way; being also a most easy one, of gratifying the Prince. If it be answered the customs would advance much more if the wool were exported in manufacture; we confess, and seriously desire, that our wool were manufactured, and so exported and sold. Tho this was never yet done in England, nor do I think can be. But our question here is concerning our superfluous wool: which remains after we have here made, or vended what we can; after the Cloth-market is furnished; or our workmen's hands all employed.  
6. The reason of the decay of Clothing is not exportation of wool as W. C. supposes, but the contrary. For the decay (if any be) is since this prohibition: so that by hindering this we apply a wrong remedy to the disease. But it proceeds from divers other causes; as first, because other Nations have of late improved their manufactures, as we did in Edward the thirds time: the Dutch ever since 1616. the French now lately, both of them working very acurately, if not more, than ourselves, as well as more honestly, by the confession of those of our own Nation. Secondly, Cloth is not so much worn in these parts of the World as formerly. It not being now so convenient a wear, as when our fashions were constant. Our Clothes then were made strong to endure many years, and a great part of the great-man's inventories than were their wardrobes left as Legacies to their best Friends, and Children, who did not despise to wear the Clothes of their Ancestors. Whereas now the Mode hardly enduring two months, slight stuffs are sufficient. Besides, when the custom was for men to wear gowns, cloaks, and other loose garments, substantial Cloth was more proper than now it is, for little breeches and a close coat. To second which humour of the times Silks and Stuffs are imported in greater abundance, sold at easier rates, then formerly; and manufactures of them set up in our own Nation; by which the beautifullest and lightest garments are become all most the cheapest also. Which I fear will render it difficult to reconcile the Mode to Cloth, tho much to be desired. Thirdly, we have more Sheep in England then formerly, because of the draining the fens and other grounds; and the laying down of Tillage, for the cheapness of Corn till these two late years. Fourthly, Irish Cattle being prohibited, they breed more Sheep, and bring in more wool into England, besides what they send beyond Sea: which will infallibly bring our lands in England as low as those in Ireland, i. e. to as low a rent, and to as few years value in the purchas, nay lower: if they be suffered, First to glut England with their wool, and then to furnish the markets beyond-sea; yet we prohibited the same privilege: which is our present condition. And undoubtedly the forbidding Irish Cattle has been of vast inconvenience, not only to the best of England, the feeding-lands; but to it all in general. By lessening the value of our Wool: in which even the breedinglands receive more loss by the low price of their wool, than they reap advantage by this Act in the price of their Cattle. this Act also is injurious to the Nation by sending our own and foreign Merchant Ships to Victual in Ireland; by the want of returns from thence; by loss of our Trade for Hopps, Hides, Butter, Cheese, etc. which trades now are taken up by the Irish to the ruin of many Counties of England; by discouraging Navigation for it is said 100 of our Ships were continually employed in this Traffic of lean Cattle. And lastly by discouraging our Clothiers and other manufacturers; who since they must live out of their labours, the dearer they pay for their diet the more they must have for their work. This Irish Act therefore making our Beef dear, yet the Dutch having it from Ireland delivered in Holland for about a penny a pound, they may afford their Cloth cheaper than possibly we can: which will speedily enable them to get from us also our foreign Clothing-trade, and be an irreparable damage to this Kingdom: if the Parliament in their wisdom do not prevent it. Thus this Act, which in its preface designs the advancing our rents & enriching England, has lessened and impoverished both; has compelled Ireland to seek a way to live without us; has made it almost independent of England; has infine almost ruined both Nations: but to our purpose. Fifthly, I omit the many deceits in Cloth-making, which W. C. confesseth to have been of late so very much practised, that our Clothes lose greatly of their ancient reputation beyond-sea to the infinite prejudice of our Trade: and I have been informed that this was the first occasion, which put the French upon making Clothes and Stuffs of their own. But for the various abuses of this kind I refer you to a little Book called the Golden Fleece by W. S. and I am informed that the Dutch, taking occasion from our dishonest work-manship, have vended their own worst Cloth for right English Cloth; and thereby have got from us much of our trade, and great reputation to themselves. Sixthly, the Sword, Plague, foreign Colonies, and repeopling Ireland have of late years much diminished our stock of People: therefore the consumption of the commodities is less. for if we do not vend our wooll-manufactures, the reason must be; either because we make more of them, or because there is less of them used then formerly. If we make more (as some with good reason think we do) the trade increaseth; and though it being in many hands, particular persons grow not so rich, yet the Clothing in general flourisheth, and the greater numbers are set on work. But the contrary to this W. C. seems to affirm. He must therefore grant we want vent for our Cloth when made. But will the prohibiting exportation cause more vent? if the Dutch can work cheaper, better, and more honestly than we, will they not undersell us, and steal away our trade? If the French can make stuffs of their own (as both they and the Dutch do) without our wool, and prohibit our Cloth to be sold amongst them, shall we force them to buy of us? If the Italians and I French make and sell multitudes of fine and gaudy silks at a cheap rate, can we persuade people not to prefer them? But if we want either hands to work the vast stocks of our own wool, and that which daily over whelms us from Ireland, or vent to dispose of it, what must become of the superfluity of our woo'l? Must the Farmer and Grazier bear all the loss? No, the Landlord must abate of his rent, or the farm thrown into his hands; the Tenant being poor, half ruined by his losses, his Landlord takes the farm, and at length having to his Tenants misfortunes, added those inconveniencies of entrusting servants, etc. He must split on the same rock; his wool lies on his hands till he comes into debt; and in fine the farm must be sold, since the wool bears no price. But the yearly value is so much fallen, and there is so much land to be sold on the same score, that he despairs of a chapman, etc. And this is our present condition.  
7. This beating down the price of wool is prejudicial even to the Manufacturers themselves; because if wool be cheap, the product of it must be so too. Cloth must bear a proportion to the value of wool: or if it doth not, the disadvantage is on the Clothier's side. His commodity being ever cried down beyond measure when wool is cheaper. Besides the less money a tradesman turns for the same commodity, the less must be his gains. The Clothier then making the same quantity of Cloth as formerly, and as good, selling it for less, has none to revenge himself on, but the Grazier, and the poor workman, who must then work harder or abate of his already too poor wages. Who then gains by this cheapness? they only who are so eager against the Exportation of Wool; a sort of Men, who call themselves Merchants of the staple, but are in truth only brokers: (those Caterpillars of trade, and sworn Enemies to poor Men; who make their chief gain of other men's necessities.) these are sure to get both by buyer and seller, whosoever loses. To the Clothier they complain that there is no vent for Cloth, that wool is so cheap they may have Cloth for nothing, till they have bought it at their own rates: but when they come to sell it to the Draper or Merchant, they then change their note. Wool so dear that poor Clothiers can hardly go to the price of it etc. These and a thousand other artifices they use to scrape from both sides.  
IV. To some of these reasons W. C. pretends to answer, though in such a manner as 'tis hard to conceive what the Man would say. To what has been said concerning the Farmer and Graziers not being able to pay their rent, etc. From which so many ill consequences follow; I think he answers: that the principal commodity, out of which they raise their rent, is not wool but the Carcase and corn; and that the more Men are set on work, the more corn and flesh is spent; so the farmers and grazier's mouths are made up that way. To which it is easily replied, that a Farmer makes not up his rent out of his principal, but all, his comodities: and it is an ill argument, this is not the principal advantage or profit, therefore you may part from it. Besides Farmers have families also, which must be maintained, their Widows must not be starved, nor their Daughters married without some portions. Suppose the smaller profits be laid aside for these: yet let me tell you that a Grazier, whose stock does not consist more then usually of beasts, must pay at least half, and in some Counties all, his Rent with the price of his Wool; or he will live very uncomfortably. But in that great rot which happened about 5 years ago, in most part of England (and the like may happen again, for which some provision ought to be made in good years) I beseech you, which was the principal commodity? What was the flesh worth? And for Corn; the low price of wool hath made so many apply to husbandry, that usually corn does hardly bear any price wherewith to pay his rent. What he says of the great number of people set on work upon the superfluous Wool, that would make flesh and Corn dear, is surely in mockery of the poor laborious Farmers and Graziers. Who presently imagine some great Inundation of new men like Locusts, yet with money in their purses, that would presently buy up and devour all the fruits of the ground: and even their wool also for their backs, as well as victuals for their bellies. But upon examination they'll find no encreas of Men by this mighty manufacture; but some few hands, now employed in other work, to turn to weaving, spinning, etc. They'll find no more bellies nor backs then formerly, and their corn at as low a price as it was before. Corn I say, for the Clothier's wages will not much enrich either Butcher or Grazier.  
2. Another objection against what has been said, is the great number maintained by the wooll-manufacture: four fifts of the Nation, saith W. C. which except he take in the Farmers & Graziers is an extravagant proportion. But this objection is wholly impertinent. It is not material to the point in hand how many are maintained by wooll-work, but how many more would be maintained by working up the superfluous wool, that, I mean, which either perishes or is clandestinly exported. And these are not so many as the maintenance ought, in any wise, to be put in balance either with the Farmers and Graziers, or Gentry and Landlords of this Nation.  
The Cloth for our own use we still spend, and the Merchants transport more to some Countries then formerly: so that our loss is only what was usually sent into France and Holland. W. C▪ says four fifts of the Nation are concerned in the interest that wool be not exported. London itself contains about 5 Millions, do we think any Child so simple as to believe 4 of these 5 millions are concerned about the Exportation of wool? If he says he means the whole woollen-trade, that also is false. But what is that to our question about superfluous wool? let there be strict laws, and severely executed, for the use of wool in our own Nation: let the Irish Act for prohibiting importation of Cattle be repealed, that we may be no more oppressed with wool from thence; and it would be found neither the number of workmen, nor of People will be lessened by exporting our superfluous wool. Nay I make a great question, whether the number of workmen be lessened since the woollen-trade sickened, unless by some accident. he that considers the great number of Silk-workers now in the Nation, (a clothing not of that substance and duration as Cloth, therefore requires more hands, to supply us with new) and that Cloth-working, which was formerly confined to Corporations, is now frequent in Villages: will either be of my opinion, or suspend his assent to the contrary: and than what becomes of this great clamour of maintaing so many People, and so many poor? Since there are not so many loose by exportation of wool, but they may easily betake themselves to other callings.  
3. But concerning maintaining the poor, I have said before; that where there is most manufacture there is either always, or for the most part, more poor: the reasons are plain. It is true indeed that the first introducing a manufacture emploies many poor, but they cease not to be so; and the continuance of it makes many: and the departing of it to an other place caries most of them with it. But the decay of it being insensible, the poor by degrees are otherwise provided for, and rather mend their fortunes then make them worse by the loss of their trade. But for the whole Nation, why is it not better to set up such a trade as will employ all our working people, increase our Shipping, and enrich our Men, then to endeavour a thing impossible, (hindering exportation of wool?) force nature? ty up the Sea and winds? to strive against the stream and current of the times? I mean the Herring-fishing, which will both make amends for the small decay of our cloth-working, and revenge ourselves against the Dutch for stealing our manufacture; by fairly and justly making use of our own liberty and power to which nature has by our situation so long invited us. Our Cloth-working may again return, as all things and all trades have their ebbs and flows. Were not our Archers in ancient times the great glory of the Nation? renowned for gaining many signal battles against our Enemies? what laws have we for importing bow-staves? and what great number of Families were maintained by that trade, etc. whereas now neither are there Archers, nor bowyers, nor bow-staves, hardly in the whole Kingdom. I wish we do not too soon repent the disuse of those our famous weapons: to prevent which Q. Eliz. used her endeavour both by laws and encouragement (and to second her, Sr. Tho. Smith writ an ingenious book in commendation of Archery) the loss of which weapon I rather lament then hope to recover. But those workmen doubtless provided themselves other trades as Archery decayed: and this age feels no want of employment from that decay: neither will the next from that of clothing. But cloth may perhaps come again into request, and then the tentered, thin Dutch-cloth, the light searges of France, and the effeminate Silks of Italy may be despised. Perhaps also (which I see his Majesty most prudently endeavours) some new trading place may be discovered, which may take off our Cloth in greater abundance than France or Holland did. Or if this happen not, yet by applying ourselves to fishing, we shall in short time think our present failure an happy increase. Our wool has ever been accounted the great riches of the Kingdom. By Pol. Virgil England is called terra de lana, and our wool the Golden-fleece; by reason of the great quantity of Gold and Silver which came in yearly to buy it. Yet in the Sea at our doors lie greater treasures then in our wool: if we were not so slothful as to suffer our neighbours to Rob us of it, whilst we stand idle spectators of our ruin.  
4. It is also objected that the French and Dutch may in time work us out of trading in other parts by underselling us: they undermine us, 'tis true, not by underselling us constantly, but by underselling us chiefly at first: and their trading being in societies and companies their losses are shared amongst so many, that a small one is hardly felt by any. wherefore if they find we have a settled trade in any place, they sell first to their own loss, and when by this means they have beaten us out, they raise their price higher than we did. Which prohibiting exportation will not hinder: there being no way of blowing up this mine of theirs, but by such a countermine of our own. If the Dutch have either more skill in making Cloth; or by faring more hardly, or having provision cheaper from Ireland, and taking less fraight, can afford their Cloth cheaper; they must of necessity in time beat us out of trade, unless we learn to work or live as they do. But if all the superfluous wool had a good price, and good custom set upon it, would it not be a good antidote against this underselling us? I am sure it would against their underselling us by what they make of our wool, and far better than endeavouring to force the stream and fight with Impossibility.  
5. It has been demanded by some, since our Clothiers cannot work out our wools, what is become of the wool which lay on the Graziers hands in An. 1666. at which time, say they, there was as great quantity unsold as at present. Tho this I might in part deny: yet I will grant, that great quantities did then lie upon our hands; because during the War and the plague there was little of it wrought in our own, and less exported into foreign Countries; the King of France at that time commanded all the English wool which came into his dominions (which was no small quantity) to be burnt for fear of infection. And therefore the War and Plague ceasing, our wool was again in greater measure transported to foreiners then before. It can not therefore be concluded that our Clothiers can manufacture all the Wool of England, because at this juncture we had more, and afterwards less wool upon our hands. But we still lose the point which is concerning superfluous wool only. if the Clothiers can work it all, let them do it; we shall all rejoice at it: if they cannot, I hope they will acknowledge themselves unreasonable if they oppose what we request.  
6. Lastly they urge that the French cannot make any, except very course Cloth, without our wool. Which I deny and appeal to them, who know any thing of the South parts of France, whether they make not good Cloth at and about Carcassone, Bourge en Berry and divers other places without the help of our wools? Some Turkey Merchants know also, that their Carcason Cloth finds good prices, and many buyers in the Levant. But grant it true, that they can make but little besides course cloth without our wool, and suppose it were possible to keep our wool from them; yet if they will be content to wear their own course Cloth (as most certainly they will and must) rather than buy ours, what shall the not-exporting wool advantage the Clothier or the Merchant? I would fain ask those who are so unwilling to have wool exported, whether they will give security to take of all the wool yearly growing in the Nation at a reasonable rate, suppose 10. pound per Pack: but if they refuse, let them not think it reasonable the poor Grazier, and Farmor, or indeed the Landlord must bear all the loss and damage. 'Tis too great a burden on them, who already bear the chief and almost only burden of the Nation.  
V. For remedy of all the disorders in this matter, I shall propose nothing but what I conceive the laws of the Nation and Acts of Parliament enjoin. As,  
1. That those, who work up our wool in England may buy when and where they please, and as cheap as they can.  
2. That no broker or forestaller shall be suffered to buy wool, but that it shall be bought either by the Clothier himself, or the Exporter; but not by any man to sell it again in England: unless in such Towns as Halifax, etc. Where the poor workmen are not able to buy any considerable quantities, as formerly it was.  
3. That no Merchant stranger shall be suffered to buy any Wool till All-Saints or St. Martins-day: but then any may buy and export what they please.  
4. That every sack of Wool, that is exported, shall pay such customs to the King as the Parliament in their wisdom shall think meet.  
5. That no Man under such a degree as shall be judged meet shall wear other then woollen outward garments.  
6. That all foreign woollen and Silk-manufactures whatever be confiscate.  
7. That provision be made for vending our Cloth beyond Sea: and a prohibition made of the Comoditieses coming from such Countries as refuse our Cloth; as the Parliament shall think fit, according to the example of former times.  
8. That the Irish wool be prevented from coming into England, unless in order to its sale to strangers.  
9 That the multitude of Acts for Cloth-working be reduced into one plain, clear law remedying the innumerable abuses in mingling, Carding, Spinning, Weaving, Scouring, Milling, Rowing, Tentring, Dying, etc. Which done, it 'twill be easy to prevent exporting undressed and undyed Clothes. Of which Sr. Walter Raleigh justly complains, as prejudicial to the Kingdom.  
10. That the Aulnager may be countenanced in, and be put in mind of, duly executing his office: not suffering his seals to be sold by dozen to Clothiers and Shearmen to fix to their own Clothes at their pleasure, without being measured or visited.  
11. That no Englishman be permitted to set up for himself in relation to clothing till he have served 7 years' apprenticeship at the trade. Which will lessen the outcry of Clothiers for want of work, encourage honest and skilful work-wen, and give credit to the employment, which now is disgraced by those whom ignorance, not an ill trade, reduces to necessity, and finally it will give reputation to our clothes) which for want of it have much lost their vent beyond-sea as well as in our own Nation.  
12. That for increase of our People a voluntary register be permitted, and liberty, given to all strangers to buy lands, to set up manufacture at their pleasure, and to live with freedom, liberty, and the privileges, of Englishmen. Following in this the excellent example of great King Ed. 3 that there be care taken to prevent idleness, so frequent in this Nation since Queen Elizabeth's Acts for relieving beggars: a thing most piously designed; yet proving an encouragement to they- very and Idleness, a charge to the industrious inhabitants of every Parish, and an injury to the whole Nation.  
FINIS.