A RELATION OF THE HORRID INJURIES COMMITTED BY The KING of SWEDEN, UPON The DUKE of CURLAND, His DUCHESS, and seven CHILDREN. Together with the Duke's Vindication from the Swedish Calumnies. printer's or publisher's device S M LONDON, Printed for Simon Miller at the Star in Paul's Churchyard, 1659. DEFENSIO Principis CURLANDIAE Suevorum Calumniis opposita. POst ruptas in Polonia inducias, pacem verò cum Danis vix citius initam quam fractam; post Transilvaniae Principem inter hostes, contra fidem datam, destitutum; post temerata denique ubivis locorum Divina, humanaque Jura, nemini forté novum aut mirum videbitur, jussu Regis Sueciae, Principem Curlandiae, licet Medii sen Neutralis in hoc bella conditionem identidem pactus erat, & saepius magnâ argenti vi redemerat, in Domo suâ per insidias captum, barbaricum in modum cum Uxore, septemque liberis, Rigam abductum esse. Caeterum quoniam ea in pacatum Principem admissa, quae nec in hoste locum haberent, in Matronam insigni pietate praeclarisque Virtutibus summum inter foeminas locum morentem, nisi nativitas dedisset, eamque partui vicinam; in liberos Principales, plerosque infantes, atque aetate, ut Parentes, vitâ innocentissimos, designata sunt: ipsis haec Suecis talia sunt visa, ut non sine excusatione aut defensione Orbique patefieri deberent: Sed quae Dei benignitas atque Justitia est, vix alii innocentiam Optimorum Principum illustriorem reddunt, quàm qui vel maximé oppugnant. Dicunt equidem quod libet qui causam hanc agunt, & tamen apparet summo studio nihil fingi potuisse, quo tanta rei indignitas vel excusaretur. Fac vera esse quae commenti sunt in hác causâ omnia; fac fides habeatur praetextibus, quae veritati debetur; nihil hic invenies, quod innocentiae Principium praejudicare, aut Suecorum facto vel minimum Justitiae affricare posset colorem. Nimirum jungi potest justitiae maledicentia, nec tamen haec malos reddere potest, aut reos, quos illa miseros effecit. Quod ipsum patebit audienti hos Oratores, qui causam hanc dum defendunt, produnt. Caput accusationis est, Uxorem Principis suasisse Fratri suo Electori Brandenburgico, ut cum Poloniae Rege, cujus olim vasallus ipse fuerat, maritus autem adhuc erat, in gratiam rediret. Adeò nec dicta nec consilia familiarium impunia sunt, & illa quidem Uxoris, in caput Mariti expetunt, atque hic luat necesse est, quae illa admisit. Crodo, his arbitris, meritò pro hoste habendum, cujus Uxor alibi, ipso absente & inscio, pacis consilia, inter cognatos, quibusque amorem atque reverentiam debebat, commendavit. Scilicet quam à De● continuis precibus ipsis efflagitare, pium fuerat, crimen fuisset suadere. Sed nihil eam hic egisse, si Electori Sancté hoc asserenti non creditur, credere ipsis rerum argumentis necesse est. Involverat illum Rex Sueciae bello Polonico; gliscebat mox Danicum, & successit. Autor Regi fuit Elector, ut, quod proclive ipsi erat, & gloriosam sibi ut, & utilem cum Polonis iniret pacem, Danicos verò motus aequis averteret conditionibus; sed frustrà fuit, ad eum gloriae campum quasi remissus eò ampliorem, quò pluribus insideretur hostibus. Ergo Rex in Holsatiam movet, & foederatos, Electorem, Transilvanumque hostibas tantum non obrutos deserit. Exuitur hic Exercitu, & adhuc periculum est, ut Principatu fortunisque excidat omnibus. Expugnatur Cracovia, occurrunt imminentque Electori Exercitus Polonici, Auxiliaresque Austriaci atque Cosaci; à Suecis Suppetiae nullae. Hîc Electorem nec mala, nec pericula, nec remedia praevidere potuisse putabimus? & (quod unicum restabat) pacem eum Polonis non confecisse, nisi Soror submonuerit? Judicet qui velit, ecquis Electori illam persuaserit, & an non à Rege Suecia Ipso proficiscatur, quod Optimae Principi tanquam crimen reputant? Sed intercessit Principi, inquiunt, familiaritas insignis cum Gonzievio, & litteris hinc inde meantibus, quas partim Principis Ministros scripsisse perhibent, effectum, ut Anno 1656. Lithuanis eorumque vicinis Copiae Sueciae, quae illic locorum erant, in manus quasi traderentur. Cum Gonsievio Principi agendum erat, tanquam cum vicino amico, Regis sui Ministro, & egit; ita tamen, ut conditionis suae memor esset, & observantiae erga Dominum, & Neutralitatis, quam vocant, Leges integrae semper sibi constarent. Nec unquam produci possunt literae Principis, aut Ipso indignae, aut rerum statui, quem diximus parum convenientes: quid egerint scripserintque Ministri, viderint ipsi, Principis hic nulla est culpa. Caeterùm cum Sueci Lithuanos & Samogitas pessimè haberent, & dispersi interim securique inter eos agerent, an, quod immanissima facta extorserunt, ad quod opportunitas invitavit, statui in Suecos non potuit nisi Autore Curlandioe Duce? Nec hostes suos Lithuani cernere poterant focis assidentes, lateribusque haerentes, nisi Curlandioe Duce ex longinquo demonstrante? Imputatur praeterea, quod Magno Muscoviae Duci consilia & rationes capiendae Rigae unà cum commeatu suppeditarit Princeps Curlandiae, idque egerit, ut Serenissimi Angliae, etc. Protectoris studium pacis inter Muscos & Suecos conficiendae à Moschis repudiaretur, quod sinistras de Suecis opiniones Legato Anglico insinuaverit, denique quod Polonis Moschos conciliare, hos verò Suecis infensiores-reddere annisus: atque in eo fuerit ut Serenissimo Electori Brandenburgico trium millium suppetias mitteret. Utinam verò, ut ab ultimis ordiamur, tot habuisset Dux milites, atque abduci potuisset amicorum monitis, ut hac viâ securitati suae prospiceret; non tam opportunus Suecorum injuriis fuisset, & haberet forsan optimus Princeps Domum suam bonaque omnia intacta. Nunc fiducia pollicitationum regiarum unicé securo, milite destituto, cum militum copia adhuc objiciatur, vix acerbiùs candori ac innocentiae illudi posset atque insultari. Consilia autem ut suggereret Magno Muscoviae Duci nunquam Ipsi opportunitas fuit, nec ut quicquam persuaderet authoritas. Commeatum si Moschi exegerunt, exegerunt & Sueci & Poloni. Damnum passus ab omnibus, injuriam nemini fecit. Infortunium illud miseratione dignum, culpae adnumerandum non fuerat. Pacem inter Moschos, Polonos, Suecos, omnesque denique Vicinos optavit amantissimus pacis Princeps, & cujus eam confieri intererat, si promovere non potuit, nullibi certe turbavit. Populos cum Populis committere non Illius sunt artes; qui tranquillitatem sibi suam non nisi Vicinorum omnium concordiâ constare intelligit: cujus omnes ex aequo observare, & humanitate cum singulis decertare, non armis. Hoc verò studium, hanc mentem Principi fuisse Ipse Anglicus testabitur Legatus, quem, quibus potuit humanitatis officiis, per aliquot menses Princeps prosecutus est, & comitèr habuit, non modo quòd peregrinus aut quia ab amico, sed comprimis quod pacis interpres venerat. Atqui ille ipse, inquiunt, pessimis quibusque de Suecis opinionibus in Curlandia imbutus est. Nimirum quae conscientia vera arguit, etiam dicta creduntur. Sed si Suecis quibusdam mala mens, oportetnè propterea Curlandiae Principios impurum atque maledicum esse? Sed regrediamur unde digressi sumus. Pone haec ita se habere, cum tamen Serenissima Princeps in litteris ad Electorem Brandenburgicum Fratrem suum Deo teste affirmet, causâ in conscientiae Tribunali dictâ, nullam se deprehendere posse in se suisque culpam, nisi quod, cum nihil mali patrassent, nihil mali metuerent, nimiumque confisi essent Christianismum & Evangelicam Doctrinam professis. Largiamur autem hoc hostibus, Principes, pactorum observantissimos, & quos sua pietas, probitas atque conditio facilé absolvit, & ista quae objiciunt illi, & graviora, si placet, commisisse; Postquam novis cum Suecici Exercitus Praefecto, Vetera Neutralitatis pacta confirmata, non sine coagulo amicitiae, quo opus est cum isto hominum genere, transigentibus, pecuniâ scilicet praesentaneá, oegré a Principe confectâ, & vero paucae admodum horae inter conventionem hanc initam, & eruptionem in Arcem Principis factam intercesserunt, atque adeo Sueci omne crimen, quod in Principe vel fingi posset, sive dederunt, sive occuparunt ipsi, nullius Eum accusari posse, nemo deinceps dubitaverit. Alia igitur omnino sint necesse est, quae ad hoc triste malum Domui Curlandiae acc●lerandum, Regem Sueciae impulerint. Et sunt qui putant aegrè Illum Electori Brandenburgico facere voluisse, quod cum armis validum, nec fraudibus opportunum amplius invadere non potuerit, inermes invaserit. Dolei equidem Elector tristem suorum casum, & dolent optim● quique; sed solatur Ipsum Eorundem innocentia juxta ac Divina Justitia, quae & coronare illam prosperrimo etiam malorum eventu, hostes verò Ipsius ita habere solet, ut ubique & benignum Patrem & severum se ostendat Judicem. Novit talia patrantes hòc citiùs Vindictam provocare Divinam, eamque acriorem, 〈◊〉 innocentiorts laeserint. Alis situm Curlandiae Mari Balthico imminentis illius Dominium affect anti salivam movisse putant; Coeterum cum accessio vineae Nabothi res Achabi parum auxerit, optimi quique expectant, quis Regni non unius affectati, Principatus non unius erepti tandem finis exitusque futurus. Et vidimus jam Justitiae Divinae non tardantis argumentum. Nam cum 28 die Octobris Principes Curlandiae in cautivitatem abducerentur, luce quae secuta est, proximâ, paucae foederati Belgii Naves, (pleraeque enim in conflictu non fuêre) Suecis quibusdamexustis, quibusdam captis, nonnullis submersis, effecerunt, ut Haffniae obstdio solveretur, & Orbis videret Illos, qui, cum Maris Dominium jactent, miniman ejus partem, fretum dico Danicum, licet Castella utrique imminentia littori insiderent, defendere non potuerunt: scilicet, qui in Daniá Liberatorem se atque innocentiae Vindicem probavit, hostiumque superbiam fregit, idem & aliis sub idem tempus Injuriam passis, praeterque meritum afflictis aderit, sine dubio, sine morâ: Illi sit laus & gloria in saeculis, etc. A VINDICATION Of the Duke of Curland against the Swedish Calumnies. AFter the Violation of the Polonion Truce, breaking of the newly Concluded Peace with Donmarck, destitution of the Transylvanian Prince, in the midst of his Enemies, contrary to Engagement; yea, after the Universal profanation and contempt of Divine and Humane Laws every where: No body (likely) will think it any great wonder or novelty, that by Command of the same King of Sweden, the illustrious Duke of Curland (notwithstanding his Highness had in the beginning of the late Polish War, agreed upon a perpetual Neutrality, and since was forced ofttimes to redeem and buy the same again with a vast Treasure,) was perfidiously surprised in his own Castle, and in a most barbarous manner (together with his Duchess and seven Infant-childrens) carried away captive to Riga. Moreover, Whereas such things were committed against a Peaceable Prince, which would not have place in an Enemy: Against a Princess, (who for her unparallelled Piety, and most illustrious Virtues, (to say nothing of her Birth) may justly claim the the highest place among Women) drawing near the time of her Delivery: Yea, against his Princely Children, almost all Infants, and most innocent in their age, as their Parents in their lives. It seems they have appeared to the Swedes themselves, to be of that nature, as that they ought not to be published to the world, without some kind of excusation or defence: But such is the infinite Benignity and Justice of our God, that hardly any other could have demonstrated manifested more brighter, the spotless Innocence of these best of Princes, than the most unjust opposers of the same. Those who patrocinate this cause speak (indeed) their full, pleasure, and yet it appears, that with all their study and Industry, they have been uncapable to forge any thing, whereby so great an indignity might be rendered in the least excusable. Suppose all their manifest forgeries in this business to be true, and attribute that Faith (which is due to the truth) to their frivolous pretences, yet you will find nothing at all in them, that either can be any ways prejudicous to the Innocency of the Duke and Duchess, or yet give any the least colour of Justice to that inhuman action of the Swedes. Besides, to the said notorious injustice, may be also added the slanderous aspersions, which yet will not be able to render those either bad or guilty, whom they have made miserable. And this will clearly appear, to him that hears these Orators speak, who striving to defend this cause, do betray the same. The head of the Accusation, is, That the Duke's Lady, did persuade her Brother, the Prince Elector of Brandenborgh, to reconcile himself to the King of Poland's Majesty, whose vassal he had eretimes been, and to whom he still stood engaged. After this rate, neither the words nor counsels of familiar friends are unpunishable; yea, even those of a Wife, would exact the head of her Husband, and he were to suffer for what she committed. I believe that (according to the Opinion of these Arbitrators) that man may lawfully be termed an enemy, whose Wife in his absence, and unknown to him, hath otherwhere made good overtures for, and endeavoured the Recommendation of Peace betwixt her nearest Friends and Kindred, to whom she owed love and reverence; and that it is a crime to counsel or recommend Peace, when it is godly and most commendable, by incessant fervent Prayers to beg the same of God. But, that the said Princess did nothing of this nature (if we will not believe the Prince Elector, religiously asserting the same) yet must we give credit to the Arguments of the matter itself. The King of Sweden having involved the said Elector in the Polonian War, and the Danish suddenly creeping in thereupon, and succeeding; his Electoral Highness advised the said King to make up (as he easily might) a Peace both glorious and profitable for himself, with the Poles, and to divert the Danish motions with equitable Conditions, but all in vain; the said Elector being (as it were) sent back by the King with derision, to that height of glory held so much more ample and illustrious, by how much more enemies he was surrounded; and so the King moves towards Holstein, deserting his Confederates the Elector, and Trasilvanian Prince, even in a manner overwhelmed by the Enemy. Whereupon he of Transilvania, shortly after was deprived of his Army, and to this hour, runs hazard of the total loss of his Country and Fortunes; the City of Cracovia was recovered; and the Prince Elector immediately (quasi) surrendered by the threatening formidable Armies of the Confederate Poles, Austrians, and Cossacks, being altogether left destitute of the least hopes of succour from the Swedes. And can we think that all this while, the said P. Elector could foresee neither Evils, nor Perils, nor Remedies? And that (which only was remaining) he could not have had thoughts of a Peace with the Poles, without the Admonition of his Sister? Judge whomsoever, who it was that persuaded the Elector thereunto, and whether it proceeds not from the King of Sweden himself, what is as a Crime imputed unto our most Virtuous Princess. But (they say) the Duke kept great intimacy with Gonzieusky, and, that by interchangeable Letters (which partly they assert to have been written by the Duke's Ministers) it hath been brought to pass, that in the Year 1656. the Swedish Forces in those parts, were (in a manner) betrayed into the hands of the Lithuanians and their Neighbours. The Duke was forced to (and did indeed) Treat with Gonzieusky, as with a Neighbouring Friend, and the Ministers of his King; yet so, as that he was altogether mindful of his Condition, and how much it behoved him Sacredly and Inviolably to preserve no less the Laws of Neutrality, than the respect due to his Lord. Nor can ever any Letters of the Duke be produced, either unworthy of himself, or in the least contrarying the premised State of affairs; what the Ministers have either done or written, they themselves must answer, the Prince for his part, is herein most innocent. Moreover, when the Swedes most basely treated the Lithuanians and Samogitians, and yet in the mean time, were securely and confusedly dispersed among them, could not that, which their most horrid actions did extort from, and whereunto the fairest opportunity invited the said Lithuanians, be executed upon the Swedes, but by Instinction of the Duke of Curland? And could not they see their Enemies, when sitting at their fire sides, and hanging upon their very backs, except the Duke of Curland had afar off pointed at them? It is further imputed, that the Duke did give Counsel and Directions to the great Duke of Muscovy, for the taking of Riga together with Supplies for his Army; as also, that he did effect (or cause) that his most Serene Highness the Lord Protector's of England, etc. endeavoures for Peace betwixt the Muscovites and Swedes, were rejected by the said Muscovites: That he did insinuate sinister Opinions of the Swedes to the Ambassador of England: And lastly, that he did endeavour to reconcile the Poles and Muscovites, but to render these more incensed against the Swedes; yea, that he was upon it, to have sent a succour of 3000 men of his own, to the most Serene Prince Elector of Brandenburg. It were to be wished (to begin with the last) that the Duke had had such a number of Forces, and could have been induced and disposed by all the seasonable Admonitions of his Friends, to have provided for his own security that way; he would not then have been so liable and obnoxious to the Swedish injuries, but perhaps (Good Prince) have preserved his House and Estate entire and safe to this hour: whereas now, Integrity and Innocency could hardly be more cruelly eluded and insulted over, then to object a numerous Power of Forces to him, who, securely relying upon, and only confiding in the Royal Promises, was altogether destitute of Soldiers. As for his (pretended) suggested Counsels to the great Duke, he neither ever had opportunity thereunto, nor yet authority to persuade any thing. If the Muscovites exacted passage and free quarters, the Swedes and Poles exacted no less; he suffered Damage by all, but did Injury to none. This misfortune had been more worthy of pity then of punishment. A Peace betwixt the Muscovites, Poles, Swedes, and all other his Neighbours, the Prince (as a most perfect Peace Lover) did cordially wish, and being so much concerned in the confection of the same, if he could not promote; yet leastwise, he was fare from (any where) perturbing or obstructing it. To stir up Nation against Nation, are not his Practices, who understands his own Tranquillity and Preservation to depend only from his Neighbours general Concordance and Unanimity, and whom it behoves to give equal respect to all, and rather to win the heart of every one with Civility, then by force of Arms. Now, that this hath been the real mind and endeavours of the Duke, the English Ambassador himself, cannot but witness, whom the Duke did prosecute with all possible demonstrations of Civility, and entertained most lovingly for many Months together, not only for being a stranger, or the Minister of a potent Friend, but chief for coming as a Peacemaker. But he, himself (they say) was possessed with most finistrous Opinions of the Swedes in Curland; as if, what Conscience doth but argue to be true, must be granted to be spoken also. But if any of the Swedes have an ill heart, must it therefore follow that the mouth of the Duke of Curland is impure and slanderous? But let us return from whence we have made a Digression. Suppose all these things to be so, notwithstanding that the Serene Duchess in her Letters to the Prince Elector her Brother (taking God to witness, and having pleaded and discussed the Cause, in the Tribunal of her own Conscience) doth sacredly affirm, That she cannot find any other fault in herself or hers, but, that having committed no ill, and therefore not fearing any, they had too much confided in those that make profession of Christianity and Evangelical Religion. But let us (I say) grant this to the enemy, that those Princes (the most Religious Observers of their Compacts, and whom their very Pretty, Godliness, and Condition alone doth easily absolve) have committed all these objected Crimes, and yet more grievous ones, if they please; yet after that the old agreement of Neutrality was again renewed and confirmed, with the General of the Swedish Army (not without a cementation of friendship, which they that mean to transact with such kind of people, must ever have ready at hand; I mean ready money, but newly, with much ado, raised by the Duke:) and (as is manifest) but very few hours interceding betwixt the making of the said Covenant, and immediate ensuing irruption into the Castle of the said Duke; in as much as the Swedes must either have taken away, or else anticipated themselves, all the Crimes that can possibly be forged against his Highness; No man (surely) can believe, that after all this, the said Duke can justly be accused of any thing. There must then be osher Reasons which moved and impulsed the King of Sweden to accelerate and hasten this deplorable misfortune unto the House of Curland. And indeed, there are, that think that he did it, to vex and spite the P. Elector of Brandenborgh, in that, when he was not able to invade him (who was now too powerful in Arms, and more wary of being circumvented then heretofore) he did overpower the unarmed and uncapable of Resistance. The P. Elector indeed, deplores the hard fate of his Friends, and all honest hearts condole with them: But their unspotted innocence doth powerfully mitigate and allay his sorrow, as also the infinite Justice of God, which is wont generally to Crown the same with a most prpsperous issue even of the affliction itself; and contrarily to behold the Enemies thereof with such an eye, as doth every where witness him no less a most Severe Judge and Avenger, than a tender and gracious Father: He knows that those that commit such enormous Actions, do but so much the more speedily provoke, ripen, and augment the just vengeance of the Lord, by how much brighter the Innocence of the oppressed party appears. Others think, that the commodious situation of Curland, upon the Baltique, made the teeth of him, that affects the Dominion thereof, to water. But as the acquisition of Naboth's Vineyard yielded but small increase to the Estate of wicked Ahab, so also all good people, expect to see what will be the end and issue of the affectation of more than one Kingdom, and violent ereption of more than one Dukedom and Principality. And indeed, we have already beheld an eminent sign of the (not retarding) Justice of God, in that, the very next day after the barbarous carrying away of the Princes of Curland into Captivity, being the 28th of October, a few Ships of the United Neatherland States (the most of the Fleet not having been engaged in the fight) did, by the burning of some, taking others, and sinking not a few Swedish Ships, most happily effectuate the raising of the Siege of Copenhagen, and cause the world to smile in beholding those, that did boast the Dominion of the Sea, uncapable (notwithstanding the two imminent Castles upon either side of the Shore) to defend or maintain the most inconsiderable part of the same, viz. the Danish Sound. And even so, we trust, that the same God that hath approved himself the gracious Deliverer of Denmark, and just Avenger of oppressed Innocency (having broken the most insolent pride of the Enemy) will also in his own due time, be present with, and powerfully deliver those, who about the same time, have suffered the same Injuries, and been wrongfully afflicted with others. To him be praise and glory for ever and ever. An Authentic Copy OF THE ASSECURATION Given unto his Highness the Duke of Curland, by the Commander of the Swedish Forces in Livonia, General Douglas (after the late Renewing, and Solemn Confirmation of the formerly Concluded perpetual Neutrality, betwixt the King of Sweden and his said Highness) in the Name of the said King, under his own hand and Seal, which notwithstanding, after the Duke had given a vast Sum of Money, and great store of Provisions unto the said Douglas; and so on his part, had performed all and every the Particulars of the said (enforced) Covenant of Renovation, was immediately most unworthily violated by him, by falling upon, and seizing his Highness' Person and Family, in manner as the Precedent Paper doth largely relate. By me Robert Douglas, Privy-Counsellor, General Field Martial, and Counsellor of War to his Majesty of Sweden, Earl of Schoning, Lord of Schelby, etc. Whereas for the Subsistance of his Majesty of Sweden, my most gracious King and Master's Army, a considerable quantity both of Money and Provisions hath been anew Promised, Granted, and Allowed by his Princely Highness, the Duke of Curland, his Council and States, for his Highness' Dukedoms, the Stift Pylten, and whole Territories, witness his Highness' Reverse given for that purpose. I therefore, in the Name of my said most gracious King, do in lieu thereof, faithfully Promise, Engage, and fully Assure the said Duke, that his Highness, with his whole Country and Subjects, as also the Stift Pylten (none, besides those who have made themselves unworthy of the said Benefit, excepted) shall remain fully Assured of, and be secured in the Neutrality formerly Granted his Highness by his said Royal Majesty; as also be wholly freed of all manner of Hostile Attentations, Invasions, Free Quartering, Contributions, and all other Executions, Robberies, and Depredations whatsoever, etc. In Testimony whereof, I have hereunto put my own hand and Seal, this 19th of September, 1658. L. S. R. Douglas. FINIS.