A two-inch Board for M. Prynne to peep thorough: Being a full and satisfactory ANSWER To a late libellous Pamphlet (herein proved to be his) called, A DECLARATION OF The Officers and Armies illegal &c. proceed and practices against the XI. impeached Members: And to other that Authors scandalous Papers lately published, purposely to asperse the Army and their proceed. WITH A discovery of his lies, subtleties, and delusions therein, and a Justification of the Armies Charge and proceed against the XI. impeached Members, by Law, Precedent, and Reason. WITH Certain considerable Queries and observations upon the Cities late tumultuous rebellious proceed against the Parliament.  
Written by T. R. Gent.  Pro. 26.5. 
Answer a fool in his folly, lest he be wise in his own conceit.  
Printed in the Year 1647.   


A two-inch Board for M. Prynne to peep thorough, etc.  
THe Declarer (whether M. Pryn or whosoever) tells us in his introductory part of his Declaration, how quondam great Cromwell, Earl of Essex, lost his head by an illegal Law or Precedent, which himself procured to suspend from, and attaint others in Parliament upon mere general accusations, without particular proofs, and before answer given, intimating, and in his subsequent discourse, audaciously and falsely affirming, that the Army have done the like against the eleven Members, therefore this perilous Precedent should admonish some of the Earls name (Lieutenant-generall Cromwell he means) and the rest of the Army etc. it being a memorable Maxim of a learned Judge Sir Edw. Cook, That the more high and absolute the Jurisdiction of the high Court of Parliament is, the more just and honourable it ought to be in the proceed, and to give example of justice to inferior Courts.  
Now the Army have neither suspended nor attainted any upon mere general accusations, for they have brought in particular Articles of Treason and misdemeanour against them, and expect daily a Plea or Answer to them, that they may proceed unto trial and produce their proofs, upon which they doubt not but to have them attainted and convicted also: and therefore truly, neither Lieutenant-generall Cromwell nor any other Officer or Member of the Army need to fear (nor can they incur) any such danger by this just and legal accusation, as unhappily happened to Cromwell the great, unless he or they should unhappily fall under the power of Mr. Declarer, or those he declares for, who indeed have used like unjust, arbitrary practices, as that Cromwell, Earl of Essex did, nay worse: for they have occasioned and voted many a one to be suspended and imprisoned without any charge or accusation at all. I will not instance, because every man knows it, even thou thyself, O Declarer. And if the eleven Members were served as great Cromwell was, to wit, not only suspended, but executed (the which nevertheless I desire not, nor is it, I am sure, either endeavoured or intended) without any answer or proof produced, it was but just upon them, Lex talionis: for they and their Accomplices have done the same to others, though not to deprivation of life, yet of, Liberty, propriety and estate, equivalent to life, and was there any more than a general charge at first given in against Strafford and Canterbury, upon which they were presently restrained? And by how much the more superlative the Parliament ought to be in justice above other Courts, for that its power and Jurisdiction is so; so much the more vile and shameful, culpable and condemnable are those Members thereof, who have been more impious and unjust in the use and the execution of that power, than the most contemptible Officers of the meanest and lowest Courts, of Judicature. And where now, I pray you, is the parallel M. Declarer, instances of illegality and arbitrariness, between the Lord Cromwell's Attainder, and the proceed of the Army, and in particular of Lieutenant-generall Cromwell, which he names there in special, against the eleven justly accused Members? So much in answer to his Introduction. Now to his particulars, by which he pretends to demonstrate the unjustness of the Army's prosecution.  
1. The unjustness thereof he saith appears by the generality and incertainty of the Accusers, the charge against them being presented in the name of the whole Army, without the hands of any particular persons to it, who will undertake at their perils to make it good, or else to give the accused Members and House due reparations if they fail to do it, contrary to the Common and Statute Law of the Land. Was it not in the name of his Excellency Sir Thomas the head in particular, and of the Army in general as of a Body, owned by all, and presented by some of the principal Members thereof in name of the whole? A way and usage most certain and sure: had it come in these words, viz. in the name of certain persons, or of the general and major part of the Army, it had been justly chargeable with incertainty: But what act can carry with it more certainty, then that which hath the joynt-concurrence of an entire Body, or Community? Hath not the practice of the House of Commons for form and manner in things of the same nature, been ever the same? and did not they impeach Strafford, Canterbury, Judge Bartlet, Finch, Windebanck and others, this present Parliament in the same general uncertain manner, in the name of the House of Commons, and of all the Commons of England? And if this of Sir Thomas and the Army be unjust, so than was that; if that was just, so then is this: the matter is the same, and the manner is the same, and there is more ille gality and incertainety in the factious Petitions and Remonstrances heretofore presented by the pretended Lord Mayor, aldermans and Common Council in name of the City, (which the City never owned) then in this Charge, preferred in the name of, and owned by the whole Army: and there is no dread M. Declarer, but his Excellency & the Army will make good their charge against the accused to their sorrow and your shame, and I doubt not, but you who are so much now in their behalf for reparations, according to Law before the issue be proved, will then be enforced, according to your own litigious Doctrine, to make reparations to his Excellency and the Army for all your pernicious, seditious, false, scandalons, notorious, shameless reproaches, revile, imputations, accusations, and aspersions, published and uttered in your envenomed Declaration against them and these their just, legal, and honourable proceed, which are so much affected, honoured and promoted by all in general, unless it be such as are alike guilty and desperately wicked, who neither fear God, nor love their King or their Country.  
2. The unjustness of the Armies proceed, he saith, appears by the incertainety and generality of the charge itself in mere general and ambiguous terms, to which the parties accused can give no answer nor make any defence, and thereupon voted insufficient by the House, 25. Junii to charge or suspend them by the Law of the Land. Here note, that he means the general heads of the Charge, given in 15 June last, and not the particular Charge which came in Tuesday 6. July, although like a Juggler he inserts it in such a sort as to have the multitude believe it the same. And as for the general heads, there was no answer thereunto required, only therefore a suspertion of the accused, as being charged, and truly, with M. Declarers leave, there was both reason and precedent for it, although the House voted against it. Look back and consider the Parliaments proceed in all times against their Members in such cases, and in particular in the last and latest precedents, Strafford, Canterbury, Barkley, etc. nay have not the Fouse of Commons suspended and excluded divers of their own Members this Parliament, for words and particular actions in the House, cases of inferior nature and consequence, to the matter of charge against the 11 Members? And again, if those general heads, five in number against the 11. Members (which are more large and special than the general charge the House of Commons preferred against the E. of Strafford, and B. of Canterbury) were insufficient to charge or suspend them, of what validity then were those general charges of the H. of Commons, so vehemently prosecuted by some of these very 11. whereupon Strafford and Canterbury were both charged and suspended, yea and secured, which these vipers are not? what justice then, I say, in their case, had those two and others? Peace for shame good M. Simpleton, it is an ill bird that betrays her own nest, you will help to enlarge their charge by and by, and while you plead like a madman for their justification, you will, like a fool, lay more guilt and condemnation upon them.  
3. The unjustness of the Armies proceed against the 11. Members, he faith, appears by the multitude and quality of the parties impeached, eleven at once, all men of approved integrity, fidelity, and abilities, and there in this third instance, he tells you of all their good acts, and enlarges their praise beyond their deserts. A silly argument without sense or reason, to prove the unjustness of the charge by the multitude and quality of persons accused, as if a multitude, and those men eminent both for estates and authority, could not act treason, or be as culpable of criminal trespasses, as the poor and mean: What think ye of the Complotters and Actors of the Gunpowder plot, the rising by the Earl of Northumberland, and his confederates in the North, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth? Absalon and all the heads of the people against King David? Here were as great multitudes and as gallant men in these traitorous actions, as any of these 11. Members: truly, I never think of M. Hollis, the principal of the eleven, but I call to mind Catiline of Rome, whose sole ambition was to be the head of a faction, though it turned to his ruin: as for M. Massey we know he is a good Soldier, but no Christian; and if the number and the quality be a sufficient excuse to these eleven, and of condemnation to their Accusers, Sir Tho. & the Army for injustice against them, Oh how unjust then were all the proceed against all the aforesaid in those days! but I will ask this Rabshekah whether he ever heard or read of any grand treason, (for the 11. Members actions, as sleight as he and other knaves & fools make of them, when they come to the test, willbe found no other, even exceeding strafford's, and in effect equal to that of the Gunpowder) wherein there was not more than a few, and those no mean ones, confederates? Nay do not such abominable actions evermore accompany the greatest personages and spirits? for mean men have neither wit, power, opportunity or audacity, to contrive or act them, and therefore are never tempted (unless by so great ones to be instruments) to do them. And as for their abilities, and acts of merit, by how much the more able, and by so much the more wicked, therefore by so much the more audible and condemnable. The Devil hath as exquisite gifts and endowments, and more than any mortal, yet not therefore to be either pitied or justified: and for the good they or any of them have done, why did not they continue in it? who hindered them? Not to him that runs, but to him that holds out to the end of the race, belongs the praise: Finis coronat factum: Justice (is like death) it takes a man as it finds him, it considereth neither quality nor condition, what a man was, is, or hath done, but of what he is accused and found guilty; and so it rendereth unto him, either by acquitting or condemning him. The old Earl of Essex in Q. Elizabeth's days had deserved as well of the Kingdom, and was much more honoured and beloved of the people, than ever any of these 11. Members, yet ye know his end; he being found guilty, justice forgot his former good services; his honour was tainted, and all his merits were forfeited: and this manner of proceeding is justified by the example of God the most just Judge of quick and dead, Ezek. 18.24. Nor are these men of such great eminency and quality in themselves, as they are by that authority wherewith we have invested them as our trusties, the which they have unworthily and unthankfully perverted and abused, M. Hollis is the most honourable amongst them, but by the evil of his actions is so much the more dishonourable; for nobilitas est unica virtus: and the rest do we not know them? The Merchants of Hamborough can tell you of massy, his manners and his quality; and without question there are those can give as true a character of the rest, as Mr. Declarer or any other. As for the House clearing any of them by Vote, or M. Prynnes (who never knew aright how to examine or cast up any account) acquitting them in their accounts, is of no value, non valet ova duo: For if an illegal factious Vote may clean any Member of an accusation of breach of Law, or public trust, where then is England's Law? dic quaeso. No Sir, he that is accused to transgress the Law, must be acquit or condemned by the Law, in a public Judicatory, and not by arbitrary Votes within a close room and private walls: Strafford and all traitors and trespassers against the public, have been always tried publicly; and so it is just, legal and meet these should be. As for the Committee for Accounts, their acquitting men by 
* As Sir W. Lewis was by name.  Vouchers, that is, if they bring in but one or two, though they be suborned to swear that their false accounts are true, is of as much credit and value, as a thiess procuring witnesses to avouch a stolen horse, for which notwithstanding he may be hanged.  
As for his fourth instance of the Army's violence to have the eleven Members suspended before any real particular charge or proofs produced against them, taxing the Army with threatening the House by their Remonstrance, June 23. if they would not suspend them upon their (as he saith) illegal impeachment. And what M. Declarer, if the Army did require the suspension of them before any particular charge exhibited? It was not before their general charge was delivered, which was not only in its self more parricular and special, I tell you, than the general charges given in by the House of Commons (which some of these accused were then violent promoters of) against Strafford and Canterbury, but sufficient and legal also, or else those against Strafford and Canterb. were not. Truly M. Declarer, while you strike at the Army, the stroke falls upon your own friends, you still make their case worse: And as for proofs, would you have them produced before the accused have answered? Did the H. of Commons do so in the cases aforesaid? no, nor deliver in any particular charge in many months after, and yet both the Earl and the Bishop were presently not only suspended, but committed also; and so are not these 11. traitorous men, though there be particular Articles, and those no small and light ones, nor so uncertain and dubious, as most of theirs were against Strafford and Canterbury: these are all for traitorous and unjust arbitrary actions, those were many of them for traitorous and arbitrary words and intentions; these are all for matter of fact, those were only many of them for discourse purpose; and speech. And good M. Declarer, do not abuse your calling and your knowledge too, for I know you are a Lawyer, and M. Prynne by name, if I be not mistaken, your stile, your terms, and your venom declare so. What Law is there, either common or Statute in this Kingdom or elsewhere, that requires the production of witnesses, before the accused have pleaded and made their defence? Do not men in all cases and causes, civil and criminal, whether true or false, first put in Bail, or submit to restraint, to answer the action bill or complaint, against them, and then after they are charged, put in their Plea or Answer and so join issue for trial, and then the Plaintiff or Prosecutor, brings in his evidence or profs? Is not this the common and constant, yea, the true and legal course in all Courts of Judicature, and at all Benches of Assizes throughout the Kingdom? if there was any other, your Margin, I am sure, would show it us, for you are full of your quotations, though they be feigned and false, making a fair show (like many poor beggarly tradesmen) upon the stall, when alas there is little or nothing of any worth within: but you think, that by these means, the Army, to stop your scandalous clamours, will like fools be provoked to declare their witnesses before hand, that so you may tamper with them, & by indirect wares either pervert, deter, or divert them. Stay good M. Declarer, your Worship, as I tell you, is no good Accountant, you are too short in your reckoning. Nor do the Army use any threatening, as you say M. Declarer: in that, to speak plain truth, you declare yourself a liar, & by this sure token I know your name is Prynne: for in their Remonstrance is; june; having showed, that whereas they had exhibited their Charge against the 11 Members, and made mame other proposals conducing to the settlement and safene of the Parliament and Kingdom, the Houses slighted and neglected all, and could not, according to justice, suspend the accused from sitting and acting in the House: and for that there were secret designs and practices by the influence of the guilty and their Accomplices, to imbrolle the kingdom in a new war, a truth now as manifest as the Sun. They say pag. 14. of that Remonstrance,  
That upon all these grounds and for all grounds, (therein) primised, they prould be enforced to take such courses extraordinary at God should endble and direct them to, to put things to a speedy issue the which Mr. Declarer represents, as if the Army could by violence murder the 11. Members: for so that word assasination imports in such cases. And now I appeal to all Judicious men, the presedence and the subsequence, the premised reasons and considerations weighed and compared, whether that saying of being enforced to take extraordinary courses, can be adjudged a treating or commination? And truly Mr. Declarer, where ordinary means are inefectuall, to use extraordinary, is both requisite and Lawful. It is Justified in Scripture, when all warnings and wish, reasons and counsels rules examples and directions would nor rectify and reform Joram and Jesabell, you know what Jehu did, and what means he used: Nor can you be ignorant what the men of Israel did unto the Tribe of Benjamin, after that they had used ordinary means, and demanded those Sons of Belial (who had destroyed the Levits' wife) unto justice and were den'ed them, Judge. 20.12.13. & so forward. And though the general rule be, Non eundum est ad extraordinaria cùm per extraordinaria eundil est: fierè potest; yet à contrario & by necessary conscquence, in all just cases, Cùm per ordinaria non fiiri potest, ad extraordinaria eundum est and therefore it is beyond scruple or question that in case the Army cannot obtain their just and Lawful ends by an ordinary way, they may take a course extraordinaty for attaining them. But what threatening do these words of the Army more imply, than those of the Parliament in their petition to the King. 1. March 1647. concerning the Militia: 
Book Declare: page 93.  where they speak thus viz But unless your Ma.tie, shall be graciously pleased to azure them by these messengers that you will speedily apply your Roya ascent to the satisfaction of their former desires they shall be 
* Note.  enforced for the safety of your Majesty and your Kingdoms to dispose of the Malitia, by the authority of both houses in such a way as hath been propounded to your Majesty and they 
* Note.  resolve to do it accordingly: now was such language, Lawful then in the Parliament, (subjects and servants) to their Sovereign: and are not the like or word to the same effect in the like case, now Lawful in the Army, to the Parliament, who are only their trusties, and have swarved from their duties much more than the King did from his, and have much more abused their trust? And if this be so great a fault in the Army, then à minore ad maius, much greater was that in them to the King, and thus still Mr. Declarer instead of extenuating the accuseds guilt, aggravates and augments it.  
And whereas the Declarer, in his said fourth instance saith; the Army have exceeded the King's proceed against the five Members, who within five days after retracted his charge and proceed against them, and never prosecuted their suspension from the house, which the Army press and reiterate again and again. I answer; that if the King did recede or retract his charge against the five Members, it proves not that the five Members were innocent, no more than it argues, that because a man Robbed, will not prosecute the Thief, he is guiltless: nor doth, or can it condemn the Army, because they are more resolute in the prosecution against these eleven, than the King was against those five. What if my neighbour be content to remit or pretermit a Felony, etc. for present, because of some inconvenience lying in the way of prosecution, and the same person having taken thereby encouragement or advantage to rob, and spoil me; I afterwards will prosecute him thereupon to Justice; am I therefore injust? No sure. It is injust to say it: But here I will prove that the King did never retract his charge against the five Members, and that he did more than once or twice press the house, and most earnestly prosecute for their suspension and restriction. For the first, page 49. book of Declarati: The King in his message to both Houses concerning this very business saith. That his Majesty takeing notice that some conceive it disputable, whether his proceed with the Lord Kymbolton, Mr. Hollis, etc. be legal, and agreeable to the privileges of Parliament; & being very desirous to give satisfaction to all men etc. is pleased to wave (not retract) his former proceed, and all doubts by this means being settled, when the minds of men are composed, his Majesty 
* Nore, and in book Declare: page 50. In another Message the same words are expressed.  will proceed thereupon, in an unquestionable way. But this settlement of doubts and composure of men's minds; it is evident Mr. Hollis and others endanger, prevented: by raising the storm higher, and making the breach widder, by which means his Majesty could never enter upon that unquestionable way, to make his Charge good against them. Now judge I pray you, if here was not a reserved resolution in the King, of proceeding upon his charge, (and no retraction) and I am persuaded there is so still, if things settle and concur; albeit for present he waved it: And it follows not, because I say I will not call upon such a man this day, by reason it is not convenient, that I have said or resolved to call upon him no more.  
Here is only proved, and the falsehood disproved: And for the other, that the King never prosecuted the Suspension of the five Members from the House, did not the King first send a Sergeant at Arms to the House, to demand and apprehend them? Secondly, did he not go Himself and demand them, if they had been there, yea and seeing they were not there, did he not tell the House that he would have them wheresoever he found them, and did expect that they (meaning the House) should send them unto him, so soon as they returned to the House? See his Majesty's speech 4. January, 1641. pag. 36. book Decl. and did he not also after all this go in person into London to demand them of the City? & exhibit articles against them also? but they then, pleaded privilege, as they do now, a thing I conceive Mr. Prynn can instance no example for, in all his reading; and thus here is another of Mr. Declarers lies manifested: But by these infallible marks it is apparent that the Declaration is Mr. prynn's, whose natural quality is to lie, rail, scandalise and clamour. I remember Mr. john Lilburne chargeth him in one of his Books with 13, or 14. positive lies in less than 8. lines, and to speak truth this Declaration and his justification, and demands written libellously against the Army, are merely a composure of lies, calumny, forgery and sophistry wherein he pours forth the poison and bitterness of his spirit against the Army. Oh quantum mutatus ab illo. How desperately doth he now prosecute that way which he formerly professed, & those whom he formerly pretended to affect, building again that which he heretofore destroyed, the truth is he is Apostatised, and for preferment hath forsaken the truth and much it is to be feared God hath forsaken him. Remember Spyra Mr. Prynn & that is in Hebr. 6.4, 5, 6. A man ye know may give his body to be burnt, and yet without charity it availeth him nothing, think not what you have suffered but consider from what you are fallen; it is hard kicking against the pricks, woe be to him that is found a fighter against God, this being of God, as questionless it is to extirpate oppression & injustice and to establish Righteousness; All the Malice, Policy and power of you and of the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it.  
For that fift reason of Mr. Declarers, where he saith that the injustice of the Army appears by their unjust and unreasonable demands of the Members to be suspended, after the House had voted that it did not appear to them there was any cause of suspension, etc. it is reasonles, and answered sufficiently above; Had the Charge been a bare suggestion, confess their votes had been colourable, but here was matter of fact charged upon them, and the House to vote them quit without a hearing was illegal, and a mere forestall of justice. For his insinuation to excite the Counties and Burroughs for which they eaten Members to Petition the House for them, as they did for Mr. Hampden etc. it is not to be weighed, nor are they worthy of that honour or favour of their Country: the Coutryes and Burroughs for which they serve, have more cause to petition and importune the House for to admit a legal and speedy trial against them that they may receive justice for falsifying their trust, and betraying of the Kingdom, and I wonder with what face Mr. Declarer can attribute faithfulness to their votes and advice, when as all the land knows, that their votes advice and practices have been generally treasonable, pernicious and destructive, but in this he appears a brazen faced Lawyer, who for the wages of Balaam shall Justify the Deivill, and Counsel Moab against Jsraell.  
In his fixed instance there is nothing material or observable, but his Malice: how willing and industrious he is to cast dirt upon the Army, though it light upon his own face; for there he chargeth them for want of more material matter, with bringing in their Articles on Tuesday the sixth of July, whereas the House ordered they should bring them in the Friday before, was not here a great trespass and offence a high point of unreasonableness & injustice? I believe the accused think it too soon: and the House of Commons were not so expeditious in delivering in their particular charge against Stafford, Canterbury, and Berkly, yet kept them under restraint a long time before, and after many month study and preparation their charge was both lamb and imperfect and far below this, as low as Mr. Declarer doth declare it to be: but I am persuaded he could be content to have it yet lower, even under the earth, or in the bottom of the Sea if it could be. And so I come to his seaventh instance.  
Wherein instead of producing any reason or good argument to prove the unreasonableness of the Army's charge and proceed against the eleven Members, he falls on railing according to Mr. prynn's. manner on certain men Mr. Liburne, Amon willbe and others (inserting Jndge Jenkins for company) and calls them Mercenary Pamphleteers, only because they declare the truth and avow justice, nor are those tracts he there censures pamphlets but solid tracts or treatises, to inform the too much deceived people; the which he migth do well to refute or disprove (if he can) by solid argument, for reproach and clamour is neither legal nor rational answer. And it is sufficiently known to men of more integrity and less corrupt in judgement then Declarer the shameless supposed Prynn who speaks for his own Diana, that those Gentlemen he terms mercenary, were never of so base a Spirit, for if preferment or profit would have byassed them or made them base, like him and others apostatised persons, whereas they long have suffered both in their estates, and persons, they might I believe long since have equalised him and other such Temporizers, both in place, and power, though not in Bribery deceit and knavery: but Mr. Pryn is Chairman of a Committee, and was appointed a principal Commoner for the deforming (reforming it was said) of the University of Oxford, and happily the man had some thoughts of obtaining the Chancellors place; give him leave therefore to speak for himself his fee and reward; his place, and his office and authority Committee man was therefore bestowed upon him, it is more I am confident then Mr. Lilburn or Mr. willbe ever got by the Parliament, and therefore justly may the term of mercenary, be retorted upon himself, and hath he not done them good service for their wages, casting away for their saks both honesty & Conscience, modesty and good manners, religion and wisdom in all his writings in the behalf of these Traitorous persons (his promoters and supporters) and their adherents? And of late the man is raving mad see his Queries his Declartion against the Army and their proceed, his Justification, his Vindication and full answer in behalf of the eleven justly accused Members, wherein he terms the Charge a scandalous Libel, and yet himself the only Pamphleter and shameless notorious Libeler, for he subscribs his name to none of these his papers, and if his cause be good what need he fear? but he is sensible that his ears are already so short, they will not stretch to make satisfaction & as for the brands of L. in his cheeks set upon him as a Libeler though then they were unjust, yet now he justifieth them, he is wise and loves I see not to wear any thing improperly or impertinently.  
But I will come to that passage in the Declarers (prynn's doubtless) declaration, concerning the accused Members in the Declaration of Sir Thomas, and the Army June 14. last, and lay open unto you how this Impostor (after the manner of the Devil his master in using of Scripture who only takes and applies what serves his purpose) hath taken certain peecemeales of the Army's Declaration out of several places of it and put them into a continued saying together in his declaration against them, marking them in the margin thus ☞ as a matter of special discovery: by which diabolical practice, the which few usually will or can examine he imagens he hath strucken the Army throrow, and given them an incurable wound in their reputation and honour: I will first give you the pasages as he citys it, and there I will open and disect it that ye may see his pernicious policy, malice and villainy. He saith that in the said Declaration of Sir Thomas, and the Army page 7, 8 14. June, it is rendered thus, we humbly desire for the settling and securing of our own, and the Kingdoms common right freedom peace and safety: that the persons who have abused the Army etc. may be some way disabled from doing the like or worse to us: and for that purpose may not continue in the same power (especially as our and the Kingdom's judges in the highest trust) but may be made incapable thereof in future etc. Nor would our proposals of this singly, be free from the scandals and appearance of faction or designs, only to weaken on party (under the notion of unjust or oppressive) that we may advance another, which may be imagined more our own: which Proceed since (saith the declarer) against these Members demonstrate it to be a most real truth. Now the Army having in page 4. of that their declaration laid down the grounds and reasons they had before disbanding to proceed to act something in reference to their own● as private persons and members of the commonwealth) and the Kingdom's freedom peace and safety in page 5. (not the 7. nor the 8, as he citys) they say thus. viz. Now having thus fare cleared our way in this business: we shall proceed to propound such things as we humbly desire for the settling and securing of our own and the Kingdom's common right freedom peace, and safety (as followeth) and then they go to particulars. As 1. that the houses be speedily purged etc. secondly page 6. that those persons who have [in the unjust and high proceed against the Army appeared to have the will, the confidence, credit, and power,] (all which he hath left out [to abuse the Parliament] (the which he hath also left out) the Army besides the better to bring in his praevaricated sense, he transcribes it, have abused, for, to abuse as depending on the precedent words: and there he puts an etc. and comes to these words, viz. may be some way. where as the sense is still continued thus viz to abuse the Parliament and Army [and endanger the Kingdom in carrying on such things against us (while an Army)] (all which also is omitted) may be some way speedily disabled from doing the like or worse to us [(when diasbnded and dispersed, and in the condition of private men) or to other the freeborn people of England in the same condition with us] (all which he also omits because it demonstrates that they act as well for the people in general, as for themselves) and skips to viz.: and for that purpose may not continue in the same (especially as ours and the Kingdom's judges in the highest trust, but may be made incapable thereof for the future and from thence pretermitting all the there intervenient reasons and discourses, he leaps to the bottom of that 6. page and comes to these words viz. nor would our proposing of this singly be free from the scandal & appearance of faction or design, only to weaken one party under the notion & of unjust oppressive, that we may advance another which may be imagined more our own. And having thus omitted both precedent, concurrent & subsequent matter, and only picked and chosen what best fitted his base purpose, by which false subtle deceitful recitation he endeavours to make the Armies present justifiable proceed to savour all self, and not to be in the least feasoned with the love of the public, or people's welfare, although they do amply (as ye see) declare so; he brings in his Jesuitical and scandalous inference and assertion in the close of this passage saying which their proceed since against these members demonstrate to be a most real truth, but as Jesuitically leaves out these words of connexion: viz [We therefore declare] which conjoin and usher in what the Army there immediately do declare and lay down, they would have further done in order to the settling and securing of the public, together with their own peculiar right and safety: as ye may see at large in the said declaration of Sir Thomas and the Army, and this diabolical Jesuitical practice and precedent of foreign falsehoods out of truths and perverting of the authors genuen words and intentions, to the belying of the author and deceiving and intraping of others, this praevericatour hath learned of that old Sophister and grand Machiavilion the Devil who dealt in like manner with Adam and Eve in Paradise, and with Jesus Christ the Son of God: and truly, it seems he hath been a good proficient in the Devil's School, for he hath very notably performed this his public exercise and therefore deserves to go out doctor, whensoever the Devil pleases: but I hope his Riddle being unfolded there is none so ignorant or maliciously wilful as to be deluded into any prejudicated opinion through his misty writing and unsavoury railing against the proceed of the honoured and ever approved Army who as ass●…ly and vigorously seek the universal good and wellbeing of the Kingdom the King and his posterity as conducing thereto 〈…〉.  
And Mr. Prynn, if that be your name; Lieutenant Colonel Lilburne and Amon willbe dare do that you dare not by this your Declaration, and other your libellous pamphlets against his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Army: own what they have written, and do by their subscription. And I dare affirm will upon just occasion, make that good, and much more to the shame and horror of you and all that abhorred party you plead for. And I doubt not but before long Mr. willbe or some other will ring you such a peal for your railing as will make so much of your worship's ears as is left, to tingle. So farewell Rabshakeh, Shimei's Firstborn.   

Considerable Queries concerning the railing Declarer, the eleven impeached Members, and the Cities rebellious proceed.  
I. WHether the Railer be not a Commissioner for Accounts (as Mr. Prynn is) and having for bribes, passed many unjust and false ccompts, as that of Sir William Lewes, and Clotworthyes probably be, and Breretons and others are supposed to be, under the notion of being vouched, and being therefore liable for breach of trust, bribery, perjury and falsehood, to be questioned: doth it not behoove him to stand up thus stiffly for these rotten eleven Members, and others their accomplices and confederates, in whose discharge or condemnation he is interested?  
II. Whether the eleven Members, Mr. Hollis that Roman Catiline and the rest, do not plainly argue themselves guilty of the treasons and trespasses wherewith they stand charged, by craving leave to go beyond Seas, though (as they pretend) but for six months? For if they were not, what needed they to stir, especially after so much lying, boasting, pleading and apologizing in speech and print for them?  
III. If they do go, whether they ever purpose to return again? But what need that? Mr. Hollis his mother, son and sister are gone before into France, there to prepare for him a place. Mr. Massey may go Trade again in Hamborough, if he hath had but the honesty to pay the 10000 l' he broke for there, which I know he hath in these wars got plunder enough to do long since, and to leave himself a Stock sufficient besides. And wealthy Sir William Waller, Clotworthy, and the rest, it is well known have had wit enough to provide against a wet day, & to make themselves a bank in foreign parts as well as at home for they always feared a flight, and now they are ready to take it.  
iv Whether it be not an Act illegal and unjust, and contrary to the practice of all judicial Courts, to Vote any man that is charged with treason, felony, or any other criminal trespass, free; or at liberty to travel whither he will without bail or mainprize? And whether such ought not rather by the Law of the Land, to be secured by safe custody unto trial? And whether these eleven Members being at liberty have not procured all these new tumults and troubles?  
V Whether they who shall vote, or set such Offenders free to departed the Kingdom before Justice done, are not by the Law of the Land, to be taken and adjudged principals, and to have judgement of life and limb as guilty of the accused's crimes?  
VI Whether Mr. Prynn was not marked with an L. in both checks for a Lay-Elder: And now finding that the Presbyterian Kingdom will down, and himself in danger to lose his government and dignity, is not grown frantic and distracted?  
VII. Whether the now rebellious proceed of the Lord Major, Sheriffs, Common Council, and others of the City of London, to raise forces against the Army of the Kingdom without Commission from the King, and contrary to authority and command of Parliament, be not after the manner of Jack Cade and Wat Tyler indeed, and deserve the like reward?  
Resolved upon the question; That they have made work for the Hangman; and that Gregory by these means is likely to be well stored against next Winter with furred gowns. For: the Reversing of the Votes against the Cities late destructive Petition, and of the new Ordinance for return of the Militia; by the Parliament on monday last, was no Parliament Act, they being thereunto enforced through imprisonment and violence, and is of no more value than a bond, grant, or release sealed by a man per minas, or per duces imprisonmenti, through menaces, for fear, or by constraint of imprisonment; And therefore all these military preparations and proceed of the City, notwithstanding mondays Votes and Orders are not only without, but against all legal authority whatsoever. And truly in that their tumultuous proceed on monday they not only violated and assaulted the two Houses of Parliament, but the very Majesty and Authority of the King in Parliament. It is good therefore for such as have been so forward in these mutinous courses to repent, and desist, and not proceed to run their lives and estates into a snare, for they know not whom, nor can tell what; unless it be to save the heads of a company of desperate Traitors, the chiefest of which Mr. Hollis and Stapleton have been ever exquisite in raising of tumults & commotions; witness the Kings departing through the like affronts; nor do they do this in any affection or respect to the King's person (for then they might more easily have fetched him home, and restored him long since) but that under this notion they may raise a power to rescue him (as they conceive) from the Army, and to gain his person again into possession, that so having him under their power, and a force sufficient on foot (as they think) to disperse or suppress the Army, they may put their own terms upon him, and archive their old design of Presbytery and tyranny: but I know his Majesty is as an Angel of God for wisdom and discerns their base treacherous ends, and I am confident he will never intrust himself, let them speak never so highly for him, in the hands of the City & Presbyterian party, for he knows they are professed foes to his Monarchy, hold a compliance and confederacy with the Scots, and are no more to be trusted, than the father of lies, and author of these their desperate counsels and rebellious actions, the Devil.  
VIII. One question more upon this emergent occasion, newly occasioned and conceived, and so I have done. Whether the Cities imprisoning of the two Houses of Parliament on Monday 26. of July instant, and enforcing them by power to grant their traitorous demands. Did not far exceed all breach or violation of privilege, commination or threatening that ever the King or Army used, as is objected against the one, & falsely pretended against the other? And whether they have not so far as lies in them utterly subverted the power and essence of Parliaments?   

An answer to an Objection.  
Object. The Presbyterian party are all driven out of the House, so that there are none but Independants left, and they comply with the Army, and do what they list.  
Answ. Why did the Presbyterians leave the House and disert their duties? Who drove them thence? Did any Tumults or assaults from the Independent party in the City, or the Army? Or did not their own guilt and evil consciences? And why may not the Independent party act and comply with the Army in their just and lawful demands and proposals to the settlement of the Kingdom in peace and safety? as well as the Presbyterian did with the City in their unjust and unlawful demands and proposals conducing to the enthraldome and enslaving of the Kingdom.  
And note that by the Law of the Land an Abettour in any insurrection, murder, treason, or rebellion, is a principal, and shall so suffer: Look therefore to yourselves ye Masters, and others, who on monday last animated and abetted your Apprentices and others, to imprison and assault the two Houses. Remember Stamford and Ashenhurst who were both condemned at Guildhall, and hanged at Tyburn for acting in the like sort (though in an inferior case) in the Insurrection which was many years since in Fleetstreet, upon an Arrest. And was it high treason for the Apprentices tumultuously to assault the late Archbishop of Canterbury's house at Lambeth, because a Privy Counsellor, and one of them therefore suffered for it as a traitor? And was it high Treason for the E. of Essex in Queen Elizabeth's time, only to lock up some of her Privy Council in his own Study, which the Queen sent to confer with him, and was he therefore executed? And is it not high Treason in a more transcendent manner, tumultuously to assault, and by force to lock up and imprison the Supreme Council of the Kingdom, Sitting by the King's authority in the Supreme Judicatory of the Land? Compare, consider and judge.  
Remember ye proud presumptuous Men of London, that dreadful saying of our Saviour concerning Capernaum, viz. And thou Capernaum, which art exalted to heaven, shall be cast down to hell. And truly I fear ye hasten your own destruction, and that the day of your humbling is at hand.  
FINIS.