REMARKS upon a late PAPER, ENTITLED, A True Relation of the Cursed Designs and Intrigues, which have been lately carried on, both in England and France, to Restore the late King JAMES, etc.  
Discovered by some Gentlemen lately Arrived from St. Germans.  
IT is agreed by most Men that there are several degrees and sorts of Li●s, which as far (as they concern this True Relation) we shall divide into these Two: One when a Man repeats that for Truth which he certainly knows to be false; the other when he reports that for Truth which he doth not know to be true, or in his Conscience believes to be false; the latter is but a small Extenuation of the first: But both of them, if they may prejudice a third Person, are malicious and damnable.  
I will not determine how far the Author of the True Relation is guilty in either, or any Case; but shall leave the Censure of him ●o the Judgement of every Impartial Reader, when the Matter of Fact shall be examined: We shall divide the Relation into two Parts, First, We shall consider the Matter of Fact, and then the Application and use made of it.  
The Birth of this Wonderful Paper justly claims our first Remark, not that we know any thing of its Noble Descent, or of those Gentlemen of very good Note, who (it seems) clubbed in its Generation; but it is of great Importance to acquaint the Reader, That the Body of this Paper, with the very Numerical Words contained in it, first appeared to the World in a certain Pamphlet which had in its Title, A Sh●rt and True Relation of Intrigues transacted both at Home and Abroad to Restore the late King James: It was publicly dandled about the Streets with great Noise, for one Day, and then vanished; not one to be had for Love or Money: The Reasons might probably be these, The first part of that Pamphlet is an Invective against King James, particularly for his Ingratitude to his Friends, and of those it makes special mention, of the Irish Catholics and Protestant Dissenters, both which (it says) he hath made an Oblation to the Passive-Obedience-men, meaning I suppose the Church of England-men; who (it further says) are now the late King's Creatures, and the only Persons that would Abdicate the Gospel rather than their Church-living: And next it highly Censures K. James for his great Mercy to his Enemies, and concludes that part of it with a Curse, viz. Seeing now King James 's Favours are only reserved to promote his Enemies, let his Enemies grow potent every where, and numerous withal, and let him be so lost, that he may never be found here at Home.  
I suppose it will be easily granted me that these were not proper Topics to insist upon, especially at that Juncture of Affairs; for every young Statesman would soon conclude that if this Learned Pamphlet, together with K. James' late Declaration, could convince his Enemies of their Security and His Favour towards them, the Passive-Obedience-men (as he calls them) would easily concur with his Enemies (notwithstanding King James' Ingratitude) towards his Restoration, which would make it unavoidable.  
Now the Wiser Government seeing the ill Consequence of so foolish a Suggestion, had very good reason to recall betimes this ill-digested and worse-concluding Pamphlet; besides it insinuates strongly to the Church of England (for whose Preservation King Charles the First suffered Martyrdom, and for fear of whose falsely and maliciously-pretended Destruction, his Son King James the Second is turned out of his three Kingdoms); that K. James is so truly and sincerely their Friend, that he scruples not to make an Oblation of the Roman Catholics themselves to the Church of England 's Interest. Now whatsoever the Government may intent hereafter, it is certain that during this Session of Parliament, it would have been a surprising Indiscretion to have given, or permitted so just an Occasion to be given, to the Church of England established by Law (and for whose pretended Preservation so many thousands of English Lives have been vainly cast away) to adhere to the Interest of King James, through the hasty Zeal and Fanatical Itch of this foolish Pamphleteer: For the Church of England have found by Experience, and at present (without the additional help of this Pamphlet) are sensible enough, that whatsoever hath been, or may be, pretended for her Security; she can never be so happy under any unjust Revolution, or Usurpation, as under a Lawful Rightful Prince, who is not only bound by the Law, but by Royal Promise, to protect and defend her.  
But notwithstanding these plain and broad Hints already given, this Man is so fond of his Project that he anticipates the Privy Council, and forces the Cabinet itself to give vent to his Folly; he tells us then towards the Conclusion of his Pamphlet, that he hath found a long Snake in the Grass, which it seems is no other than some Church of England-men, with whom the major part of our Councils and places of Trust are filled; and ends that excellent Paragraph with News from the Court at St. Germains, viz. That it dreads nothing more than such an alteration of the Leiutenancy and Justices of the Peace over all England, as it hath pleased their Majesties of late to cause in London. It must be acknowledged that about this Time, a Discourse was spread about, that the Leiutenancy and Government of all England, as well as London, would be settled in the Hands of the Presbyterians, and some of the Dissenting Party, in Exclusion of the Church of England-men; whether the Government intended any such Alteration, I know not: But I think it sufficiently evident, that it would have been a gross Bevei● and Oversight to have suffered this Scribbler so much to overrun their own Councils, as publicly to insinuate a Change so ungrateful to a Parliament, which was to grant a Supply for the Support of this Government, and of which the most considerablest part is looked upon to be firm to the Doctrine and Interest of the Church of England.  
By this time I think it is visible enough, that the Government had very good Reason to suppress, betimes, this foolish Contradictory Pamphlet; which as it blows hot and cold with a Breath, so it would probably have done much more harm than good, to that very Cause which it pretends so affectionately to support.  
But however, though this Pamphlet was suppressed for these sufficient Reason's , yet there was not the same Cause to stifle the True Relation; for since its chief Design is to set forth King James' Ingratitude and Inconstancy to his Friends, without touching upon his Royal Mercy and Favour to his Enemies, it was to be hoped that it might cool and moderate at least the Zeal and Affection of his Friends, especially, since the Truth will want no Confirmation, and that further Enquiry into Foreign Affairs will remove all Doubts and leave no room for Contradiction, without inflaming the good Will of his Enemies, whom his Favours are only reserved to promote.  
It was agreed upon then, that this Paper should receive a new Caesarian Birth, and accordingly she was ripped out of the Bowels, and became the fatal Daughter of her unhappy Sister Pamphlet: Abroad she appears the second time, altered only in her outward Dress, saving that a new Head, or Title, was given to her, carrying a Cause in her Mouth, and her Tail tied up by Authority, with a Licenced according to Order. Being thus set forth and recommended to us, we ●hall treat her with the respect due to: her Character; but at the same time we think it a piece ●f Justice due to the Nation, and conducing much to her own Honour, that the Matter of fact may be strictly, but Impartially, examined.  
The Preamble informs us, that the following ●elation was had from Gentlemen of very good ●ote, who have seen most of the Transactions at St. Germains, etc. That some Notorious Gentlemen may possibly have contributed something ●owards the setting forth this True Relation, I will ●ot deny: But as for the Gentlemen of very good Note (especially such as have seen most of the Trans●ctions at St. Germains for about four Years last passed) ●here is not a Man of them, of what Nation or Religion soever he be, but is Personally known ●o us; nor are we ignorant which, and how many of them (to a Man) have during these ●our Years arrived in England: And we do positively affirm, that no such Gentleman of very good Note, either hath or ever will affirm any one material part of this True Relation to be really ●rue; notwithstanding therefore, that the Author of this True Relation tells us, That the Truth if it will want no Confirmation, etc. We must desire the Reader to suspend his belief, till Mat●er of Fact be more strictly examined, into which we shall now make an Impartial Enquiry.  
The Paper tells us in the first Paragraph, That abont two Years since, the late King fed himself with the Thoughts of being an Absolute Monarch, from the great Encouragement at that Time received from the Pope and the French King; but meeting with unexpected Disappointments, he consulted some of his Protestant Council, and told them he was resolved to ●reat with his late Subjects, and to give them any Conditions, and reconcile himself to them. 'Tis an îll Omen (they say) when a Man stumbles at the Threshold; but this Fellow stumbles throughout, he stumbles upon all Four: And having already obtained a Licence, he may in good time procure a Patent to stumble all the Days of his Life.  
He tells us, That about Two Years, since the King had Thoughts of being an Absolute Monarch, by the great Encouragement received at that Time from the French King and the Pope, etc. Now about two years since must fall in with the Spring 1692; and this Pope was chosen about the latter end of August immediately preceding that Spring; and in that Interval of Time he was so little settled in his Jeers, that the Complimental Civilities had scarce passed between Rome and Versailes, in which Time this True Relation, nevertheless, fixes the Encouragement given by that Pope to King James: And can any Man believe that a Neapolitan Pope, so lately a Subject to the King of Spain, would whip and spur to St. Germains on purpose to set up an Absolute Monarch, against the Interest of his late Master, and without the Desires, and contrary to the Intentions and public Declaration, of that very pretended Absolute Monarch himself. Certainly this Man imagines that we have lost our Memories and our Understandings, as well as our Honour and Loyalty; or he would never presume to impose such incredible Stuff upon Men who had any of their Senses left them.  
A great many Considerations might be offered to show also how improbable it is that the K. of France should engage in such a Design; but above all what Intimation hath King James given by his first Declaration, of the 20th of April 92, that he himself desired any thing more than the Fe-establishment of the Greatness of the English Monarchy upon its Old and True Foundation, the united Interest and Affection of the People? And what other Means doth he propose to do this by, than by the Advice and Assistance of his Parliament? which I suppose to Man believes would voluntarily present him with an Absolute Power.  
He tells us further. That K. James consulted his Protestant Council; certainly these Gentlemen of very good Note were altogether asleep at St. Germans, during the Transactions there for four Years last passed, or they could never have dreamt of any such thing as a Protestant Council; since it is notoriously known that for above two Years last past the King hath had no Council at all, otherwise than as extraordinary Occasions or Emergencies might happen; he may have consulted some Persons of Quality about him: And there is no doubt but these Gentlemen of very good Note, could easily have informed us how many Protestants of that Rank were to be found at St. Germans, when he fixes the Date of this Protestant Council. So that the Story which he makes the King tell to them, or him, or Nobody, must be a Story which Nobody but this Relator could have told again. And yet if the Story had been true, viz. that the King resolved to treat with, and reconcile himself to his late Protestant Subjects; I see no reason this Man hath to blame him for it, except he thought it might conduce to his Happy Return.  
This true Relator proceeds, and informs us, That my Lord Middleton drew a Declaration (meaning the King's last Declaration) answerable to the Desires of the Churchmen of England and Ireland, brought it to France about the beginning of March 93. And after high Debates about it, (at which no doubt the Relator was present.) The King to remove all Scruples of Conscience, consulted the College of Sorbon, and the Irish College; The Faculty of Sorbon declared against it, and the Irish College for it. Had we not seen many of such true Narratives in our Days, it would be very surprising (especially under the dispensation of a Government that hath most signally secured the Church of England, and the whole Nation, from the Danger of Popery and Arbitrary Power) to read a True Relation, Licenced according to Order, which, nevertheless, hath scarce one word of Truth in it. We do affirm then, (and will leave no room for Contradiction) that my Lord Middleton did not arrive at St. Germans till after the Date of the King's last Declaration. Now, though this might be a sufficient Answer, and Confutation of a great part of this true Relation; yet to give the Readers entire Satlsfaction, and disabuse the Credulous, who are apt to take Grub-street News for a London Gazette, we shall follow this True Relation through all the Particulars; and do further avert First, That the College of Sorbon was never consulted in this Matter, and by consequence did never give their Opinion concerning it; 'tis true the R●●ator hath given us his Opinion for them, which I perceive he thinks Just and Honourable: But it is most likely that he would not have past this Compliment upon a French Popish College were it not to aggravate the Machiavillian Doctrine of the poor Irish, whose Countrymen, nevertheless, he affectionately pities. But, Secondly, We must take the Liberty to declar● also, that there is no such College in Pari● as the Irish College; true it is, that there is th● College Lombard, in which Lodgings are give● gratis to some few poor Irih Priests, and non● others, but without Government, Collegiate Rules, Salaries, Stipend or Maintenance whatsoever; their Subsistence chief consisting an● proceeding from Masses and Priestly Functions exercised in the Churches and Chapels of tha● City: Those Irish Priests (we affirm) were never consulted about this Declaration, nor (〈◊〉 they had been consulted) is it probable that th● Irish Army would be more Conscientious tha● their supposed Natural College, or have murmured against such an Admirable Salvo, whic● they had found out for the Security of th● King's Conscience, and Satisfaction of thei● Countreymen's.  
I suppose nothing more need to be said concerning their Imaginary Reasons which were never given, nor like to be given, if desired nor do they infer rightly or conclude truly: I● short they are the Relator's Reasons, and that 〈◊〉 enough.  
But we cannot pass by the irreconcilable Differences between the Lord Melford and my L. Middleton, about the Empire of the World, without remarking that this is just as true, as i● is politic and practicable, for a Convert unde● the shadow of Religion to  himself i●● Wolves dress, (the first A la mode Suit of tha● kind, which I am confident was ever put on by an Hypocrite) as he would have my L. Melford to be; but however, the Learned Relator seems to confirm this Miracle by a Tantum Religion which is as much to the purpose, in this place, as Tityrus tu patulae, etc.  
In his next Paragraph the Relator is very busy about Expresses into Flanders and England, from Flanders to St. Germans; Consternations Mutinies, New Declarations; doing and undoing, booting and unbooting; till at last he leave● England very well contented with this last Declaration, but the Irish still continue in great Disorder about it, and being very unruly, and weary of King James, would give any thing to be at Home. Never did Knight Errand of very good Note, equip himself more formidably against the Whimsies of his own Adutled Brain than this Man hath done. We must again take the Liberty therefore as we have done, to deny p●remprorily what our Relator most impudently affirms in these too Paragraphs; and accordingly we assure the Reader, 

First, That the Declaration so Signed by the King, as is pretended, was not sent to the Irish in Flanders, before it had been published in England.  
Secondly, That the said Declaration was never afterwards ordered to be sent to the Irish Army.  
Thirdly, That the Irish Army never mutinyed about it, nor had any Reason so to do.  
Fourthly, That there was no such Thing as a Second Declaration.    
To the First we do affirm, that the said Declaration was actually in England before my L. Middleton arrived in France; but it is true that after my L. Middleton came to St. Germans, in or about the Month of May, the King commanded Sir Richard Neagle to give the Irish Officers an Account of that part of the said Declaration (and not the Declaration itself) which related to them, which was to re-establish the Act of Settlement in Ireland, but withal to take care to recompense those who followed him to the last, for the Loss●s they might sustain by renewing the Act of Settlement; which Act (by the way) was notoriously known to be broken, contrary to the Sense and Design of the King, as also of many eminent Irish Catholics, who proportionable to their Estates suffered more considerably by the Repeal than most of the Protestants had done: And the King himself lost thereby Lands to the Yearly value of about 3000 l. In answer to Sir Richard Neagle's Letter, the Irish Colonels, and Commanding Officers, have unanimously, and under their Hands, declared themselves in●rely and fully satisfied with what His Majesty had done, and were all well contented to rely upon his Promises for such Recompenses, as His Majesty should hereafter procure for such of them as might be Losers by the Re-establishment of the said Act of Settlement. And it is also so true, that neither the Irish Officers, nor the pretended Irish College, were acquainted with or consulted about this Declaration; that neither they nor the Lord Prima●e of Ireland, nor the Bishop of Dublin knew the Contents of the said Declaration, until His Majesty had Advice of its publication in England: And that then, and nor till then, the King discoursed with the said Primate and Archbishop, together with my Lord Lucan, about what related to the Irish; and then and there they all of them professed their Satisfaction in what His Majesty had done: This is Matter of Fact, and will be attested in its proper time and place, not only by Gentlemen of very good Note, but by Men of undoubted Honour and Conscience. By what hath been already said, it is sufficiently evident, I hope, That First the Declaration was not sent to the Irish before published in England. Secondly, That the Declaration was not sent by His Majesty's Command afterwards, but only that part of it which related to the Irish. And Thirdly, That the Irish did not mutiny upon it; and we shall now make it appear that they had no reason so to do.  
We must then acquaint the Reader, That upon the Capitulations of the City of Limerick, the Irish Officers who treated about it, as the Lord Lucan, Colonel Garet Dillon, and others, neither desired nor agreed for more in that Article relating to their real Estates, than that they should enjoy them according to the Act of Settlement, which was consented to by the English; the Capitulations were accordingly concluded, and Signed by those, and such other Officers of the Irish as were concerned to treat and conclude about the same.  
Thus then was the Articles agreed to, and Signed by the Irish Officers: Now what says the King in his last Declaration? In that Parliament, says he, (meaning the first Parliament to be assembled after his Return)" We will also consent to every thing they shall think necessary to re-establish the late Act of Settlement of Ireland, made in the Reign of our Dearest Brother; and will advise with them how to recompense such of that Nation, as have followed us to the last, and who may suffer by the Re-establishment, accordding to the degree of their Sufferings thereby; 〈◊〉 ●o, as the said Act of Settlement may always remain in●ire.  
It had been already observed that the Irish neither desired nor Capitulated for more than than to be restored to their Estates, according to the Act of Settlement, and so much the King promises for them; but to explain this Matter more fully, and to leave no room for Cavil, we shall divide the Article-Men (as they call them) into three Ranks. First, Those who lost by the Repeal of the Act of Settlement. Secondly, Those who will lose by the Act of Re-establishment. Thirdly, Those who had no real Estates at all, and by Consequence will neither gain nor lose by it. Now to the first and second sort of those who followed the King into France, after the Capitulation, it is most certain that they amount not to the hundredth Man of those who followed him; and as for those who stayed behind, they had the benefit of the Articles, and were, or aught to have been admitted to their Estates, according to the Act, after a Praevious Oath of Allegiance taken to K. William and Q. Mary; These therefore, I suppose, neither are, nor intended to be concerned in the King's Declaration, neither can those who lost by the Repeal of the Act of Settlement he offended at the King's Resolution to re-establish it. In short it affects those only who followed the King to the last, and will be Losers if the said Act be reestablished; these also must be distinguished into two sorts, those who followed the King purely out of Lovalty, Zeal and Affection to his Person and Cause; and those who for some Extravagancies and Misdemeanours, during the War under K. James, did not think it safe to stay behind; for they had heard and were well informed, that many vexatious Suits were car●●d●on against some on this side the Shannon, who had taken Protection under K. W. for Misdemeanours committed during the War, even to the undoing many of them.  
But however 〈◊〉 either of those sorts of Persons had any Reason to be offended at any part of the King's Declaration, relating to them: For first, had the King taken no Notice at all of them, they could never have justly pretended to more than they themselves desired or agreed unto by their Capitulations: Nor Secondly, had, they deserted K. James and gone over to K.W. they could never have had any other Conditions than to be admitted to their Estates, according to the Act of Settlement. But Thirdly, The King for thei● Loyalty and good Services to Him; promises to recompense such as may suffer by the Re-establishment, according to the degree of their Sufferings; and what better and securer way could he have proposed to do this, than by the Advice and Consent of his Parliament. And what greater Promises could he have made the man relation to their Estates, and in his present circumstances, than he hath done; especially (as hath been already said) since the very Repeal of that Act was, in a great measure, extorted from the King, contrary to his own Opinion therein often declared, and contrary to the Interest of very many considerable Catholic Irish. For it is well known that after the Act of Settlement, many Conveyances and Purchases were made among themselves under that Title, which by the Repeal are destroyed: And so univ●rsally w●re the Catholick-Irish Merchants (more especial) in Galloway and thereabouts) concerned in this Repeal, that their Loyalty was ●o a little suspected upon that Account, and many hard things said of them, during the Siege, not necessary now to be repeated. What more than could these Men have desired of the King than to be restored to their Estate, according to the Act of Se●●lement, and Promise to those who may suffer by the Re-establishment of it, of a Recompense according to the degree of their Sufferings, which is much more than they had and Reason to hope for under this present Government. By this Time (I ●ope) it is ●●iden beyond Contradiction First, That in France ●e Irish Army did never mutiny about the King's Declaration; and Secondly, That they had no Re●son so to do; I suppose there is no need of ●aying any thing about a Second Declaration: For First we have and do affirm, That there was no Declaration at all ●en● by R. I Order to the 〈◊〉 Army; And next (by what hath been already said) there cannot nor could be any Occasion for a Second: Whatsoever relates therefore more to the ●●ish, is mere fictitious Stuff, and the Man's own Imagination.  
We must now take Notice (and thank the true Relator for it) That he hath offered one piece of Truth to us viz That the King caused the Declaration to be put in the Paris Gazette. From whence we may observe these two Things, First. That the King had well considered the Consents of his Declaration, which most probably was communicated to, and approved of by the Court at Versailes; and that by the Publication of it he intended no less, than the Christian Wo●ld should be acquainted with his just and merciful Resolutions taken for the Satisfaction of his Subjects and that he always would, and now actually doth stand by the same upon the Conditions therein offered.  
The Second Remark is That had the Faculty of Sorbon declared against the said Declaration (as this Man pretends) especially when formally consulted, and in a Case of Conscience 〈◊〉 it is most unlikely we should ever have found it in the Paris Gazette; or that after it, the King should be so extremely much made of in the Court of France, as this Man tell us he is; though in the same Paragraph he hath the Folly to say also, that he hath lost thereby the Affection of the French Nobility, which comes very near a direct Contradiction 〈◊〉 except he can make a Court subsist without Nobility, or extremely much made of (as he words it) without Affection. In his next Paragraph, he tells us of Articles and twelve Heads; God help his poor Head for we know 〈◊〉 where 〈…〉 any such Articles, except in tha● 〈…〉.  
Then he proceeds to acquaint us, ●ha notwithstanding 〈◊〉 King had lost the Interest and Affection of the French Nobility and Clergy, and the high Discontents and Disatisfaction of the Irish, together with his own Ingratitude and Inconstancy; yet now the court is elevated with Joy, at the Hopes of his Return: But as Ill-Luck will have it, he tells 〈◊〉 in the lame Breath, That the great Joy was o●● sudden tained 〈◊〉 Sorrow, and a total Dissolution of all hopes of a Second Restoration. Immediately after this dismal Dissolution, The King is nevertheless so certainly assured that he could not said of being received in England, without any Opposition, that he posts to Versailes to demand Succours: But, Oh! the Inconstancy of Fortune, and Favour of Princes; when all Things, just before, were ready Abroad as well as at Home▪ and not doubt in the least but they would have answered Expectation, the French King dashe● all with a Speech, which King James taking in Sheet-Hand, and these Gentlemen of very good Note, taking it also in short Hand; from the Mouth of King James; the whole Court ever since hath been in a Fit of the Choslic●● (by which they are so disfigured and altered that they are like so many People going to die. It is impossible for me to give a satisfactory account of such strange and violent Revolutions; but the French King it seems all along knows all things better than we know ourselves: And I should be hearty glad that those Gentlemen of very good Note, which helped the Relator ●o that excellent Speech, would have helped him also to have made some Answer to it, and not to have expesed the Nation in Print, by a Character given of us, from the Mouth of so Wise and so great a Monarch, which by how much the more it carries with it a great Appearance of Truth, by so much the more was it necessary for him to confute it, if he could: But I shall leave the farther and more serious Consideration of it to his own Conscience.  
He concludes as he began, with St●ff unsupp●rally false and invidious; Most of the decayed Gentlemen, as he calls them that have returned Home a●e come upon the account of their particular and Family Concerns; and that the English, Scotch and Irish Protestants wish themselves all at Home against 〈…〉 not▪ and the R●man Catholics 〈◊〉: Nor do we 〈◊〉 find they despair of attending their King and Royal Master in an Honourable and Happy Condition We hear nothing of their being forbidden the Court, except such of 〈…〉 are looked upon as Spie●; and or those, who are with any Reason ●●spected to be such the King of France takes other Measures with them, than for ●●dding● them only the Court of St. Germans.  
THi● last Paragraph is so full of irreconcilable Nonsense and Impertinence, that I only wondered 〈◊〉 should conclude, with a Licenced according to Order; but upon better Consideration, I observe a Difference between Licenced according to Order, and Licenced by Authority, which makes me conclude than a Ballad would have obtained the same Honour; and I cannot but look upon this true Relation to be much of the same Strain and Quality.  
Thu● have I followed this Rambling Relator through all his uneven and intricate ways of Falsehood, Malice and Contradiction; and have given (I hope) a full and plain account of the true Matter of Fact, which must prove his true Relation to be totally false.  
I shall only make a short Remark of a Passage or two that requires some Explanation, and conclude with the Application and Use which he would make of his false Premises.  
He tells us in his Paper, That King Charles the Second took the Covenant in Scotland, and after his Restoration burned it at London, by the Hands of the common Hangman: But it being most certainly true, that it was done by Order of Parliament, as also the Exception of several of the Regicides from the Act of Indemnity, notwithstanding King Charles in his Declaration from Breda, had Pardoned all those who had been any ways concerned in the Rebellion against his Royal Father, and himself. I suppose the Relator will need no further Arguments to distinguish between the Action of the King and of Parliament, and the King in Parliament, or together with the two Houses of Parliament, which together includes not only the Supreme Authority and Wisdom, but the Justice also of the Nation: And by Consequence the just Execution of the Covenant, cannot be looked upon otherwise than the Act of the Nation, and not as the private or particular Command of the King.  
In his Pamphlet he reflects on King Charles the Second for his Ingratitude to his Friends: But when it shall be considered, that the King was so superabundantly grateful to those who were the Instruments of his ●●●●●ration and who (I suppose the Relator will: agree with me) were truly to be looked upon as his Friends, that Gratitude to them hath flown so strongly in his Face, as to have made him and the whole Nation sensible, in his own Time, that not only his Sacred Li●e● as in Danger, by the Treacherous Designs of man ●f those very Persons whom he had eminently advanced and honoured; but it gave him also so dismal a Prospect of those Misery's which of late have fallen upon us, that he applied himself seriously to the finding out such proper Remedies, which (had God granted him longer to us) he would not only have perfected, but in all probability he would also have fecured to us, these Blessings, which (for our Ingratitude and Sins) God Almighty hath at present removed from us. The Relator therefore (very foolishly and impertinently) puts us in Mind of Gratitude; since to touch upon it at this time, can only serve as a Caution to Princes how they dispense their Favours, or bestow their Pardons upon such an ungraceful People as we have been. He further, tells us in his Paper, That my Lord Melford and my Lord Middleton are to this Day Irreconcilable Enemies; insinnating thereby, that the Circumstances of King James, in relation to his happy Return, are so very ill, through the Differences of his two great Ministers, who it seems do not contend for any Good to this Side or that, that it is in vain to hope for any such R●essing, and by Consequence all is in Disorder, and his Friends like so many People going to die: But I would have this Rela●on know (to his own Confosion, and all Honest Men to their great Comfort) That there is no Strife between these two Honourable Lords, and Loyal, Faithful Subjects and Servants, but who shall serve their Royal Master best, and secure a firm and National Blessing to us, by a happy Union and perfect good Understanding be ween the King and his much abused People, when God in his Providence shall Restore him to as. I could enlarge much upon this Subject, i● it were necessary, and add Demonstration to what l●ffirm; but having some Reason to believe, by this time, that the Reader, as well as myself, is weary of this trifling Relator; I shall conclude with his Application.  
The Relator hath rak'● up all this false matter of fact, only to set forth K. James' Inconstancy and Ingratitude to his Friends: but having (I hope) sufficiently and fully disproved his Fact, his Application and Use must fall to the Ground. However, that mothing may, be wanting to the Performance of that piece of Justice, which is true to all Mankind, and more particularly to an Injured Prince, I shall briefly examine the 〈◊〉 with all Plainness and Sincerity. It is evident that K. James' Ingratitude is applicable only to K. James' Friends, who may be divided into these four Classes or Ranks.  

1. His Irish Roman-Catholick Friends.  
2. His poor Distendng Friends who never did him any Wrong.  
3. His Church of England Friends.  
4. His English Roman Catholic Friends.   
As to the first Sort, I have already spoken so fully to the King's Declaration, as far as it relates to the Irish, that there needs no) further Repetition▪ I shall refer the Reader therefore to what hath been already said in their Case 〈◊〉, and proceed to the poor Dissenters. And, First, It might have been reasonably expected, that the Relator should have explained himself, what sort of Dissenters he meant; for I suppose the word Dissenter includes all sort of Persuasions or Religions which are not in the Communion of the Church of England, or that differ in Doctrine or Discipline from the same: The Popish Dissenters Timing me are not here included: And for the Protestand Dissenters, it is very certain that there is a fort of them, which have hitherto been so far from deserving any Reward or Thanks from the King, that his Mercy must be very extensive, at his Return, if it comprehends them: But since the Man hath spoken in general Terms, I answer also▪ That in general the Protestant Dissenters cannot desire more, than what the King hath already offered and declared in their behalf: To prove this, it is only to be considered, whether the Protestant Dissenters can reasonably desire more of the King, than a general Pardon and an impartial Liberty of Conscience, except he means a Dissolution also of the Liberties of the Church of England, established by Law: If he means th● last, the King will be much obliged to them, for being to modest as to ask only that very Thing, the vain and ill grounded Imagination whereof, was made use of as one main, if not the chief Pretence, which hath brought these heavy Misfortunes both upon him and us; but if he means Pardon and Liberty of Conscience, the King hath then anticipated their Desires, and prevented all Grounds of Dissatisfaction their part, by promising Solemoly in his last Declaration, under the Great Seal, a free Pardon and Indemnity to all his Loving Subjects, of what Degree or Quality soever, which shall not by Land or Sea oppose him, etc. A Pardon so full and comprehensive, that no man is excluded, who shall not wilfully and voluntarily reject it; and to such I suppose the Relator himself hath not Confidence to expect that his Majesty's Gratitude should extend. And as for Liberty of Conscience the King hath taken Care also, in his said last Declaration, to give all Sorts and Degrees of Protestant. Dissenters the greatest Security imaginable, by declaring, That he will, with all Earnestness, recommend to his Parliament such an Impartial Liberty of Conscience, as they shall think necessary for the Happiness of these Nations. More, I think, cannot be desired by the one, nor granted by the other, except the Dispincing Power be called again in Question, which already hath made so much Noise; and which the King declares, in the immediate following Paragraph, he will leave to be explained and limited by his Parliament: And I do affirm myself to have heard some of the most considerable, and it may be the most prudent among the Dissenters Declare▪ That in Conscience they ought not to ask more than the King is willing to procure for them.  
But Thirdly, The Church of England, or Passive Obedience-Men (as the Relator scornfully calls them) are of, all people the most secure from meeting any ungrateful Return from the King; for he declares upon his Royal Word, That be will protect and defend the Church of England▪ as 〈…〉 is na●● established by Law, and se●ar● to the Members of its all the Churches, Universities. Col●iges and Schools, together with their Immunities, Rights and Privileges. But not to multiply Arguments in a Case that needs none, the Relator himself, in the Pamph●er before mentioned, hath saved us that Trouble: For he acknowledges (with a sort of Spite and Indignation) That the King hath made the Irish Catholics and Protestant Dissenter an Oblation to the P●ssto●● Obedienc●-Men, who are now become the late King's Creatures. We will for once take his word, as to this last part of it; and since we are agreed upon the Point, we come now to the last Rank and Son of Persons who may suffer by the King's Ingratitude; and those are his English Catholic Subjects.  
Now to understand their Case aright, we must distinguish them into these two Sorts; Those who are men of Estates: And those who are younger Brothers, and men of Fortune; and these we must also subdivide into such as remain in the same Circumstances (abating the Misfortunes of this Revolution) that they were in before K. James' Accession to the Throne, and such as have followed K. Jame's Fortune since this Revolution, and have suffered Imprisonment, Losses and many other Hardships, upon the Account of their Loyalty to him.  
As for the first Sort, we dare almost affirm for them, that they neither expect nor desire, no, nor need much more of K James' Favour, than to be freed from the Burden of heavy and double Taxes, and some personal Severities, which they sometimes lie under, or are at least exposed to, through the Malice of their Enemies: And to speak plainly, they have general behaved themselves with so much Indifferency and Coldness towards K. James, and towards his Friends, during this their time of Trial, that they have but very small Pretences to deserve more.  
The second sort who are supposed to be under the same Circumstances they were in during the Reign of King Charles the Second; I know not how the King's Gratitude is far her concerned with them, than to restore them to their former Liberties, and dispense his Favours to them according to their Qualifications; and he proportion they bore with the rest of their 〈◊〉 Subjects, as far forth as the Law will permit: And I do not find the King ●●●th declared against this.  
There remain then those of the la●● so● only, who have really velloped and suffi●●●d much, and who can very hardly subsist, except the King should be pleased to make some honourable Provision for them in recompense of their saithful Services and Sufferings; which 〈◊〉 imagine the ●e●ator believes he either cannot or will not do, it he keep to his D●●lantion, That he will not disp● not with, nor value the Test: If the Case were so it were inde●●●● ha●d Dilemma upon the King, either to be justly accused of I●igrat●●nd●, or of violating the Law, which is seems was made as a Bulwark 〈◊〉 scour the Church of England from ●opish Invasion; but I do not find it 〈◊〉 unanoidable Consequence, that the King must needs be Guilty elther of the one or the other. For First, If the King hath declared he will not violate the Test, but will defend and protect the Church of England, (and less he could not declares, if he declared any thing;) and so much he declared in his first Declaration, partly in express Terms, as to what relates to the Church of England, and the other part sufficiently included in his last Paragraph: In which he refers the healing of the late Distractions to the Advice and Assistance of his Parliament. It is not impossible but the Wisdom and Justice of a Free and Well-tempered Parliament, might find our some me●zi termini, or Medium, between a violating of the Test and the Ingratitude of the King to to his deserving Subjects: There are many Moderate and Wise Men (God be praised) still lest among us; and the Nation is now taught by woeful Experience, to distinguish between Laws extorted by Faction, to serve a particular Turn, and equal Laws made for the Public Good and Union, nor the Destruction and Ruise of the Nation; but however (taking all Things in their extreme) I do not find the King intends, or will be forced (if I may so say) to be ungrateful to such as deserve his Favours.  
For First, his poor Suffering Roman Catholic Subject here intended, are reduced by the Violences of the War and natural Dissolutions to every small Handful of Men; and it cannot be well supposed that the King's Hands will be ever seabound up, by Twelve or Four and Twenty Articles, as nor to be able to provide for these poor Remains of Suffering Loyalty, without violating the Test, or Law of God or Man; and if he can, 'tis not to be doubted he will; but whether he can or cannot, will or will not: We have some Reason to believe, that Ingratitude will never be justly imputed to him, by those poor Gentlemen, among whom their will be sound more than one Mephiloseth, who will be contented to lose all, even that little All, that is left them, Provided they may live to see their Lord and King return in Peace.  
Thus I have Answered plainly and fully (I hope) to the Odious Accusation of the King's Ingratitude, which I own to be a Crime so much unworthy of a Prince, that it is scarce pardonable in the meanest of his Subjects: But God be thanked, our most Gracious King and Royal Master is so free from the least Spot or Tincture of it (who besides knows very well, that it often proves the Punishment as well as Sin of the Ungrateful;) that I appeal to the whole Nation, even to his Enemies, (if they will recollect themselves, and speak impartially) whether King James Gratitude and Constancy to his Friends, or at least to his pretended Friends, have not hitherto been more prejudicial to him, through the whole Course of his Life, than the practice of their contrary Vices probably could have been. Let, therefore, every good and honest Man lay his Hand on his Heart, and consider seriously with himself, as ●he expects Mercy from the King, or from the King of Kings in a better World, Whether it becomes a Christian, or a true Englishman, to treat a Royal Prince, the Son of our Royal Martyr, and Father to our present Governors, unheard, uncondemned, absent and unfortunate, with such opprobrious, villainous, false and odious Crimes and Language, (and Litensed according to Order) as could be scarce pardoned betwixt Man and Man.  
But I shall conclude with this one Observation more, Let us suppose for once that the whole Matter of Fact in this True Relation, were really as true as the Relater falsely and impudently pretends: I must then make this Remark upon i●, That its Application and Conclusion is directly opposite to what he pretends to prove, and to the very Title of his Pamphlet and Paper; he tells us that the Jacobites (for he can mean none else) together with the French, carried on a Cursed Design to Restore the late King James; but would prove all along, that the Measures which he hath taken, together with his Declaration, have all ended in a Dissolution of the Hopes of a Second Restoration. Now from whence did he take his Measures, but from the Jacobites, and the French; who advised him to publish this fatal Declaration, but the Jacobites; who were of his pretended Protestant Council, but Jacobites; who mutinyed and wished themselves at Home, but the Irish Jacobites; who are dissatisfied and returning Home in a most deplorable Condition, but the English Jacobites: In a Word, who but the Jacobites, and the French, have reduced him to this desperate Condition. By which it is most apparent, that if there hath been any Design carried on, (according to this Man's Notion) it was indeed a Cursed Design, not to Restore, but as this Trifler proves, contrary to his Intention, entirely to ruin the late King James. Let it therefore suffice to observe at last, That never did Irish Evidence more naturally contradict himself than this Man hath done.  
FINIS.