A DECLARATION OF THE COMMITTEE of ESTATES OF THE PARLIAMENT of SCOTLAND,  
In Answer to some Printed Papers, Entitled, The Declaration of the Parliament of England, and the Declaration of the Army of England, upon their March into SCOTLAND.  
●●inted by Evan Tyler, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty 1650.   

Edinburgh july. 1650.  
THE Estates of Parliament understanding that divers persons, Subjects of this Kingdom, with their ships and goods, had been lately seized at Sea, and carried into the Ports of England; And being likewise informed that an Army was marching Northward, to In-invade this Kingdom; Being resolved, so far as is in their power, to use all possible ways and means to prevent War and Blood in these Kingdoms, did upon the 22. of June last, send t●…o Messengers into England with Letters to Mr. Lenthal, Speaker of the House of Commons, the Lord Fairfax, and the Governor of Newcastle, Complaining of the Injuries done unto us, and desiring to know whither they would observe the rule and order prescribed in the large Treaty betwixt the Kingdoms, concerning the remonstrating first the breaches of Peace, seeking reparation, using all fair means, and giving three Month's warning before any Engagement of these Nations in War; to which Letters, we did long before this time expect an Answer, but in place thereof, Our messengers are there detained, and A Declaration is emitted by those, who arrogate to themselves the Title of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, that they have judged it just and necessary, that an Army be forth with sent into Scotland, which accordingly is advancing to our Borders to Invade the Kingdom, without any previous Warning. The justice of this their undertaking, they offer to demonstrate from the late Invasion of England, Authorised and Commanded by the Parliament of Scotland, in which design (they say) all of us concurred to make a Prey of the English, though some difference fell amongst us who should have the greatest Power of Command, and thereby the greatest opportunity of advancing of either party, under the specious pretence of the Covenant.  
This doth not well consist with what they say, Page 3. Concerning such in this Nation who may have kept themselves f●ee from the guilt of these things, and far less doth it consist with the truth, but we desire not to be our own Judges in the matter, let them ask their own Consciences whether ever any people in the World did more evidence their freedom from guiltiness in a time of defection than we did in that matter of the Engagement against England: Did we not descent and protest in Parliament against it? Did not all the Judicator●es of the Church unanimously oppose it, and declare against it? did not the Ministers faithfully and freely Preach and Pray against it, and generally all that feared GOD in the Land Petition against it? did they not suffer for not concurring in it? Yea, many choosed rather to expose their Lives and estates to the mercy of their Adversaries tyrannising over them, then to contribute one  toward the furthering of that Engagement, whereof the Commissioners of both Houses residing in this Kingdom were witnesses, as by some of their number was represented to the House of Commons, who upon consideration thereof, wrote a Let●er to the General Assembly; Professing they were assured that these impious and unwarrantable Actions could not be done with the approbation and assent of the Religious and well affected people of the Kingdom of Scotland, and that they did understand there was very few amongst those who were in the Engagement against them that first engaged with them in the Covenant and Cause, but such as are professed Enemies to them, however they were then content to proceed thereunto, that they might the better deceive the people of England, and that therefore they were unwilling to impute such evils to this Nation in general: Did we not before we heard any thing of he defeat of the Engagers resolve to rise in Arms against the promoters of it, & being in Arms did we not refuse to make any agreement with them, though never so much to our advantage, until in the first place Berwick & Carlisle should be restored to the Kingdom of England, Concerning which, L. General Cromwell professed in his Letter of the 15. of October 1648, that he sho●●● ever be ready to bear widnes of our forwardness to do right to the Kingdom of England, and in a former Letter of the 19 September, Acknowledgeth our care of the Interest of England, and desire to preserve the unity of both Nations: Did not both Houses of Parliament by their Votes of the 28. September 1648. appoint, that in case the Noblemen and others that dissented against the Invasion of the Kingdom of England, by the Army under the Command of the Duke of Hamiltoun shall desire the assistance of L. General Cromwell that he be ready to afford them all seasonable relief and assistance? which Votes were communicated to us by Lieu. General Cromwell himself, and in the same Letter, after a particular enumeration of all the wrongs and damages sustained by the Kingdom of England from the Engagers, he did demand, in the name of England, this security, that none who had been active in, or consenting to the said Engagement, should be employed in any Public place or t●●st whats●ever, which was a cordingly granted by the Committee of Estates, and ratified in Parliament. Did We not also send Commissioners to both Houses of Parliament to Treat and correspond with them in all thing which might concern the continuance of the former Amity and Friendship betwixt the Kingdoms, and authorised to join with them in presenting the Propositions of Peace to his Majesty, which Commissioners were received, and our interest in the Propositions of peace acknowledged by both Houses of Parliament. This is a short, but true account concerning our carriage in relation to that Engagement, & how matters stand betwixt us and the lawful authority of England: And as touching those who now quarrel with us, if their own consciences condemn them not (as we have reason to think they do) there is one greater than their consciences, even the Lord Jesus Christ, who knoweth all things, let Him Judge between us concerning the truth or falsehood of that which they would charge upon us, that all of us concurred in design to to make a prey of the English, though some difference fell out who should have the greatest power of Command. It is not the first time we have met with Calumnies of this kind from that party, but we shall study to bear it the more patiently; that still it is for our adherence to the Cause of Christ we are reproached: And as for the good people of England, we trust they will not readily give belief to such suggestions against the well-affected of this Kingdom, when they consider we have two several times returned from England with strong Armies, when there was better opportunity to have prosecuted such designs.  
Touching what is farther said upon this point, to aggravate the miscarriages of the Engagers, in their taking of Berwick and Carlisle, & invading England without an antecedent warning; We have nothing to say on their behalf, their proceed were palpably gross & inexcusable; But if their ways were so bad, why do these, who now prevail in England, trace their steps, not fearing their end, Will they justify themselves in that very thing for which they have condemned others? We desire they may remember some expressions of a Letter written to us by Lieu. General Cromwell and his Counsel of War the 18. September 1648. shortly after the defeat of the Engagers, the words are these: Give us leave to say, as before the Lord who knows the secrets of all hearts, that as we think a especial end of Providence, in permitting the enemies of God and goodness in both Kingdoms to rise to that height, and exercise such tyranny over His people, was to show the necessity of Unity amongst His of both Nations, so we hope and Pray, that the late glorious dispensation in giving so happy success against your and our Enemies, may be the foundation of the Union of the people of God in love and Amity, unto that end we shall (God assisting) to the utmost of our power, endeavour to perform what may be behind on our parts, and when we shall, through any wilfulness, fall herein, let this Profession rise up in judgement against us, as having been made in hypocrisy, a severe a venger of which God hath lately appeared in his most righteous witnessing against the Army under Duke Hamilton Invading Us, under specious pretences of Piety and Justice; We may humbly say, We rejoice with more trembling, then to dare to do so wicked a thing.  
We may here also correct a mistake of theirs, where they say, by the Treaty six month's warning was to precede War; 'tis strange how they have learnt to multiply when they speak against others, and to mince in relation to themselves: But because it may belong since they read the Treaty, We shall pass that, and only desire to know how it comes, that not only contrary to the Treaty, but to the law of Nations and common reason, they have, without any previous warning, seized our ships, stopped our trade, and now have published a Declaration, showing their resolution forth with to send an Army into this Kingdom, even the late Engagers (who are justly condemned for not giving previous warning according to the Treaty) sent particular demands to the Houses of Parliament three months before invasion, which they declared they would prosecute, and about a month before invasion, they published a Declaration of their resolutions to march into England.  
Another ground of the justice of their undertaking is, that they being invited to come into Scotland, and having settled us in the power we now enjoy, we exercise it for their destruction, That we take on us to determine what is fundamental in their Government, & direct & threaten them if they change not what is now established, & form it to our mind or accommodate it to our interest, which they say is sufficiently cleared by the Protestation of our Commissioners the Earl of Lothian, Sir John Cheislie, & Mr. Glendoning, who have been owned & justified by the Parliament of Scotland, and no censure passed upon them.  
We shall first answer to this alleged invitation, They say Sir Andro Ker, and Major Strachan were sent to them for that purpose, the letter then written was directed to the Commander in chief of the forces of the Parliament of England, which we heard were upon the borders, and we held it very necessary for us to acquaint the Kingdom of England, or any entrusted by them, that we dissented and protested against that unlawful engagement, and were then in Arms in opposition to the contrivers & abettors thereof, and were firmly resolved not to lay them down, until the garrisons of Berwick & Carlisle were restored to the Kingdom of England; We likewise gave instructions to these Gentlemen, But neither in the letter, nor instructions, as may be seen by the printed copies published by order of the House of Commons, is there any call given for the coming of the English forces into this Kingdom? We did only signify to the Commander in chief of the English forces, that we were to send to the Houses of Parliament to desire their assistance, and that by joint counsels and forces, the disturbers of the peace of both Kingdoms may be brought to trial and condign punishment, and that we expected the English forces on the borders should be in readiness to concur with us when we should give them a call, yet before any other address made by us either to the Houses of Parliament or to those forces, yea before the answer of our letter came to our hands, L. G. Cromwell marched into this Kingdom with his forces, without waiting for our call, which we did not intent to have given to them, but to have desired the assistance of the Houses of Parliament, with whom this Kingdom had joined in Covenant, and to whom we had formerly given assistance; In the next place, we were to have desired that those who were sent might be such as had signed the Covenant, and would preserve and defend the doctrine and discipline of this Church, according to the Covenant, and particularly, that none such should be sent as would disturb the peace of this Church, or vent strange opinions contrary to the Confession of Faith, directory of worship, and Church-Government. In the third place, that their number should not exceed four thousand. And lastly, that the Garrisons of Berwick and Carlisle being restored, and the engagers being subdued, or having submitted, the English forces should remove out of this Kingdom; Therefore so soon as we received Lieutenant General Cromwel's letter signifying that upon defeat of the forces under command of the Duke of Hammiltoun, he had received commands to prosecute the victory until the Enemy were put out of a condition of growing into a new Army, and the Garrisons of Berwick, and Carlisle, were reduced; in order whereunto, he had resolved to march into Scotland, we dispatched away the Lord Marquis of Argyle, Lord Elcho, and others unto him with Instructions, desiring that the number of the forces should not exceed four thousand, that such as should come were qualified as is before expressed, And that the Garrisons of Berwick and Carlisle being restored, and those in Arms against us having submitted, his forces should return to England.  
As matters than stood, though we were very unsatilfied with many of the proceed of that Army, yet we could not but look on them as the servants of both houses of Parliament, by whose authority they acted, and to whose commands and directions they professed obedience and subjection; wherefore the Houses of Parliament having, upon knowledge of the State of affairs in Scotland, appointed Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell, by their votes 28. September, 1648. to afford us assistance; which votes were communicated to us by Lieutenant Gen: Cromwell, on the fist of October, after serious debate and consultation upon the matter, we judged it lawful for us to accept from the houses of Parliament their offer of assistance, and accordinly desired that some of the English forces might stay here for sometime, and when they were to return to England, we wrote a letter to both houses of Parliament, wherein we Acknowledged the benefice and advantage we had by the assistance of their forces, and gave them a testimony concerning their fair and civil deportment during their abode amongst us; all which we are yet ready to acknowledge, and wish that these who had the charge and command of these forces would with the same readiness acknowledge that they were then clearly convinced in their consciences of the reality of our detestation of, and opposition to the late unlawful Engagement against England. But though we have owned them sometime as servants of the Parliament of England, will this infer that we should own them now as their masters; by what law have they succeeded to their master's inheritance, and clothed themselves with all the power of England; have they not since that time they were in Scotland, violently seized the person of their King, and murdered him in the face of the Sun? have they not turned the point of their swords against the Houses of Parliament who gave them Commission to rise in Arms, and whose privileges they were sworn to defend? have they not taken away the House of Lords, imprisoned divers, and secluded most of the House of Commons? have they not overturned both civil and ecclesiastic Government, and in place there of brought in a law less lliberty, and godless Toleration, not withstanding their manifold Declarations and solemn engagements to the contrary? had we known them as well when they were in Scotland as we do now, we would have looked upon them as the Prophet Elisha did on Hazael the servant of Benhaddad King of Syria when he weeped because of all the evil Hazaell was to do unto the children of Israel.  
They do next charge us with Ingratitude, claim to themselves the title of being our preservators, and say we Exercise the power we have received by their means to their destruction, This might well have been spared, if they had remembered what assistance and preservation they had from this Kingdom, when they were very low, and their greatest Commanders (though then not very considerable) were countenanced because of their high professions for Religion and Monarchical Government; Let the letter from L: G. Cromwell, and other Officers of that Army written from their quarters about Bristol, to the Scottish Army after the defeat of our forces at Kilsyth, speak what was their own sense of the relief and assistance afforded them by the well affected in Scotland, and we shall be silent. Though we would not detract from the commendation of any, even adversaries coming in a hostile way against us, but shall be ready to acknowledge all their good deeds; Yet we may say, that while they were in Scotland, they neither shed their blood, nor sustained hardship for us, nor will the time they stayed be much above a week, for every year that the Scottish Army, stayed in England for their assistance, And for any power which is in our hands, it hath been continued therein by the Established laws of the kingdom, and the Lords blessing on lawful and warrantable means, and therefore we are to exercise it for the honour of God, and the ends of that solemn Covenant which both they and we have sworn with uplifted hands to the most high, and it cannot be made appear that we have in the least sort exercised our power to their destruction, unless they conceive their destruction to be included in the attainment of the ends of the Covenant which we are inviolably obliged by the oath of God to endeavour in our stations and callings. But they insist, that we pretend to matters of their Government, and take upon us to determine what is fundamental there, and threaten them to form it to our interest, which they say is sufficiently cleared from our ouneing and approving the protestation made by our Commissioners at London, and our not censuring them; surely they are fare to seek for a ground of Invadeing us, when they would found it upon that protestation. Is there any thing in it but a representation of their engagements & declarations, a sober regrate that they have not been keeped, an earnest desire that they may be observed for the future, and incase they should proceed otherwise, a protestation that we might be free before God and man of the guiltiness, evils, confusions, miseries and calamities that might follow thereupon to these distracted Kingdoms; Is it not Lawful for us in a common cause, wherein we are both concerned, if we apprehend them proceeding in an ill course contrary to our engagements, to warn them of it, and if they will not forbear, for our own exoneration to declare that we will not concur with them, nor be Involved in the guiltiness by our silence. Will they quarrel with us for a meet profession of adherence to our principles? will they for this, now after 16. Months are past, come in a hostile manner to invade this Kingdom, dissolve our Judicatories by the sword, conquer and subdue the nation, force upon us a change of government Civil and Ecclesiastical, Establish Anarchie and toleration under the pretence of furthering our just freedom and of preferring the peace and love of the Gospel to discipline and Government: How disagreeable is this to their own principles of liberty and toleration? The scriptures tell us that men may think it strange that we run not with them to the same excess of riot, but for men of one Nation to conquer, subdue and destroy another Nation because they will not run with them, is almost a new thing on earth; however we shall comfort ourselves in this, that we have not given them just grounds of offence, and that they shall give an account to him that is ready to judge the quick and the dead.  
And these are the two grounds of the justice of their undertaking to invade this Kingdom, our accession to the late engagement against England, and the owning of the Protestation made by our Commissioners, touching the first of which, We dare say, their own consciences are convinced of our Innocency, and touching the second, that their own judgements may freely absolve us from all just ground of offence, if they be not altogether blinded.  
We shall proceed to consider in the next place their pretences for the necessity of this War, F●…st, they say all fair and amicable ways of procuring reparation of the damages which England hath sustained by occasion of the late Invasion, have been denied, and rejected, and so We have owned the wrongs done to that Nation. First, We answer, that no application hath been made to us for any reparation; except in one Letter 23. May, 1649. and therein their demands for satisfaction were General; and therefore in our return 26. of June, 1649. We say they cannot so well receive a particular answer; how then have all amicable & fair ways been used, when there was only one letter written, and that in general terms; Secondly, the way proposed by them for obtaining satisfaction was such, as we could not agree to without sin, for they proposed that we should meet and treat with Commissioners authorized by them, on the behalf of the Commonwealth of England, which was to acknowledge them the lawful authority of England, which we look upon as sinful to do, being bound by Covenant to maintain and defend the Privileges of the Parliament of England, which if it amount to any thing, doth at least require that we hold them as the lawful authority of England, and shall not give their titles and styles to any other that by force would usurp the same, and seeing the wrong complained on, was done against England, when the Houses of Parliament were unquestionably the lawful power in England, and now the complaint is made by those that have usurped that power, let any unprejudiced mind judge, whether there be not cause for us to make it a case of conscience, considering the strict Obligations betwixt us and the Parliament of England. Neither do those, who would so earnestly have us to acknowledge them propound any thing to rid us out of this difficulty, for we suppose they will lay this common ground with us, that every new power which shall arise in any Kingdom, and prevail by force, is not forthwith to be acknowledged by the neighbouring Nations, the very heathen Nations will stand at some distance in this case, & forbear to acknowledge; much more ought we to be tender in Christian and Covenanted Kingdoms. Now it is clear and evident, that there is a change both of Governors and Government in England of late, and how this change comes, they will not allow us to examine, if we speak anything relating thereunto, they tell us that we take upon us to determine what is fundamental there. It is strange to see what latitude they can allow themselves in their own Actings, even to break and dissolve powers at their pleasure, laying aside forms (as themselves express it) for the substance sake, yet how exact are they in setting up their own form, requiting even from neighbouring Nations, the observance of the smallest punctili● in their knowledgment of their new Titles and Styles, otherwise they will count it a ground of Invasion.  
Thirdly, We proposed to authorise Commissioners on behalf of this Nation, to treat with Commissioners of both Houses of the Parliament of England sitting in freedom, concerning all matters of just complaint which either Nation may have against the other, & for redress & reparation thereof, and to do every thing that may conduce for the happy Peace & Union betwixt the Kingdoms, & never refused to speak & commune anent any particular wrongs or redresses thereof in such a way, as did not import our Acknowledgement of their unlawful Titles, and unlawful Parliament, which justly we esteem the present pretended Parliament to be; for it hath often been declared by many Acts, Ordinances, Declarations and Protestations, that the Parliament of England doth consist of King, Lords and and Commons, and should never be altered: and in the beginning of that Parliament, it was enacted by King, Lords and Commons, that that same very Parliament should never be raised, nor dissolved, without consent of both Houses of Parliament.  
Fourthly, We answered to the matter of that Letter sent to us, so far as the generality of the expressions would guide us to conjecture what they meant; and if any other wrongs should be made known to us, we promised to return such an answer as might give just satisfaction: and until this Declaration came to to our hands, We never understood that they were unsatisfied with our Answer, for that dormant Declaration of theirs, dated the 14. July. 1649. never came to our hands, either in write or Print till now; nor do we think that ever it saw the light, till the publishing ●f their other Declaration of the 26. of June last, 1650. which came to our hands but the other day; How then can they with a good conscience say, that all fair and amicable ways have been used and rejected.  
Fiftly, Although we cleared our own innocence in the matter of that Engagement, yet when it was demanded, that those who were guilty, should not be employed in places of public trust, it was granted accordingly; and it was never craved (and so was never denied by us) that they should be liable to give satisfaction for the wrongs and damages sustained by England; And while they demand satisfaction, they might very well have remembered that the money and great spoil which they got from that engaging Army, was very considerable, and should likewise have remembered that the Irishes who were Subjects of the Crown of England, had contrary to the large Treaty wherein England was bound to suppress them; done much more harm in this Kingdom, and that no reparation or satisfaction was given, though frequently and earnestly pressed, all which being considered, it is most apparent, that all fair and amicable ways have not been used, and so the inference which they would make, that we have owned the wrongs and damages done by the late Invasion of England, falls to the ground. The next reason of the necessity of their Invasion of Scotland, is taken from the design and resolution which they say we have to invade England; And this they would have appear, first, because when they demanded a Treaty for satisfaction for the former Invasion, we have in express terms, declared ourselves enemies to the Government of their Commonwealth. This hath been already cleared, that we cannot acknowledge them to be the lawful authority of England, which they would assume to themselves excluding the King, the House of Peers, and the fa●re greatest part of the House of Commons. We would gladly know what Law, Reason, or Conscience, there is obliging us to acknowledge their usurpations to be lawful actions, and though we have professed that we cannot acknowledge them; and declared our resolution not to comply with them, how doth it follow, that therefore we have resolved to invade England, have we not often declared our judgement against Popery, and Tyranny in other Nations, yet, neither did they fear, nor we so much as dream of an intended Invasion.  
Secondly, They would prove our intended Invasion of England, in that we have taken upon us to proclaim the King's Majesty, whom they term Charles Stewart, to be King of England and Ireland, and in our Treaty since have promised him assistance against England, to which we answer, That we claim no authority or jurisdiction over them, and when the King was proclaimed, our Records were searched, and he was proclaimed with the same titles his Father was proclaimed both in England and Scotland, he was first proclaimed in England as King of Greet Britain, and then in Scotland, and neither Nation took exception against the other, or conceived that there was any claim of Jurisdiction, or any Invasion intended, more than there was in relation to France, of which he was proclaimed King by both Kingdoms, and as to the promises made in the Treaty of assistance against England, there is nothing of that kind in the Treaty, but that which hath been long since published to the world in the proceed of our Commissioners the last year, to wit, that this Kingdom would contribute their utmost endeavours by all necessary and lawful means according to the Covenant, and the duties of faithful and Loyal Subjects, that his Majesty may be restored to the peaceable possession of his other dominions, according to his undoubted right of succession, which both Houses of the Parliament of England, and those who make this pretence of Invasion of this Kingdom, did protest and declare they would never wrong not alter.  
And further, The Estates or Parliament have declared to his Majesty, that the expressions of the Treaty concerning our endeavours for his restitution to his other dominions, shall not import any Engagement or Obligation upon this Kingdom to make War in England or Ireland, without the previous consideration, and determination o● the Parliament of this Kingdom, and the General Assembly of this Kirk, or the Commis-missioners of this Kirk, concerning the lawfulness and necessity thereof, which was never so much as taken into consideration in either of them to be debated, much less to be determined, and our Letter 6. of March, renewed the 22. of June last, declareth our obligation, and resolution to observe, the Articles of the large Treaty, so that it remains very clear from our proceed, that there was no design laid, or resolution taken by this Kirk or Kingdom, to invade the Kingdom of England.  
Fifthly, They say the Engagers refused to treat with the Parliament of England, and they were answered only with the immediate March of an Army into England, therefore we having refused to treat with them, they are to expect the like, but the difference is very wide and manifest, both in relation to persons and proceed, if they had considered all things duly, they should have ranked us with the Houses of Parliament, and themselves with the Engagers, for their ways are not unsuitable. What they allege concerning the refusal of a Treaty with them hath been answered abundantly, Neither have we marched immediately after our Answer into England, as the Engagers did, there are now 12. Months elapsed since our answer to their Letter, and they will find us yet in Scotland.  
Fourthly, they say, we have equally declared against them as Sectaries as against those of Montrosse his party, ranking them with Malignants and Papists, though we know the faith which they profess; But our declaring against Sectaries in England, doth no more prove a design to invade them, than our declaring against Malignants in England, or the bloody rebels in Ireland, or Papists in France or Spain, doth prove a design to invade them. To declare against the sinfulness of any course of back-sliding apostasy or rebellion in another Nation, (either for our own vindication from jealousies and suspicions, or to warn the Subjects of this Kingdom to keep themselves from the like defection, and from compliance) or the declaring our judgement in a way of friendly admonition, will not be found a probable ground to argue, much less to be an evidence of a design to invade another Nation; there may be many sufficient grounds which may warrant to give a testimony against an evil course that will not give a good calling to make a War against it. Concerning the Faith which they profess and say, cannot but be known unto us; this is the first confession of their faith that we have seen, and it is so short, that we shall not wrong them to comment upon it, until they shall be pleased to give us a larger, but touching the desire which they profess to restrain licentious practices, and to have them punished by the Magistrate, they can never satisfy the world, nor the most charitable disposition that is in it, that there is any such desire in their hearts so long as their practices be quite contrary, the figtrees leaves of flourishing words, may seem to serve for a covert, wherein to lurk from the eyes of men, but how do they think to escape the searcher of hearts, before whom all things are naked; yea, we think they should be ashamed to say it before the world, that they are ready to bear witness against licentious practices, and desirous to restrain and punish them, and yet for all their readiness and desire, be silent and fit still, we wish they did not countenance and encourage them; and shown not themselves too ready and active against others, who strive to keep their garments clean, and to be free of that contagion. When they have laboured to vindicate themselves, they return to cast aspersions upon us, and would have it believed that interest, dominion, and profit under pretence of Presbytery and the Covenant, is our design wherein (though we be conscious to ourselves of many sins and infirmities in the prosecution of the work of the Lord, yet) since we are so grossly charged, we trust we may in humility and sincerity of heart, desire that he who knoweth the secrets of hearts, may judge between them and us, whether they, do not falsely accuse us, and we seriously exhort them to consider whether under the pretences of preferring the peace and love of the Gospel, to the Discipline & Government of the Church, they be not undermining and subverting the Ordinance and Government of Jesus. Christ, that they may set up the devices of their own heart, and erect a sanctuary for errors, heresy, and schism. And now having answered the reasons given by them to make it appear that we had a design to invade England, we shall give clear evidences that we neither had, nor have any such design; First, The Estates of Parliament having about the end of February 1649. received several Intelligences that there was a design in England to invade this kingdom, did then appoint a levy of horse and foot; but withal, declared (as is expressed in the narrative of the said Act of Levie, then published in Print) that they did enjoin it only for the mere just and necessary defence of this Kingdom from Invasion without any design or intention, against any who shall not first invade this Kingdom, and so soon as they understood that the forces raised in England, were marching for Ireland, they made stop of their Levy. Also upon the 6. of March, 1649. they wrote a Letter to Mr. Lenthall Speaker of the House of Commons, declaring that it was very fare from their intention to assume any power over the Laws and Government of England, or any ways to raise sedition, or lay the grounds of a new War, or do any thing in pursuance of the late unlawful Engagement, and that no such thing could be inferred from the paper given in by their Commissioners containing only an adherence to our former Principles acknowledged by both Kingdoms. That they were so tender of the union betwixt the Nations, that they did think the remonstrating of the breaches of Peace, the craving of just reparation, and the using of all fair and amicable means, should be first essayed, and then three month's warning should be given according to the large Treaty before any Engagement in war, and they expected the like from England; and however any prevalent party in either Kingdom, had infringed, or might break these bonds, yet they did not conceive it either agreeable to God's will, or conduccable to the welfare of these Nations, to lay those sacred ties aside, as dissolved and canceled, but rather that they should be preserved for the good of both Kingdoms, and benefit of those who have no accession to such breaches, and of succeeding generati●ns, who are innocent thereof, and may sustain manifold inconveniences, by dissolution of the same.  
To this Letter we never received any answer, nor any reply to our Letter of the 26. June, but all this spring for these three or four month's past, have weekly heard of great preparations made against us, both by Sea and Land, yet until the Estates of Parliament understood that the English Forces were upon their March Northward, and some of our Ships were taken at Sea, they did not so much as make ready for our Defence, and so soon as they took any resolution therein, which was about the middle of June before they made any dispatch to the Shires: Upon the 22. of June they sent Messengers to England with Letters to Mr. Lenthal, Speaker of the House of Commons and others, wherein they complain of the wrongs done unto them, and desire redress, declare their obligations and resolution to observe the rules, prescribed in the large Treaty, before any engagement in War, and desire to know whether these who have the present power in England, do acknowledge themselves obliged, or will oblige and declare their resolutions to observe the way and order aforesaid, and plainly and clearly to declare, whether they march for offence or defence, and withal acquainted them in that Letter, that they had renewed the Acts of Leavy, and for Posture of Defence, made the last year, wherein the same narrative is kept, as in the former, and in the power granted by the Parliament to the Committee of Estates: It is expressly excepted and reserved that they shall not have any power to give orders to the Forces of this Kingdom for any other ends, then for the just and necessary defence of this Kingdom.  
Upon the whole matter, there is neither justice nor necessity of their present undertaking against us, nor can it be laid that all fair and amicable ways and means which were used have been refused, but on the contrary, we have since that pretended refusal used the means to prevent a War, and yet an Army is on our Borders ready to Invade us: Wherefore we may safely conclude that there is no just cause, much less any necessity for them to Invade this Kingdom, and if they shall Invade us, that we are obliged by all Laws, both of God and man to stand to our own just and necessary defence.  
Whilst this Declaration was under consideration, there was another sent unto us by a Trumpeter from L. General Cromwell, Entitled, A Declaration of the Army of England, upon their march into Scotland, to which, except where we meet with repetitions, we have resolved to make a further answer, And first to the way of address, set down in the frontispiece of that Paper; It is not directed to those in Authority, more than to any other persons in the Kingdom, but after this manner, To all that are Saints and partakers of the Faith of God's Elect in Scotland; So, as if there be none in Authority, whom they apprehend Saints, it is directed to none of them, Can there be a more lively portraytour of Anarchy in the World than this? and that varnished over with the colour of Piety and Religion! or can there be a more seditions, usurping way devised, to draw away the hearts of the people from their obedience to Authority? May we not here with great reason return them their own words, They pretend to matters of our Government, and take upon them to determine what is fundamental here, and direct and threaten us, if we change not what is Established, and form it to their mind, or accommodate it t● their Interest, And may we not justly declare against them, as they did in another case, most unjustly against us; That the said Paper doth contain much scandalous and reproachful matter against the just proceed of the Parliament of this Kingdom, and an assuming to have power over the Laws and Government of this Nation to the high dishonour thereof; And lastly, a design in the contrivers of it to raise sedition, and lay the grounds of a new War in this Land. They begin with sugared words, wi●hing like mercy and truth, light and liberty with themselves; but are marching with an Army to conquer and subdue us cruelly, under error, darkness and slavery; and then they ●urther preface, with a desire to make a distinction and separation betwixt some and others in this Kingdom; but, blessed be the Name of the Lord, there is not a different thought amongst all the godly in this Land concerning the unlawfulness of their Invasion, and the lawfulness of our defence against the same: They boast much of their great successes, and reproach the Great Name of the Lord of Hosts, fathering upon him their transgressions, but consider not that the Lord might have a hand of justice, in the same things wherein they had a hand of injustice and that he in His wise dispensation can correct one extreme by another, and yet remain displeased with both. They begin also with an appeal (concerning the truth of the particulars, which they are to remonstrate) to the Lord, who should they come to day of engagement (they say) will be a sore witness against them, it they utter these things out of hypocrisy, and they end with another appeal concerning the truth of what they have said, desiring the God of Heaven to Judge them accordingly, when they come to meet their enemies in the field, to which we shall say no more, but beseech the Lord to look upon these provocations, and to vindicate the honour of His great Name.  
They labour in the first place to make good their proceed in relation to the late King, from his actions, which we intent not to justify, But who made them the King's Judge? or where is there warrant to take his life: When such a thing was suggested to David (though anointed King of Israel) against Saul, who was rejected of the Lord, he said, The Lord forbidden that I should do this thing: wickedness proceedeth from the wicked, but mine hand shall not be upon him. They endeavour to vindicatte their actions against the Houses of Parliament, and concerning the change of the fundamental Government from the true and equitable intent of the constitution of England, which we shall not insist upon to answer, but we think they might with as great confidence have said to us, that white is black, and black is white, and bring arguments to make us believe it to be so in England, They would also clear their proceed from the example of ours, in the year 1648. for (say they) We acted contrary to Acts of Parliament, and called a new one, excluding whom we thought fit; all which was done by virtue and authority from the Committee of Estates, which was no Committee, being constituted of such persons, as by Act of the foregoing Parliament had not legal right to sit or Act therein, they not having taken the Oath in reference to the late engagement which was enjoined by Parliament, or else to have no place therein.  
To which ●e answer, that whatsoever we acted, was in performance of the solemn League and Covenant, and Treaties betwixt the Kingdoms, which are above any Act of Parliament, and according to which, the Committee of Estates were by their Commission bound and appointed to manage the affairs of the Kingdom. The solemn League and Covenant, being an oath to God allowed and appointed by the authority of both Kingdoms, cannot be repealed, or made void by any subsequent Acts of Parliament though of both Kingdoms; nor can all the powers on earth absolve those that have taken it from their duty therein expressed, by which they are bound all the days of their lives, zealously & constantly to continue in maintaining and pursuing the ends thereof against all opposition, and to promote the same according to their power against all lets and impediments whatsoever.  
2. What we acted was for our own just defence against an actually oppressing Army, whose proceed were so wicked and boundless, as they were not only contrary to the Covenant and Treaty betwixt the Kingdoms, but to the very Acts and Determinations of the Parliament from whom they had their Commission.  
3. Though the Members of the Committee of Estates were appointed at their first meeting in the Committee, to accept their Commission, and give their oaths for faithful discharge of the trust reposed in them, in reference to the Engagement against England, or else to have no place therein, yet there is nothing in the Act of Parliam-declaring their proceed null, and void, incase they did not take the Oath aforesaid, and the Engagers themselves did admit some to sit and vote, who did not tak● that Oath: will it therefore necessarily follow, that all which they did, was in Law null and void? Besides, the last Act of Parliament concerning the power of the Committee of Estates, doth not at all limit the Members to any Oath.  
4. It was agreed in the Treaty at Sterling, by common consent, that such Members of the Committee of Estates, as were accessary to the Engagement, should forbear coming to the Committee of Estates, until the next Session of Parliament; to which, the determination of differences were referred, and our whole proceed were ratified by the Parliament, and now also by the King's Majesty.  
We have not done any thing against our Vows, Oaths, Covenants, Protestations and Declarations, as they have done; but in pursuance of them, we have acted in our own defence against visible and actual tyranny and oppression, not upon jealousies or suspicions against a Parliament, consulting and voting peaceably, as they have done. We have adhered to the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom, and have not altered the fundamental Government thereof, as they have done, without any power, warrant, or calling. But what suppose they were able to justify their proceed, as they are not, what would that contribute for to nuke up a just ground for invading the Kingdom, even suppose they had the authority of both Houses sitting in a full Parliament, and the King's consent thereunto, they have no power or jurisdiction over this Kingdom, the Lord hath been pleased these many hundred ye●rs to preserve our Freedom, whilst there was little knowledge of the Gospel in the Land: And we do confidently trust in his Name, and are persuaded, that he will not now give us up to the willand power of those that would bring in Darkness for Light, Error for Truth; and instead of Government, make way for Toleration, Anarchy and Confusion.  
If Treaties be urged against them, they were broken, say they, by the full Authority of the Parliament of Scotland, they very well know the contrary, that a very considerable number of the Parliament protested against it (which certainly even in Law much weakened the Authority) and that it was revoked by the full Authority of Parliament, and the House of Commons, in their Letter to the General Assembly, hath acknowledged us free of it, and our Commissioners have been since admitted and received by both Houses of Parliament, and our Interest in the Treaty acknowledged, as hath been already more fully expressed. How well can they take upon them to person at the Houses of Parliament (whom they have broken in pieces) in making up challenges against us, but they will not own their actions in any thing that may plead for us. They insist, that the breach is not made up so, as to challenge England on agreements, unless we think that Scotland may break, and England should remain bound, whereas it is a known Law of Nations, that in the breach of the League by the one party, the other is no longer obliged; We never said, either that the one Kingdom could be free, and the other bound; or, that the one Kingdom having broken, the other was obliged to keep; if reparation of the wrong done was refused; but that notwithstanding a prevailing Party break, yet both Kingdoms are bound still against the breaking Party, and that reparation ought to be made. This will appear, if the scope and intent of the large Treaty made betwixt the Kingdoms, be considered, as it is expressed, to wit, That the great blessing of a constant and friendly conjunction of the two Kingdoms, now united by allegiance and loyal subjection to one Sovereign and Head, may be firmly observed and continued to all posterity, it is agreed, etc. And words to the same purpose are again twice repeated, the several cases of breaches of the Peace which may fall out; and the way of remedy are set down: for Commissioners are appointed in the Intervals of Parliaments for conservation of the Peace, to which Commissioners in the Intervals, as afterward to Parliaments, all breaches are to be remonstrated, which had been altogether needless, if every breach of the Treaty had made it null and void: According to this sense, the Houses of Parliament have formerly declared, particularly in the year 1641. when there was some appearance of the beginning of trouble in this Kingdom, the Houses of Parliament did in their sense and apprehension of the Nationall Alliance betwixt the Kingdoms settled and confirmed by the large Treaty and Acts of Parliaments of both Kingdoms declare, that they were bound to apply the Authority of Parliament and power of England to the preservation & conservation of our Peace, & when the troubles of England, did grow to a greater height, about the end of the year 1642. the Houses of Parliament did again declare, that seeing the subtle practice of the common Enemy of the Religion and Liberty of both Nations, did then appear in England, with more evidence, strength & danger than it did in Scotland the former year: therefore in their judgement, the same obligation did lie upon their Brethren of Scotland by the  Act, with the power & force of this Kingdom to assist England in repressing these amongst them who were in arms against the Parliament, & fordestruction thereof from which & other Declarations, and the express meaning and intent of the Treaty; it may be easily collected that what wrong is done by the common enemies of both Kingdoms, though it ought to be repaired, yet it is not to be looked on as that which should cancel and dissolve the Treaty and the mutual amity and alliance that is betwixt the Kingdoms, but that either Kingdom ought when they a●e desired and called thereunto to be assistant to other in their str●●ts, and the treaties ought to continue undissolved, and to be preserved for the good of the present and future generations, unless it be intended that they shall for ever hereafter remain in hostility, or that the one shall conquer the other; for they cannot be tied by stricter bonds than they are already.  
If the Covenant be alleged against them, they affirm they have kept it religiously, which they would make out by a distinction thus; The Articles concerning Religion and civil Liberties have the first place in the Covenant (say they) and these which concern the King's Interest and constitution of Parliament the last, and these with subordination one to another, the Covenant tied them to preserve Religion and liberty as the ends of it, even when these were inconsistent with the preservation of the King's Interest and the frame of Parliament, because when the means and the end cannot both be enjoyed together the end is to be preferred to the means. That there was a real inconsistence, because the Houses accepted of his Majesty's concessions at Newport, which were destructive to Religion and the Covenant, and acquiesced therein, but the Army appeared against them, and so Religion and liberties are preserved; But first there is no such distinction in the Covenant betwixt Articles, as that one is a mean, and another an end, though each of them may conduce to the strengthening another, the ends are expressed in the title, narrative and Articles thereof, and are unitive and copulative not disjunctive, nor is there any inconsistency betwixt the Articles and ends thereof, otherwise it had been unlawful for to have taken the Covenant. And the third Article, with which they quarrel most, doth oblige us expressly to endeavour the prosecution thereof with the same sincerity, reality and constancy as the rest; Neither regal nor Parliamentary Government are in their own nature inconsistent with the preservation of Religion; It were absurd to say so, both reason and experience evidencing the contrary, and there is great fallacy in the argument given to prove their inconsistency, for the Instance is concerning the actions of Governors, which are sa●d to be destructive to Religion, But what is that to the Government, they might as well have reasoned thus; The English Army did in the year 1647, offer proposals to the King, which were destructive to religion, therefore the Army must be taken away, and we will have no more Armies: If then the preservation of Religion and the civil Government be consistent, as the Covenant itself doth necessarily presuppose, then certainly our endeavours to preserve them may very well consist, and aught to be performed with sincerity, realty and constancy, and unavoidably it will follow, that an endeavour to destroy any of them is a clear breach of, and inconsistent with our Covenant and oath to God, their distinction then falls to the ground, and consequently their conclusion, so that their endeavouring to destroy and actually destroying the King, and changing the fundamental Government, is in our judgement so far from being a keeping of the Covenant, as it is a clear and evident breach thereof.  
It might have been much more strongly argued for Zedekiah then any thing that can be said in the present case, that the keeping of his oath, made to the King of Babylon was destructive to Religion, and inconsistent with his duty to God, as King of Israel, and with the civil liberties of the people of God, when the King of of Babylon had spoiled the temple and carried away all the Princes, all the mighty men of valour all that were apt for war, and all that were craft's men and smiths, that the Kingdom might be base and not lift itself up, yet what saith the Spirit of GOD, Shall he prosper? Shall he escape that doth such things? Or shall he break the Covenant and be delivered? As I live saith the Lord God, surely in the place where the King dwelleth that made him King, whose Oath he despised, and whose Covenant he broke, even with him in the midst of Babylon shall he die.  
When it was alleged against the late engagers, that their invading England was contrary to the 5. Article of the Covenant, by which they were obliged to endeavour that the Kingdoms may remain conjoined in a firm Peace and union to all posterity; they were ready under the pretences of endeavouring the reformation of Religion, the rescuing of his Majesty's Person and preservation of the privileges of the Parliament of England, to declare before God and the world that they were resolved never to break the Union betwixt the Kingdoms, nor to entreanch upon the Nationall rights of the subjects of England, or their liberties, not considering that the Articles of the Covenant were unitive and copulative, and that the Covenant is broken, and not kept, when any one Article thereof is broken. And now under the like pretences of the advancement of God's glory and the furthering just freedom, the Sectaries are invading Scotland, contrary to that 5. Article of the Covenant, but the same Lord who avenged the quarrel of His broken Covenant upon the late Engagers, lives and reigns to avenge it upon the Sectaries.  
Whereas they mention their appearing against the Houses of Parliament, who had accepted of the King's concessions at Newport, which were destructive to Religion, and that thereby they have preserved both Religion and Liberty, how do they know that Religion and Liberty would have been destroyed if they had not appeared? the Lord could have preserved them by lawful means, and stands not in need of sinful assistance to accomplish his work: But how they can say to those that fear the Lord in Scotland, that Religion and Liberty are now preserved, we very much wonder, let them read over that testimony of the Kirk of Scotland against Toleration, (from which they borrow that proof that the King's concessions were destructive to Religion) and compare it with the state of Religion this day in England, and they shall find in the Judgement of the Kirk of Scotland, Religion is by that Army endeavoured to be destroyed, and not preserved. As their arguments from inconsistence do not, so these taken from the subordination of the ends of the Covenant, will much less help them; God's Ordinances are not contrary to, nor destructive of other; Christ commands us to give unto God what was Gods, and also unto Caesar what was Caesar's, which is agreeable to that known maxim subordinata, non pugnant; some duties do deserve preference to other, yet never so, as to take off the obligation of endeavouring to perform other duties so fare, as is in our power, much less doth it allow us a liberty to do the contrary; we should not be carnally wise, and over anxious about the issue, but aught to perform duties according to Gods revealed will, and leave the event to him. The Malignants under a pretence of doing duties to the King, neglect all duties to God; and the Sectaries under pretence of Religion and Liberty, neglect all duties to the King, but neither of these ways have been blessed of God, the Malignants have never done real service to the King, but were seeking their own interest, and and ends under the pretence of his service; so the Sectaries for all their fair pretences to preserve and defend Religion, are but destroying it, & can dispense with oaths and sacred Covenants, in order to their own interest; making Religion subservient to their particular ends.  
When the Covenant is alleged against their proceed for changing the civil Government, the Army saith that they have kept it religiously, and they labour to answer objections to the contrary, by distinctions, granting that they have altered the form, but say they have kept the substance, but those who claim to be the Parliament of the Common wealth of England, would seem to deal more ingenuously in their Declaration of the 14. July, 1649. for say they, the Parliament hath not by the Covenant Treaties and Declarations, excluded itself from the use and exercise of the supreme legislative authority, to alter, repeal, and make void any thing whatsoever, appertaining to the Government of that Nation, or if they have, it is not to be imagined, that any Covenant, Treaty or Declaration in that behalf, could be binding in things which a Parliament cannot give away from if self; or lastly, if any thing of that kind could be urged from the Covenant, Treaties, and Declarations, the late Invasion of England hath canceled it, and made it invalide, as to any obligation upon England. They plainly disclaim all obligations by the Covenant, in relation to the preservation of the form of Government, yet what strange subterfuges are here, perhaps they would be thought to have some regard to the Covenant. In a word, that which they say, is, either there is nothing in the Covenant, which rerstrains the use and exercise of the legislative authority in altering any thing appertaining to the Government of that Nation, or if there be any thing in it of that nature, it is not binding, or if it be binding, the late Engagers of Scotland have loosed if, and so it is canceled. Is it not a wonder to see how men can so dally with the oath of God, and how their consciences can rest upon such doubtful alternatives, and yet in all this hesitation and darkness, act so forwardly. As to the first case which they make, it is very clear that they are bound by the Covenant all the days of their lives, to endeavour to preserve the rights and privileges of the Parliament, and if any rights or privileges, certainly these which the Parl. hath both before, and since the taking of the Covenant, declared to be fundamental, they are likewise to endeavour to preserve the King's person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with their consciences of their loyalty, and that they have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness, and herein the legislative authority is undoubtedly restrained and limited from all endeavours to the contrary. And as to the second case where they say it cannot be binding, they know they should not change, though they swear to their hurt, the Almighty (blessed be his glorious name) holdeth himself obliged to keep Covenant, even with his own Creatures, and shall not the creature be bound to keep Covenant, when they swear to him. We know not what a vast power they would ascribe to their legislative authority, but as it is used, it seems to be like that madman in the Gospel that broke all bands, so as nothing could hold him fast. The power of dispensing with oaths, is condemned in Popes and Princes, and there is no reason to maintain the same power in others. Neither will the third serve their turn, to say that the late Engagers have broken the Covenant, and so they are free; for the transgressions of others, cannot absolve their consciences from the obligation of a Covenant made with God, the knowledge of their sin and punishment, may well aggravate their guiltiness in the sight of God. We shall say no more on this subject, but pray the Lord to direct us, sincerely and uprightly to mind all the ends of the Covenant, and to keep us from declining or shifting the obligations which it layeth upon us as some do, and from that which others call a religious keeping of it, though they break it in some Articles. For Presbyterial Government (they say) it is not to be imposed by force, but wherefore have they opposed by force the Establishing of it as was Ordained by the Houses of Parliament, and if they desire not themselves to be forced to any way, why came they in a hostile manner to force their ways upon us: Certainly that is no effect of Faith, working by Love.  
They tell us of the danger we are in from Malignants, and bring in one instance from the proceedings of some Lords and others in the North of Ireland, and another from the late engagers against England, to which we say, that we are so far associating with Malignants, as we have neither admitted them to trust in our Counsels or Armies, nor permitted them to come into our armies, but have discharged them under high penalties, yet however, we do acknowledge there is danger from the pretences of Malignants, but that is no argument why we should not also beware of the smooth pretences and dangerous insinuations of Sectaries: We trust the Lord, who hath called us to a trial on both hands, will with the tentation give us the issue: We must not be discouraged, but rather count it all joy when we fall into divers temptations.  
Concerning our agreement with his Majesty; we know there is scarce any possibility to satisfy those who have declared themselves enemies to Monarchical Government, but we desire all good men to consider how we have been led thereunto by following our duty in prosecution of the Nationall and solemn League and Covenant. After the death of his Majesty's Father, having sought the LORD for his direction and had serious consultation amongst ourselves, we found it a duty lying upon us by Covenant (wherein we have professed in the sight of GOD that we had before our eyes the Honour and Happiness of the KING and his Posterity, and made an appeal to the World as witnesses with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we had no thoughts to diminish his Majesty's just Honour and Greatness) that we should proclaim and declare to all the world his Majesty to be by the providence of GOD, and Lawful Right of undoubted succession and descent, KING of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and that all the Subjects of this Kingdom were bound faithfully to obey Him, maintain and defend Him according to the Nationall Covenant, and the Solemn League and Covenant betwixt the Kingdoms, with all declaring, that before He were admitted to the exercise of His Royal Power, He should give satisfaction to this Kingdom in these things that concerned the security of Religion, the Union betwixt the Kingdoms, and the good and Peace of this Kingdom, resolving for that end, to make our humble and earnest addresses to His Majesty. This was the only way left unto us to prosecute our duty, without giving advantage to Malignants upon the one hand, who would admit Kings, without minding any thing of Religion, or else giving advantage to Sectaries upon the other, who without regard to the obligation lying upon them by Covenant, have altered the Fundamental Government. Having made application to His Majesty once and again, He hath now given satisfaction to all our Demands, for he hath sworn and subscribed the Nationall Covenant, and the Solemn League and Covenant, acknowledged the Authority of Parliament, and approved the acts thereof, agreed that all matters Civil be determined by the Parliament, or such as shall be authorised by them, and all matters Ecclesiastical by the General Assembly of this Kirk, or such as shall be authorized by them. He hath further agreed to recall and disclaim all Commissions issued forth for acting any thing by Sea or Land, to the prejudice of the Covenant, or of the Kingdom of Scotland, or of any, who do or shall adhere to the Solemn League and Covenant and Monarchical Government in any other of his Majesty's Dominions, and all Declarations made by any in his name, or by his warrant against the same, and that he shall disallow and disclaim, or declare null and void all Treaties and agreements with the bloody Rebels in Ireland, and that he will never allow nor permit any liberty or the Popish Religion in any part of his Dominions; That he shall swear the Coronation Oath, and that he shall then declare he will in matters Civil follow the Counsel of his Parliaments, and such as shall be authorised by them, and in matters Ecclesiastical, the General assembly, and such as shall be authorized by them. Having granted these Demands, and the Lord in his providence having brought him amongst us, and he professing his grief and sorrow for his former ways, whereunto he w●s led by evil Counsel (of which we are bound to construct charitably, considering his age and education) The Estates of Parliament of this Kingdom, have thought it their duty to ●●st●re His Majesty to the exercise of His Royal Power: And if from a tender regard and conscience of the Oath and Covenant of God, we have been following our duty herein, and not for worldly Interests and designs, where is our offence? or what reason or just grounds can be given by these who are now upon our Borders for invading this Kingdom? None of His Majesty's actions before His coming into this Kingdom can in the least sort be charged on us, unless they had been owned by us, and for the future, it shall be our care, that there may be no just ground of complaint. As for the blood and other sins which the Lord may put on the account of the KING, and that Family, we shall mourn before the Lord for it, and pray, that his wrath may be turned away, and that as the Lord hath now been pleased in his wise & gracious providence, to admit hi● to enter in Covenant with Him and His People, so also that he would give him a new heart and spirit, so to guile him in all his ways, as may be matter of rejoicing to all that fear the Lord, and may convince his greatest Adversaries, and stop their mouths from reproaches. Themselves might be here put in mind of that Scripture which saith; I will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the house of Jehu: But we take no delight in recriminations.  
To conclude, it hath been cleared, there is no just cause of their invading this Kingdom: For in the matter of the Engagement against England, we bless the Lord we are innocent; and for the testimony given by our Commissioners at London, and approven by the Parliament, it was necessary duty: Neither can there be any just pretence for the necessity of this War; all fair and amicable ways have not been used. We have not refused to do them right. We had no design to invade England; nor have we given any other just ground of offence. Wherefore this War made without any just cause, necessity, or antecedent warning, is most unjust on their part, and most just on ours, being for our own lawful and necessary defence  
Having answered their Declarations, we desire now to let the Kingdom know who are these that come thus in a hostile manner against us, are not these the men who in their low Estate by their solemn professions, of intending nothing but the Reformation, and defence of Religion, and the prosecution of uniformity therein between the Churches, and unity between the Kingdoms, the honour and happiness of the King, and his posterity, and the Peace and safety of these dominions engaged us in a solemn League and Covenant with God, and with them, and by Treaties to join in a War for these ends in the year 1643. and now in place thereof have by their crafty counsels, undermining designs, and force of Arms obstructed and opposed the work of Reform●aion, established a multiformity of Religions, destroyed the King and his family so fare as is in their power, overturned all Government Civil and Ecclesiastical in England and Ireland, and cannot rest there, but have now resolved to prosecute a war against this Kingdom also, unless as we did swear a Covenant with them, we will renounce and forswear it, and the ends thereof? are not these the men who are abusers of the Ordinances of God in our neighbour land, tolerators of errors, proclaimers of liberty, dispensers with Bands and Oaths in God's matters, but rigid exactors and oppressors of persons, yea of Nations, in their Consciences, Liberties, and Estates, in their own matters, and for their own ends, who have brought great scandal and reproach upon the name of God, the the name of his people, and the study of piety, and who have not only broken the solemn and sacred Covenant betwixt God and these Nations, but have in effect rejected it, and trampled upon it, are become enemies to all the ends thereof, and persecutors of the servants and people of God for their adherence to it; do they not follow the ways of the Prelatical and malignant party, who in the beginning of these troubles came to invade this Kingdom, but blessed be the Lord returned with shame, are they not walking in the same paths, that the late Engagers did against England, sinning with an high hand against God, his Cause, Covenant, and People, the sinfulness of their ways, means, Instruments, ends, and aims, and the evident injustice of their quarrel against these who never gave them just ground of offence, make it apparent. We assisted and relieved England twice since the beginning of these troubles, and returned both times peaceably out of the Kingdom; Not only their own expressions, but their consciences can bear witness to our sufferings and opposition in reference to the late engagement, and will they requite us with War for our kind assistance? hostility for friendship, and render evil for good? Surely he seethe all these things, whose eyes run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to show himself strong in the behalf of them whose heart is perfect toward him, and can speak peace unto their helpers, and bring in the day of his vengeance, and the year of recompense, for the quarrel of his broken Covenant, upon these who have set up Thresholds by his Thresholds, and Posts by his Posts, and not only do so themselves, but endeavour to compel and force others to do the same, do they thus provoke the Lord to jealousy, are they stronger nor he? hath he not sworn by his great name, that his people shall knov whether his designs, or his enemies, his counsel or theirs, his word or theirs, his work or theirs shall stand? In the pride of their heart, because of former successes, and trusting to their Power, skill, and experience, they think to do with Jerusalem as with Samaria, with Israel, as with Edom, and with the Covenanted people of God, as with Malignants, against whom they were raised as a scourge and a rod of indignation, not considering that when the Lords work is done, and the axe boasteth itself against the hewer, than the Lord useth to send among their fat ones leanness, under their glory, to kindle a burning, and the light of Israel useth to be for a fire, and his holy one for a flame to destroy the briers and thorns, in one day saith the Lord. If we shall keep malignancy out of our quarrel, and malignant Instruments out of our Counsels, and forces, and ourselves free from every thing which may provoke the Lord, and do every duty that may engage them for us; the case of the Ammonites against Jepthah and Israel, the case of Jeroboam, against Abijah, the case of Amaziah 'gainst Joash, the case of Zennacherib against Hez●kiah, the case of Moab against Jehosaphat, and the judgements which came on these Invaders; speak terror to our Adversaries that come against us, and courage and comfort to the necessary defenders, for the Lord lives and reigns for ever, to confirm the word of his servants, and perform the counsel of his Messengers, and turneth the wisdom of the wise, and strength of the strong backward, maketh the Diviners mad, and the despisers to wonder and perish, for he will work a work which they shall in no wise believe, though a a man declare it unto them.  
Let us therefore arise and be doing for the Cause, and for the Cities of our God, and the Lord will be with us, and will not forsake us, if we forsake not him, And who then can be against us? He will be Jehovah Nissi, and spread a banner of love over His people, and send the angel of His presence among them for a sun and a shield, and will make Jerusalem a burdensome stone, a cup of trembling and a torch in a sheif to all that dare meddle with Zion, and break the staffs of beauty and bands, and he will soon go through the briers and thorns let in battle against him, for the Cause, and the battle is the Lords: Let us wait on His salvation. There is cause of humiliation, when we consider our formality in the Worship of God, our neglect of duties, of true piety, our undervaluing of the precious Gospel, our unthankfulness for mercies, our stupidity under judgements, our manifold backslidings of heart, and self-seeking our not minding as we ought the inward work of Reformation, & resting too much on the out side of duties, the profanes of many in the Land & in our A●my, and many other transgreshons. ●or these things we should lie low in the dust, and acknowledge that it were just with the Lord to leave us, to let our enemies prevail over us, and let in a floodgate of error, heresy, schism and profaneness to overflow the Lan●; But there is no cause of fear or fainting, if we will consider that the Lord delights to be called on, as a God who will keep Covenant and mercy to, and with his people, notwithstanding their failings, if we look either to the Lords former dispensations, or present engagements for his Work, and the honour of his great Name, or if we will look to the enemy's quarrel, their aims and designs, or to the resolutions of this K●rk and Kingdom, to stand for the Cause and Covenant against enemies and dangers on all hands. If the Lord had intended to destroy the Land, he would not have done so much for us and amongst us, nor received a sacrifice off our hands; Though the enemy should come in like a flood to overflow Immanuels' Land, His Spirit shall lift up a standard against him, and not suffer His people to say a confederacy to such, but shall magnify himself in the borders of Israel. Wherefore we desire all the people of the Land to beware that they be not deceived and ensnared with the fair offers and smooth pretences of the Sectaries, whole words are soft as butter and oil, but gall and bitrernesse is in their hearts and actions; they have the smooth voice of Jacob, but the rough hands of Esau. And we do in the name and by the warrant of the Estates of Parliament discharge all persons whatsoever within the Kingdom to give them aid, counsellor assistance, or to correspond or comply with them any manner of way, under the same pains and certifications that they are discarged to join, assist, correspond or comply with Malignants and Rebels in Arms.  
Tho. Henderson.  
FINIS.