His Royal Highness William Duke of Gloucester. Printed for M. Gillyflower and L. Meredith. THE Royal Politician REPRESENTED IN One Hundred Emblems. Written in Spanish by Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo, Knight of the Order of St. Jago, Plenipotentiary Ambassador To the Cantons of SWITZERLAND, At the Imperial Diet at RATISBON, At the Famous Treaty of MUNSTER, And of the Supreme Council of State for both the INDIES. With a large Preface, containing an Account of the Author, his Works, and the Usefulness thereof. Done into English from the Original. By Sir JA. ASTRY. VOL. I. LONDON: Printed for Matt. Gylliflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall: And Luke Meredith at the Star in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCC. TO His HIGHNESS THE Most Illustrious Prince, WILLIAM, Duke of Gloucester. May it please your Highness; THE Author of the ensuing Work, originally a Spaniard, was in his life-time, so highly esteemed for his Learning, Wisdom, and Experience in State Affairs, that he made no small Figure in the greatest Courts of Europe. Nor has this Offspring of his Brain met with less favourable Success. For having been translated into several Languages, and in each often printed, it has been received with great Applause, and ever been honoured with the Protection of some Illustrious Young Prince. But Precedent, Royal Sir, is not my only Apology for this Presumption; for were Saavedra now living, he might see his Theory reduced to Practice by the best of Kings, in the best of Governments: And though he has indeed given you excellent Maxims, supported by many eminent Examples, yet are there none so worthy your Imitation, as those you may continually observe, in the Conduct and Bravery of that most Excellent Prince, your Heroic Uncle; the whole Series of whose Life as far surpasses Panegyric, as the Greatness of his Soul abhors Flattery. And I was the rather induced to attempt this unpolished Version, knowing that honest Plaindealing and unbiased Integrity, the two darling Mistresses of our Author, could not be unacceptable in a Nation where they are so generally beloved, and in a Court where they are beyond Precedent, more peculiarly cherished and maintained. Your Royal Highness will here find Discourses, which I hope will not only be divertive to your Youth, but profitable even in your ripest Years; by reviving those Seeds of Honour and Virtue, which are daily sown by the pious Care and Example of Your most Illustrious Parents. You may here learn, not only the Duty of a Prince, but that also of an accomplished Statesman and Loyal Subject: And if ever it shall please God to make You his Vicegerent, You may from hence (next to the Holy Scriptures) learn your Duty to him also, by whom King's Reign, and Princes decree Justice. In fine: You have here a Complete System of Religious Politics, which may guide You through all the Labyrinths of Government in this World, and crown You with immortality in that to come. But, pardon me, Royal Sir, I presume not by this Address to think, but that the nicest Strokes of our Author come far short of Your Highness' blooming Virtue, but as near as Perfection can be copied, this Work has a Right in Your Royal Highness, it showing not so much what You should be, as (if we may judge the ensuing Day by the Glorious Morn) what You will be, the best of Princes. But here I beg leave to retire, having already waded out of my Depth, Your Highness' Praises being a Topick so profound, that in attempting them, I should only trouble the Stream without hopes of ever plumbing the Bottom. The main Motives to this Dedication, were those two inherent Passions of Mankind, especially Writers, Interest and Ambition; the first in Regard to this Work, which has need of no less a Name, than that of Your Royal Highness to protect it; the last in respect to myself, having none greater than to subscribe myself, Your Highness ' s most Faithful and most Obedient Humble Servant, I. A. The Author to the Reader. IN the toilsome Leisure of my continual Travels over Germany, and several other Countries, I composed these Hundred Emblems; wherein you have an Idea of a Royal Christian Politician, penning them down at vacant Intervals. These I had meditated on in my Journeys upon the Road, as oft as that continual Intercourse I had by Letters with his Catholic Majesty and his Ministers, and other public Concerns incumbent on me, gave me Time and Leisure. By Degrees the Work swelled, and though I was well assured, it came far short of Perfection, as not being compiled with that continual Application of Thought, nor with that Accuracy and Labour corrected, as was requisite to have rendered it agreeable in all its Parts, and an abfolutely perfect Piece; and that it would be thought Pride in me, to presume to prescribe Precepts to Princes 1 Praecipere qualis debeat esse princeps, pulchrum quidem, & generosum, & prope superbum. Plin. Jun▪ lib. 3. Epist. 18. : However, the Importunity of my Friends (who have ever great Influence over me) prevailed upon me to publish it; in which also Self-love had some part, for we are generally as fond of the Products of our Brain, as of those of Nature. I writ not this, Reader, to excuse my Errors, for that I can't do sufficiently, but that I may more easily obtain Pardon of those, who shall consider my Zeal, in having amidst such a Crowd of Business, Fatigues, and Dangers, compiled this Book, that if any Benefit might be reaped from it, it might accrue to my Prince and Master; and least with me should die the Experience which I have acquired by a continued Exercise in Bus●ness for Four and thirty Years, which after five years Study in the University of Salamanca, I have passed in the principal Courts of Europe, always employed in Public Affairs, having been at Rome at the Election of two Popes; at the Assembly of the Electoral Princes at Ratisbone when Ferdinand the Third, the present most August Emperor, was created King of the Romans; at Eight Diets in Switzerland; and lastly at the Imperial Diet at Ratisbone, being Plenipotentiary for the most Serene House and Circle of Burgundy. Wherefore, if any one of these Political Counsels or Precepts, shall be any ways beneficial to him who is happpily born to govern both the Old and New World, I believe this Attempt will be excused. Nor should any one be disgusted at the Use of Emblems, since God himself is the Author of them. The Brazenserpent 2 Numb. 21. , The Flaming-Bush 3 Exodus 3. , Gideon's Fleece 4 Judges 6. , Sampson's Lion 5 Judges 14. , The Priest's Garments 6 Exodus 28. , The Amours of the kind Spouse 7 Song of Solomon. , What are they else but Emblems? It has been my chiefest Endeavour to have the Invention new; whether the Performance be answerable I know not. There have been many Ingenious Men, who have wrote upon the same Subject, and 'tis very obvious for different Persons to Jump upon the same Thoughts; which has been my Fortune, having afterwards met with in other Authors, those Emblems which I at first thought my own Invention, which I therefore thought fit wholly to omit, not without Prejudice to my Design, for my Predecessors have made use of several Figures and Mottoes, which has obliged me to take up with others less proper. Also some Political Precepts, which though my own, as to the Invention at least, yet I have found since to be of other, and far more ancient Authority: I have therefore Inserted the Author's Names in the Margin, that due Honour may be paid to Antiquity. 'Twas the Happiness of the Wits of former Ages, that they could engross from their Posterity the Glory of Invention. I have made it my Design and Care, to Interweave this Web with some Threads of Cornelius Tacitus, without doubt the most accomplished Master of Princes, and who most judiciously penetrates their Nature, and the Customs and Intrigues of Courts, as also the Miscarriages and Success of Governments; with Precepts and Sentences taken from this Great Man, as with my Hand, I lead the Prince whom I would mould by these Emblems, that he may without danger, gather Flowers transplanted hither from another's Garden, and purged from the Venom and Thorns which their native Soil frequently subjects them to, or the rankness of those times produced. In this Second Edition, I also illustrate the principal Maxims of State, with Proofs from Holy the Scriptures; for those Politics which are refined in that Furnace, may be truly called, Silver tried and refined seven times in the Fire of Truth 8 Psalm 12. 7. The Words of the Lord are pure Words; as Silver tried in a Furnace of Earth, purified seven times. . And who would learn of a Heathen, or Impious Person, when the Holy Spirit is so ready to give Instruction? In explaining the Emblems, I am not too prolix, that the Reader may not lose the Satisfaction of discovering their meaning of himself. If by Chance, in my Discourse, I sprinkle a little Learning, it is not out of Ostentation, but to enlighten the Prince's Mind, and render the Instruction more agreeable. The whole Work consists purely of State Maxims and Rules, those being the fittest Materials for such a Politic Building; however I done't barely propose them, but intermix them with the whole Discourse, applying them all along to particular Cases, to avoid the Danger of general Precepts. It has been also my Endeavour to render the Style polite, but without Affectation; short too and concise, but not obscure; which in Horace's Judgement was a difficult Matter 9 Brevis esse laboro obscurus fi●, Hor. , and of which I have not yet seen an instance in the castilian Language. I have however made an Essay towards it, knowing that what is written to Princes should be neither idly Sententious, nor superfluously Copious. Their time is precious, and he does not a little obstruct the Public Interest, who with empty and frivolous Discourse diverts them from Affairs of greater Importance. I don't so wholly confine myself to the Institution and Direction of Princes, but that I also descend to Governments, reflect upon their Growth, Preservation, and Fall; and so to frame a Minister of State, and a prudent Courtier. If at any time I am liberal of my Commendations of any, 'tis to excite Emulation, not to Flatter, to which I am very averse; for it were a Crime unpardonable to publish to the whole World, Flatteries, and those too engraven in Brass, or to make myself guilty of the very same thing, which I so much reprove and discommend in others. If I speak the Truth with too much Freedom, 'tis to be imputed to Ambition, which is so deeply rooted in men's minds, that without Fire and Sword 'tis incurable. The Doctrine is general; but if any one shall from ● Resemblance of Vices, think himself levelled at, or that what is blamed in him is commended in others, 'tis not my Fault 10 Tac. 4. ann. Qui ob similitudinem al●ena malefacta sibi objectari putant. . As also when I reprove Prince's Actions, or reflect upon Tyrants, or only on the Nature of Sovereignty, it being no new or unusual thing, for a good Prince to do ill, when either he is not clearly informed of the Truth, or governed by ill Counsellors. The same I would have understood of Commonwealths, if in any thing I seem to dislike them; for either my Reflections are upon what is very usual in Communities, or at least comprehend not those crowned and well constituted Republics, whose Government is Generous and Royal. I have used Examples, both Ancient and Modern; those for their Authority, these partly as being more persuasive, partly too, because by Reason of Propinquity of time, the State of Affairs is less altered, and consequently may with less Danger be imitated, and a Prudent and Politic Judgement may more safely be form thereon, which is the principal Advantage of History. Nor is our Age so barren of virtuous and great Achievements, as not to have furnished us and our Posterity with good Examples 11 Tac. 4. ●ist. . Besides, really it were black and envious in us to extol ancient, without the least regard to modern Actions 12 Ibid. . I am well assured, Reader, that Books of this nature which treat of State Affairs, are like † Estafermos'. Statues, which in running at the Quintin, all aim at with their Lances, all strike. I well know that whoever designs to be an Author, must submit to the Black Ink, and Press of Detraction, (which I designed to signify by this Emblem;) but withal I am not ignorant, that the blacker that Ink, with which the Letters are daubed, and the closer the Press wherewith they are press d, the fairer afterwards, and more conspicuous they appear. THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER. I Will not endeavour with Rhetorical Flourishes to captivate any Person into a good Opinion of my Author, or his Work, being sensible I should therein do an Injury to his Memory, who has so often declared his Aversion to Flattery. I only desire the Reader to remember always that he was by Birth a Spaniard, and though Educated in the Church of Rome, was by Profession a Lawyer and Statesman, who being generally wiser, are less bigoted to the foolish Principles and Practices of that Religion. However, as I think it on the one Hand needless to vindicate the Illustrious House of Nassau from his partial Reflections, (which were modish in the Spanish Court when he wrote 1 The first Edition that I know of, was at Munster, Anno 1642. which being near six. Year before the Conclusion of the Peace there, may serve as some Apology for the Author's Reflections on the Princes of Orange, and other Heroes of the Adverse Party. ) the whole World being satisfied in the justice of their Cause, the Heroic Prosecution thereof, and what Additional Laurels they justly acquired thereby; so on the other side, I would not be thought to recommend his Religion either to Prince or People. We too lately escaped the Snare, to be again entangled with the Knaveries or Fooleries, to say no worse, of the Church or Court of Rome; and next under God must own our sole Deliverance to a Branch of that Ancient and Imperial Family, our present Gracious Sovereign. These Precautions being observed, I humbly presume this Book will be of excellent Use to all Ingenuous Persons of what Degree or Quality soever. For though by the Title it seems calculated for the Meridian of Kings and Princes only, yet it in some measure comprehends all Persons within the Circumference of their Dominions. The Statesman and Politician may herein learn what Qualifications they ought to be endowed with for Negotiations, either at Home, or in Foreign Courts; how by avoiding the Vices usually attending their High Stations, and embracing the contrary Virtues, they may render their Actions meritorious to their Prince or Country. The Officers and Soldiers of an Army may here without Danger behold the Methods and Stratagems their Predecessors have used to Conquer their Enemies, and learn that their greatest Interest consists in good Order and Discipline, and absolute Obedience to their Superiors, that Vice is as pernicious in a Camp as a Court, and that Bravery and Virtue in Conjunction merit the greatest Reward and Affection from their Prince or Country. The Merchants and Seamen may here behold the vast Advantage, their Profession is to a Government, and how Ships are the Movable Poles, on which the Stability thereof depends. In fine, all Persons of Learning, Sense, or Reason, may from many excellent Precepts and eminent Examples contained therein, improve and refine their Talents to the greatest Advantage imaginable, remembering always my previous Caution to avoid some few mistaken Aphorisms of his Religion and Country. Our Celebrated Author, Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo, Knight of the Order of St. Jago, was Born of a Noble Family of Murcia in Spain. He was the Son of Peter de Saavedra and Fabiana Faxardo, who was also of Noble Extraction. He was Educated in the University of Salamanca, in the Profession of the Laws, wherein he became very Eminent, especially in those Parts thereof which are requisite for the Accomplishment of an Absolute Politician and Complete Statesman. From thence he was chosen Secretary to Cardinal Gaspar Borgia, Viceroy of Naples, and soon after Resident for his Catholic Majesty at Rome; where his Conduct gained him so great Applause, that he was sent on the same Employ into Switzerland: After that, he was Plenipotentiary-Ambassador at two Imperial Diets at Ratisbone; and then commanded to assist Don Gaspar de Bracamont, Count de Pennecranda, at the famous Treaty of Munster, where he gave signal Demonstration of his great Experience and Dexterity in the Management of the most difficult Affairs of State. At his Return he sat in the Supreme Council for the Government of both the Indies; in which Employ he died at Madrid in the Year 1648. All that I know more of him, you may find in his own Preface, to which, for brevity sake I refer you 2 Nic. Antonio's Bibliotheca Scrip. Hispan. Miraeu●'s Bibliotheca Ecclesiast. Moreri ' s Great Dictionary . The greatness of his Personal Character and Reputation, and of this Book in particular, are too well-established in the World to require any Panegyrics on either; but if the Reader desire to see how this Work was admired by some of the most Learned of the Age, let him read the Epistles prefixed to the Latin Version thereof. His Religious Temper more particularly appears in the great Veneration he always shows for the Holy Scripture, and his apt Application thereof; and his Politics no less by being so well read in Tacitus, the Great Master thereof. Were that Excellent Roman now living, he could not but be pleased, to see the Roughness and Crabbedness of his Style so finely polished, without Diminution to the profoundness of his Sense and judgement, in our English Version; though in the Annotations thereof, he would find himself Rivaled, if not excelled by a Modern Politician. But there is no greater Argument to prove the general Approbation and kind Reception thereof, than the various Editions in several Languages, besides the Original, as Latin, French, Italian, Portugese, and High-German. To enumerate the particular Times and Places of each Impression would be superfluous, were they all known to us. Let it suffice to inform you, that the Impression of the Original we chief made use of in this Version, is the Fourth Edition, Printed at Valencia, 1660. as being the most Correct we could meet with. He wrote also a Book, Entitled, Corona Gothica, Castellanice, & Austriaca Politicament Illustrada, Printed at Madrid, 1650. though, as some say, be died before he had completed it. And here I cannot but obserus how disingenuous (to say no worse) the Italian and French Translators, or rather Corruptors, of our Author have been, especially the last, who not content only to omit whole Pages and Sections, very material to the Purpose, have foisted in their own fulsome Flatteries instead thereof, basely perverting his very Sense and Meaning, to comply with the Interest and Ambition of particular Persons or Governments. So dangerous a Thing is Truth it's some Nations. But we have those rather to draw the Copy after the full Proportion of the Original, being satisfied we have the Happiness to live in so well Constituted a Government, and under so Excellent a King, that Truth and Integrity are now become the great Accomplishments of a Courtier. Our Author taking occasion so often to mention Alphonsus the Wise, I presume it will not be thought unnecessary, or be unacceptable to some Readers, to give a short Account of him. ●He was the Tenth of that Name, King of Leon and Castille, and was also Surnamed the ginger, and succeeded his Father, Ferdinand the Third, 1252. He made the Astronomical Tables, still Extant, which are called from his Name, Tabulae Alphonsinae; and 'tis certainly affirmed, That he spent 400000 Crow●s in the Composition of them. He refused the Imperial Crown of Germany, which was offered him after the Rejection of Richard, Duke of Cornwall, contenting himself only with the Title of Emperor, which some say he resigned to Pope Gregory the Tenth, whereof he repent, and would have reassumed the Imperial Title and Arms; but was deterred for fear of an Excommunication against him. He was successful against the Moors; but at length dethroned by his own Son Sancho, and died for Grief in Anno 1284. In a great Sickness, after many Remedies used in vain, he began to read Quint. Curtius' History of Alexander the Great, which he did with so much Delight, that he recovered his Health; whereupon he said, Farewell Avieen, Hypocrates, and the whole Crowd of Doctors, give me my Curtius that hath saved my Life. He had read the Bible fourteen Times, with several Commentaries upon it; he was a great ginger, and after he had deeply considered the Fabric of the World, the following saying of his, reported by Lipsius, denotes him to have been none of the most Pious; viz. That if God had advised with him in the Creation, he could have given him good Counsel● 3 Mariana Hist. Hisp. Turquet. Roderick Geneb. Spond. Bzovi●s. . By the Great Captain, often also mentioned, is meant Gonzales of Cordova, who served under Ferdinand and Isabel, in the Conquest of Granada, and was very famous in his Time. It may perhaps, according to Custom, be expected we should give some Account of the present Performance; but that indeed is a very ticklish Point; for to Commend, or even justify it would favour of Vanity; and to discover its Imperfections, would be very disobliging to our Friends, the Booksellers. I shall therefore in the Words of an Ingenuous and judicious Author 4 Sir john Denham● , desire you to consider, That there are certain Graces and Happinesses, peculiar to every Language which give Life and Energy to the Words. And whosoever offers at a Verbal Translation, shall have the Misfortune of that Young Traveller, who lost his own Language abroad, and brought home no other instead thereof. For the Grace of the Spanish will be lost by being turned into English Words; and the Grace of the English by being turned into Spanish Phrase. However we have endeavoured to come as near the Sense of the Original, as we could, without offering to be Fidi Interpretes, that properly belonging to those who Translate Matters of Faith, or such Facts of Moment as have Relation thereunto. The Reader is desired to take notice that our Author, a all others of his Religion, makes use of the Vulgar Translation in his Quotations out of the Holy Scripture, which in many Places is so different from the English Version, that they are not applicable to the Purpose for which he Quotes them. For Instance the Seventy eighth Emblem is a Siren or Mermaid, and the Motto, Formosa Superne. In the beginning thereof, he quotes Isaiah 13. 22. Et Sirenes in delubris voluptatis, which we Translate, and Dragons in their pleasant Places. How beautiful they are, unless we do them wrong, I leave you to judge. The Fifty fifth Emblem, is a Hand holding a Sceptre full of Eyes; the Motto, His Praevide & Provide. He there quotes Jeremiah 1. 11. where the Vulgar has Virgam vigilantem ego video; the English, I see the Rod of an Almond Tree; which literally taken, is little to his Purpose, and therefore we leave it in the Sense he took it. The Word in the Hebrew, is Saked, for an Almond Tree, and Verse the 12th, Then said the Lord unto me, thou hast well seen, for I will hasten my Word to perform it. The Almond Tree is there mentioned as an Emblem of Hast; the word Saked, an Almond Tree, alluding to Sakad, a Word which signifies making Haste. Nor is the Allusion frivolous, for Pliny says, Floret omnium prima Amygdala, mense Januario, Martio veró Poma maturat. Lib. 16. c. 25. 5 Bochartus' Geograph▪ Sacra. Phaleg, lib. c. 1. Canaan, lib. 1. c. 35. . Now, if any Person thinks himself represented herein, and likes not his Picture, let him consider he sat not for it, and if he finds any Strokes too Bold, let him not blame the Artist, but amend the Original. As for that little Popery that is in it, it has been so solidly confuted by many Eminent Divines of the Church of England, and so ridiculed by others, that I presume, it cannot have the least Influence on the meanest Protestant of the Nation. In Answer to what he reflects on some of his Majesty's Heroic Ancestors, (if it may not rather be called an Encomium) I refer the Reader to that most Excellent and Unanswerable Apology, wrote by the Prince of Orange himself, and published in all Languages. And for a Conclusion, accept of the following Epigram, by an unknown Hand, representing that Illustrious Prince, as Prophetically, speaking to William the Third, our present Gracious Sovereign. Nassovius Coeli miratus ab Arce Nepotem Ad Summum tantis passious ire Decus; Macte, inquit, sanguis noster; tibi cedimus ultro, Quandoquidem cedunt Terra Fretumque tibi. Me Deuce parta meis Libertas pristina Belgis, Orbis Hyperbore●s, te Deuce, liber erit. In English. When Nassau from the Skies beheld his Son, With such large Steps the Race of honour Run; Proceed, my Boy, proceed with joy, said He; I do, since Earth and Sea submit to thee. I only to my Country freedom gave, You will the Northern World from Bondage save. THE CONTENTS and ORDER OF THE Emblems of the First Part. The Education of a Prince. Emb. Page VALOUR exerts its self even in the Cradle. I. HINC Labour, & Virtus, 1 And then Art draws its Drafts as on blank Canvas. II. Ad omnia, 9 Fortifying and adorning the Body with honourable Exercises. III. Robur & Decus, 19 And the Mind with Liberal Sciences. iv Non solum Armis, 26 Instilled with pleasant Industry V Cum Delectatione informat, 34 And Adorned with polite Learning. VI Politioribus ornantur literae, 38 How a Prince ought to regulate his Actions. LET him know things as they are in themselves not as represented by the Passions. VII. AUGET & Minuit, 44 Let his Anger submit to Reason. VIII. Prae oculis ira, 54 Let him not be moved by Envy which is its own Executioner. IX. Sui Vindex, 63 And proceeds from Glory and Fame. X. Fama nocet, 73 Let a Prince be cautious in his Discourse, for from thence his Mind is known. XI. Ex pulsu noscitur, 80 Let him shadow Lies with Truth. XII. Excoecat candour, 87 And be assured that his Defects will be the Subject of Obliquy. XIII. Censurae pater, 94 Which both reproves and amends him. XIV. Detra●it & decorat, 102 Let him value Reputation beyond Life, XV. D●m I●ceam peream, 110 Comparing his own Actions with those of his Ancestors. XVI. Purpura juxta purpuram, 116 But not rest satisfied with the Trophies and Glories derived from them. XVII. Alienis spoliis, 119 Let him own his Sceptre from God. XVIII. A Deo, 12● And that he must resign it to his Successor. XIX. Viciss●m traditu●, 132 Knowing that a Crown is but a deceitful Good. XX. Fallax bonum, 142 Let him Rus● and Correct By Laws. XXI. Regit & corrigit. 14● And establish his Majesty with justice and Clemency. XXII. Praesidia Majestatis, 161 Let Reward be the Price of Valour. XXIII. Preti●m Virtutis, 170 Let him always have Respect to the true Religion. XXIV. Immobilis ad immobile numen, 178 Let him place in that, the Stability and Security of his Empire. XXV. Hic tutior, 184 And Hopes of Victory. XXVI. In hoc Signo, 189 Not in the false and Counterfeit. XXVII. Specie Religionis, 195 Let him consult times present, past, and to come, XXVIII. Quae sint, quae fuerint, quae mox ventura sequantur, 202 And not particular Cases which rarely succeed●. XXIX. Non semper Tripodem, 209 But by the Experience of many who establish Wisdom. XXX. Fulcitur experientiis, 214 This will teach him to maintain his Crown with Reputation. XXXI. Existimatione nixa, 225 Not to depend on popular Opinion; XXXII. Ne requaesiveris extra, 234 Nor be discomposed at Change of Fortune. XXXIII. Semper Idem, 240 To Endure and Hope. XXXIV. Ferend● & sperand●, 250 To draw Felicity from Adversity. XXXV. Interclusa respirat, 255 To Sai● with every Wind. XXXVI. In contraria ducet, 259 Of two Evils to choose the Least. XXXVII. Minimum eligendum, 266 How a Prince ought to behave himself towards his Subjects and Strangers. LET him make himself beloved and feared by all Men, XXXVIII. CUM Blandimento & rigore, 273 Being the Altar to which they flee for Succour. XXXIX. Omnibus, 279 Let his Ability be the Measure of his Liberality XL. Quae tribuunt tribuit, 286 Let him avoid Extremes, XLI Ne quid nimis, 291 Mixing Pleasure with Profit. XLII. Omne ●ulit punctum, 299 That he may know how to reign, let him learn to dissemble, XLIII. Ut sciat regnare, 303 And not discover his Designs, XLIV. Nec à quo, nec ad quem, 310 Nor rely too much on his Majesty. XLV. Non Majestate securus, 316 But think always he may be deceived, XLVI. Fallimur opinion, 319 By the specious Pretenders to Virtue, XLVII. Et juvisse nocet, 329 No less than Flatterers. XLVIII. Sub luce lues, 337 How a Prince ought to behave himself towards his Ministers of State. LET their Authority be only dependent. XLIX. LUMINE Solis, 349 That they may be always subject to his Displeasure as well as Favour. L. Jovi & Fulmini. 3●6 LET his Confidence be always Vigilant. LI. ●IDE & Diffide, ●● For Evil Ministers are most dangerous in the highest Posts. LII. Magis quam in terra noc●●s, 10 Herein they exercise their Avarice; LIII. Custodiunt non carpunt, 18 And desire rather to depend o● themselves than the Prince. LIV. A se pendet, 23 Counsellors are the Eyes of the Sceptre, LV. His praevide & provide, 29 Secretaries are the Compass. LVI. Qui à secretis ab omnibus, 4● They are both Wheels in the Clock of Government, but not the Hand. LVII. Uni reddatur, 49 Then let him give them all sorts of Honour without Prejudice to his own. LVIII. Sine detrimento lucis si●●, 57 How a Prince ought to behave himself in the Government of his States and Kingdoms. COunsel and Strangth are necessary to preserve-them. LIX. CUM Arte & cum manu, 65 For let him be assured, that if they increase not they will diminish. LX. Vel ascendit vel descendit, 84 Let him know well all the Strings of his Government, and take Care that the greater Strings agree with the less. LXI. M●jora minoribus consonant, 94 Without discovering the Artifice of their Harmony. LXII. Nulli patet, 100 Let him consider the Beginning, and End of his Resolutions. LXIII. Consul utrique, 107 Let him be slow in Consultation, and quick in Execution. LXIV. Statu● & exequere, 112 Let him correct Errors before they multiply. LXV. Ex uno error● multi, 116 Let him see that his Country be well Peopled, and breed up Subjects fi● for the Magistracy. LXVI. Ex fascibus fasces, 121 Let him not overburthen them with Taxes. LXVII. Amputat non excindit, 132 Let him encourage Trade and Commerce, which are the Poles of Commonwealths, LXVIII. His Polis, 145 Keeping to himself the Power of War and Peace, by his Sword and his Purse. LXIX. Fer●o & Auro, 1ST Let him not divide his State between his Children LXX. Dum scinditur frangor, 165 Industry overcomes all things. LXXI. Labour omnia vincit, 170 Rest renews Strength LXXII. Vires alit, 176 How a Prince ought to behave himself, in the internal and external Disorders of his States SEditions are appeased by Celerity and Division. LXXIII. Compress quiescunt, 182 War ought to be 〈◊〉 taken, to acquire Peace. LXXIV. In fulcrum pacis, 193 H● who s●ws Discord reaps Wars. LXXV. Bellum colligit qui discordia● seminat, 199 Which are caused by the ill Intentions of Ministers. LXXVI. Intrat lux & exit flamma, 205 And by the Interviews of Princes. LXXVII. Praesentia noce●, 209 Let a Prince 〈◊〉 of specious Pretences. LXXVIII. Formosa superné, 212 Which ought to be deluded by others of the same kind. LXXIX. Consilia consiliis ●rustrantur. 219 By being in a Readiness against a Rupt●●●e. LXXX. In arena & ante arenam, 223 And considering his Strength. LXXXI. Quid valeant vives, 230 Placing his Glory and Bravery in Arms. LXXXII. Decus in armis, 243 For upon the Exercise of them depends the Preservation of his States. LXXXIII. Qffendunt & defendunt, 253 Let him act more by Counsel than Force. LXXXIV. Plura consilio quam vi, 258 Avoiding middle Counsels. LXXXV. Consilia media fugi●da, 262 Let him personally assist in the Wars of his State. LXXXVI. Rebus adest, 268 Always remembering, that his Arms flourish most; when God is of his side. LXXXVII. Auspice Deo, 275 That he ought to adjust his Will to his Divine Decrees. LXXXVIII. Volentes trahimur, 281 That Concord overcomes all things. LXXXIX. Concordiae cedunt, 287 That the best Stratagem is Diversion. XC. Disjunctis viribus, 293 That he ought not to confide in reconciled Friends. XCI. Solidari non potest, 298 That Protection is generally Pernicious. XCII. Protegunt at destruunt, 304 That Leagues with Heretics are dangerous. XCIII. Impia foedera, 309 That the Mitre ought to s●ine equally all the World over. XCIV. Librata refulget. 315 Neutrality neither makes Friends, nor gains Enemies. XCV. Neutri adhaerendum, 323 How a Prince ought to behave himself in Victories and Treaties of Peace. IN Victory let him be always mindful of Adversity. XCVI. Memor adversae, 334 Making use of the Spoils to augment his own Strength. XCVII. Fortior Spoliis, 343 And concluding Peace under the Shield. XCVIII. Sub Clypeo, 348 For the Pleasures of Peace are the Fruit of War. XCIX. Merces Belli, 354 How a Prince ought to behave himself in his old Age. LET him consider that his last Actions Crown his Government. C. QUI legitimè certaverit, 360 And Prognosticate what his Successor will be. CI. Futurum indicat, 374 And that he is equal to the r●st of ●●●kind in the Pangs of Death. CII. ●udibria Mortis, OF THE EDUCATION OF A PRINCE. EMBLEM I. VAlour is born, not acquired; 'tis an intrinsic Quality of the Soul which is infused with it, and immediately exerts itself: The very Mother's Womb was a Field of Battle to the Two Brothers, jacob and Esau 1 And the Children struggled together within her, Gen. 25. 22. . Of Thamar's Twins, one by Nature more daring, when he could not be Born before his Brother, broke however the Ligature, and thrust out his Hand, as if he would snatch the Eldership from him 2 And it came to pass when she travailed, that the one put o●●● his ha●d first, Genes. 38. 28. . A great Soul exerts itself in the Cradle: Hercules Crowned, by the Conquest of Two Serpent's, from that day exposing himself to Envy, and making Fortune truckle to his Virtue. A generous Spirit is conspicuous in the very first Actions of Nature. The Infa●●● of Spain, your Highness his Uncle of Blessed Memory, saw the Battle of Norlinguen almost even before he knew what War was, and even then knew how to Command with Prudence and Act with Vigour. Cyrus, a very Boy when Elected King by those of his own Age did in that Childish Government such Heroic A●●●●●s, as sufficiently manifested his secret Greatness 〈…〉 and Royal Genius, Nature's most excellent Projections are themselves their own Discoverers. Amid●● the rude and unrefined mass of Oar, the Diamond sparkles, and Gold glisters. The Young Lion as soon 〈…〉, views his Paws, and with a haughty Me●, shakes his curled Main scarce yet dry, as preparing to Fight. Childish Games, to which Princes are carried by a natural Impulse, are Signs and prognostics of maturer Actions. Nature is never so much as a Moment idle, but from the very Birth of its Offspring is industrious in a regular Formation of its Mind as well as Body; for this Reason, she has stamped such an extraordinary Affection upon Parents to excite their Diligence in well Educating their Children; and lest they should (which is no unusual thing) with a strange Nurse's Milk, imbibe also her Vicious Practices, the same Nature, provident in her Distributions, has dispensed as it were a double Fountain of purer Blood, to supply them with Nourishment for their Young Ones: But either Idleness, or fear of losing their Beauty, is frequently the occasion why Mothers (not without considerable Detriment to the Commonwealth) neglect their Duty, and give the suckling of their Children to others; which Abuse, since it cannot so easily be remedied, at least great care should be taken in the Choice of them. Let them be Healthy, of a good Family, and well bred; for as from the Conception to the Birth the Child is nourished in the Body of its Mother, so is it from its Birth till 'tis weaned, by the Nurse's Breast, and this last Interval being longer than the other, the Child must of Necessity imbibe more of the Nature of its Nurse than its Mother, Says the Wise King Alphonso, who prescribed Laws to Heaven and Earth. The Second Obligation Parents lie under, is the Education of their Children 3 Hast thou Children, instruct them. Eccles. 7. 23. : there's scarce any Animal will forsake its Young Ones without Direction given how to provide for themselves. Nor are the Advantages of Education less considerable than those of Nature, and Children are more ready to embrace their Parents instructions and bear their Reproofs, than those of others 4 Educate siquidem recte à parentibus, per sancton & justos mores boni merito ●vadent. Arist●t. Oecon. lib. 2. : Those particularly who are nobly born disdain to be governed by their Inferiors. In a Child's first Procreation, it Received nothing from the Father but a Body, for God alone is the Author of the Soul, which except the Father afterwards Cultivates and improves by Education 5 Wisdom exal●eth her Children. Eccles. 4. 12. , he will scarce deserve the name of a true and absolute Father. Nor is it new in holy Scripture for a Master to be called Father. For Example, jubal the first Teacher of Music 6 He was the Father of all such as handle the harp and Organ, Gen. 4. 21. . And who, I pray, is fit to Teach his Son how to appear with Majesty, how to keep a Decorum in all things, Maintain his Authority, and govern his Subjects, than the Prince himself 7 My ●on give me thine heart, and let thine Eyes observe my ways. Pr●v. 23. 26. ? He only has the full practic Knowledge of Government, which others knows only in part and by Speculation: Nor without reason did Solomon boast that he Received great Improvement from his Father's Instructions 8 For I was my Father's Son, tender and only beloved of my Mother; he taught me also, and said, Let thine heart retain my words. Prov. 4. 3. ; however since Fathers sometimes have not themselves the Qualifications requisite for a good Education of their Children, or at least have not leisure to take that Trouble upon them, Masters must be looked for of an unblamable Life and Conversation; eminent withal for Learning and Experience 9 Quarendi sunt liberis Magistri, quorum & inculpata sit ●ita & mo●e●. Plut. de Educ. ; such as King Alphonso in his Laws describes in these Words. So that for all these reasons, Kings ought to tak● great care of their Children, and to choose them Tutors of a good Family and good Livers, sound both in Mind and Body, and above all faithful and just, firm to the Interest of their King and Country. To which I add, that they ought to be Men of Valour and a great Spirit, well Experienced in Affairs, as well of Peace as War, such was Seneca, whom therefore Agrippina made Choice of for Nero's Master 10 Vtque Do●itii jueritia tali Magistro adolesceret; & co●siliis ejusdem ad spem domination●s uteretur. Tac. 12. Ann. . 'Tis impossible, without doubt, for a Man of an abject and mean Spirit to imprint on a Prince thoughts more sublime than his own. Were an Owl to instruct an Eagle, she would not teach her to look on the Sun, or soar above lofty Cedars; her School would be kept altogether in the dark, amidst the lower Branches. The Master's Image appears in the Scholar, and in him, he in a manner Represents himself. For no other reason did Pharaoh make Ios●●● Lord of his house, and Ruler of all his substance, but to teach his Princes to be like himself 11 And he made him Lord of his house, and ruler of his substance: To bi●d his Princes at his pleasure: and teach his Senators' wisdom, Psal. 105. 21, 22. . Those who have the tuition and government of Prince's Sons, aught to be as careful of their tender years, as gardiner's are of their most delicate Plants, which even before they appear above ground; they secure with Fences to prevent their being injured, by treading on, or handling. On the first stroke depends the Perfection of a Picture, so does a good Education on what the first years have imbibed, before the passions get strength and refuse to submit to reason 12 Bow down his neck while he is young, and beat him on the sides while he is a Child, lest he wax stubborn, and be disobedient to thee, and so bring sorrow to thine heart. Eccles. 30. 12. . From a very minute Seed a vast Tree proceeds, which however small a twig at first, and easily flexible every way, when 'tis invested with Bark, and has diffused itself into Branches, stands immovable. The affections in youth are not much unlike poison, which having once made its passage into the Heart, leaves the paleness consequent to it incurable. Virtues that improve and increase with our Age have not only the precedency of others, but excel even themselves 13 I● is good for a Man that he bear the Yoke in his Youth, he sitteth alone, and keepeth silence, because he hath born it upon him, Lam. 3. 27, 28. . Of the four Winged Animals in Ezekiel's Vision, the Eagle, one of that very number, was carried higher than all those four 14 They four had also the face of an Eagle. Ezek. 1. 10. , for because she as soon as hatched began to have Wings, the others not till long after, she not only appeared above them, but herself too. For want of a suitable consideration of this, I Imagine it is that many persons usually commit the Care of their Sons as soon as they come into the World, to Women, who with the idle fear of shadows, agreeable to the genius of their Sex, enfeeble their minds, and stamp other Effeminate passions on them, which with time take deep root 15 Train up thy child in the way he should go: and when he is old he will not departed from it. Prov. 22. 6. . To avoid this inconveniency, the Persian Kings Committed theirs to the care of persons of worth and prudence 16 Nutritur puer non à Muliere n●trice parum honorifica, verum ab Eunuchis, qui reliquorum circa Reem optimi videantur, Plur. primo A●cib. . But above all, Child's natures are to be taken particular notice of, it being impossible without it to draw a true Scheme of Education. Now no Age is more proper for it than their infancy, when nature as yet free from envy and dissimulation 17 I●venes non s●nt maligni moris, sed facilis moris, propterea quod nondum vi●●●nt 〈…〉. , sincerely discloses itself; when in their Forehead, Eyes, Hands, their Smiles and other motions of their Body, their passions and inclinations appear without disguise. The Ambassadors of Bearn having power given them by the illustrious William of Moncada to Choose which of his Sons for their Prince they thought fit; upon observation, that Ones hand was Clinched, the others open, Chose this latter, interpreting it to be a sign of Munificence and Liberality, as it afterwards proved. If an Infant be of a generous and great Mind, at hearing his own commendations he smooths his Brows, looks pleasantly and smiles; on the contrary, when discommended, he is concerned, blushes and casts his Eyes on the ground; if of an undaunted Spirit, he looks stern, is not terrified with shadows or threats; if Liberal, he despises toys and presents, or readily parts with them again to others; if revengeful, he continues Angry, is all in Tears till he have satisfaction; if he be Choleric, the least trifle puts him in a heat, he lets fall his Brows, looks dogged, and threatens with his fist; if Affable, with a sweet Smile and alluring Eye, he wins favour and acceptance; if Melancholy, he avoids Company, delights in solitude, is often complaining, seldom Laughs, and generally looks sullen; if he be Airy, he unfolds the Wrinkles of his Forehead, and now gratefully fixing his Eyes seems to dart a pleasing light, by and by with a kind of Complacency withdrawing them, and agreeably pleating his brows, betrays the Cheerfulness of his Mind. Thus does the heart represent the other Virtues also, and vices in the face and exterior motions of the Body, till more cautious Age has taught it to Conceal them. In the very Cradle and Nurse's Arms, the whole court admired in your Highness, a certain natural pleasantness and grateful Majesty, and indeed that grave carriage and presence of Mind which appeared in you Highness, when the Two Kingdoms of Castille and Leon took an Oath of Allegiance to you, exceeded the ordinary capacity of your years. I would not have however, these reflections of mine upon infancy be looked upon as infallible and without exception, for nature sometimes deviates from her Common Road, and deceives the too curious Enquirer, there are some, who tho' vicious in their infancy, when at years of discretion take up and Reform, which happens perhaps, because one of a great and haughty Spirit despises Education, and consequently is subdued by his natural passions, while right reason is too weak to resist them, till that getting strength He acknowledges its errors and corrects them effectually: 'twas a cruel and barbarous Custom therefore of the brahmin's, who either killed or exposed their Children after they were Two Months Old in the Woods, if there appeared in them any tokens of an ill nature. As inhuman were the Lacedæmonians who threw theirs into the River Taygetes. Both seemed to make no account of Education, of right reason and freewill which usually correct and regulate natural affections. This also seems unaccountable, when nature joins some eminent Virtues with the most enormous Vices in the same person; as too different slips are often grafted upon two branches, which growing out of the same Root produce different, nay contrary Fruits, bitter and sweet. This was Visible in Alcibiades of whom 'twas a question whether he was more eminent for his Virtues or Vices. And thus Nature works ere she has begun to know herself, but reason afterwards and industry correct and polish her operations. Lastly since I proposed to myself by these Emblems to give an exact Model of a Prince from the Cradle to the Tomb, It won't be amiss to accommodate my rudiments and stile to each particular Age, as Plato and Aristotle have done. At present, I Advise that special Care be taken to render his Arms and Legs active by Exercise. If by chance any of his Limbs should be crooked they may be straightened by artificial Instruments 18 Caeterum ne propter teneritatem membra torqueantur, nationes quibusd●● artificiosis instr●mentis utebantur. Arist. lib. 7. Pol. cap. 17. . Let ●rightful spectacles which may injure the imaginative faculty be kept from him: Let him not be suffered to look asquint at any thing: Use him gradually to the sharpness of the Air, nor should Music be Wanting to quicken his Spirits now and then: for whatever new thing Children meet with, that 'tis they admire, that makes the deepest Impression on their Imagination. EMBLEM II. WIth Pencil and Colours Art admirably Expresses every thing. Hence, if Painting be not Nature, it certainly comes so near it as that often its works deceive the sight, and are not to be distinguished but by the touch. It can't, it's true, animate Bodies, but it frequently draws the Beauty, Motions and Affections of the Soul. Although indeed it cannot entirely form the Bodies themselves for want of matter, yet the Pencil so tightly describes them on Canvas, that besides Life there's nothing that you can desire more. Nature I believe would envy Art if she could possibly do the same, but now she is so kind, as in many things to use the Assistance of Art; for whatever the Industry of this can perfect, that Nature does not finish herself. Thus we see man is born without any manner of knowledge or propriety of speech, instruction and learning being left to draw the lineaments of Arts and Sciences on his mind as on a blank Canvas, and Education to Imprint morality thereon, not without great advantage to humane Society; for hence it comes to pass that by One man's having Occasion for the Assistance of another, the bonds of gratitude and affection are strengthened: for Nature has sown the seed of Virtue and knowledge in all of us, we are equally born to those goods of the mind, which must be cultivated and quickened by some other hand 1 Omnibus natura fundamenta dedit, semenque virtutum, omnes ad ista omnia nati sum●s; cum irritator accessit, ●unc i●●a ●●ni●● bona, velu● sopita excitantur. Sen. Epist. 10. . But 'tis necessary these measures be taken in the tender years, while the mind is fit to Receive all manner of forms, so readily apprehensive of sciences as to appear rather to remember than first learn them; which Plato made use of as an argument to prove the immortality of the Soul 2 Ex hoc posse cog●●s●● animas immortales esse, atque divinas, quod in pueris mobilia sunt ingenia, & ad p●●●●piendum facilia. Plat. de A●. ; but if this be negle●●●● in the first Age, the affections by degrees get ground, and their depraved inclinations make so deep an impression upon the will as no Education can efface. The Bear no sooner whelps but licking the limbs of her deformed Litter while they are soft, perfects and brings them to shape, whereas if she suffered them to grow firm her pains would be ineffectual. It was wi●ely done (in my Judgement) of the Kings of Persia to Commit their Sons in their Infancy to Masters, whose care it should be for the first seven years of their life to Organize their Bodies: In the second to strengthen them by using them to fencing and the like Exercises. To these they after added four select Persons to give the finishing strokes; the first eminent for Learning, made 'em Scholars; the second a discreet, sober man, taught them to govern and bridle their appetites; the third a Lover of Equity, inculcated the Administration of Justice; lastly the fourth eminently Valiant and Experienced in Warfare, instructed them in Military Discipline, especially endeavouring by incentives to Honour, to divert their minds from fear and Cow●ardice. But this good Education is particularly necessarily in Princes as they are the Instruments of Politic happiness and public safety. In others the neglect of a good Education is only prejudicial to single persons or at least influences very few: but in a Prince 'tis not only against his private, but every ones common interest, whilst some he injures immediately by his Actions, others by his Example. Man well Educated is the most divine Creature in the World; If ill, of all animals the most savage 3 Homo rectam nactus institutionem divinissimum mansuetissimumque animal effici solet; si vero, vel non sufficienter, vel non benè educetur, eorum quae terraprogen●it, ferocissimum. Plat. lib. 3. de leg. . What, I pray, can you expect from a Prince who is ill Educated, and has got the supreme power in his hands? other evils of a Common wealth are of no long continuance, this never terminates but with the Prince's life. Of what Importance a good and honourable Education is, Philip King of Macedon was sensible, declaring in his Letters to Aristotle upon the Birth of his Son Alexander his Obligation to the Gods, not so much for giving him a Son, as that he was born at a time when he could make use of such a Master, and 'tis certainly never convenient to leave nature otherwise good, to herself and her own operations, since the best is imperfect and requires some external industry to cultivate it, as indeed do most things necessary for man's well being. The punishment derived to us by the fault of our first parents being not to enjoy any thing without labour and the sweat of the Brow, how can you expect a Tree to bear sweet fruit unless you transplant it, or by grassing it upon stems of a more refined and generous nature, correct its Wildness. Education improves the good and instructs the bad 4 Educatio, & institutio commoda, nature as bonas inducit, & rursum bonae naturae si talem institutionem consequantu●, meliores adhuc & praestantiores eva●ere s●imus. Plat. Dial. 4 de Leg. . This was the reason why Trajan became so eminent a Governor, b●cause he added industry to his natural parts and ha● the direction of such a Master as Plutarch. Nor ha● King Peter surnamed the Cruel, ever proved so barbarous and tyrannical had john Alphonso, Duke of Alb●querque, his Tutor, known how to mollify and break hi● haughty temper. There's the same difference in Men● dispositions as in Metals, some of which are proof against fire, others dissolve in it; yet all give way to the graving tools, are maleable and ductile. so there's no humour so rugged but care and correction may hav● some effect on. Although I confess Education is not always sufficient of itself to make men Virtuous, because many times under Purple as among Briars and Woods, there spring up such monstrous Vices, particularly in persons of a great Spirit, as prove utterly Incorrigible. What is more obvious than for young men to be debauched by Luxury, Liberty or Flattery in Princes Courts, where abundance of Vicious affections grow as Thorns, as noxious and unprofitable weeds upon ill manured Land. Wherefore Except these Courts are well instituted the care taken in a good Education will be to very little purpose; for they seem to be like Moulds and accordingly so Form the Prince as themselves are well or ill disposed, and those Virtues or Vices which have once began to be in repute in them, their ministers transmit to posterity. A Prince is scarce Master of his reason when his Courtiers out of flattery Cry up the too great Liberty of his Parents and Ancestors, recommending to him some great and renowned Actions of theirs, which have been as it were the propriety of his Family. Hence also it comes to pass that some particular Customs and Inclinations are propagated from Father to Son in a continued succession, not so much by the Native force of their blood, (for neither length of time nor Mixtures of Marriage are used to Change them) as because they are established in the Courts where Infancy imbibes them and as it were turns them into nature, thus among the Romans the Claudii were reputed Proud, the Scipio's Warlike, the Appii ambitious; as now in Spain the Gusmans' are looked upon to be Good Men, the Mendozas' Humane, the Mauriques have the Character of Formidable, the Toletan's Severe and Grave. The same is Visible in Artificers, when any of a family have attained an Excellency, they easily transmit it to their Children, the Spectators of their Art and to whom they leave their Works and Monuments of their Labour. To all this may be added, that Flattery mixed with Error sometimes commends in a Boy for Virtue what by no means deserves that name, as Lewdness, Ostentation, Insolence, Anger, Revenge and other Vices of the like nature; some men erroneously persuading themselves that they are tokens of a great Spirit; which withal induces 'em too eagerly to pursue these, to the neglect of real Virtues: as a Maid sometimes if she be commended for her free Carriage or Confidence, applies herself to those rather than Modesty and Honesty, the principal good Qualities of that Sex. Tho' indeed young men ought to be driven from all Vices in general, yet more especially from those which tend to Laziness or Hatred they being more easily imprinted in their minds 5 Cuncta igitu● mala, sed ea maximè quae turpitudinem ●abent vel ●dium parent, sunt procul à pu●ris removend. Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. . Care therefore must be taken that the Prince overhear no filthy or obscene expressions, much less should he be suffered to use them himself: We easily execute what we make familiar to us in discourse, at lest something near it 6 Nam f●cile turpia loquendo, efficitur ut homines his proxima facient: Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. . Wherefore to prevent this Evil the Romans used to Choose out of their families some grave Ancient Matron to be their Son's Governess, whose whole Care and Employment was to give them a good Education, in whose presence it was not allowable to speak a foul word or admit an indecent Action 7 Coram quâ neque dicere fas e at, quod turpe dictu, neque facere quod inhonest●● fact● vi●eretur. Quint. dial. de ora●. . The design of this severe discipline was that their nature being pr●● served pure and untainted, they might readily embrace honest professions 8 Quo disciplina, ac severitas ●o pertimebat, ut sincera & integra, & nullis pravitatibus detorta uni●scujusque natura toto statim pectore arri●ere● arts honestas. Quin●il. Ibid. . Quintilian laments th●● neglect of this manner of Education in his time Children being usually brought up among servan●● and so learning to imitate their Vices. Nor, says he, 〈◊〉 any one of the family concerned what he says or do●● before his young Master, since even their parent's don●● so much enure them to Virtues and Modesty as La● sciviousness and Libertinism 9 Nec quisquam in tota domo pensi habet qui●● coram infante domino, aut dicat aut faciat; quando etiam ipsi parente● nec probit●i neque modestiae ●arvulos assue●ac●unt, sed lasciviae, & liberta●i. Quint. ibid. . Which to this day is usual in most Prince's Courts: nor is there any remedy for it, but displacing those Vicious Courtie●● and substituting others of approved Virtue who may excite the Prince's mind to Actions more generous and such as tend to true honour 10 Neque enim auribus jucunda convenit dicere, sed ex quo aliquis gloriosus fiat. Eurip. in Hippol. . When a Cou●● has once bid adieu to Virtue, 'tis often Changed but never for the better, nor does it desire a Prince better than itself. Thus Nero's family were Favourers o● Otho, because he was like him 11 P●ona in eu● au●● Neronis ut similem. Tac. 1. Hist. . But if the Prince cannot do this, I think it were more adviseable for him to leave that Court, as we remember james th● 1st. King of Arragon did, * Mar. H●st. Hisp. when he saw himself Tyrannised over by those who educated and confined him as it were in a prison: nor can I give those Cour●● any other name, where the principal aim is to enslave the princes will, and he is not suffered to go this way or that by choice and at his own pleasure, but is forcibly guided as his Courtiers please, just as Water 〈◊〉 conveyed through private Channels for the sole benefit of the ground through which it passes. To what purpose are good natural Parts and Education, if the Prince is suffered to see, hear and know no more than his Attendance think fit? What wonder if Henry the 4th. King of Castille † Mac. Hist His. proved so negligent and sluggish, so like his Father john the Second in all things, after he had been Educated among the same Flatterers that occasioned his Father's male Administration? Believe me, 'tis as impossible to form a good Prince in an ill Court, as to draw a strait Line by a Crooked square: there's not a wall there which some lascivious hand has not sullied; not a Corner but Echoes their dissolute Course of Life: all that frequent the Court are so many Masters and as it were Ideas of the Prince, for by long use and Conversation each imprint something on him which may either be to his benefit or prejudice; and the more apt his Nature is to Learn, the sooner and more easily he imbibes those domestic Customs. I dare affirm that a Prince will be good if his Ministers are so; bad if they be bad: an instance of this we have in the Emperor Galba, who when he light upon good Friends and Gentlemen, was governed by them, and his Conduct unblameable; if they were ill, himself was guilty of inadvertency 12 Amicorum, libertorumque ubi in b●nos incidisset, sine reprehensione patience. si mali f●rent, usque ad culpam igna●us. Tac. 1. Hist. . Nor will it suffice to have thus reform living and animate figures in a Court, without proceeding also to inanimate: for tho' the graving Tool and Pencil are but mute Tongues, yet Experience has taught us they are far more eloquent and persuasive. What an incitement to Ambition is Alexander the great's Statue? how strangely do pictures of Jupiter's lewd Amours inflame Lust? besides, for which our corrupt nature is unblamable, Art is usually more celebrated for these kind of things than Virtuous instructive pieces; At first indeed the excellency of the workmanship makes those pieces Valuable, but afterwards lascivious persons adorn the Walls with them to please and entertain the Eyes. There should be no statue or piece of painting allowed, but such as may Create in the Prince a glorious Emulation 13 Cum autem ne quis talia loquatur prohibetur, satis intelligitur vetari, ●e turpes, vel picturas vel fabulas spectet. Arist. 7 Pol. cap. 17. . The Heroic Achievements of the Ancients are the properest subjects for Painting, Statuary and Sculpture; those let a Prince look on continually, those read; for Statues and Pictures are ●ragments of History always before our Eyes. After the Vices of the Court have been (as far as possible) thus corrected, and the Prince's humour and inclinations well known, let his Master or Tutor endeavour to lead him to some great undertaking, sowing in his Mind Seeds of Virtue and honour so secretly, that when they are grown it will be difficult to judge whether they were the product of Nature or Art. Let them encourage Virtue with Honour, brand Vice with Infamy and Disgrace, excite Emulation by Example; these things have a great Effect upon all Tempers, tho' more on some than others. Those who are of a Generous disposition, Glory influences most; the Melancholy, Ignominy; the Choleric, Emulation, the Inconstant, Fear; the Prudent, Example; which is generally of most efficacy with all, especially that of Ancestors; for often what the Blood could not, Emulation does perform. 'Tis with Children as young trees on which you must Graff a branch (as I may say) of the same Father, to bring them to perfection. These Grafts are the famous examples which infuse into Posterity the Virtues of their Ancestors and bear excellent fruit. That therefore it may be conveyed as it were through all the Senses into the mind, and take deep Root there, should be the particular industry of his Instructors, and consequently they are not to be proposed to the Prince in ordinary Exhortations only or Reproofs, but also in sensible objects. Sometime let History put him in mind of the great Achievements of his Ancestors, the glory of which eternised in print may excite him to imitate them. Sometimes Music (that sweet and wonderful Governess of the passions) playing their Trophies and Triumphs, will be proper to Raise his Spirits. Sometimes let him hear Panegyrics recited upon their Life, to encourage and animate him to an Emulation of their Virtues, now and then reciting them himself, or with his young Companions Act over their Exploits as upon a stage, thereby to inflame his mind: for the force and efficacy of the action is by degrees so imprinted on him that he appears the very same whose person he represents: Lastly let him play the part of a King amongst them, receive petitions, give audience, ordain; punish, reward, command or marshal an Army, besiege Cities and give Battle. In experiments of this nature Cyrus was educated from a little Boy and became afterwards an eminent General. But if there be any inclinations unbecoming a Prince discernible in his Infancy, he should have the Company of such as are eminent for the opposite Virtues to correct the Vices of his Nature; as we see a strait Pole does the Crookedness of a tender Tree tied to it. Thus if the Prince be covetous, let one naturally liberal be always at his Elbow; if a Coward, one bold and daring; if timorous, one resolute and active; if Idle and Lazy, one diligent and industrious: for those of that Age as they imitate what they see or hear, so they also easily copy their Companions Customs. To Conclude, in Education of Princes too rough Reprehension and Chastisement is to be avoided as a kind of Contempt. Too much Rigour makes men mean spirited; nor is it fit, that he should be servilely subject to One Man, who ought to Command all. It was well said of King Alphonsus, Generous Spirits are sooner corrected by words than blows, and ●ove and respect those most who use them so. Youth is like a young horse that the Barnacle ●urts, but is easily governed by the gentler Bit. Besides that men of generous Spirits usually conceive a secret horror of those things they learned through fear; on the contrary have an inclination and desire to try those Vices which in their Childhood were prohibited them. Affections too much confined (especially such as nature endows a Prince withal) break out at last into Despair, as Exhalations hard bound within the Clouds, into Lightning. He that imprudently shuts the gates upon natural inclinations, is the occasion of their attempting to get through the Windows. Some allowance is to be made to humane infirmity, which is by some innocent diversions to be raised to Virtue: this method they took who had the Care of Nero's Education 14 Quo facilius lubricam Principis aetatem, si ver●tutem asper nare●ur, voluptatibus concessus, retineret. Tac. 13. ann. . The Tutor ought to chide the Prince in private, not before Company, lest he rather grow obstinate when he sees his Vices are public. In these two Verses of Homer is very aptly contained how a Prince ought to be instructed how to obey: Advise, Command him, and what's good suggest He will obey when for himself 'tis best. Hom. 2. Il. EMBLEM III. BY the industry of some ingenious and careful hand one while watering, another time defending it from the injuries of Wind and ill Wether, the Rose grows, and as the Bud opens unfolds its little leaves into a circular form: A flower strangely pretty, but which flatters only the Eyes, and is subject to so many casualties, that in this its infinite delicacy 'tis by no means secure. The very same Sun which saw it bloom, sees it also whither, and that without any other benefit, than just showing the World its beauty; it brings so many months▪ Labour to nothing, nay oftentimes wounds the very hand that planted it; nor could it be otherwise than that such rank tillage should produce thorns▪ Of Coral (a Sea shrub) there's quite another account to be given; for that growing under Water, and continually tossed by the Violence of Waves and Tempestuous. Winds becomes so much the harder and more beautiful; nay, than first is it more illustriously useful, when it has underwent the rage of so many Elements. Such contrary Effects arise from the different manner of growing of this Shrub, and that Flower in respect of softness and hardness. The same happens in the Education of Princes, for they who are brought up so tenderly and closely that neither the Sun, Wind or other Air can come to them, but that of perfumes, prove too delicate and little fit for Government; they on the contrary are strong and able who enure their Bodies to laborious Exercises. It's also convenient to use one's self to Cold from our infancy as a thing of great advantage to health, and that will enable us to undergo Military duties 1 Est etiam utile s●atim ab ineunte aetate frigoribus assuescere, hoc 〈◊〉 tum ad v●letudinem, tum ad munera milita●ia commod●ssimum est. Arist. Pol. 7. cap 17. . By these Exercises Life is prolonged, by Voluptuousness and Luxury shortened▪ a Vessel of Glass form with a blast of the Mouth, is with a blast broken; Whereas one of Gold wrought with a hammer resists a hammer. 'Tis no matter if he that lives a private and retired Life, be delicate; but one who is to support a Kingdom, as Atlas the Heavens, upon his shoulders, had need be strong and robust. A Commonwealth has not occasion for a Prince only for a show, but in the Field also and in time of War, and in Scripture we find an effeminate King mentioned as a kind of divine punishment 2 I will give Children to be their Princes, and B●b●s to rule over them, Isa●. 3. 4. . The advantage or disadvantage of this different Education was visible in the Two Kings, john the Second, and Ferdinand the Catholic, one of which had his at Court, the other in the Camp; that among Women, this among Soldiers; that entering his Government seemed to sail into a strange Gulf, and leaving the Helm, committed the guidance of it to his Ministers; this was neither ignorant of, nor unacquainted with Government; but knew how to Rule even in another's Dominion, and force Subjects to their Duty; that was contemned, this honoured and esteemed by all; that ruined his Kingdom, this advanced to a Monarchy. 'Twas upon this consideration that King Ferdinand Surnamed the holy, was desirous to breed his Sons, Alphonso and Ferdinand, Soldiers. And what else was it rendered the Emperor Charles really great, as well as titularly so? was it not his continual Travels and indefatigable Labours? Nor had Tiberius any other thoughts when he designed his Sons Germanicus and Drusus for the Army, chief for these four Reasons; that they might accustom themselves to War; gain the Soldiers hearts; be free from the Debauchery of the Court; and Lastly that himself might live in more security when both his Sons commanded his Legions 3 Vt suesceret, Militi●e, s●udiaque exercitui pararet, si●ul juventutem urban● luxu lascivientem medus in castris haber● Tiberi●s, saque 〈◊〉 rebatur, utroque filio legiones obtinente. Tac. 2. ann. . He that lives in a Camp, by the many Experiences he has there, spends his time to advantage; the Courtier utterly loses his in Riot, Ceremonies and trifling Diversions. At Court a Prince studies more how to set off his Body than improve his Mind. And tho' this latter is rather to be regarded, yet Ornaments of the Body, and a comely Presence should not be wholly neglected. For those captivate the Eyes, as this does the Eyes and Soul. God himself seemed pleased with the shape and proportion of Saul 4 And when he stood among the people, he was higher than any of the people from the shoulders upwards, 1 Sam. 10. 22. . Ethiopians and Indians in some parts choose them Kings, whom the most Majestic Mien recommends: as the Bees do the biggest among them, and that of the most shining Colour. People Judge of a Prince's Actions by his Presence, and think him the best who is the Comeliest. Galba's very Age, says Tacitus, was ridiculed and s●orn'd by those who were used to Nero's blooming Youth 5 Ipsa ●tas Galbae & irrisui & fastidio erat assuetis juventae Neronis, & Imperatores forma & decore corporis, (ut est mos vulgi) comparantibus. Tac. 1. Hist. . A handsome face joined with a kind of Majesty increased Vespasian's fame 6 Augebat famam ipsius decor oris cum quadam Majestate. Tac. 2. Hist. . Thus Beauty strikes the Eyes, and through them wounding the Soul engages men's affections and good opinions: 'tis a particular privilege of nature, a pleasing Tyrant over the affections and a certain Sign of a well disposed mind; and tho' the holy Spirit for more security advises us not to judge by exteriours, yet do we seldom find a generous Soul in a deformed body 7 Commend not a Man for his beauty, neither abhor a man for his outward appearance. Eccles. 11. 2. . 'Twas a saying of Plato's, that as a Circle can't be without a Centre, so neither can external Beauty Consist without interior Virtue. King Alphonsus therefore well advised to have a Prince Married to a handsome Woman, that says he, the Children may be beautiful as a Prince's ought to be, that they may be above other men. The Lacedæmonians fined their King Archiadinus for Marrying a little Woman, however Wittily he excused himself by saying, of two Evils he had chose the less. Beauty of the Body is the image of the Soul and picture of Goodness 8 Species enim corporis simulacrum est men●is, figuraque probitatis. Ambr. 2. de vir. . It nevertheless happens sometimes that nature intent upon outward perfections forgets inward which are more desirable. So it was with Peter the Cruel, whose savage and rough disposition Nature had concealed under an agreeable Person. Pride and Ostentation of Beauty easily discompose the Modesty of Virtue; a Prince therefore should not esteem feminine and affected Charms, which serve only to inflame another's Lust; but those which usually accompany true Virtue; for the Soul is not to be adorned with the Beauties of the Body, but this rather with the Ornaments of the Soul. A Commonwealth requires a Prince perfect in mind rather than One so in Body; tho' 'ttwere a great ornament if he were eminent for both. Thus the Palm is singularly commended, as well for the neatness of its Trunk and Leaves, as for the pleasant Fruit it bears, and other excellent qualities of it, being a Tree so useful, that Plutarch says the Babylonians reckoned 360 Virtues in it; these, I conceive, the Compliment of the Celestial Bridegroom points at, Thy stature is like to a Palm Tree 9 Cant. 7. 7. . For by these words he would commend not only the beauty of his Spouse's Body, but the endowments also of her Soul, signified by the Palm as 'tis an Emblem of Justice and Fortitude: of Justice because its leaves hang in aequilibrio; of Fortitude upon the account of the admirable strength of the Boughs, which the more weight they are loaded with, the more forcibly grow up. 'Tis further an Hieroglyphic of Victory, because in the Games and Exercises of the Ancients, the Victors were crowned with Branches of it. The Cypress was never esteemed at this Rate, however flourishing and green it always is, lifting its self even up to heaven in form of an Obelisk: for that its beauty is mere outside without any good quality inherent in it; it's of a slow growth, bears useless fruit, bitter leaves, has a strong smell and taste, a thick and melancholy shade. To what purpose is a Prince of a delicate Body, if he only satisfies the Eyes, and does not discharge his Duty. There needs no more in him than an agreeable harmony of parts to show a generous and well disposed mind, into which afterwards Art and Industry may inspire Motion and Vigour, for without that every Action of a Prince will be dull, and rather cause Ridicule and Contempt than procure Authority with his Subjects. But sometimes these extraordinary Endowments of the Mind don't render a Prince amiable, as when the State is distempered and inclined to Change its Government, which Ferdinand King of Naples had once Experience of; nay sometimes Virtue herself is unhappy, and a good Prince often odious; as on the other side his Vices taking, as were those of Vitellius 11 Studia exe citus raro c●iquam b●●is ar●ibus quaes●ta, perinde ad fuere quam ●uic per ignaviam. Tac. 3 Hist. . But for the generality humane Will embraces that which is most perfect; and it will be therefore a Prince's interest as well in public as private Exercises, to study by them to supply and perfect Nature, to strengthen himself in his Youth, to create generous Thoughts in his Mind, and in all things to please the People: for the Person of a Prince should not only court the Minds but Eyes too of his Subjects 12 Pers●●● Principis non solum animis, sed etiam oculis servire debet ●●vium. Cic. Phil. 8. , who choose to be governed by him in whom they see most Ornaments of Nature and Virtue. Our most Catholic King, Your Highness' Father, by the pains he took and resolution he shown at a Chase, by his Valour and Dexterity in Military Exercises, his singular Carriage and Vivacity in public Actions, what vast Reputation did he gain? How beloved by their Subjects, and esteemed by Foreigners were the Kings Ferdinand the holy, Henry the TWO, Ferdinand the Catholic, and the Emperor Charles the Vth. in whom Beauty and a just Proportion of Body were joined with Industry, Virtue and Valour. But those Exercises are better learned by Conversation and in Company, where Emulation inflames the Mind and awakens Industry. For this reason the Kings of the Goths Educated the Sons of the Spanish Nobility in their Courts, not only to lay an Obligation upon those Families, but that their own Sons might have their Education and learn the Sciences with them. The same those of Macedon used to do 13 H●c cobors, velut seminari●m Ducum, Praesect● u●que apud Macedonas fu●. Curt. , among whom the Court was as it were a seminary of Commanders. Which good Custom is either utterly forgot, or at least has not been hitherto in Vogue in the Court of Spain. 'Twere otherwise the properest means in the world to engage the Hearts of foreign Princes, to institute Seminaries of that Nature, to which their Sons might travel and be instructed in Arts and Sciences worthy, a Prince. From which also this advantage would arise, that the King's Sons would insensibly be accustomed to the Manners and Genius of those Nations, and meet with a great many among them, who with singular Affection and Gratitude for so good an Education would return the Obligation with their Service. To this E●d King Alphonsu● surnamed the wise, in the Second of his excellent Laws, called the Partidas, has drawn up a Catalogue of those Arts and Duties it is proper for King's Sons to be exercised in. For all these Exercises nothing renders a Prince so fit as Hunting, for herein Youth exerts itself, becomes strong and active; that gives occasion to use Military Arts, to view Ground, measure the time, know when to expect, when assault and strike, what use to make of Accidents and Statagems. There the sight of the Blood of wild Beasts, and the trembling Motion of their Limbs as they expire, purge the Affections, fortify the Mind, and inspir●generous Thoughts, such as despise Fear and Danger: for the Solitude of a Wood and that Silence which usually is kept in Hunting raise the Thoughts to glorious Actions 14 Name & sylvae solitudo, ipsumque illud silentium quod venationi da●ur, magna cogitationis incitamenta sunt. Plin. lib. 1. Epist. ad Cor. Tac. . Lastly all those Exercises are to be used with that moderation that they render not the Mind either wild or stupid; for the Mind is no less hardened with too much Labour, and made as it were callous and insensible, than the Body. 'Tis therefore not convenient to fatigue both at the same time, for these Labours have contrary Effects; that of the Body is a hindrance to the Mind, that of the Mind to the Body 15 Nam simul mentem & corpus laboribus fatigare non convenit, quon●am bi labores contrariarum rerum efficientes sunt. Labo● enim corp●●is menti est impedimento, mentis ●utem corpori. Arist. Pol. 8. C. 4. . EMBLEM IU. KNowledge is necessary in a Governor, in a Subject natural Prudence is sufficient, nay sometimes mere Ignorance. In the Idea and Contrivance of a Building the Brain is employed, in the Fabric itself the Hand labours. Command proceeds from Understanding and is quicksighted, Obedience is ignorant generally and blind 1 Praeest autem naturae, qui valet intelligentia praevidere. Arist. Pol. 1. C●p. 4. . He is by nature a Commander who is most intelligent. Whereas others are so either by Succession, Election or Conquest, which depend more upon Fortune than Reason. Wherefore we shall reckon the Sciences among the politic instruments of Government: so Justinian; Imperial Majesty, says he, aught to be Armed as well with Laws as Arms, that the time of peace and War may be equally well governed 2 Imperatoriam Majestatem no● solum armis decoratam, s●d etiam legibus oportet esse armatam, ut u●rumque tempus & belli & pacis recte possit gubernari. Ju●●. in prooem. Inst. . This 'tis you have exhibited in the present Emblem under the figure of a Cannon leveled for the better aim, by a quadrant, the Emblem of the Laws and Justice; for this should so manage Peace and War that what's Just be always in View, and Reason be the mark at which all things be aimed by the medium of Wisdom and Prudence. 'Tis related of Alphonsus' King of Naples and Arragon, that being asked upon this Subject, which he was most indebted to, his Arms or Studies? he made answer: That 'twas from his Books he had learned Arms and the Laws of Arms 3 Ex libris se arma, & armorum Iura didi●isse. Panorm. lib. 4. . But some one may perhaps think these Ornaments of Learning are more convenient for the body of a Commonwealth, which the word Majesty seems to import, than the Prince, who being distracted with Public Business, can't apply himself to them; that 'twere sufficient to make Learning flourish, if he entertained and patronised Men of Ingenuity; which the same Emperor justinian did, who tho' himself utterly illiterate, with the Assistance of Men of the greatest Learning, whose Conversation he had, got the Reputation of an eminent Governor. For my part, tho' I make no difficulty to grant that even men of no literature may sometimes govern a Commonwealth well, as we have instances in K. Ferdinand the Catholic, and many others; yet this only holds in those Genius's that Experience has improved, or at least such as are endowed by Nature with so acute a Judgement that they can determine any thing without danger of Error 4 E●si prudentia quosdam impetus à natura suma● tamen perficienda doctrinâ est. Quint. lib. 12. C. 12. . But tho' Prudence may have some efforts from Nature, yet 'tis to be perfected by Learning; for to know well how to choose what's good, and reject the contrary, a general knowledge is almost necessary, and a long observation of Examples both past and present, which is not perfectly to be attained without labour and study; nothing therefore is so necessary to a Prince as the Light and Ornament of good Literature; For for want of the knowledge of these things (says K. Alphonso) a Prince will be obliged to take to his assistance, one who does understand them; and he may experience what King Solomon said▪ That he who entrusts his secret with another, makes himself his slave, whereas he who can keep it himself, is Master of himself, which is infinitely requisite in a Prince. For the Office of a King requires a great understanding and that too illustrated with Learning, for without doubt, says K. Alphonso in the same Law, no man can acquit himself of an Office of such importance as this, at least without great understanding and wisdom, whence he who scorns the favours of Knowledge and Education, will be scorned by God, who is the Author of them. Other Sciences have been divinely infused into many; none but Solomon was ever inspired with Politickss. For Tilling ground, Agriculture prescribes certain Rules; the Art of Taming wild Beasts has also its Methods, but 'tis easier to command any Animal than Man, 'tis necessary therefore that he be endued with an extraordinary portion of Wisdom who has Men to govern 5 Omni animali facilius imperabi● quam homini, ideo sapientissimum esse oportet, qui hominibus regere ve●it. Xenoph. . The different Customs and Dispositions of Subjects can●t without considerable Sagacity, Application and Experience be discovered: and consequently no man requires Wisdom more than a Prince 6 Null●s est, cu● sapientia magis conveniat, quam Principi, cujus doctrina omnibus debet prodesse subditis. Veget. . 'tis that makes Kingdoms happy, Princes feared and reverenced. Then was Solomon so, when the World became acquainted with his. Knowledge renders a Prince more formidable than Power 7 Wisd. 5. 26. . A wise King, says the holy Spirit, is the upholding of the people: But an unwise King destroyeth them 8 Eccl. 10. 3 . All which shows how barbarous the Opinion of the Emperor Licinius was, who cried out upon the Sciences as a public Plague, Philosophers and Orators as Poison to a Commonwealth; nor does that of the Goths appear less absurd, who found fault with Athalaricus' Mother for instructing him in good Letters, as if he was thereby rendered incapable of public Business. Silvius Aeneas had quite other sentiments of them, when he said they were Silver in the Commonalty, Gold in the Nobility, and in the Prince Jewels. Alphonso of Naples upon hearing once a certain King say, That Learning did not become a Prince; Replied immediately, That's spoke rather like a Beast, than a man 9 Eam vocem b●vis esse, non ●ominis. Panorm. lib. 4. . Well therefore said K. Alphonso † lib. 16 c. 5. p. 2. , That a King ought to be assiduous in Learning the Sciences, for by them he will learn the Office of a King, and know better how to practise it. Of julius Caesar 'tis related that he would have the Statuary form him, standing upon a terrestrial Globe with a Sword in one Hand, in the other a Book with this Motto, Ex utroque Caesar; thereby intimating that as well his Learning as his Arms was instrumental in getting and preserving to him the Empire. Lewis the XIth of France did not esteem Learning at this rate; for he would not permit his Son Charles the 8th. to apply himself to it, because he found himself thereby so obstinate and opinionative as not to admit the Counsel of any, which was the reason why Charles proved afterwards unfit to govern, and suffered himself to be led by the Nose by every one, not without great Dishonour to himself and detriment to his whole Kingdom. Extremes therefore in that as in all other things are to be avoided, supine Ignorance breeds Contempt and Derision, besides it is exposed to a thousand Errors; on the other side excessive Application to Studies distracts the Mind and diverts it from the Care of Government. The Conversation of the Muse is very pleasant and agreeable, and no o●● would without Reluctancy exchange it for the Fatigue and Trouble of Audiences and Consultations. Alphon●● the Wise knew the Causes of Earthquakes, but coul● not regulate the Commotions of his Kingdoms; th● Celestial orbs his Ingenuity penetrated, yet knew no● how to defend the Empire offered, and Crown haereditary to him. The Sultan of Egypt upon his fam● sent Ambassadors to him with very considerable presents, in the mean time almost all the Cities of Castil● revolted. Thus it usually happens; Princes too muc● addicted to the Studies of Wisdom advance their Reputation among Foreigners, and lose it with their Subjects. Their Learning is admired by those, to these sometimes prejudicial; for Men of mean parts are generally better Governors than men of ingenuity 10 Hebetiores quam acutiores ut plurimum melius Rempub. administrant. Thucyd. lib. 3. . A Mind too intent upon Speculation is usually slow in Action, and fearful in Resolution, for of necessity many different and contrary Reasons must occur to such a Person, which either wholly take away or obstruct the liberty of his Judgement. If an Eye looks upon Objects by the Sun's Light reflected, it clearly and distinctly sees them as they are; whereas if it be fixed directly against the Sun's Rays, 'tis so dazzled with too much lustre, that it can't so much as distinguish the Colours and Figures of them. It happens thus to Wits; those who too eagerly apply themselves to the Studies of Wisdom and Learning are less fit for public business. Right Reason never judges better than when free and disengaged from the Disputations and Subtleties of the Schools; nor without Reason did the wise K. Solomon call that the worst of Travails which himself had tried 11 I gave my Heart to search out by Wisdom, concerning all things that are done under Heaven: This sore Travail hath God given to the Sons of Men, to be exercised with▪ ●●●les. 1. 13. . For there are some of the liberal Sciences, which to have a superficial Knowledge of is commendable, but to make them one's whole Business, and desire to attain a Perfection in them, very prejudicial 12 Sunt enim quaedam ex liberalibus scientiis quos usque ad aliquid discere honestius sit, penitus vero illis tradere atque usque ad extremum persequi velle, valde noxium Arist. lib. 8. Pol. . Wherefore 'tis very convenient that prudence moderate a little that desire of knowledge which is usually most vehement in the best Wits; as we read Agricola's Mother did, who cooled the heat of her Son's Mind, when in his youth he seemed to follow the study of Philosophy more eagerly than was allowable for a Roman and Senator 13 said in prima juventa studium Philosophiae acrius quam concessum Rom. ●c senat●ri hausisse, ni prudentia matris incensum ac flagrantem animum coercuisset. Tac. in v●t. Agr. . As in Vices so in Learning there is excess 14 Retinuitque quod d●fficillimum est ex sapientia modum. Ibid. : and this is as hurtful to the mind as those to the Body. It will suffice therefore for a Prince to taste the Arts and Sciences as 'twere en passant; some practical knowledge of them will be more for his advantage, particularly those which relate to the Affairs of Peace and War, taking as much out of them as will suffice to illustrate his understanding and regulate his Judgement, leaving the honour of being excellent in them to his Inferiors; let him pass only his leisure hours in this Noble Exercise as Tacitus says Helvidius Priscus used to do 15 Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit, non ut plerique, ut nomine magnifico orium velaret, sed quo firmior adversu● fo●tuita Rempub▪ ●apesseret. Ta●. lib 4. Hist. This granted, those are not always to be esteemed the best Tutors for Princes, who are most eminent for Learning and Knowledge, for they are generally too great Lovers of Retirement and studious Idleness, Strangers to conversation, Men of no Resolution and very unfit for the management of weighty Affairs. But those rather who are Learned and Experienced Politicians, who besides the Sciences can teach a Prince the Art of Government. The first thing to be instilled into a Prince is the fear of the Lord which is the beginning of wisdom 16 Psal. 100 10. He who adheres to God is very near the fountain of all Sciences. To know what is human only, is Ignorance, the daughter of Malice, which is the ruin of Princes and Commonwealths. Another necessary qualification in a Prince is Eloquence, that pleasing Tyrant over the Passions, that sweetly allures men's Wills to a Submission to its Commands. That great Prophet Moses knew of what Consequence this was, and therefore when he was sent into Egypt to conduct the Children of Israel thence, made this excuse to God that he was slow of speech and of a slow Tongue 17 O my Lord, I am not eloquent, neither heretofore, nor since thou hast spoken to thy Servant: I am but slow of speech, and of a slow tongue. Exod 4. 10. . And God took this for a reason, and accordingly to encourage him, promised to assist his Lips and put into his Mouth the Words he should speak to Pharaoh 18 I will be in thy mou●h, an● teach thee what thou shalt say. Exod. 4. 12. . What did not Solomon promise himself from his Eloquence? I shall be admired, says he, in the sight of great men. When I hold my Tongue they shall bide my Leisure, and when I speak they shall give good Ear unto me: if I talk much they shall lay their hands upon their mouth 19 Wisd. 8. 12. . And certainly if naked eloquence has power so strangely to captivate an audience, what can't it do if armed with Regal Power, or clothed with Purple? a Prince who can't speak his Mind without the assistance of another (a fault Nero was first observed to be guilty of 20 Primus ex iis, qui rerum po●iti essent, Neronem alienae facundi● eguisse. Tac. 1. Ann. ) is rather a dumb statue, and deserves not the Name of a Prince. History is the Mistress of Political truth 21 Verissmam disciplinam, ●●ercitationemque ad politicas actiones, Historiam esse. Polyb. lib. 1. , than which nothing can better instruct a Prince how to rule his Subjects. For in that, as in a clear Mirror, appears the Experience of former governments, the prudence of Predecessors, and the Souls of many Men collected into one 22 Hominum multorum m●ns in unum collecta. Greg. Naz. ad Nicom▪ . History is like a faithful Counsellor, always ready and at hand. Of Law the Prince need only study that part which relates to Government, turning over such Laws and Constitutions of his Kingdom as were by right Reason dictated or by Custom approved. Let him not spend much time in the study of divinity; for how dangerous that knowledge and power in conjunction is, England has experienced in K. james, 'tis enough for a Prince to persevere himself in the faith and have about him devout and Learned Men able to defend it. Lastly Judicial Astrology has been the ruin of many Princes; for that desire of knowing future events is in all Men vehement, especially in Princes, for they promising to themselves great Authority if they can be looked upon as equal to the Gods, or do any thing above the common reach of Mankind, follow these superstitious and odious Arts: nay sometimes arrive to that degree of madness, to ascribe all things to second causes, and utterly destroy divine providence by imputing all to chance and divination, whence it happens that while they attribute more to Chance and Fortune than human Prudence or Industry, they are too remiss in their Designs and Actions, and oftener advise with Astrologers than their Counselors. EMBLEM V. THE Sciences have bitter Roots, though the Fruit be sweet; for this reason our Nature at first has an Aversion for them, and no labour appears so harsh as what must be employed on their first Rudiments: What Pains and Anxiety do they cost Youth? Upon which account▪ and because Studies require assiduous Application, a thing very injurious to Health, and which the Business and Diversions of the Court don't permit; the Master should be industrious in inventing several means to qualify this troublesome Institution by disguising it under some pleasant Game, that the Prince's mind may imbibe what he is to learn insensibly. For instance, to teach him to read he may use this contrivance; let there be made four and twenty small Dice, on each of them be engraven a Letter of the Alphabet, then let some Children play, and he win who at one Cast throws most Syllables, or an entire Word. These little Victories and Entertainments will take off much of the difficulty of this Task, for 'tis far more hard to play at Cards, which, however Children presently learn. Now, to teach the Prince to Write in a way as short, I would have the Letters engraven of a thin Plate, this put upon Paper, and him to go over these Tracts of Characters, as so many little Furrows, with his Hand and Pen; especially exercising himself in those Letters of which the rest are framed. Thus, while he Attributes to his own Wit and Industry, what is only the effect of this artificial Plate, he will by degrees be more pleased with those Labours. Nor is skill in Languages less necessary for a Prince; for always to use an Interpreter, or read only Transactions, is a thing too liable to deceit, or at least the truth thereby loses much of its Force and Energy: Not to mention that it can't but be very hard for a Subject not to be understood by him, from whom he is to expect Comfort in his Afflictions, to have his Miseries relieved, and to be gratified for his Services. This moved the Patriarch joseph, when he was made Commander over Egypt; before all things to apply himself to learn the Languages most in use there, and which he did not understand 1 Psalm 8●. 6. . What Love and Esteem does at this day, the Emperor Ferdinand the Third's Skill in Languages procured him, being able to answer every one in his own Native Idiom; but a Prince is not to be instructed in this by way of Precepts, for they confound the Memory; but rather great Persons Sons of Foreign Countries should be taken into his Family, by whose familiar Conversation he may in a few Month's time, and that with a little Pains, and as it were by way of Diversion, make so great a Proficiency, as to be acquainted with the Language of each of them. That he may also know the use of Geography and Cosmography, (without which Policy is in a manner blind) it were not amiss to furnish and hang his Chamber with Tapestry so artificial wrought, as to represent a kind of General Description or Map of the Universe, that is, the Four Quarters of the World, and most Remarkable Countries, together with the more celebrated Rivers, Mountains, Cities, and other place of Note. By the same contrivance may the Lakes be disposed, that he may fancy he sees in them, as in your Sea-Charts, the Situation of the whole Sea, its Ports and Islands. In Globes and Mathematical Spheres, he may see the Extent of both Hemispheres, the Motion of the Heavens, the Sun's Course, its Rising and Setting, the Vicissitude of Days and Nights, and all this by way of Discourse and Divertisement, leaving the Mathematicians subtle way of arguing and demonstrating to the Schools. It will suffice in Geometry, if he know how to Measure distances, take Altitudes and Depths with Instruments. 'Tis withal necessary that he learn Fortification, and accordingly for Instructions sake may raise Forts of Clay, or some such material, with all sorts of Trenches, Breast-works, Pallisadoes, Bastions, Half Moons, and other things necessary for the Defence of them; then he may Assault and play upon them with little Artillery made for that purpose. But to fix those Figures of Fortification more firmly in his Memory, 'twould be for his advantage to have the like artificially contrived in Gardens, cut in Myrtle, or any other Greene's, as you see in the present Emblem. Nor ought a Prince be ignorant how to Marshal an Army; to that end let him have Soldiers of all sorts, Foot and Horse, Cast in Metal; of these he may Compose an Army, distribute them into Regiments, Troops; Companies, in imitation of some Model, which he may have before him for that purpose. Plays aught always to be in imitation of things to be afterwards practised with more seriousness 2 I●aque ludi magna ex parte imitationes esse debent earum rerum, qu● se●io postea obeunde. Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. . By this means he will insensibly, and without any trouble take to these Arts; and when the light of Reason is risen in him, be more capable of a perfect knowledge of them by Conversation of Men of Learning 3 A wise Man will hear, and will increase Learning; and a Man of understanding shall attain unto wise Counsel. Prov. 1. 5. , and such particularly as have been conversant with, and exercised in Affairs both of Peace and War, who will discover to him the Causes and Effects of each particular. For the knowledge of those things is at this time more useful, easier acquired, and fatigues the mind least 4 Eccl. 39 3. . Let no one look on these Exercises to be of no consequence in Education of Kings and Princes Children; for Experience, the best Mistress, teaches us, That Boys learn many things of their own accord, which they had not attained by the Instruction of a Master without much difficulty▪ Much less should any imagine that the variety of these methods rather prejudices than promotes Education. If to tame and master an Horse, so many Instruments are necessary, as the Bit, Bridle, Rains, Barnacle, and those too of different sorts; if so many Precepts are needful as have been written upon this Subject, what Care and Industry shall we think sufficient to form a perfect Prince, who is not only to Command the ignorant Vulgar, but even the Masters of the Sciences? To govern Men is not the Gift of Nature, but rather of Experience and Speculation; it seems to be the Art of Arts, the Science of Sciences, of which never any one will attain the Perfection 5 Mihi videtur ars artium & scientia scientiarum, nominem▪ regere, animal tam varium & multiplex. Greg. Naz. in Apolog. . I am not ignorant, Sir, the Person your Highness has for a Master, is for the happiness of our Monarchy, so well furnished with these Arts and Sciences, that he can't but in a short time bring your Highness to a considerable Perfection in them: However these Advertisements, I could not omit pursuing my design in this Treatise to be beneficial as far as possible, not only to your Highness, but all other Princes now and hereafter. EMBLEM VI. THE heavenly Bridegroom has made use of the Body of this Emblem in the Book of Canticles to express the Ornaments of his Bride's Virtues 1 Thy Belly is like an heap of Whea●, set about with Lilies, ●ant. 7. 2. : and the same the Lilies that crowned and perfected the Pillars of Solomon's Temple, seem to allude to 2 And upon the tops of the Pillars was Lily-work, so was the Work of the Pillars finished. 1 Kings 7. 22. , as do those which beautified the Candlestick of the Tabernacle 3 Exod. 25. 31. . This put me upon designing in the present Emblem, to represent by the Wheat, the Sciences; by the Lilies, the Arts and polite Learning which they ought to be graced with. Nor am I without Precedent or Authority, for Procopius long ago by Ears of Corn understood Disciples 4 Spicae nomine, at ego quidem sentio, discipulorum caetum intellexit. Procop. in c. 17. Isa. , as our Bridegroom by Lilies, Eloquence 5 His Lips like Lilies dropping sweet smelling Myrrh. Cant. 5. 13. . In effect, what is Polite Learning, but a kind of Crown of the Sciences? Cassiodorus calls it the Diadem of Princes 6 Diadema eximium impretiabilis not●●ia literarum, per quam dum veterum providentia discitur, regalis dignitas augetur. Cassi. 12. Var. 1. ; and the Hebrews used to crown some parts of it with Garlands: And this I take to be signified by the Poet's Laurels. The Hoods, and Girdles, and coloured Silken Tufts, by which the Hebrew Doctors were distinguished. The Sciences should possess the Centre of the Soul; gentile Learning be instead of a circumference; the knowledge of one, without the Ornaments of the other, is a kind of ignorance; for 'tis with the several parts of Learning, as with the Nine Muses, who joining hands, make a Circle in their Dances. How tiresome a thing is Philosophy if too severe, and not qualified, and made agreeable by Polite Literature and Humanity? These are therefore necessary for a Prince to temper the harshness of Government with their pleasantness; for 'tis from that they have the name of Humane. A Prince should not be altogether singular, but have something common to the rest of Mankind; he should discourse with them of different sorts of Studies, and that with a courteous and obliging Carriage; 'tis not Royal Grandeur which confounds us, but extravagant indiscreet Gravity; as 'tis not the Light, but the extreme Dryness of the Sun that dazzles our Eyes; 'tis therefore very proper that Political Science be decked and embellished with the Liberal Arts, which cast as great a Lustre as Rubies in a Crown, or Diamonds in a Ring. Nor do such Arts sit amiss upon Majesty, as require the assistance of the Hand as well as Mind; nor will it in the least derogate from a Prince's Authority, or obstruct his Management of Public Affairs, to allow him some intervals of leisure for his Diversion 7 Nec cuiqua● judici grave, au●es studiis honestis & voluptatibus concessis impartire. Tac. 14. Ann. : Thus Mark Anthony took a delight in Painting; Maximilian the Second, in Sculpture; Theobald, King of Navarre, in Poetry and Music; with which last Philip the Fourth, the present King of Spain, your Royal Highness' Father, diverts himself as oft as disengaged from the Cares and Concern the Government of two Worlds oblige him to. In this Exercise the Spartans' too instructed their Youth; and in general all of this Nature are recommended by Plato and Aristotle, as very beneficial to a Commonwealth. And though 'tis true, the Mind should not repose its whole satisfaction in them, Policy however requires a Prince sometimes to use them, the People being strangely pleased to see their Prince's thoughts thus diverted, and not always intent on the contriving their Slavery; 'twas on this account Drusus' Debaucheries were acceptable to the Romans 8 Nec luxus in juvene adeo displicehat: hoc potius intenderet, diem ●difica●i●nibus, noctem conviviis ●●a●ere●; quam solus & nullis voluptati●us avocatus, 〈…〉 & malas curas exercer●t Tac. 3. Ann. . There are only two things to be observed in the Use and Exercise of these Arts; one is, that they are to be practised not in public but privately, as the Emperor Alexander Severus used to do, though excelled by none in Music, whether Vocal or Instrumental. The reason of this is, we are apt to think it a contemptible sight to see the Hand which bears a Sceptre, and Rules a Kingdom, filled with a Fiddlestick or a Pencil; which we still look upon to be a greater fault, if the Prince be of an Age, wherein one would think the care of the Public aught to take him off these private Pastimes: It being our Nature not to accuse a Prince of loss of time, if he's idle or does nothing, but rather blame him for spending it at these Diversions. The other Caution is, that he lay not out too much time upon them, or be desirous to excel others 9 Haec tria ad discipl nam spectari ●portet, at medium tenea●ur, ut fieri 〈◊〉 ut deceat. , lest he take more pride in this vain excellency than in well-governing the Commonwealth; a thing Nero was guilty of, who abandoned the Reins of his Empire for those of a Chariot, and valued himself more upon acting the part of a Comedian in the Theatre than of an Emperor of the World. This Abuse which Princes sometimes fall into by having a greater Esteem for these Arts, than the Science of good Government. Virgil elegantly Censures in these Verses: Let others better Mold the running Mass Of Metals, and inform the breathing Brass, And soften into Fl●sh a marble Face. Plead better at the Bar, describe the Skies, And when the Stars descend, and when they rise. But Rome, 'tis thine alone, with awful sway, To rule Mankind, and make the World obey; Disposing Peace and War thine own Majestic way. To tame the Proud, the fettered Slave to free, These are Imperial Arts, and worthy thee. Dryden's Virg. As for Poetry, though it be a part of Music, Accents and Rhimes having the same effect in that, as Notes in in this; though that be the far nobler Exercise of the two; for this is of the Hands, that of the Brain. The one designed merely to divert, the other to instruct with Diversion; notwithstanding it seems by no means proper for a Prince; it's strange Sweetness being a great obstacle to Masculine and Noble Actions; for when the Mind is once captivated with the Charms of its Thoughts and Conceptions, as the Nightingale with the Melody of her Voice, it never leaves of, and grows so keen with Poetical Niceties, that its Edge is soon turned and blunted against the hard and rugged Troubles it must necessarily meet with in Government 10 Vile autem exerciti●m putandum est, & Ars, & Discipl●na, quae● 〈◊〉 co●pus, aut animam, aut ment●m liberi hominis ad ●sum, & ●pem vi●tutis inutilem reddant. Arist. Pol. 8. cap. 2. . Hence it also follows, That if a Prince takes not the same delight in Ruling as Composing, he will in all probability least regard this greatest concern, wholly neglect or abandon it to the care of others; as did John II. King of Arragon, who squandered away his time in the Study of Poetry, and sent for Persons eminent for it from the remotest Countries, till his Subjects tired with his Negligence, put a stop to this useless Diversion of his by an open Rebellion. Nevertheless, since Poetry is so much in Vogue at Courts, and does much refine and polish the Mind, a Prince will hardly escape the Charge of Ignorance, if he have not some smattering in't. He may therefore be allowed some time for that Study, I mean as much as shall be thought fit to quicken his Parts, and improve his Judgement; for how many excellent Poems have by this means come from the Pens of such as have governed in Church and State, with general Applause and Approbation? There are abundance of Princes given to the practice of Chemistry, which is indeed a very noble Diversion, and discovers many wonderful Effects and Secrets of Nature; but for all this, I would advise a Prince not to meddle with it 11 Be not curious in unnecessary matters; for more things are showed unto thee, than men understand. Eccls 3. 24. , for Curiosity will easily lead him from thence to Alchemy; or at least, under the pretext of Simple Distillation, he will have a fancy to six Mercury, and make Gold and Silver; things which the most precious of our time is thrown away upon to no purpose, and certain, wasted for uncertain Treasures. 'Tis a Frenzy, that nought but Death can cure, to make one Experiment after another, and not consider that 'tis impossible to find a better Philosopher's Stone, than a good and prudent Oeconomy. 'Tis of this, and of Commerce, not of Chemistry, this Sentence of Solomon is to be understood, [That nothing is richer than Wisdom] 12 What is richer than wisdom that worketh all things? And if prudence work; who of all that are is a more cunning workman than she? Wisd. 8. 5. . 'Twas by this kind of Traffic with the Inhabitants of Tarsis and Ophir, the same Solomon got his vast Riches; for which he had never prepared so many and great Fleets, exposed to so many and great Hazards at Sea, if he could have saved the labour with a Crucible. It is likely, that he who could speak well of all things 13 And he spoke of Trees, from the Cedar-tree that is in Lebanon, even unto the Hyssop, that springeth out of the Wa●l. 1 Kings 4. 33. , who was endued by God with a Supernatural Knowledge, should never find out this Secret also, or actually have used it, had it been feasible? Besides, 'tis not credible that God will ever permit it, for thereby in probability an end would be put to all Commerce, which is maintained by nothing so much, as by a Species of Money common to all the World, and that made of some scarce and precious Metal. EMBLEM VII. THE Affections are born with us; Reason comes not till many Years after, when they are already possessed of the Will, and this deluded with a false appearance of good submits to them, and owns no other Empire but theirs, till Reason recovering strength by Time and Experience, takes upon it the Right of Government it had by Nature, and gins to make Head against the Tyranny of our Appetites. This Light usually rises later in Princes, because the Delicacies of the Court which they're used to, render their Affections more prevailing; besides, that their Courtiers strive generally to get their Favour, which they know, rather depends upon the Will than Reason; hence all use the art of Flattery, and make it their business to engage that, but cast a Cloud on this. A Prince ought therefore to be well acquainted with these Arti●ices, and arm himself not against his own Passions only, but all such Persons as would abuse them to govern him. This is a great and general Negligence in those who undertake to form Prince's Minds. Useless and unfruitful Weeds which grow among Corn, we spend time in eradicating; yet suffer vicious Passions and Inclinations, that wage War with Reason, to grow. To cure a Prince's Body, many Galens are always ready, the Mind often has scarce one Epictetus; though this is subject to no less Infirmities than the Body, and those so much worse, as that is more excellent than this. If its countenance were visible, and we could discover in it its ill and distempered Affections, we should pity the Condition of many, we at present take for happy Men, whom that feverish Heat of depraved Appetites so miserably preys upon. If the Hearts of Tyrants could be opened, one might see Bruises and Wounds 1 Si recludantur tyrannorum mentes, posse aspici laniatus, & ictus, quando, ut corpora verberibus, ita saevitia, libidine, malis consultis animus dilaceretur. Tac. 6. Ann. . Alas! What Tempests of Confusion and Distraction is a Mind in that Condition racked with? It's Light is all obscured, his Reason so disturbed, that all things appear to him far different from what they really in themselves are. Hence proceeds that variety of Judgements and Opinions in the World; hence few weigh things aright, but pass a different estimate according to the light by which they see them. For 'tis with the Affections, as with Tellescopes, which at one end magnify, at the other diminish Objects. The Crystals are the same, the Objects nothing altered; this only is the difference, that the visual Rays falling in● at one end, are dilated from the Centre to the Circumference, and consequently diffuse themselves and multiply more; whereas at the other end they are contracted from the Circumference to the Centre, and so represent Objects considerably less: Such is the difference between these two ways of looking upon things. At the same time (tho' in different Kingdoms) the two Infants, james, the Son of james the Second, King of Arragon; and Alphons● Son of Dionysio, King of Portugal, had in view the Succession of their Father's Crown. But see in how different a manner, the first against his Father's Will refused to accept; the other contrary to the Laws of Piety, by force of Arms attempted to snatch it from the Head of his. One considering the vast Cares and Dangers of Government▪ bid adieu to the World, and preferred a Monastic Life as the more quiet and happy; the other looked upon Life without Sovereignty to be burdensome and unprofitable, and had more respect to his Ambition than the Law of Nature. This looked upon the Circumference of the Crown which bordered with Flowers, was an agreeable sight; that considered rather the Point and Centre of it, whence the Lines of Labour and Care are drawn. All Men propose something that has the appearance of good, as the end of their Actions 2 Omnia namque ejus, quod speciem boni praefert gratiâ omnes agunt. Arist. Pol. 1. Cap. 8. ; but because we are deceived in the knowledge of this Good, hence proceeds our Error. The greatest thing imaginable when in our own Power appears little and inconsiderable, in others great and magnificent. Our own Faults we are not sensible of, those of others we easily discover. Other men's defects seem like Giants, ours scarce so big as Dwarves. Nay, further, we know how to new-name Vices, and give them the Colour of Virtue: Ambition we call greatness of Mind; Cruelty, Justice; Prodigality, Liberality; Rashness, Valour. In short, few can with Prudence distinguish Honesty from its contrary, what's profitable from the prejudicial 3 Pauci prudentia, honesta à deterior●bus, uttlia ab noxiis discernunt. Tac. Lib. 4. Ann. . 'Tis thus, we are deceived when we look on things by that end of the Prospective, which Passions and Inclinations stop. I know nothing but Benefits that are to be looked upon through both ends; those we receive, aught to appear great to us; those we confer, little. This was King Henry the Fourth's Custom; nay, he seldom so much as remembered Kindnesses he had done others; on the contrary, those he had received, he never let slip out of his Memory, being always careful the first opportunity to repay them as a Debt. A Prince ought not to imagine that a Courtesy is, as it were, a Mark of Slavery on the Person gratified: I should not call that Generosity but Tyranny rather, and a kind of Traffic for men's Affections, which the Prince buys at the price of Favours, as they do Slaves for Money on the Coasts of Guinea. He who does a good Office should not think he lays an Obligation; he who receives it ought to think himself obliged. In a word, A Prince should imitate God Almighty, who giveth to all Men liberally, and upbraideth not 4 James 1. 5. . In undertaking and carrying on Wars; in procuring and establishing Peace; in Injuries as well offered as received, let him always use the same Crystal of right Reason, through which he may see every thing equally without disguise or fallacy. That Indifference and Justice in giving a due Estimate of things, becomes none more than a Prince, who ought to perform the same Office in his Kingdom, as the Tongue of a Balance in a pair of Scales, and agreeable thereto pass a true and sincere Judgement of all things, that his Government may be just, whose Balance will never hang even, if the Passions have place, or all things be not weighed in the Scale of right Reason. Upon this account Masters ought to come with singular Ca●e and Industry to instruct the Prince's Mind, discovering those Errors of the Will, and the Vanity of its Persuasions, that free and disengaged from Passion, he may pass an unprejudiced Judgement on every thing. For, really if we throughly examine the fall of so many Empires, so many Revolutions in States, such a multitude of Kings and Princes deposed and murdered, we shall find the first Origin of these misfortunes to have been, the Passions having shaken off their Obedience, and their refusal to submit to Reason, whose Subjects they are by the Law of Nature. Nor is any thing more pestilent to a Commonwealth than those irregular Appetites, or the particular Ends which every one, as he pleases, purposes to himself. I don't hereby contend to have these Passions wholly razed or extinguished in a Prince, for without them he would be absolutely incapable of any generous Action; Nature having not furnished us with Love, Anger, Hope, Fear, and other the like Affections to no purpose; for though these are not Virtues, they are however their attendants and means, without which they are neither attainable nor practicable. 'Tis the abuse only, and inordinacy of them, I disapprove of; those are to be corrected, that a Prince's Actions be not guided by Passion, but his whole Government by Prudence and Policy. Those things which are common to other Men, are not allowable in a Prince 5 Regum est ita vivere, ut non modo homini sed ne cupiditati quidem serviant. M. Tull. in Orat. Syll. . Charles the Fifth, if at any time he would indulge Anger or Indignation, did it in private and remote from Company, not publicly when he represented the Person and Majesty of an Emperor; for in this Capacity, a Prince is rather the Idea of a Governor than a Man, and rather his Peoples than his own Man. Nothing is then to be determined out of Affection, but all things examined by the Rule and Standard of Reason; not by his Inclination, but Art. A Prince's Behaviour should be rather Political than Natural; his designs proceed rather from the Heart of the Commonwealth than his own. Private Persons usually make their own Interest and Advantage the Measure of their Actions: Princes are to have the Public Good in view. In a private Man to conceal his Passions, is looked upon to be a sign of too close and reserved a Temper; in Princes even Policy sometimes require it. There appeared not the least Symptom of Passion in Tiberius, when Piso presented himself to him, after having, according to his order, dispatched Germanicus, which occasioned not small Jealousy in Piso 6 Null● magis exterritus est, quam quod Tiberium sine miserat●ne, sine ira obstinatum, ●lau●umque vidit, ne quo affectu perumperetur. Tac. 3. Ann. . He who Commands many, should with many vary his Affections, or if possible appear free from them 7 〈◊〉 est sapere, qui, ubicumque opus sit, ani●●um possis flectere. Terent. ; endeavour in the same Hour as occasions differ, to seem Severe and Courteous, Just and Merciful, Liberal and Frugal 8 Tempo●i ap●ari decet. Sen. in M●d. . Tiberius was a great Master 9 Ha●d f●cile q●i despexerit illa, in c●gni●●sne mentem Principis; 〈…〉 misovit ●ra & ●lementiae signa. Tac. 3 Ann. of this Art, whose Mind it was not easy to discover; he knew so well how to mingle the Symptoms of his Anger and Satisfaction. A good Prince commands himself, and serves his People; but if he neglect to break, or conceal the natural Tendency of his Mind, his Actions will be always uniform, whence every one will presently see the Scope of his Designs, contrary to one of the principal Maxims of Policy; which for this very reason recommends variety of Methods in Acting, that the Prince's Designs may not be known. Nor is it by any means safe for him to let others discover his Nature and Inclinations. For there's no easier access to his Mind than that, which 'tis necessary he keep free and reserved, if he desire to have his Kingdom well-governed. For as soon as his Ministers have once discovered his Inclination, immediately they flatter him, and encourage the same in themselves. If in any thing the Prince be obstinate and opinionative, they are so too, and now nothing but perverseness governs. But if it shall be at any time the Prince's Interest to court the People's Favour and Applause, let him rather so behave himself, that what the People like or dislike, he may seem to have a natural Inclination or Aversion for. Aristotle puts Bashfulness in the number of the Passions, denies it to be a Moral Virtue, because a fear of Infamy, and therefore seems incompatible with a great Man, whose Actions being all squared by the Rule of right Reason, he has nothing to be ashamed of. According to St. Ambrose, however 'tis a Virtue which regulates our Actions 10 Pulchra virtus est verecundia, & suavis gratia, quae non solum in factis, sed etiam in ipsis spectatur sermonibus, ne modum praetergrediaris lo●uendi, ne quid indecorum sermo resonet tuus. St. Ambros. ; by which I conceive, he means that ingenuous and liberal Shame, or rather Modesty, which like a Bridle restrains us from the Commission of any ignominious or unseemly Action, and is a token of a good Genius, and no small argument that there remain in that mind some Seeds of Virtue, though not yet deeply rooted. I am apt to believe Aristotle speaks of another vicious and irregular Bashfulness, which is an obstacle to Virtue; we may say of both, as of Dew, which falling moderately nourishes and refreshes Corn; but when thick like small Snow, burns up and kills it. No Virtue can be freely exercised, when this Passion has once prevailed, nor is any thing more Pernicious to Princes, for this reason above all, that it has the appearance of Virtue, as if it were in a Prince a sign of Candour, (and not rather of a mean and abject Spirit) not to be able to deny, contradict, reprehend, or correct without a Blush. Such as these straiten themselves too much in their Grandeur, are in a manner afraid of Shadows; and what is worse, make themselves Slaves to those they ought to govern. Besides, how unbecoming is it to see in their Faces the colour of Shame, which none but Flatterers, Liars, and in general, all profligate Persons ought to be stained with, and for them so to forget themselves as to be governed and cozened by others. Whatever is asked, they voluntarily offer, and give without any respect to Merit, vanquished merely by Petitions. They readily subscribe to others Counsels and Opinions, though they don't approve them, and had rather seem Conquered than Victors; which is the foundation of the most considerable Miscarriages in a Commonwealth; shamefacedness by no means becomes Princes, who should always appear with a serene and steady Aspect 11 Quorundam parum idonea est verecundia rebus civilibus, quae firmam frontem desiderant. Seneca. . Prince's therefore should make it their whole business to correct this Passion, and moderate their natural Bashfulness with Valour and Constancy, with a Resolution not only of Mind, but outward Demeanour to resist Flatteries, Lies, Frauds, and Malice, that they may correct and amend them, and preserve a Royal Integrity in their Words as well as Actions. Which the Two Kings, john the Second, and Henry the Fourth, having neglected to do; what wonder if their Authority and Crowns were brought into such dangers? Farther, in curing this Passion, no small Discretion is necessary; for whereas other Vices, like Thorns, are to be utterly extirpated, this is rather to be pruned, and the superfluity cut off; that part of Shame left which guards Virtues, and regulates men's Manners and Actions; for without this restraint, the Prince's Mind will be quite unruly; and except he now and then reflects upon Infamy and Indecency, he will follow the force of his Passions, and precipitate himself; especially when there's Power to countenance them. If by good Arts modesty is scarce to be preserved, what will be the consequence if we wholly abandon that 12 Vix artibus honestis retinetur pudor. Tac. 14. Ann. ? 'Twas then Tiberius gave himself to all manner of Vice and Tyranny, when he had cast off Shame and Fear, and followed only his own Humour 13 Postremo in scelera s●●ul ac dedeco●a prorupit, postquam remoto pudore & ●etu, suo tantum ●ngento utebat●r. Tac. 6. Ann. . Hence Plato said, That Jupiter, if at any time apprehensive of the Ruin of Mankind, dispatched Mercury for the Earth, to distribute justice and Modesty among M●n, by which they might prevent their Destruction. Commiseration and Pity is a Passion not less dangerous in Princes, than the other; for when it has once prevailed in the Mind, neither Reason nor Justice perform their Offices. For out of an extravagant fear of disobliging any by Reprehension or Correction, they neglect to apply Remedies to their Subjects Crimes, and suffer many to go unpunished. They are deaf to the People's Clamours, nor do Public Calamities affect them, while at the same time they are sensibly touched with pity for three or four Men who were the Promoters of them. They feel themselves disordered at other men's Crimes; and accordingly for fear of any trouble upon their account, choose to connive at, or pardon, rather than punish them. This is a weakness of Judgement, and defect of Prudence, to be remedied with time; but that with the same Moderation as we mentioned of Bashfulness, that part only of Commiseration is to be retrenched which so enfeebles the Mind, that it can't act with Vigour and Constancy. Reserving that compassionate Affection peculiar to Princes 14 Principatu● enim proprium est mise●eri. St. Chrys. where right Reason, without hazarding the public Security, persuades. Both these Passions, as well that of Bashfulness, as Commiseration, are corrigible, and to be subdued by some contrary Actions, which may remove that too great tenderness and imbecility of Mind, and delivering it from those servile Fears, render it capable of more masculine Actions. If a Prince now and then endeavours (though in matters of the least consequence) to keep his Mind firm and resolute, and considers his Power and Quality, he will easily afterwards be able to do the same in Affairs of greater moment. All's done, if he can but once acquit himself generously in it, and make himself feared and respected. There remain two other Passions considerably prejudicial to Youth; Fear and Obstinacy. Fear, when a Prince is so timorous, and in all things diffident of himself, that he dares neither act nor speak. Never approves any Action of his own ●ears to appear in public, and Love's rather solitude and retirement. This proceeds generally from an effeminate and retired Education; as also for want of Experience, the only Remedy for this Distemper; that is, the Prince should use himself to give Audience to his Subjects as well as Foreigners; often appear in Public that he may learn to know Men, and in general all other things as in themselves they are, not as his Imagination, or Master has painted them. Let there be always free access to his Apartments for those worthy Persons, that are his Father's Chamberlains, and all other Courtiers that are eminent for Valour, Ingenuity, and Experience. Which Custom was observed in Spain till the time of Philip the Second, who cautious of his Son Charles' underhand-dealing, abolished that Custom of free Access and Communication, and so declining one Inconvenience, fell into another equally dangerous to Princes, for so is it to be too much abstracted from Conversation; for this usually prompts them to rely too much upon some particular Favourite. Lastly, Obstinacy arises partly from Fear, partly from natural Slothfulness, when a Prince won't Act at all, but resolutely rejects all Instructions that are given him. That Coldness of Mind is to be cured by the Fire of Glory and Incentives to it, as faults in Horses are usually corrected by the Spur. The Prince therefore is to be led gradually into the way, and the Progress he makes to be commended; though at first those Commendations be above his merit, and only for forms sake. EMBLEM VIII. IN the Unicorn Nature hath shown a piece of admirable Skill and Providence, in placing Anger's Weapon exactly between the Eyes. 'Tis absolutely necessary to have both Eyes intent upon that Passion, which so imperiously tyrannises over our Actions, and the Motions of the Mind. The same Flame that lights it, blinds it, and 'tis differenced only by its short continuance from Fury and Madness. A Man in a Passion is not the same as before, for he is thereby as it were put beside himself 1 Non desiderat fortitudo advocatam iram. Cicero. . Valour has no need of it; for what were more silly, than for this to require Aid from Anger, a thing stable from one inconstant, faithful from one false, sound from one diseased 2 Quid enim ●●●ltuis est, quam hanc ab i● acundia petere praesidium, rem stabilem ab in●ertâ, fidelem ab infidâ sanam ab aegra? Senec. ? 'Tis not this fickle pettish Passion obtains Victories, triumphs over Enemies, nor is that really Courage that is without Reason provoked. In a word, no Vice is more unbecoming a Prince, than that; for to be angry, supposes contempt, or an injury received; nor is any thing so disagreeable to his Place and Office, in as much as nothing so obscures the Judgement which should in a Governor be serene and clear. A Prince that is exasperated, and passionate upon any slight occasion, gives his Heart into the Hands of the Person who provokes him, and is subject to his pleasure. If not a wrinkle in a King's Coat can be disordered without offence, what will it be if he suffer any one to disturb his Mind? Anger is a kind of Moth which Purple breeds and nourishes. Pomp engenders Pride; Pride, Passion; and Impatience is as it were a Propriety of Power. The Sense of Princes is something too delicate a Looking Glass which the least breath sullies, a Heaven that with the least Vapour is clouded and breaks out into Thunder. A Vice that generally seizes great and generous Spirits; as the Sea, however vast and powerful, is with the least blast of Wind raised into horrid Disorders and Tempests, with this only difference, that they are of much longer continuance in Princes Minds than in the Sea; especially if their Honour be concerned, which they imagine 'tis impossible to retrieve without Revenge. What a trifling piece of incivility was that, Sancho, King of Navarre, put upon Alphonsus the Third, after the Battle of Arcos, in returning without taking leave of him? Which however this so highly resented, that he could never forget it, or rest till he had got him out of his Kingdom. The Anger of Princes is like Gunpowder, which no sooner takes Fire, but has its effect; the Holy Spirit calls it the Messenger of Death 3 The Wrath of Kings is as Messengers of Death. Prov. 16. 14. ; and barely on this account 'twere sufficiently reasonable to curb and restrain it. 'Tis very indecent for one in Authority to submit to this Passion. Let Princes remember that nothing is put in their Hands for a Sceptre, with which they can hurt. And if sometimes a naked Sword is carried before Kings, 'tis in token of Justice not Revenge; and then 'tis carried in another's hand to intimate that between Anger and Execution there ought to intercede a Command. The public Safety depends on Princes, which will easily be in danger, if they harken to so rash a Counsellor, as Anger. Who can escape its hands? For 'tis like a Thunderbolt when it comes from Supreme Power. And because, says King Alphonso, Anger is stronger in a King, and more dangerous than in others; in that he can more readily satisfy it, he ought to be more prepared to curb and correct it † L. 10. tit. p 2. . If Princes in a Passion could look upon themselves, they would find a Countenance unbecoming such Majesty, whose Tranquillity and agreeable Harmony, both of Words and Actions, aught to please rather than terrify, to acquire Love rather than Fear. A Prince therefore should quench the Heat and Violence of Anger; if he can't do so, at least to defer the Fury and Execution of it for some time: For as the same King Alphonso has said, A King ought to keep in his Anger till it is over, this will be of great advantage to him, for so he will be able to judge truly, and act justly in all things * L. tit. 5 p. 2. . The Emperor Theodosius experienced this in himself; and for this reason enacted a Law, That Capital Punishments should not be executed till thirty Days after Sentence passed. Which Tiberius had before him decreed, though for only ten Days, and without giving the Senate power to revoke the Sentence once pronounced 4 Idque vitae spatium damnatis prorogaretur, sed non senatui libertas ad poenitendum erat. Tac. 3. Ann. . Which indeed had been commendable, if his design had been to make room for Pardon, or give time for a second hearing of the Cause. But Tiberius was a Man of too much Cruelty and Rigour to give that Indulgence 5 N●que Tiberius interjectu temporis mitigabatur. Tac. 3. Ann. It was the Counsel of Athenodorus to Augustus Caesar, to determine nothing in a Passion till he had repeated the Twenty four Letters of the Greek Alphabet. Since then, Anger is a short Madness, directly opposite to mature Deliberation; there is no better Antidote against it than prudent Reflection; that the Prince be not too hasty in Execution, before he has had Council to examine a matter throughly. King Ahasuerus, when his Queen Vashti refused to come at his Command, though he had reason to think himself contemned, and highly resented the Affront, yet would not be revenged till he had first called a Council, and taken the Advice of his Noblemen 6 Esth. 1. 2. . To talk of an Injury received, inflames Anger more; hence that of Pythagoras, Stir not Fire with a Sword, for Motion increases the Flame; nor is there any more effectual Remedy for Anger than Silence and Solitude. By its self it insensibly consumes and wears off; whereas the most softening Discourse is often like the Water smith's use to make their Fire burn fiercer. Farther, Anger has its seat in the Ears, or at least keeps watch there; these therefore a Prince is to secure, that they be not too ready to hear ill Reports, that may enrage him 7 Let every man be swift to hear, slow to ●●ak, flow to wrath. james 1. 19 This I imagine was the reason the Statue of jupiter Cretensis had no Ears, because they do more mischief to Governors than good. However, I think them necessary for Princes, provided they be cautious and ruled by Prudence, and let not themselves be moved at the first hearing of every trifling Story. Anger is to be commended when kind●ed by Reason, and moderated by Discretion; without such as that, there can be no Justice 8 Nunc Iras●i ●onven●, justitiae 〈◊〉. S●ob. Serm. 20. . Too much Indulgence gives licence to offend, and makes Obedience bold. To endure all things with content, is ignorance, or shows a servile Temper of one who has a ●ean Opinion of himself. To continue in Anger when 'tis to punish Offences, or make Examples of such as affront Regal Authority is no Vice, but a Virtue, and by no means derogates from Mildness and Clemency. Was any one more meek than David 9 Lord remember David and all his Afflictions, Lat. Vers. 〈◊〉 suetudinis ejus. Psal. 131. 1. , a Man after God'● own Heart 10 I have found David, the So● jesse, a Man after mine own heart. Acts 13. 22. ? So mild in Vengeance, in Anger so moderate; that when he had Saul, his greatest Enemy, in his power, was satisfied with cutting off the Skirt of his Robe, and even that afterward repent of 11 And it 〈◊〉 to pass afterwards that David's heart smote him, because he had 〈◊〉 off Saul's Skirt▪ 1 Sam. 24. 5. . Nevertheless with severity did he revenge the Injury King Hamm did to his Ambassadors. David had sent them to comfort the King for the Death of his Father, but he groundlessly suspecting they came rather to spy out the State of his Kingdom, sent them away with the one half of their Beards shaved off, and their Garments obscenely cut off in the middle. David, a Man otherwise very peaceable, could not brook this Affront, but made War against him, and all the Cities of his Kingdom which he took, he utterly demolished; and the People that were therein, (to use the Scripture● words) he brought forth and put them under Saws and 〈◊〉 Harrows of Iron, and under Axes of Iron, and 〈◊〉 them pass through the Brick-kiln 12 2 Sam. 12. 31. This may see● to be Cruelty, and an Excess of Anger, to any one● that knows not that the Wounds injuries make, 〈◊〉 fometimes to be so cured, as not so much as 〈◊〉 should be left. Artaxerxes threatened Fire and Swo●● to some Cities, if they obeyed not an Edict he had pu●●lished, resolving, if they refused, to make so severe 〈◊〉 Example of their Contempt and Disobedience, as shoul● extend to Brutes as well as Men 13 Esth. ● 24. . The most 〈◊〉 God taught us this piece of Policy, when with the 〈◊〉 most Rigour, yet without prejudice to his Infinite M●●cy, he punished the Syrians Army for blasphemou●● calling him the God of the Hills 14 Because the Syrians have said, the Lord is the God of the Hills, but he is not God of the Valleys; therefore will I deliver this great multitude into thine hand, and ye shall know that I am the Lord, 1 Kings 20. 28. . The Supreme Authority and Power of Princes makes a part of a Commonwealth, so that they can't put up Affronts and Injuries at all times. That Anger too is praiseworthy in Princes, and profitable to a State, which kindled by Incentives of Glory, elevates the Mind to difficult and noble Erterprises, for without it nothing extraordinary, nothing great, can be undertaken, much less perfected and accomplished. That, that is it which nourishes the Heart of generous Spirits, and raises it above its self to despise Difficulties. The Academics called it the Whetstone, Plutarch the Companion of Virtue. But particularly, in the beginning of his Reign, the Prince ought to lay aside Anger, and forget past Injuries; as Sancho, Surnamed the Brave, did when the Succession of the Crown of Castille fell to him. With Government, a Prince changes as 'twere his Nature, why should he not also his Affections and Passions? 'Twere an Abuse of Government to take Revenge of one who already acknowledges himself your Subject. Let the Person offended think he has Satisfaction in having got Authority over him, who before injured him. Fortune could not give him a nobler kind of Revenge. So Lewis XII. King of France, thought, and therefore when some persuaded him to revenge the Injuries he had received, while Duke of Orleans, he made answer, That it did not become the King of France to revenge the Quarrels of the Duke of Orleans. Particular Injuries done to his Person, not Dignity, a Prince ought not to vindicate with his utmost Power; for though they seem inseparable, yet 'tis convenient to make some Distinction between them, lest Majesty become odious and too formidable. To this tended that of Tiberius, when he said, That if Piso had committed no other Crime, but the rejoicing at Germanicus' Death, and his grief for it, he would revenge those Injuries done him as a private Person, not as a Prince, and in a public Capacity 15 Nam si legatus officii terminos, obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit, ejusdemque morte, etc. luctu meo laetatus est, odero: seponamque ● domo meâ & privatas inimicitias, non Principis, ulciscar. Tac. 3. Ann. . On the other side, those done to his Dignity or Public Station, he ought not to vindicate as a private Person, so as in a transport of Passion to think his Honour and Reputation lost, except he have immediate Satisfaction, especially when it were fit to be deferred; for Anger should not be a Motion of the Mind, but of the Public Good and Advantage. King Ferdinand, the Catholic, undoubtedly had this before him, when the King of Granada refused to pay him Tribute, as his Ancestors had done; and withal, insolently sent him word, that they were long since dead; that in his Mints they laboured not to Coin Silver or Gold, but Forge Swords and Lances † Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 24. cap. 16. . Ferdinand concealed his Resentment of this Liberty and Arrogance for a time, and made a Truce with him, deferring Revenge till his Affairs were more quiet and settled; in which he consulted more the Public Good, than his own Particular Affections 16 A Fool's wrath is presently known; but a prudent Man covereth shame. Lat. Vers. Injuriam dissimulat. Prov. 12. 16. . Nor is it less prudent to dissemble Anger, when one has reason to presume, that a time will come when it will be for our disadvantage to have shown it. For that reason, King Ferdinand, the Catholic, though highly affronted by the Grandees of his Kingdom; yet, when he abdicated that of Castille, and retreated into Arragon, very discreetly concealed that Indignation of Mind, took no notice of the Injuries he had received, but shown himself friendly and affectionate to all, as if he than foresaw he should be sometime restored to his Kingdom, as indeed it afterwards happened. A generous Mind hides its Resentments of Injuries, and strives not by the impetuousness of Anger, but rather by noble Actions to smother them; the best certainly, and a truly heroical kind of Revenge. When King Ferdinand, the Holy, besieged Sevil, a certain Nobleman reproached Garcias Perez de Vargas for wearing a waved Shield, which was not allowed his Family; he than pretended to take no notice of the Affront, till the Siege of Triana, where he fought with so much Valour, that he brought his Shield back stuck with Darts, then returning to his Rival, who was then in a secure Post, and showing him the Shield, You have reason, says he, to think much that I wear this Shield, that expose it to so many Dangers; without doubt no one deserves it beyond yourself, who would take so much care to preserve it. Those ordinarily bear Affronts most patiently, who are the least subject to give them; nor is it a less Virtue to Conquer this Passion, than an Enemy. To kindle a Prince's Anger is no less dangerous than to set Fire to a Mine or Petard; and though it be done in our own behalf, 'tis prudence to moderate it, especially if against Persons in Power: for such Angers generally fall on the Author's own Head. This was the reason the Moors of Toledo took so much pains to pacify King Alphonso the Sixth's Wrath, against the Archbishop of that place, and the Queen, who had taken without his Order, their Mosque from them. From which I draw two Precepts: One is, that Ministers ought, when the Duty of their place requires them, to tell the Prince of any thing that may create Distaste or Anger, to represent them in the most softening terms imaginable 17 Cuncta tamen ad Imperato●em in mallius relata. Tac. 4. Ann. ; for it often happens that an incensed Mind ve●ts its Fury upon the Person who gave the first Information of the thing, however Innocent he may be, however good his Design was in doing it. The other is, That they endeavour not only to moderate Prince's Anger, but cover and conceal it handsomely. Those Seraphims (Ministers of Love) which stood above God in Isaiah's Vision, with two Wings covered his Face, and with two covered his Feet 18 Isaiah 6. 1. . Lest his angry Countenance should strike such as were guilty of any fault with such Terror and Despair, that they would wish the Mountains to fall on them, rather than see the Face of an avenging God 19 Revel. 6. 16. . The heat of Anger is no soone● cooled, but Princes are sorry and vexed to have had any Witnesses of it, or Spectators of its Effect, for both are equally disagreeable to the Dignity of a King. And God himself for this reason turned Lot's Wife into a Pillar of Salt 20 Gen. 19 26. . EMBLEM IX. 'TIS to its own damage that Envy opposes the Trophies and Glory of Hercules. To what end does it attempt to by't his sharp pointed Club, but to make its Jaws bloody? In short, 'tis its own avenger. It seems to me like a Sword which from the same Blood it spills gathers Rust, and by that is afterwards eat up. All other Vices take their rise from some appearance of Good, or from Pleasure; on the contrary this proceeds from an inward Grief and Dissatisfaction at the good of another. Other Vices their Punishment follows, this it even precedes. Envy sooner exerts its Fury upon its own Bowels 1 Envy is the rottenness of the Bones, Prov. 14. 30. , than on the Honour of its Neighbour. 'Tis the shadow of Virtue; he that would avoid that, must fly the light of this. The Owl's Sight being by Nature strong enough to bear the Sun's Rays, is probably the reason other Birds hate and envy her: Whereas would she be confined to her private Places, and conceal herself in the darkness of Night, she need not fear their Persecutions. Between Equals there's seldom Emulation; when one's Fortune, the other's Envy increases. Men are naturally apt to look with an ill Eye on upstart Happiness, and desire to reduce the Fortunes of none more than those whom they have once seen upon the Level with themselves 2 Insita mortalibus natura, recentem aliorum soelicitatem aegris 〈◊〉 intr●spicere, modumque f●tunae à nullis magis exigere, quam quos in 〈◊〉 videre. Tac. 2. Ann. . Envy is like the Tare which never seizes Corn till it be considerably grown, and its Fruit gins to ripen 3 But when the Blade was sprung up, 〈◊〉 brought forth Fruit, than appeared the Tares also, Matth. 13. 2●. . He must therefore fly Fame, Dignities, and honourable Employments, that would not be exposed to Envy's Darts. A mean Fortune is least dangerous 4 Ex mediocritate fortunae pauciora pericula sunt. Tac. 14. 〈◊〉 . Regulus in the midst of Nero's Cruelty lived secure, because, says Tacitus, his Gentility was of a small standing, and his Estate inconsiderable 5 Quia nova generis claritudine, neque invi●●osis opibus erat. Tac. 〈…〉 ; but this fear would be unworthy a generous Beast. Others envying us, shows we excel them, but to be absolutely free from Envy is a very ill sign. 'Tis assuredly better to endure it, than be looked upon by all with indifferency. Envy is the Sting of Virtue; as the Thorn preserves the Rose, so does that Virtue. This would easily be neglected, were there none malicious and detracting. Many has Emulation advanced, many Envy made happy. That Emulation of Carthage raised the Roman Glory, as that of Francis, King of France, did the Fame of the Emperor Charles the Fifth. 'Twas Envy gave the Roman, nay, the Universal Church to Sixtus Quintus, thence came all his fortune. There's nothing better in this Case than Scorn, and being always endeavouring to mount higher till the envious Man's Eyes fail him, and he lose sight of you. The Shadow of the Earth reaches the Moon, that lowest of the Celestial Orbs, so near the Elements, and overcasts its Splendour; the higher Planets it does not in the least injure: The force of the Sun, when at height, scatters and dispels Clouds. Where's great Inequality, there's no room for Envy, and consequently this is the only remedy against it. The more expeditiously a Man advances himself, the less will he be exposed to Envy. No Smoke comes from a Fire soon lighted. Whereas, while Merits wrestle, as it were, with one another, Envy grows and takes up Arms against the Person preferred. Pride and Superciliousness are things which in good Success provoke Envy, and stir up hatred. On the other side, Modesty quells it; for no one envies him as happy, who looks not upon himself as such. For this reason, Saul immediately after his being anointed King, betook himself to his House; and to show he was not exalted with Royal Dignity laid aside the Sceptre for a time, and set his Hand to the Plough 6 1 Sam. 10. 11. . There●s yet another Remedy, which is not to enlarge one's Fortune at Home, but in a Foreign Country; for 'tis very obvious for one, who before knew another to be of a mean Extraction, but now sees him in a high degree of Dignity, to envy him this happiness; this Evil insinuates its self more by the Eyes than Ears 7 Vt effugiamus n●men invid●●e, quod verbum ductum est, à nimis intuend● fortunam alte●i●s. C●e. in 〈◊〉. . Many eminent Men have declined Honours to avoid being envied. The Consul Tarqvinius voluntarily chose Exile to escape the sight of this Fury. Valerius Publius set his own Houses on Fire, because their Magnificence procured him Envy. Fabius' abdicated the Consulship, saying, Now I hope Envy will cease to trouble the Fabii 8 Non ●ni● poterimus utta esse invidiâ spoliati opibus, & i●la senatoria patesta●e. Cic. ad Att. . They were however in my opinion in the wrong, for this is rather to put the Sword in the Enemy's hands, and give further occasion to Envy; which when it has once undertaken to persecute any one, never leaves him, till it has driven him to the extremity of Misery. The Sun casts no Shadows so long as 'tis in the Zenith; but as it declines and comes nearer us, they proportionably increase and grow longer. In the same manner Envy pursues him with the greater force, who is near ruin, or gins to fall; and as it generally lodges only in mean spirited Persons, is always afraid he should raise himself upon his Legs again. Even after Daniel was thrown among the Lions, Darius thought him not yet secure enough from those who envied him the King's Favour; and so fearing more men's Envy than the Wild Beasts Cruelty, he sealed the Stone which was laid upon the Lion's Den with his own Signet, and with the Signet of his Lords, that no mischief might be done him 9 That the purpose might not be changed concerning Daniel. Lat. Vers. Ne quid fieret contra Danielem, Dan. 6. 17. . Sometimes to avoid Envy, and its Inconveniences, 'twere advisable to embark those in the same Fortune, whose Emulation may be feared Thus the Remora, which sticking to the outside of the Ship stops its Course, loses its strength when taken in 10 Peculi●riter miratum, quo mode adhaerens ●enuisset, nec idem polleret in navigi●● recep●us. Plin, lib. 32. c. 1. . Envy does not always gnaw lofty Cedars; sometimes she tires her Teeth, and bloodies her Lips with the lowest Thorns, which Nature herself seems to have in a manner hated. Insomuch as not to look on even the Miseries and Calamities of others without Spite and Indignation; whether it be, that her Malice is wholly mad and unreasonable, or because she cannot endure the Sufferer's strength of Mind and Constancy, or the Fame Fortune's Injuries usually beget. There are to be found in the Person of the present Author, many things to make his Case deservedly deplorable; none, or very few, to render him envied; nevertheless there are some who envy him these continual Cares and Fatigues, though little acknowledged or requited. There seems to be something of fatality in this Emulation against him; it produced itself without any reason, and often asperses him with things, he had by hear-say from others, before he could have so much as imagined. Notwithstanding his mind so full of Candour, and mindful of his Duty, is so far from being disturbed at these things, that he rather loves that Envy and Indignation, perceiving it to awaken his Courage, and daily excite it to make a further Progress. Prince's therefore, who are so far in Degree and Dignity superior to others, ought chief to endeavour to despise Envy. He that has not Spirit enough for that, how will he have enough to be a Prince? To go to subdue it by kindness or rigour were plain Imprudence. All other Monsters Hercules tamed; against this neither Force nor Obligations were to any purpose. Nothing can silence the People's Clamours; for whatever Favours you confer, they take for Debts; nay, always promise themselves greater than they receive. Obloquy and Detraction ought not to quench in a Prince the desire of Glory, nor deter him from executing his Erterprises: Dogs bark at the Moon, but she easily despises them, and proceeds in her Course. The principal Art of Government is to be able to endure Envy. Envy is not very prejudicial to Monarchies, but rather generally inflames Virtue, and makes it more illustrious; especially, if the Prince be Just and Constant, and don●t too easily give credit to Calumnies. But in Republics, where each Man goes for a part, and can execute the Desires of his Passions with the help of Friends and Relations; 'tis very dangerous raising Difcord and Clandestine Conspiracies, whence afterwards arise Civil Wars, which are the Causes of all Revolutions in States. 'Twas that in former times ruined Hannibal, and many other great Men; and in this our Age has called in question the unparallelled Fidelity of Angelo Baduero that famous Venetian, whom you may deservedly call the Glory and Ornament of that Commonwealth: A Man so desirous of, and passionate for the Public Good, that even while under banishment, and unjustly oppressed, and persecuted by envious Men, he was in all things strangely solicitous for the Preservation and Welfare of his Country. The most Sovereign Remedy against Envy in Republics, is an Equality of all the Members of them, so as that all Pomp and Ostentation be prohibited; for nothing so excites Emulation as the Splendour and Plenty of Riches. This made the Romans take so much care to regulate and reduce the superfluous Expenses of Feasts, and to divide their Lands and Possessions, that their Citizens might be all equal in Strength and Estate. Envy in Princes is very unbecoming their Eminency and Grandeur, as well for its being the Vice of an Inferior towards his Superiors, as because it must be but a very inconsiderable Glory which can't shine without obscuring others. The Pyramids of Egypt were reckoned among the Seven Wonders of the World for receiving Light on all sides of them, without casting the least Shade on any Bodies near 11 Pyramids in Egypto, quarum in suo statu se umbra consumest, ultra constructionis spatia nulla pa●te respicitur. Cassiodor. l. 6. Var. Epist. 16. . 'Tis a sign of weakness to want that which we envy in others. But nothing is more unworthy a Prince, than to envy the Excellence and Prudence of his Ministers, for they are in a manner Parts and Members of him; the Head envies not the Feet for being so strong as to support the Body, or the Arms, because they can labour; it glories rather in being furnished with such Instruments However, self-love sometimes is the reason, that as Princes are Superior to others in Power, so also they are desirous to surpass them in the Gifts of Mind and Body. Even the fame of Lucan's Verses was a disturbance to Nero in the midst of all his Grandeur 12 Lucanum propriae causae accendebant, quod fama● carminum ejus premebat Nero. Tac. lib. 15. Ann. . Wherefore those who have to do with Princes, aught to be very cautious, not to seem to enter into a Dispute with them for Knowledge or Ingenuity; or if at any time they are by some accident obliged to it, submit rather, and voluntarily yield them the Victory; this being not only Prudence, but Respect due to Princes. The Cherubims (those Spirits of Knowledge and Wisdom) which stood before the Throne of God in Ezekiel's Vision, with singular Modesty covered their Hands with their Wings 13 And there appeared in the Cherubims, the form of a Man's hand u●der their Wings, Ez●k. 10. 8. . This I wish indeed, that the Prince would be jealous of that Veneration, which some to get the greater Interest in him too ambitiously demand, and accordingly moderate a little the excess of those his Favours. Yet, by what Charm I know not, this love and kindness enchants a Prince's Mind, and blinds Envy. Saul could not but look upon David with an ill Eye, when he saw his great Exploits, though done for his Service, more applauded than his own 14 And Saul eyed David from that day, and forward. 1 Sam. 18. 9 . Whereas Abasuerus could easily suffer Haman, that great Favourite of his, to be worshipped and honoured by all as a King 15 And all the King's Servants that were in the 〈◊〉, b●w'd and reverenced Haman, for the King had so commanded concerning him. Esth. 3. 2. . No Envy has more danger in it than that between Noblemen; care should therefore be taken that Honours and Great Places seem not to be Hereditary to particular Families, but be transferred from one to another; yet, so as that the wealthiest of the Nobility be employed in Places that require Pomp and Expense; the poorer sort in those by which they may raise their Fortune, and maintain the Splendour of their Birth. There is some Emulation that is glorious, I mean such as envies the Virtue and Merit of another, but grieves to want them itself, and endeavours by all the Efforts both of Valour and Wit to acquire them; this, I say, is commendable; nor is it to be reputed a Vice, but a kind of spark of Virtue proceeding from a noble and generous Mind. The Honour Miltiades got by his Victory over the Persians, kindled such Flames in Themistocles' Breast, as immediately consumed all his Vices; he like another Man ran about Athens, crying. The Trophies of Miltiades would not let him Sleep. As long as Vitellius had Competitors, he abstained from Vices; but as soon as he was without them, both he and his Army abandoned themselves to Cruelty, Lust, Rapine, and Licentiousness 16 Tum ipse, exercitusque, saevitia, libidine, rapti in extremos mo●es proruperunt. Tac. 2. Hist. . This is the Emulation Commonwealths should encourage, by proposing Rewards, erecting Trophies or Statues; for that is the Soul and Spirit by which they are preserved, and grow daily more flourishing. And this I take to be the Reason the Republic of Switzerland takes so little pains to extend its Limits, and why it produces so few famous Men; though otherwise Nature has been by no means niggardly of Valour, and Strength of Mind to its Inhabitants; for their principal Design is to establish a general Equality, which puts a stop to all Emulation; and consequently all noble and Military Virtues are buried like burning Coals in Ashes. But though this Emulation among Ministers may seem useful, yet 'tis not wholly without Danger, in that the People who suffer no Man to be without a Rival are variously affected 17 Scientia militiae & rumore populi, qui neminem sine 〈◊〉 sinit. Tac. 14. Ann. ; hence, while these favour one, those applaud another, there arises a Contention between both Parties, and these Factions breed Tumults and Seditions. Besides that, the heat of Ambition, and desire of advancing themselves above others, usually puts them upon unlawful Tricks and Artifices; and that which at first was honourable Emulation, degenerates at length into Hatred and Envy. Metellus offended that Pompey was nominated to be his Successor in Farther Spain, and envying the Glory of this Great Commander, disbanded the Soldiers, weakened the Army, and carelessly neglected all Provisions. Pompey did afterwards the same, when he understood Marcus Pompilius was to succeed him in the Consulship, and for fear, possibly, the Honour of Conquering the Numantines might redound to him, made a Peace with them very dishonourable to the Roman Name. In our own times, Grol was lost upon no other account but a Dispute that arose among the Officers, that were sent to relieve it, about Pre-eminence. In short, nothing is so pernicious to Princes, nothing more needs a Remedy. Nor is here connivance to be admitted, but both are to be punished, as well he that seems to be Innocent, as the Person in Fault. This forgiving the occasion; that because he renounced not his Right, and let slip an opportunity of managing Affairs to advantage. Which Rigour, if it seems to any one excessive, will be excused, by considering the Emolument of the Public Good, and of the Example it will leave to Posterity. There's no great Resolution without some mixture of Injury. A Subject aught to look upon the Duty he owes his Prince, before his own Honour; let him demand Satisfaction for the Injury received afterwards, and think he has acquitted himself of his Duty to his Prince, in having a little while put it up. Patience in such a Case, shows extraordinary Courage; for a generous Mind ought to prefer the Service of the King before its own Passions; and lay aside private Feuds when the Public Interest is concerned 18 Privata odia publicis u●ilitatibus remittere, Tac. 1. Ann. . Aristides and Themistocles were bitter Enemies, yet being both sent on an Embassy together, when they came to the City-gate, Aristides said, Let us here, Themistocles, leave for a little time our private Grudges, and at our return resume them again. The same did Henry Guzman, Duke of Medina, who though otherwise an Enemy to Rodrigo Pontre, Marquis of Cadiz, yet out of Love of the Public Good, went to his Assistance at the Siege of Alhama. But because 'tis much easier to prevent these Dangers than remedy them afterwards; the Prince must take care not to put two Ministers of equal Authority in the same Office, for 'tis very difficult to make Power and Agreement subsist in the same place 19 Arduum eodem loco potentiam, & concordiam esse. Tac. 4. Ann. . Tiberius' being to send another Minister into Asia of equal Quality with the then Governor of that Province, thought that might be of dangerous consequence; and therefore chose M. Aletus, a Praetor, lest their equality might breed Emulation, and that occasion some Impediment 20 Delectus est M. Aletus è pretoriis, ne Consulari obtinente Asiam, emulatio inter pares, & ex eo impedimentum ●riretur. Tac. 2. Ann. . EMBLEM X. THE Faulcon's no sooner let fly, but he strives with his Beak to get off the little Bells that are hung at his Feet, knowing them to prejudice his Liberty; for their tingling shrill sound is like a Voice, which with the least motion raised, presently calls the Falconer, and so is the occasion that the poor Bird is brought again to Confinement, how far soever it hide itself in the thickest Woods. Alas! how many Men has the noise of their Virtues, and brave Exploits, been mischievous to? How many has Fame brought into Envy and insupportable Slavery? Nor is great or good Fame less dangerous than bad 1 Nec minus periculum ex●magna fama quam ex mala. Tac. in Vir. Agr. . Miltiades had never ended his Days so unhappily in Prison, had his Valour been concealed and unknown, or moderating his high Spirit, he had been content with a fortune equal to that of other Athenian Citizens. But the Reputation of his Victories increasing, and the Eyes of Envy being not able to bear Fame's so bright Rays, this Republic began to mistrust what merited Esteem and Recompense; they feared, forsooth, their own Necks might at length be obliged to bear the Yoke he had put on that of their Enemies; and dreaded more the future and uncertain Danger of Miltiades' Infidelity, than that present, and far greater one which threatened them from those, who openly designed the Ruin and Destruction of their City. Suspicion never admits Reason into its Council, nor does such fear stand to weigh the Importance of things, or suffer Gratitude to get the better of it. That Commonwealth chose to let one, though the most deserving, of its Citizens lie in Prison and Infamy, rather than all the rest should live in continual Jealousies. The Carthaginians took the Government of Spain from Sapph, under pretence, indeed, of administering the Commonwealth at home; but the true Reason was, that they could no longer suffer his Power and Authority. Thus they banished his Successor, Hanno, who was so eminent for his Navigations, only because he had more Ingenuity and Industry than they thought safe for a free People. He was the first Man they ever saw struck a Lion, and make it tame, and began to apprehend he would at last subdue them, who had vanquished the Savage Beasts. Thus Commonwealths are used to recompense Services and great Actions. No one of the Citizens takes himself in particular to be honoured, or obliged by any good Office is done to the Community; as to Offences and Suspicion, every one thinks himself concerned. If any one's to be rewarded, very few give him their Votes; on the contrary, to find a Man guilty all are zealous. He that is more excellent than others, is thereby in danger; for his Zeal for the Public Good accuses their negligence; his Prudence their Ignorance. Hence 'tis so dangerous to be serviceable and obsequious to Princes; hence Virtue and Industry become like Vices, odious. Sallust, who had a Capacity fit for the most important business, to avoid Envy, feigned himself to be idle and drowsy 2 Cui vigor animi ingentibus negotiis par suberat, eo magis, ut invidiam amoliretur, somnum & inertiam ostentabat. Tac. 5. Ann. . But the worst of all is, that sometimes a Prince is displeased at being awakened by a vigilant Minister, whom he would rather have as careless as himself. To remedy this, as there is an Hypocrisy which counterfeits Virtues, and dissembles Vices; there is need of another to conceal Valour and Excellency of Mind, and to stop the mouth of Fame. 'Twas undoubtedly nothing but the fear of Envy made Agricola so careful to hid his, that they who saw in him so much Humility and Modesty, unless they had otherwise heard of his Fame, could never guests at his Renown by his Person 3 Viso aspectoque Agricola quaererent famam, pauci interpretarentur. Tac. in Vit. Agr. . Time made Germanicus sensible of this inconveniency, but he chose to bear rather than amend it, when after the Conquest of so many Nations, he erected indeed a Trophy, but for fear of Fame put not his Name to it 4 Debella●is inter Rhenum, Albimque nationibus exercitum T●●erit Caesaris ea Monumenta Marti, & jovi, & Augusto sacravisse, de se nihil addidit, metu invidiae, an ratus conscientiam facti esse satis. Tac. 1. Ann. . St. john concealed his, in the relation of the signal Favour our Saviour showed him at his last Supper 5 Now there was leaning on Jesus' bosom, one of his Disciples whom Jesus loved. john 13. 23. , which if 'twas not humane Policy, was at least prudent Modesty. Even mere Dreams about one's own Promotion breeds Envy amongst Brothers. joseph almost hazarded his Life, when with more Ingenuity than Discretion, he told his the Dream he had of the Sheafs of Corn that made obeisance to his that stood upright among the rest; for the very Shadow of Eminence, nay, the bare possibility of excelling makes Envy solicitous. Glory is dangerous, as well because of our own Virtues, as other men's Vices 6 Agricola simul suis virtutibus, simul vitiis aliorum in ipsam gloriam praeceps agebatur. Tac. in Vit. Agr. . Vice is not so feared in Men because it makes them Slaves, as Virtue that makes them Masters; for Dominion is by nature herself given to it, and this Republics won't suffer to be lodged in the Person of one, but would have equally divided among all Virtue is a kind of voluntary tyranny over Minds, has no less influence on them, than Violence itself, or Compulsion; and indeed, to excite Republics to Imitation, 'tis the same thing absolutely whether the People be induced by Reason or by Force, constrained to obey one only; for the first Tyranny, the juster 'tis, the more dangerous and irresistible. This very thing gave rise to the Ostracism, or Ten Years Banishment, to which Aristides, among others, was condemned; whose only Crime, was his having the Reputation of a good and just Man. The People's Favour is a very dangerous Friend to Virtue; for their Applause and Approbation is punished as a fault, as you may see in the Person of Galerian 7 Nihil ausus, sed nomen insigne, & decora ipsi juventa, rumore vulgi celebrabantur. Tac. 4. Hist. . So Germanicus learned by experience, that the Roman People's love was fickle and unfortunate 8 Breves & infaustos populi Romani amores. Tac. 2. Ann. . Neither Princes nor Commonwealths much desire Ministers of extraordinary Excellency, but such as have a competent Skill to manage Affairs, and this reason Tacitus gives why Poppaeus Sabinus was continued Four and twenty Years in the Government of the most considerable Provinces 9 N●llam ob eximiam artem, sed quod par negotiis, neque supra erat. Tac. 6. Ann. . 'Tis therefore a piece of great Prudence to know how to conceal one's Fame, and consequently to beware of all Ostentation of Wit, Valour, or Excellency, and cover all sublime Thoughts, as they say, with Ashes; though I confess, 'tis difficult for a noble Mind to confine to the narrow compass of its own Breast, a Flame that breaks out on all sides, and daily requires new Fuel to increase it, and make it shine with the greater Lustre. But this we may be persuaded to by the Examples of these Illustrious Heroes, who heretofore from the Dictatorship returned to the Plough; and of those that after a Triumphant Entry into the City of Rome by Breaches, because the Gates were not large enough; that after the Conquest of whole Nations, have retreated to poor despicable Cottages, whither afterwards the Commonwealth has come to find them out. Nor had that ever brought them so soon into play again had it not seen they were not ambitious of Honour; for that like a Shadow flies him that pursues it, follows him that flies it. His Fame and Reputation is greatest, who strives to conceal it. Rubellius Plautus was thought to deserve the Empire because he lived retired 10 Omnium ore Rubellius Plautus celebratur, cui nobilitas per matrem ex juliâ familiâ, ipse placita majorum c●lebat, habitu severo, ca●●â & secretâ domo, quantoque metu occultior, tanto plus famae adeptus. Tac. 14. Ann. ; but 'tis not so in Monarchies, where one ascends higher by having begun to ascend. A Prince has Men of Courage and Bravery in great esteem, Republics fear them rather; that animates them by Rewards and Presents, these discourage them by Ingratitude: Nor is fear of their Liberty always the reason of it, but 'tis also a pretence to Cloak their Envy and Emulation under. If any one be the Object of all men's favour and applause, he is usually suspected and envied; which rarely happens in Princes, who done't easily envy their Subject's Glory; but if they do any thing commendable, they attribute it to themselves, as being the Execution of their Orders. This has been observable in the Emperor Otho 11 Gloriam in se trahente, tanquam, & ipse foelix bell●, & suis ducibus, & suis exe●citibus Remp. aux●sset. Tac. 1. Hi●t. . Prudent Ministers ought therefore to attribute to the Prince the happy Success of things; taking warning by the Example of Silius, who incurred Tiberius' Displeasure by boasting that he alone kept the Legions to their Duty; and using to say often, that Tiberius was indebted to him only for his Empire: For Caesar thought at this rate his Fortune would be destroyed, and that he was unable to make return to so great Merit 12 Destrui per haec fortunam suam, Caesar, imparemque tanto meri●● rebatur. Tac. 4. Ann. . Nor was Vespasian displeased with Antonius Primus for any thing, but too frequently mentioning his own Merits 13 Ni●ius commemorandis quae meruisset. Tac. 4. Hist. . Agricola was far more prudent, who never magnified his Exploits for his own Fame, but attributed all his Success to his Superiors 14 Nec Agricola unquam suam famam gestis exultavit, ad auctorem & ducem, ut Minister, fortunam referebat. Ita virtute in obsequendo, verecundia in praedicando extra invidiam, nec extra gloriam erat. Tac. in Vit. Agr. . joab has left an Illustrious Example of this to all Generals; who, when he had forced any City to Surrender, sent word before to King David to bring up new Forces, that the Surrender might be ascribed to his Conduct 15 Now therefore gather the People together, and encamp against the City, and take it, lest I take the City, and it be called after my name. Lat. Vers. Et nomini meo ascribatur victoria. 2 Sam. 12. 28. . The Ancient Germans were above others commended for this, who lay under a strict Obligation, not only to defend and preserve their Prince, but also to attribute the Glory of their own brave Actions to him 16 Principem suum defendere, tueri, sua quoqu● fortia facta gloriae ejus assignare, praecipuum Sacramentum erat. Tac. lib. de Germ. . For these reasons a Person is much securer of a Recompense for the Services he does a Prince, than those done a Commonwealth; and will with more ease get the Favour of the one than the other 17 Tarda sunt quae in common expostulantur, privata● gratiam statim mereare, statim recipias. Tac. 1. Ann. . Besides, that there's less danger in offending that than this; for the Multitude knows not what Connivance, Mercy, or Danger are; it is equally rash in its Resolutions, whether the thing to be attempted be dangerous or unjust; for either the Fear or Blame is divided among many, and each Man persuades himself the danger is not like to fall on his Pate, that the Infamy belongs not to him 18 Ita trepidi, & utrinque anxii coeunt; nemo privates, expedite consilio, inter multos, societate culpae tutior. Tac. 2. Hist. . A Community has no Forehead to blush, as a Prince has, who is with great reason solicitous for his own Person chief, as well as for his Reputation, and that of his Posterity. All Men flatter a Prince, setting before him the things that lead to Glory, in Republics few are concerned for the Public Honour, almost all for Security 19 〈◊〉 de●●s publicum curae, plures tuta disserunt. Tac. 12. Ann. . A Prince has his Subjects to content, in a Community that care and trouble ceases; for what it undertakes or does, is by the Common Counsel of all, and so every one is thought to be concerned in it. And hence I imagine it comes to pass, that Commonwealths (I mean not such as are in a manner Kingly) are so unconstant and false in the Observation of Treaties; for that only is just with them, which seems to be for the Interest of their Preservation, Grandeur, and the Liberty they so much advance, in which they are extremely Superstitious. They imagine they worship true Liberty, and with a servile Submission adore infinite tyrannical Idols. Every one thinks he Commands, and all Obey; they are all provided with an Antidote against the Poison of Monarchy, and the Sovereignty of many they greedily and securely swallow; they fear nothing more than the Tyranny of Foreigners, take no notice of that at home. Liberty is talked of every where, found not where. All are possessed of it in Imagination, none in Reality. Let the United Provinces now make a Comparison between the Liberty they formerly had, and that they enjoy at present, and diligently examine which of the two has the Advantage; whether they ever underwent the same Slavery then, suffered those Loses and Taxes they at this day sensibly experiment. Let the Subjects of some Commonwealths, nay the Magistrates themselves, in whose Hands the Government is, think whether it were possible for any Tyrant to enslave them more than those very Persons they have set up to Assert their Liberty, when there is not one that really enjoys it in his Actions. They are all miserable Slaves to their own Jealousies; the Magistracy is its own Tyrant; and it may be truly said of both, that they live without a Master, but not with Liberty 20 Magis sine Domino, quam in libertate. Tac. 2. Ann. ; for the more they strive to disengage themselves from the Bonds of Slavery, the faster they are bound with them 21 Sed dum veritati consulitur, libertas corrumpebatur. Tac. 1. Ann. . EMBLEM XI. THE Tongue is an Instrument, by the help of which the Mind discovers its Sentiments, for it expresses itself either by that, or by the Pen, which like a silent Tongue sometimes supplies its place, drawing on Paper the Words which should have been uttered by the Voice. From both the one, and the other, one may draw a probable conjecture of a Man's Parts and Capacity. For by Speech, Wisdom shall be known, and Learning by the Word of the Tongue 1 Eccles. cap 4. 29. . Hence King Alphonso, the Wise, speaking in his Laws how a Prince ought to carry himself in his Conversation, what Moderation he should use in speaking; among other things says, Multiloquy makes their Words unregarded, and if a King be not a Man of good Sense, his Tongue soon discovers the defect; for as an Earthen Pot is tried by the Sound, so is a Man's Sense by his Words † L 5. ●it. 4. p. 2. . A Comparison which he seems to have borrowed from this Passage of Persius: — Sonat vitium percussa malignè, Respondet viridi non cocta fideli● limo. Speech is the minds Countenance; by that is discovered whether it be sound or not 2 Orati● vultus ani●● est, si cir●umto●sa est & fucata, & manuf●cta, o●tendi● illum non esse 〈◊〉, & habere aliquid ●racti. Sen Epis●. 115. . To represent this, I have made use of another nobler Emblem, and more accommodated to the Subject; 'tis a Bell, the true Emblem of a Prince; for as that is hung up in the most eminent place of the City, it times, and regulates all the Citizens Actions; and if the Metal be not good, or it has any other fault in't, 'tis by its Sound presently discerned 3 Vas fictil● ictu & sono, h●mo sernione p●o●atu●. Meliss. Serm 48. Tom. ●. Babble. . So a Prince is a kind of general Clock to all his Subjects, who in a great measure depend, as I may say, upon the Motion of his Words, and by them he either gets or loses a Reputation, every one giving himself to gue●s at his Genius, Wit, and Inclinations, by his Discourse. Not a Word escapes his Hearers, each one makes a deep Impression on their Memory, they are repeated to others, and exposed to the Censure of all, who usually put various Constructions upon them, as they think fit. Nay, even, what comes from him in private and unawares, passes for profound and mysterious, and not for casual and accidental. It were therefore very proper for them not to be extemporary but premeditated 4 A Fool travaileth with a Word, as a Woman in labour of ● Child. Eccles. 19 11. , not spoken without a previous Consideration of all the Circumstances of Time, Place, and Persons. For— Nescit vox missa reverti,— as Horace says, seconded by King Alphonso, For this reason all Men, especially a King, aught to take great care of his Words before he utters them, for when they are once out of the Mo●th, there is no Man can recall them † L. 1. tit. 4. part. 2. . Whence may arise very great Inconveniences, for the Words of Kings are the principal Instruments of Government 5 Where the Word of a King is, there is power. Eccl. 8. 4. . Death and Life are in the Power of the Tongue 6 Death and Life are i● the Power of the T●ngue. Prov. 18. 21. ; as also the Honour and Ignominy, the Prosperity and Ruin of Subjects. This made Aristotle, when he sent calisthenes to Alexander the Great, advise him to talk little with him, and only upon agreeable Subjects; for that 'twas a dangerous thing to Treat with one who carried the Power of Life and Death at his Tongue's end. There's not a Word comes from a Prince's Mouth without a peculiar Emphasis: Is it about Business, they are Commands; if of Crimes, they are Sentences; if of Promises, Obligations; by his Words he is either obeyed or disobeyed. Let Princes therefore take care how they use this Tongue of theirs, which Nature has not merely by chance fenced and enclosed with, as it were, a Wall of Teeth; nor is there less need of a Bridle for the Tongue, than for a Horse 7 Eccl. 28. 29. . 'Tis, it is true, one of the least Members of the Body, but 'tis like the Rudder of a Ship, on whose Motion the loss or safety of the whole Vessel depends. The Tongue is placed in a wet place, and so easily slips, unless stayed by Prudence. Hence that Prayer of David; Set a Watch, O Lord, before my Mouth, keep the Door of my Lips 8 Psalm 140. 3. . For a Prince to condescend to a familiar Conversation with any one, lessens his Character, prostitutes his Authority, and brings many other Inconveniences upon him, unless he do it for Information; for every Man desires to have a wise Prince, and one that understands his Affairs very well; which is next to an impossibility, for a Prince can't know all things 9 Neque ●●sse Principem sua scientia cuncta complecti. Tac 3. Ann. ; and if he answer in the least from the purpose; he shall be presently condemned for Insufficiency or Negligence. Besides, that Prince's Talents and Endowments very rarely answer the generally received Opinion of them; therefore to avoid the danger of this, the Roman Emperors chose to Treat with their Subjects by Notes, and give them Answers in Writing, as well to get time for Deliberation, as because the Pen is less subject to mistake than the Tongue; for this can't handsomely defer an Answer, that can. Sejanus, however great a Favourite of Tiberius', conferred only with him by way of Memorial 10 Componit ad Caesareni codicils: mo●is quippe tum erat quamquam praesentem sc●ipto adieu. Tac. 4. Ann. . There are, however, some Affairs which may be better treated of by Word of Mouth; particularly, when there●s something of danger in leaving one's Sentiments in another's hands, which are a kind of perpetual Evidence, and more liable to be wrested to different meanings than Words, which as they quickly pass, and stick not deep in the Memory, are not so easily actionable. But whether a Prince gives his Answers this, or the other way, he should always remember, that brevity is the most prudent, and most becoming a Prince's Majesty 11 Multum brevi sermone inest ●rude●tiae Sopn●cl. . Hence Tacitus gives that Epithet Imperial to Brevity 12 Imperatoria brevit●●e. Tac▪ 1. Hist. . You should use the Tongue as your Sword, that is, not lay yourself too open to your Adversary; he that discloses his whole Mind, exposes himself to Danger. Concise Discourses have the greatest Efficacy, and leave most room for Reflection. Nothing's so like a King, as to talk little, and hear much. Nor is it less requisite for him to know how to be silent, than how to speak. In this, Men are our Masters. In that, God himself, who always enjoins Silence in his Mysteries. He resembles the Divinity most, who has learned to hold his Peace. Even a fool when he holdeth his peace is counted wise, and he that shutteth his Lips is esteemed a Man of understanding 13 Pro●. cap. 17. . The heart of fools is in their mouth, but the mouth of the wise is in their heart 14 Eccles 21. 29▪ . This is Prudence to avoid both Extremes, for each has its danger: All to Talk, or none, Are distant, and yet neighbouring Faults. Auson. 'Tis then only convenient to speak, when Silence prejudices either the Prince or Truth. Majesty by a Nod only sufficiently explains its self. Silence well-timed, is in Princes great Eloquence; and a grave and modest Carriage are usually more significantly expressive of one's Thoughts than Words themselves. But if one's obliged to use these at any time, they ought to be sincere, and with liberty in thinking becoming a King. Your free Conceptions dress in plain Words. Tass. For by too many Asseverations, Oaths, and unnecessary Proofs, they either quite lose their Credit, or at least are rendered suspicious; they ought then to be Grave without Moroseness; Graceful without Affectation; of Force without Roughness; lastly, Common not Vulgar. Even with God, Words well ordered, seem to have most weight and influence 15 Job 41. 3. . But the Tongue and Pen require no where more prudent Moderation than in Promises, in which Princes either out of a natural Generosity, or to obtain their Ends with more ease, or to avoid a Danger, are usually extravagant; which when they can't perform, they lose their Credit, and procure themselves Enemies, so that it had been better not to have been so lavish of them. There have been more Wars occasioned by the Breach of Promises than by Injuries. For Interest is seldom in these so much concerned as in them. And Princes are generally moved more by their own Advantage than by Injuries received. To make large Promises, and not keep them, is interpreted by a Superior, an Affront; by an Equal, Injustice; by an Inferior, Tyranny 16 Better is it that thou shouldest no● vow, t●an that thou shouldest vow and no● pay. E●cles. 5. 5. . The Tongue therefore should not be too forward to promise, without assurance that the Promise can be performed 17 ●e not hasty in thy Tongue, and in thy Deeds sl●ck and remis●, Eccl. 4. 29. . In Threats also, the Tongue easily goes beyond its Limits; for the Heat of Anger soon puts it in Motion, and when Revenge can't equal the Passion, of necessity Prudence; nay, and Supreme Power must l●se not a little of their Credit. 'Tis therefore much more adviseable to dissemble Injuries, that the Effects of Satisfaction may be considered before the Prince threatens it. He that uses Menaces before his Hands, designs either to make them the only Instruments of his Revenge, or to give his Enemy warning. There's no more terrible threatening than Silence. If mine's already let o●●, no one is afraid; those are always more formidable that lie still concealed underground; for the Effects of the Imagination are usually greater than those of the Senses. Detraction has in it a great mixture of Envy and Ostentation; it is always almost of an Inferior towards his Superior, and consequently much below a Prince, by whose Lips no Man's Honour ought to be brought in question. If he sees Vices, he should punish them; if other small Defects, correct or connive at them. The praise of brave Actions and Services is a part of their Reward; excites the Person commended to, as it were an Emulation of himself, and is a Spur to others. However, to commend all Subjects indifferently, is not without danger. For the Judgement they pass on them being various and uncertain, and that Praise, a kind of definitive Sentence, time may discover to have been rashly given; in the mean time, the Prince's Honour will oblige him not to retract easily what he has once approved. As well therefore for this reason, as not to give occasion to Envy, great Circumspection is required in praising Persons, which is also one of the Holy Spirit's Oracles, judge no one blessed before his Death 18 Vid. Lat. Vers. Ante mortem ne laudes hominem quenquam. Eccles. 11. 30. . It was a principal Maxim among the Stoics, to commend no one rashly, because scarce any thing can be affirmed with certainty, and we are often deceived in things that appear to us most praiseworthy. EMBLEM XII. THE Heart of Man, Nature, that skilful Architect, has hid in the most retired part of the Breast; however, least probably, seeing itself thus concealed, and without Witnesses, it should do any thing against the Law of Reason, she has withal given Man that native Colour or Fire of Blood, for Modesty to inflame his Countenance withal, and accuse his Heart, if it deviate from Honour in any thing, or think otherwise than the Tongue speaks, both which ought always to have the same Motion, and a mutual Agreement in all things. But Malice by degrees effaces that Mark which is used in Children to show its self. Hence the Romans wellknowing the importance of Truth for the establishment of Society, and maintaining Commerce in the Commonwealth; and desiring nothing more than to preserve the shame of deserting it among Men, hung about their children's Neck a Golden Heart, (which they called Bulla) an Hieroglyphic, says Ausonius, invented by Pythagoras, to signify the Ingenuity Men ought to profess in Conversation, and the Sincerity they should observe in Truth, wearing at their Breast, a Heart uncovered, as it were, and open, the Genuine Emblem of that Truth. And this we commonly mean, when speaking of a Man of Veracity, we say he carries his Heart in his Hands, or that he is open-hearted. The same the Egyptian Priests signified by the Sapphire they put upon their Prince's Breasts, to represent emblematically the same Truth; as their Ministers of Justice also used to wear about them some Figure of it. Nor should any one imagine, that for the Prince to be so sincere, and professed a Lover of Truth, would perhaps but give an occasion to Deceit and Cozenage; for on the contrary, nothing is more effectual in preventing those Cheats, and driving away Lies, which never dare look Truth in the face. The same Observation I take that advice of Pythagoras to allude to, never to speak with one's Back towards the Sun; thereby intimating that nothing ought to be uttered repugnant to Truth; for a Liar can't bear the bright Rays of Truth, signified by the Sun upon a double account, both because of the Sun's Unity; as for that it disperses Darkness, and drives away Shades, restoring to all things their true Light and proper Colours, as the present Emblem shows; where as soon as that Luminary is got above the Horizon, the Obscurity of Night immediately flies, and the Nocturnal Birds retire to the Woods dark Coverts, which in that's absence, and favoured by the Silence of Night, use while others sleep, to seek their Prey. What Confusion is the Owl in, if by chance she comes into the Sun's presence? In that glittering Light she Staggers to and fro, and is confounded, that Splendour quite blinds her, and frustrates all her Tricks. Can any one have so much Subtlety and Craft, but they will presently fail him when he comes before an ingenuous Prince, and one that is a particular Friend to Sincerity and Truth 1 Magni praesentia veri. Virgil. ? There's no force able to penetrate into the Designs of a candid Mind, if that Candour want not some Retirements for Prudence. Is there any thing more open and evident to the Eyes of the World, any thing more resplendent, more opposed to Shadows and Darkness than the Sun? Nevertheless, if any one will look steadfast upon its Rays, he will discover I know not what Abuses, as 'twere, and Obscurities of Light, which so darken the Eyes, that what they saw, they can't tell. Thus Knavery is blinded with the Light of Truth, and its Foundations overturned, nor can it find any more a way to delude with its Artifices. 'Tis a Victory truly worthy a Prince, to conquer Frauds and Cheats with Ingenuity, Lies with Truth. To lie is a slavish Vice, and consequently very unbecoming the generous Mind of Princes, who above all Men should endeavour to render themselves like God, who is Truth itself 2 Excellent Speech becometh not a Fool; much less do lying ●ip● a Prince. Prov. 17. 7. . Whence Kings, (says King Alphonso) who keep its place upon Earth, and to whom it particularly belongs to guard it, aught to take special care not to contradict it by falsity; if a King should once give himself to Lying, he will not be believed, even when he speaks truth, and will farther give encouragement to others to follow his Example. This inconveniency Tiberius experimented, who often pretending to restore Liberty and the Consular Government to the Commonwealth, and to remit the Management of Affairs to others, caused the People to mistrust him when he meant really and honestly 3 Ad vana & toties irrisa revolutus de reddenda Rep●● utque consuls, se● quis alius, regimen susci●eret, ●●ro quoque & honesto fidem dempsit. T●c. 4 A●n. . The greater Monarches are, they are the more exposed to Vanity and Lies 4 C●ncta m●g●is impe●iis objecta●i solitus. T●c. 4. Ann. . The Rays of a plentiful Fortune easily contract the Clouds of Detraction. In great Empires all things have the worst Construction put upon them, and are obnoxious to Reproaches. What open Force can't do, Calumny by secret Mines attempts, in which thing he that hath the Rule over others, has need of great Courage, not to change his Course, or suffer himself to be stopped by the Clamours of Cavillers. This constancy and firmness of Mind has always eminently appeared in the Kings of Spain, to whom it has been, in a manner, natural to despise Envy and Calumny; by which means alone, many Clouds of that Nature have been dispelled, which as Majesty raises, so it also by the force of Truth dissipates, as the Sun's Heat does Vapours. What infamous Libels, what manifest Falsities, what forged Stories, what Calumnies have malicious Men often spread against the Spanish Monarchy? Nor for all this, could that Envy be able to cast the least Blemish upon its so just Administration of the Kingdoms 'tis possessed of in Europe, because that is open to the World, and visible to all. Among other things, by new contrived Devices, and studied Lies to render its Government odious, and so make the Rebellious Princes less desirous of a Reconciliation: I know not what Author, under the Name of the Bishop of Chapa, has published a Book, wherein he gives a large Account of the Inhuman and Barbarous Usage the Indians received from the Spaniards; and that those Lies might have a more easy Credit; the Book was first spread about in Spain, as Printed at Sevil, afterwards Translated into other Languages. An ingenious Invention indeed, and acute piece of malice, and of more consequence than perhaps can be believed, for upon some easy Minds it had very ill Effect, though most of the more prudent so●● soon discovered the Cheat; in as much as all those things are abundantly confuted by the extraordinary Zeal for Religion and Justice, the Spanish Nation always with great Constancy exercises and maintains all over the World, nor is it unlike its self in the Indies only. I won't however deny, but at the first Invasion of America, some things happened not altogether to be approved, but this was only by their fault, who thinking this Known World too little for their vast Minds, had the boldness by the Permission, rather than Command, or Choice of their King to try their Fortune in other Parts, and discover New Countries hitherto unknown, where they found a barbarous People, Idolatrous to Superstition, more Savage than Beasts, who brutally lived on Man's Flesh, whose Inhumanity was incorrigible but by force and utmost rigour. But it was not long before their Catholic Majesties provoided a Remedy against these Disorders, for they sent to those Coasts Commissaries to punish those severely they found had been guilty; and to maintain entire Justice among the Indians, they gave afterwards many Paternal Orders for their Preservation, of which it was none of the least to exempt them from those severe Labours they daily underwent in the Mines, and in other things before the Discovery of those Countries. They sent besides, Divines with great Zeal to teach them the Mysteries of the Christian Faith; founded Bishoprics at their own Expenses, and those of the Crown, and maintained Religious Convents for the benefit of that new planted Church, without suffering them from the time those vast Countries fell into the Spaniards hands, even in the absence of their new Masters, to want any any thing which 'tis a King's Duty to supply his Subjects withal. In which the Government of this State, and the Vigilance of its Ministers, may in a manner seem to surpass that of the Sun it's self, of the Moon and Stars, and the Influence they have over things below; for but a few hours, in which the Sun's presence lightens one Hemisphere; the other is in Confusion, while Malice clothes and covers its self with the Darkness of Night, and under the Mask, as it were, of that Obscurity commits Murders, Robberies, Adulteries, and every thing that's ill, the Sun's providence not being able to prevent them, though, indeed, even in the Night he spreads some Twilight above the Horizon, or in the interim leaves the performance of his Office to the Moon as his Vicegerent, and the Stars as his Ministers, and communicates to them the Authority of his Rays. From this our World, the Kings of Spain govern that other in Justice, Peace, and Religion, with the same Political Happiness the Kingdoms of Castille enjoy to their satisfaction. But least the Envious and Enemies of the Spanish Monarchy should triumph with these their Artifices, and that all the Calumnies of that Book may be entirely overthrown, let us suppose all those Evils, which Malice has feigned the Indians to have suffered, to be true; and compare them to what have been really undergone in our own time in several Wars, as well against Genoa, as in Germany, Burgundy, and Lorraine, and 'twill appear clearer than light, that that lie comes far short of the truth of these. What cruel Torments have Tyrants ever invented against Innocence, which in these our times we have not seen put in practice, not against inhuman and barbarous People, but civilised Nations; and those not always Enemies, but even their own Members, without respect to Propinquity of Blood, or Piety towards their Country? How often have we seen Auxiliary Forces turn their Weapons upon them that sent them? Defence been more bloody than open Offence? Protection become immediate Destruction; Friendship, Hostility? Not a stately Edifice, not a Sacred Place, has been spared by Fire and Sword: In a little time we have seen an infinite number of Towns, Forts, and Cities, buried in their own Ashes; and Countries very populous changed into most Solitary Deserts. Nor yet, could that Thirst of Humane Blood be quenched or satisfied. 'Twas no new thing then to try Pistols and Swords upon men's Breasts, as Bodies of Trees, and that not only in the heat of Battle, but in cool Blood, 'twas then a very agreeable Spectacle to see the deformed Looks, and trembling Limbs of Men exspiring. How often have men's Bellies ripped open served for Mangers? Sometimes in those of Women ('tis dreadful to mention it) their tender Embryo's were mixed with Straw and Oats, and made Provender for Horses. At the Expense of Life, 'twas tried, how much Water a Man's Body would hold, or how long one could live without Sustenance. Nuns were violated, Daughters of good Families dishonoured, Wives ravished in the very sight of their Parents and Husbands. Women, as all other Spoil or Plunder, were either sold or exchanged for Cows or Horses, and Labourers were put to Chariots, and compelled to draw them as Horses; and to make them discover where their Riches lay, hung by the Feet and Members, and thus let down into hot Furnaces. There Children were barbarously murdered before their Eyes, that Paternal Affection might in the Grief of these their dearest Pledges effect what self-love could not oblige them to. In Woods and Forests where Wild Beasts find refuge, Men could not; for the Blood hounds chased them thence, and brought them to the Stake. The deepest Lakes we●e not secure from so Ingenious Covetousness and Rapine; the Effects of these wretched People were raked thence with Hooks and Nets. Not so much as dead men's Bones were suffered to rest, Tombs and Grave-stones were thrown down to search under them for Treasures. There's no magical, no devilish Art which they put not in practice to discover their Money. Many thousand Men perished by Cruelty and Covetousness, not by their own Baseness, as the Indians, whose Extirpation Divine Justice permitted, for having been so many Ages Rebels to their Creator. I mention not these things to accuse any Nation in particular; for I am assured most, if not all, have acted their Parts in this Barbarous and Inhuman Tragedy; but only to vindicate that of the Spaniards from Calumny. The sweetest and best framed Mind is sometimes in danger of transgressing its Limits. 'Tis the weakness of our frail Nature, to be subject to commit the most brutish Action, if it want the Bridle of Religion and Justice. EMBLEM XIII. THE Moon supplies the Sun's absence, in presiding over Night; upon the various Motions, upon the Increase and Decrease of that, depend the Vigour and Conservation of things here below; and although that is as much more beautiful as these be obscure, and of themselves weak, as receiving their Being from its Light; yet there's no one, either upon that account, or for its other innumerable Benefits, takes much notice of it, even, at the height of its Splendour. But i● it be at any time by the Interposition of the Earth Eclipsed, and discover the defects of its Body, not as before illuminated by the Sun, but dark and opacous, immediately all men's Eyes are upon it, all observe it; nay, this Accident Curiosity long before anticipates, and measures its Steps every moment. What are Princes, but a kind of Terrestrial Planets and Moons, on which that Divine Sun of Justice diffuses its Rays for the Government of the Earth? For if those Stars have Power over things, these have over minds. This I imagine made the Persian Kings endeavour by a sort of false Rays to imitate the Form of the Sun and Moon, to make themselves esteemed equal to those Planets. Sapor, one of them in a Letter to the Emperor Constantius, called himself Brother to the Sun and Moon 1 Rex Regum Sapor, particeps side●●m, & frater s●iis, & Lunae, Constantio fra●ri meo sal●t●m. Amm●in. Marcel. lib 4. . Princes, their Dignity makes conspicuous among other Men, as placed in the highest Orbs of Power and Empire, and so exposed to all men's Censures. They are Coloss●, or vast Statues, whose Parts can't bear the least Disproportion one to another, but others Eyes will presently be upon it. They ought therefore to be very circumspect in their Actions, since they are the Objects of the whole World's Attention; and tho' their good ones pass sometimes without Remark, their Faults will never escape Observation. Curiosity employs a hundred Eyes, and far more Ears, to penetrate Princes most Secret Thoughts. They seem like that Stone in Zachariah, upon which were Seven Eyes 2 Zach. 3. 9 . For which reason, in the highest Grandeur there is least Liberty 3 Qui magno imperio ●●●diti in excelso ae●a●em agunt, eorumque fact● 〈◊〉 mortales nouêre, ita maximâ fortunâ ●●inima licentia est. Sallust. . The Prince's Hand keeps time in that Musical Consort, which good and prudent Government makes; if this time be not regular and even, there arises a Confusion of Voices, and the Harmony is disordered in others, in that all follow the Motion of that. Hence 'tis, that States generally resemble their Princes, and sooner the ill than the good; for as Subjects use so carefully to observe their Vices, they make an Impression on their Minds, and are easily afterwards imitated out of Flattery. For Vicious Princes not only commit Vices themselves, but infuse them into their People, and are more unblamable for the Example than the Fault; and experience tells us, that bad Habits commonly do more mischief than the very best do good; for such is the perverse Inclination of our Nature, that it rather studies to imitate Vices than Virtues. How Great, how Excellent, were those of Alexander the Great? Yet, the Emperor Caracalla strove to resemble him in nothing but that Habit he had of leaning hi● Head on his Left Shoulder. Though, indeed, some of a Prince's Vices prejudice himself only; others affect also the Commonwealth, as Tacitus has observed in Vitellius and Otho 4 Vitellius ventre, & gula sibi ipsi hostis: Otho luxu, saevitia, audatia Reipub. exitiosior ducebatur. Tac. 2. Hist. . Yet they are all extremely prejudicial to Subjects by the Example they give. Our easy Tempers are biased by Princes 5 Flexibiles in quamcunq●● partem ducimur à principibus, atque, ut ita d●cam, sequentes sumus. Plin in Paneg. ; we follow their Example, whether they be Good or Evil, like those Wheels in Ezekiel's Vision, which in all things exactly followed the Motion of the Cherubims 6 Ezek. 10. 1●. . Each Action of Princes seems to be a Command to be obeyed by Imitation 7 Ea conditio principum, ut quicquid facian●, praecipere videantur. Quinci●. . Subjects imagine they do their Prince an agreeable piece of Service in imitating his Vices, and seeing these are Masters of the Will; Flattery easily persuades herself this must be the way to gain it. Thus Tigellinus grew daily more Bold and Confident, thinking his ill Practices would be less unacceptable, if he could engage his Prince (Nero) to be his Associate in them 8 Validio●que indies Tigellin●●, & malas artes quibus pollebat, gratiores ratus, si principem societate s●eleris obstringeret. Tac. 14. Ann. . By this means 'tis the Commonwealth is disordered, and Virtue confounded. Prince's should therefore lead such a Life, so form their Manners, that all may learn by them to be Virtuous and Honest; which advice they have given them by King Alphonso, in the Sixth of his Law. For if Vices extinguish the Lamp of Virtue in a Prince, who ought like a Beacon to give Light to all, and show them the securest Course to Sail in, he cannot avoid dashing against Rocks the Vessel of the Commonwealth; it being impossible for that Government to be well ordered, where the Prince has abandoned himself to Vice: For, says King Alphonso, the Nature of Vice is such, that the more a Man uses it, the more he loves it. The People easily slight and contemn Laws, if they see him that is the very Soul of them not observe them. Thus, as the Moon's Eclipses prejudice the Earth, so the Prince's Faults are the Destruction of his Kingdom: For the Punishment due to them, God Almighty generally inflicts upon the Subjects too, and that deservedly, for that in following his Example, they make themselves Accessary to the same Crimes; as 'tis related in Scripture of the People of Israel under jeroboam 9 And the Lord sh●ll give Israel up, because of the Sins of jeroboam, who did sin, and made Is●ael to sin. 1 Kings 14. 1●. . The bare Shadow of an ill Action, which obscured King Roderigo's Fame, kept the Liberty of all Spain in Darkness for many Years; wherefore that barbarous Custom of the Mexicans is in some measure excusable; who at the Inauguration of a New King, obliged him to take an Oath he would Administer Justice, not oppress his Subjects; that he would be in War strenuous and valiant: In a word, that he would † Lop. Gamar. take care the Sun continued his Course, and preserved his Splendour; that the Clouds should give Rain, and the River's Water, and that the Earth should produce its Fruit plentifully. For the Sun himself obeys a Holy Prince, as joshua experienced for a Reward of his Virtue, and the Earth is more than ordinary Fertile out of Gratitude, in a manner to the Justice of Kings towards their People. This is what Homer would signify by these Verses: The King, who takes Religion for his Guide; Who does for's Subject's wholesome Laws provide; For him the willing Earth shows all its Stock, Corn, Wine, and Fruit; for him the teeming Flock Brings double Births; the Sea opens all its Cells: Where justice reigns, their Peace and Plenty dwells. The goodness of a Year is not to be judged of so much by good Fruit, as the Justice of the Prince 10 Annum 〈◊〉 non tam de bonis fructibus, quam de just reg●●●tibus existimandum. Boetius. . And 'tis very much the Opinion of the Vulgar, that those who Govern them, are the only Cause of their Happiness or Misery; nay, they often impute to the Prince, even Casualties, as the Roman People did to Tiberius 11 Qui mos vulgo for●uita ad culp●● trabentes. Tac. 4. Ann. . Let not a Prince persuade himself that his Vice● will be less censured, for suffering them to go unpunished in others, or having them in common with the People, as 'tis related Witiza did: For though Subjects love Libertinism, they hate the Author of it; which was the reason it cost him afterwards his Life, being by all Men hated for his scandalous way of living. What we usually Censure in others as highly Base and Infamous, in ourselves we scarce allow to be Infirmities of Nature. The greatest Defect in ourselves we easily connive at, but in a Looking-Glass can't suffer the least Spot. Such a one is a Prince, in whose Person his Subjects have a view of themselves, nor is any thing more unpleasant to them, than to see him sullied with Vice. Nero was not at all less infamous for having many Companions in his Debaucheries; however he thought thereby to avoid Scandal 12 Ratusque dedecus emoliri, si plures 〈◊〉 dasset▪ Tac. 14. Ann. . Nor should Princes imagine themselves secure from a self-consciousness of their good Actions; for whenever the People can't inform themselves of their Actions, they begin nicely to examine them, and always put the worst Interpretation upon them; wherefore 'tis not enough for them to do well, but necessary, also, that the means they use have no appearance of Evil. And how will that Man have any thing secret, who can't be without his own Grandeur, and a Retinue of Courtiers, nor do any thing alone; whose Liberty draws with it so many Fetters and Golden Chains, whose noise every one hears? This was signified in the Person of the Highpriest, by those little Bells that hung round the bottom of his Garment, lest he should forget that his Steps were exposed to all men's Ears 13 And he compassed him with Pomegranates, and with golden Bells round about, that there might be a sound, and a noise made, that might be heard in the Temple. Eccl. 45. 9 . All the Guards both within and without a Prince's Palace, all the Courtiers that attend him in his Chamber or Closet, are so many Spies of his Words and Actions; nay, and very Thoughts, attentively observing all his Gestures, and the Motions of his Countenance, that discoverer of the Heart. Thus, according to the Psalmist's Expression, Their Eyes look unto his Hands 14 Psal. 122. 2. . But if they observe any failing in a Prince, though they pretend to conceal it, yet they love to discover it, either to get the Reputation of Persons discreet, and well acquainted with the Government, or that of Zealots. Here they look on one another, and no one daring to open his Mouth, they speak most by their Silence. The Secret boils and bubbles within them, agitated by the fervent desire they have of revealing it, till at last it overflows 15 His word was in mine heart as a burning fire sh●t up in my bones, and I was weary with forbearing, and I could not slay, jer. 20. 9 . Tongues run to Ears. This Man discloses it to that, having first obliged him by Oath to Secrecy; that in the same manner to another; so that while no body knows, 'tis known to all. Thus, as 'twere in a moment Calumny passes from the Closet to the Offices, thence to the Streets and Public Places. But what wonder is it, if this happens among Domestics, when Princes are not assured, even, of their own faithfulness, however desirous they are to conceal their Vices and Tyrannies; for their own Conscience accuses them; as it happened to Tiberius, who could not forbear disclosing to the Senate the Miseries which he suffered from his Crimes 16 Quip Tiberium non fortuna, non solitudines protegebant, qui●●ormenta pectoris, su●sque ipse poe●as fateretur. Tac. 1. Ann. . However, Princes ought not to be discouraged, if by their Industry and Diligence they seem not to satisfy every one; for that is a thing impossible, nor will ever Passion, Envy, and the so different Judgement of the Mob concur to commend him, much less can this our frail Nature in all things act without Fault and Error. Is any one more careful and solicitous in giving Light to this World, any more perfect than that Eye of it, that Prince of Light, the Sun, who gives Being, Colour, and Beauty to all things? Yet notwithstanding the Splendour of his Rays, Curiosity discovers therein I know not what Spots and Obscurities. This care of the Prince to regulate his own Life and Actions, aught to be extended to those also of his Ministers, the Representatives of him, in as much as both God and Men hold him to be no less obliged to do the one than the other. ● 'tis not the Moon's defect, what it suffers in an Eclipse, but that of the Earth, which interposes its Shadow betwixt it and the Sun; nevertheless every one imputes it to the Moon; and this Shadow only is sufficient to darken its Rays, and create so much prejudice to things here below. Prince's Vices we only attribute to his depraved Will; but to let Crimes in his Ministers go unpunished, is esteemed baseness of Mind. The vehemence of the Passions and Affections is some excuse for our particular faults, but to indulge them in others, is wholly inexcusable. A Vicious Prince may have Virtuous Ministers; but if he begin to connive with them, both he and they will be bad. Hence it sometimes happens, that an ill Prince's Government may be good, provided he take care others follow not his Example: For that Rigour suffers not any Action to be mimicked out of Flattery, nor lets that natural Inclination of the Will prevail, by which every one loves to resemble Princes by imitating their Actions. Grant such a Prince bad for himself, he will be good for the State. To give absolute Liberty to Ministers, is wholly to abandon the Reins of Government. Wicked Princes are as difficult to be cured as tainted Lungs; in that Remedies can't be applied to them. For these consist in hearing and seeing, both which they are equally averse to; nay, love not that others should hear or see; at least, their Domestics and Ministers, who rather applaud. Prince's Vices, don't suffer it; but as the Ancients were used to make a great noise with Brass and Cymbals, while the Moon was in Eclipse 17 Igitur aeris sono, tubarum, corn●umque conc●n●u strepere, prout ●plendidior, obscuriorve laetari aut moerere. Tac. 6. Ann. ; so they make it their business with Music, and other Divertisements, to amuse the Prince's Mind, chief to keep his Ears continually employed, lest the People's Clamours, or the Voice of Truth, which discovers Cheats, should reach them: And lastly, that the Prince being plunged in the same Vices with themselves, there may be none to Reprove and Correct them. EMBLEM XIV. THERE's scarce any one Instrument can by its self make a Work of Art entirely perfect. What the Hammer can't, the File finishes. Yea, faults of the Loom the Shears (the Body of the present Emblem) correct, and give an additional neatness and beauty to Cloth. The Censure of others rectifies our Manners; they would be full of Knots, did not the Tongue clip them off: Those whom the Law its self can't Curb or Reform, oftentimes fear of Blame only restrain, that being the Spur of Virtue, and Bridle to keep it in the right way. Reproofs upon the obedient Ears of a prudent Prince, are (as Solomon says) like Earrings of Gold and glittering Pearls 1 Prov. 25. 12. , wonderfully Ornamental and great Accomplishments to him. There's no more mortal Enemy to Vice than Censure, it has far more Efficacy than Exhortation and Instruction; for Exhortation proposes at a distance future Fame and Glory; Censure immediately accuses what is Base and Dishonourable, and inflicts present Punishment, by divulging the Infamy. That incites us to do well; this not to do ill, and the Mind more easily abstains from what is Ignominious, than it enterprises a thing Difficult and Honourable. In effect, 'tis with reason Honour is reputed to consist in the Opinion of others, that we may dread that Opinion, and seeing our Actions depend upon each Man's Judgement, make it our business to satisfy all. Thus, although Murmur be bad in its self, 'tis however good for the State; in that there's nothing has more Power and Influence over Magistrates and Princes. What would not Power dare, did not Blame resist it? What Crimes would not that fall into, were there no such thing as this? There's no better Counsellors in the World than Murmurs, for they proceed from experience of Evils. Can Princes hear them, undoubtedly things would succeed better. Satyrs and Libels I dare not altogether approve, for they generally either exceed the bounds of Truth, or give rise to Scandals, Tumults, and Seditions; however possibly some allowance ought to be made therein, in consideration of the good Effects they have. Obtrectation is a sign of Liberty in a Commonwealth, for in that which Tyranny oppresses, 'tis by no means tolerated. 'Tis a happy time when you have liberty to think what you please, and speak what you think 2 Rara temporum foelicitate, ubi sentire quae velis, & quae sentias dicere licet. Tac. 1. Hist. . 'Twould be unjust in him that governs to desire to put a Door upon his Subjects Lips, and forbidden them to complain under the Yoke of their Slavery. Let them Murmur, let them Revile, while they let us Reign, said Pope Sixtus V to those who told him how ill Rome spoke of him. Indeed, not to be concerned or moved at all by Detraction, were to have cast off all Sentiments of Honour; than which nothing is worse in a Prince, for he than makes a Pleasure of Infamy; he ought therefore so to resent them, as thence to learn something, not with a design of Revenge. How will one be able to put up greater things, who can't connive at such inconsiderable Trifles 3 Magnarum rerum curas non dissimulaturos, qui animum etiam levissimis adverterent. Tac. 13. Ann. ? 'Twas no less Virtue in the Great Captain † Gonsalvo of Cordova. to suffer the Complaints and Clamours of his Army at the River Garigliano, than undauntedly to withstand so eminent a Danger. 'Tis impossible to repress this Licence and Liberty of the People. Those Princes are mistaken, who think by their present Power to extinguish the Memory of the following Age, or imagine their Majesty is able to gild bad Actions 4 Quo magis socordiam eorum irride●e libet, qui praesenti potentiâ, credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. Tac. 4. Ann. . Not all Nero's Liberality, nor feigned Piety could wash away his Infamy, for having set the City on Fire 5 Non open humana, non largit●onibus, aut Deûm placamentis decedebat infamia, qui● jussum incendium crederetur. Tac. 13. Ann. . Flattery, 'tis true, can take care that Slanders come not to the Prince's Ears, but can't help but there will be Slanderers. A Prince, who forbids his Actions to be spoke of, renders them suspected; and as the Commonalty are apt to presume the worst, they are published for bad. Those things are least aggravated, which are not much valued Vitellius forbade any one to mention his bad Actions; hence many, who, if they had been at liberty, would have said otherwise, merely because of the Prohibition, spoke more to his disadvantage 6 Prohibiti per civitatem sermons, eoque plures, ac si liceret, vera narraturi, quia vetabantur, atrociora vulgaverunt 〈…〉 . A Prince ought to pass over Commendations and Invectives, so as not to be tickled with them, nor by these dejected. If Praises please him, and he give ear to them, every one will try to make himself Master of his Mind by Flattery; if Murmurers be a disturbance to him, he will decline difficult and glorious Enterprises, and become sluggish in his Government. To be vainly puffed up at ones Praises, is a sign of a slender Judgement; to be offended at every thing, is for private Men. To connive at many things is the part of Princes; to pardon nothing, that of Tyrants. This, those Great Emperors, Theodosius, Arcadius, and Honorius, very well knew when they commanded Ruffinus, their Captain of the Guards, not presently to punish the People's Clamours against them; for, said they, if they proceed from Inconstancy, they are to be despised; if from Madness or Folly, to be pitied; if from Malice, and a design to injure us, to be pardoned 7 Quoniam si id ex levitate processerit contemnendum est; si ex insania, miseratione dighissimum, si ab inj●ria, remittendum. L. unica C. si quis imperat. Maledi●. . Once, while the Emperor Charles the V was at Barcelona, an Accusation was brought him in Writing against some, who had traduced his Actions, in order to consult with him about the Sentence to be passed upon them; but he enraged at the Person who presented it, threw the Paper immediately into the Fire, by which he then accidentally stood and burnt it. It belongs, I know, to a Prince to inform himself of all things, but nicely to examine each Word, is unworthy a generous Breast 8 Omnia scire non omnia exequi. Tac. in Vit. Agr. . In the Roman Republic, Actions only were punished, not Words 9 Facta arguebantur, dicta impunè erant. Tac. 1. Ann. . There's a wide distance between inconsiderately speaking and maliciously acting 10 Vana à scelestis, dicta à maleficiis differunt. Tac. 3. Ann. . The Crown would be too Thorny, did the least thing prick it thus. That Injury, which the Person against whom it was designed, don't look upon as such, is very little, if at all offensive. 'Tis too much easiness in the Prince, and a sign he has a mean Opinion of himself, to be moved at every trifling Report; and 'tis an ill Conscience that incites Men to punish Detractors; a Mind pure and undefiled despises things of that Nature. If the Aspersion be true, the Prince's Amendment must wipe it off; if false, it will of its self disappear. For Contempt makes such things wear off; Resentment i● a seeming acknowledgement of them 11 Namque spreta exolescunt, si trascare agnita videntur. Tac. 4. Ann. . The Roman Senate commanded Cremutius' Annals to be burnt; which made the People more eager and desirous to read them. 'Twas the same with the Scurrilous Pamphlets of Vejentus, which were eagerly searched for, and frequently read, while not to be had without danger, but by being licenced, soon forgot 12 Conquisites lectitatosque donec cum periculo parabantur, 〈◊〉 licentia habendi oblivionem attulit. Tac. 4. Ann. . Curiosity submits to no Judges, fears no Punishment. What is most forbid, it chief engages. The very Prohibition inhances the Value of Satyrical Pieces; and when Men of Wit are punished, their Authority increases 13 Punitis ingeniis gliscit Authoritas. Tac. 4. Ann. . No● have those Kings, who have used such Rigour, procured themselves any thing but Disgrace, but to the Author's Honour and Esteem 14 Neque aliud externi Reges, 〈◊〉 qui eadem saevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi, atque illis gloriam peperere. Tac. 4. Ann. . Now, as 'tis much for a Prince's advantage to know what Ill others speak of him, so it is not a little prejudicial to be too ready to hear Defamers: For as we easily believe what is accused in others to be true; 'tis very obvious for the Prince, either to be deceived, make some unjust Resolution, or err in giving Judgement. This is a thing very dangerous, especially in Courts, where Envy, and the gaping after Preferment, and the Favour of Princes, are Whetstones to Defamation; and Courtiers are usually like those Locusts in the Revelations, having men's Faces, but Lion's Teeth, with which they gnaw and feed on Honour as Ears of Corn 15 Rev. 9 5. . The Holy Spirit compares their Tongues to a sharp Sword 16 Psal. 56. 5. ; as also to Arrows that privily strike the Innocent 17 Psal. 10. 2. . David destroyed them as Enemies 18 Psal. 100 6. . No Court, where they are tolerated, can be at rest; and their Whispers will give the Prince no less trouble than Public Affairs. The Remedy is, not to hear them, setting two Porters at the Ears, Reason and Judgement, that they be not opened without considerable occasion. A Guard is no less necessary at the Ears, than the Palace-Gates; and yet Princes are mighty solicitous about these, take little or no care about them. He that gives ear too easily to Detractors, makes them audacious. No one traduces others, but before one who loves to hear it. It would do well also to bring these Babblers, and the Person accused, face to face, telling him what they say, that for the future they may be ashamed to be the Authors of Discord. This, if I mistake not, is meant by the Holy Spirit in these Words, Hedge thy Ears about with Thorns 19 Eccl. 27. 23. Lat. Vers. : That he that should put his Mouth to them, to tell malicious Stories, might there find his Punishment. The Prince has reason to be jealous of one, who dares not publicly speak what he is not afraid to whisper 20 Et hanc velim generalem tibi ●●●stituas regulam, ut omnem qui palam veretur dicere, suspectum habeas. S. Bern. 1. 4. de Cons. ad Eug. c. 6. ; and although this care may conceal abundance of Truths from the Prince, which, indeed, 'tis for his advantage, there being many Domestic things, 'twere better for him to be ignorant of than to know, and the best way to banish all Defamation in general; yet, when Accusations proceed not from Malice, but a kind of Zeal to serve the Prince, 'tis by all means requisite to hear, and well examine them, looking on them as Informations absolutely necessary, not only for good Government, but his own Security also. Hence the Emperor Constantine, in a Law for that purpose, assigns a Reward to those who would accuse his Ministers and Domestics of any real Crime 21 Si quis est cujuscunque loci ardinis, dignitatis, qui se in quemcunque judicum, Comitium, Amicorum, & Palatinorum meorum aliquid veraci●er & manifest probare posse confidit, quod non integre, atque juste gessisse videatur, intrepidus, atque securus 〈◊〉, interpellet me, ipse audiam omnia, ipse cognoscam, & si fuerit comprobatum, ipse me vindicabo. L. 4. C. de Accus. . This is absolutely necessary, that the Prince may know all that passes in his Palace, at his Council-Board, and in the Courts of Judicature, where Fear stops the Mouth, and the Favours of the Prince conferred by his Ministers make the Persons gratified dumb, and not dare to discover their Faults, as if, forsooth, this were to acknowledge the good Office, and to show their Gratitude, which is rather to be esteemed Disloyalty and Treason: For that Obligation they lie under to undeceive their Prince, and if they observe his Ministers to be faulty to inform him, is a natural Obligation of Fidelity, and more binding than any other. 'Tis an infinite prejudice for a Prince to distribute his Favours by the Hands of his Favourites; for these buy, as it were, others a● the price of them, who are assisting to the neglect of their Duty, at least approve and defend it; and thus deluding the Prince, are the reason he continues his Affection to them. The Ancient Republics very sensible how conducive Satyrs were to restrain Vice by the fear of Infamy, allowed them upon Public Theatres; but these from a general Censure of men's Morals insensibly degenerated into particular Reflections, not without considerable Injury to the Honour of some; hence proceeded Factions, and from them popular Insurrections: For as the Holy Spirit says, a backbiting Tongue disturbs the Peace, and is the Ruin of whole Families and Cities 22 Curse the whisperer, and double tongued; for such have destroyed many that were at Peace, Eccles. 28. 13. . So, lest the Correction of Manners should depend on the Malice of the Tongue or Pen, there were instituted Censors, who by Public Authority took cognizance of every one's Behaviour, and corrected their Vices. That Office was in those times of great use, and continued long in Vogue, because its Jurisdiction was upheld by Modesty; however in ours 'tis impossible to be executed: For Pride and Libertinism would presently make all the Opposition to it imaginable, as they now resist the Magistracy, however armed with the best Laws in the World and Public Authority, and consequently Censors would be ridiculous, not without great danger to the State; there being nothing more hurtful, nothing that makes Vice more arrogant and insulting, than for such Remedies to be applied to it, as Delinquents turn into Contempt and Ridicule. But as the Office of Censor was introduced for the Reformation of Manners, so was it also to Register the Goods and Estates of every Citizen, and to take the number of them; and although that Custom prevailed a long time, both among the Greeks and Latins, with great Advantage to the Commonwealth, yet at this day 'twould be very odious and subject to vast Inconveniencies; for to know so accurately the Number and Effects of Subjects, is of no use, but to burden them with more Taxes and Impositions. That numbering of the People of Israel under King David, God punished as a most heinous Crime 23 2 Sam. 24. 10. : For what is so hard and inhuman, as by publishing and proclaiming every one's Estate at once, to discover the advantages of Poverty, and expose Riches to Envy, Avarice, and Rapine. But if in those States, the Office of Censor, could heretofore be executed without these Inconveniencies; 'twas because its being newly instituted made it generally received and approved, or else because People were then less proud and assuming, less Rebels to Reason, than in these our Times 24 Quid enim tam du●um, tamque inhumanum est quam publicatione pompâque rerum fami●iar●um, & 〈◊〉 detegi utisitatem, & invidiae exponere aivitia●. L. 2. C. 〈◊〉. ● qui●. quam. pars. . EMBLEM XV. HOW I wish I could read on all Prince's Breasts, the Symbol of the present Emblem, and that as Balls of Fire flying in the Air imitate the Splendour of the Stars, and shine immediately from their being thrown out of the Hand, till they turn to Ashes; so in them also (for the Holy Spirit compares them to ● bright Fire 1 Eccles. 50. 9 ) would continually burn the desire of Fame 2 Fax mentis honestae gloria. ; nor should they much care, for that Flames wanting Matter to feed on, or that what burns most fiercely, is withal soon consumed. For though length of Life be the common desire of Man and Beast, yet have these no other end than mere living, but Man of living uprightly. 'Tis no happiness to live but to know how to live, nor does he live most, who lives longest, but who lives best; for Life is not measured by time, but the use that's made on't. He, whose Life like a Star in the midst of a Cloud, or like the Full Moon, shines upon others with Rays of Bounty and Munificence in its Season, does undoubtedly live long 3 He was as the Morning Star in the midst of a Cloud, and as the Moon at the Full. Eccles. 50. 6. : As on the contrary, he who lives only to himself, though he lives to a great Age, lives but little. The Benefits and Improvements which flow from a Prince upon the State, number the Days of his Life 4 Eccles. 41. 16. , those who live without them, Oblivion deducts from the Sum 5 The number of years is hidden to oppressors. job 15. 20. . Titus Vespasian, the Emperor, calling to mind once at Supper, that he had done nothing for any one that Day, pronounced that remarkable and justly admired Sentence, Friend, I have lost a Day. And 'tis reported of Peter, King of Portugal, that he was wont to say, That he deserves not to be a King, who does not each day bestow some Favour or Benefit upon the State. No Man's Li●●'s so short, but it affords time enough to execute some glorious Exploit. A brave Spirit in one Moment resolves, and in few more executes its Resolutions. What matter's it if he falls in the attempt, if the Memory he left behind raises him to Life Eternal. It only can be called Life which is bounded by Fame, not that which consists in Body and Vital Warmth, which no sooner gins, but gins to die too. Death is naturally equal to all, but is distinguished by the Glory or Oblivion we leave to Posterity. Who dying makes Renown a Substitute for Life, lives still. Strange force of Virtue, which even against Nature, makes that which is of its self fading and perishable, Immortally glorious. Tacitus did not think Agricola's Life short, though he was snatched away in the prime of his Years: for his Glory prolonged his Life 6 Quanquam medio in spati● integrae aetatis ereptus, quantum ad g●riam longissimum ●evum peregit. ●ac. in Vir. Agri●. . Let no one despise or slight Posthumous Fame, for in as much as the Mind covets it, 'tis an acknowledgement that one time or other 'tis to be enjoyed; but they are in the wrong, who think it sufficient, if they leave it behind them in Statues, or in Posterity; for in one 'tis fading, in t'other 'tis none of theirs. That only is their own which springs from Actions, which if not extraordinary Merit no Praise; for Fame is the Daughter of Admiration. To be Born, only to make One in the World, is for the Vulgar Rout; 'tis for Princes to appear perspicuously eminent among others. Others study what they think their own Interest, but the utmost and only aim of Princes should be Glory 7 Caeteris mortalibus, in eo stare consilia, quid sibi conducere pute●●, Principum diversam esse sortem, quibus praecipua rerum ad famam di●●genda. Tac. 4. Ann. . Avarice, and desire of Riches, fill their Breasts; but a Prince should be inflamed by an Ambition of Fame 8 Argentum quidem, & pecunia est commo●● omnium possessio, at honestum, & ex eo laus, & gloria Deorum est 〈◊〉 eorum, qui à aiis proximi censentur. Polybius. . A heavenly Heat inspires our Prince's Veins. Virg. A generous Spirit knows no mean; 'twill be either Caesar, or no body; either a shining Star, or a dark Cinder; nor will this, if honourably extinguished, shine less gloriously on Obelisks, than tother. Nor, indeed, is that Soul truly great, which, like the best Gunpowder fired, does not immediately burst the Body that includes it. The Breast is too narrow to contain a brisk and active Soul. Garci Sancho, King of Navarre, going to engage the Enemy, trembled all over, yet in the Fight behaved himself bravely and courageously. His Body dreaded that great Multitude of Enemies, into which his Courage prepared to carry it. Let it therefore be the whole Aim of a Prince to live gloriously, that he may be a Light in this World 9 Let your Light so shine before Men, that they may see your good Works, Matth. 5. 12. . All other things will come with ease, but Fame not without Assiduity and Application 10 Caete●a Principibus statim a●●esse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memo●●am. Tac. 4. Ann. . But if in the beginning of his Reign he loses his Reputation, he will very difficultly recover it; for what the People once conceive of him, they will never afterwards forget. He, who sets too great a value upon Life, avoids Toils and Dangers, without which two, Honour can never be attained. This Tacitus observed in King Marabodo, who quitting his Kingdom, lazily and shamefully spent his Days in Italy, losing much of his Reputation through a too fond desire of Life 11 Consenuitque, multum immatatâ 〈…〉. Tac. 2. Ann. . Let a Prince so steer his Course, be the Sea Calm or Tempestuous, as still to keep his Eye upon that shining Beacon of Glory; ever and anon calling to mind (that he may admit, or think of nothing unworthy himself) that History will publish his Fame, his Exploits and Glorious Achievements to all Ages, and to all Nations. Princes have no other Superior than God, and Fame; they alone by the fear of Punishment and Infamy oblige them to Act honourably; for which reason they often fear Historians more than their Enemies, and are more awed by the Pen than the Sword. King Balthasar, though he saw only the Hand and Pen, as yet not knowing what they would write, was so disordered, That he quaked all over, and the joints of his Back were loosened 12 Dan. 5. 6. . But if they neither regard God nor Glory, nothing Glorious or Honourable can be expected. For who e'er slights Honour, despises Virtue. A generous desire of Glory avoids the blemish of Vice or Injustice. Nor is there a more Savage Brute than that Prince, who is neither moved by remorse of Conscience, or desire of Glory. Nor is there, nevertheless, no danger in Glory; for its brightness often dazzles Princes, and leads them headlong into Rashness and Temerity. That which seems Honourable and Glorious to them, is Vanity or Folly, sometimes Pride or Envy, and oftentimes Ambition and mere Tyranny. They propose great matters, egged on by the Flatteries of their Ministers, who set before them many things under the appearance of Glory, concealing in the mean time the unjust and inconvenient Means by which they are to be attained; by which being seduced, they oftentimes find themselves deluded and ruined. That Glory is safe which springs from a generous Spirit, and keeps within the Bounds of Reason and Possibility. Since therefore Honour and Infamy are the strongest Excitements to good Actions, and that both are by History delivered down to Posterity; 'twould be convenient by Rewards proposed to excite Historians to write, and to countenance Typography, the true Treasury of Glory, where the Rewards of grea● Actions are deposited to future Ages. EMBLEM XVI. 'TIS an old saying, Purple is to be judged by Purple; by which the Ancients signified, that things were then best distinguished, when one was compared with the other, especially if they were such as could not easily be distinguished by themselves. Thus Merchants do, who compare Colour to Colour, that they may show each other, and that a surer Judgement may be given of both. In the Temple of jupiter Capitolinus, there was a Cloak (a Present of some King from Persia) of such an excellent Grain, that the Robes of the Roman Ladies, nay, even of the Emperor Aurelian himself, compared with it, looked as faint as Ashes. If your Royal Highness, when raised to the Crown, would exmine, and know the true worth of the Royal Purple, expose it not to the false Light of Flatterers and fawning Knaves, for that will never show you its true Colour: Nor rely too much upon self-love, for that is like an Eye, that sees all things but its self. 'Twill be therefore necessary, that as Eyes are known by their own Species, like Forms represented in a Glass; so your Highness would compare the Lustre of your Diadem to that of your Glorious Predecessors, seriously reflecting if any Virtues shine more bright in theirs than yours, by viewing yourself in them as in a Glass 1 Tanquam in speculo ornare, & comparare vitam tuam ad alienas virtutes, Plu●arch. . Let your Highness, I say, compare your own Actions to those of your Ancestors, and you will easily see the difference between yours and theirs, that you may either give a true Colour to their Actions, or rejoice in the Worth of your own, if in any thing you happen to have outdone your Predecessors. Let your Royal Highness therefore please to consider, whether you Equal your Father in Courage, your Grandfather in Piety; Philip the Second, in Prudence; Charles the Fifth, in Greatness of Spirit; Philip the First, in Affability; Ferdinand the Catholic, in Policy; in Liberality, that Alphonso, who was nicknamed from his broken Hands; in Justice, King Alphonso the Eleventh; and lastly, King Ferdinand the Holy, in Religion: And that moreover, your Highness would be stirred up by a generous Emulation, to a glorious Desire of imitating these Great Men. Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio, were used to say, that when e'er they beheld the Images of their Ancestors, their Souls were fired and excited on to Virtue: Not that they were moved by the mere Wax or Stone, but that comparing their own Actions to those of others, they could not rest till they equalled them in Glory and Renown. Eulogies inscribed on Tombs, speak not to the Dead, but to the Living: They are certain Summaries, which for Memory's sake, the Virtue of the Predecessor leaves to the Successor. Mattathias said, That by calling to mind the Actions of their Ancestors, his Sons should acquire present Glory and eternal Renown 2 Call to remembrance what Acts our Fathers did in their time, so shall ye receive great Honour, and an everlasting Name, 1 Macc. 2. 52. . For which Cause also, the High Priests, who were Princes of the People, wore upon their Breasts the Virtues of the Twelve Patriarches, their Predecessors, engraven upon as many Stones 3 And in the four Rows of Stones, was the Glory of the Fathers graven, Wisd. 8. 24. . In effect, it becomes a Prince to vie with his Ancestors in Glory, not with his Inferiors, for 'tis no praise to excel them, and to be outdone by them, the greatest Scandal. The Emperor Tiberius observed as Law, all the Say and Exploits of Augustus 4 Qui omnia facta dictaqu● ejus vice legis observem. Tac. 4. Ann. . Moreover, let your Highness compare the Purple you wear at present, to that you wore formerly; for we are oftentimes desirous to forget what we have been, for fear of upbraiding ourselves with what we are. Let your Highness consider, whether you are grown better or worse, for we find it often happens, that at the beginning of their Reigns, Princes minds are gloriously bend upon the Execution of their Office, in which afterwards they grow more remiss. Almost all begin their Reigns with Great and Glorious Spirits; but at last by degrees, either they sink under the Weight of Affairs, or grow Effeminate by Luxury and Ease, with which they easily suffer themselves to be taken, forgetting they are obliged to keep and preserve their once got Glory. This very thing Tacitus remarks in the Emperor Tiberius, that at last, after a long Experience in Affairs, he was altered and ruined by the mere force of Government 5 An cum Tiberius p●st tantam ●erum experient●am vi dominationis convulsus, & 〈◊〉 sit. Tac. 6. Ann. . A long Reign creates Pride, and Pride the hatred of the People; as the same Author observes in King Vannius 6 Prima Imperii aetate clarus acceptusque popularibus; mox diuturni●atem, in superbiam mutans, & odio accolarum s●●al 〈…〉 circumventis. Tac. 12. Ann. . Many begin their Reigns with extraordinary Modesty and Justice, but few continue so; because their Ministers are Flatterers, by whom they are taught to Act boldly and unjustly. As it happened to Vespasian, who in the beginning of his Reign was not so much bend upon Injustice, until by the Indulgence of Fortune and Advice of Evil Counsellors, he learned it 7 Ipso Vespasiano, inter initia Imperii ad obtinendas iniquitates han● perinde obstinato; donec, indulgentia fortunae, & pra●is Magistris, didicit, ansusque est. Tac. 2. Hist. . Let your Highness compare not only your own Virtues and Actions, but those of your Ancestors with one another, by confronting the Purple of some stained with Vices, to that of others glossy and shining with great and noble Actions: For Examples never move us more than when they are confronted one with another. Let your Highness compare the Royal Robe of King † Marian. Hist. Hisp. Hermenigildus, with that of Peter the Second, King of Arragon; one glittering with Stars, and died with Blood, which he had gloriously spilt in the War against Leuvigildus, his Father, who was infected with the Arrian Heresy; the other trampled under the Feet of Horses in a Battle at Girone, when he brought Succours to the Albigensians in France. Let your Highness cast your Eyes back upon past Ages, and you will find Spain ruined by the licentious Lives of the Kings, Witiza and Roderick, but recovered again by the Piety and Courage of Pelagius. You'll see Peter deposed, and killed for his Cruelty; and his Brother, Henry the Second, advanced to the Crown for his singular Mildness. You'll see the Glorious Infant, Ferdinand, blessed by Heaven with many Kingdoms, for that he would not accept of that of his Grandson, King john the Second, although there were those who freely offered it him: On t'other side, the Infant Sancho accused by his own Father of Disobedience and Ingratude, before Pope Martin the Fourth, for that he would have usurped the Throne in his life-time. This Comparison your Highness may follow as a sure Guide in the Management of your Affairs; for, though by Discourse and Conversation you may know the Lustre and Brightness of Heroic Exploits, as also the Baseness and Infamy of Ill Actions; yet all these move us not so much, considered in themselves, as in those Persons, whom they have made Glorious in the World, or Despicable. EMBLEM XVII. A Tree bedecked with Trophies, is still a Trunk as afore; those which were an Honour to others, are but a burden to it. So truly, the glorious Exploits of Ancestors are but a Shame and Disgrace to the Successor, unless he imitates the same. Nor does he inherit their Glory, but their Actions only, by an Imitation of which he will obtain the other. Just as light is reflected from a Diamond, because it finds substance, but quickly pierces Glass which is thin and transparent; so if the Successor be Stout and Brave, the Glory of his Predecessors adds yet a greater Lustre and Brightness to him; but if like thin and paltry Glass, he can't withstand the Lustre, it serves only to discover his vile and abject Soul. The Actions of Ancestors, which are only Examples to others, are Laws to the Successor, for the whole Esteem and Prerogative of Nobility is grounded upon this Supposition, that the Descendants will imitate the Actions of their Forefathers. He, who vainly boasts of these without imitating them, only shows the difference between himself and them. No one is to be blamed for not equalizing the Actions of them to whom he bears no relation. For this Reason, the Nobility of Rome were wont to place before their Doors the Statues of the Illustrious Men of their Families, that they might show to Posterity what Obligation they lie under. Bodislaus the Fourth, King of Poland, always wore his Father's Picture in Gold about his Neck; and whenever any Affair of great consequence was to be determined, he put it to his Mouth, and kissing on't, with Veneration used to say, God grant I may never do any thing unworthy your Royal Name. How many such Medals of your Heroic Ancestors might your Highness find? Which would never permit you to act any thing beneath their Royal Blood; nay, would rather encourage and excite you to outdo them in glorious Exploits? Now, if this Emulation of Ancestors inflame the Minds of the Nobility, they certainly deserve the principal Employments in the State. For as 'tis likely those should be best who proceed from the best 1 Par est meliores esse eos qui ex melioribus, Arist. ; as also Presumption and Experience teach, for Eagles hatch Eagles, and Lions beget Lions. And ofttimes self-worth and fear of Infamy stirs up noble Thoughts in the mind. Yet, I grant that this Rule holds not always good, either because Nature can't do what she would 2 Nam ut ex homine hominem, ex belluis helluam, sic ex bonis bonum generari putant; at hoc qu●dem natura saepè efficere vult, non tamen potest. Arist. 1. Pol. c. 4. , or because of ill Education and Effeminacy; or because men's Souls themselves are not equally noble and generous, but act differently according to the Affection of the Body, in which they are as 'twere drowned. There are some too, who seem only to inherit the Trophies and Glory of their Ancestors, without their Virtues, and are in all things wholly different from them. Of this we have an Example in the Eagles themselves, who altho' they commonly breed Eagles; yet there are some, who think that Ostriches are a certain Species of them, tho' wholly degenerate, having neither the generosity, strength, nor swiftness of an Eagle; this fine Bird being transformed into a loathsome dull Animal. 'Tis scarce credible how prejudicial 'tis to the Public Good, without any discretion or regard to Merit, to elect only the Nobility into Public Offices, as though the Experience and Virtue of Ancestors ran in the Blood to Posterity. Industry will languish, Virtue will grow sluggish and lazy, if only grounded upon Nobility, which will look upon Rewards as its just due; nor will the hopes of obtaining, or the fear of losing them, be a means to make them act honourably: Which very Argument Tiberius used to the Senate to persuade them not to assist the Family of M. Hortalus, which tho' very Ancient, was fallen to Poverty 3 Langues●et alioqui ind●stria, intendetur socordia, si nullus ex se metus, aut spes, & securi omnes aliena subsidia expectabant, sibi ignavi, nobis graves. Tac. 2. Ann. . In time of Peace, indeed, Men of Great and Noble Families may be well preferred to Places of the greatest Authority, in which the Splendour and Reputation of the Family is of great advantage. In Military Offices the case is altered, for these require activity and strength both of Mind and Body: But if these are found in the Nobility, though not in altogether so great Perfection as in others, the Merits of their Ancestors, or the common Esteem and Respect of Men will easily compensate for the rest, yet can they by no means supply an entire defect. For this reason Tacitus deservedly ridiculed the Election of Vitellius, when he was sent to Command the Legions of Lower Germany; not considering his Incapacity for such an Office, it seemed enough that he was the Son of Vitellius, who had been for three times Consul 4 Censoris Vitellii ac ter Consulis filius, id satis ●idebatur. Tac. 1. Hist. . Tiberius' acted not so in the beginning of his Reign, he conferred Honours respecting both the Nobility of the Family, the Excellency of the Person in the Art of War; as also his worth in time of Peace, that it might appear he did not without Reason prefer one before another 5 Mandabatque honores, nobilitatem majorum, claritudinem ●●●litiae, illustres domi arts, spectando, ut satis constaret, non alios poti●●es fuisse. Tac. 4. Ann. . I grant that the Esteem and Authority of Nobility may do much in War; but 'tis not that, but Bravery and Industry that routs the Enemy. The Germans formerly chose their Kings for their Nobility, but their Generals for their Valour 6 Reges ex nobilitate, Deuces ex virtute 〈◊〉. Tac. de mor. Germ. . Then Arms flourish when Valour and Virtue are in esteem, and in possession of the greatest Posts in the Army; in which they may either acquire Nobility, or enlarge and illustrate that which they have already. The hope of this furnished past Ages with brave Heroic Generals; but where this is wanting, Art Military is neglected and slighted; for nothing but the Honour of Preferment in the Army can recompense the Inconveniences and Perils of War. Nor is it true as some suppose, that the greatest Respect and Obedience is paid to those of the noblest Families; for if they are not qualified with these two great Qualities, Conduct and Valour, all the deference paid to their Blood will be only mere Ceremony, not real Respect. The Heart values and admires only such a Virtue and Greatness of Soul, as is the Maker of its own Fortune. Columbus gave Laws to the Ocean, and Herman Cortes, to the New World; these, though they did not spring from Illustrious Families, yet did they procure a Nobility for their Posterity, equal to those of the greatest Rank. The most noted Rivers take their rise and beginning from the smallest Rivulets, and a little after take their Name and Glory from the Channel. In War, where Courage and Bravery are most esteemed, 'twill be expedient to promote those to the highest Honours who have merited it by noble Exploits, though they are perhaps but of mean Extraction; yet, in time of Peace, 'twill be very dangerous for a Prince to commit the Government to mean and worthless Persons; 'twill immediately incense the Noble and Brave against him for slighting and mistrusting their Integrity 7 Si Remp. gnaris, & non magni pre●ii hominibus committas, stat●●n & nobilium ac strenuorum iram in te provocabis ob contemptam e●um fidem, & maximis in rebus damna patience. Dion. Cassio. . Which then chief happens, when the Subject is not endowed with good Natural Parts, not when he is cried up and admired by all, the obscurity of Birth being sufficiently brightened by the excellent Endowments of Mind. We see many, who seem to be born of themselves, as Tiberius used to say of Curtius Rufus 8 Videntur 〈◊〉 ex se nati. Tac. 11. Ann. . To such as these Claudian's Praise of a good choice of Ministers is well adapted. Mirit, not Birth, he does prefer † Claud. ; Nor cares he whence, but what they are. But if the Nobility be corrupted by Ease and Luxury, 'twere adviseable to reform it by Rewards and Exercise, rather than to institute an entire new set. Silver and Gold are easily purified and cleaned, but to make Gold out of Silver, is a vast labour beyond the Art of Chemistry to perform. Henry the Fourth, was therefore very ill advised by some to ruin all the Grandees of his Kingdom, and to promote those of mean Fortune. Though the Licentiousness and Disobedience of the Nobility may sometimes require that it be a little humbled; for too much Greatness begets Pride, and an Aversion to Subjection and Obedience 9 Et revocante Nobilitate, cui in pace durius servitium est. Tac. 11. Ann. . The weakest always seek Justice and Equity, but the stronger trouble not themselves with it 10 Nam Imbecilliores semper equum, & justum quaerunt, potenti●ribus autem id nihil curae. Arist. Pol. 6. C. 2. ; and the People are generally more quiet, when there are no Great Ones to protect them, and to foment their Innovations 11 Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotis. Tac. 1. Ann. . For this reason, the Laws of Castille done't allow two Great and Noble Families to incorporate, that so the Estate might be more divided, and that it might not create Jealousy and Envy among others 12 Commodum est etiam, ut haereditates non donatione, sed jure agnationis tradantur, utque ad eundem una, non plures haereditates perveniant. Arist. Pol. 5. c. 8. . There are ways under the pretext of Honour and Favour to remedy excess of Riches, in giving opportunity of employing it to the Service of the Prince and People. But Prodigality and Luxury are now grown to that height, that there is no occasion for such means; for all the Nobility are so much straitened by Debts, and necessary Expenses, that they want means to execute such Thoughts, or to attempt Innovation. While they would be great beyond what they can, they become even less than what they are. 'Tis certain, that the noblest and most renowned Families are ruined by a desire of Grandeur and Magnificence 13 Dites elim familiae nobilium, aut claritudine insignes, study Magnificentiae prolabehantur. Tac. 3. Ann. . But as too much Riches are dangerous, so also is extreme Poverty. For when any of these Great Ones have squandered away their Estates, they presently set up for Innovation 14 Sed cum ex Primariis aliqui bona dissiparunt, high res novas moliuntur. Arist. Pol. 6. c. 12. . EMBLEM XVIII. VIRTUE has given Empire to many, Vice to few. In these the Sceptre was a violent and dangerous Usurpation, in those a just Title and lasting Succession. Virtue by a certain occult and secret Force, does as 'twere compel Men to love and admire it. The Elements obey the Heavens for the Perfection and Excellency of them; so Men too think none worthy the Sovereign Power, but those of Sovereign Justice and Virtue. For which cause, Cyrus thought no one was fit to govern, but he who was better than those he governed 1 Non censebat conveni●e cuiquam Imperti●m qui non melior esset iis quibus imperaret. Xenoph, lib. 8. . Subjects pay more Reverence to a Prince, in whom they discern more than ordinary Endowments of Mind; the greater they are, the greater is their Respect and Esteem, for all believe that to such a Prince, God is more propitious and ready to assist him in all things, and to direct his Government. 'Tis this alone made Ioshua's Name celebrated all the World over 2 So the Lord was with joshua, and his fame was noised throughout all the Country, josh. 6. 27. . All the Actions and Counsels of a good Prince the People receive with Joy, and through a certain zealous Confidence promise themselves Success from them; but if it fall out otherwise, they persuade themselves that for some supernatural and unknown Reasons 'tis convenient it should be so. For the same cause among some Nations, the High Priests were Kings 3 Rex enim Dux erat in be●h, & Iudex, & in iis quae ad cultum Deorum pertinerent, summam potesta●● habebat. Arist. Pol. 3. 13. , that the People receiving Holy Ceremonies and Divine Worship from them, might acknowledge in them a certain more sublime Nature, more allied and familiar to God himself, which as a Mediatrix they might make use of in their Prayers, and against which they durst not attempt any thing 4 Minusque insidiantur iis, qui D●●● auxiliares habent. Arist. Polit. . The Crown upon Aaron's Mitre attracted the Eyes and Desires of all 5 He set a Crown of Gold upon the Mitre, wherein was engraved Holiness, an ornament of Honour, a safety-work, the desires of the Eyes goodly and beautiful. Eccl. 45. 12. . jacob worshipped Ioseph's Sceptre, on the top of which was a Stork, the Emblem of Piety and Religion 6 And he worshipped leaning upon the top of his Staff. Vid. La● Vers. Et adoravit fastigium virgae ejus: Heb. 11. 21. . Let none imagine that the time is lost, which a Prince employs in the Exercise of Goodness and Virtue; nay, God does then chief dispose and direct the Events of things. Ferdinand Antoline was at his Devotions, while Count Garcias Fernandez fought the Moors at the River Duero, and an Angel in his likeness supplied his place in the Fight, by which he not only escaped the discredit of not being at the Battle, but also gained the chiefest Praise of Honour of the Victory. Something like this is related of that Renowned General, Count Tilly, that true Christian joshua, not less Holy and Religious, than Warlike and Brave, that while he was at Prayers, the Army was drawn up by another in his shape. The Emperor, Ferdinand the Second, had more Standards and Trophies presented to him in the time of Divine Service, than many of his Ancestors had gained from the Enemy 7 Fear ye not, stand still, and see the Salvation of the Lord, which he will show you to day, Exod. 14. 13. . The Israelites stood still, and God wrought Wonders for them 8 And the Lord God of Israel fought for Israel, Josh. 10. 42. . That Crown, which like Ariadne's shines with refulgent Stars of Virtue, shall last to Eternity 9 And that turn not aside from the Commandment, to the right, or to the left; to the end that he may prolong his days in his Kingdom, he and his Children in the midst of Israel, Deut. 17. 20. . The Emperor Septimus told his Sons as he was dying, That he left them a firm and lasting Empire if they were good; if wicked, but of short continuance. King Ferdinand, who from his great Virtues, was surnamed the Great, did by these wonderfully increase the Glory of his Kingdom, and established it to Posterity. His Piety was so great, that when the Body of St. Isidore was carried by Sevil, he and his Sons, barefoot, carried these Holy Relics from the River Durio, quite to St. John's Church in the City. For 'tis God by whom King's Reign, and upon whom all their Power and Felicity depends; they could never err, if they would make him their only Object. The Rays of the Sun never forsake the Moon; she, as if she knew she received all her Light from the Sun, looks on him continually, that she may be enlightened by him; which Princes must so imitate, that they may always have their Eyes fixed upon that Eternal Light, which affords Light and Motion to the World, and from which Empires take their increase and decrease, as is intimated in the present Emblem by the Sceptre, on the top of which is the Moon looking towards the Sun, the true Emblem of God, as well because no other thing comes nearer his Omnipotency; as also, because that alone gives Light and Being to all. Which 'cause it solely all Surveys, Is properly called Sol. Boet. For there is no Power but from God 10 Rom. 13. 1. . King's are crowned in his Eternal Mind before they are here on Earth. He, who gave the Orbs Celestial first motion, gives it also to Empires and Republics. He, who has appointed a King over Bees, has not left merely to Chance or Humane Choice, these Second Causes of Princes, who are his Vice-Roys upon Earth, and as like him as may be 11 Principes quidem instar deorum esse. Tac. 3. Ann. , being represented in the Revelations by those Seven Planets, which God held in his Hand 12 And he had in his right hand seven Stars, Revel. 1. 16. ; upon them he darts his Divine Rays, the Reflection of which gives them the utmost Power and Authority over their Subjects. Without that Splendour, all Power, how great soever, is in a manner dark; the Prince who slighting this Light, shall follow another, an appearance may be of some good, which his own convenience, not right reason offers, will soon see the Orb of his Power eclipsed and darkened. What e'er avoids the Sun, must necessarily be in darkness. The Moon, although it finds its self oft'times quite dark, does not therefore turn away from the Sun, but looks on't with so much the more eagerness, till at last 'tis again enlightened by it. Let a Prince hold his Sceptre fixed and steady, having always a regard to Virtue, as well in Prosperity as Adversity: For the same Divine Sun, which either for Punishment or Exercise of his Virtues, permitted his decrease, as a recompense of his Constancy will again promote and increase his greatness. Thus 'twas with the Emperor, Ferdinand the II. who was often reduced to that extremity of Fortune, that his Empire and Life too seemed desperate. Yet he was resolved never wholly to despair, nor to turn his Eyes from that Eternal Sun, the Maker and Governor of all things, whose Divine Providence freed him from all Perils, and advanced him far above all his Enemies. Moses' Rod, which was the Emblem of a Sceptre, did Wonders whilst he held it● in his Hand upright towards Heaven; but as soon as he cast it upon the Ground, 'twas turned into a venomous Serpent, dreadful even to Moses himself 13 And he cast it on the ground, and it became a Serpent, and Moses ●led from before it, Exod. 4. 3. . Whilst the Sceptre, like Iacob's Ladder, touches Heaven, God himself supports it, and Angels descend to its assistance 14 And he dreamt, and behold, a Ladder set upon the Earth, and the top of it reached to Heaven; and behold, the Angel● of God ascending and descending on it. Gen. 18. 13. . This the Egyptians knew, who on the top of their Sceptres were used to engrave the Head of a Stork, a Religious Bird, and Pious towards its Parents; but on the bottom, the Foot of a Sea-Horse, an impious and ungrateful Animal, which Plots to kill his Father, that he may the more freely enjoy his Mother. By which Hieroglyphic they meant nothing, but that Princes ought always to prefer Piety to Impiety. Machiavelli would have his Prince to learn this Hieroglyphic, but in quite another Sense, for he would have Piety and Impiety placed at each end, that he might turn it as he pleased, and hold that upwards which tended most to his Preservation and Advantage. For which reason, he thinks 'tis not necessary for a Prince to be Virtuous, 'tis enough if he pretends to be so; for to be really so, and to act according to the Dictates of Virtue, would, he says, be pernicious; but that 'tis most advantageous to be thought so; for by this means he will be so disposed, as to know how to shift upon occasion, and so to act in all things as advantage or opportunity shall require: And this, he says, is principally necessary for Prince's new●● come to the Crown, who ought to be quick and ready to spread their Sails to every breath of Fortune, and as necessity requires. Impious and foolish Counsel, that would insinuate that Virtues need not be real and genuine, but only counterfeit and imaginary, for how can the Shadow be as effective as the Substance? What Art or Pains can bring Crystal to that perfection, as it shall equal the Diamond in lustre and brightness? Won't any one at first sight discover and laugh at the Cheat. A true Glory takes root and flourishes, tha● which is not, falls like Blossoms; nor can any thing be lasting that is counterfeit 15 Vera gloria radices agit, atque etiam propagatur; ficta 〈◊〉 celeriter tanquam flosculi decidunt, neque fimulatum quidquam potest 〈◊〉 diuturnum. Cic. lib. 2. de Off. cap. 32. . There's no Art or Cunning so great, as to make a vicious Inclination appear truly good and virtuous. For if we so easily fail in real Virtues so agreeable to our Nature and Inclination, what shall we do in false and imaginary ones? How will the Subjects, when they discover the Cheat, be able to endure the Stench of this Sepulchre of abominable Vices, without any ornament of Goodness? How can they turn their Eyes from that inward Wound, when the Patch under which it lurked being drawn off, 'tis openly exposed to the sight of all 16 And all our righte●●●nesses are as filthy rags, Isaiah 64. 6. ? Whence a Prince will be contemptible and ridiculous to his own People at home, and suspected by Foreigne● abroad. He will be surely odious to both, for neither can live securely under him. Nothing renders Tyranny more grievous than when the Prince dissembles Virtue. For from thence ofttimes greater Vices spring, for this Reason many were afraid of Otho, when he stood Candidate for the Empire 17 Otho interim, contra 〈◊〉 omnium, non deliciis, neque desidia torpescere, dilatae voluptates, diss●●● lata luxuria, & cuncta ad decorem imperii composita, eoque plus 〈◊〉 a●●erebantur fals● virtutes, & vitia reditura. Tac. 1. Hist. . When a Prince is known to be wicked and vicious, 'tis easy to beware of him, but not so when he dissembles. Open Vice may be imputed to frailty of Nature; but pretended Virtue is only Cheat and Design; not accidental, but premeditated Injustice; so that 'tis more pernicious than open Vice. As Tacitus remarks in Sejanus 18 Haud minus noxiae, quoties, parando regno finguntur. Tac. 4. Ann. , there is no greater Villainy, than under pretence of Virtue to exercise Vice 19 Extrema est perversitas, cum prorsus jus●●tia vaces, ad id niti, ut 〈◊〉 bonus esse videaris. Plat. . 'Tis a certain weakness to be openly wicked, but to counterfeit Virtue is true Villainy. Men more easily dispense with other Vices, but all loath Hypocrisy; for by them we only deceive ourselves, but by this, others too. Nay, good Actions are despised if artificial, and not the Product of Virtue. Vitellius did many things to curry favour with the People, but those things which would have been really acceptable, had they proceeded from a Principle of Virtue, were (by the memory of his former Course of Life, and because every one saw that they were feigned and forced) looked upon as base and vile 20 Quae grata sane & popularia, si à ●●tutibus proficiscerentur; memoria vitae prioris, indecora, & vilia accipiebantur. Tac. 2. Hist. . And, pray, who would dissemble Virtue, if it cost the same pains to do so, as to be really virtuous? If Virtues themselves, by reason of the wickedness of Manners, have scarce strength and power to subsist, how then should the false and counterfeit? Who e'er puts more confidence in these Tricks than in Divine Providence, denies that he receives his Crown and Preservation from God, and that he is the Disposer of Rewards and Punishments. If a Prince's Vices proceed from Weakness, and not from Affection, 'tis best to conceal them, that they may not give ill Examples; for to conceal them on that account, ought not to be accounted Hypocrisy, or a design to Cheat others, but rather Prudence, and an Esteem and Respect due to Virtue. There's no curb or restraint to that Power which does not veil its Tyrannies with some pretence or other. The Senators never feared Tiberius, more than when they saw him without Dissimulation 21 Penetrabat Pavor, & admiratio, callidum olim, & regendis sceleribus obscurum, huc confidentiae venisse, ut tanquam dimotis parietibus ostenderet Nepotem sub verbere Centurionis, inter servorum ictus, extrema vitae alimenta frustra orantem. Tac. 6. Ann. . Yet Tacitus writes of Piso, that he was cried up by the People for Virtues, or something resembling them 22 Claro apud vulg●●●umore erat per virtutem, aut species virtutibus similes. Tac. 15. Ann. . I don't mean by this, that Virtues are the same in a Prince, whether feigned or real; but that the People are sometimes deceived, and take Hypocrisy for Virtue. Therefore how much more firm and lasting would Piso's Fame have been, had it been supported by real and solid Virtues. The same inconveniences arise if a Prince is possessed of real Virtues, but such as he will easily change for his conveniency; for that cannot be Virtue, which is not a firm and constant habit of the Mind, nor will it inhabit such a Breast with fears, not upon any prospect of advantage to turn it into Vice, and join with Villainy. And how can this ever be convenient for a Prince? And what Case or Circumstance can require it, especially in these our times, when Rule and Empire are established upon sure Laws; not depending as in the Roman's time, upon the Election and Insolence of the Soldiers. No danger can be so great, that a Prince by prudent Virtue may not avoid without having recourse to Vice. If at any time a Prince renowned for Virtues be vanquished, 'tis not because he was good, but because he knew not enough how to be good. A Just Prince is not obliged hastily and rashly to confront and oppose Vice, where there is no prospect of Advantage, but certain and manifest Danger from this over-diligence; nay, 'tis a piece of great prudence to permit and suffer that quietly, which by Opposition can't be prevented 23 Permittimus, quod nolentes indulgemus, quia pravam hominum voluntatem ad plexum cohibere non possumus. S. Chrysost. . Let him dissemble the knowledge of their Vices, till he finds a convenient time to remedy them; and in the mean time reward the Good, and punish the Bad, and use such other means as prudence shall suggest; but if these are not sufficient, let him leave it to his Successor, as Tiberius did, when he saw he could not reform the Manners of his time 24 Non id tempus censurae, nec si quid in moribus laboret defuturum corrigendi authorem. Tac. 2. Ann. . For if through fear, a Prince should by doing ill conform himself to the Life and Manners of ill Men, he would not only not bring them into the way of Virtue, but would at the same time misled the Good, so that both would grow worse; Virtue in a Prince is never dangerous, but rash Zeal and Severity often is. Villains don't hate a Prince for being good, but, because, for his too strict Severity they can't be wicked and lewd. There's no body but desires a Just Prince; the worst have need of such a one, that Justice may flourish, by which they may live not only secure from others, but from one another too. This Seneca meant, when, that he might persuade Nero from incestuous Conversation with his Mother, he threatened him that the Incest was divulged by his Mother, who gloried in't, and the So●diers would not endure so vicious a Prince 25 Pervulgatum esse incestum, gloriante matre, nec toleraturos milites profani Principis Imperium. Tac. 14. Ann. . Nay, so necessary are Virtues to a Prince, that without some Vices themselves can't subsist. Nor did S●janus endear himself to Tiberius by other means, than by mingling Virtues with Vices 26 Corpus illi laborum tolerans, animus audax, sui obtegens, in alios criminator, justa adulatio, & superbia, palam compositus pudor, intus summa adipiscendi libido, ejusque causa, modo largitio, & luxus, saepius industria, & vigilantia. Tac. 4. Ann. . Such a mixture of Virtues and Vices one might see in Lucinius Mucianus; in V●spasian also, there were many notable Vices ' as well as Virtues 27 Ambigua de Vespasiano fama. Tac. 1. Hist. . This is certain, Sejanus' favour with Tiberius had been much more secure; and Vespasian and Mucian, had been much more accomplished Princes, if substracting their Vices, their Virtues only had remained 28 Egregium Principatus temperamentum, si demptis virtutibus utriusque vitiis solae virtutes miscerentur. Tac. 2. Hist. . If it be convenient for a Prince to be vicious, that he may distinguish the good from the bad, 'twill be sufficient only to know how to be so, without being practically so. Let him therefore be virtuous, but let him be so circumspect and prudent, that no Cheat or Knavery may scape him, no Villainy but which he may see through; so by throughly observing each Man's Manners, and way of Life, he may Govern them the better. And in this Sense may their Opinions be taken, who think that Princes are so much the more secure, by how much they are more wicked than their Subjects 29 Eo Munitiores Reges censentur, quo illis, quibus imperitant, nequi●res. Sallust. . This sort of Vice relating to the knowledge of wickedness, is very expedient to know how to chastise, and also to bear with humane Frailties: Without that knowledge, severe Virtue is too rigid and dangerous for Government. Whence 'tis, that in a Prince manly Virtues are most requisite, such as are appropriated to Empire, not those monastic Melancholy ones, which make him timorous, slow, and unsteady in his Resolutions, averse to Humane Conversation, and more intent upon his own private Perfections than the Government of the Public. The greatest Perfection in a Prince, is to answer the Obligations laid upon him by God Almighty. Machiavelli would not have a Prince counterfeit Virtues at certain times only, but he endeavours also to establish a sort of Policy upon Vice, by showing how by help of this, the other may be advanced to the highest pitch; and by asserting that Men are ruined, because they know not how to be wicked; as if there might be a certain Science to be formed of it. This Doctrine has made many Prince's Tyrants, and ruined them. Men are not ruined, because they know not how to be wicked, but because wickedness itself can't long defend its self; for there is no Villainy so cunning and cautious, as to prevent its self from being caught at last in its own Snares. What skill can instruct a Man to keep a sound Judgement in his Vices, whose Sins trouble his Conscience, which though 'tis in us, yet by a certain Divine Impulse operates without us, being both Judge and Executioner of our Actions: whose Tyranny Nero felt after he had commanded his Mother to be killed, fearing that the Light which gave Life to others, brought his Death 30 Sed à Caesare profecto demum sceleris magnitudo intellecta est; reliquo noctis, modo persaepius pavore exurgens, & mentis in●ps operiebatur, tanquam exitium allaturam. Tac. 14. Ann. . The most resolved Spirit sometimes hesitates, and is confounded at the sight of Villainy: So it happened to Sejanus, when he plotted to extinguish the Family of Tiberius; he was confounded by the greatness of the Crime 31 Sed magnitud● facinoris metum, prolationes, diversa interdum consilia adferebat. Tac. 4. Ann. . God taketh the wise in their own craftiness 32 Job 5. 13. . Vice is ignorance, opposed to Prudence; 'tis a Violence that toils to its own Ruin; 'tis a dangerous Building which falls upon his Head who built it. No Judgement is so great as to correct lesser Tyrannies by greater; and to what a vast Bulk might Men raise it? That very Example of john Pagola of Peru, which Machiavelli makes use of to confirm his Assertion, makes it evident enough how dangerous 'tis to walk upon those Precipices, when though he had procured the Death of Pope julius the Second, he could by no means accomplish his Villainy. The same also befell D. Valentine, whom he proposes as an Idea as 'twere to Princes; for he, that he might upon the Death of Pope Alexander the Sixth, secure his own Affairs, drank to some of the Cardinals of the contrary Faction in a Bowl of Poison, but the Cups being by mistake changed, he and Alexander drank the Poison, upon which the Pope died suddenly, and Valentine was so ill upon't, that he could not be present at the Conclave, (which mischance all his cunning could not foresee and prevent) whence it happened too, that whom he desired was not elected, and he himself lost all that he unjustly possessed in Romania. Divine Providence does not permit Tyrants to thrive in their Designs 33 He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise, job 5. 12. : 'Tis Virtue only that has the Power to make God propitious to us, not wickedness. If any Tyrant has long enjoyed his unjust Usurpations, 'tis the effect of some eminent Virtue or Natural Endowment, which hides his Vices, and makes him obeyed by the People. But Malice ascribes this to tyrannical Artifices, and from Examples of that Nature, picks out some impious and erroneous Maxims of State, to the ruin both of Princes and Empires. Besides, all don't Reign, who have the Sceptre in their Hands, or the Crown upon their Heads; for Divine Justice, though it leaves them the Kingdom, takes away the Command, by permitting them to be Slaves to their Passions, and their Ministers, and to be oppressed by Misfortunes and Seditions. So was Samuel's Prediction to Saul fulfilled, that as a Punishment for having disobeyed God, he should be no more King 34 Because thou hast rejected the Lord, he has also rejected thee from being King, 1 Sam. 15. 23. : For though he lived and died King, yet was his Reign but perfect Slavery. EMBLEM XIX. IN the Games of Vulcan and Prometheus, several Persons being placed in a Row employed themselves thus: The first came out with a lighted Torch in his Hand, which he gave to the second, and he to the third, and so from one to tother; whence came th● Proverb, Cursu lampada trado; applied to those things which passed as 'twere by Succession from one to another. In which Sense Lucretius, Et quasi cursores vitai Lampada trado. Which he seems to have borrowed from Plato, when persuading Men to Propagation, he says 'tis necessary, that Life which Men received from their Predecessors, they should like a flaming Torch deliver down to Posterity. 1 Vt vitam, quam ipsi à majoribus, accepissent, vicissim, quasi t●dam ardentem posteris tradant. Plato. What else is a Sceptre, but such a Torch as this, which passes by Succession from one to another? What is it therefore that Majesty assumes to its self in this so short and transitory Greatness? Many things are common to a Prince with other Men, there's but one thing, and that accidental too, which makes the difference. All those don't humble his Mind, yet does this single accident puff him up above others. Let him think that he is a Man, and that he governs Men; let him consider well that he comes upon this great Theatre of the World to act the part of a Prince; and that he having his discharge, another shall succeed to those Robes which he shall leave; and that of both of them only this will remain, that they once were. Lastly, Let him know that these Robes wherewith he is clothed, are not his own, but the States, which that only lends him, that he may be a while its Head, and may consult for the Preservation, Increase, and Prosperity thereof, as we have said before. When therefore a Prince has once begun to run the Race of this Life, furnished with the lighted Torch of his State; let it not be his only business to prolong his Race, for the Goal is already fixed beyond which he can't go; and who knows but that he may be now very near it, the Flame being exposed to every blast of Wind. One single Gale wrenched it from the Hands of King Henry the First, ere he was fourteen Years old. Also a fall from a Horse prevented Prince john, Son of their most Catholic Majesties from taking hold on't. Let a Prince consider also the fitness of his hand, the occasion and right, that he mayn't rashly grasp at more of these Torches, than either Succession or lawful Election shall grant him. Had Frederick, Count Palatine, considered this, he had never lost his Electoral Dignity, his Places, and Titles so unfortunately, for being ambitious of the Kingdom of Bohemia. And truly Charles, King of Naples, had ended his Race more successfully, had he been contented with the Torch of his own Kingdom, and not attempted to grasp at that of Hungary, where he was therefore poisoned. Let not a Prince too readily trust his Torch to another, nor suffer any one to touch it with so great Authority. For Empire admits of no Companion. The Infant Sancho attempted to snatch this Torch from his Father, King Alphonso the Wise, by the same Power and Authority which he received from him. Nor were there wanting Pretences for the Infant of Portugal, to attempt the same against his Father, Dionysius. These Torches of Kingdoms lighted by ill Methods, are commonly soon extinguished, for no Power acquired by wickedness is lasting. King Garcias forced his Father, Alphonso, to quit his Kingdom, but could not enjoy the Crown so gotten above three Years. Fruela the Third, possessed but fourteen Months the Kingdom which he had attained rather by Force than Election. Violent Counsels h'aned always their desired Success. Ramon hoped certainly to inherit the Throne of Navarre, if he could make away with his Brother Sancho; but the People abhorred him who had conceived such a horrid Villainy, and so offered it to Sancho, King of Arragon, his Uncle. Let not a Prince unadvisedly trust his Torch out of his own Hands in his Life-time, lest, if he should afterwards repent, it should befall him, as it did King Alphonso the Fourth, who having once resigned his Kingdom to his Brother Ramiro, could never afterwards retrieve it, though he desired it. Ambition while in Possession regards not Justice, having always Arguments and Pretences at hand to defend itself. And who will not be moved by the difference between commanding and obeying. Though these Torches do pass from Father to Son, yet let Kings remember that they receive them from God, and that when he pleases they are to Surrender them to him, that they may know to whose Gift they ought to ascribe them, and how strict an Account they are to give of them. This King Ferdinand the Great did, who with his last Breath pronounced these Words, Thine, O Lord, is Power, Empire is thine; Thou art Supreme King of Kings; all things are under thy Providence. The Kingdom which from thy Hand I received, unto thee I resign. The same Words did King Ferdinand the Holy, use at the point of Death. 'Tis a glorious, though laborious Race which Heaven has designed for your Royal Highness, which must be run not with one, but with several Torches of shining Diadems, which like the Sun, but without ever leaving us in the dark, will diffuse their extended Light from East to West. Furious Winds rising from each part of the Horizon, will perhaps threaten them; but since God has lighted them to preceded the Standard of the Cross, and to give light upon the Holy Altars of the Church, it may well be hoped that these may shine like that 2 I will also give thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou mayst be my Salvation to the end of the Earth, Isaiah 49. 6. ; especially if your Highness' Faith and Holy Zeal, would by holding them upright, make their Flame burn more clear and bright, its natural tendency being towards Heaven; and he who holds them obliquely, will make the Flame its self feed upon and waste them, but he who turns 'em directly downwards, opposite to Heaven, will immediately extinguish them; for the Matter which would else nourish them, will then extinguish them. Let your Highness therefore take care with these Lights to finish your Course with Glory, and Surrender them bright and flaming to your Successor, not merely such as you received them, but illustrated and augmented with new Rays: For God weighs both Kingdoms and Kings when they begin to Reign, that he may afterwards require a just Account from them; thus he did with King Balthasar 3 Thou art weighed in the balance, and found wanting, Dan. 5. 27. . And if Otho thoguht himself obliged to deliver up the Empire to Posterity, such as he had received it from his Ancestors 4 Vrbi nostrae institutum, & à Regibus usque ad Principes continuum, & immortalem, sicut à Majoribus accepimus, sic posteris tradamus. Tac. 1. Hist. ; your Highness must acknowledge no less an Obligation derived to you from your glorious Predecessors. So the Emperor, Charles the Fifth, resigned his while he was yet living, to his Son Philip the Second: And though the wickedness of some can't attend the end of their Career, for fear of adverse Winds already raised, as was the Case of Alphonso, King of Naples, who seeing he could not resist Charles the Eighth of France, surrendered the Crown to his Son Ferdinand, Duke of Calabria; yet certain 'tis, that his design was to make a timely Restitution of his Crown to God, and prepare himself for another, not Temporal but Eternal one, which once obtained may be securely enjoyed without fear of ever being lost. EMBLEM XX. AMONG the Ceremonies of the Athenians at their Marriages, a certain little Boy, with a Basket of Bread in his Hand, and a Crown of Thorns upon his Head, went before the Bridegroom; by which, I believe, they intimated that Matrimony was not instituted for Pleasure only, but also for Cares and Labours. By the same (if Emblems will admit Human Figures) might also be meant a Prince. For what thorny Cares does not he feel, who endeavours to maintain his State in Justice, Peace, and Plenty. What Difficulties does he experience? What Dangers is he liable to, who commands other 1 Quam arduum, quam subjectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus? Tac. 1. Ann. ? His Fatigues should be the People's Rest, his Dangers their Security, his Vigilance their Sleep. But we have here represented the same thing by a Crown, fine, indeed, and charming to ●ight, but within full of Thorns and Briars; with this Motto of Seneca the Tragedian. False good! What Cares dost hid, Under the appearance of a gay outside? Who viewing those Pearls and Diamonds, and those Flowers which adorn a Crown, would not fancy that the inside was much more fair and beautiful; yet is there nothing but sharp Thorns, which continually prick and scratch the Head and Breast? There is not a Pearl in a Crown, but which is Sweat; nor a Ruby, but which is Blood; nor a Diamond, without some asperity or roughness; 'tis a Circumference without a Centre of rest, a perpetual Motion of Cares * S●rabo. ; for this reason Kings anciently wore a Crown made like a Ship, to represent its Inconstancy, Trouble, and Dangers † Valer. Max. . This he well knew, who, when a Crown was offered him, laid it down, with these Words, Let him take thee up, who does not know thee. Instead of Crowns they at first used Fillets, not as a Badge of Majesty, but only to bind and preserve the Head 2 Let them set a fair Mi●re upon his Head, Zach. 3. 5. . So heavy are the Cares of a Crowned Head, that it had need to be forearmed; for to Reign is nothing but three continual Sighs and Toils, in preserving, acquiring, and losing. Therefore did the Emperor, Mark Anthony, say, That Empire was the greatest of Troubles. Princes are born to labours, let them therefore enure themselves thereto. The Kings of Persia had a Chamberlain, who waked them betimes in the Morning with these Words, Arise, O King, to look after the Affairs of your Kingdom. Some Prince's nowadays would not endure such disturbance, for they persuade themselves that Ease, Voluptuousness, and Vices, are the Rewards of Princes, but that the Shame and Disgrace thereof belong to others. Whereas some Princes shamefully neglect their Duty, it is because (as we shall mention elsewhere) they take the Kingdom for their Inheritance and Propriety, which they may use as they please, and think that their Authority and Sovereign Power is subject to no Laws, but altogether free to act as it list; in which Flattery encourages them, insinuating that without that freedom and liberty of living, a Kingdom would be the worst of Slavery, more intolerable than the meanest Condition of Subjects. Whence resigning themselves to Luxury and Pleasure, their Strength and Spirits flag, and themselves become wholly unfit for Government. Hence, I believe, it is, that among so many Princes, there are so very few good Governors, not that they want Natural Parts, for in those they usually exceed others, as being born of better Blood; but because that through Ease and Luxury they don't make use of them; nor do their Courtiers suffer it, for they make their Fortunes with more ease under a negligent than careful Prince. The Remedy against these Inconveniencies consists chief in two Things; The first is, That a Prince, should from his Youth, as soon as he has the use of Reason, be accustomed to the Management of Affairs, even before the Death of his Predecessor; thus God did with joshua. And if in Matters of Concern and Trust, it be not convenient, for Reasons which I shall show in the last Emblem but one; yet in other things it is, that his Mind may be diverted from Debauchery. This made the Roman Senate introduce their Youth to their Consultations. By the benefit of this many Pope's Nephews, though they have been admitted very young to the Administration of Affairs, have in a few years made experienced Statesmen. The other is, That those that are near the Prince, should dexterously endeavour to root out of his Mind certain vain Opinions of his Greatness, and let him know that 'tis the common Consent of all that gives Power and Authority to the Sceptre, for Nature made no Kings. That his Purple is an Emblem of Blood, which he should be ready upon occasion to shed for the People 4 Consula●es fasces, praet●●tum, curulemque sellam, nihil aliud, quam pompam funeris putent; claris insignibus velut in●●sis velatos ad mo●t 〈◊〉 destinari. Liv. 2. Hist. ; that it was not given to breed and nourish the Mo●h● of Vices: That he is born a Prince by chance; that Virtue only is the proper good of Man; that his Dominion is Government, not absolute Power, and that his Vassals are Subjects not Slaves. This Document the Emperor Claudius gave to Meherdatus, King of Persia 5 Vt non dominationem, & servos, sed rectorem & cives cogitaret. Tac. 12. Ann. . Let them advise the Prince so to do by those whom he Governs, as he would be done to were he a Subject; so Gaiba instructed Piso when he adopted him his Son 6 Cogitare quid ●ut 〈◊〉 sub alio Principe, aut volueris. Tac. 1. Hist. . No Prince was ever elected only to be so, but that being so he might be serviceable to the rest. King Antigonus considering this, advised his Son not to abuse his Power, not to be proud or use his Subjects ill, Knowest thou not, my Son, said he, that our Kingdom is but a noble Slavery 7 An Ignoras, 〈◊〉 mi, nostrum Regnum ess●● n●bilem servitutem? . Upon this the Woman grounded her Answer to the Emperor Rodolphus, who telling her he was not at leisure to hear her: Then, says she, you are no more Emperor. Subjects are not born for the King, but the King for the Subjects. 'Twould be too hard a Bargain for them to sell all their Liberty to the King, if in return they could not promise themselves Justice and Protection from him, to which end they voluntarily submitted themselves to his Command. The Romans in their Triumphs were crowned with their own Shields 8 With favour wilt thou compass him as with a Shield, Psalm 5. 〈◊〉. , made into the circular Form of a Crown, whence were introduced the Diadems of the Saints, who were Victorious against the Common Enemy. A Prince deserves not a Crown, unless also he use it as a Shield to ward the Strokes of adverse Fortune from his Subjects. To Reign is rather an Office than a Dignity, an Authority of a Father over his Children 9 Vt enim gubernatio patrisfamilias est Regia quaedam potestas domi; ita Regia potestas, est civitatis & gentis unius aut plurium quasi domestica quaedam gubernatio. Arist. Polit. 3. cap. 11. ; and if the Subjects find not that Fatherly Care and Affection in the Prince, they own him no Respect or filial Obedience. King Ferdinand the Holy, looked upon his Government as an Office, which consisted in protecting his Subjects, in administering Justice, in chastising Vice, and procuring the Enlargement of his Territories; not sparing any pains for its Advantage, and according to this he always acted. Princes are (as we shall observe elsewhere) like Mountains, as well because they are nearer the Favours of Heaven; as because they should receive all Injuries of the Wether upon themselves, being Depositaries of Ice and Snow, which melting, should flow thence, and water and refresh the droughty Fields and Valleys beneath, and by the Shade of their Bodies defend them from the scorching: Heat of the Sun 10 For thou hast been a strength to the poor, a strength to the needy in his distress; a refuge from the Storm, a shadow from the hear, Isa. 25. 4. . For this reason, the Scriptures call Princes Giants 11 There were Giants in the Earth in those days; the same became mighty Men, Gen. 6. 4. , for they that are born to sustain the weight of Government, had need be of a more than ordinary Stature: They are Giants which must undergo Fatigues and Groans (as job says) under the Waters 12 Vid. job 26. 5. , by which are meant People and Nations 13 And the Waters which thou sawest, where the Whore sitteth, are Peoples, and Multitudes, and Nations, and Tongues, Revel. 17. 15. . They are the Corners which sustain the whole Fabric of the State 14 Vid. 1 Sam. 14. 38. . A Prince, who believes he is not born to do this for his Subjects, and does not prepare himself to shelter them from the Injuries of the Wether, dwindles from a Mountain to a Valley; nay, 'tis unlawful for him whom Heaven has designed to Govern others, to regard his own ease and quiet. Wamba being elected King of the Goths, and refusing the Crown, a certain Captain with his drawn Sword threatened to stab him unless he accepted it; Shall you alone, says he to him, oppose the Will of the whole Nation, and prefer your own Private Ease to the Public Good? For this reason, the States of Guadalajara would not suffer King john to resign his Kingdom to his Son Henry, he being too young, and himself having a Constitution fit for Government. Hence 'tis evident, That Princes are a part of the Commonwealth, and that they are in some measure subject to it, as Instruments of its Preservation, so that their success or misfortunes respect it; as Tiberius told his Sons 15 It a nati estis ut bona malaque ves●ra ad Remp. pertineant. Tac. 4. Ann. . Those who desired David for their King, told him, We are thy Bone and thy Flesh 16 2 Sam. 5. 1. ; intimating to him that he must with his own strength support them, and take upon himself all their Toils and Grievances. A Prince ought also to be taught while he is young, to tame and govern the skittish Horse of Government; for should he let him have his Head, he would fall headlong with him: He should use therefore the Bridle of Reason, the Reigns of Policy, the Whip of Justice, and the Spurs of Valour, keeping always fast in the Stirrups of Prudence. He must not execute every thing that comes into his Mind, but only what is honourable and just, lest he should transgress Piety, Reputation, Modesty, or good Manners 17 Facta quae laedunt pietatem, existimation●m, verecundiam nostram, & ut generaliter dixe●im, contra bonos mores fi●●t ●ec facere e●s credendum est. L. 15. F. de Conduit. I●stir. . Let not a Prince imagine that his Power is wholly absolute, but subject by the public Good and Interest of his State. Not immense, but limited, and exposed to many Casualties; one blast of Wind dissipated all Philip the Second Naval Preparations against England. Let the Prince also know, that his Authority is not so Sovereign, but that part of it remains in the Subject, which they either reserved to themselves from the beginning, or which Common Sense has since granted them for their defence against any Prince notoriously unjust and tyrannical. Good Princes are pleased at the Liberty of their Subjects; Tyrants only would be absolute 18 Quomodo pessimis Imperatoribus sine fine dominationem, ita quamvis egregiis libertatis modum placere. Tac. 4. Ann. . The Safety and Preservation of the Kingdom, depends upon the well-tempered freedom of the People. 'Tis not that Prince who is most powerful, that is most secure, but he who is so with reason; nor is he less Sovereign who defends the just Rights and Privileges of his Subjects. 'Tis rather prudence to let them enjoy 'em freely, for they never derogate from the Authority of the Prince, but when he thinks his Honour affronted, and endeavours wholly to take 'em away. Let him be content to maintain his Crown by the same means his Ancestors did. It seems to be this which God would admonish Princes of, (though in another Sense) by Ezekiel the Prophet 19 Bind the ti●e of thine Head upon thee. Ezek. 24. 17. , when he said, bind the tire of thine Head to thee; if any one shall wear it too lose, 'twill be very apt to fall off. EMBLEM XXI. JUstice is the Centre from which the Circumference of a Crown is drawn. If we could live without one, there would be no need of t'other. In former times all Prince's judges were, And to see justice done, was all their Care. In the first Age there was no need of Punishment, for there were no Crimes; nor of Rewards, for Virtue and Glory were beloved for their own sakes. But as the World grew older, Wickedness increased with it, and made Virtue more reserved, which before lived freely and carelessly in the Fields. When Equality was laid aside, and Ambition and Force supplied the place of Modesty and Shame, than Government was also introduced. For Prudence urged by necessity, and Common Prudence obliged Men to Civil Society, that they might exercise Virtues, which Reason prompted them to, and make use of Speech which Nature gave them, that by revealing to one another the Sense of their Minds, they might inform, assist, and defend each other 1 Sermo vero datus est homini, ad utile & inutile, ac proinde justum ac injustum declarandum. Arist. Pol. 1. cap. 2. . Society being thus by common Consent established, there arose at the same time a certain Supreme Power necessary to the Preservation of its Parts, which by punishing Vice, and rewarding Virtue, might defend them in Peace and Justice. And because this Authority could not be diffused through the whole Body, by reason of the Confusion which would arise in the Execution thereof; and because 'twas also necessary that some should Command, and the rest Obey, they quitted their Pretensions to it, conferring it either upon one, few, or many, which are the three sorts of Government; Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy. The first of which was Monachy; for originally Men were governed by one in each Family; afterwards they chose from among the People, one, who excelled others in Goodness and Virtue, whose Hand, as his Authority increased, they honoured with a Sceptre, and his Head with a Diadem, as a Badge of the Power and Sovereignty which they had conferred upon him, which should principally consist in Justice, by which he should preserve and defend his Subjects in Peace; so that without that there is no Order of Government 2 Nam Respub. nulla ●st, ubi leges non te●ent Imperium, Arist. Pol. 4. cap. 4. , and all Kingly Authority ceases, as it happened in Castille, which was reduced to the Government of Judges, the Kings being excluded for the Injustice of Ordonno and Fruela. This Justice could not be well administered by the mere Law of Nature, without imminent Danger to the Commonwealth; for since 'tis defined to be a constant and perpetual desire of giving to every one their own 3 For Justice is immortal, Wisd. 1. 15. , it would be very dangerous if it should depend upon the Opinion and Judgement of the Prince, and not be written; nor can mere natural Reason, though free from Affections and Passions, give true Judgement in such variety of Cases as happen continually. So that 'twas necessary for States to arm themselves with Laws, deduced from long use and experience, as well Penal as Distributive; these to punish faults, and those to give every one his own. Penal Laws are represented by a Sword, the Emblem of Justice, as Trajan intimated, reaching a Sword to the Captain of his Guards, with these Words, Take this, and if I govern well, use it for me, if not, against me. Equally sharp on both sides, as well for the Rich as the Poor; not with one Edge blunt, and t'other sharp; to spare one, and hurt another. Distributive Laws are represented by a Rule▪ Square, which measures indifferently the Actions and Rights of all 4 Leg●m scimus justi injustique regulam esse. Seneca. . By this Rule of Justice things ought to be measured, not this Rule by things, as the Lesbian Rule was, which being made of Lead, easily adapted itself to all shapes of the Stone. The Prince ought to give Life and Vigour to both. King Alphonso the Wise said, That a King was the Heart and Soul of the State. And in another place he says, That Rex a King is the same with Regula a Rule. Rex a King, and Lex a Law, differ but in one Letter; and what else is a King but the Speaking-law, and the Law but a dumb King; so much King that could it exert itself it should govern alone. Prudence has as it were divided the Power of Princes, and yet in their Persons it remains whole, yet it has subtly transferred part thereof to Paper, so that it has left Majesty written and exposed to the view of all, for the exercise of Justice, so that Justice and Chastisement, by means of the Law, anticipating Crimes, the Sentence might not be ascribed to the Will, Passion, or Interest of the Prince, and that he might avoid the Odium of his Subjects. The Law is an excuse for Rigour, a discountenancer of Favour, an invisible Arm of the Prince, with which he holds the Reigns of the Government. There is no better way to make Authority respected and obeyed; for which reason the Law should be punctually observed, nor should force be used in any thing which may be decided by Law 5 Nec utendum imperio, ubi legibus agi possit. Tac. 3. Ann. . When once a Prince proceeds that way, the Laws will soon lose their force and efficacy 6 Minui jura quoties gliscat potestas. Tac. 3. Ann. : Crimes will be reckoned Innocence, and Justice Tyranny 7 The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance for ever, Isaiah 32. 17. : Nor is the Power of the Prince a little diminished, for that is ever more effectual with the Law than without it. 'Tis the Law that crowns, defends, and confirms a Prince 8 Inauditi atque defensi tanquam innocentes peritant. Tac. 1. Hist. , without it there would be no difference between Subjection and Command. True Policy is founded upon the Law, not upon Arbitrary Sway. They are the true Rule of Government, the Roads of Policy, by them as by certain Lines the Ship of the State fails securely; they are the Walls of Civil Power, the Eyes and Soul of the State, the Fetters of the Mob, and the Bridle (the present Emblem) which Guides and Curbs it 9 Factae sunt autem leges, ut eorum metu humana coerceatur audacia, tutaque sit inter improbos innocentia, & in ipsis improbis reformidato supplicio refraenetur audacia & nocendi facultas. Isid. lib. 2. Etymol. L. legibus, C. de leg. . Even Tyranny itself can't subsist without them. The Determination of Justice could not be safely committed to the inconstancy of the Will, which is subject to so many Affections and Passions, and of itself perfectly blind; but it was necessary that it should be restrained by certain fixed Decrees and Statutes, founded upon Reason and Prudence, which should without distinction be Obligatory to all. Such are the Laws which experience of past Accidents has provided for future ones; and since they can't explain themselves, but are mere Bodies which receive Soul, and understanding from the Judges, with whose Tongues they speak, and by whose Pens they are explained, and applied to particular Cases, it being impossible to comprehend all; let a Prince be very careful to whom he commits them; for in them he entrusts his very Being, and the chief Instruments of Government; but the choice being once rightly made, let him not hinder the free exercise and ordinary course thereof, but leave it wholly to the Magistrate; but if Princes will through Clemency or Arbitrary Power, intermeddle with the Exposition of the Laws; all this Politic Structure will fall, and those Laws which should prop and support it, rather cause its ruin. Tyranny is nothing else but an ignorance and contempt of the Laws, assuming to itself their Power and Authority. This Rome of old bewailed as the chief cause of its Slavery, Augustus' arrogating to himself the chiefest Offices in the Law, that he might the better play the Tyrant 10 Insurgere paulatim, munia senatus, Magistratuum, legum in se trabere. Tac. 1. Ann. . When Caesar to himself assumed the Laws, Poor Rome grew soon degenerate and base, Forgot her War, and slept in servile Peace. Claud. A Prince in obstructing the Laws encourages Vice, as it happened in the time of the Emperor Claudius 11 Nam cuncta legum, & Magistratuum mu●ia in se trahens Princeps, materiam praedandi patefecit. Tac. 11. Ann. . ● Multiplicity of Laws are very dangerous to a State, for they destroy one another; being too numerous they create Confusion and Oblivion, or when they can't be observed are despised. A sure sign of a dissolute and corrupt State; one contradicts another, and makes room for sinister Interpretations, and different Opinions, whence arise Disputes and Contentions. The greatest part of the People are taken up in Law, there want Men to manure the Ground; for Offices and War. A few good support many bad, and many bad lord it over the few good. The Courts of Judicature are Harbours for Pirates, and Receptacles for Thiefs. Those very Men who should be the Assertors of the People's Liberty, are the heaviest Fetters of their Slavery 12 Deditque jura, queis pace, & Principe uteremur, acriora ex 〈◊〉 vincula inditi custodes. Tac. 3. Ann. . Too many Laws are not less pernicious to a State than Vices 13 Vtque antehac ftagitiis ita nunc legibus laborabatur. Tac. 3. Ann. . He who makes many Laws, sets many Traps, in which all must be caught. So Caligula, when he had a design upon the Innocent, established many Laws, written in so small a Character, that they could be hardly read. And Claudius published Twenty in one day, which so puzzled the People, that 'twas more difficult to know than to observe them. Therefore Aristotle said, That few Laws were sufficient for the weightest Cases, and that the rest ought to be left to natural Reason. Nothing is so prejudicial to State as multiplicity of Laws: Hence God threatened Israel, as a Punishment for their Sins, that he would multiply their Laws 14 Because Ephraim hath made many Altars to Sin, Altars shall be unto him to Sin. Scriba●●i multiplices leges meas, says the Latin Version, Host 8. 11, 12. . To what purpose is it to make an Addition of new Laws upon every slight occasion, when there is no case which has not happened before, nor any inconveniency which has not been already considered of, and by Observation and Experience provided for? Those which are now introduced into Castille, as new, may be all found in the Ancient Records. The Observation of these would be much more agreeable to the People, and would create less Odium to the Prince, than the Promulgation of other new ones. In those Judgement acquiesces, in these 'tis dubious and unsteady; those seem to be founded with care, the Authority of these is questionable; those may safely be renewed, these can't be introduced without danger. To make Experiments of new Medicines is dangerous to Health and Life; many Herbs before the way of preparing them were known, were Poison. Better is that State governed, whose Laws, though imperfect, are settled, than that which is continually changing them. The Ancients to intimate that Laws, aught to be perpetual, wrote them upon Tables of Brass 15 Vsus ●ris ad perpetuitatem monumento●um jampridem translatus est tabulis aereis, in quibus constitutiones publicae inciduntur. , and God engraved them with his Eternal Finger upon Stone 16 And he gave unto Moses, when he had made an end of communing with him upon Mount Sinai, two Tables of Testimony, Tables of Stone written with the Finger of God. . For this reason Augustus advised the Senate, that they should preserve their Laws entire without altering them; for that tho' they were bad, they were more beneficial to the State than new ones 17 Positas semel leges constanter servate, nec ullam earum immutate; nam quae in suo statu eademque ma●●nt, etsi deteriora sint, tamen utili●ra sunt Reipublicae, his quae per innovationem, vel meliora indacuntur. Dion. l. 52. . There is no Kingdom but is provided with Laws sufficient; but care aught to be taken, lest the variety of Interpretations should render them ambiguous and obscure, and occasion Disputes and Controversies. This aught to be prevented, which might with ●ase be done in Spain, if some King, upon this account not less a Restorer than Pelagius, would abbreviate all Processes, and leaving the Civil Law, would make use only of those of the Kingdom, which are not less prudent and learned than just and reasonable. This King Recesewind meant, when in one of his Laws he said, Also King Alphonsus the Wise, commanded his judges. This their Majesties, Ferdinand and joan, afterwards confirmed, as did King Alarick, who laid severe Penalties upon the Judges for admitting the Pleas of the Roman Laws. Nor does it a little derogate from Supreme Jurisdiction to be governed by Foreign Laws. To this I foresee two Objections; first, that if these Laws were written in Spanish, the Latin Tongue would be lost, and the Lawyers would apply themselves wholly to the Study and Explanation of them only; besides, that without the knowledge of the Civil Law, from whence they are derived, they could not be well understood. The other is, that since the Civil Law is Common to almost all Europe, according to which causes ought to be decided, and that the Rights and Privileges of Princes are often to be determined in Foreign Parliaments, and Courts of Judicature; it will be very necessary to have Men well versed in the said Law. Which inconveniences will be easily remedied by erecting and indowing some places for Civil Lawyers in the Universities; as (though upon different Motives) King Ferdinand did. But if this can't be effected, the forementioned inconveniences may be thus remedied; first by prohibiting such a vast number of Books to be imported, which serve only to clear the Pockets, not the understanding, nor is Printing any thing else nowadays, but Merchandise and Trade. This variety confounds the Senses, embarrasses and puzzles the Judgement. 'Twould be more adviseable, where the written Laws are not full enough for the Decision of any Controversy, to be guided by Reason, that living Law, rather than to grope for Justice in the obscurity of such diversity of Opinions, equally favourable to each side, and subject to Subornation and Passion. Next, by shortening the tedious Methods of the Law, as King Philip the Second designed to do at Milan, when he consulted with the Senate about that Affair. In which he not only respected the good of the Subject, but also that in that State, which is the Bulwark of the Kingdom, there might be more Men of the Sword than the Gown. The same was attempted by the Emperors, Titus and Vespasian, Charles the Fifth, their Catholic Majesties, Peter, King of Portugal, James the first of Arragon, and Lewis the Eleventh of France; none of them being 〈◊〉 to effect it, nor can any one else hope to bring 〈◊〉 about, since for the reforming the Practice of the ●●nch, the Judges themselves must be of Counsel, whose Interest it is to prolong Suits, as 'tis that of Soldiers to continue War. 'Twas pure necessity obliged the most Serene Queen Isabel, of her own accord, to make use of this Remedy, when being at Sevil harassed with vexatious Appeals, she commanded all Suits depending, to be by the assistance of able and learned Men, decided in her presence, without the noise of the Bar, and that Accumulation of Informations and Processes, and truly successfully enough as experience has shown. The Cantons of Switzerland are very prudently governed, because there are no Lawyers among them; the Witnesses are heard, and without writing down any thing, except the Judgement, the Causes are immediately decided. A quick Condemnation is more expedient for Client, than a favourable Judgement after a tedious dependence. He who commences a Lawsuit nowadays, does as it were plant a Palmtree, which he can●t expect to live to gather the Fruit of. In a State where Suits are long and tedious, the People can never live peaceably and amicably 18 Non fuerint concordes unquam, aut inter amantes cives, ubi mut●● 〈◊〉 lights judiciales sunt, sed ubi eae brevissimae & paucissimae. Plato. . Let there therefore be few Counsellors, Attorneys, and Solicitors. How can that Government be quiet, in which there are so many who get their living by raising and promoting Feuds and Lawsuits? What hopes of Restitution to the injured, when there are so many ready to fleece and strip him? Suppose them to be Persons of Worth and Integrity, yet is Justice ne'er the better administered for their number; no more than a Disease is better cured by many Physicians. Nor would it redound to the Common Good, if with the loss of the Public Tranquillity, and the Estates of the People, there should be made too nice a scrutiny into every one's Right: A moderate and moral Care is sufficient. Nor does less damage arrive from an abundance of Penal Laws to prohibit Luxury in clothes, and superfluous Expenses; for such Edicts are generally slighted, and not observed; the same Month in which they are established, they are abolished. They are like the Responses of the Sibyls, written upon Leaves, and scattered by the Wind. And if once this disobedience takes place, it makes Luxury more insolent and secure 19 Tot à majoribus repertae, tot quas divus Augustus tulit, illae oblivione, hae (quod flagitiosius est) contemptu abolitae, securtorem luxum fecere. Tac. 3. Ann. . The Prince's Reputation suffers, when the Remedies which he prescribes are ineffectual, or not observed. The Edicts of Margaret of Austria, Duchess of Parma, not being executed, derogated much from her Authority in Flanders. Therefore 'tis a question, whether moderate Luxury be not a more tolerable Inconveniency, than a Prohibition when not obeyed 20 Num coercio plus damni in Remp. ferret; quam indecorum attrectare, quod non obtineretur, vel retentum ignominiam & infamiam virorum illustrium posceret. Tac. 3. Ann. ? Or whether it be not better to wink at old and settled Vices, than by feeble Laws to show that they are stronger than the Prince? If Laws are once broken, unpunished, there is no restraint or shame beyond. If a Prince would express these Laws and Edicts about Reformation of Manners in himself, perhaps Flattery, or the natural Propensity in Inferiors to imitate their Superiors, or the Subjects their Prince, would be more effectual than the rigour of the Law, and that without danger to Sovereign Authority. Frugality, which the Sumptuary Laws could not introduce, the Emperor Vespasian did, only by his Example 21 Sed praecipuu● adstricti moris autor Vespafianus fuit, antiquo ipse cultu, victuque obsequium inde in Principem, & aemulandi amor validior, quam poenae ex legibus, & metus. Tac. 3. Ann. . The Imitation of the Prince, is a Slavery sweetened by Flattery. 'Tis easier for Nature to err in her own Works, said Theodorick, King of the Goths, than for the Subjects not to observe the Manners of their Prince. In him, as in a Glass, the People adjust their Actions: — The Nation follows still, The Fashions of the Court, and it always proves, Example more than Law the People moves. Claud. Customs are Laws, not written upon Paper, but in the Mind and Memory of all, and are more grateful when not forced, but a free choice and sort of liberty; and the same common Consent, which first introduced them, still observes them so strictly, that it won't permit them to be altered though they are bad, for common Opinion, by which, after they have been received by their Ancestors, the People are fully persuaded they are just and reasonable, does prevail more in this matter than the strongest Arguments; nay, than the Inconveniences themselves which are found in them. 'Tis therefore more prudent to bear with them, than wholly to remove them. A prudent Prince governs his State without altering its Customs 22 Mos hominum tutissime agere, qui praesentibus moribus, legibusque etiam si deteriores sint, minimum variantes Rempub. administrant. Thucid. . But if they are opposite to Virtue or Religion, they ought to be dexterously corrected, and the People by degrees prepared to know the reason. King Froila incurred the odium of many by disannulling the Custom of the Clergies marrying, which had been before introduced by Witiza, and confirmed by the Example of the Greeks. If the State be not well constituted, and the People's minds docil and corrigible, Laws will be of small use 23 Quid leges sine moribus vanae prosiciunt? S. Aug. . Which I believe Solon meant, when being asked what Laws were best; he answered, those which the People observe. Medicines are of no use where the Disease is incurable. Lastly, Laws will be insignificant, unless the Prince by his Life and Example confirm and strengthen them 24 Digna vax●st Majestate regnantis, legibus allig●tum se pr●fiteri. L. 4. C. de Leg. . That Law seems pleasant and easy to the People, which the Legislator himself observes: If you command, and hope to be obeyed, Observe yourself those Laws yourself first made. The People then will due Obedience show, To you who make Laws, and observe them too. Claud. The Laws made by Servius Tullius, were not only for the People, but also for the Prince 25 Quibus etiam Reges obtemperarent. Tac. 3. Ann. . By them Controversies between the Prince and People ought to be determined: As Tacitus relates of Tiberius 26 Siquando cum privatis disceptarent, forum & jus. Tac. 4. Ann. . Tho' (said the Emperors, Severus and Antoninus) we are free from the Laws, yet we live by them. A Prince is not obliged by the strict Letter of the Law, but by the Reason on which 'tis grounded, for that is natural and common to all, not peculiar to Subjects only for their good Government; for in such case the Observation of the Law belongs to them alone, tho' 'twill be very necessary, if the Case will allow, for him to conform himself to them, that so they may seem the more pleasant to others. This was the meaning of God's Command to Ezekiel, that he should eat the Roll 27 Eat this Roll, and go speak un●o the House of Israel; so I opened my Mouth, and he caused me to eat the Roll, Ezek. 3. 1, and 2. . That others seeing that he had first tasted the Laws, and found them sweet as Honey, all might imitate him. The Kings of Spain are so subject to the Laws, that the Treasury in cases of the Royal Patrimony, runs the same fortune with any other Subject, and in a doubtful case is condemned. So it was enacted by Philip the Second; and once when his Grandson, Philip the Fourth, your Highness' Father, was present in Council, upon a Debate of a Case relating to the Exchequer, neither the Judges wanted Integrity to give it against him, nor his Majesty Temper to hear it without Resentment. Happy is that State, in which the Prince's Cause is the worst 28 Quae gloria tua est praecipua, saepe vincitur Fiscus cujus mala causa nunquam est, nisi sub bono principe. Plin. in Pan. . EMBLEM XXII. THough the People's Consent confers the Power of Justice upon Princes, they receive it immediately from God, as being his Vicars in Temporal Affairs. They are the Royal Eagles, the Ministers of jove 1 For he is the Minister of God to thee for good; but if thou do that which is evil, ●e afraid; for he beareth not the Sword in vain, Rom. 13. 4. , who Administer his Thunder, and supply his place in punishing Vice, and administering Justice; in which they have need of three Qualities of the Eagle, sharpness of Sight to inspect Crimes, swiftness of Wing for Execution, and strength of Talons, that they maimed fail therein. The Injury done by a certain Nobleman to a poor Peasant, though in the remotest Corner of Galicia, could not escape the quick sight of King Alphonso the Seventh, called Emperor, who disguising himself, went immediately to punish him with such speed, that he apprehended him before he knew any thing of his coming. O lively and ardent Soul of the Law! to be himself Judge and Executioner, to satisfy an Injury done to a poor Peasant, and to punish the unjust Oppression of the Grandee. The same did King Ferdinand the Catholic, who being at Medina, went privately to Salamanca, and seized Roderigo Maltonado, who exercised great-Oppressions in the Castle of Monleon 2 M●r. Hist. of Spain▪ . Who would ever transgress the Laws, if he always feared such a surprise? One such as this would frighten and reform a whole Kingdom. But it is not always expedient for Majesty itself to imitate such Examples. When the State of the Kingdom is well settled, when the Courts of Judicature are open, and the fear of the Law is fresh and lively, 'tis sufficeint for a Prince to see Justice administered by his Ministers. But when all is in Confusion, when Obedience staggers; when the King's Authority is slighted, as 'twas in those times, than some such sudden and severe Punishment will be seasonable, that the People may know the Power of their Prince, and understand, that as in a Humane Body, so in a Kingdom, the Soul of Majesty is all in all, and all in every part. Yet 'twill be very necessary to moderate this severity, when the Distemper is inveterate, and the Kingdom confirmed in Vice; for if Virtue should be too severe upon Vice, and endeavour to reform all at once, 'twould be esteemed rather Cruelty than Justice. Time must recruit that which time has weakened; to precipitate a Cure is dangerous, and may make the Prince experience the Rage of the incensed Multitude. Connivance and Dexterity is often more effectual than force. In this King Ferdinand the Catholic was excellent; and by this King Peter was deceived, who relying wholly upon Severity, got the Name of Cruel. Though Justice be one single Virtue, yet has it various Effects, according to the difference of time. Sometimes the People wholly reject it, and become more Insolent; sometimes they acknowledge the damage of their excess, and cooperate with the Prince to remedy it, and suggest the most severe means against their own Liberty, by which the Prince acquires the Name of Just without danger. Let not a Prince remit the Punishment of such Offences against the Government, in which few are concerned, but pardon those in which many are involved. Agrippa being put to Death, in the Isle of Planasia, by the Order of Tiberius, a certain Slave who was very like him, stealing away his Ashes, pretended that he was Agrippa; the Romans believed it; the Report spread, and caused a Tumult, with evident danger of a Civil War. Tiberius caused the Slave to be apprehended, and put to Death privately, and though many Gentlemen and Senators of his own Family, were said to have assisted him with Money and Advice 3 Et quanquam multi ex ejus dom● equites ac senatores sustentasse opibus, juvisse consillis, dicerentur. Tac. 2. Ann. , yet would he suffer none to speak in his behalf. Thus Prudence triumphed over Cruelty, and by Silence and Connivance he appeased the Disorder. Let a Prince pardon small Offences, and punish great ones; sometimes let him be content with Repentance, which Tacitus commended in Agricola 4 Parvis peccatis 〈◊〉, magnis severitatem commendare; nec poena semper, sed saepiùs p●nitentia contentus esse. Tac. in Vit. Ag●ic. . He is not the best Governor who punishes with most Severity, but he who pardons with such Discretion and Circumspection, as not to give any occasion to the Delinquents to transgress again. No body commends a Chirurgeon for cutting off many Legs and Arms; no body hates a Prince for punishing, provided he does it with Reluctancy and Grief; but him who delights in it, and eagerly carps at all opportunities of doing it. To punish for Example, and amendment is Mercy; but to do it through Passion or Avarice is Tyranny. Let not a Prince suffer any one to think himself so great, and free from the Laws, as to dare to oppose the Ministers of Justice, and those who represent its Power and Authority, for so the Pillar of Justice can't stand secure 5 Hanc P. C. curam sustinet Princeps, hâc omissâ sunditus Remp. trahet. Tac. 3. Ann. , when such boldness once takes place, contempt will by degrees undermine it, and bring it to the Ground. The chief Foundation of the Spanish Monarchy, and that which has raised it to such an height, and keeps it so, is the inviolable Observation of Justice and Rigour, by which its Kings have always taken care to make it respected and esteemed of all. No Violation of it goes unpunished, though great be the Dignity and Authority of the Delinquent. A certain Judge at Corduba, was by the Command of King Ferdinand the Catholic, enquiring into some Misdemeanour, whom when the Marquis of Puego had arrested, the King so resented it, that all the Signal Services of that Family of Corduba, could not hinder him from punishing him very severely; afterwards he put himself wholly into his Majesty's Hands, by the Advice of the Great Captain, who seeing the heinousness of the Crime, which would not admit of Pardon, wrote to him to cast himself at the King's Feet, by which he might perhaps expiate his Crime, but if not he would certainly be ruined 6 Mar, Hist of Spain. . Nor ought a Prince only to punish Crimes committed against his own Person, or during his Reign; but those also which were acted in the last, though the State were then under the Power of an Enemy. For Precedents of Disobedience and Contempt of Authority being connived at, or rewarded, are dangerous even to Successors. Dignity is ever the same, being always espoused to him who possesses her. Wherefore he defends his own Cause, who takes care of his Predecessor's Honour, though 'twas not wounded in his time. A Prince ought not to leave behind him the Memory of one, who has been so impudent as to affront Authority unpunished; for i● once Subjects are persuaded that they may raise their Fortunes, or satisfy their Passions, by the Death or Abuse of the Prince, none will be able to live secure. The Punishment of Impudence to the Predecessor, is the security of the Successor, and a warning to all from daring to attempt the like. For which reason Vitellius put all those to Death, who petitioned him for Rewards for the Murder of Galba 7 Non honore Galbae, sed tradito principi●●● more, munimentum ad praesens, in posterum ultionem. Tac. Hist. lib. 1. . Every one is treated as he treats others. julius Caesar commanding the Statues of Pompey to be erected, confirmed his own. If Princes should not unite against Contempt and Treason, Authority and Loyalty would be in danger. In Cases where the same circumstances concur, a Prince ought not to connive at some and punish others, for nothing renders them more odious than partiality 8 Cavendum est ne iisdem de caussis alii plectantur, alii ne appellantur quidem 〈◊〉 de Off. , Whence the Egyptians signified the Equality which should be observed in Justice, by the Feathers of an Ostrich, which are equal on both sides. 'Tis great Prudence in a Prince to find such sorts of Punishments, as will expiate the Offence, with the least damage to the Delinquent. Certain Noblemen fomented Disturbances in Galicia; and though they deserved Death, King Ferdinand the Fourth call●d them to him, and gave them employs in the Army, where some of them were punished by the Enemy, others by the Hardships and Toils of War, and so that Province was reduced to its former Tranquillity. As in time of Peace, Justice and Mercy are very advantageous, so in War are Rewards and Punishments; because there the Dangers are so great, as would not be attempted without great hopes, and nothing but fear could restrain the Licentiousness of the Soldiers. In so much as without these two things, says King Alphonso, The Faults which are committed●in War are much more dangerous; for if Men have so much to do to defend themselves from the Mischief of their Enemies, how much more have they from that which accrues from their own Faults? For which reason the Romans inflicted divers sorts of Infamy and Punishment upon the Soldiers who failed in their Duty, or in any dangerous Attempt or Military Affair; whence they were less afraid of the Enemy than the Punishment, and chose-rather to die bravely in Action, than to lose their Honour or Lives afterwards with perpetual Ignominy and Disgrace. In those times none durst Desert, because he could not shelter himself in any part of the Empire. nowadays Deserters are not only not punished when they return to their own Country; but skulking from Battle, they March from Milan to Naples, where as if they had served under some other Prince, they are again listed into his Majesty's Service, to the great detriment thereof. In which the Vice-Roys should follow the Example of the Roman Senate, who after the Battle of Cannae, though they were in extreme want of Soldiers, could not be induced to redeem six thousand Prisoners which Hannibal offered them, thinking them not worth Redemption, who suffered themselves ignominiously to be taken Prisoners, when they might have died gloriously. The Errors of Generals committed through ignorance, ought rather to be connived at than punished, lest the fear of being punished or reprimanded should make them too timorous. Besides the greatest Prudence may be confounded in Accidents of War, whence they deserve Compassion rather than Punishment. Varro lost the Battle of Cannae, and at his return the whole Senate went out to receive him, thanking him for that in such a total Defeat he had not wholly despaired of Affairs. When connivance is not convenient, but the Execution of Justice is required, let it be done with readiness and resolution. He who does it privately and by stealth, is more like an Assassin than a Prince. He who checks the Authority which the Crown gives him, either doubts his Power or Merit; from the Prince's distrust of himself proceeds the People's disrespect. Whose Opinion of him is answerable to what he has of himself. King Alphonso the Wise lost the esteem of his People, by doing Justice in private. This can be convenient only in troublesome times, when greater Dangers may be feared, if the People don't see the Authors of Seditions punished e'er they know they are taken. Thus Tiberius acted for fear of this Inconveniency 9 Nec Tiberius poenam ejus palam ausus, in secreta palatii parte interfici jussit, corpusque clam auferri. Tac. 2. Ann. . In other Cases let a Prince execute that Office boldly and vigorously, which he holds in the Name of God and the People; for 'twas Justice that at first gave him his Sceptre, and 'tis that which must preserve it. 'Tis the Will of God, the Harmony of Government, and the Protection of Majesty. If the Laws be once suffered to be broken unpunished, there will be neither Fear nor Modesty, and without them no Peace nor Quiet 10 Si prohibita impunè transcenderis neque metus ultrà neque pudor est. Tac. 3. Ann. . Yet let Princes consider that they are like Masters of Families; nay, that they really are such in respect to their Subjects, and therefore let them temper Justice with Clemency. They ought to drink the Sins of the People, as God intimated to St. Peter, by that Vessel of unclean Animals, out of which he commanded him to eat 11 Wherein were all manner of fourfooted Beasts of the Earth, and wild Beasts, and creeping Things, and Fowls of the Air; and there came a Voice unto him, Rise, Peter, kill and eat, Act● 10. 12, 13. . A Prince should have the Stomach of an Ostrich, so hot with Mercy as to digest Iron, and should be also an Eagle with the Thunder of Justice, which by striking one terrifies all. For if all were to be punished who transgressed, there would be none left for the Prince to Command, for there is scarce any Man so just, as not to have one time or other deserved Death 12 Vix enim quisquam adeò mali expers, ut non aliquam mortem meyeatur. Tac. 2. Ann. . The Rigour of Justice is not less dangerous to the Crown, Life, and Empires, than Injustice. Of this King john the Second is an Example, who for his great Severity became odious to his People: And King Peter the Cruel, lost thereby his Kingdom and Life too. Let Justice and Mercy walk hand in hand, so linked together, as if they were Parts of the same Body, yet so that one may be used without Offence to the other. For this reason God gave not the flaming Sword, which guarded Paradise, to a Seraphim, which is all Love and Mercy; but to a Cherubin, a Spirit of Knowledge, who knew better how to temper Justice with Clemency 13 And he placed at the east end of the Garden of Eden Cherubims, and a flaming Sword, Gen. 3. 24. . Nothing is more pernicious than a Prince over-merciful. In the times of Nerva they used to say, That 'twas more difficult to live under a Prince who bore with all, than one who bore with nothing. For he is not less Cruel who pardons all, than he who forgives none, nor is excessive Mercy less prejudicial to the People than Cruelty 14 Faliciores sunt impr●●i, supplicia luentes, quam si eos nulla justitiae 〈◊〉 coerceat. Boet. lib. 4. Phil. ; and sometimes Indulgence and Forbearance does more mischief than the Crime itself. For wickedness grows bolder, when it can promise itself pardon. 'Twas the Clemency, or rather Negligence of King Henry the Fourth, that made his Reign as Bloody as that of King Peter was by his Cruelty. Clemency and Severity, the one profuse, and the other moderate, make the Prince beloved 15 Mirumque amorem assecutus etat effuse clementiae, modicus severitate. Tac. 6. Ann. . He who can neatly and prudently temper these Virtues, can't choose but govern well; nay, his whole Reign will be a tuneful Harmony, like that which proceeds from a Base and Triple 16 I will sing of Mercy and Judgement, unto thee, O Lord, will I sing. . Heaven produces Corn by the mildness of its Dew, and preserves it by the rigour of its Frosts and Snows. If God were not merciful, we should fear him, but not adore him; both these Virtues make him both feared and loved. Therefore Alphonsus, King of Arragon, used to say, by Justice I oblige the good, the bad by Clemency. The one compels their Fear, the other engages their Love. Confidence of pardon makes Subjects arrogant, and excessive Clemency creates Contempt and Disrespect, and occasions the Ruin of Governments. EMBLEM XXIII. THERE are no greater Chemists than Princes, who set a value upon worthless Trifles in bestowing them upon others as a Reward of Virtue 1 Imperator aliquando torquibus, murali, & civicâ donat; quid habet per se pretiosum, quid pr●texta, quid fasces, quid tribunal, quid currus? nile horum honor est, sed honoris insigne. Sen. lib. 1. de Ben. . The Romans invented several sorts of Crowns, as Mural, Civic, and Naval, as glorious Badges of great and worthy Exploits; these Nature supplied them with as Grass, Palm, and Bays; of which without any cost they made those Crowns. The Treasury would not have been sufficient to have rewarded Services, had not that politic Invention of Crowns been thought on; which being given as public Testimonies of Val●ur were more valued and esteemed than Gold or Silver. The Soldiers underwent all Fatigues and Dangers to obtain them. For the same reason the Kings of Spain founded Military Orders, whose Badges were not only marks of Nobility, but also of Valour; so that all care ought to be taken to keep up their Value and Esteem, by bestowing them with great attention and respect to Merit; for they are so much esteemed as they are tokens of Nobility and Bravery; but if without distinction they should be promiscuously conjured on all, they would grow cheap and contempti●●●. And Arminius might well jeer his Brother Flavius (who followed the Roman Faction) that when he had 〈◊〉 an Eye in Battle, he should call to mind the Collar and Crown, the cheap Rewards of Slavery 2 Irridente Arm●nio vilia servitii praemia. Tac. 2. Ann. The Romans so well knew of what advantage 'twas to ●●●●erve the People's Esteem for those Rewards, that 〈◊〉 held a Council about the Qualifications which a S●●dier ought to be endowed with, to merit a Crown of Oak. In the Badge of the Order of St. james, (the Figure of this present Emblem) are expressed the Endowments which ought to be considered ere it is bedewed; for the groundwork is a Scollop-shell, the ●●●duct of the Sea, bred among Waves and Billows, 〈◊〉 inur'd to Fatigues; in its fair Bosom shines the 〈◊〉, the Emblem of Nobility and Virtue, as well for 〈◊〉 Purity, as that it is bred by the Dew of Heaven; when these are bestowed upon Children, or such who 〈◊〉 not deserved them by any signal Service, they are 〈◊〉 of Favour, not Rewards. Who will endeavour 〈◊〉 merit them by Services, if he can obtain them by diligence? They were instituted for War, not Peace, 〈◊〉 so aught to be distributed among those only who 〈◊〉 signalised themselves therein, or serve d at least four Years in the Army, and made themselves fit for Preferment 3 Hono●● augmentum non ambitione, said labour ad unumquemque convenit perve●●▪ L. contra publicam C. de re milit. , which doubtless would induce more of the Nobility to apply their minds to Arms, and the Art of War would flourish more. This, because the Athenians neglected, they became a Prey to the Macedonians 4 Tunc vectigal publicum, quo anteà milites & remiges aleba●●●●, cum urbano populo dividi coeptum, quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter 〈◊〉 graecorum, sordidum & obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret. Trog. ●. 6. . Alexander Severus considering the importance of gratifying the Soldiery, as being the Foundation and Security of the Empire, divided the Contributions among them; esteeming it a great Crime to squander it away in Luxury, or upon his Courtiers 5 Aurum & argentum raro cuiquam nisi militi divisit, 〈◊〉 esse dicens, us dispensator publicus in delectationes suas & suorum 〈◊〉, id quod provinciales dedissent. La●p. in Vit. Alex. . Let other Rewards be common to all, who signalise themselves either in War or Peace; to this end the Sceptre was endowed with Riches, Honours, and Offices; as also with the Power and Authority of Justice that with these it might punish Offences; with those reward Virtue and Valour. Without Rewards and Punishments, Government would be in Confusion, for they are the Spirit that maintains and preserves them; without them they can't subsist, for the hopes of Reward engage Respect, and the fear of Punishment, Obedience, even against the natural desire of Liberty. Hence the Ancients represented Empire by a Whip, as may be seen in some Consular Coins; and 'twas a Prognostic of the Grandeur of Augustus, who dreaming that jupiter offered him a Whip; he interpreted it to be the Roman Empire, which had been erected and maintained by Rewards and Punishments, Who would refrain from Vice if there were no Punishments? Who would ●●pose themselves to Dangers, were there no Rewards? Democritus considering that the World could not be governed without them, called them Two Gods of the World. They are the Poles of the Orb of Civil Authority, the two Lights of a State, without which it would be overwhelmed in foggy darkness: They are the Props of Prince's Thrones 6 For the Throne is established by righteousness, Prov. 16. 12. . For this reason Ezekiel commanded King Zedekiah to lay down his Crown and 〈◊〉 Regalia, as being unworthy of them, in that he could not distribute Rewards with Justice 7 Remove the Diadem, and take off the Crown, etc. Ezek. 21. 2●. . The Prince in acknowledging Merits, acknowledges a Reward due, for they are Relatives; and if he gives not that, he is unjust. The importance of Rewards and Punishments was not well considered by the Legislators and Lawyers, who have been altogether upon Penalties and Punishments, without ever mentioning Rewards. That wise Legislator of the Partidas considered ●elter of this; for that he might join one with the ●●her, he entitled it particularly of Rewards. Since therefore Rewards and Punishments are so necessary for a Prince, that without this Balance he can't walk steadily upon the Rope of Government, he ought well to consider the right use of them. For this rea●●n the Lictor's Rods were bound up; but the Crowns ●eing made of Leaves, which soon fade, were wrought 〈◊〉 the Victory; that while those were loosed, and these were finished, some time might interfere between the Fault and the Punishment, between the Desert and the Reward, and that the Merit and Demerit might be duly considered. Rewards inconsiderately given, scarce merit thanks. He soon reputes, who bestows them rashly; nor is Virtue safe from him, who punishes without Discretion. If the Punishment be extravagant, the People excuse the Fault, and blame the Severity. If Virtue and Vice be equally rewarded, the one is disgusted, the other becomes insolent. If in equality of Merit, one is rewarded above the other, it creates Envy and Ingratitude; for Envy and Gratitude for the same thing, can never go together; also the method of dispensing Rewards and Punishments ought to be considered; for Rewards ought not to be deferred till they grow despicable, as being despaired of; nor Punishments till they seem not due, as being atoned 〈◊〉 by length of time, or as not being now exemplary to others, for as much as the Cause is wholly worn out of Memory. King Alphonso the Wise, one of your Highness' Progenitors, very judiciously admonished his Posterity, how they ought to behave themselves in Rewards and Punishments, saying, That we ought to beh●vse ourselves with Moderation, as well in the Good we do, as in the Ill we punish; for that in both the one and the other we must have regard to the Circumstances of the Person, Time and Place, and that the World properly speaking is supported but by the Observation of these two things, Rewarding those that do well, and Punishing those that do otherwise. Sometimes 'twill be convenient to defer the distribution of Rewards, that they may not seem due from Justice, and that those who expect them, flushed with those hopes, may more vigorously perform their Duty; nor is there any Merchandise cheaper, than that which is bought with the hopes of Reward. 'Tis certain Men do more out of hopes than for Rewards already received. Whence it appears how prejudicial is Succession in Public Offices and Rewards, which Tiberius considered when he opposed the Proposal of Gallus, that the Candidates should be named every five Years, who should succeed in the Lieutenancies of Legions, and the Praetorship; for that others, for want of hopes, would flag in their Duty and Service 8 Subverti leges, quae sua spatia exercendae Candidatorum 〈◊〉, quaerendisque haud potiundis honoribus statuerint. Tac. 2. Ann. . In which Tiberius did not only respect the public Detriment, but also that he should hereby lose the Prerogative of distributing Rewards, in which he conceived the strength of his Government consisted 9 Hand dubium erat, eam sententiam altius penetrare, & arcana i●perii te●tari. Tac. 2. Ann. . And so by a plausible Oration he retained his Authority 10 Atque ita favorabili in speciem eratione, vim imperii retinuit, Ibid. . Court Favourites, uncertain of the continuance of their Power, ●●rely remedy this inconvenience of future Succession, thereby to adjust their own Actions, to weaken the Prince's Power, and free themselves from the importunity of Petitioners. A Prince being as it were the Heart of his State, as King Alphonso said, The vital Spirits of Riches and Rewards, should by it be imparted to the other Members, even the re●●otest Parts, though they cannot enjoy his Presence, should nevertheless participate of his Favours. Princes are seldom moved by this consideration. They usually Reward those only who are about them, being overcome either by the importunity of Petitions, or by the flattery of their Courtiers, or through want of Resolution to refuse them. And so as Rivers only refresh the Grounds through which they run; so they gratify and reward those only who are near them, unmindful of the Pains and Perils their Foreign Ministers undergo to preserve their Authority, and to do that which they themselves cannot. All Favours are shared among Courtiers and Parasites; those Services are most valued, which smell of Civet and Pulville, not those which are smeared with Blood and Dust; those which are seen, not those which are heard of at a distance; as well because flattery sooner strikes the Eyes than Ears, as because the Mind is tickled with the vain Glory of present Submissions and Acknowledgements. For these Reason's CourtServices are sooner rewarded than Desert, Ambition before Zeal, and Complaisance before Fatigue and Toil. A Splendour which pays itself. He, who does Absent Services may perhaps be commended, not rewarded. He will be for a while fed with vain Hopes and Promises, but will at last die starved with Despair. The Remedy is coming sometimes to Court, for no Letters or Memorials are so persuasive as Presence. The Buckets of Pretention are not to be filled, unless they are dipped into the Court-waters. The Presence of Princes is as fertile as that of the Sun. All things flourish when that shines, but fade and whither in its absence. To him who stands under the Tree, the Fruit drops into his hand. Whence all covet to live at Court, and decline Foreign Employments, in which the Prince has most need of Ministers. This would be remedied, if the Bait of Rewards was thrown farther off, if they were bestowed where deserved, not where they are begged; without need of Petitions or Importunities. King Theodorick comforted the absent, saying, That from his Court he observed their Actions, and discerned their Merits 11 Abunde cognoscetur quisquis fama teste laudatur; quapropter longissime constitutum mentis nostrae oculus serenus inspexit & vidit meri●um. Cassid. lib. 9 cap. 22. . Pliny said of Trajan, that it was easier for his Eyes to forget the Persons of the absent, than for his Mind not to remember his Love towards them 12 Facilius quippe est, ut oculis ejus ●ult●● absentis, quam animo charitas excidat. Plin. in Paneg. . Yet this advice for absent Ministers to repair sometimes to Court, ought not to be effected, by desiring to be dismissed from their Offices, but still retaining them, by giving several Reasons to get leave of the Prince to be sometimes with him; for so they may obtain what they desire, still retaining that which if they should quit, might be conferred upon another. Many either dissatisfied with their present Station, or Ambitious of greater, resign it, and afterwards repent, finding their Hopes and Expectations frustrated, for the Prince looks upon it as a Slighting and Contempt of his Favour. Let no man presume so much upon his own Person and Parts, as to think the Prince can't Live without him. For Princes never want Ministers, and being once Slighted, they often forget their Chiefest. This I speak to those who canvas for public Employs, not those who knowing the Vanity of them, choose to live Solitarily and Retired. Only let them consider, that great Souls form●d for Business, don't always find in retirement that Ease and Tranquillity of Mind, which they propose, and being once engaged therein, without being able to change their Resolutions, they live and die miserable. Modesty in receiving Rewards and Gratuities, is of great use, together with such a prudent Carriage, as may make them appear Obligations to farther Services, not to drain the Prince's Liberality, for this obliges him yet more: As God, when Solomon asked for nothing but an understanding Heart, not only gave him that, but also Riches and Glory 13 And I have also given thee that which thou hast not asked, both Riches and Honour; so that there shall not be any among the ●ings like unto thee, in thy days, 1 Kings 3. 13. . They ought not to be demanded as a Debt, for Virtue is to itself a fair and large Reward; and though some acknowledgement be due, yet does it depend upon the Prince's Favour. And all had rather it should be received as their Bounty, not a just Debt to desert. Whence Princes are more inclined to Reward liberally small Services, but great ones more sparingly, for they think they shall receive more acknowledgements from the one, than the other. Whence he who has received many favours, may expect to receive more, for Bounty once bestowed causes farther Benefits. For a Prince had rather another should acknowledge himself his Debtor, than he his, the first being the more honourable. Lewis the Eleventh, King of France, used to say, That he had more regard for one, who for small Services had been well rewarded, than for others who for great Services had received but small Reward. The Emperor Theodorick owning this failure, confessed, That 'twas from Ambition that Rewards sprouted out, without the least care of him who planted them, and that it provoked him to give more to those whom he had once began to favour 14 Amamu● 〈◊〉 beneficia germinare, nec semel praesta● largitulis collatae fastidium, ma●●sque nos provocant ad frequens praemium, qui initia nostrae gratiae suscipere ●●ruerunt; novis enim judicium impenditur, favour autem semel placitis ●xhibetur. Cas. lib. 2. Epist. 2. . This is visible in Favourites, towards whom Prince's Favour and Liberality seem a kind of Obstinacy. EMBLEM XXIV. THough (as we have said before) Justice armed with the Laws, and Rewards, and Punishments, are the Pillars which support the Structure of the State, ye● will these Pillars be in the Air, unless founded upon the Basis of Religion, which is the Bond of the Laws; for the Jurisdiction of Justice comprehends only external Acts, legitimately approved of; but don●t extend to private and internal ones. It has Authority only over t●e Body, not the Mind; so that Wickedness would little heed Punishment, when it could privately commit Injuries, Adulteries, and Rapine; nay, he would make a jest of the Laws, were there not another invi●sib●e one, menacing within. So necessary is this 〈◊〉 in a Government, that some Atheistical Persons estee● Religion but a mere Politic Invention; who without ●t would be content with his Poverty and present Condition? What Trust in Bonds and Covenants? What Integrity in the Administration of Goods? What Fidelity in Offices and Employments? What Security of Life? Few would be enticed by Rewards, if they could obtain the same thing by private Injustice; few would be charmed with the Beauty of Virtue, if through hopes of a more lasting Garland than one of Palm, they did not confine themselves to the strict Rules of Continency. Vice's would soon confound the Order of Government, without the principal end of Happiness, which consists in Virtue, and in this Foundation and Bulwark of Religion, which sustains and defends the Civil Power, if the People did not think that there was another Supreme Tribunal to Judge the Thoughts and Imaginations, whose Rewards and Punishments will be Eternal. The hope and fear of this being born in the most barbarous and impious Sinners, do regulate and compose their Actions. Caligula scoffed at, and ridiculed the Gods; yet, when it Thundered he was forced to own a Supreme Hand, which had Power to punish him. This Hand all acknowledge, for there is no Heart which is not touched with that Divine Magnet. And as the Mariner's Needle from a certain natural Sympathy, is in perpetual Motion, till it stops a● the Light of that fixed North Star, about which all the Celestial Orbs are turned, so we can't live quietly till we acknowledge and adore that increated North, in which is true rest, and from whence proceeds the Motion of all things. Who ought to observe this more than a Prince, who is the Pilot of the State, upon whose care it depends to bring the S●ip safe into Port? Nor is it enough for him to seem to look at that, while he keeps his Eyes upon other dark and obscure ones, for so he would lose his Course, and run the Vessel upon Sands and Rocks, and so make a Wreck. The People will be divided in Opinions, and thence into Factions, from whence arise Plots and Seditions, and from them changes in States and Empires * Mar. Hist. of Spain. . More Princes are ruined by Dissension in Religion than by Arms. For which reason the Sixth Council of Toledo prudently enacted † Concil. Tolet. cap. 3. , That no Prince should come to the Crown before he had first taken an Oath not to tolerate any one in his Realm who was not a Christian. Spain could never be at quiet till 〈◊〉 rejected the Errors of Arius, and wholly embraced the Catholic Religion, since which the People have lived so happily, that when King Weterick afterwards endeavoured to introduce that Sect, he was killed in his very Palace; but notwithstanding many like Examples, there are some who dare impiously teach Princes to dissemble and counterfeit Religion. He who dissembles it, does not believe it. And if this Dissimulation be a politic Artifice to unite People's Minds, and to maintain the State, true Religion would better do it than false, for this is fading, that Eternal. Many Empires founded upon false Religions, proceeding from Ignorance, God has preserved a long time, rewarding by that means their Morality, and blind Worship, and barbarous Sacrifices, with which they fought him; not that they were acceptable to him, but for the religious Simplicity wherewith they were sometimes offered. But has never preserved those Empires, which counterfeited Religion more through Malice and Artifice than Ignorance. St. Isidore, at his Death, foretold the Spaniards, that if they strayed from the True Religion they should be subdued by their Enemies; but if they persisted in it, their Grandeur should be raised above all Nations. Which was verified by the Yoke of the Africans, which began from the time that Witiza denied Obedience to the Pope, after which liberty of Worship, and licentiousness of Vice disturbed the Public Peace, and ruined Military Discipline, which brought heavy Misfortunes upon the King himself, and his Sons, as well as upon the Kingdom; till being subdued and chastised, Spain acknowledged its Errors, and again found Heaven propitious in that little handful of Christians, with which Pelagius retired into a Cave in the Mountain Ausena, called Cav●longa, where the Arrows and Stones of the Moors were miraculously retorted upon themselves † Mar. Hist. of Spain. . From that the Monarchy began to revive, and risen (though after a long time) to that greatness, which it at present enjoys, as a Reward of its constancy in the Catholic Religion. Since then, Religion is the Soul of Governments, a Prince ought to use all possible care to preserve it; The first Spirit which Romulus, Numa, Lycurgus, Solon, Plato, and other Founders, infused into them, was Religion 1 Omnium primam rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissimam Deorum metum injiciendum ratus. Liv. , for that unites men's minds more than necessity. The Emperors, Tiberius and Adrian prohibited all Foreign Religion, and were wholly intent upon the Preservation of their own: As also Theodosius and Constantine, who established Laws and Punishments against those who revolted from the Catholic Faith. Their Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabel, never tolerated the Exercise of any other Religion. In which commendable was the Constancy of King Philip the Second, and his Successors, who could never be induced to compose the Seditions of the Netherlands by Toleration of Liberty of Conscience, though they might thereby have retained those Provinces, and saved those Immense Treasures which were expended in the War. They preferred the Honour and Glory of God to their own Ease and Tranquillity; imitating Flavius Jovianus, who being proclaimed Emperor by the Army, excused himself, saying, That he was a Christian, and that 'twas not fit he should Command them who were not so, and would not Consent till all the Soldiers had promised to turn Christians. Though he might inherit this pious Constancy from his Ancestors, since the Eighth Council of Toledo mentions the same thing of King Recefuinthus 2 Ob hoc sui Regni apicem à Deo solidari praeoptaret, si Catholicae fid●i per euntium turmas acquireret, indignum reputans Catholicae fidei Principe● sacrileges imperare. Council. Tol. 8. cap. 11. , Of which Piety your Royal Highness' Father, Philip the Fourth of glorious Memory, is a signal Example to your Royal Highness. In the beginning of whose Reign it being argued in Council, whether the Truce should be continued with the Dutch; and some of his Counsellors urging that it was not Policy to begin War, or any change of Affairs, in the beginning of a Reign; he opposed them, saying, That he would not have his Name branded with the Infamy of having maintained one hours' Peace with the Enemies of God and his Crown; and so immediately broke the Truce. For this ardent Zeal and Constancy in the Catholic Religion, King Recaredus merited the Name of Catholic, (as long before the Kings of France that of most Christian). In the Third Council of Toledo, and in that of Barcelona, which Title the Kings Sisebutus and Ervigius kept, which their Successors afterwards lost, till reassumed by King Alphonso the First, to distinguish him from Heretics and Schismatics. Though 'tis a King's Duty to maintain Religion in his Realms, and to promote the Worship of God, as his Vicars in Temporal Affairs, that they may Govern to his Glory, and their Subjects Safety; yet they ought to know that 'tis not in them to decide Controversies in Religion and Divine Worship, for the care of this belongs directly to the Spiritual Head of the Church, to whom alone Christ has given this Authority, the Execution, Preservation, and Defence thereof only is committed to Kings, as that Head shall order and direct. The Priests sharply checked King Uzziah, and God severely punished him because he offered Incense 3 And they withstood Vzziah the King, and said unto him, it appertaineth not unto thee, Vzziah, to burn Incense unto the Lord, but to the Priests, 2 Chro●. 26. 18. . 'Tis necessary for the Preservation of the Purity of Religion, that it be the same in all the Parts of the Christian World. True Worship would soon be lost, if each Prince might accommodate it to his own Ends and Designs. In those Provinces and Kingdoms where this has been attempted, there searce remain any Tracts thereof, so that the poor distracted People are wholly ignorant of the True Religion. The Spiritualty and Temporalty are two distinct Jurisdictions; this is adorned by the Authority of the other, and that is maintained by the others Power. 'Tis an Heroic Obedience which submits to the Vicar of him who disposes of Crowns and Sceptres. As arbitrary and free from the Laws as Princes pretend to be, they must still pay Obedience to the Apostolic Decrees, and are obliged to give force to them, and see them strictly observed in their Dominions; especially when 'tis not only expedient for the Spiritual, but also the Temporal Good, that those Holy Decrees be put in Execution, nor should they suffer any one to violate them, to the damage and prejudice of their Subjects, and their Religion. EMBLEM XXV. THE Stork builds its Nest upon the Church Steeple, and by the Sanctity of the Place makes its Succession secure. The Prince who found'st his Kingdom upon the Triangular stone of the Church, renders it strong and lasting. The Athenians once consulting the Oracle of Delphi, how they might defend themselves against Xerxes, who with a vast Fleet of twelve Hund●ed Sail, was coming to fall on them, were answered, That if they could fence their City with a wooden Wall they should get the better; Themistocles interpreted Apollo's meaning to be, that all the Citizens should go on Ship board; which done they obtained a Victory over that prodigious Fleet. The same Success will attend a Prince, who shall embark his Grandeur in the Ship of the Church; for if this by the Testimony of another Oracle not fabulous and uncertain, but infallible and divine, cannot be sunk, neither can that which is embarked in it. For this reason your Highness' glorious Ancestors, were used to consecrate part of the Spoils they took in War from their Enemies, to God, as the Lord of Victories who fought for them, offering for his Worship very considerable Revenues and Possessions, whence innumerable Foundations and Endowments of Churches, Cathedrals, and Convents, took their rise; having built in Spain above Seventy thousand Churches. Of which Samy, the first King of Arragon, alone, built a Thousand, consecrated to the Blessed Virgin, which his Munificence was amply rewarded by the many Conquests he made, and Victories he won, having fought Thirty three Battles, in all which he came off victorious. These pious Works were like Religious Colonies, rendered by their Spiritual Arms not less powerful than Military ones; for Artillery make not so great Breaches as Prayer. The Prayers of the Israelites for seven Days beat down the Walls of jericho 1 And the People shouted with a great shout, that the Wall fell down flat, so that the People went up into the City, every Man straight before him, and they took the City, jos. 6. 20. . Riches are therefore better reposited in Temples than Treasuries; not only against extreme necessity, but that as by them Religion flourishes, the State may with it. The Athenians kept theirs in that of Delphi, as did many other Nations. What better Guardian than the Sovereign Arbitrator of Kingdoms? Our Hearts at least will be in the Churches, if our Treasures are there 2 For where your Treasure is, there will your Heart he also, Mat. 6. 21. . Wherefore their Council 〈◊〉 no less impious than imprudent, who under the slightest pretence of public Necessity are for pillaging them. He is not worthy the Protection of Divine Providence, who diffident of God's Power, upon every accident has his Eye upon the Furniture of his House. When King Ferdinand the Holy, wanted Money to carry on the Siege of Sevil, and some advised him to supply the Deficiency of his Exchequer out of the Church-Treasures. He made answer, I promise myself more from the Prayers and Sacrifices of the Priests, than from their Riches; which Piety and Confidence, God abundantly recompensed the very next day by the Surrender of the City. Those Kings, who have done otherwise, have left severe Examples of their Sacrilegious Presumption. Gunderick, King of the Vandals, going to Plunder St. Vincent's, fell down dead as he was entering it. The great Misfortunes of Alphonso, King of Arragon, were thought to be God's Judgements upon him, for having rob his Sacred Houses. Queen Vraca died at the very Door of St. Isidore's at Leo●, the Treasures of which she had embeziled. Sanely, King of Arragon, was shot through the Arm with 〈◊〉 Arrow, for that he had defiled his Hands with th● Plunder of Churches. And though, in St. Victorio's a● Rota, he publicly confessed his Crime, and with Tears and all imaginable Signs of Contrition, offering Restitution and Amendment, yet it pleased God to publish his Offence in his Punishment, as a war●ing to others. King john the First, was routed and killed a● the Battle of Aliubanota, for having made use of the Treasures of the Church of Guadaloup●. Upon the Surrender of Cajeta to Frederick, King of Naples, the French loaded two Ships with the Plunder of the Churches, both which were lost. But in all these Cases, extreme necessity had not place; for then right. Reason allows Princes for their Preservation, to make use of such Riches, as out of ● pious Liberality themselves have laid up in these Holy Places, provided it be with a Resolution to restore them when the Prosperity of their Affairs shall put them in a Capacity. As their Catholic Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabel did, having obtained a Grant from the Parliament of Medina del Campo, of the Church-Plate to defray Expenses of War. And the Sacred Canons and Councils have prescribed certain Cases and Circumstances of Necessity or Danger, wherein ecclesiastics are bound to assist the Public with their Contribut●ons; and certainly 'twould be inexc●●able Ava●●c● in them not to regard Common Necessities. They are the most noble and principal Part of a State; and if for them, or for Religion, others are obliged to expose their Lives, why not they their Riches? If the State maintains and keeps them, it may very justly expect a reciprocal Relief from them for its Conservation and Defence. The People would be discouraged from paying Tyths, and other Church Duties, if in Common Calamities there were none to ease them of extraordinary Burdens; they will blame their own Piety, and their Zeal and Devotion, for any new Offerings, Donatives, and Legacies to the Church will slacken. 'Tis therefore highly reasonable that the Clergy in Cases of this Nature, aid the Public with their Revenues, not only for that the danger or benefit equally respects all; but withal, lest the Goods and Estates of the Laity be so oppressed, that Tillage, and with it Tithes, and other pious Works must fail. In such cases, Church-Plate shows better in Bars in the Mint, than in Chalices and Cups in the Vestry. This Obligation upon the State Ecclesiastical, is more strict in the more urgent necessities of the S●●nish Kings; for almost all the Foundations and Endowments of Churches being the Effects of their pious Liberality, ●hey are in Justice bound mutually to relieve their Patrons in necessity, and oblige them to continue their Munificence in better times. These, and many other Reasons, have prevailed with the Apostolic See, to be so liberal to the Kings of Spain, in granting them the use of the Church goods, to maintain their Wars against the Infidels. Gregory the Seventh granted Sancho Rami●ez King of Arragon, the Tithes and Revenues of all the Churches, either newly built or gained from the Moors, to dispose of as he pleased. The same Grant also Pope Urban made to Peter the First, King of Arragon, his Successors and Grandees of his Kingdom, excepting the Churches of Residence. Innocent the Third granted the Bull of the Crusade for the War of Spain, which was called the Holy War; which favour, Pope Calixt●s afterwards in Henry the Fourth's time extended both to the living and the dead. Gregory the Tenth, gave King Alphonsus the Wise, the third Part of the Tithes which were designed for Building: This began afterwards to be perpetuated in john the Second Reign; and Alex●nder the Sixth extended it also to the Kingdom of Granada. John the Twenty Second, granted the Tithes of the Church Revenues, and the Crusade to King Alphonsus the Eleventh. Urban the Fifth, a third Part of the Benefices of Castille to Peter the Cruel. Sixtus the Fourth, consented to have the Clergy contribute at one time an hundred thousand Ducats for the War of Granada; which favour several other Pope's continued. julius' the Second, granted Emanuel, King of Portugal, the third Part of the Revenue which belonged to the Church-Building, and the Tithes of all other Ecclesiastical Incomes. These Subsidies ought not to be spent but in Necessities, and for the Public Uses, to which they were designed. This Queen Isabel so religiously observed, That seeing Ninety Millions raised by the Crusade, she immediately commanded they should be employed to the very Uses prescribed by the Apostolic Bulls. Those Favours will shine more, and produce better Fruit, when so expended. But Necessities and Danger usually confound all things, and easily wrest the Pope's meaning to what was not intended. EMBLEM XXVI. IT was an impious Opinion, that of those who impudently asserted the Heathens to have had more Courage than the Christians; upon this ground, that their Superstition strengthened their Minds, and rendered them more fierce and manly by the dismal sight of so many bloody Victims, as they offered to the Gods in their Sacrifices; and held them only to be Men of Courage and Magnanimity, who got the better of other Nations rather by force than reason: Accusing on the contrary the Institution of our Religion for recommending Humility and Meekness; Virtue is good for nothing but to make Men mean spirited. What an impious and unreasonable Opinion this! The spilling of Blood may indeed make the Mind more barbarous and cruel, more valiant it never can. Fortitude and Magnanimity enter not at the Eyes, but are born within the Breast; nor are those the most generous, who are most pleased with the Blood and Slaughter of Beasts, or who live on Man's Flesh. Our Religion does not contemn Magnanimity, but rather promotes it, not by proposing to us temporary and corruptible Rewards, as the Pagan Superstition does, but eternal ones never to have an end. And if a simple Crown of Laurel, which gins to fade as soon as gathered, inspired so much Courage then, what won't now that everlasting one of Stars 1 Now they do it to obtain a corruptible Crown, but we an incorruptible, 1 Cor. 9 25. ? Is it that the Heathens have exposed themselves to greater Dangers than the Christians? No, for if at any time they assaulted a City, or forced a Camp, it was under Shields and Targets. Whereas now Christians must make their way through thick Showers of Bullets, and the Thunder and Lightning of Gunpowder. 'Tis a mistake to imagine Humility and Valour incompatible; they are rather so closely connected, 〈◊〉 without the former this is impracticable; nor can true Valour be where there is not Humility, Patience, and in general all other Virtues. For he only is really Valiant that can subdue his Passions, and is free from all Perturbation of Mind; a Study the Stoics have bestowed much labour on, and after them the Christians with greater success. He makes but a very small progress in it, who suffers himself to be transported with Anger and Pride. This is truly Heroical to conquer one's Lusts and Appetites. The Mind where these Conflicts are, is none of the easiest Fields of Battle; he who has learned thus much Submission, to bend the Knee to another, will upon occasion easily despise Danger, and with undaunted Resolution submit his Neck to the Ax. The Heathen Religion, 'tis true, has produced many great Commanders, such as were the Caesars, Scipios, and abundance of others, but certainly the Christian has furnished us with no less considerable ones in the Persons of the Alphonso's and Ferdi●●●ds of Castille, as well as other Kings of Arragon, Navarre, and Portugal. What Valour could possibly equal that of the Emperor Charles the Fifth? What great Generals has Antiquity ever celebrated, which have not been equalled, if not been surpassed by Gonzal●z F●●dinand of Cordova, Fernan Cortes, Antony de Lieve, Ferdinand d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara; Alphonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Guast; Alexander Farnese, Duke of P●rma; Andr●w d'Oria, Alphonso d'Alb'ouquerque, Ferdi●●nd Alvarez of Toledo, Duke of Alba; the Marquess' of Sancta Cruz; the Earl of Fuentes, Marquis Spinola, Le●is Fa●ardo, and almost infinite others; as well Spainards' as others, never sufficiently to be commended by Fame. To whom may deservedly be applied what St. Paul said of those Great Captains, Gideon, Barak, Samson, Ieph●●a, David, and Samuel, that by Faith they subdued Kingdoms; waxed va●iant in Fight, ●urn'd to Flight the Armies of the Aliens 2 Heb. 11. 33, 34. If we will compare the Victories of the Heathens to those of the Christians, we shall find the latter to have been much the greater. In the Battle of Navas were killed Two hundred thousand Moors, with the loss only of Twenty five on our side; finding the Camp so covered with Spears and Darts, that though the Victors stayed there two Days, using no other Fuel but the Wood of them; they could not consume them, even, though they endeavoured it. There fell more in the Battle of Salado, with the loss but of Twenty Christians. And in that Naval Victory, which Don John of Austria obtained over the Turks at Lepanto, there were no less than an Hundred and eighty Galleys sunk and taken: Which Victories Christians attribute not to their own Valour, but to the True God whom they adore. An Heart confiding in God, as effectually stays an Enemy, as a Hand armed with a Sword, as judas Machabaeus found 3 So that fight with their Hands, and praying to God with their Hearts, they slew no less than Thirty and five thousand Men, 2 Mach. 15. 27. . 'Tis God who governs the Hearts, 'tis he that imparts Courage and Strength, that grant● or denies Victories 4 Lest thou say in thine Heart, my Power, and the might of my Hand hath gotten me this Victory. But thou shalt remember the Lord thy God; for it is he that hath given thee power to get wealth, Deut. 8. 17, 18. . He would be an Impostor, and could not be cleared from the Imputation of Fraud, were he rather assisting to those who adore false Gods, whose Idolatrous Sacrifices all tend to procure their favour. But if he sometimes also permit them to be Victorious, 'tis not to be ascribed to their Devotion, but to other secret Causes of Divine Providence. In the Thirst which the Roman Army suffered in the War against the Marcomanni; God could not be appeased with the Prayers and Sacrifices of the Heathen Legions, but when the Tenth composed of Christians, at last implored his aid, he sent down plentiful Showers to them, but to the Enemy Thunder and Lightning, so that they obtained an easy Victory, whence it was afterwards called the Thundering Legion. If that Faith were still, it would still work the same effects; but whether through want of that, or for some other secret Ends, God does sometimes permit those to be triumphed over, who pay him true Adoration; but then the Victory is not a Reward to the Conqueror, but a Chastisement to the Conquered. Let Princes therefore always hold in their Hands the Flag of the Cross, signified by that Sword which jeremiah gave to judas Machabaeus to wound his Adversaries withal 5 Take this Holy Sword, a Gift from God, with which thou shalt wound the Adversaries, ● Mach. 15. 16. , and on their Arms the Buckler of Religion, and continually before their Eyes, that eternal Fire which went before the Persian Monarches: An Emblem of that other incomprehensible Fire from which the Sun receives its Rays. This is the true Religion which the Soldiers adored, as oft as they prostrated themselves before the Emperor Constantine's Banner: for when the ●●ape of a Cross in the Heavens made by the Sun's light, with this Inscription, Thou shalt Conquer under this Sign * In hoc signo vinces. Euseb. I. 9 Hist. St. Ambr. Ep. 29. , seemed to promise him the Victory over Maxe●ti●●, he commanded a Standard to be made in the same Form with that of the present Emblem, with the Letters X and P, Ciphers of Christ's Name over it, and the Letters Alpha and Omega, the Emblem of God, the Beginning and End of all things. This Standard the Emperors after him made use of, till julian the Apostate's time † Ge●●br. l, 4. Chron. Anno 1572. ; and Don John of Austria had on all his Colours embroidered a Cross, with this Motto: With these Arms I have conquered the Turks, and with the same I hope to overcome Heretics * Mar. Hist of Spain. : King Alphonsus the Great put the Words of Constantine's Cross on another sort of Ensign, which he afterwards offered in the Church of Oviedo: And of those I have thought fit to make use on, as well as Constanstine's Standard, to form this Emblem, and to imprint on Prince's Minds, that Faith and Assurance, with which they ought to erect the Standard of Religion against their Enemies. At the Battle of Navas, a Person made way three times through the thickest of the Enemy with the Cross of Roderigo, Archbishop of Toledo, though all the Darts and Arrows of the Moors were aimed at it, and many stuck in the Lance. Angels are the Guards of this Banner; two Angels upon white Horses, were seen to Fight in the Front of the Battle of Simaneas, when King Ramiro the Second, vanquished the Moors; and in that of Clavigio, in time of Ramiro the First; and also in that of Merida, under King Alphonsus the Ninth, appeared that Divine Light, the Son of Thunder, St. jago, Patron of Spain, on a White Steed carrying Colours distinguished by a Red Cross. No one shall be able to stand before you, (said joshua upon his Deathbed) if you put your Hope and Confidence in God 6 Josh. 23. 10. : Your Sword shall Conquer thousands, for he will fight for you 7 Ibid. . The Holy Scriptures are full of Instances of this Divine Assistance. God put the very Stars in array against the Canaanites 8 They fought from Heaven, the Stars in their courses fought against Sisera. . Against the Amorites he armed the Elements, and reigned great Stones from Heaven 9 The Lord ca●t down great Stones from Heaven upon them to Azekah, and they died, josh, 10. 11. . Nor did the faithful need any assistance against the Madianites, for the Lord set every Man's Sword against his Fellow 10 Judg. 7. 22. . Thus, whoever is God's Enemy, brings Vengeance upon his own head. EMBLEM XXVII. WHAT, neither Force, nor a close Siege of many Years could do against Troy, Fraud at length effected under pretence of Religion, the Grecians conveying their Arms into the City within the Body of a Wooden Horse, under pretext of a Vow to Minerva. Neither the clattering noise of the Weapons, nor the Advertency of the most prudent Citizens, nor the Consideration that it could not be brought into the City but by a Breach, nor that of its being to continue within the Walls a considerable time, were sufficient to open the People's Eyes, and to discover the Treachery: Of such Influence is Religion. This Scipio Africanus, Sylla, Sertorius, Minos, Pisistratus, Lycurgus, and many others, have advantageously made use of to authorise their Laws, and impose upon the People. The Phoenicians coming into Spain, built, where Medina Sidonia now stands, a Temple in the Form of a Fortress dedicated to Hercules, saying, That they were so commanded in a Dream. The Spaniards believed that to be Devotion which was Stratagem, that to be Piety which was a Trick, whereby religiously to enslave and plunder the People. By means of another Temple on the promontory Dianea, (now Denia) the Inhabitants of the Isle of Zante concealed the Design they had of bringing Spain under their Subjection. King Sisenand having deposed Swinth●●●, to secure to himself the Crown, called a Provincial Synod of about Seventy Bishops, under Colour of making new Laws for regulating Ecclesiastical Discipline which time had corrupted; whereas his chief and re●l Design was to get Swinthila deposed, and himself enthroned by a Decree of these Fathers, the better to satisfy the People. Which very Artifice Ervigius made use of to confirm his Election, and the Abdication of King Wam●● Malice well knows what effect Religion has on men's minds, and therefore makes that the principal Instrument to execute its Designs, which easily impose upon the simple Vulgar, who, poor Souls, not being able to penetrate all their ends, believe their only tendency is to render God propitious, to make him prosper their Temporal Affairs here, and reward them Eternally hereafter. What nauseous Delusions have Nations swallowed when gilt with Religion, miserably abandoning themselves to Superstition? What servile and barbarous Custom has not that introduced, to the prejudice of Liberty, Life, and Fortune? Let Princes therefore be upon their Guard, in these times particularly, when Policy puts on the Mask of Piety, and not easily admit those Stalking-horses of Religion, which have ruined not only Cities, but whole Countries and Kingdoms. For, if under that Title, Ambition and Avarice creep in, and the People be oppressed, they will renounce God's easy Yoke, and will look upon this Natural and Divine Law of Religion to be nothing but a piece of State Policy; and that Princes under that Veil conceal their Methods to keep Subjects in Allegiance, and strip them of their Fortunes. Let Princes therefore throughly examine, whether the Novelty introduced be really upon the account of Religion, or merely a specious pretence to the prejudice of their Power and Authority, to the detriment of their Subjects, or the Public Peace; which they may find out by the ends it proposes, by observing to what such Innovations tend, whether to Interest or Ambition, whether they conduce to the Spiritual Good or not; or if this can't be procured by other means less prejudicial. In such cases an Evil is with less danger prevented than afterwards remedied; and the only means to prevent it, is not to give place to these Pretexts and Abuses; however, if they be already introduced, they ought to be corrected with all the mildness imaginable, not rashly, nor with Violence or extreme Rigour; especially, if the Case fall not under the Prince's Jurisdiction; but with extraordinary address, having du● respect to the Persons, under whose Cognizance it falls 1 For the Priest's Lips should keep knowledge, a●d they should seek the Law at his Mouth, Malach. 2. 7. , laying before them the truth of the thing, and the ill Consequences and Inconveniences of it. For if the Secular Prince attempt to do it by force, and those Abuses should be established into a Custom among the People, they will interpret this Violence to ●e Impiety in the Prince, and rather obey the Priests than him: On the other side, if they see the Ecclesiastical and Civil Power disagree, they will throw off all Obedience, and emboldened by the declared Will o● the Prince, they will make an Insurrection against Religion itself, and be insensibly induced to believe, th● Inconveniencies of these Contentions extend even to the Substance of Religion, which will easily bring them to change their Opinions, and that too. And by this means, the Prince being engaged in Civil Broils and Dissensions with the Clergy, and the People in new Opinions, all respect for things Sacred will cease, and Errors arise upon the Eclipse of that Divine Luminary which before enlightened and united their Minds; which is the scource of the Ruin of many Princes, and of the Revolutions of States 2 Nullae res multitudinem efficacius regit, quam superstitio. Curtius. . Great prudence is requisite to govern the People in such matters, for 'tis equally obvious for them to despise them, which is impious; and to be over credulous in them, which is Superstition; this last most frequently happens, in that their Ignorance is presently taken with appearances of Devotion, and new Opinions, before Reason has had time to examine them; wherefore 'tis very necessary gradually to remove from them all occasions of Ruin, those particularly which usually arise from frivolous Disputations about too subtle Points, such as very little, if at all promote Religion, not suffering them to be defended or printed; otherwise they will be divided into Factions, and every one's maintaining his own Opinions with as much Heat and Obstinacy, as if they were Matter of Faith, may occasion no less Disturbances, than even a difference of Religions, or a Toleration of them. It was an Apprehension of this made Tiberius forbidden the Books of the Sibyls to be seen, whose Prophecies might cause Seditions 3 Censuit Asinius Gallus, ut libri Sibyllini adirentur, renuit Tiberi●s, perinde divina humanaque obtegens. Tac. 1. Ann. . In the Acts of the Apostles we read, that the Books which contained idle Curiosities were burnt 4 Many of them also which used curious Arts, brought their Books together, and burned them before all Men, Acts 19 19 . An appearance often miserably deludes the Common People, who blindly follow any Superstitious Devotions with a Submission wholly effeminate, which renders them Melancholy, Cowardly, and very Slaves to their own Imaginations; which debase their Spirits, and prompt them to idle away their time in Convents and Pilgrimages, where ofttimes many Abuses and Vices are committed. This is an Infirmity of the Vulgar, and not a little prejudicial to the Truth of Religion, and the Public Safety; and unless nipped in the Bud, creates great Inconveniencies and Dangers, being a kind of folly that under the appearance of Good does every thing hand over head, following new Notions of Religion, and devilish Inventions. Some Submission is requisite, but that without base and ssavish Bigotry; such I mean as has Virtue in esteem, abhors Vice▪ and holds Labour and Obedience to be more agreeable to God and the Prince, than Convents and Pilgrimages, this Devotion being usually celebrated with Banquets, Balls, and Plays; like that of the People of Israel at the Consecration of the Molten Calf 5 And they arose up early on the morrow, and offered burnt offerings, and burnt peace-offerings; and the People sat down to eat, and to drink, and risen up to play, Exod. 32. 6. . But if the People once begin to be too opinionative in Matters of Religion, and to introduce any Innovations in it, immediate Remedy must be applied, and the ill Seed be routed out before it take Root and spread farther, so as to grow into a Body too powerful for the Prince, against whom they may afterwards, if he refuse to conform to their Opinion, contrive some pernicious Innovation in the Government 6 Eos vero qui in divinis aliquid innovant, odio habe, & coerce, non Deorum solum causâ (quos tamen qui contemnit, nec aliud sane magni feceri●) sed quia nova quaedam numina high tales introducentes, multos impellunt ad mut●●ionem rerum, unde Conjurationes, Seditiones, Conciliabula existunt, res profecto minimè conducibiles Principatui. Dion. . And though the Understanding be free, and without destroying its liberty can●t be constrained to believe, and so it may seem to belong peculiarly to God Almighty to punish those who have unworthy Sentiments of him 7 Deorum inj●rias Dii● curae, Tac. 1. Ann. ; yet, would it be of very ill consequence to commit the Decision of the sublimest Mysteries of Faith to the blind and ignorant Mob: 'Tis therefore infinitely requisite to oblige Subjects to think, as the Ancient Germans did, that there is more Sanctity and Reverence in believing than knowing things Divine 8 Sanctius, ac reverentius visum, de acts Deorum credere, quam scire. Tac. de Mor. Germ. . What monstrous Errors were a Kingdom obnoxious to, if each man were allowed to be a judged in Matters of Religion? Hence the Romans were so careful in Prohibiting the Exercise of any new Religion 9 Neque nisi Romani Dei, nec quo ali● more, quam parvo colerentur, T. Liv. , and Claudius thought the Foreign Superstitions a sufficient Subject for complaint to the Senate 10 Quia externae superstitiones valescant, Tac. 11. Ann. . But if Malice have already got footing, and Punishment be too weak to resist the Multitude, 'tis necessary that Discretion perform the part of Fire and Sword: For obstinacy in Faults sometimes increases by an untimely Application of Remedies too violent; nor does Reason always surrender to Force. King Ricaredus by dexterously adapting himself to the times, now dissembling, now flattering, brought his Subjects to renounce Arianism, and to return to the Catholic Church. Great Men have anciently made use of Superstition (as we have before intimated) to authorise their Laws, animate their People, and keep them in Subjection and Obedience; to this end they feigned Dreams and Divine Revelations, and pretended to have private Conference with the Gods; but although these Artifices extremely influence the simple People, whose Superstitious Humour is easily affected with things that have an appearance Supernatural: 'Tis not however allowable for Princes to delude them with counterfeit Miracles, and a false show of Religion. Of what use is the Shadow, where one may enjoy the Light itself? To what purpose those Divine imaginary Prodigies of Heaven, since it gives, as we see, so many real ones to those who with a firm Faith and Assurance expect them from Divine Providence? How can an infinitely Just God give success to these Arts which seem to call in question his Care and Concern for things here below, that sergeant his Omnipotence, and ascribe to him what he is not the Author of? What certainty in Religion can the People promise themselves, if they see it wrested to serve the particular Ends of Princes, and that 'tis nothing but a Veil with which they cover their Designs, and give Truth the lie? That Policy is certainly very unsafe, that is cloaked with Fraud, very weak and tottering, that is supported by contrivance. EMBLEM XXVIII. PRudence is the Rule and Measure of Virtues, without that these degenerate into Vices. Wherefore as other Virtues have theirs in the Appetite, this has its residence in the Intellect, from thence presiding over them all. Agatho calls it a great Goddess. This it is which constitutes the three Forms of Government, Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy, and assigns each of them their Parts conformed to the Subjects Nature, having its Eyes always intent upon their Preservation as the principal end of Politics. Prudence is the State's Anchor, the Prince's Compass. Where this Virtue fails, the very Soul of Government is wanting. ' 'tis this, (says King Alphonsus) which makes▪ see things as they are, and judge what they may be, making us act therein decently, without Tumult and Precipitation. 'Tis the peculiar Virtue of Princes 1 Nam recte disponere, recteque judicare, qui potest, is est Princeps & imperator. Menand. , and that which above all others renders a Man complete, which makes Nature so sparing in her Dispensations of it; having given many great Wit and Capacity, very few great Prudence; for defect of which, the more eminent Men are in Dignity, the more dangerous is their Government; for as much as they easily transgress the limits of Reason, and are ruined; besides, that one of Command requires a clear Judgement to discern all things as they are in themselves, to weigh and give each thing its just value. This nice Examination is of very great consequence in Princes, and as Nature contributes much to it, so does Observation and Experience more. The Virtue of Prudence consists of several Parts reducible to these three Heads; the Memory of past, the Knowledge of present, and the Prospect of future times. All these differences of time are represented in this Emblem, by a Serpent, the Emblem of Prudence, upon an Hourglass, which represents Time present, winding itself about a Sceptre, and viewing itself in the two Glasses of past and future; with this Verse of Virgil, translated from Homer, including all three, for the Motto: What are, what were, and what shall come to pass. which Prudence looking into regulates, and composes all its Actions. These three Times are the Mirror of Government, in which by observing the past as well as present Errors and Miscarriages, it d●esses and beautifies itself by private and acquired Experience: Of the former I treat in another place. The acquired is either attained by Conversation or History. Conversation is very beneficial, thought something more limited, being apprehended with less difficulty, abundantly more satisfactory of all Doubts and Questions, and consequently more improving. History is a general Representation of all the Ages of the World, and by the benefit of that the Memory recals the Time of our Ancestors. The faults of those who were, instruct them that now are. Wherefore 'tis necessary that the Prince search for true Friends, such as will relate with sincerity things both past and present: And since they are, as Alphonsus, King of Naples and Arragon, used to say, Like Histories that neither flatter, nor conceal, or dissemble the Truth; let him admit them particularly into his Council, carefully observing the neglects and failings of his Predecessors; by what Tricks they have been put upon; the Court Artifices; the intestine and foreign Ills of Kingdoms; and examine whether he be not in danger of the same. Time is the best Master of Princes. Past Ages are a kind of Hospitals, where Policy Anatomizes the Carcases of Monarchies and Commonwealths which once flourished, thereby the better to cure the Ails of the present. They are the Sea-Charts, wherein by the Wrecks, or prosperous Navigations of others, Shore's are discovered. Seas sounded, Sands and Rocks found, and all the Lines of Government marked out; yet, are not all Books good Counsellors; for some advance Knavery and Deceit, which because more practised than truth, many have recourse to 2 Who seek Wisdom upon Earth, the Merchants of Merrhan and Theman, the Authors of Fables, and Searchers out of Understanding; none of these have known the way of Wisdom, or remember her Paths, Baruch 3. v. 23. . The most secure are those dictated by Divine Wisdom. Here a Prince hath for all manner of Accidents, a complete System of Politics, and safe Precepts to govern himself and others by 3 All Scripture is given by Inspiration of God, and is profitable for Doctrine, for Reproof, for Correction, for Instruction in Righteousness, 2 Tim. 3. 16. . For this reason, the Kings of Israel were commanded to have always by them, the Book of Deuteronomy, and to read some part of it every day 4 And he shall read therein all the days of his Life, Deut. 17. 1●. . 'Tis God we hear, him we learn of as often as we turn over those Divine Oracles. The Emperor Alexander Severus, had always near him Persons well versed in History, to tell him what other Emperors had done in dubious Matters 5 Praeficiebat rebus literatos, & maximè qui historiam norant, requirans 〈◊〉 in talibus causis, quales in disceptatione versabantur, veteres impera●●● fecissent. Lamp. . With this Study of History, your Royal Highness may securely enter the dangerous Sea of Government, having the experience of things passed for a Pilot to Steer you in the Conduct of those present, both which your Highness ought to manage, so as to keep your Eyes fixed on Futurity, still looking forwards to prevent dangers, at least to render them less injurious 6 She knoweth things of old, and conje●●●eth aright what is to come, Wisd. 8. 8. . According to these Aspects of Times, your Highness' Prudence ought to judge of things to come, not by those of the Planets, which being few in number, and having their Motions stated and regular, cannot possibly (though there were some Virtue in them) foretell such variety of Events, as fortune produces, or freewill prepares. Nor are Speculation and Experience sufficient, whereupon to ground any certain knowledge of Causes so remote. Let your Highness therefore be pleased to cast your Eyes on the times past, from Ferdi●●●d the Catholic, to Philip the Second, and comparing them with those that have passed from thence till now; consider whether Spain be now as well-peopled, as rich and plentiful as then; whether Arts and Arms flourish as much; whether Trade and Husbandry succeed as well; and if your Highness find it to have failed in any of these particulars, dissect the whole Body, search into its Arteries and Parts, the sound and entire as well as the distempered; as also into the Causes of those Infirmities: Consider with yourself, whether they do not proceed from some of those so ordinary ones; from planting Colonies, want of Propagation, multiplicity of Religious Orders, too many Festivals, Universities, and Studies, the Discovery of the Indieses, Peace ill managed, War slightly undertaken, or negligently carried on, from the Cashiering of Officers, the Rarity of Recompenses, the Oppression of Usury, the Transportation of Money, the Disproportion of the Coin, or whatever Causes of the like Nature. If your Highness shall discover the Fountain from whence the Evil proceeds, it will be no difficult matter to provide a Remedy against it; and from a competent knowledge of the past and present Times, your Highness will be enabled to make an estimate of that to come, for there is no new thing under the Sun; the thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done, is that which shall be done 7 Eccles. 1. 9 . The Persons are changed not the Scenes, Manners and Customs are always the same. After the Conversation of Books, it will be very much for a Prince's Improvement to have that 〈◊〉 learned Men, who are daily conversant with them, and will entertain his Ear with well digested Discourse and Reasonings, the result of long Premeditation. This gave occasion to that usual saying of john the Second, King of Portugal, That a Kingdom either found a Prince prudent, or made him so. That is, the gre●● School of Government, wherein Ministers of the greatest Learning and most eminent Experience, wh●ther Domestic or Foreign, converse with the Prince about Affairs. Here one is in constant Exercise, and has a particular knowledge almost of whatever is transacted in the World. This School being, more especially necessary for a Prince, teaches him, if not out 〈◊〉 Duty, at least for Learning's sake to apply himself 〈◊〉 Affairs, and study fully to understand, and go 〈◊〉 the bottom of them, and not leave them to the Decision of his Councillors. For by an entire neglect an● disuse of Business, the Mind become Savage, an● conceives an Aversion for it, as an intolerable weight, and so chooses to leave all to the Care and Industry of others. And if their Opinion upon any Subject be afterwards told him, he is in the dark, not being able to discern whether they have determined well or ill; in which Confusion he must necessarily be ashamed of himself, seeing how like a dumb Idol he is, to whom Adoration is paid, while another renders the Oracles. For this reason, the Prophet Zachary calls that Prince an Idol, who like a Shepherd that leaveth his Flock, forgets his Duty 8 woe to the idle Shepherd that leaveth his Flock, Zach. 11. 17. . He is Statue which represents, but does not exert Majesty. He has a Mouth and speaks not; Eyes and Ears, but neither sees nor hears 9 They have Mouths, but they speak not; Eyes have they, but they see not; Ears have they, but they hear not; Noses have they, but they smell not, Psalm 115. 5. . And being generally looked upon to be an Idol of Adoration only, not Miracles, is universally despised as an unprofitable Burden to the Earth 10 We know that an Idol is nothing i● the World, 1 Cor. 8. 4. . Nor will it be easy for him to retrieve his Credit; for Affairs out of which he might draw some Experience, will glide away like Waters that never return; and not knowing where the Web of Affairs gins, 'tis impossible he should finish it with success. To avoid these and the like Inconveniences, it is absolutely requisite for the Prince at the beginning of his Reign to apply himself to the Administration of Public Affairs, that by use he may gradually learn the Art of Government. For though they at first seem terrible and difficult, Ambition and the Glory which may be expected thence, will afterwards make them pleasant and delightful. Let not fear of doing amiss be any obstacle to him, for there's no Prudence so infallible but it may sometimes err. From Errors proceeds Experience, and from thence the best Maxims of Government. And if at any time he happens to be in one, let this thought comfort him, that 'tis sometimes less dangerous to miscarry himself, than succeed by another; for this the People carp and cavil at, the former they easily bear with. A Prince's Obligation consists only in being desirous, and using his utmost endeavours to succeed, admitting Instruction and Counsel without Pride and Presumption, that Mother of Error and Ignorance. Power is born with Princes, Wisdom not: If they will but hear, they will know how to Govern. Solomon owning what a Child he was to judge God's People, prayed for a docile and understanding Heart 11 Give therefore thy Servant an understanding heart to judge thy People, that I may discern between good and bad, I Kings 3. 9 , thinking that sufficient to make him capable of successfully discharging his Duty. A zealous and well-meaning Prince, God leads as 'twere by the Hand, lest he should at any time make a false Step in the Government of his States. EMBLEM XXIX. SOME fishermans, once in the Island Chios, casting their Nets into the Sea for Fish, drew out a Tripos, which was a kind of Vessel made for the Service of th● Altar, or (as others will have it) a round three legged Table, an admirable Work, and of an inestimable Value, not so much for the matter, though it was of Gold, 〈◊〉 because of the Artist Vulcan. This kindled Avarice in them, and all the other Fishers of that Island, who in vain often threw theirs with the same hopes. How often have the happy Successes of one Prince deceived himself and others, while they all endeavour to attain ●he same Fortune by the same Means? 'tis not so easy to follow another's Steps, or to go ones own over again, so as to tread always exactly in the same Tracks. ● small space of time joined with so great ● Variety of Accidents effaces the first, and whatsoever impressions are made afresh, are quite different, and consequently lead not to the same end. Alexander the Great has had many Followers and Imitators, who although nothing inferior to him in all Accomplishments, both of Body and Mind, yet could never arrive to ●o high a pitch of Glory and Success, at least have not me● with that Applause To be good is in our Power, but to appear so to others is not. Fortune sports with us even in Matters of Fame, nor does the same Success always correspond to the same Action. What befell Saguntum, did also happen to Estepa, yet of this there scarce remains any Memory. This little City, forsooth, deserved not so much Glory; for what is scarce taken notice of in small, in great ones is often highly extolled. The same thing is usual in Virtues; the same shall create one Prince a good, another an ill Character; this is the Times and Subjects. If the Nobility be unruly, the Commonalty dissolute and licentious; the Prince that tries to reduce them to Reason, will not escape the name of bad. Every Kingdom would have a Prince of its own Stamp. Whence 'tis, that though a Prince govern by the same good Methods, as have in another's Government been applauded, yet shall he not be so well received, nor equally commended, except the Subjects of both alike good. Hence 'tis not without danger, for a Prince to b● wholly guided by Examples, it being ve●y difficult, i● not absolutely impossible, that in any one Case th●● should be an equal Concurrence of all those very Circumstances which are in another. These Second Caus●● of the Celestial Orbs turn round continually, and form each Day new Aspects of Constellations, by which they produce their Effects, and the Changes o● Things: And as the Stars once appearing never retu●● exactly in the same manner again, so neither have th●● the like Operations upon things here below, and by the Variation of some Accidents, the Successes too 〈◊〉 varied, in which Chance has sometimes more Effica● than Prudence. Others Examples in my Opinion deceive Princes no less than to follow none at all. Wherefore what has happened to others deserves Consideration, to establish a prudent Policy; not that all its Maxims should be squared by ●heir Rule, and that exposed to the Hazard and Uncertainty of Casualties. Others Events are to be an Instruction not a Law 1 Plures aliorum eventis docentur. Tac. 4. Ann. . Those Examples alone can be imitated with any Assurance, that result from Causes and Reasons essentially good, and common to the Law of Nature, and that of Nations, for they are at all times the same. As also those of such Princes as have preserved themselves in Credit and Honour by Religion, Justice, and Clemency, and other Virtues and Moral Actions. Yet in these Cases too careful Attention is required, for Manners▪ and the Reputation of Virtues often change, nor is it new or unusual for a Prince to be ruined by the ●ame, that at another time made him flourish. All these things therefore Prudence ought to consider, a●d not put too much Confidence in its self, but consult the various Accidents that every day happen, not looking upon things to come as certain▪ however discreet Judgement and Diligence seem to have searched and provided ●gainst them. For Events are not always correspondent to their means, nor do they at a●l times depend upon the ordinary Connexion of Causes, where Humane Counsels usually take Effect, but on that superior Cause which directs all other. This makes our Thoughts and Suppositions so uncertain, and the hopes ●ounded thereon so subject to Disappointment. No one was in all men's Opinion farther from the Empire, than Claudius, yet Heaven had then design him for Tiberius' Successor 2 Quip fa●●▪ spe, veneratione potius omnes destinabantur Imper●●, quam quem fatu●●m Principem for●una in occulto tene●●t. Tac. 3. Ann. . This is more common in the E●ection of Popes, wherein humane Industry is very often baffled. Divine Providence does not always use natural Means, at least sometimes produces by the same different Effects, drawing straight Lines by a crooked Rule, so what should have been advantageous, proves frequently prejudicial to the Prince. The same Pillar of Fire in the Wilderness gave Light to God's People, and filled the Enemy's Camp with Darkness. The greatest Humane Prudence is oftentimes at a loss; whe●e a Man expected Security, he sometimes finds Ruin, as it happened to Viriatus, who was betrayed and killed by those very Ambassadors he had sent to the Consul, Servilius. A Misfortune we have once sustained, we don't easily believe we shall suffer again; but on the contrary, presently persuade ourselves Prosperity will continue, o● at least return. This Confidence has been destructive to many in that it disarms Prudence. This World is a vast Sea of Events, tossed by various and unknown Causes. Let us not be too much elated, if by chance we bring our Nets to shore full with the Success of our Wishes; nor on the other side, dejected if they prove empty; we ought always to cast them, and expect the Consequence with the same equality of Mind. 'Tis impossible for that Man to enjoy any Rest, who promising himself a prosperous Issue of his Design, sees a contrary Event, and is destitute of a Remedy for it▪ Misfortunes cannot surprise one that expects the worst, nor will disappointed Hopes expose him to Ridicule, as they did the Persians in the War against the Athenians, who had a great while before furnished themselves with Marble from Paros to inscribe the Victory on, which their hopes had long ago anticipated; but being afterwards overcome, the Athenians made use of that very Marble to erect to Revenge a Statue, an everlasting Monument of the Persian Folly. To presume to know things to come, is in a manner a Rebellion against God, and a foolish Contention with Divine Wisdom, which has indeed permitted Human Prudence to guests at, but not foretell things of this Nature, that in this uncertainty of Accidents it may acknowledge itself more subject to, and dependent on its Creator. This makes Policy so cautious and provident in its Resolutions, well knowing how short sighted the greatest Humane Wisdom is in Futurity, and how ●ncertain those Judgements are, which are grounded upon Presumption. If Princes could foreseeu future Contingences, their Councils would not so often miscarry. And this I take to be the Reason, that as soon as Saul was elected King, God infused into him the Spirit of Prophecy 3 1 Sam. 10. 6. . From what hath been said, may be gathered, that although Antiquity be venerable, and there be really something Royal in the ways she hath opened to Posterity, for Experience to pass more securely; yet 'tis visible many are ruined by time, so that they grow, impassable; and consequently the Prince ought not to be so diffident of himself, so religiously to tread his Ancestors Steps, as not upon occasion to venture to go another way of his own. Innovations are not always dangerous; it is sometimes convenient to introduce them. Were there no Alterations, the World would never be perfected, which advances in Wisdom as it does in Age. The most ancient Customs were new. And what we now see without Example, will be hereafter a Precedent. What we now follow by Experience, was begun without it. Our Age also may leave many glorious Inventions for Posterity to imitate; nor is every thing the Ancients have done the best, no more than all the Moderns do now, will be approved by After-ages. Many Abuses have descended to us from our Ancestors, and many severe Savage Customs of the Ancients time has mitigated and changed for the better. EMBLEM XXX. INgenious Rome, that Virtue and Valour might not want Trophies to Honour and Recompense Conquerors, excite Emulation in Posterity, and give Example to her other Citizens, invented the Columnae Rostratae, Pillars whereon were hung the Heads of such Ships, as returned Victorious after long Voyages, thus eternising the Memory of Sea-fights; one of which Monuments was raised to the Consul Duillius, for the signal Victory he obtained over the Carthaginians; as also to Marcus Aemilius for another. This Trophy gave occasion to the present Emblem, wherein the strength and firmness of the Pillar represents Wisdom, and the Heads of the Ships that had run through so many Perils upon the Ocean, Experience, the Mother of Prudence and Support of that Wisdom. This has things universal and perpetual for its Object, that particular Actions. The one is acquired by Speculation and Study; the other (which is an Habit of the Mind) by the Knowledge of Good and Evil, and by Use and Exercise; both jointly make a perfect Prince, one alone is not sufficient. Whence it easily appears how dangerous the Government of those is, who are addicted only to the Contemplation of Sciences, and a Solitary Life, for such want generally Use and Practice, and so can profit little by their Actions, they being either rash, or mean and abject; especially if they be transported with Excess of Fear or Zeal. Their Discourses, indeed, and Writings (wherein more of a speculative than practical Genius reigns) may be serviceable to the Prince to awaken his Mind, and furnish him with Matter for Conversation, provided they be seasonably used, and with Experience. Physic prescribes Remedies for Diseases, which however the Physician never applies without first examining the Qualities of the Distemper, the Nature and Constitution of his Patient. Had Hannibal by this Consideration moderated his barbarous Arrogance, he had not took Phor●io for a Fool, for teaching the Art of War, when himself was no Soldier; for although Speculation alone does by no means acquire Practice, it being extremely difficult for the Hand to Copy accurately all that the Mind has drawn, or for whatever the Imagination has proposed to be accomplished to the Eyes Satisfaction; especially when War depends upon such a Variety of Accidents that Experience herself sometimes know● not what is to be done. Yet, for all this, Phormio might have given Hannibal (as great and experienced a General as he was) such Precepts as would have taught him to correct his treacherous and subtle Nature, to leave off his Cruelty to conquered Nations, and proud Carriage to such as had recourse to him for Protection. He undoubtedly had learned to make a better Use of the Victory at Cannae, to shun the Debaucheries of Capua, and gain the Favour of Antioc●us. King Ferdinand the Catholic, used on some Occasions the Ministry of the Religious; but whether to manage or only prepare Affairs, I can't say; or if it was not, perhaps to spare the Expense of Ambassies, or prevent the Inconveniences usually arising from Disputes between the Nobility about Precedency. However Secrets are not securely entrusted to them, they depending more upon the Obedience of their immediate Superiors, than that of Princes; and if they accidentally die, into their Hands will fall all private Letters and Papers. Besides, for Neglect of Duty they are not punishable, and their Example is a Disturbance to Religious Tranquillity, and the Practices of Policy infect their Candour and Simplicity. They are better Physicians for Spiritual than Temporal Distempers. Every Sphere has its peculiar Activity. I done't in the mean time deny that sometimes there are to be found among them, Persons who have had their Education in Courts, without that Narrowness of Soul which usually accompanies a monastic and retired Life, Wits so cultivated by Learning and Observation, that Affairs even of the greatest Consequence may be safely committed to them, especially such as respect the Public Quiet, and the Good of Christendom; for Modesty in Conversation, well ordered Virtues, the Gravity of, and Deference paid to a Religious Habit, are no small Recommendations in Prince's Courts to gain Audience, and prepare Minds to receive Impressions. Experiences drawn from others Misfortunes and Dangers, are indeed happy, but not so effectually persuasive as our own; the former we see or hear only; these we sensibly feel too. They are too deeply engraved, as I may say, on our Breasts to be soon effaced. Shipwrecks descried from Shoar, are something more affecting than another's Relation of them; but he who has had the Fortune to escape them, hangs up his Rudder in the Temple of Experience for ● perpetual Memorial of it. So that though a Prince will improve by both, yet his own private ones he ought most to regard, particularly observing this, that if they proceed from any fault, Self-love is too apt to excuse them; and that Truth late or never comes to his Ears to undeceive him, being either stopped in the Palace-Gates by Malice, or concealed by Flattery, which makes Virtue not dare to unmask it for fear of bringing itself into Danger, because it belongs not to it, or at least it sees all would be to no purpose. And thus Princes ignorant of what neglect they have been guilty, how and where they have done amiss in their Councils or Actions, cannot correct their Errors, nor by their Experience prove more cautious and prudent for the future. There aught to be no Fault committed, no Miscarriage happen in the State, whereof there should not be present faithful and sincere Information given the Prince. There's no Sensation or Pain in any part of the Body, but immediately is carried to the Heart, as the Prince of Life, where the Soul has its chief Residence, and as that whose principal Interest it is to preserve the other Members entire. How happy were it, if Kings well knew what Evils their Kingdoms laboured under, we should not see them so inveterate. Whereas the only thing now aimed at in Courts, is to divert the Prince's Ears with Music, and such like Entertainments, that he may not hear his Subjects Complaints, nor say with Saul, What aileth the People that they weep 1 1 Sam. 11. 5. ? And so he is ignorant of their Necessities and Calamities, at least knows them too late. Though the Adventure of I●nas, whom a great Fish had vomited up alive, was very fresh; though his Public Cries made a Noise over the whole City of Nineveh, whose Destruction he threatened within forty Days: yet was the King the last that heard of it, every Citizen, from the greatest to the least, having already mourned, and put on sackcloth 2 Jon. 3. 5. . Who is there has the Courage to tell a Prince the whole Truth, or discover the Evils that menace him? The whole Army of Bethulia came to Holofernes' Tent with great Cries, because the Sun was already risen, yet did not the Officers of the Bedchamber dare to awake him, nor call him by his Name 3 Judith 14. 10▪ , but made only ● Noise with their Feet; till when the Evidence of the Danger obliged them to enter, the Enemy had already cut off his Head and hung it upon their Walls 4 Ibid. . Thus it generally happens, the Prince first discovers Faults, when there's either no Remedy for them, or at least it cannot be applied without great Difficulty. His Ministers persuade him all things succeed well, which makes him negligently lose all Experience, and the Instructions of Necessity, the best Mistress of Prudence. For although Prosperity proceed from Prudence, this does not from Prosperity. The principal Office of Prudence in Princes, or others concerned with them, is to teach them to know experimentally all men's Humours, which are discernible from the Dress, the Looks, the Motions of the Eyes and Actions, and lastly from the Speech. Marks which God Almighty thought so necessary to Human Commerce, that he has wrote them visibly upon every one's Forehead 5 Eccl. 19 26. . Without them neither the Prince would know how to Govern, nor Men of Affairs obtain their Ends. Mens Minds are as various as their Faces 6 Eccl. 19 27. ; and although Reason be in its self one and the same, the ways reasoning take● in the research of it, are widely different; and the Delusions of the Imagination usually are so great, that some Men appear as irrational as the very Brutes. Wherefore all are not to be treated with in the same Method, but this must be varied, suitably to the Person's Nature, as they change the Bit according to the Horse's Mouth. Some Tempers are generous and exalted, with these Reputation and Honour are most prevaising: Others mean and abject, which are wholly lead by private Interest and Advantage. Some are bold and enterprizing, these are to be gently turned from the Precipice: Others slothful and timorous, which should be so lead by Business, that they may see the Vanity of Danger. Some are naturally servile, these Threats and Fear of Punishment has more Influence on than Entreaties: Others arrogant, and are tamed by Authority, being by compliance ruined. One is full of Fire, and so quick at Business, that with the same Expedition he dispatches it, he immediately reputes; this Man 'tis hard giving Counsel to: Another is slow and irresolute, whom time must teach at his own cost. Some are ignorant and stupid, these are not to be convinced by subtle and refined Arguments, but palpable Demonstrations. Others sceptically dispute every thing, and are guilty of an Excess of Subtlety, these must be abandoned to themselves, to fly as Hawks till they be ●ired, then called to the Lure of Reason, and the Bus●ness in hand. Some refuse all men's Counsel, are wholly guided by their own; to these you are not to give any, but so point as it were to them, and give such Hints in a large Discourse upon the Matter, that they may of themselves light on them, which will make them approved as their own Offspring, and accordingly executed; others know neither how to act nor resolve without Counsel, with such as these all the Persuasion in the World is to no purpose, so the Business which should have passed through their hands may be better transacted with their Counsellors. The same Variety which is visible in Dispositions, is found also in Affairs; some are easy at first, but afterwards increase as Rivers by the Affluence of Rivulets, as it were of divers Inconveniencies and Difficulties, these are overcome by Expedition in not giving time to their Increase. Others on the contrary, like the Winds rise in Storms, but end calmly, which require Pa●ience and Constancy. The Enterprise of some is full of Uncertainty and Danger, in that when one lest thinks the Depth of Difficulties appears, here one must proceed with Caution and Courage, with Care, and a Mind provided to encounter any Accident. Some require Secrecy, these are to be carried on by Mines, that the happy Success may break out before one can perceive it: Others can't be obtained but at certain Times, in these you ought to have all the Means ready immediately to hoist Sail upon the first favourable Blast of Wind. Some take Root gradually; and demand Time to come to Maturity; here the Seed of Diligence is to be Sowed and the Fruit waited for: Others except they succeed presently never do at all, which must be taken by Assault, by employing all Methods at once. Some are so delicate and brittle, that like Glasses they are with a Blast form and broken, these are to be tenderly handled: the Difficulty of others is enhanced by being too much desired and pursued, here the Arts of Lovers are useful, whose Passions are inflamed by 'Slight and Disdain. In a word the Management of a few Affairs demands Precipitation; in more Force prevails; in many Patience, and in almost all Reason and Interest. Importunity has spoiled abundance of Affairs, but it has also furthered many, as St. Jerome said of the Woman of Canaan 7 Quod precibus non potuit t●dio impetravit. D. Hieron. . Men are no less weary of refusing than granting. Opportunity is the thing contributes most to the good Management of Affairs; he who knows how to use this shall scarce ever Miscarry. The Husbandman that is well acquainted with the Nature of his Soil, and knows the proper Seedtime, may expect a plentiful Harvest. There's a time when all things are granted, another wherein all are denied, according as the Mind shall be disposed, in which you may easily see the Increase and Decrease of Business, for being lopped like Tre●s in a proper Month, they sprout out the more. Some Address in proposing and persuading by Honesty, Profit, and Ease; Prudence in the Choice of Means, and some other natural Endowments infinitely conduce to the Succefs of Affairs, provided those Gifts of Nature be accompanied with a discreet kind of Complaisance and natural Grace that captivates the Mind; for some men's Looks and Behaviour are so disagreeable and ungenteel, that they even show one how to refuse their Petitions; but although these Means soyned with good Judgement and Industry have a strange Effect on Business; yet too much Confidence ought not to be put in them, not yet should they be despaired of. Light Affairs sometimes breed great Difficulties; and on the other side, the lightest Causes often obstruct the most weighty. The greatest Prudence is sometimes blind in a Matter as clear as the Sun; Divine Providence that has already long ago determined in his eternal Decree, what shall become of every thing, being thus pleased to sport with Humane Affairs. From this Variety of Capacities and Affairs; appears of how much Concern it is to the Prince, to make Choice of Ministers fit to manage them, each Man being no more capable of all manner of Business, than every Instrument useful for all Works. Persons of a violent Temper, the Cowardly and Diffident, the Rough and Unpleasant in Conversation, who can never serve the times, nor adapt themselves to others Natures and Customs, rather spoil Affairs than compose them; are readier at making, than reconciling Enemies, fit to be Informers than Mediators. Affairs require Persons of very different Qualities to Administer them. That Man is above all the most proper, who in his Air and Words discovers a Soul of Candour and Veracity, whose private Person procures him Love and Esteem; in whom Jealousy and Cunning are from Art not Nature, who can keep them in the most secret Place of his Breast when they require Concealment; who proposes with Sweetness, hears with Patience, replies with Force, dissembles with Discretion, urges with Attention; who obliges by Liberality, persuades by Reason, and convinces by Experience; who in a word designs prudently, and executes effectually. It was with these Ministers, King Ferdinand the Catholic was able to succeed in all his Erterprises. The good Choice of these is of no le●s Consequence, than the Conservation and Enlargement of any State, for as much as all depends upon their Administration; more Kingdoms having been destroyed by their Ignorance than by that of Princes. Let this therefore be your Highness' chiefest Care to examine diligently all the Qualities of your Subjects, and after having given them any Place, look now and then into their Actions, and not be presently taken with, and deluded by the Draught of their Memoirs. There being very few Ministers, who in them draw themselves to the Life? In Effect, who will be so candid, so much a Stranger to self-love, as to confess what good he has neglected to do, what Evil to prevent? It will be much if he with Sincerity relate what he has actually done; some using to write to the Prince not what they have done or said, but what they ought to do or say. They have thought of, and designed every thing beforehand: they foresaw, nay, and executed all-Affairs enter their Closets like misshapen Logs, but immediately come out again, as from some Statuaries Shop, exquisite Figures; 'tis there they are varnished, gi●●ed, and painted, to beautify them, and enhance their Value. There Judgements are formed, and abundance of Preventions devised ever after the Success; there they are more powerful than God himself; make the past Time present, and the present past, by changing the Date of their Actions, as they see convenient. They are Ministers who transact Affairs in Imagination only; Men that court Applause, and steal Rewards by their false Letters: Whence proceed the greatest Inconveniences in the World, in that the Prince's Privy Counsellors being directed by those Intelligences and Advices, if they are false, the Orders and Resolutions founded upon them will necessarily be so too. The Holy Scripture teaches us how Ministers, and particularly Ambassadors are obliged punctually to execute their Commissions; for we see in that Hazael had from Benhadad, King of Syria to consult the Prophet Elisha about his Disease, he changed not one word, nor dared so much as to speak in the Third Person 8 2 Kings 8. 9 . Ministers of extraordinary Experience are sometimes dangerous, either for that the Prince puts too much Confidence in them, or because biased by Self-love, or presuming upon their own Abilities, they seldom think thoroughly of Affairs, and born as 'twere to overcome the most violent Tempests, despise the small Storms of Inconveniences and Difficulties, whereby they evidently expose themselves to Danger. Those are in some Cases much safer, who 〈◊〉 yet Novices in Navigation keep close to the Shore. Though both together compose the best Counsels; in that the Experience of those is qualified by the Timorousness and Caution of these; in Debates between the Phlegmatic and Choleric, the Bold and Circumspect, the Quick and Slow, there results a wholesome Composition of Opinions, as there does in Bodies from the contrariety of Humours. EMBLEM XXXI. A Pillar supports itself, balanced by its own weight. If it once leans on either side, it presently falls, and that the sooner the heavier it is. Thus Empires stand, and are preserved by their own Authority and Repute; when they begin to lose that, they begin to fall; nor is any Earthly Power sufficient to strengthen and prop them 1 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fl●xum est, quam famae potentiae, non sua vi ni●a. Tac. 13. Ann. . Let no one trust too much to a straight Pillar, when it inclines never so little, the weakest Hand promotes its Ruin; that very leaning I know not how inviting to push it; but when falling, the strongest is unable to uphold it. One single Action sometimes overthrows the best established Reputation which a great many can't erect again. For scarce any Stain can so thoroughly be washed out, but some sign of it will remain, nor any Opinion in men's Minds that can be entirely effaced. Dress the Infamy as carefully as possible, it will still leave some Scars. Wherefore, if the Crown stand not fixed and firm upon this perpendicular Pillar of Reputation, it will soon fall to the Ground. Alphonso the Fifth, King of Arragon, by his Credit not only preserved his own Kingdom, but conquered that of Naples. At the same time john the Second, King of Castille, for his mean Spirit was so far the Contempt of his Subjects, that he admitted what Laws they thought fit to impose. The Provinces which under julius Caesar and Augustus, Princes of great Esteem, were Firm and Loyal, rebelled in the Reign of Galba, a Man slothful, and universally despised 2 Melius Divo julio, Divoque Augusto notos eorum animos Galbam, & infracta tributa, hostiles Spiritus induisse. Tac. 4. Hist. . Royal Blood and Large Dominions are insufficient to maintain Reputation, where private Virtue and Magnanimity are wanting; as it is not the Frame of a Glass, but its Intrinsic Excellency makes it valuable, Regal Majesty has not more Force than Respect, which usually arises from Admiration and Fear, and from these Obedience and Subjection, without which the Prince's Dignity cannot long maintain itself, being founded upon the Opinion of others; and the Royal Purple will be rather a Mark of Derision, than Eminence and Majesty, as was visible in Henry the Fourth. It is the Spirits and Native Heat that keep the Body upright; the Legs alone would not be a sufficient Basis. And what is Reputation, but a kind of fine Spirit kindled in all men's Opinions, which raises and supports the Sceptre. Let the Prince therefore take all possible care that his Actions may be such as will nourish and foment these Spirits. The Parthians grounded their Petition upon Reputation, when they asked Tiberius to send as of his own accord, one of Phraates' Sons to Rome 3 Nomine tantum, & auctore opus, ut sponte Caesaris, ut genus Arsacis, ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur. Tac. 6. Ann. . This Repute and Authority has yet greater Influence in War, where Fear is of more Efficacy than the Sword, and Opinion than Strength, whether of Mind or Body, and therefore to be taken no less Notice of than Force of Arms. This made Suetonius Paulinus very prudently advise Otho to endeavour always to keep the Roman Senate on his side, whose Authority could never be wholly Darkened, though it might be sometimes Eclipsed 4 Nunquam obscura, nomina, etsi aliquando obumbrentur. Tac. 2. Hist. . This also made many Countries submit to it, and seek its Protection 5 Erat grande momentum, in nomine Vrbis, & praetextu senatus. Tac. 1. Hist. , in the Differences that were between those Great Generals, Caesar and Pompey, each his principal Aim was to Conquer rather the Reputation than Arms of his Rival; well knowing that Minds and Forces follow more the noise of Fame, than that of the Drum. King Philip the Second was eminently skilful in this Art of preserving Reputation; having by it from his Cabinet so managed the Reigns of both Worlds, that he always had them at Command. Nay, even when the Ruin of States is apparent, 'tis better 〈◊〉 suffer them, than one's Credit to be destroyed, for without this 'tis impossible to re-establish them. For which Reason, though the Republic of Venice saw itself lost in that violent Storm of the League of Cambray, yet that most Prudent and Valiant Senate thought it better to show their Constancy on that Occasion, than to betray any Cowardice by using dishonourable Means. Desire of Dominion makes Princess mean. For want of this Consideration, Otho with stretched out Hands seemed to adore the People, he embraced every one, and shown all the servileness imaginable to gain them to his Party, and so procured the Empire by those means which declared him unworthy of it 6 Nec d●erat Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum, jacere oscula, & omnia serviliter pro dominatione. Tac. 1. Hist. . Even in Indigence and Necessity it is not fit to use means violent and inglorious, or seek the Assistance of Foreigners; for both are dangerous, and neither seek to relieve want; nay, Reputation is the better Remedy for it. One Man is as rich in Opinion, as another in the abundance of hid Treasures. The Old Romans were undoubtedly persuaded so, when in several occasions of Adversity, the Provinces offering them Money and Corn, they returned Thanks, but would not accept them. Two Legions having been cast away at Sea, to recruit the Loss, Gaul, Spain, and Italy, sent Money, Horses, and Arms; Germanicus commended their Affection, and accepted only of the Horses and Arms, but not the Money 7 Caeterum ad supplenda exercitus damna, certavere Gallia, Hispania, Italia, quod cuique promp●um, arma, equos, au●um ●fferentes, quorum laud●to study Germanicus, armis modo & equis ad bellum sumptis, propria pecunia militem juvit. Tac. 1. Ann. . In two other Presents made the Roman Senate, of Golden Cups of great Value, in time of extraordinary Necessity, the first time thanks were given the Ambassadors for their Care and Magnificence, and the Cup of least value accepted 8 Legatis gratiae actae pro magnificentia cu●aque, Patera quae minimi ponderis fuit accepta. Liv. l. 22. . The other, Thanks were returned, but the Presents rejected 9 Gratiae actae, ●●rum non acceptum. Liv. 22. . The Authority and Reputation of a Prince proceeds from several Causes; some of which respect his Person, others his State. The former sort are either of Body or Mind: Of the Body, as if it be of a suitable Frame, and a Disposition capable of maintainning Majesty; though the natural Defects of Body are often supplied by Virtues of Mind. Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, had no small Imperfections of Body; yet his great and generous Soul, his lively Wit, his Complaisance, and other Courtly Accomplishments made him admired by all. A grave and austere Carriage make him pass for a Prince, who without that would be but very contemptible; yet this Air ought to be tempered with Courtesy and good Humour, that Authority may be supported without incurring Hatred, or the Character of Arrogant; a thing Tacitus commends in Germanicus 10 Visuque & auditu juxta venerabilis, cum magnitudinem, & gravi●atem summae fortunae re●ineret invidiam & a●●ogantiam e●●ugeret. Tac. 2. Ann. . The Riches and Splendour of Apparel is another thing, procures Admiration and Authority: for the Vulgar are taken with these Outsides, and Mankind admits the Eyes no less than the Understanding into its Counsel. Whence Alphonso the Wise, very well said, That clothes contribute much to make M●n known for either Noble or Base; and the Ancient Sages obliged their Princes to clothes of Gold, and Silk, and beset with jewels, that they might be known at sight without inquiry. When King Ahasuerus gave Audience, he wore Royal Apparel, and shone in Gold and precious Stones 11 Hest. 15. 9 . It was on this account God commanded Moses to make Holy Garments for Aaron, his Brother, for Glory and for Beauty 12 Exod. 28. 2. . And he accordingly made them of Purple, embroidered with Gold, and adorned with other things of great value 13 Ibid. , which his Successors wore after him; and at this day the Popes do, though with greater Prudence, and less Expense. And indeed, if his Holiness be an Arm of God upon the Earth; if the Voice of his Censures be like that of the Almighty's Thunder 14 Job 40. 4. , 'tis but just (whatever Impiety cavils) that as God covers himself with Light 15 Psalm 103. 2. , the Garment of Heaven, so she should be decked with Earthly Pomp, and carried upon men's Shoulders 16 Job 40. 5. . The same has place in Princes, who are God's Vicegerents in Temporals 17 Psalm 81. 6. . Large and sumptuous Palaces magnificently furnished 18 Eccl. 2. 4. , a Noble and Eminent Family 19 Prov. 22. 29. , Guards of Nations of approved Fidelity 20 Job 25. 2. , the Splendour and Grandeur of a Court, and other Public Ostentations do also set out a Prince's Power to the best advantage, and give an additional Majesty. Illustrious Titles of States Conquered or Hereditary, which are attributed to him, are also Manifestations of his Eminency. Thus, Isaiah, by divers Names and Titles declares the Majesty of the Supreme Creator, and Prince of all things 21 Isaiah 9 6. . By these therefore your Highness is to study to enhance the Lustre of your Royal Person, provided however they be not ascribed out of Levity or Flattery, but from an universal Applause founded upon Virtue and true Valour, such as were those of your Highness' Ancestors, Ferdinand the Holy, Alphonso the Great, Sancho the Brave, james the Warlike, Alphonso the Noble, and many others. The Excellency of Virtues, and in general all natural Perfections requisite in a good Governor, procure a Prince Esteem and Authority. One alone that shall shine in him, whether it respect Peace or War; abundantly supplies the defect of all others, as if he apply himself to Business, though not with absolute sufficiency; for to leave all to the Care of Ministers infinitely diminishes the Force of Majesty. This was Sallust's Counsel to Livia 22 Neve Tiberius vim principatus resolveret, cuncta ad senatum vocando. Tac. 1. Ann. . Any one Resolution the Prince shall have taken very opportunely without another's Advice: One Resentment, and to have once shown the Extent of his Power, though upon the slightest Occasion, make him feared and respected; as does Constancy of Mind in both Fortunes, for the People look upon it as supernatural, not to be puffed up by Prosperity, or by Adversity dejected; they believe there is something more than Humane in such a Prince. Equality in Actions is another thing that greatly advances a Prince's Character, it being a sign of a serene and prudent Judgement, if he dispense his Favours, or revenge Injuries out of Season, he will indeed be feared, but not esteemed; as Vitellius experienced 23 Vite●●um subitis offensis, aut intempestivis blanditiis mutabilem contemnebant metue●antque. Tac. 2. Hist. . Farther to maintain Reputation, Prudence not to attempt what cannot be obtained, very much contributes. For so his Power will seem infinite, if the Prince engage in no War wherein he cannot Conquer, or demand nothing of his Subjects but what is just and feasible, not giving the least ground for Disobedience. To enterprise, and not accomplish, is in a Prince inglorious; in Subjects rash. Princes are valued at the same Rate they set upon themselves. For altho' Honour consists in the esteem of others; yet this is generally formed out of a preconceived Opinion of every one, which (at least if prudent) is greater or less, according as the Mind gathers strength from the Valour it finds in itself, or loses it, if without Merit. The greatest Souls are most aspiring 24 Optimus quisque mortalium altissima cupere. Tac. 4. Ann. ; the Cowardly dare attempt nothing, judging themselves unworthy the least Honour. Nor is this always a virtuous Humility and Modesty in this sort of Men, but a baseness of Mind, which renders them deservedly contemptible to every one, while they pretend they aim at nothing higher, because they are sensible of their want of Merit. Blaesus almost seemed unworthy the Empire, merely for refusing the offer of it 25 Ade● non Principatus appetens, ut parum effageret ne dignus crederetur. Tac. 3. Hist. . Unhappy is that State, whose Head thinks himself undeserving the Title of Prince, or who presumes he Merits more; the first is meanness of Spirit; this latter is accounted Tyranny. In these Endowments of the Mind, Chance also has place; for a Prince happens often, even with them to be despised, when Prudence is unhappy, or Events answer not Designs. Some Governments, good in themselves, are notwithstanding so unfortunate, that nothing succeeds under them; which is not always the Fault of Humane Providence, but the Divine so ordains, when the particular Ends of this Inferior Government, agree not with those that Superior and Universal one proposes. This I add withal, that all these good Qualities of Mind and Body, are not sufficient to maintain the Prince's Reputation, if his Family be dissolute; it is on that depends all his Authority, nor is any thing more difficult, than a regular Management of a Family. It usually seems easier to Govern a whole Country than one House; either because a Prince intent on greater things is negligent of this, or Self-love is an Obstacle, or for want of Courage, or out of a natural Slothfulness, or at least, because his Attendants so blind his Eyes, that his Judgement can't apply Remedies. It was none of the least Commendations of Agricola, that he had curbed his own Family, never suffering his Domestics to intermeddle with Public Affairs 26 Primum domum suam coercuit, quod plerisque haud minus arduum 〈◊〉, quam Provinciam regere; nihil per liber●os, servosque publicae rei. Tac. in Vir. Agr. . Galba was a good Emperor, but an ill Master of his Palace, no less Vices reigning there than in that of Nero 27 jam afferebant cuncta venalia praepotentes liber●i servorum manus sub●tis avidae tanquam apud senem festinantes. Tac. 1. Hist. . Tiberius, among other things, was commended for having modest Servants. No Government can be well instituted, where Courtiers Command, and Rob, or Prostitute its Authority by their P●ide and Vices 28 Modesta servitia. Tac. 4. Ann. . If they are good, they make the Prince the same; if wicked, he though really otherwise, will appear so too. From them the Prince's Actions have their value, on them depends his good or ill Character; in as much as others Virtues and Vices are wont to be imputed to him. If his Domestics are prudent, they conceal his Faults; nay, as much as possible vindicate every Action of his, and by extolling, render them more illustrious; they relate them with a Grace that challenges Admiration. Whatever comes from the Prince into Public, is great in the People's Eyes. Princes in their Palaces are like other Men, but Respect makes them imagined greater, and their Retirement from common Conversation covers their Sloth and Weakness: Whereas, if their Servants are guilty of Imprudence or Infidelity, the People by them, as through Chinks discover it, and quit that Veneration they before had for them. The Prince's Reputation redounds from that of the State, if this be provided with good Laws and Magistrates; if Justice be observed, and one Religion maintained therein; if it pay due Respect and Obedience to Majesty; if Care be taken of Corn and Plenty, if Arts and Arms flourish, and one may in all things see a constant Order and Harmony proceeding from the Prince's Hands; and lastly, if the State's Happiness depends upon the Prince himself: For if that can be enjoyed without this, they will soon despise him. The Labourers in Egypt regard not the Skies 29 Aratores in Aegypto Coelum no● suspiciunt. Pli●. , for the Nile by its Inundations watering and making their Land fertile, they have no need of Clouds. EMBLEM XXXII. THE Oyster conceives by the Dew of Heaven, and in its purest Womb, the Pearl, that most beautiful Embryo is born. No one would imagine its exquisite Delicacy, to see so course and unpolished an outside. It is thus, the Senses are usually deceived in their Censure of Exterior Actions, when they judge only by the outward appearance of things, without searching the inside. Truth depends not upon Opinion: Let the Prince despise that, if he be sensible he act agreeable to Reason. He will never dare enterprise any thing difficult or extraordinary, if Fear prompts him to consult the Sentiments of the Mob. In himself he should look for himself, not in others. The Art of Government suffers not itself to be disturbed by those thin Shadows of Reputation. The King has the greatest, who knows perfectly how to manage Affairs both of Peace and War. The Honour of Subjects the least thing blemishes, whereas that of Kings is inseparable from ●e Public Good; this continuing, that increases, ●●ling, it perishes. Besides, Government would be too d●ngerous, had it no better Foundation than the Laws of Reputation, instituted by the giddy Rabble. Contempt of such is Courage and Steddiness in a Prince, whose Sovereign Law is the People's Safety. Tiberius heretofore gloried in having shown himself fearless of Affronts and Scandal for the Public Benefit 1 Offensionem pro utilitate publica non pavidum. Tac. 4. Ann. . A great and lively Soul is nothing afraid of the uncertain Rumours of the Multitude and Common Fame. He who ●●spises this imaginary, will thereby obtain real and ●●lid Glory. This Fabius Maximus well knew, when ●e preferred the Public Safety before the Clamours and Complaints of the People, accusing his Delays; 〈◊〉 did also the Great Captain in the Captivity of Duke Valentin, who, though he had surrendered, and entrusted himself to his safe Conduct; yet for some fresh 〈◊〉 he was informed he had laid against his Catholic Majesty, kept him Prisoner, thinking the Dangers his liberty might cause more to be respected, than the Aspersions were thrown upon him for the Breach of 〈◊〉 Parole; from which, at that time, it seemed by no means proper for him publicly to clear himself. King S●●cho the Brave, was a Prince renowned and warlike; 〈◊〉 Deaf to the Calumnies of his Subjects, he declined the Battle of Xeres † Mar. Hist. Hisp. . 'Tis better for a Prince to be ●●red by his Enemies as Prudent, than as Rash and Precipitous. My Design by this Discourse is not to make the Prince a very Slave to the Commonwealth, so that for ●●y Reason, or upon the least appearance of its Interest, he should break his Word, or run Counter to all Treaties and Agreements: For such a Violation can neither be of any advantage to him, nor his State, but will be rather the Ruin of both; what is dishonest being never long secure: A remarkable Instance of which we have in the Kingdom of Arragon, which has been so often embroiled, tossed with so many Storms of Calamities and eminent Miseries, because Peter the Fourth, as well in times of Peace as War, had more regard to Interest, than Credit and Renown. Interest and Honour should walk hand in hand, and the same pace; nor c●● I be reconciled to this Opinion, That nothing is glorious but what is safe, and that whatever is done to maintain Dominion is honourable 2 Nihil gloriosum nisi tutum, & omnia retinendae dominationis 〈◊〉. Sallust. . For what is base, can never be a good means to preserve it; nor if it were, will it be therefore the more honourable or excusable. My Design is only to raise the Prince's Mind above the Vulgar Opinion, and arm him with Constancy to withstand the vain Murmurs of the Multitude; that he may know how to temporize, to dissemble Injuries, to lay aside Kingly Gravity, to despise empty Fame, having his Eyes fixed upon that which is true and well-grounded. In a word, to take Counsel from the time and necessity, if the Conservation of his State require it, and not suffer himself to be deluded with vain Shadows of Honour, esteeming that more than the Public Good. A Fault blamed in King Henry the Fourth, who refused to take their Advice, who persuaded him to apprehend john Pachico, Marquis of Villena, the Author of the Troubles and Commotions among the Grandees of the Kingdom: Saying he had made him a promise of a safe Passage to Madrid, which he ought not to violate. A frivolous Excuse, to prefer an idle Proof of Faith and Clemency to his own Life, and the Public Safety, especially towards one, who would abuse this his Favour to Plot against his Royal Person, which was the source of great Calamities to the King, and his whole Kingdom. Tiberius was not at all moved, that some blamed him for making so long a stay at the 〈◊〉 of Caprea, and neither went to aid the Gauls, of whom a great part were already lost; nor to appease the legions in Germany 3 Tanto impensius in sccuritatem compositus, neque loco, neque 〈…〉, sed ut s●litum per illos d●es egit. Tac. 3. Ann. . Prudent Constancy hears, but does not much regard the Sentiments of the ignorant Multitude; knowing if things succeed well, Murmur will afterwards turn to greater Glory, and sensibly vanish of itself. The Army disinherited Saul's Election, and in Derision said, How shall this Man save us 4 1 Sam. 10. 27. ? Saul however took no notice of those Words, but made as if he did not hear them, (nor indeed should Princes hear every thing) and the Soldiers, condemning afterwards their Crime, recanted, nay, and made diligent search for the Author of that Abuse to put him to Death 5 1 Sam. 11. 12. . It had not been prudent in Saul to expose 〈◊〉 Election, by discovering his knowledge of the Peo●●es Dissatisfaction. What Levity were it in a Traveller to be stopped by the importunate Noise of every Grasshopper? To be guided in ones Resolutions by the ●●●ting Mob were folly 6 Non ex rumore statuendum. Tac. 3. Ann ; to fear them, and re●oke what has been once resolved, base and infamous. Scarce any Council would be secure, did it depend ●pon the Multitude, who are incapable of penetrating ●ll the Motives upon which the Prince Acts, nor is it 〈◊〉 to make them public; for that were to give them the Authority of the Sceptre. All the People's Power 〈◊〉 included in the Person of the Prince. It is his part to Act, theirs to Obey, with a firm Persuasion of the Equity and Reasonableness of his Commands. If every 〈◊〉 bad liberty to ask Reasons of what is enjoined, there ●●uld be an end of Obedience and Empire 7 Si ubi jubeantur, quaerere singulis 〈◊〉; pereunte obsequio, e●●am 〈◊〉 interci●it, Tac. 1. Hist. . 'Tis as necessary for a Subject to be ignorant of these things, 〈◊〉 to know others. The Sovereign jurisdiction of things God has given to Princes, to Subjects is left the Glory of Obedience. The only thing required of a Prince, is to acquit himself of his Duty in his Resolutions and Decrees; if the Success prove not answerable to his desire, he ought not to be discouraged; for it is sufficient that he has done nothing imprudently; the very best Counsel is weak and liable to abundance of Accidents. The greater a Monarchy is, the more exposed it is to the unhappy Casualties, which Chance brings with it, or Humane Understanding is unable to foresee and prevent. Gross Bodies usually labour under great Distempers. Did not the Prince prosecute Affairs notwithstanding all Obloquy and Detraction, with Courage and Constancy, he would lead but an unhappy Life. If he at any time chance to err, Courage is necessary, lest he be dashed, and become for the future slow and irresolute. That Prince, who upon no grounds suspects all he does will be disapproved of, contracts too much the Limits of his Power, and subjects himself to a thousand Terrors of Imagination, which generally arise from some private superstitious Persuasion, or Excess of Melancholy. These Inconveniences David seems to have acknowledged, when he prayed God to take away the Reproach which he feared 8 Psalm 118. 39 . Let the Prince therefore arm himself with Constancy to resist any Events, and the Opinions of the Vulgar, and show his Valour in the Defence of the true and real Reputation of his Person and Arms, seeing the lo●s or slain of this brings the whole Empire into danger. King Ferdinand the Catholic, very well understood this, when he advised his Father, john the Second, King of Arragon, to adapt himself to the Times and Necessity, and endeavour to secure his Crown by gaining the Hearts of the Marquis of Villena, and Alphonso Carillo, Archbishop of Toledo † Mar. Hist. Hisp. . He did indeed all honourable means to effect it; but could never be obliged basely to bend his Regal Authority to the Fury and Violence of his Subjects, thinking there to be more Danger in this, than Advantage in gaining their Affection's. Time is the best Master of these Arts, and such ●one may come as will make even mean Actions Heroic, and impute even base and servile Submission to Fortitude. 'Tis an honourable and lawful End ennobles them. Tacitus accuses Vitellius for, being Nero's Associate in his Debaucheries without any Necessity, which had made it very excusable, but out of mere Luxury and Lasciviousness 9 Sectari cantantem solitus, non necessitate, qua honestissimus quisq●e, sed i● Luxu & sagina mancipatus emptusque. Tac. 2. Hist. . To submit to Necessity, requires no less Resolution than to overcome it; and what is sometimes thought Baseness, is a desire of Honour, as when to prevent the loss of this, or at least to preserve it, Injuries are put up for a time. He that immediately runs to Revenge, suffers himself to be led more by Passion than Honour. Anger, 'tis true, has Satisfaction, but the Ignominy becomes more notorious and public. How oft has Bloodshed been a kind of Rubric inscribed with Injuries? How often have we seen in the Offenders gashed Face, the offended Person's Infamy written in Scars, as in so many Letters? Honour has been more frequently lost by Revenge than Dissimulation; this brings Oblivion, that Remembrance; and we more value a Person that has prudently taken an Affront, than one who has rashly revenged one. He, who makes a true and prudent Estimate of the price of his Honour, weighs it against Revenge, which the former with the Addition of a Grain of public Esteem, outweighs by much. Although it is my Advice, that the Prince value not popular Discourse; this, however, I would have limited to the Cases mentioned, that is, when it is compensated by the Public Good, or obstructs the Execution of any great Designs, which the People don●t comprehend, at least not well understand: For the Success and Honour of the thing recovers afterwards the lost Reputation with Interest. It will in the mean time be Prudence in the Prince at all times, as much as possible, to conform his Actions to the Inclinations of the People; their Approbation working almost the same Effect with real Glory; they both consist in Men's Imagination, and the popular Voice, though false, sometimes gains so much Credit, that neither Time, nor any contrary Action can ever after efface it. EMBLEM XXXIII. WHAT an entire Glass represents, the same when broken, each part of it exhibits. Thus the Lion views himself in both Pieces of that of the present Emblem, that Symbol of Fortitude and generous Constancy, which a Prince in all Accidents ought to maintain: In as much as he is a Public Mirror, wherein the whole World views itself, as King Alphonso the Wise has well observed, speaking of King's Actions, and how they ought to be regulated. Whether therefore Success preserve, or Misfortunes break him, he should ever appear with one Countenance; which indeed in Prosperity is of some difficulty, considering how apt the Passions are to break forth of themselves, and that Reason vanishes with Glory. However, a truly noble Mind suffers not itself to be transported, even, by the highest Happiness, as one might see in Vespasian, who though he was by the unanimous Consent of all saluted Emperor, was yet neither Proud nor Arrogant 1 In ipso nihil tumidum, arrog●●s, aut in rebus novis novum fuit. Tac. 2. Hist. , nor could the Alteration of Affairs work any in him. That Man, who with his Fortune changes his Mind, confesses he did not deserve it 2 Frons privata manet, non se meruisse fatetur, Qui crevisse putat. Cla●d. . This modest Assurance was eminent too in Piso, who when adopted by Galba, looked so serene and unconcerned, as if it had been in his Power to be Emperor, and not depending upon the Will of another 3 Nullum turbati, aut exultantis animi m●tum prodidisse, ●ermo erga ●●rem, Imperatoremque reverens: de se moderatus, ●hil in vultu. ha●●qe mutatum, quasi imperare posset magis quam veilet. Tac. 1. Hist. . Valour also is wont to be endangered by adverse Accidents, in that they generally find Men unprepared, there being scarce one who seriously thinks of all the Calamities incident to him. Which makes them surprise many unawares, and is the reason the Mind is then in so much Confusion, which proceeds either from excessive Dotage on those Happinesses it falls short of, or from fear of loss of Life; the desire of prolonging which is engrafted in every Man's Nature. Let others harbour those Passions, yet in a Prince's Breast they ought never to be entertained; whose Duty 'tis to Govern equally in both Fortunes, and to keep always a pleasant composed Countenance and undaunted Speech. Thus Otho appeared to his Friends, even after the loss of his Empire, endeavouring to stop their unreasonable Tears 4 Vlacidus ore, intrepidus verbis, intempestivas suo●rum lathry●●●●ercens. Tac. 2. Hist. . In that bloody Fight at Navas of Toulo●●●, King Alphonso the Ninth, continued in the Heat of the Engagement with the same Calmness of Mind and Looks. No Accident was ever able to disclose the Passion of King Ferdinand the Catholic. Being once struck by a mad Fellow of Barcelona, he seemed to be nothing disordered, only gave Command he should be seized. The Emperor, Charles the Fifth, at the Siege of Ingolstadt, changed neither his Looks nor Station, though the continual Fire of the Enemy's Guns had tore his Tent in Pieces, and cut off some by his side. With no less Constancy the King of Hungary, (now the most August Emperor) and his Highness, Ferdinand the Infant, (both glorious Rivals of Charles' Courage and Achievements) stood undaunted at the Battle of Norlinguen, not the least terrified by the Death of a Colonel, who was killed by a Canonshot very near them. Nor should I omit here the Example of Maximilli●● Duke of Bavaria, and Elector of the Empire; the same, who was famous for the numerous Victories he obtained at the Head of the Catholic League. He was not puffed up with them, nor suffered afterwards his great Soul to be broken by the contrary Success, though he saw his States ruined, and the King of Sweden, and Frederick, Count Palatine, in his Palace of Monaca, (a Fabric worthy so great a Prince) and tho' he found the Duke of Frizeland as much his Enemy as the other two. Let Envy, and the fickleness of Times, divide and dash into never so many pieces, the Glass of tastes, yet in every of them, however small, Majesty will remain entire. Whoever is born to a Sceptre, ought not to be changed at any Event or Accident whatever, nor think any so grievous and insupportable▪ as for it to ab●●don himself, and dissemble the Person he bears. King Peter, even, when he fell into the Hands of his Brother, and deadly Enemy, concealed not who he was, may, when it was questioned, if it were he or not, he cried out aloud, It is I, it is I. This very Constancy in preserving a Grandeur and Majesty in misfortunes, 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only Remedy against them; as it was with Porus, King of the Indies, who being taken Prisoner by Alexander the Great, and demanded how he would be treated: Made answer, Like a King. And when Alexander asked him, whether he desired nothing more: He replied, That Word comprehends all. Which Heroick Answer so affected Alexander, that he not only restored his Kingdom, but gave him other Countries besides. To yield to Adversity, is as it were to side with it. Valour in the Conquered pleases the Victor, either because it renders his Triumph more glorious, or because such is the intrinsic Energy of Virtue. The Mind is not subject to Violence, nor has Fortune any Power over it. The Emperor, Charles the Fifth, used severe Threats to john Frederick, Duke of Saxony, to oblige him to Surrender the Duchy of Wirtemburg. To which his Answer was, His Imperial Majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my Body, 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this Breast. Which he really showed on another occasion of much greater Danger; for it happened, as he was playing at Chess with Ernest, Duke of Brunswick, he heard Sentence of Death was passed upon him, which he received with no more Trouble, than if the News had not concerned him, but cheerfully bid the Duke play on; which generous Carriage wiped off, in some measure, the Infamy of Rebellion, and procured him Glory. One great Action even upon a forced Death, leaves a Luster and Repute to Life. As has in our own time happened: Rodrigo Calderon, Marquis de Sievigl●sias, or ●●ven Churches, whose truly Christian Valour and He●●ick Constancy, were the whole World's Admiration, in so much as to turn Envy and Hatred, things com●●on to one of his Fortune, into Pity and Commenda●●●. None are delivered from violent Casualties by Timorousness, nor does Confusion any way lessen Danger, whereas Resolution either overcomes, or at least renders it illustrious. The People gather what Peril they are in from the Prince's Countenance, as Mariners do the danger of the Tempest from that of their Pilot. For that Reason ought he to appear equally serene in Prosperity and Adversity, lest Fear dash, or Pride exalt him, and others be able to judge of the State of Affairs. This made Tiberius take so much care to hid every unsuccessful Accident 5 Haec audita, quanquam abstrusum, & tristissima quoque maxi●● occultantem Tiberium pertule●unt. Tac. 1. Ann. . All is in Disorder and Confusion, when in the Prince's Face, as that of Heaven, the Tempests which threaten the Commons are discernible. To change Colour at every Breath of Fortune, betrays a light Judgement and mean Spirit. Constancy, and an even Look, inspire Subjects with Courage, strike Enemies with Admiration. All Men fix their Eyes upon the Prince, and if they see Fear there, they fear. Thus 'twas with those who were at Otho's Table 6 Simul Oth●● vultum intn●eri, atque eve●t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus, cum ti●● ret Otho timebatur. Tac. 1. Hist. . Besides, there can be no Fidelity where Fear and Distrust find Entertainment 7 Fides metu infracta. Tac. 3. 〈◊〉 . Which, however, I would have understood of those Cases, wherein it is convenient to dissemble Dangers, and conceal Calamities; for in others to join in public Expressions of Sadness, don't ill become the Prince, as that which manifests his Love to his Subjects, and engages their Hearts. The Emperor, Charles the Fifth, put himself in Mourning, and expressed his Sorrow for the Sacking of Rome. David upon the news of the Death of Saul and jonathan, took hold of his clothes, and rend them 8 2 Sam. 1. 11. . The same did joshua for the loss received by the Men of Ai; And he fell to the Earth before the Ark of the Lord 9 Jos. 7. 6. . And indeed, what can be more just, than in a common Calamity thus to submit to God; 'tis a kind of Rebellion willingly to receive Good only at God's Hands, and not Evil also 10 Job 2. 10. . He that is humble under Correction, moves to Pardon. Here it may be disputed, whether this Steddiness of Mind be commendable in an Inferior, when he needs the Aid of the more Potent; the Solution of which Doubt requires a peculiar Distinction. He, who is under Oppression, and craves another's Assistance, should not do it with too much Cringing and Solicitude, lest he make his Fortune desperate, there being no Prince, who out of pure Compassion will reach his Hand to a Man fallen, or undertake the Defence of one that has already abandoned all hopes of himself and his Affairs. Pompey's Cause lost not a little in the Opinion of Ptolemy, when he saw so much Submission in his Ambassadors. The King of the Cherusci shown much more Courage, when upon the loss of his Kingdom, thinking it his Interest to procure the Favour of Tiberius, He wrote to him not like a Fugitive or Beggar, but as one who remembered his former Fortune 11 Non ut profugus aut supplex, sed ex memoria prioris fortunae. Tac. 2. Ann. . Nor is the Example of Mithridates les Illustrious, who being overthrown by Eunon, is said, with a Resolution truly Royal, to have thus bespoke him, Mithri●ates so many Years sought by the Romans by Sea and Land, here voluntarily Surrenders himself, do what you please with the Offspring of the great Achemenes, the only thing my Enemies cannot deprive me of 12 Mithridates terra marique per tot annos Romanis quaesitis, sponte adsum; utere, ut voles, prole magni Achemeis, quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt. Tac. 12. Ann. . Which Words prevailed with Eunon to intercede with the Emperor Claudius in his behalf 13 M●ta●●●e rerum, & prece haud degenerare permotus. Tac. 12. Ann. . Let him, who hath faithfully served his Prince, speak boldly if he find himself injured; as Herman Cortes did to Charles the Fifth; and Segestes to Germanicus 14 Simul Segestes ipse ingens visu, & memor ia bonae societatis impavidus; verba ejus in hunc modum fuere. . In other Cases prudence should examine Necessity, Time, and the Things themselves, having attentive Respect to the following Maxims. That a Superior takes boldness in an Inferior for an Affront, imagining he aspires to be his equal, or disparages him; and on the other side, is very apt to slight one he sees too abject and submissive. It was for this reason, Tiberius nominated none to be Senators, but such as were of a servile Nature, and though such Persons were necessary for his Service, yet could be not endure that Baseness of Mind 15 Etiam illum, qui libertatem publicam nollet, tam projectae servi●ntium patientiae cedebat. Tac. 3. Ann. . Thus we see Princes are competent Judges of every ones natural Vigour and Alacrity, and are apt to put Affronts upon those whom they know will take them. Vitellius had not took the liberty to keep Valerius Maximus so long from the Consulate, which Galba had conferred on him, but that he thought his meek Temper would not resent the Injury 16 Nulla offensa, sed mit●● & injuriam segniter laturum. Tac. 2. Hist. . For this reason a resolute kind of Modesty, and a modest Courage will be highly requisite in a Prince, who, if he must of Necessity be ruined, had better be so with a Mind great and noble, than base and degenerous. This Marcus Hortalus considered, when Tiberius refused to assist him in the extremest Necessity 17 Avitae nobilitatis eti●● inter angustias fortunae retinens. Tac. 2. Ann. . When the more powerful denies another the Honour due to him, (especially in Public Actions) it is more adviseable to snatch, and as I may say, steal, than dispute them. He that doubts distrusts his Merit; the Dissembler tacitly owns his want of it, and Modesty is afterwards but laughed at. He, who handsomely assumes the Preference due to him, easily preserves it afterwards. Thus it happened once to the Germane Ambassadors, who seeing those of such Nations as surpassed in Valour and constant Alliance with the Romans, seated among the Senators in Pompey's Theatre, said, No Men in the World were preferable to the Germans for Arms and Fidelity 18 Nul ' os mortalium armis, & fide ante Germanos esse. Tac 13. Ann. , and immediately took Place with the Senators, every one being taken with their generous Freedom and noble Emulation 19 Quod comiter à visentibus exceptum, quasi impetus antiqui, & bona ●mulatione. Tac. 13. Ann. . As to Favours and Gratuities, which depend wholly upon the Prince's pleasure, although they seem due to Merit or Virtue, the Subject ought not to murmur if they be not conferred upon him: On the contrary, rather give thanks under some honest Pretext, following the Example of some Officers, who were displaced in Vitellius' time 20 Actaeque insuper Vitell● gratiae, consuetudine servitii. Tac. 2. Hist. . For a discreet Courtier usually lets acknowledgements close all his Discourse with the Prince. This piece of Prudence Seneca shown after his Conference with Nero, about the Crimes laid to his Charge 21 Seneca (qui finis omnium cum dominante sermonum) gratias agit. Tac. 14. Ann. . He that complains, declares he has been ill used; and Princes have very little Confidence in one they think dissatisfied; all of them affecting to be like God in that, of whom we never complain in our Affliction, nay, we rather give thanks for them. In Accusations also Constancy is of very great Consequence; he that gives way to them, makes himself a Criminal. The Innocent Person, who disowns his Actions, does in a manner plead guilty. A good Conscience armed with Truth, triumphs over Envy: If that be degenerate and resist not the Stream of Misfortunes, their Waves will overwhelm him, as a River by the force of its Current throws down the weaker Trees, whereas the deeply rooted stand immovable. All Sej●nus's Favourites fell with his Fortune; Marcus Terentius alone, who courageously acknowledge he had courted and esteemed his Friendship, as that which procured him the Emperor Tiberius ● Favour, was acquitted 22 Constantia orationis, & quia repertus erat qui efferret quae omnes animo agitabant, etc. Tac. 6. Ann. ; and all other Evidences either banished or executed. In some Cases this firm assurance is absolutely necessary, that Innocence defend not itself by Excuses, for fear of betraying Timorousness; nor good Services be taken Notice of, lest they be thought to be upbraided. Thus Agrippina did when accused of having procured Plautus the Empire 23 Vbi nihil pro innocentia, quasi diffideret, nec beneficiis, quasi exprobraret, disseruit. Tac. 3. Ann. . Nor should the Prince's Person only be a Looking-Glass to his Subjects, but he is to show himself such by his State also, which is as it were his Picture, and so in that no less than his own Person, Religion, Justice, Clemency, and all other Imperial Virtues ought to be conspicuous. And in as much as Councils, Seats of Justice, and Courts of Chancery, are Parts of this Glass, in them the same Qualities should be found as are in the whole; nay, in all particular Ministers who represent it; for it very much lessens the Prince's Reputation to appear favourable to every Pretender to dismiss them with fair Promises, and give Encouragement to their Hopes; and on the other side, put off his Counsellors, and other Ministers, to deter them by rough Usage from pursuing their Petitions. An Artifice that will soon discover itself to be unworthy a Generous and Royal Breast. The Minister is a piece of public Coin, stamped with the Prince's Image, which, except it be of good Alloy, and represent him to the Life, will be refused as Counterfeit 24 Praefectus nisi formam suam referat, mali fati instar subditis efficitur. Them. Orat. 17. . If the Head, which Governs, be of Gold, the Hands also which serve should be so too; as were those of the Spouse in the Holy Scripture 25 Cant. 5. 11, 14. . Farther, Ambassadors are also principal Parts of this Glass, as Persons in whom the Prince's Authority is lodged. And certainly it would infinitely prejudice the Public Faith to have his Words and Veracity not found in these: And as they are the Lieutenants of his Power and Courage, so ought they on all Occasions to manifest them, as if the Prince were present in Person. Thus did Anthony Fonseca, after he had proposed to Charles the Eighth, in his Catholic Majesties Name, that the Kingdom of Naples should not be invaded, till it had been judicially determined whose Title was best, and saw it came to nothing; with singular freedom of Mind he openly declared his King had now satisfied his Conscience; that he was at liberty to take which side he thought most just, and immediately in the presence of the King and Council, broke the Treaties of Peace before made between the two Crowns. As the Minister is to be furnished with his Prince's Maxims, so also should he be with his Majesty, Valour and Magnanimity. EMBLEM XXXIV. WHoever looks on the Thorns and Prickles of the Rose● Tree, will hardly be persuaded a Daughter so beautiful as the Rose could proceed from so deformed a Mother. One had need be endued with a great Measure of Faith to water it, and wait till it be clothed with Verdure, and blossom into that wonderful pomp of Flowers, of so delicate a Smell. Yet by Patience and long Expectation, we at length find the labour not lost, nor that Care ill employed which has produced such Beauty and Fragrancy. The first Branches of Virtue are harsh and thorny to our depraved Nature, but after some time, its Flower of all other, the most beautiful gins to Bloom. Let not the first sight of things discourage a Prince, for the outside of very few in Government are pleasant; they all seem full of Thorns and Difficulties, but Experience has found many easy which appeared much otherwise to Sloth. The Prince therefore should not be disheartened; for in lightly yielding to them, he will be overcome by his own Apprehension rather than any thing real. Let him endure with Courage and Hope, with Patience and Perseverance, still keeping the means in his Hand. He that hopes has a good and faithful Companion on his side, I mean Time. Whence Philip the Second used to say, I and Time against any two. Precipitation is the effect of Madness, and generally the occasion of great Perils. Theobald, Earl of Champagne, put his Succession to the Crown of Navarre, very much in Question, by not having patience to wait for his Uncle, King Sancho's Death, but underhand conspiring with the Nobles to possess himself of the Kingdom in his Life-time; for this put Sancho upon adopting james the First of Arrag●n, his Heir. Patience obtains many Trophies. This was Scipio's Excellency, who though he had infinite occasions of Displeasure, was yet so patiented, as never to let ● passionate Word fall from him 1 Vt nullum ferox verbum excideret. Tit. liv. , which thing gave success to all his Designs. He that suffers with Expectation, vanquishes the slights of Fortune, and obliges her to take his Part, that Confidence among all her Vicissi●●des like Flattery winning upon her. Columbus, not without great hazard, exposes himself to the Ocean's incertain Waves, in quest of new Countries. Neither H●rcule's Ne plus ultra, at Caspe and Abyla, nor the Mountains of Waters, that seem to oppose his Enterprise deter him from it; he by Sailing tells the Sun's Steps, and steals from the Year its Days, from the Days their Hours; his Needle wants the Pole, his Charts the lines, his Companions patience; all things conspire against him, but his Hope and Patience rub through all Difficulties, till at length a new World recompenses his invincible Constancy. Ferendum & Sperandum, was a saying of Empedocles, and afterwards the Emperor Macrinus' Motto, whence that of this Emblem is borrowed. Some Dangers are more easy to surmount than avoid: As Agathocles well knew, when being beaten, and besieged in Syracuse, he did not basely Surrender to the Enemy, but leaving a sufficient Body of Men for the Defence of the City, marched with the rest of his Army against Carthage, and he who could not be victorious in one War, by this means obtained a double Triumph. Rashness frequently overcomes a Danger, and despising it often confounds an Enemy. When Hannibal saw the Romans after the Battle of Cannae send Succours into Spain, he began to fear their Power and Strength. No one ought to trust Prosperity too much, or despair in Adversity. Fortune lies between both, as ready to advance as depress. Let the Prince therefore keep in the one, and the other, a Constancy and Strength of Mind, prepared to encounter any Accident, and not suffer the Threats of the greatest Tempest to disturb him: For sometimes the Waves have cast a Man out of one Ship that is to be wrecked, into another that is to be saved. A great and generous Soul Heaven itself favours. Let not the Prince rashly despair for another's Dangers, or those which Chance brings with it. He that observeth the Wind shall not sow, and he that regardeth the Clouds shall not reap 2 Eccl. 11. 4. . Let him not imagine he obliges any one by his Afflictions. Tears are Womanish, nor is Fortune appeased with such Sacrifices. A great Soul endeavours to give itself Satisfaction or Comfort by some heroic and generous Action: Thus Agricola, when he heard of his Son's Death, took not the Accident as generally Men do, ambitiously; nor in Tears like Women; but by War diverted his Grief 3 Quem casum, neque, ut plerique fortium virorum, ambitiosè, neque per lamenta rursus, ac terrorem multebrem tuli●, & in lustu, bellum inter remedia erat. Tac. in Vit. Agr. . To be wholly insensible, is either Vainglory, or Excess of Consternation. In suing for Offices and Honours, the Design of this Emblem is very useful. He that can bear and hope, knows how to get the better of his Fortune. Whereas one that impatient of delay, thinks it base to be beholding and submit, shall be despised and abandoned by the whole World. To look on it as a point of Honour not to obey any, is the way to command none. The means are to be measured by the end; if in obtaining this there be more Honour got, than is lost by them, certainly they ought to be used. Impatience of Sufferings we take for Generosity of Mind, when it is imprudent Haughtiness. Honour once attained, the Tracks made in ascending them, presently wear out. To endure much in order to Advancement, is not base Degeneracy, but extraordinary Strength of a Mind elevated and aspiring. Some Tempers there are which can't abide to wait, that would have all things ended in a Moment; desiring now to exceed their Equals, by and by their Superiors, and in a little while, even their own Hopes. These hurried by this Violence of Ambition despise the most secure means as slow, and choose to employ the shortest, though most hazardous. But it usually fares with them, as with Buildings raised in haste, before the Materials have had time to dry and settle, which immediately fall down again. The Masterpiece of Government consists in hoping and enduring, in that these are the only means to do things in time, without which nothing can possibly come to maturity. Trees that at the Springs first warmth bear Flowers, soon lose them for not waiting till the Winter's cold was quite gone. He, who would ripen Affairs with the Hand, cannot have the Satisfaction of tasting the Fruit of them. Impatience is the cause of Miscarriages and Dangers 4 Prov. 14. 17. ; it creates Peri●s, which by being uneasy under, and too hasty to escape, we augment. Therefore for those Evils, as well Internal as External, which have by our negligence been increased in the Commonwealth, 'tis better to let them take their Course, and be sensibly cured by Time, than precipitate a Remedy, wherein there is more Danger. If before we could not foresee and prevent; at least let us learn to bear them after: They are increased by Opposition. A Danger concealed or not taken notice of, thereby becomes public, and lays greater Impediments in his way, who thought to stop it. Fear imprudently armed against a Superior Power, does but find it Exercise, and render it more powerful by the Addition of its own Spoils. This Method Cerealis took to compose the Minds of those of Treves, lest they should take up Arms against the Romans, saying, A Fabric, as that was, which had been the Product of Eight hundred years' Success and Industry, could not be pulled down, but its Ruin must of necessity bury the Authors of it 5 Octogentorum annorum fortuna, disciplinaque, compages haec coal●●; quae convelli sine excidio convellentium non potest. Tac. 4. Hist. . Many things would not succeed so ill, did not our Fear and Imagination act with too much Precipitation. Apprehension and Jealousy of Tyranny, when once discovered, make it begin to be really, though it were not before. Whence in such like Cases, 'tis a piece of no less Courage to know how to dissemble, than to be too rash in remedying. The former is the genuine Effect of Prudence, this generally the Result of Fear. EMBLEM XXXV. THE closer the Breath is pressed in a Trumpet, with the greater Harmony and Variety it goes out of it; thus 'tis with Virtue, which is never more clear and harmonious than when suppressed by Malice 1 Multorum improbitate depressa veritas emergit, & innocentiae desens● interclusa respirat. Cicero. . The Flame of Valour is apt to die, if the Wind of Adversity don't revive it; that awakens the Mind, and makes it look about for means to amend it. Happiness, like the Rose, grows out of Thorns and Miseries. Alphonso the Fifth, King of Arragon, was vanquished and taken in a Sea-fight with the Genoeze; and that, which in all probability was like to retard his Expedition against the Kingdom of Naples, was the very thing that furthered it with greater Happiness and Power; for by making a League with Philip, Duke of Milan, who retained him Prisoner, he obtained both his Liberty, and Forces for the Conquest of that Kingdom. Necessity compelled him to get his Host of his side; for in Prosperity, indeed, every one lives to himself alone, but in Adversity for himself and others. Those disclose the Passions of the Mind, otherwise forgetful of itself: Whereas, by this it learns Caution, and arms itself with Virtues, as means to attain real and lasting Happiness 2 Secundae res acrioribus flimulis animum exploravit; quia miseri● toler antur, felicitate corrumpimur. Tac. 1. Hist. . Whence it is not a little easier to escape bad, than be continued in good Fortune. In Prison first appeared Alphonso's extraordinary Endowments and Ornaments of Mind, which till then had lain hid; and the Duke of Milan charmed with them, was ambitious of his Friendship, and laid these Obligations upon him. He obtained more by losing the Victory, than he could have expected had he been Victor. Fortune sports between Extremes, and takes delight in showing her Power, in skipping from one to another. There is no Virtue but will shine in Adversity, as no Star but sparkles with greatest Lustre in the darkest Night. Then the weight shows the Palm's Strength when this is raised higher under it. The Rose preserves its Leaves longer fresh among Nettles than Flowers. Did not Virtue exert itself in Adversity too; it would not deserve Victories or Truimphs. 'Tis its Property to Conquer by suffering. Whence it evidently appears, how impious the Error (confuted by us in another place) of those is, who advise the Prince not to be bigoted to Virtue, but to comply with Vice when necessity shall require; a time in which he ought more particularly to approve himself constant in it, with greater hopes of Success: As it usually happened to the Emperor, Ferdinand the Second of Blessed Memory; who in his greatest Dangers would resolutely affirm, He'd rather lose the Empire, and all he had, and with his whole Family beg from Door to Door, than to commit an unjust thing to maintain his Grandeur. Words truly worthy so Pious a Prince, whose exemplary Piety and Faith were so acceptable to God Almighty, that he vouchsafed to take the Imperial Sceptre, and perform his Office here on Earth, giving him several signal and miraculous Victories. In the greatest Dangers and Distresses, when all hope failed, and humane Prudence and Valour were destitute of means, he always came off with most Success and greatest Triumph. The Roman Emperors of old lived in Affluence of Peace, and all manner of Delights, yet were tyrannised over by their own Passions, and racked by a thousand Fears. But this Pious Hero found Repose and Tranquillity of Mind amidst the raging Tempests, which the Fury of Rebels raised against his Empire, and most August House The just sings amidst Misfortunes, and the wicked Man weeps in his Impiety. Thus the fiery Furnace was as a Choir to the three Children 3 Dan. 3. 50. . Miseries and Hardships are attended with great Advantages; they correct the Prince's Pride, and reduce him to Reason; with what fury does the Wind sometimes storm? How arrogantly does the Sea swell and rage, its foaming Billows like Mountains threatening Heaven and Earth! And yet a small Shower composes and calms it. Thus Misfortunes raining from Heaven allay the Prince's Pride and Presumption. They make a just Governor of a Tyrant, of a Prince careless and negligent of his Affairs, one careful and circumspect. For, then even Necessity obliges him to take Care of his People, to esteem Nobility, honour Valour, do Justice, and respect Religion. Power is never in greater Danger than when all things flow prosperously. For Cares being then laid aside, too much Security is apt to stifle Counsel and Prudence. Ease and Idleness has been the Ruin of more Princes than Labour. 'Tis with them as with Bodies, which are kept in Vigour by Motion, without which they languish and decay. Whence it appears farther, how erroneous we are in our Judgements of Good and Evil, scarce ever knowing what is most for our Advantage. Adversity we look on as Rigour and Cha●fisement, when it is really Warning and Instruction. The Present of Earrings and a Sheep, which Iob's Friends and Relations made him, seems to intimate, that he should endure all things with a patiented, even Temper 4 Job 42. 12. , and that those Afflictions were precious Admonitions of God whispered in his Ear. God's afflicting us sometimes is wonderful Mercy, and on the contrary his Recompenses are Punishments; for by these he clears, as it were, the Bill of our Debts, and by paying for some of our Merits, remains Creditor to our Offences; whereas by afflicting us, he at once pays himself, and excites us to Amendment. EMBLEM XXXVI. THE expert and prudent Seaman is not always carried at the Pleasure of the Wind, but rather by 〈◊〉 Benefit of it, so disposes the Sails of his Ship, that 〈◊〉 arrives at the desired Port, and with the same Wind 〈◊〉 at which he pleases of two opposite Shores, with●● endangering his Voyage. But when the Heaven's calm; by the help of Sails and 〈◊〉 he out strips even the Wind itself. With no less 〈◊〉 and Diligence the Prince ought to Steer the Vessel of 〈◊〉 State in the tempestuous Sea of his Reign, so attentively observing all Storms that he may with Prudence and Valour make use of the same in their time and place. He is a Pilot, to whose Conduct the Life and Safety of all is committed; nor is any Ship more hazardous than a Crown exposed to so many Winds of Ambition, so many Rocks of Enemies, and Storms of People. King Sancho the Brave needed all his Industry to arm himself against Fortune, and secure the Right of his Crown. Almost the whole Science of Politics consists in knowing how to discern Times, and make use of them: A Storm sometimes bringing a Ship sooner into Harbour than a Calm. He, who can break the force of ill Fortune, renders it favourable; and one that knowing a Danger yields to it, and gives it time, at length surmounts it. When the Sailor finds there is no contending with the Billows, he strikes Sail and abandons himself to them; and because his Resistance would rather add force to the Wind, uses some narrow Creek to rest his Ship in, and shelter it from the Waves. Something must be granted Dangers, if one would escape them. james the First, King of Arragon, was sensible of the Aversion his Nobles and People had to him, and that it was by no means convenient to increase their Fury by an untimely Opposition, but rather to give it time to sink of itself; as Rivers do, whose Waters in a Tempest swell and overflow their Banks, voluntarily suffered himself to be played upon, and as it were imprisoned, till he restored all things to their former Calmness and Tranquillity, and reinstated himself in the Throne. The same discreet Moderation Queen Mary used, when by siding with the Grandees, and satisfying their Ambition, she preserved the Crown of Castille, during the Minority of her Son. Ferdinand the Fourth † Mar. Hist. Hisp. . Did the Sailor think it a dishonour to yield to a Storm, and were resolved with Sails and Oars to withstand it, his Ruin would be inevitable. Constancy consists not in unseasonable struggling, b●● in hoping, and so enduring Danger, without letting Fortune get the upper hand of one. In such Cases the Glory is to escape safe. What seems Baseness of Mind in them, is afterwards Magnanimity crowned with Success. When King Alphonso the Wise, saw himself deprived of his Kingdom, putting his whole Confidence in the King of Morocco's Assistance, made no difficulty to beg of Alphonso de Guzman, Governor of St. Lucar de Barameda, who upon some Disgust had retired to that Prince's Court, that forgetting all former Injuries, and remembering their ancient Amity, and his Nobility, he would stand his Friend, and endeavour to be an Instrument of that King's supplying him with Men and Money. Which Letters are to this Day kept in that most Illustrious and Ancient House. Nevertheless Kings ought not to yield to their Subject's violence, unless in Cases of Extremity, for he very little consults his Authority, who debases himself by too much Condescension. The dishonourable Terms King Ferdinand the Holy, constrained by his Nonage, made the House of Zara, no way appeased them. Nor could Isabel reclaim Alphonso Carillo, Bishop of Toledo, though she honoured him with a Visit at Alcala. I confess in desperate Cases, prudence is wont to try all ways that Chance can render possible. It is great Courage and Strength of Reason, on Occasions of that Nature to restrain the Spirits, and weigh the present Necessity, and greatness of the Danger against such means as may contribute more to the State's Preservation. No one was ever more Jealous of his Grandeur than Tiberius, yet he dissembled the Boldness of Lentulus Germanicus, who having the Command of the Germane Legions, was so audacious as to write to him with Threats, not to send him a Successor, covenanting as 'twere to let his Prince enjoy the Empire, provided he were continued in his Province 1 Reputante Tiberio, publicum sibi ●dium, extremam aetatem, magisque fama, quam vi stare res suay. Tac. 6. Ann. ; and he, who could not put up the Emulation of his Sons, took this slight patiently. Not but he knew the ill Consequence of letting such Disobedience go unpunished, but if he opposed it, he considered he should incur the public Odium; that he was now in Years, and in a State where his Affairs depended more upon Reputation than Strength. Subjects would be little beholding to the Valour of the Prince who governs them, if he should presently in ill Fortune submit to Necessity; and on the other side as little to his Prudence, if when that Fortune can't be overcome, he will however withstand it. Courage should be moderated by Prudence and Address, and what cannot be effected by Strength, should be the Work of Art and Industry. 'Tis no less glorious to avoid than to surmount a Danger. To fly it always is Sloth; to expect, Ignorance or Surprise; to despair Cowardice. Men of Courage make Head against Fortune herself. The Prince●s Duty and End is not lightly to contest with his State upon the Billows, but to conduct it to the Haven of Preservation and Safety. That is esteemed valiant Wisdom, which draws Benefit out of Adversity; as also, that which by struggling compasses its Ends sooner. Kings, the Masters of Times and Things, are always followed, never led by them. There's no Building, but whose Ruins, with what Addition Industry is wont to make, may Erect a more stately Fabric: Nor any State so entirely abandoned by Fortune, that Valour cannot preserve, and even advance, provided it consult Prudence upon Events, and know how to make right use of them, or at least to turn them to its Advantage. Ferdinand the Catholic, and Lewis the Twelfth of France, had divided between them the Kingdom of Naples; and the great Captain knowing the Circle of a Crown to have but one Centre, and that Empire admits of no Companion, endeavoured immediately to get his Master's Share into his Hands; that in Case of after Disputes, which he foresaw would arise between those two Kings, he might be the more at leisure, and use them afterwards to dispossess the King of France of his Part, as in Effect it happened. Accidents, it is true, have some force; but we increase or diminish them according to our Carriage under them. Our Ignorance gives Divinity and Power to Fortune, in that we lightly resign ourselves to her Vicissitudes. Did we change our Customs and Measures as oft as she does the Times, she would not be so powerful, nor we so subject to her Empire. The Make of our clothes we altar with the Mode, but neglect our Mind and Manners. What Wind does not the skilful Pilot make serviceable to his Voyage? As that veres he trims his Sails, and thus all conduce to the end he proposes. We refuse to shake off the ill Habits of our Nature, either out of Self-love or Imprudence, and afterwards lay the fault on Casualty. We grow desperate before we seek to remedy our Misfortunes, and through Obstinacy or Inadvertency, let Despair get the Ascendant over us. We cannot in Adversity lay aside that Pride, Anger, Vainglory, Detraction, and those other Vices which Prosperity bred in us; nor are without great difficulty induced to acknowledge them that have brought us into that unhappy Condition. Every moment in every Affair, with whomsoever of his Subjects the Prince shall have to do, he ought to differ from himself and change his Nature. Nor does this require any extraordinary Knowledge, but a certain Disposition only, and Capacity to adapt one's self to all Contingences, and Prudence to foresee them. Now, as we are lost in Adversity for want of furling the Sails of our Passions, and submitting to it for a time; so also do we bring Destruction upon ourselves and Princes, when we indiscreetly and conceitedly go about to measure their Interest, Passions, and Inclinations, by our own Natures and Advantages: It being impossible for a Minister of a liberal Temper to exert his Generosity under a Covetous, Griping Prince; or one Valiant and Active with one Slothful and Cowardly. Our Motions should be regulated by the Activity of the Prince's Sphere. This was a fault in Corbulo, who serving Claudius, a pusilanimous, mean-spirited Prince, made many rash Attempts, by which he could not but be disagreeable to him 4 Cur hostem concitet? adversa in Remp. casura; sin prosperè egisset, formidolos●m paci virum insignem, & ignavo principi praegravem. Tac. 2. Ann. . In some Ministers an imprudent Zeal is the cause of this Error; in others, which is most frequent, Self-love and Vainglory, which makes them desirous to appear prudent in the Eyes of the World, and show their Ability, as if, forsooth, by their means alone the Prince succeeded; but that whatever he undertakes by himself, or others, is faulty; and thus under Colour of Zeal they publish the Government's Defects, and discredit their Prince: Artifices which generally the Minister himself feels the Effect of afterwards by the loss of his Prince's Favour. He that consults his Interest, and would establish his Fortune, must with all possible speed fly such Affectations, as odious to the Prince and whole World; he should be more serviceable in Deed than in Word; he should conform to the Prince's Nature and Condition, reducing him to Reason, and his Duty, under Colour of Service, with Humility and a quiet Industry, without Noise and Arrogance 5 Tac. 3. Ann. . It is the ruin of Valour and Virtue to be too nice Observers of Constancy, and to think that their whole Reputation depends upon it; for in the mean time others more various, who can transform themselves into any Shape, and suit theirs to the Prince's Nature, carry away the Gratuities and Preferments. But these are not to be used with Aletoes Design, to deceive; but to prevent being unadvisedly ruined at Court, or to render one more serviceable to the Prince, for the●e are some of such a Make, that it is absolutely necessary for the Minister to put on their Nature; and as I may say, to creep into them, to make them move and act; as Men, who neither will be directed by others Counsel, nor can dispatch their own 6 Neque alients consilis regi, neque sua expedire. Tac. 3. Hist. . And consequently not always what is most expedient is to be advised a Prince, but what he is in Duty obliged to execute. Those courageous Counsels which were given Vitellius, though the best in the World, were useless because he wanted Resolution to put them in Practice 7 Surdae ad fortia consilia Vitellio aures. Tac. 3. Hist. ; he was usually deaf to them. Ministers are as it were the Prince's Sails. Now, if they are large, and the Prince a shallow Vessel, if they are always loosed without Consideration of the Burden of the Boat, they will certainly overset it. EMBLEM XXXVII. THAT the Prince may not escape the Storm without full Instructions in all Accidents that ill Fortune can throw him into; this Device represents the choice of the lesser Evil, when the greater are inevitable. Thus the Pilot, when he has● lost all hopes of being saved by Opposition, or Compliance with the Tempest, endeavours to make the Land, and run his Ship ashore; where, if he lose his Ship, yet he saves his Life and Merchandise. It was very commendable in the Romans, that when they could not oppose Fortune, they provided for their own Security. The Prince's Valour consists not only in resisting, but withal in weighing Dangers, and submitting to the less, when the greater is insuperable. For as it is the part of Prudence to prevent, so it is of Courage and Constancy 〈◊〉 bear patiently what is not in the power of Prudence to decline, a thing Alphonso the Sixth was a great Ma●●r of; a Prince modest in Prosperity, valiant in Ad●●sity, never unprepared for any Accident. 'Tis a Vainglory of a Prince, who with more Temerity 〈◊〉 Valour, chooses rather to die in the greater Dan●er, than escape in the lesser. He consults more his own Fame than the Public Safety; or rather wants Courage to despise the Opinions of the Multitude, who inconsiderately, and without any knowledge of the Accidents, condemn prudent Resolutions; and when in Danger, are against having recourse to Remed●●s so dangerous and violent. That sometimes looks like Courage is Cowardice; where presence of Mind is wanting to hope in danger, the Confusion of Fear casts us into it. When Prudence and Fortitude go hand in hand, than Consideration takes place; and if it find not safety in the lesser, is not afraid to encounter the greater Danger. 'Tis a base weakness to die with fear. There is no Valour like what necessity inspires. 'Tis commonly the last Remedy in desperate cases, neither to hope nor quite despair. Thus a Ship not daring to ●●●st the Shore, abandons itself to the wide Sea, and by the force of its Billows escapes. One Peril is ordinarily the Remedy of another. Upon this, I conceive, was grounded the Counsel some gave Galba in a Conspiracy against him, to oppose the first fury of it 1 Proinde intuta quae indecora; vel si cadere necesse sit, occurrendu● 〈◊〉, Tac. 1. Hist. . Garcias Gomez defended the Fort of Xerez, (which he was Governor of in the time of Alphonso the Wise) and although he saw all his Men killed or wounded, would not Surrender, nor accept the Terms, though honourable, which the Moors offered him; for having little Confidence in them, he chose rather to die gloriously in the Arms of his Fidelity, than those of his enemy's; and what in all appearance was like to cost him his Life, in a wonderful manner charmed his Enemies, who admiring his Bravery and Resolution, by a Hook drew him out of the Citadel alive, using him with great Civility, and carefully dressing the Wounds he had received during the Siege † Mar. Hist. Hisp. . Such is the force of Valour, that it captivates even Enemies. Courage has given life to more than Fear. I know not what Divinity attends and rescues it from Dangers. When Ferdinand, the Holy, besieged Sevil, Garcias Perez de Vargas, a Citizen of Toledo, with another, being separated from their Company, were passing along the River Guadalquivir, when on a sudden they spy seven Moorish Horse making towards them: His Comrade advises him to retire, but Garcias not to incur the ●gnomity of Cowardice by a dishonourable Flight, pulls down the Vizer of his Helmet, brandishes his Sword, and advances by himself: The Moors knowing his ' Person, and admiring his Resolution, let him pass without attacking him. Thus his Heroic Valour saved him; for had he fled with his Companion, the Enemy had in all probability pursued and took him Prisoner. It requires a Mind free and disengaged to examine Dangers; first in the Report, and afterwards in the Quality of them: In the Rumour, because those are generally esteemed greatest which are farthest off. The People hear and tremble at them, and seditiously spread and increase them, rejoicing at their own Misfortunes because unusual, or out of Disaffection to the present Government. It is therefore the Prince's part to appear firm, and to disperse such idle Apprehensions. As upon those Reports which were spread in the time of Tiberius, of the Revolt of the Provinces of France, Spain, and Germany, he never betrayed the least discomposure, nor changed his Residence, nor way of living, as well knowing the levity of such Reports 2 Tanto impensius in securitatem compositus, neque loco, neque vultu mutato, sed ut solitum per illos dies egit; alti●●dine animi, an competerat, modica esse & v●lgatis leviora? Tac. 3. Hist. . If once a Prince surrender to Fear, he will be ever after uncapable of resolving. For than prudent Counsels and popular Rumours will be received with equal credit. As they were by Vitellius in the Civil War with Vespasian 3 Quia in metu consilia prudentium, & vulgi rumor juxta audiun●● Ibid. . Dangers imminent appear greatest, being clothed by Fear with horror, and by Presence magnified; and we by endeavouring to escape them, fall into others abundantly greater, which though they seem at a distance, we afterwards find too near. 'Tis idle to imagine we can avert them by interposing a little time. Many have vanished by being resisted, on the contrary, Opposition has encreas●d others, and they have proved real, which were only imaginary. As it happened to the Syrians Army before Samaria 4 2 Kings 6. 7. . Fear of danger has destroyed more than Danger itself. What vain Apprehension can do? We have within these few Years seen at a public Bull-fight at Madrid, when a sudden Bruit being raised of some danger in the place where they fought, struck Confusion and Terror into all, though not one knew the Reason. The confused Flight of some increased the Consternation, and because none would stay to know the certainty, many ran into the Jaws of Death by the same way they took to escape it; and the Consequence had been much worse, had not the Constancy of Philip the Fourth, whom every one's Eyes were upon, unmoved at the Commotion and Rumour, raised the trembling Spirits of his Subjects, except the Prince in Dangers and Misfortunes of this Nature, can repress the People's fears, Counsels are confounded, all Command, and none Obey. To be too cautious in avoiding Dangers, is sometimes the utter Ruin of States. Frederick, Count Palati●e, had not lost his, and his Electorate, had not fear after his Defeat given Wings to him to abandon all: For he might easily have retired to Prague, or some other place, with the Remnant of his Forces, and compounded with the Emperor, so by making choice of the lesser Evil have escaped the greater. We are oftentimes deluded by fear so disguised, that we take it for Prudence, and Constancy for Ra●●ness. We sometimes boggle, and are at a stand what to resolve, and in the interim the Danger steals on us. All things are not to be feared, nor is Deliberation always required, for between Prudence and Precipitation, Valour often designs noble Actions. The Great Captain having entered the River Garillan with his Army, was reduced to such straits, that his Soldiers mutined and deserted; and when his Office● advised him to Retreat, he answered, This I have resolved with myself, rather to gain Ground, though 〈◊〉 enough for a Grave, than give back a step, might I live an hundred Years. An Heroic Sentence, worthy the Courage and Prudence of so Great a Man. H● well knew, that without Rashness there was no hope●, in the Case he then was; but weighing the Dang●● against the Credit of his Arms, the only support of 〈◊〉 Faction in the Kingdom, which entirely depended upon the Success of that Expedition, he chose rather to put all to the risk of one Battle, and maintain his Repute, than to lose by degrees with dishonours How often for want of a timely Incision have we 〈◊〉 Wounds fester and spread. Some Dangers vanish of themselves, others are increased by negligence, and waste Kingdoms insensibly● and make them perish as it were by a Consumptions Some are unknown; of these one can't be too Ca●tious, for that they surprise before a Remedy can be provided. Others are known but slighted, by these negligence, and too much confidence are usually su●ferers. No Danger, though never so inconsiderable should be despised, for Time, and other Accidents often augment them, and Valour consists not so much in vanquishing, as in diverting Dangers. To live in sight ●●ereof, is as bad as to suffer them 5 Nemo mortalium juxta viperam secures somnos sapit, quae etsi non percutiat certe solicitat; tutius est perire non posse, quam juxta pericul●m 〈◊〉 periisse. Sanct. Hier. . Nor is the Confidence we put in another's Clemency less treacherous, when to decline one Danger we fall into a greater, as when we surrender ourselves at Discretion to an Enemy; we consider in him only the generosity of Pardon, not the force of Revenge or Ambition; we measure his Compassion by our Grief and Affliction, and are apt to persuade ourselves that we can move him to relieve us. When james the Third, King of Majorca, was too weak for his Brother-in-Law, Peter the Fourth of Arragon, who upon I know not what pretence would dispossess him of his Dominions; he put himself into his Hands, thinking this Submission would obtain what his Arms could not; but that King was more influenced by Ambition than Clemency, so that he deprived him of his Kingdom and Title. Thus Dangers deceive us, and we find that to be the greater, which we chose as the lesser. There can be no assurance in Counsel grounded on Principles that depend on another's pleasure. We deceive ourselves in supposing others will act nothing but what is agreeable to Religion, Justice, Relation, or Friendship, or but what is consistent with their Honour and Interest. Not considering that Men are not always guided by their Advantage or Duty, but rather by their private Passions and Sentiments; and consequently their Actions are not only to be examined by the Rule of Reason, but also by that of Malice, and the Experience of the ordinary Injustices and Tyrannies of the World. Dangers are a Prince's best Masters. The past teach 〈◊〉 to remedy the present, and prevent the future: Those of others are, 'tis true, instructing, but they are easily forgot. Our own leave in the Soul some Marks and Scars of the losses sustained, as that which has once wounded the Imagination does fear. Let not then contempt or forgetfulness ever erase them, especially when having escaped a Danger, we fancy the same will never return, or if it does, will not annoy us; for though some one Circumstance, which is very unlikely to happen a second time, may remove Dangers, yet other succeeding new ones make them unavoidable. EMBLEM XXXVIII. FROM Nature, this universal Commonwealth of things, and Empire of mixed Bodies, derive their Original, the supreme Government of which she lays claim to; and for the more firm establishment, and more secure maintaining of it, has made herself so loved by them, that the Elements, even in the midst of their contrariety with an admirable consent, conspire to preserve it. All things would be soon dissolved, did they hate Nature their Princess and Sovereign, who with mutual ties of Love and Benevolence, as with the fastest knot, unites them. It is this Love which holds the Earth in Aequilibrio, and makes the Orbs of Heaven whirl round it. Let this Monarchy of things created, founded in their first Being, be a Lesson to defend their Persons and Subjects by affection, the most faithful guard they can have about them 1 Corporis custodiam tutissimam esse putatam in virtute amicorum, tum in benevolentia civium esse collocatam. Isocr. ad Nic. . Claud. Not Guards, nor Groves of Pikes defend like Love. This is the only impregnable Fort 2 Salvum Principem in aperto clementia praestabit, vivum erit inexpugnabile monument ●n amor civium. Sen. de Clem. lib. 1 ca 19 . For which reason the Bees elect a King without a Sting, for he has no need of Arms, who is beloved by his Subjects. Nature would by no means have it in his power to hurt, whose duty 'tis to govern, lest he become odious, and promote his own ruin. The greatest and most absolute power a Prince can have (says K. Alphonso) is when he loves his People, and they reciprocally love him. The body defends the Head, upon account of the Love it bears it, in consideration, that this directs and preserves it: else would it not hold up its arm toward the threatening blow. Who would expose himself to Hazards, except he had a Love for his Prince? Who protect and defend his Crown? The whole Kingdom of Castille sided with the Infant Henry, against K. Peter the Cruel, because the one was beloved by all, the other as universally hated. The first Principle of the ruin of Kingdoms, and all the Revolutions in States is Hatred. The Kings Ordonno and Fruela the Second were so abominated by their Subjects, that the very name of King became odious; Castille was reduced into a Commonwealth, and the Government divided between two Judges, one of which administered affairs of Peace, the other those of War † Mar. hist. Hisp. . Portugal never took up Arms against its Kings, nor revolted from its obedience; the reason is, it bears a sincere affection towards them; and if at any time it has excluded one and admitted another, 'twas, because one was beloved, the other for Maladministration hated. It was the advice of james the First of Arragon to Alphonso the Wise, to seek rather the Love than Fear of his Subjects, and to ingratiate himself with the Clergy and Commons, that he might be the better able to grapple with the Nobility; which Counsel if he had followed, he had never lost the Crown. Nero no sooner ceased to be loved, than Conspiracies were formed against him, a thing which Subrius Flavius upbraided him with to his face 3 Nec quisquam tibi fidelior militum ●uit, dum amari meruisti, odisse ●aepi postquam parricida Matris & Uxo●is, auriga, histrio, & incendiar●us extitisti. Tac. 15. ann. . A King's Power and Majesty consist not in his own Person, but in the Affection and good Will of his Subjects. If they be disaffected, who will oppose his Enemies? 'Tis Preservation makes the people want a King, but that can never be expected from one, who makes himself hated. The Arragonians prudently foresaw this, when having called to the Crown Peter Altharez Lord of Borgia, from whom the most ancient and illustrious Family of the Dukes of Gandia is descended, they afterwards repent, and would not have him for their King, because they saw he used them with Austerity and Rigour, even before his Election. Contrary to what Ferdinand the First, King of Arragon did, who by Love and Benevolence, engaged the hearts of all in that Kingdom, as also in Castille during his Reign there. We have seen many Princes ruined by Fear, none ever by Love. If therefore a Prince would be formidable, let it be to his Enemies, but let him endeavour to be beloved by his Subjects; without which, though he come victorious over them, he will at last fall by the hands of these. As it befell Bardanus King of Persia 4 Clarit●●ine paucos inter senatum Regum, siperinde amorem inter populares, quam metum apud hostes quaesivisset. Tac. 11. ann. . Love and Respect may be joined, but not Love and servile Fear. He who is feared is hated, and he who is hated is by no means secure. Quem metuunt, oderunt. Quem quisque odit periisse expedit. Enn. He who is feared by many, also fears many. And what greater misfortune is there, than to command those who obey through Fear, and govern Bodies rather than Minds? The difference between the just Prince and the Tyrant is, That one uses Arms to maintain his Subjects in Peace, the other to protect himself against them. If the strength and power of a Prince hated, be small, he is much exposed to danger from his Subjects; if great, yet much more. For the greater their fear is, the more solicitous are they to provide for their Security, as apprehending his cruelty will increase with his Grandeur, as in Bardanus King of Persia, whose Glory made him more severe and insupportable to his Subjects 5 I●geus gloria, atque eo f●rocior, & subjectis intolerantior, Tac. 11. ann. . If not for fear of danger, at least in gratitude, a Prince should avoid being terrible to those by whom he reigns. Whence that was a very unworthy saying of Caligula, Let them hate me, so they fear me; as if the security of Empire consisted in Fear: Whereas no power can be lasting where fear bears the sway. And though Seneca said, He knows not how to govern, who is too fearful of Hatred; Fear defends Kingdoms: 'Tis a Tyrannic Maxim, or is to be understood of that vain Fear which sometimes Princes are in of offending others, even when their Commands are just, which doubtless is dangerous, and not a little derogatory from their Authority. He can never reign, who wants Constancy and Courage to despise the Hatred of ill men, to preserve the good. Nor is Caligula's Sentence justified by that of the Emperor Tiberius; Let them hate me, so they approve me. For no action of a person hated is ever approved. Hatred blames all, and puts the worst Construction on every thing. When once a Prince is hated, his good actions as well as bad are interpreted against him. It seems necessary for a Tyrant to keep his Subjects in awe, in as much as his Empire being violent, must be supported by violent means, there wanting those two Obligations of Nature and voluntary Subjection, which, as Alphonso the Wise says, are the greatest Debts a man can owe his Lord. And the Tyrant sensible, that without these bands 'tis impossible there should be real Love between him and his Subjects, endeavours by force to make Fear effect what ought to proceed from natural Affection; and as his disturbed Conscience fears Cruelty against itself, it exercises it upon others 6 Wisd. 17. 11. . But the lamentable examples of all Tyrants abundantly show how short-lived this method is. For though we see the Empires of the Turks, Muscovites and Tartars have been continued for many Ages by Fear alone, yet these barbarous Nations ought not to be made a Precedent: Their Manners are so savage, that they seem to have more of the Brute than the Man, being commonly led more by Punishment than reason, and consequently by that only can be kept in subjection, as Brutes are not tamed but by Force and Fear. Yet generous Spirits suffer not themselves to be compelled or cheated into Obedience, but are induced thereto by sincerity and reason. For, says King Alphonso, our people being loyal and courageous, their Loyalty ought to be maintained by truth, and their Courage by right and justice. There is usually 'twixt the Prince and his Subjects such a kind of inclination and natural Sympathy, as renders him amiable without any more care; for a Prince who deserved Hatred is sometimes loved, and on the contrary one hated who merited Love. And though eminent Virtues and Accomplishments of Mind and Body are wont of themselves to challenge Love, yet they have not always this effect, unless accompanied with an agreeable kind of Humour, a sweet, obliging Air, which through the Eyes, as Windows of the Mind, shows the inward Goodness, and engages men's Affections. Besides that, accidents which could not be prevented, or some sinister apprehension may so break this Love and good Will between the Prince and Subject, that it can never after be reunited; yet much may be done in that case by skill and address, in knowing how to govern to the satisfaction of the Nobles and Commons, avoiding giving them any occasion of displeasure, and behaving himself in all particulars, so as to create a good opinion of his Government. But since the means whereby the Affections of Subjects may be procured, are every where scattered through this Book, I shall only say here in general, that nothing contributes more to the obtaining it, than Religion, Justice and Liberality. But because without some Species of Fear, Love would be soon turned to Contempt, and the edge of Regal Authority blunted 7 Timore Princeps ●ciem authoritatis suae non patitur hebescere. Cic. 1. Ca●. , it is highly requisite, that Subjects entertain such an awe as arises from Respect and Veneration, not tha● which is the result of danger from Injustice and Tyranny. So necessary it is for a Prince to make himself feared by not suffering Indignities, maintaining Justice, and abhorring Vice, that without such an awe in Subjects, 'twould be impossible to be long secure: For all naturally desire Liberty, and the inferior part of man rebels against Reason, and is incorrigible but by Fear. The Prince must therefore tame his Subjects as the Horse-courser breaks his Colt, (the figure of the present Emblem) who with the same hand strokes and curries him and threatens him with the Whip. Both the Rod and the Manna were kept in the Ark of the Tabernacle, to intimate, as I imagine, that Rigour and Clemency should be joined in the Prince's person. God's Rod and Staff comforted David; for if that wounded, this supported him 8 Ps. 22. 4. Exod. 19 . When God gave the Law of the Decalogue to the Israelites on Mount Sinai, he at once terrified them with Thunder and Lightning, and pleasing, allured them with Heavenly Music; both the one and the other is necessary to preserve a Love and Veneration in Subjects. Let this therefore be the Prince's Study, to make himself at once loved and feared: loved, as the Protector of his People; feared, as the Soul of the Law, upon which all their Lives and Estates depend: loved for his Rewards, feared for his Punishments: loved for his Goodness, feared for his Authority: loved as a Promoter of Peace, feared as Arbiter of War. So that the good in loving him may find cause to fear: the Bad in fearing him may find something to love in him. This Fear is as necessary to the preservation of the Sceptre, as that which proceeds from the Pride, Injustice, and Tyranny of the Prince, is prejudicial and dangerous to it, in leading to Despair 9 Ita agere in subjectis, ut magi● vereantur severitatem, quam ut saevitiam ejus detestentur. Colum. . The one procures his Liberty with the Prince's Ruin; God breaking the Staff of the wicked, and the Sceptre of such as rule with too much severity 10 Isa. 14. 5, 6. . Whereas the other by conforming himself to Reason, studies to avoid his Anger and Punishment. This Fear is of the same brood with Love. For there can be no Love without fear of losing the Object loved, and care to continue in its favour. But since 'tis not so much in the Prince's power to beget Love as Fear, 'tis better for him to ground his security on this than that alone, which as the product of the Will is various and inconstant; nor is any artificial Flattery, any forced Complaisance sufficient to gain the Hearts of all. That Prince I take for a great Governor, who alive is feared, and dead, loved by his Subjects; as Ferdinand the Catholic was, for if he be not loved, 'twill suffice that he is esteemed and feared. EMBLEM XXXIX. THere is an ancient Medal to be seen, upon the Reverse of which is engraven a flash of Lightning upon an Altar, to signify, that a Prince's severity ought to yield to Prayers: an Emblem offensive to the Eyes, the Lightning of Punishment being represented so lively and so near to Pardon, that fear may be apt to dash all hope in the goodness of the Altar. And though it be fit sometimes, that the looks of the Prince before whom the criminal bends, should at once represent the Terror of Justice, and Mildness of Mercy; yet this is not always proper, for that were contrary to the advice of the H. Spirit, who would have Life and Clemency shine in a King's Countenance 1 Prov. 16. 15. . In this Emblem therefore, instead of the Lightning I have placed upon the Altar the Golden Fleece, introduced by Philip the Good Duke of Burgundy, not to signify, as many imagine, the fabulous Fleece of Colchos, but that of Gideon, which for a token of Victory was moistened with the Dew of Heaven, when all the Country about it was dry 2 Jud. 6. 37. . A Symbol whereby Meekness and Humility is expressed, as the same is signified by that immaculate Lamb the Son of God, offered for the World's Salvation. The Prince is a Victim devoted to Fatigues and Dangers for the common good of his Subjects. A precious Fleece, rich in Dew and other Blessings of Heaven. Here they ought at all times to find wherewithal to quench their Thirst, to redress their Grievances; let him be always affable, always sincere and benign towards them, which will be more effectual than severity. Upon the sight of Alexander's pleasing Looks, the Conspirators immediately threw down their Arms. The serenity of Augustus tied the hands of the Gaul, who went to throw him down a Precipice in the Alps. The modest and sweet Temper of King Ordonno the first strangely won the Hearts of his Subjects. Sancho the Third was called the Desired, not so much for the shortness of his Life, as for his Affability. And the Arragonians received Ferdinand the Infant, King Martin's Nephew to the Crown, upo● a liking they took to his obliging Demeanour. Modesty and good Humour all must love. Obedience is sufficiently heavy and odious of itself; let not the Prince add Rigour to it; for that is a File, wherewith natural Liberty generally cuts the chains of Slavery. If Princes in Adversity think Complaisance and Humanity to be used for a remedy, why should it not as well in Prosperity for a Preservative? The benign Aspect of the Prince gains a pleasing Empire over men's minds; 'tis a dissimulation of Sovereignty. By Complacency, I do not here mean that which is so vulgar, that it begets Contempt, but which has so agreeable a mixture of Gravity and Authority, as leaves room for Love, but a Love attended with respect: for where this is wanting, that is apt to turn too familiar and aspire to an Equality. And if the august part of Majesty be not maintained, there will be no difference between the Prince and Subject 3 Comitas facile faustum omne atterit, & in familiari consuetudine agrè custodias illud opinionis augustum. Herod. lib. 1. . Some ornament of the Person (as has been before hinted) and a well tempered Gravity is requisite to support the Royal Dignity; for I can by no means approve of a Prince's making himself so familiar with every one, that it may be said of him as it was of Agricola, who was so plain in his dress, so condescending and familiar, that many sought his Fame in his person, but few found it 4 Cultu modi●us, sermon facilis; adeo ut plerique, quibus magnos viros per ambitionem astimare mos est, viso aspectoque Agricola, quaererent famam, pauci interpretarentur. Tac. in vit. Agr. . For what is common, no one admires, and respect is the genuine effect of admiration. Some grave severity must appear in the Prince's face, and something extraordinary in his Carriage and Royal Port to show supreme power; but this severity should be so qualified by Sweetness, that jointly they may beget Love and Reverence in the Subject, not Fear 5 Et videri velle non asperum, sed cum gravitate honestum, & talem, ut eum non timeant obvii, sed magis revereantur. Arist. Pol. lib. 5. c. 11. . The Sword has been often drawn in France against the Regal Majesty, for being too familiar. Affability must not diminish Authority, nor Severity Love; a thing Tacitus admired in Agricola, 6 Nec illi quod rarissimum est, aut facilitas authoritatem▪ aut severitas amorem diminuit. Tac. in vit. Agr. and commended in the Emperor Titus, who appeared affable to his Soldiers without derogating from his Authority as General 7 Atque ipse, ut super fortunam crederetur, decorum se, promptumque armis ostentabat, comitate & alloquiis officia provocans, ac plerumque i● opere, in agmine, in gregario militi mixtus, incorrupto ducis honore. Tac. 5. hist. . Let the Prince compose his Looks, that they may at once assert Authority and invite Love; let him appear grave, not austere; animate, not drive into Despair: looking always with a graceful, agreeable Smile, using words complaisant, and gravely courteous. Some think themselves no Princes, except they show something irregular in their Expressions, Looks and Port, contrary to the common way of other men: so ignorant Statuaries think the art and perfection of a Coloss, consists in having bloated Cheeks, blubber Lips, lowering Brows and squint Eyes. True Greatness doth not consist in mighty State, † Claud. In lofty Mein and Words, or haughty Gate. King A●asuerus was of so terrible an Aspect, that Queen Hester coming into his presence fell into a Swoon 9 H●sther 15. 11. , and had not recovered, but that the King, his Spirit being changed by a divine Impression 10 Ibid. , held out the Sceptre 11 Ibid. , to show her it was but a piece of gilded Wood, and himself a Man, not a Vision as she imagined 12 Ibid. . If Majesty too severe and disorderly could produce this Effect in a Queen, what will it in a private person oppressed with Poverty and Affliction? The Holy Scriptures call a Prince Physician 13 Isai. 3. 7. , and Father 14 Eccl. 4. 10. , and neither this cures nor that governs with Inhumanity. But if upon occasion, the Prince frowns upon a Subject, let his Reprimands begin with an Encomium on his Virtues, afterwards laying before him the Deformity of his Crime, and thus strike him with a generous Fear, in as much as the shadow of Vice is most conspicuous when opposed to the light of Virtue; care also should be taken, that the reproof be not so harsh and public, that the Subject losing his Reputation, shall withal, lose all hopes of retrieving it, and so obstinately persist in his fault. Let Anger therefore and Mildness, Punishment and Rewards be so intermixed, as in the Golden Fleece, the Steels and Flints are knit together, and between them Flames of Fire, to signify that the Prince's Heart should resemble the Firestone or Flint, which keeps the sparks of its Anger shut up, lest they should hurt any one rashly; yet in such a manner, that if it happen to be struck by Injury or Contempt, it immediately breaks out into fire of Revenge and Justice, yet those not so quick in execution, but it has the Dew of the Fleece at hand to extinguish, at least to moderate them. God said to Ezekiel, as Adamant and Flint have I made thy forehead 15 Ezek. 3. 9 , signifying by that the constancy of Justice, and by this the fire of Piety. But if the Prince cannot break his rough and savage Nature, let him at least keep an obliging Family to supply his place, giving a courteous reception to all Business and Petitions. A Prince is often beloved or hated upon account of his Servants; they very much cloak their Master's roughness, if they have the skill to moderate it, or to excuse it by their Affability and Discretion. Some Nations hid the Royal Majesty behind Veils and Curtains when he gives Audience, without exposing him to the people. A Custom inhuman to the Prince, severe and cruel to the Subjects, who usually find comfort in their Prince's presence, if not in his hands. This Retreat may make the Prince more feared, but never more beloved. 'Tis through the Eyes and Ears that Love strikes the Heart. What we neither see nor hear, we can't love. A Prince who refuses the sight and speech of his Subjects, refuses to hear their Necessities and to remedy them; the Tongue is an easy instrument, that aught to reconcile the Minds of all: let not the Prince make it harsh and dis-agreeable. King john the First, because he was short, and had an impediment in his Speech, lost the Portuguese in his Pretention to that Crown, upon the death of King Peter. 'Tis not sufficient for the Prince to dispatch business by Memorials and Petitions, for by them the Sentiments are not so well expressed. They not being attended with Sighs and other moving Actions, they are but dry Tears, and have not that force upon the Prince. The doors of Temples are always open, so also should be those of Palaces; for Princes are God's Vicegerents, and the Altars (as we have said) which the people fly to in their Afflictions and Calamities. 'Twould be a scandalous thing for a Soldier to find it more easy to charge through a Squadron of Pikes, than to come to the presence through the midst of Swiss and Dutch Guards, who, like armed Hedgehogs, are neither gained by Prayers nor Civility. Let people come to me, says the Emperor Rodolphus, for I am not Emperor to be shut up in a box. This retirement makes the mind savage 16 Etiam fera animalia si clausa teneas, virtutis obliviscuntur. Tac. 4. Hist. . Attention to Government, and Communication soften the temper and render it easy. Princes, like Hawks, are tamed by the assiduity of Affairs, and by familiarity with Men. The Kingdom of Leon rebelled against King Ramirez the Third, for his difficulty of Access. King Ferdinand the Holy was denied to none, and every one had admittance even to his most private Apartment: The Kings Alphonso the Twelfth, and Henry the Third, gave public Audience three times a Week, as did also their Catholic Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabel † Mar. hist. Hisp. . Nature has put doors to the Eyes and Tongue, but has left the Ears open, that they may be ready to hear at all times. Let not a Prince then stop 'em, but harken favourably to those that would speak to him. Let him comfort either by Reward or Hope, for that is one kind of satisfaction which supports Merit. Let him not always use set Forms and general Answers; for those which are given to all satisfy none, nor is it a small trouble to the Petitioner to receive an answer that he knew before: Let him not always hear, let him ask sometimes 17 Eccl. 23. 12. , for he who does not inquire, will never be well informed. Let him throughly know the state of affairs, and let his Audiences be instructive, not merely ceremonial; as were those of Ferdinand the Holy, Alphonso King 〈◊〉 Arragon, King Ferdinand the Catholic, and the Empe●●● Charles the Fifth, by which they were beloved and re●●ected by their Subjects, and esteemed by Strangers. As ●●e Audience should be easy, so it ought also to be speedy; ●●r the delay of a benefit diminishes the Obligation. Tho' there are some affairs of that Nature, that 'tis better to let time undeceive them, than either the Prince or his Minister's. For all had rather be entertained with Hope, than be dispatched with Despair, which in prudent Courts is ●ound, not given. I don't approve of the Prince's exposing himself in the Streets and public Places, for the People; 'tis true, admire him the first time, observe him the second, and slight him the third 18 Continuus aspectus minus verendos magnos homines ipsa societate f●it. Liv. . That which is not seen is respected most 19 Arcebantur conspectu, quo venerationis plus inesset. Tac. 4. hist. , ●nd the Eyes often despise what the opinion esteemed. 'Tis not convenient the people should know whether the chain of their Slavery be of Iron or of Gold, passing judgement upon the parts and qualifications of the Prince. We respect that most which is farthest distant 20 Cui major è l●nginquo reverenti●. Tac. ●. ann. . Some Nations take the Prince's Affability and Complaisance for a Vice. Others dislike his reservedness, and would have him mild and courteous, as the Portuguese and the French. The Extremes in one and tother are always dangerous, and he will be best able to moderate them, who in his Actions and Government, remembers that he is both Prince and Man. EMBLEM XL. THE Scriptures call Princes Mountains, and the rest of Mankind, Hills and Valleys 1 Ye Mountains of Israel, hear the word of the Lord God, 〈◊〉 saith the Lord God to the Mountains, and to the Hills, to the Rivers, and to the Valleys, Ezek. 6. 3. . This comparison comprehends the great Affinity between them; for Mountains are Princes of the Earth, as being near●● Heaven, and superior to the other works of Nature, as also for their Liberality, by which from their own generous Bowels, they supply with continual Streams the droughty Plains and Valleys beneath, clothing them with Flowers and Verdure, this being the true property of Princes. By this virtue more than any is a Prince allied to God, who 〈◊〉 ever giving to all plentifully 2 ●ames 1. 5. ; 'tis this renders obedience more prompt, for a Present from him who could command, forces Obligation. Subjection is agreeable when 'tis beneficial. King Charles of Navarre, called the Noble, gained the Love of all by his Liberality. King Henry the Second did thereby wipe out the Murder of his Brother King Peter, and established his Right to the Crown. What cannot a liberal Prince do? What can't a golden Sceptre oblige to? Even Tyranny 3 Prov. 19 6. is connived at and born with, when the Prince knows how to give, especially when it gains the Applause of the people, by supplying the public Necessities, and rewarding persons of Merit. This virtue, in my opinion, maintained Tiberius in the Empire, for this he always practised 4 Quam virtutem diu retinuit, cum caeteras 〈◊〉. Tac. 1. ann. . But there is nothing more pernicious to a Prince, than Liberality and Goodness (for they usually go together) if not used with Moderation. Liberality, says King Alphonso the Wise, becomes all men of power, but principally a King, when he uses it to purpose, and as he should. Garcias Sancho, King of Navarr, lost his Subjects affections, by the same Liberality with which he hoped to have gained them; for to maintain it, he oppressed them with Taxes and Impositions. Prodigality is little distant from Rapine or Tyranny; for when the Treasury is drained by Ambition, it must of necessity be recruited by ill and indirect means 5 Ac velut perfringere aerarium: 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 exhauserimus, per scelera supplendum ●rit. Tac. 2. ann. . He who gives more than he is able, says Alphonso the Wise, is not liberal but prodigal; and when his own stock fails, he will be obliged to make use of others; so that if on one side he ●●kes Friends by what he gives, he on th'other side makes Enemy's by what he takes away. Diego d' Arias, Treasurer to King Henry the Fourth, lest he should fall into this inconvenience, represented to him the Extravagance of his Liberality, and that 'twas convenient, that his Retinue should be reduced to a lesser number, and that the Salaries allowed to such as did not actually serve, or were any ways incapacitated, might be taken off: to whom the King made this Answer, I too, were I Arias, should more respect my Money th●n my Liberality; you say well as to yourself, but as for me, I'll act as becomes a King, without fear of poverty, or exposing myself to the necessity of raising new Taxes. 'Tis the duty of a King to give, and to measure his Authority by the public Good, not his own particular, which is the true fruit of Riches. To some we give because they are good, to others, that they may 〈◊〉 be bad. Words truly worthy a King, if he had been guided by these considerations, but his gifts were always excessive and without order, without the least regard to the Merit of the Party, as his Brother-in-law King Ferdinand observed in one of his Laws, saying, That he gave Rewards for Show not for Merit. Whence we may observe the circumspection a Prince ought to observe in his Liberality, for fear of giving occasion to his Subjects to acknowledge his Authority▪ only to receive from him, not to obey him. An extravagant Subject ruins only himself. But a Prince, himself and State too. The Treasury would be soon at an ebb, if the Prince should be extravagantly liberal, without considering, that they are the Magazines for public Necessities. The Mountains don't squander away the Snow which the Vapours of the Fields and Valleys heap upon its top, but on the contrary, preserve it against Summer, and then in gentle Streams returns it upon the same grounds it was attracted from. They don't descend all at once, for so they would not answer their design, and would be slighted as useless, for Liberality is the greatest Enemy to Liberality; nor do they immediately mix with the Rivers leaving the Plains and Valleys dry, as Princes usually do, who give to the Rich what ought to be distributed among the Poor, and drain the thirsty sands to supply the brimful Lakes, which have no need of it. 'Tis a great fault to gain the favour of the Rich at the expense of the poor; and by vain extravagance to oppress the body of the State, whose ruin is always promoted by the pride and vanity of a few. The people cannot brook to see that power vainly squandered away, which ought to be employed to the preservation of them, and the Prince's dignity. The rewards of a Prodigal are not esteemed, because they are common, and proceed from the vice of Extravagance, not the virtue of Liberality, and by giving all to a few he offends many; that which is given to some particular ones, being wanted in general by all. He who gives without care or choice, enriches indeed, but rewards not: to give to those who deserve, 'tis necessary to be sparing to others. So that a Prince ought to use great Prudence and Judgement in the Distribution of Rewards 6 Psal. 98. 4. . For when they are well distributed, though they fall on but few, they affect many. The Scriptures command all Offerings to be made with Salt, which is the same as Prudence 7 Levit. 2. 14. Eccl. 35. 11. , equally distant from Prodigality and Avarice. But because a Prince ought to be generous to all, let him imitate Aurora, which, as it passes, always leaves something, tho' but Dew and Flowers. Nay often satisfies only with its Beauty and Pleasantness. Let him give to all, but with such Moderation, that without putting it out of his power to give more, he may content them. Some by Presents, some by Words, and some by Affability 8 Eccl. 35. 11. ; for oftentimes the Eyes give more than the Hands. Liberality is the only Virtue, which should be sometimes in the opinion of others, more than in the person of the Prince; Experience teaching us, that 'tis sufficient that he express some Demonstrations, with such Address, that he may be generally esteemed liberal; so that he must avoid Refusals, for 'tis a great trouble to receive them from a Prince. What he cannot give to day, he may give to morrow; and if he cannot, 'tis better to let time discover it than to tell it himself. He who refuses, either does not distinguish Merit, or shows his want of Power or Will, and neither of these Declarations become a Prince, whose Power and Grandeur the Petitioner acknowledges. Let a Prince be generous in the Reward of Virtue, but let it be with Offices and Employments, and other Revenues already allotted to Liberality, not with the Crown-Rents, and Treasury reserved for greater uses. King Ferdinand the Catholic was very liberal, but not to the Prejudice of the Crown. He was (at his first coming to the Crown) slow in the Distribution of Offices, the better to gain men's minds, and to reward those who had followed his Party. He knew with great Prudence to mingle Liberality with Frugality. Of which he has not only left us an Example but also a Law, in these words: Kings ought not to be so generous and bountiful, as that it may be termed Extravagance; for this virtue of Liberality ought to be used with order and measure, without Detriment to the Crown and Royal Dignity † L. 3. tit. 10. lib. 5. Recop. . To lay up the better to employ, is not Avarice, but premeditated Liberality. To give inconsiderately, is either Vanity or Folly. By this Parsimony King Alphonso the Wise raised the Monarchy, and lost the Crown by his profuse Extravagance; one of the principal Complaints the Kingdom made against him, was, That he had given the Empress Marth● thirty thousand Marks of Silver, to redeem her Husband Baldwin, whom the Sultan of Egypt retained Prisoner; in which he was more vain than prudent. King Henry the Second found the damage of having weakened the power of his Crown by his too great Bounty, and therefore revoked it by his last Will. Time and Opportunity ought to guide Princes in their Liberality; sometimes it ought to be moderated, when the Expenses of War, and the public Necessities are great, and to be applied to avert Dangers, and to facilitate Designs; in which he saves most, who spends most: for he who gives by little and little, spends his Money, without attaining his end. War is avoided, and Victory and Peace purchased by Liberality 9 Prov. 22. 9 . The Prodigality of a Prince may be corrected by committing the management of his Treasures to thrifty frugal Ministers, as may his Avarice by generous ones. 'Tis necessary sometimes to let a Prince see the sum of his Liberality; for Grants are made sometimes without consideration; and if the Prince kept an account of his Expenses he would doubtless moderate them; and 'tis not always Liberality to grant Gratuities, for Avarice is often vanquished by Importunity, or sometimes weary with contending, grants them through Despair. 'Tis natural to all Princes to give to those who have most; I know not whether through Fear or Esteem of Power. This that great Courtier joseph well understood, when calling his Father and Brothers into Egypt, and offering them in Pharaoh's name all the Good of that Kingdom 10 Gen. 45. 18. , he bid them bring with them all the Riches and Goods that they had 11 Ibid. ver. 20. ; knowing, that if they came rich, the King would be more liberal to them; so that he who expects Bounty from a Prince, must not represent to him his Poverty and Misery. There are no more ready means to have, than to have 12 Luke 19 26. . EMBLEM XLI. THE Motto of this Emblem has been famous to all Antiquity. Some attribute it to Bias, to Pythagoras, Thales and Homer; but I think 'tis more reasonably ascribed to the Delphic Oracles, for it seems rather a Divine than Humane Sentence, fit to be engraven on all the Crowns, Sceptres, and Rings of Princes. To this is reduced the whole Science of Government, which consists in avoiding Extremes, and loves the middle, where Virtue keeps its Sphere. 'Twas asked Socrates, Which was the properest Virtue for a young Man, and he answered, Nothing to Excess, by which he comprehended all. To this Motto the body of the present Emblem seems well suited; Corn laid by the violence of unseasonable Rain, when gentle Dews were sufficient 1 Magni animi est magna contemnere, prudentis est mediocria malle, quam nimia; ista enim utilia sunt: illa quòd superfluunt nocent. Sic s●● getem nimia sternit ubertas, sic Rami onere franguntur, sic ad maturita●em non pervenit nimi● foecunditas, Sen. Epist. 39 . Honours by being too great suit ill with Subjects, and rather disgrace than adorn them. There are some favours so out of season, that they pass for Injuries; What avails it for the Prince to do a benefit, if by his austere Looks and rugged Words, he seems, as 'twere, to throw it at one, or does it so unseasonably, that it does no kindness. The Benefit and Favour is lost, and the hand abhorred that gave it. Which made King Alphonso the Wise say, That Rewards should be given so ● propos, that they may be beneficial to the Receiver † L. 1. tit. 21. p. 2. . As there are errors in Excess of Rewards and Favours, so there is also in Punishments. Such an exact Rigour better becomes a Minister of Justice than a Prince; he is not at his Liberty, but the Prince has the Keys of the Law in his own hand. 'Tis not Justice which is too severe, nor Mercy which is not moderate, and so of other Virtues. The same Moderation a Prince out to observe in the arts of Peace and War, so guiding the Chariot of the Government, as they did in the Games of old, that the Wheels may not touch the Goals, for so they would be broken; the art of the ancient Racers consisted, in measuring the distance so exactly, as to pass as near as possible, without touching either end. What a Prince ought to take most care of, is the Moderation of his Passions, governing them with such Prudence, that he may neither desire, hope, love or fear with too much Ardour and Violence, raised by the Will not by Reason. The desires of private persons may be easily accomplished, but those of Princes not, for those are proportioned to their conditions, and these are usually greater than the force of their Grandeur, tending always to Extremes. Almost all Princes either ruin themselves, or run into great inconveniences, through Excess of Ambition, man's desire being unlimited, and the possibility of things very narrow, it rarely happens that the first are measured by the latter, or that there is any Justice between them. Hence Princes seek pretences to rob their Neighbours, nay their greatest Friends, aspiring ever at the enlargement of their State, without measuring their bodies with their Strength, and their Government with Humane Capacity, which cannot maintain all that may be acquired. The Grandeur of Empires lies upon their own Shoulders, and are always ready to fall; oppressed with their own weight. Let Princes therefore endeavour to maintain their States, which either Succession or Election has given them; and if any just occasion shall offer of enlarging them, let them make use of it a God's name, but with such caution, as the Event shall show to Prudence. Ambition is not less dangerous in the Excess of its Fears than of its Desires, especially in that which is acquired by Violence. Fear suggests no means which are not immediately made use of for its preservation. There is none of the line of the party wronged, or any one who has the least pretention to the State, though never so remote, but is feared. Tyranny usually proposes nothing less than a general ruin. Thus Mucianus practised, killing the Son of Vitellius 2 Mansuram discordiam ●btendens, ●i semina belli restrinxisset. Tac. ●. ann. . The same also is taught in the School of Machiavelli, whose Scholars forgetting the Example of David, who sought out Saul's Relations, that they might partake of his Mercy 3 2 Sam. 9 3. , follow that of some Tyrants, as if all were not ruined by these pernicious practices; and if any one has been preserved (as we shall observe) 'twas by changing them for the better. Most Kingdoms are augmented by Usurpation, and afterwards maintained by Justice, and legitimated by time. Extreme violence is extreme danger. Cyrus' invaded Lydia, and dispossessed King Croesus. But had he had any of our Politicians, they would have advised him, for his greater Security, to have taken him off. Yet Cyrus restored him one City, by which he might support his Royal Dignity; and 'tis certain, he had provoked the Hatred and Arms of all Greece, if he had showed himself cruel 4 Hec clementia non minus utilis victori quam victo fuit. Tac. 2. hist. . Tyranny is equally hateful to God and Man; nor are there wanting in such cases, some mild means, by which the mind may be diverted, from shedding Blood, from breaking the Line of Succession, from diminishing, or transferring the greatness of States, and taking off those who may aspire to the Crown; which had they been observed in Portugal, that people had never revolted. When the danger is so evident, that it obliges to Defence and natural Preservation, the Prince ought to strike at the Root, that it may not sprout again, keeping a watchful Eye upon it, lest it should happen, as it did to the Philistin Princes, who having cut off Sampson's hair, wherein lay all his Strength, began to ridicule him, not considering that it might grow again, as it afterwards did 5 Judge▪ 16. 21. , when he pulled the Temple upon their Heads 6 Ibid. , killing more Enemies dying than he had done living 7 Ibid. . Inordinate Ambition moreover persuades the Oppression of the liberty of the people, the humbling of the Nobility, the weakening of the potent and rich, and the reduction of all to the Royal Prerogative, thinking that the more absolute, the more firm it is; and that the lower the people are reduced, the higher its Glory rises; an error by which Flattery gains the Hearts of Princes, and leads them into great dangers. 'Tis Modesty that preserves Empires, so correcting the Prince's Ambition, that it may maintain it within the bounds of Reason, the power of his Dignity, the honour of the Nobility, and the liberty of the people, for no Monarchy is lasting which is not mixed, that is composed of Aristocracy and Democracy 8 Quae ex pluribus constat resp melior est Arist. 2 Pol. c. ●. . Absolute Power is Tyranny. Whoever promotes that promotes his own ruin. A Prince ought not to govern as the Lord, but as the Father, the Protector and Governor of his States 9 Huc enim sunt omnia reducenda, ut iis qui sub imperio sunt, non Tyrannum, sed patremfamilias, aut regem agere videatur, etc. Arist. Pol. 5. c. 11. . These disorders of Ambition proceed from a long use and abuse of Dominion, which covets all for itself; in which 'tis necessary Princes should conquer themselves, and submit to reason, however difficult the attempt appear; for many can conquer others, few themselves. This Victory is of Force, that of Reason. 'Tis not Valour to conquer in Battle, but to subdue the Passions. Obedience and Necessity make Subjects humble and modest; Superiority and Power render Princes proud; Pride has destroyed more Kingdoms than the Sword; more Princes have ruined themselves than have been undone by others. The remedy consists in the Prince's knowledge of himself, by retiring within himself, and considering, that though the Sceptre distinguishes him from his Subjects, they much exceed him in endowments of Mind, more noble than his Grandeur. That if Reason might take place, the most accomplished man would be King. That the hand with which he governs the World, is of ●lay, and Subject to the Leprosy, and all other human Miseries, as God gave Moses to understand 10 Exod. 4. 6. , that knowing his own Miseries, he might pity those of others 11 Hebr. 5. 2. . That a Crown is a very unsafe Possession, for between the utmost height, and the lowest fall, there is no Interposition 12 Quod regnum est, cui parata non sit ruina, & proculcatio, & dominus, & car●fex? Nec ista intervallis divisa, ●ed hor●e momentum interest inter soli●m, & aliena genua. Senec. . That he depends upon the Will of others, since if they would not obey, he would be but like other men. The greater the Prince shall be, the more he ought to esteem this Modesty, since God himself does not disdain it 13 Modestia fama, quae neque summis mortalium spernenda est, & à diis aestimatur. Tac. 15. ann. . Modesty which hides Greatness under it, is like rich Enamel upon Gold, which gives it the greater Value and Esteem. Tiberius had no Artifice more cunning, than to appear modest to gain Esteem. He severely reprehended those who called his Occupations Divine, and him Lord 14 Acer●éque increpuit eos qui divina● occupationes, ipsumque Dominum dixerunt. Tac. 2. ann. . When he went into the Courts of Justice, he would not suffer the Precedent to quit his seat, but sat down upon one corner of the Bench 15 Assid●bat in corn● Tribunalis. Tac. 1. ann. . He who is gotten to the highest step among men, cannot rise but by stooping. Let all Princes learn Modesty of the Emperor Ferdinand the Second, who was so familiar and affable to all, that he made himself loved rather than reverenced. In him Goodness and Modesty were conspicuous, and Majesty found but by Attention: He was not the Imperial Eagle with a sharp Beak, and bare Talons, threatening all, but the tender Pelican, continually digging his own Entrails to feed his people as his own young. It cost him no pains to humble his Grandeur, and make himself equal to others. He was not the Master but Father of the World, and the excess of Modesty often causes Contempt, to the ruin of Princes, to him it created more Respect, and obliged all Nations to his Service and Defence. See the force of true Goodness, and of a gre●t Soul, which triumphs over itself, and is superior to Fortune! He has left us in the present Emperor his Son, the lively Portraiture of all these qualities, with which he steals the Hearts both of Friends and Enemies. There is no virtue more agreeable to a Prince than Modesty, all others would be foolish in him, if that did not adjust his Looks and Actions, not permitting them to exceed themselves. In Government 'tis very convenient not to touch upon Extremes, for too great Condescension is not less prejudicial than a haughty Grandeur. Monastic Communities may perhaps suffer the Rigour of Obedience, but not popular ones. Such rigid Discipline may keep a few in awe, but not many. Civil Happiness consists in virtue, which consists in the middle, as does civil L●fe and the Government of States, for the nature of Empire is such, that the people may take it away, without being ruined by too much Licence, or rendered obstinate by too much Rigour. In Government we ought not to consider what should be, but what may be 16 Non ●nim solum respublica, quae optima sit, considerari debet, sed etiam quae constitui possit, praetereà quae facilior & cunctis civitatibus communior habeatur. Arist. lib. 4 Pol. 6. c. 2. . Even God adapts himself to human Frailty. Between these Extremes also the body of the Commonwealth should be constituted, care being taken that there mayn't be too great difference in the conditions of the Citizens; for excess or inequality of Riches or Nobility, if it be much, creates in some Pride, and in others Envy, and from thence proceed Enmity and Seditions 17 Praeterea seditiones 〈◊〉 modo propter fortunarum, sed etiam propter honorum inaequalitatem existunt. Arist. lib. 2. c. 5. . For there can be no Friendship or civil Agreement among them who are so unequal in their Conditions and Fortunes, for all hate equality, and covet more, either to govern as Lords, or obey as Slaves 18 Sed jam haec consuetudo in civitatibus invaluit, ut homines, aequalitatem odio hab●ant, & malint, aut imperio potiri, aut si victi fuerint, imperio subesse. Arist. lib. 4. Pol. c. 11. . Some too haughty contemn the Laws, and despise Obedience; Others too servile, know not how to bear it, and have neither Fear of Infamy nor Punishment, hence there would become a Community of Lords and Slaves, but without respect between themselves, since neither would know how to measure themselves by their own condition. Those of the lowest quality pretend to be as those of higher. Those who are equal or superior in one thing, think they are in all. Those who have the advantage in all, can't contain themselves, and despising every one would proudly lord it over them, without Obedience to him who commands, or adapting themselves to the Constitutions and Customs of the State, whence proceeds its ruin and conversion into other Forms 19 Nam qui virtute praestant, iniquo animo sibi indigniores aequari paterentur: quamobrem sapè conspira●e, & seditio●es commovere notantur. Arist. Pol. 2. c. 5. , for all sigh and are uneasy under it. And though it be impossible entirely to remedy this contention in States, because of the difference of condition of the parts of which they consist, yet are they preserved if it be moderate, and ruin'd if excessive. As it happens in the four Humours of the Body, though the Blood be the most noble, and the Choler the most potent, yet do they mutually preserve one another, while there is no great Inequality between them; so that State will continue long, which consists of moderate parts, and not much unequal between themselves. 'Twas the extravagant Riches of some of the Citizens which caused the ruin of the State of Florence, and is at present the cause of the troubles of Genova. Because in Venice they are better divided, it has continued so many Ages, and if there happen any danger or inconvenience in the Government, 'tis through the too great poverty of some of its Magistrates. If any Republic has been preserved for all these disorders and excess of its parts, 'tis through the Prudence and Industry of the Governor, who keeps it in its Devoir, by the fear of the Laws, and other discreet means, such as not to wrong any one, nor violate the Privileges and Conveniencies of the Poor, to employ the great ones in the Administration, and in Offices; in fine not to oppress, but rather to encourage the hope of those who are of an high and enterprising Spirit. But this will continue no longer than it has prudent Governors; and because States can't be sufficiently provided for by these temporal Remedies, which depend upon chance, 'tis necessary in their first Institution, to provide means to correct these Excesses, before they happen. EMBLEM XLII. I Am indebted, for the body of this Emblem, to the Civility of the present Pope Urban the VIIIth. his Holiness having been pleased to show me upon a precious Stone, engraven in the time of the Romans, two Bees drawing a Plough, which was found in his time; a Presage of the rise of his noble and ancient Family, his Arms being joined to the triumphant Yoke of the Church. Which upon Reflection put me in mind of a Prodigy of King Wamb●, when being anointed by the Archbishop of Toledo, there was seen to spring from his head a Bee, which flew straight towards Heaven, prognosticating the sweetness of his Government: from whence I infer, that the Ancients would show by this Emblem, how necessary 'twas to mingle, Profit with Pleasure, the art of making Honey, with that of Agricultura. For a Motto to which, I thought the beginning of that Verse of Horace would not be amiss. Omne tu●it punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Hor. Who mixes gain with Sport gains er'y point. In this consists the main art of Government; this was the first piece of Policy in the world; this the ancient Philosophy taught us, ●eigning that Orpheus made Beasts follow him, and that the very Stones danced to Amphion's Harp, with which he built the Walls of the City of Thebes, to signify that the mild instruction of those great persons were sufficient to reduce men, not less savage than Brutes, and more insensible than Stones, to the Harmony of the Laws, and civil Society † Silvest●es homines sacer interpresque Deorum, Cadibus & foedo victu deterruit Orpheus, Dictus ab hoc lenire Tigers, etc. . These Arts all States have used to instruct the people, mingling Instruction with Sport and public Games. All Greece flocked to Mount Olympus, to be present at the Olympian, Pythian, Nemaean and Isthmian Games; some out of curiosity to see them, others to obtain the proposed Rewards, and upon this occasion they exercised their Strength, sacrificed to the Gods, and treated of the most important affairs of the Government of those Provinces. Comedies and Tragedies were also invented to purge the Affections. The Gladiators of the Romans, and the Bull-fights of the Spaniards, (who also are diverted with terrible and desperate Erterprises) were to confirm the Mind that it might not be daunted at the sight neither of Blood nor Death. Wrestling, Tilting, Horse-races * Juego de las Cannae. , and other such Sports, are so many Schools in which Arts military are learned, and the Mind at the same time recreated and diverted. The people must be drawn by Flattery and Mildness, to the Conveniencies and Designs of the Prince; they are like a Horse which being gently stroked into Temper takes the Bit, and afterwards submits to Burdens and the Lash. They can't bear too much Rigour, or too much Gentleness. Excess of Liberty is as dangerous to them as Excess of Slavery 1 Imperaturus es hominibus, qui nec totam servitutem pati possunt, nec totam libertatem. Tac. 1. hist. . Princes who have wanted this consideration have felt the rage of the incensed Multitude. Inveterate distempers are not always to be cured by the Knife and Fire. They require soothing Medicines, and when there is need of bitter Pills, they should be well gilded, to deceive the Sight and Tast. 'Tis not necessary that the people should know the Ingredients of the Prince's Resolutions and Counsels, 'tis sufficient that they swallow them upon any Pretext. The Dangers and Hardships of War are sweetened by the mildness of the Prince. Thus Germanicus to keep the Ger●●● Legions in obedience, and more ready for Battle, used to visit the wounded Soldiers, and taking notice of their Wounds, commend their Actions, gaining some by hope, others by good words, and so made them eager to fight 2 Circumire saucios, facta singulorum extollere, vulnera intuens, alium spe, alium gloria, cunctos alloquio & 〈◊〉, sibique & praelio firmabat. Tac. 1. ann. . This goodness alone is not effectual, there is need also of some eminent Virtue in the Commander, that if he be beloved for that he may be respected for this. Many times a Prince is beloved for his extraordinary goodness, and despised for his Insufficiency. Respect proceeds not from Love, but Admiration. He obliges all, who having courage to make himself feared, makes himself beloved; who knowing how to execute Justice, knows also to be merciful. Goodness is often interpreted Softness and Ignorance, in him who has no other Virtues to recommend him. These are of such force in a Prince, that they soften his Severity and Rigour, being recompensed by them. Even great Vices are excused, or at least connived at in him who is Master also of great Virtues. In Negotiations 'tis very convenient to mingle Sweetness with Gravity, and Jests with Truth, provided it be à propos, without Offence to good Manners, nor the Gravity of the Subject, in which the Emperor Tiberius was well skilled 3 Tiberius' tamen lu●ibria ser●is permiscere solitus. Tac. 6. ann. . There's none can endure a melancholy roughness, a look always set to business, a grave Speech and a formal Behaviour. 'Tis Prudence sometimes to mix a little folly in Counsels 4 Mis●● stultitiam consiliis brevem. , when 'tis well applied 'tis Wisdom 5 Eccl. 10. 1. . A happy thought and a word in season gains people's Minds, and most difficult Affairs to the end proposed, and sometimes discovers the Intention, deceives Malice, diverts Offence, and prevents a positive Answer where 'tis not convenient. We ought also in Negotiations to mingle the advantage of those whom we would persuade, showing them that 'tis their interest as well ours; for all are moved by self-interest, few by Obligation and Glory. Sejanus, to incite Drusus to the Murder of his Brother Nero, set before him the hopes of the Empire. The skill of a prudent Minister consists in facilitating affairs with others interests, disposing the Treaty so, that theirs and his own Prince's may seem to be the same. To desire to negotiate affairs by self-interest only, is to bring water in broken pipes; where one receives it from another, all receive Assistance and Advantage. EMBLEM XLIII. ALL things as well animate as inanimate are Leaves of this great Book of the World, the Work of Nature, wherein divine Wisdom has written all Sciences, to teach and instruct us how to act. There is no moral Virtue, which is not found in Animals. Practic Prudence is born in them; in us 'tis not acquired but by Instruction and Experience. We may learn from them without Confusion and Shame of our Ignorance, for he who informs them, the same is Author of all things. But to put on their Nature, or desire to imitate them in acting like them irrationally, hurried by the Appetite of our Affections and Passions. would be giving an affront to Reason, the proper Gift of Man, by which he is distinguished from other Animals, and merits the command over them. They for want of Reason are without Justice, each aiming at nothing but its own Preservation, without respecting Injuries done to others. Man justifies his Actions, and measures them by Equity, doing nothing to others, which he would not have done unto himself. Whence may be inferred how impious and inhuman is the design of Machiavelli, who forms his Prince upon another Supposition, of the Nature of the Lion and the Fox, that what he can't attain by reason he may by force and fraud, in which he was instructed by Lysander General of the Lacedæmonians, who advised a Prince, that where the Lion's skin failed, he should put on that of the Fox, making use of his Tricks and Artifices. This Doctrine is of long standing. Polybius reprehends it in his own and the foregoing Ages 1 Quo Leonis pellis attingere non potest, principi assumendam Vulpinam. Plut. . In this King Saul may be a Lesson to all 2 Fuit, cui in tractandis negotiis dolus malus placeret, quem Regi convenire sane nemo dixerit, etsi non desunt, qui id tam crebr●●su hodie doli mali, necessarium eum esse dicant ad publicam rerum administrationem. Polyb. 13. hist. . This Maxim has increased in time, there being no Injustice nor Indecency, but appears honourable to Policy, provided it be in order to Dominion 3 Nihil gloriosum nisi tutum, & omni● retinendae dominationis honesta. Sal. , thinking that Prince lives precariously, who is tied up to Law and Justice 4 Ubicunque tantam honesta dominanti licet, praecario regnatur. Sen. in Trag▪ Thyest. . Whence they regard not Breach of Treaties, Faith, or Religion itself, when for the Preservation or Augmentation of Empire. Upon these false foundations Duke Valentine endeavoured to raise his Fortune, but before he had finished it, it fell with that violence upon him, that the very Fragments and Ruins of it were lost. How can that last which is founded upon Deceit and Lies? How can that subsist which is violent? What force can there be in Contracts, if the Prince, who should be their security, is himself the first that breaks them? Who will put any confidence in him? How can his Empire stand, who trusts more to his own Artifices than too divine Providence. Nor for all this, would I have a Prince so mild, as never to use force, nor so candid and sincere, as not to know how to dissemble, nor provide against Deceit, for so he would live exposed to Malice, and be played upon by all. My design in this Emblem is, that he should be endued with Valour, but not with that brutish and irrational Courage of Beasts, but that which is attended by Justice, signified by the Lion's Skin, the Emblem of Valour, and therefore dedicated to Hercules. Sometimes 'tis necessary for a Prince to cover his Face with a Frown, and to oppose Fraud. He should not always appear mild. There are occasions when he must put on the Lion's Skin, that his Subjects and Enemies may see his Claws; and that he may be thought so severe, that Fraud may not have the boldness to attack him with Flattery, which way it uses to tame the minds of Princes. This, it seems the Egyptians would intimate, by putting a Lion's Skin upon their Prince's head. There is no Respect nor Reverence, where there is no fear. The People perceiving their Prince can't be angry, and that nothing can alter his mild Temper, always despise him; but this Severity need not immediately come to Execution. 'Tis not necessary for a Prince to be really angry, but only to appear so. The Lion without discomposing himself, or thinking of hurting any other Animals, with his very Looks infuses dread into all; such is the Majestic force of his Eyes 5 A Lion which is the strongest among Beasts, and turneth not away for any. Prov. 30. 30. . But because 'tis convenient sometimes to gild force with craft, and indignation with mildness, to dissemble a little, and accommodate himself to the times and persons: therefore in the present Devise, the Lion's head is not crowned with the little tricks of the Fox, which are mean and base, and below the Generosity and Magnanimity of a Prince, but with Serpents, the Emblem of careful and prudent Majesty, and in the sacred Writs the Hieroglyfick of Prudence, for their cunning in defending their heads, in stopping their Ears against all Enchantments, and in other things only tending to their own preservation, not the prejudice of others. For the same reason, and the like accidents, I have made use of these words as a Motto to the present Devise, that he may know how to reign, taken from the Motto of Lewis the Eleventh King of France, who knows not how to dissemble, knows not how to reign. In which the whole art of Government is briefly comprehended; but there is need of great Prudence and Circumspection, lest this Power should turn to Tyranny, and this Policy to Fraud: These Mediums nearly bordering upon Vices. justus Lipsius defining Fraud in matters of Policy, says, 'tis shrewd Counsel, deviating from Virtue and the Laws, for the good of the King and Kingdom; by which avoiding the Extremes of Machiavelli, and finding also, that 'tis impossible for a Prince to govern without some Fraud and cunning, he advises a little, tolerates Mediocrity, but forbids Extremes; bounds very dangerous to a Prince. For who can exactly describe them? there ought not to be such Rocks so near politic Navigation. The malice of Power, and ambition of Rule, act sufficiently in many; if Fraud be vicious, 'tis vicious in its least parts, and therefore unworthy of a Prince. The worth and dignity of the Royal Purple, disdains the least ●spot. The minutest Atom is visible, and blemishes the Rays of these terrestrial Suns. And how can it be suffered that his actions should deviate from Virtue and the Laws, who is the very Soul thereof? There is no Fraud without a mixture of malice and falsehood, both opposite to Royal Magnanimity; though Plato says, That Falsehood is superfluous in the Gods, they having no need on't, but not in Princes who have great occasion for it, and that therefore it may be allowed them sometimes. That which is unlawful ought not to be allowed, nor ought we to make use of means in their own nature wicked, to obtain just and honourable ends. Dissimulation and Cunning are then only lawful, when they don't drive to Knavery, and prejudice the Authority and Reputation of the Prince; in which case I don't esteem them as Vices but Prudence, or the Daughters thereof, being both advantageous and necessary to a Commander: which would be, if Prudence respecting its own preservation, would make use of Fraud according to the different circumstances of time, place, and persons, so as the Heart and Tongue, the Mind and Words may ever agree. That Dissimulation ought to be avoided, which with fraudulent intentions belies the things designed. That which would make another understand that which is not, not that which would make him not understand that which is For this end one may sometimes use indifferent and equivocating words, not with a design to cheat, but to secure one's self, and prevent being cheated, and for other lawful ends. Thus we see the Master of truth himself pretended to his Disciples, who were going to the City Emmaus, that he was going farther 6 And he made as though he would have gone farther. Luke 24. 28. . The counterfeit folly of David before King Acts 7 And he changed his behaviour before them, and feigned himself mad in their hands, and scr●bbled on the doors of the gate, and let his Spittle fall down upon his Bea●●, 1 Sam 21. 13. ; the pretended Sacrifice of Samuel 8 And the Lord said, take a Heifer with thee and say, I am come to sacrifice to the Lord, 1 Sam 16. 2. ; the Kid's skins fitted to Iacob's hands 9 And he put the skins of the Kids of the Goats upon his 〈◊〉, and 〈…〉 the smooth of his neck, 〈◊〉 27. 16. , were all lawful Dissimulations, the intent not being to cheat, but only to hid another design, nor are they the less allowable, because one foresees that another will thereby be deceived, for that knowledge proceeds not from malice, but a kind of caution. And these arts and practices are then chief to be made use of, when we treat with designing and crafty Princes; for in such case, Distrust, Cunning, Hypocrisy, ambiguous Replies, prudent Equivocation, lest a Prince should be ensnared, and give occasion for others Plots and Machinations, defending himself with these arts, and not offending or violating his public Faith, what is this but being upon his Guard? That Ingenuity is foolish, which frankly discovers its secret Sentiments; and the State would be in danger without some caution. 'Tis a dangerous sincerity to speak truth always, since secrecy is the chief instrument of Government. Whatever Prince entrusts a secret to another, at the same time entrusts his Sceptre too: It does not become a Prince to lie, but it does to be silent, or to conceal truth; not to trust or confide in any one rashly, but to be wary and circumspect, that he mayn't be cheated. This caution is extremely necessary for a Prince, without which he would be exposed to many and great dangers. He who knows and sees most, believes and trusts least, because either Speculation, or Practice and Experience renders him cautious. Let a Prince's mind therefore be sincere and pure; yet skilled in the arts and practices of others. Experience will show in what cases it becomes a Prince to use these arts, that is, when he shall observe that the Malice and Stratagems of those with whom he deals requires it. In all other actions a Prince ought to discover a Royal Candour, sometimes even to those who would deceive him; for if they interpret it favourably, their designs are broken and begin to flag: besides no Fraud is so generous as Truth, of which, if they can be sure, they make him Master of the most private secrets of their Souls, without arming themselves with the like practices for the future. What Nets are not spread, and what Stratagems contrived for the Cunning and Subtilty of the Fox? who ever set snares for the tame innocence of the Swallow? Those Princes whom the world admires for their Prudence and Conduct can't make use of this art; for none will believe that their actions are guided by chance or sincerity; the demonstrations of their truth are taken for counterfeit: In them Caution is accounted Malice; Prudence, Dissimulation; and Circumspection, Deceit. Some charge his Catholic Majesty with these Vices, because that by the natural Vivacity of his Judgement, and his continual experience in War and Peace, he was well acquainted with the treacherous dealing, unsincerity of the times, defending himself with so great Prudence, that his Enemies were either taken in their own Snares, or wholly broken by Counsel and Time. For this reason some Princes feign Sincerity and Modesty, the better to palliate their intentions, or that Malice may not so easily trace them. So Domitian did 10 Simul simplicitatis, ac modestiae imagine conditus, studiumque literarum, & amorem carminum simulans, qu● velaret animum. Tac. 4. hist. . A Prince who would be thought wise in all things, is for that reason not so. To know how to be ignorant seasonably is the greatest Prudence: there's nothing more advantageous, nothing more difficult than to be wise with Moderation: this Tacitus commends in Agricola 11 Retinuitque quod difficillimum est, ex sapientia modum. Tac in vit. Agr. . All conspire against the most knowing, either through Envy, or to defend their own ignorance; or perhaps, because they suspect that which they cannot comprehend. Saul seeing that David was too wise, he began to be cautious of him 12 Wherefore when Saul saw that he behaved himself very wisely, he was afraid of him, 1. Sam. 18. 15. . Other Princes appear diverted in their actions, that they may be thought to act casually and without design. But such is the Malice of Policy now a days, that it not only penetrates those arts, but cavils too at the most plain sincerity, to the great prejudice of Truth and Public Tranquillity. There being nothing that is interpreted rightly; and Truth consisting in one point, and those in the circumference, from whence Malice may take aim, being infinite, they fall into great errors, who will wrest from another's words and actions a different sense from what they appear; and interpreting others Designs in the worst sense, cause both parties to arm themselves, and so to live in continual Distrust and Jealousy of each other. He who is most ingenious in these Suspicions is farthest from Truth; for by the acuteness of his wit he penetrates farther than what is generally comprehended; and we are often positive of that in others which is only a deceit of our own imagination. So to a Sailor the Rocks seem to run, when 'tis only the Ship that is in motion. The shadows of Policy are usually greater than the Body itself, and some times this is neglected, and this made use of, so that there often arises greater Damage from the prevention, than could arrive from the thing feared. How oft has a Prince, through a groundless Jealousy, declared War against him who never thought of offending him? and both taking arms, that which was at first but a slight and ill-grounded presumption, ends in a bloody War: 'tis the same with such, as with ill built Ships, which the more they sally from side to side, are the sooner lost. I don't blame Diffidence, when 'tis the Daughter of Prudence, as we said elsewhere; but a total defect of good faith, without which, neither Friendship, Society nor Covenants can be lasting. The Law of Nations would be invalid, and all things would be exposed to Fraud and Deceit. All things are not acted with an ill intention. The greatest Tyrant sometimes proposes just and honourable ends. EMBLEM XLIV. UNcertain and dubious is the motion of the Serpent winding itself first one way then another, with such uncertainty, that its very body knows not where it will erect its head. You'd think it made this way, and immediately it moves contrary, without leaving any tract of its passage, nor can the intention of its motion be discovered 1 But canst not tell whence it cometh, and whither it goeth. joh. 3. 8. . So occult should be the Counsels and Designs of Princes. None ought to know whither they tend; they should imitate God the great Governor of all things, whose ways are past finding out 2 And who is able to discover his ways? Eccl. 16. 19 : for which reason the Seraphim covered his feet with his wings 3 And with twain he covered his feet, Isai. 6. 2. . Prince's ought so carefully to conceal their designs, that their Ministers themselves should not penetrate them; nay, that they should be the first that should believe otherwise and be deceived, thereby the more naturally and effectually, without the danger of Dissimulation, which is easily discovered to confirm and secure their real intentions, instilling the same error into others, that so it may pass current, and be believed on all sides. Thus Tiberius did, when some murmured that he did not go to pacify the mutinous Legions in Hungary and Germany, he pretended he would go with all speed, by which deceiving the prudent, he deceived also the People and Provinces 4 Primo prudentes, dein vulgum, diutissimè Provincias fefellit. Tac. 1. ann. . The same also did King Philip the Second, who concealed his designs from his own Ambassadors, pretending others, when 'twas convenient for them to believe them, and persuade others to do so. A Prince can by no means use these arts, if his ingenuity be not so cautious and circumspect, as not to discover the real motions of his mind by his manner of Government, and let his Rivals and Enemies penetrate his heart and thoughts; that he may slip out of their hands, when they think they have him secure. This method by which another is deceived is rather a sort of self defence than malice, where it is used according to reason, as the greatest Heroes have always done. What necessity is there of discovering the heart, which nature has on purpose hidden within the breast? even in the most slight and frivolous affairs, 'tis pernicious to divulge them, because it gives occasion by way of discourse to discover farther. Yet though the heart be hid within the breast, its ails and distempers are discovered by the Arteries. Execution loses its force, not without loss of the reputation of a Prince's prudence, if he divulges his designs to the people. Secret and unknown designs threaten all, and distract and puzzle an Enemy. Secrecy in War is more necessary than in other Affairs. Few Enterprises unseasonably detected succeed well. How is he surprised who receives the Wound before he sees the Weapon; he who will not stir till he hears the clashing of Arms! This I would have understood of Wars against Infidels, not of those between Christians, which ought to be proclaimed, that there may be time for satisfaction, by which the effusion of Blood may be avoided, this being required to render a War lawful and just. In this the Romans were to be commended, who instituted a College of twenty Priests whom they called Heralds, whose business it was to proclaim War, to make Peace, and to establish Alliances: These were also Judges in such cases, and took care that the party injured should receive satisfaction, appointing a term of thirty ● three days for an amicable composition; in which time, if the disputes were not ended, they declared War by throwing a Spear into the Enemy's Country 5 Et baculum intorquens emittit in auras, Principium pugnae. Virg. , from which day commenced acts of Hostility and Incursions. Of these declarations there are divers examples in the Scriptures. jephtha being chosen Prince of the Israelites, did not take up Arms against the Ammonites, before, by Ambassadors, he had enquired into the reason which moved them to the War 6 And jephtha sent Messengers unto the King of the Children of Ammon, saying, What hast thou to do with me, that thou art come against me to fight in my Land? judg. 11. 12. . The method of our times is not so humane and generous. We experience the effects of War before we know the cause thereof. An unexpected and sudden Invasion makes the Injury the greater, and renders the minds of the parties implacable, this generally springs hence, that they take up arms not to satisfy Injuries, or atone for Damages received, but only from a blind Ambition to enlarge their Dominions: in which, without respect to Religion, Consanguinity or Friendship, they trample upon the most sacred Laws of Nature and Nations. If a Prince suspects any of Infidelity, let him not immediately change the serenity of his Looks, or show any sign of his suspicion, but rather by new Flattery and Honours endeavour to confirm their Minds and oblige them to Fidelity. Rigour is not always the best and safest remedy. Branches lopped off die, and revive not again. Thus Marcellus connived at Lucius Bancus of Nola, a very rich, and withal very factious person, and though he well knew he sided with Hannibal, he called him to him, told him, how his Virtue and Valour were esteemed by all, particularly by the Roman Generals, who were Witnesses of his Bravery at the Battle of Cannae: he honoured him with words, supported with hopes and promises; gave him at all times free access to his presence, and by this courteous usage so obliged him, that from that time the Roman State had not a more faithful Friend than he. This Dissimulation requires great care and prudence, for if the Offender should mistrust it, he would interpret it a design to bring him to Punishment, and so would sooner fire his Mines, or endeavour to preserve himself by other violent means. Which is chief to be feared in Tumults and Crimes of the Multitude. Thus Fabius Valens, though he would not punish the Authors of a certain Commotion, yet did he permit some of them to be tried 7 Ne dissimulans suspectior foret. Tac. 2. hist. . But since 'tis very difficult to purge the mind of Treason once conceived, and since such crimes ought not to go unpunished, 'tis then only fit to connive, when greater danger attends the declaration, or the number of Offenders makes the punishment impracticable. This julius Caesar considered, when he commanded some Letters from Pompey to the Roman Nobility against him, which he had intercepted, to be burnt unopened, thinking 'twas the mildest method of pardoning, not to know the crime. A piece of true Generosity and singular Prudence, since 'twas impossible to punish all, not to oblige himself to the inconveniencies of connivance. Those of mean condition may be made examples, and the great ones connived at, till a more convenient opportunity. But where the Delinquents may be punished without danger, 'tis safer, by punishing them, to consult self-security, than to trust to Dissimulation; for this often emboldens great Spirits. Hannibal plotted to poison the Carthaginian Senate, and upon the discovery of the Treason, the Senators thought it sufficient to make a Law to regulate the Excels and Expenses of Feasts, which gave Hannibal occasion to plot afresh against them. That Art and Cunning most becomes a Prince, and that Dissimulation is most allowable and necessary, which so composes and forms the Looks, Words and Actions towards him whom it would deceive, as that he mayn't mistrust that his designs are discovered: for by that means there will be time to search farther into them, and either to punish or elude them, while the party is not so solicitous in the concealment of them; but if he once find himself betrayed, he gins to tremble, and thinks himself not secure, till he has put his designs in execution. This obliged Agrippina to pretend not to understand the Murder which her Son Nero designed her 8 Solum insidiarum remedium esse si non intelligerentur. Tac. 14. ann. . This Dissimulation or feigned Simplicity is very necessary for Ministers who ●erve cunning and defigning Princes, who make it their care to conceal their intentions; in this Tiberius was a great Master 9 Consulto ambiguns. Tac. 13. ann. . The same artifice the Roman Senate used, when the same Tiberius, after the death of Augustus, let them know, to try their thoughts, that he would not accept of the Empire, it being a burden too heavy for him; they by a studied ignorance and forced tears begged he would please to accept it, all being afraid to seem to understand his meaning 10 Quibus usus metus si intelligere viderentur Tac. 1. ann. . Unjust Princes hate those who they think understand their ill practices, and take them for Enemies. They claim an absolute Authority over men's minds, not subject to another's understanding, they will have their Subjects Intellects at as much command as their Bodies, esteeming it part of their duty and respect not to understand their designs 11 Intelligebantur arts: sed pars obsequii 〈…〉 ne deprehenderentur. Tac. 4. hist. . Wherefore 'tis disallowable and dangerous to pry into the privacies and secret thoughts of Princes 12 Abditos Principis sensus, & 〈◊〉 quid occultius parat exquir●re illicitum, anceps, nec ideo assequare. Tac. 6. ann. . Tiberius' complaining that he was in danger from some of the Roman Senators, Asinius Gallus desired to know who they were, that they might be brought to Justice, which Tiberius took very ill, that he should desire to know what he had a mind to conceal 13 Eo aegrius accepit recludi quae premeret. Tac. 4. ann. . Germanicus acted more prudently, who though he well understood Tiberius' meaning, and that he was recalled from Germany, only to stop the progress of his Glory, readily obeyed without seeming to understand 14 Haud ●●●●ctatus est ultra Germanicus; quanquam fingi ea seque per invidiam ●●rto jam decori abstrahi intelligeret. Tac. 2. ann. . Since Prince's commands can't be declined, 'tis prudence to obey them cheerfully, pretending ignorance of the motives, to avoid danger. Thus Archelaus, though he knew he was called to Rome by Tiberius' Mother through Craft and Treachery, yet he dissembled it, and fearing violence if he should be thought to understand it, made what hast he could thither 15 Si intelligere videretur, vim metuens, in urbem properat. Tac. 2. ann. . And this Dissimulation is yet more necessary in the Errors and Vices of Princes, for they esteem them as enemies, who are acquainted therewith. In the Banquet at which Germanicus was poisoned, some ran for't, but the more prudent fat still looking upon Nero, that they might not be thought to mistrust the Murder, but rather to believe that it was natural 16 Tr●pida●●● à circumsedentibus, diffugiunt imprudentes, at quibus altior intellectus, resistunt defixi, & Neronem intuentes. Tac. 13. ann. . EMBLEM XLV. THE Lion, the body of this devise, was among the Egyptians the Emblem of Vigilance, and used to be set in the Frontispieces and Porches of their Temples. Hence Alexander the Great was engraven upon his Coin with a Lion's skin upon his head, to intimate that he was not less careful and vigilant than valiant; for if at any time affairs required that he should not spend much time in sleep, he was used to lie with his arm out of bed, holding a Silver ball in his hand, that if he should fall asleep, that falling into a brass Bason set underneath for that purpose, might waken him. He had never conquered the world, had he been sleepy and lazy, he ought not to snore away his time, who has the Government of People committed to him † Non decet ignavum totâ producere somnum N●cte virum, sub consilio, sub nomine cujus T●t populi degunt, cui rerum cura, fidesque Credita summarum est. . Thus the Lion knowing himself to be King of Beasts, sleeps but little, or if he does, 'tis with his Eyes open: he does not confide so much in his Empire, nor rely so much on his Majesty, as not to think it necessary to seem to be awake even while he sleeps. The Senses do indeed require rest sometimes, but even then 'tis necessary Princes should be thought to be awake. A sleeping King differs not from another man: This Passion he ought to conceal from Friends as well as Enemies; he may sleep, provided others think him waking. Let him not depend so much upon his Authority and Power, as to shut his Eyes to Care and Circumspection. 'Tis a cunning Dissimulation in the Lion to sleep with his Eyes open, not with a design to deceive, but only to hid his sleepiness. And if any one designing against him be deceived, finding him awake whom he thought he had seen sleeping, 'tis his own fault not the Lion's. Nor is this pretence below the greatness of his Mind, no more than that other piece of cunning, of smoothing over the Tract of his feet with his Tail to deceive the Huntsmen. There is no Fortress secure unless guarded by Vigilance. The greater the Prince is, the greater care he ought to be crowned with, not with the Sincerity of innocent Doves, but the prudence of subtle Serpents. For as when the Lion enters the Field, the other Beasts lay aside their natural Enmity, and give over fight, and with joint force combine against him, so among men all arm and unite against the strongest. Nothing is more pernicious to the Kingdom of England, than the greatness of the Dutch, for they take from them the Dominion of the Seas; nothing more prejudicial to France, than the Grandeur of those same Rebels, who once breaking down the Dikes opposed by Spain, would, like an Inundation soon overwhelm the Kingdom of France, as King Henry the Fourth wisely observed: and yet what weighed more with both these two Crowns than their danger, their hatred, I mean, and fear of the Spanish Monarchy, raised that people to that Grandeur and Power, which upon alteration of affairs they may fear against themselves. We are more solicitous and careful to avert present dangers than future ones, though these are often greater. Fear obstructs the Senses, nor permits the Mind to survey things at a distance. A groundless Fear is often of more force than the greatest reason of State. The power of Spain in Italy is a preservative against the distempers of the Genoese liberty; the same also preserves the Dukedom of Tuscany, augments the Spiritual Empire of the Church, maintains the Authority of the House of Austria, and secures the Venetians from the Tyranny of the Turks; yet I know not whether the Ministers of these Princes will acknowledge this, or act conformable to this their Interest. Such Jealousies as are not guided by reason, work their own ruin. They who thought they should be safe in disarming the Emperor Ferdinand the Second, sound afterwards that they had need of those arms which they had caused him to disband. Many Provinces, which for Reasons of State sought the ruin of the Roman Empire lost their own liberty with its ruin. Let not a Prince put much confidence in exterior respect and ceremony, for 'tis all feigned, and far from what it appears to be; Complaisance is Flattery; Adoration, Fear; Respect, Force; and Friendship, Necessity. The good opinion which a Prince conceives of others, they make use of to circumvent and betray him. All watch his motions, to make a prey of him; all strive to overcome him by Stratagem whom they can't by force; few or none act sincerely with him; for he who is feared, seldom hears truth; and therefore he ought not to sleep in confidence of his own power. Let him oppose Stratagem with Stratagem, and Power with Power. A generous mind closely and cautiously prevents, or courageously resists dangers. But though in the present Emblem we allow of the arts of Dissimulation, nay and think them necessary with the aforesaid restrictions, yet does it more become the Ministers than the Princes themselves, for in them there is a certain occult Divinity which is offended at that care: Dissimulation is usually the Daughter of Fear and Ambition, neither of which ought to be discovered in a Prince. The conveniences of Dissimulation he ought to supply by silence and reservedness. A Prince is more beloved for being prudent and wary, provided he act with a Royal Sincerity. All hate Artifice, and on the contrary, a natural and open freedom is agreeable to all, as Tacitus remarks in Petronius 1 Dicta factaque ejus quanto solutiora, & quandam sui negligentia● praeferentia, tantò gratius in speciem simplicitatis accipiebantur. Tac. 16. ann. . EMBLEM XLVI. AN Oar under Water appears crooked and broken, which is caused by the refraction of Species: so in many things our opinion deceives us. For this reason the Sceptic Philosophers doubted of all things, and durst affirm nothing for certain. A wary piece of Modesty and prudent Distrust of humane Judgement, and not without ground: for to a certain knowledge of things, there are required two dispositions, that which is to know, and that which is to be known; the first is the Understanding, which uses the external and internal Senses to form Imaginations; the external are variously changed according to the abundance or defect of humours. The internal are also subject to changes, either from the same cause, or from the different Affections of the Organs. Whence proceed such different Opinions and Judgements, one judging differently of the same things from another, and both with equal uncertainty; for things change their shape and colour with their places, by being near or at a distance, or because none are purely simple, or because of natural Mixtures and Species which interpose between them and the Senses; so that we can't affirm things are so and so, but that they seem such, forming an Opinion not certain Knowledge. Plato found a yet greater incertainty in them, when he considered that there was nothing of so pure and perfect nature as God; and that in this life we could have no perfect knowledge of any thing, but saw only things present, and those too, Reflections and Shadows of others, so that 'twas impossible to reduce them to a Science. Not that I would have a Prince a Sceptic, for he who doubts all determines nothing; nor is there any thing more pernicious to Government, than Hesitation in resolving and executing. I only advise that he would not be too positive in his opinions, but believe that he may easily be deceived in his Judgement, either through Affection, or Passion, or false Information, or Flattery and Insinuation, or because he don't care to hear truth which prescribes bounds to his Authority and Will, or because of the uncertainty of our own apprehension; or lastly, because few things are really what they appear, especially in Policy, which is now a-days nothing but the art of cheating, or not being cheated; wherefore they ought to be viewed in different lights, and a Prince ought carefully to consider and weigh them not slightly to pass them over, lest he should give credit to appearances and groundless Stories. These Cheats and politic Tricks can't be well known, unless the nature of man be also known; for the knowledge of him is absolutely necessary for a Prince, that he may know how to govern and beware of him. For tho' Government be an invention of men, 'tis in no danger but from them; for Man has no greater Enemy than Man. The Eagle hurts not the Eagle, nor the Serpent the Serpent; but man is continually plotting against his own kind. The Dens of Beasts are open and unguarded, but three of the four Elements are not sufficient for the guard of Cities, viz. Earth cast up into Walls and Entrenchments, Water confined to Ditches, and Fire enclosed in Artillery. That some may sleep, the rest must watch. What instruments are there not invented against Life, as if it were not of itself short enough, and subject to the infirmities of Nature; and tho● the Seeds of all Virtues and Vices are in man as their proper Subject; 'tis with this difference, that those can't grow and increase without the Dew of celestial and supernatural Grace; but these do spontaneously bud out and flourish, which is the effect and punishment of man's first Sin; and as we always suffer ourselves to be led by our Inclinations and Passions, which hurry us to ill, and as there is not the same danger in Virtue as in Vices, we therefore will lay before a Prince a short description of depraved human Nature. Man is then the most inconstant Animal in the Creation; pernicious both to himself and others; Changes with his Age, Fortune, Interest and Passion; nor does the Sea vary so oft as his condition. He is deluded by empty appearances, and through self-conceit persists in his Error. Revenge and Cruelty he esteems praiseworthy and honourable. Is well versed in Hypocrisy, and can dissemble his Passions a great while. With Words, Laughter and Tears he conceals his Thoughts. Veils his Designs with Religion. Confirms and maintains Lies with Oaths. Is a Slave to Hope and Fear. Favours make him ungrateful. Dominion proud. Constraint vile and abject. La fearful. Benefits he inscribes on Wax; Injuries received on Marble; and those he offers on Brass. He is subject to Love▪ not out of Charity, but an appearance of good. A mere Slave to Anger. In Adversity prostrate and cringing. In Prosperity arrogant and proud. What he commends in himself▪ and affects, he wants; calls himself a true Friend, but knows not what Friendship means. Slights his own and covets o●hers goods. The more he has, the more he desires. The good Fortune and Prosperity of others kills him with Envy Under show of Friendship, he is the greatest Enemy. Loves the Rigour of Justice in others, but hates it in himself. This is a description of humane nature in general, nor are all these Vices in one person, but dispersed in several. And though a Prince think that some one is wholly free from them, let him not therefore be less cautious of him, for there is no certainty in the Judgement which is made of the condition and nature of men. Vice often puts on the Mask of Virtue, the better to deceive, and the best of men may be deficient sometimes, either through human frailty, or the inconstancy of the times, or necessity, or interest, or appearance of public or private good, or oversight, or want of knowledge; whence it happens that the good are not less dangerous than the bad; and in case of doubt, 'tis more prudent for a Prince to avoid the danger, remembering (not to offend, but to defend) that, as Ezekiel said, Briars and Thorns are with him, and he dwells among Scorpions 1 Ezek. 2. 6. , whose Tails are always ready to strike 2 Semper cauda in ictu est, nulloque momento meditari cessat, ne quan●o desit occasioni. Plin. lib. 11. c. 25. Such generally are Courtiers, they all advance their own pretensions by deluding the Prince, or by removing his best and most deserving Favourites, by means of his own power. How often have waves of Envy and Jealousy been interposed between the Eyes of the Prince, and the Minister's actions, making those appear crooked and disloyal which are drawn by the rule of Justice and his Service. Thus Virtue suffers, the Prince loses a good Minister, and Malice triumphs in its Practices; which that he may practically know, and not suffer Innocence to be wronged, I will here set down the most usual. There are some Courtiers so subtle and cunning, that while they seem to excuse their Rival's faults, they then most accuse them. So Augustus reprehended the Vices of Tiberius 3 Q●anqua● 〈◊〉 or●●t●one, quaedam de habitu, cultuque & institutis ejus fecer●t● quae velut excusand● exprobraret. Tac. 1 ann. . Others there are, who to cover their Malice, and gain credit under pretence of Goodness, begin under the title of Friendship, with the praises of him whom they would remove, extolling some little insignificant Service, and at the same time by a feigned zeal for the Prince's interest, which they pretend to prefer before all Friendship and Relation, gradually discover his faults, which may procure his Disgrace or loss of Place. But if their Ambition and Malice can't procure this, they at least establish their own Reputation by carping at their Friends faults, and gain themselves Glory by his infamy 4 Unde amico infamiam parat, inde gloriam sibi re●ipere. Tac. 1. ann. . Alphonso the Wise King of Naples was well acquainted with all these practices; wherefore when he heard one full of the praises of his Enemy; Observe, says he, the Artifice of that man, and you will find that the drift of these commendations is only to do him more mischief. And so it fell out, when he had for six Months endeavoured to gain credit to his intentions, that he might afterwards the sooner be believed in what he should say against him. Mines are always sprung at a distance from the Walls where they are to do execution. Those Friends who praise you are worse than Enemies who murmur at you 5 Pessimum ini●icorum genus, ●●udantes. Tac. in vit. Agric. . Others, that they may cheat more securely, praise in public, and in private scandalise 6 Secr●tis cum criminationibus infa●●n●verat, ignarum, & quo cautius dec●peretur, palam laudat●●●. Tac. 1. hist. . Nor is their subtlety less malicious, who so adorn their Calumnies, that they look like praises; as Aleto did in T●sso. Gran fabro di calumny adorn in modi Novi, che sono accuse e payen lodi. These the Psalmist meant, when he said, They were turned aside like a deceitful bow 7 Psal. 78. 57 . Or as Hosea the Prophet says, like a deceitful bow, which 〈◊〉 at one place and hits another 8 Host 7. 16. . Some extol their Rivals to that degree, that It may Plainly appear they don't speak seriously and really, as was observed in Tiberius when he praised Germanicus 9 Multaque de virtute ejus memoravit, magis in speciem verbis ad●rnata quam ut penitus sentire crederetur. Tac. 1. ann. . Others make use of these commendations to raise their Enemy to such posts as may at last ruin them, or at least procure their removal from Court, though to his greater advantage; which I believe was among others, the reason why Ruigomez caused Ferdinand Duke of Alba to be sent into Flanders, when those Provinces revolted. With the same in't ntion Macian praised Anthony in the Senate, and pro●pos'd for him the Government of the Neither Spain 10 Igitur Mucianus quia propalam opprimi Antonius nequibat, multis in senatu laudil●s cumulatum s●cretis promissis onerat, Citerierem Hispaiam ostenta●s discessu Cluvii Rufi vacuam. Tac. 4. hist. ; and to facilitate it, he divided his Offices and Honours among his Friends. 'Tis scarce credible, how liberal Envy is, when it would remove him who eclipses its Glory or obstructs its Rise: 'tis a wave which drives him who can't swim, upon the Shore of Fortune. Sometimes Commendations are used with a design of creating Envy to the party praised; a strange way of striking, with others Vices. Many endeavour to introduce their own Creatures with such Artifice, as no one can penetrate their designs; and to that end, they first carp at some trivial faults committed by others in the same Offices, than praise and cry up others as more fit for those places, and sometimes they entertain them as if they had no knowledge of them, as Lacon did Piso, that he might be adopted by Galba 12 Sed callidè ut ignotum 〈◊〉 Tac. 1. ann. . Others, the better to conceal their Passion, lay their Plots at a distance, and instill their hatred gradually into the Prince's Mind, that being at last full, he may burst upon their Enemies. These means Sejanus used to alienate the Mind of Tiberius from Germanicus 13 Odia in longum jacens, quae reconderet. auct●que prom●r●t. Tac. 1. ann And these the Holy Spirit seems to condemn under the Metaphor of ploughing Lies 14 Devise not (Lat. noli arare) a lie against thy Brothers▪ Eccl 7. 13. Which is the same as sowing Tares in the Mind, that they may afterwards reap the fruit of Wickedness 15 Ye have ploughed wickedness, ye have reaped iniquity, ye have eaten the fruit of Lies, Host 10. 13. Some, not with less cunning, first deceive those Ministers in whom the Prince has most confidence, by insinuating into them some Falsehoods, which they afterwards imprint in the Prince. This was the art of that lying Spirit of the Prophet Micaiah, which proposed to deceive King Achab, by being in the Mouth of all his Prophets, and God permitted it as the most effectual means 16 And he said, I will go forth and be a Lying Spirit in the mouth of all his Prophets, 1 Kin. 22. 22. There are others, who make advantage of the injuries the Prince has received, and persuade him to revenge, either that they may themselves be thereby revenged of their Enemies, or else cause him to be turned out of Favour and Trust. By this Artifice john Pacheco persuaded King Henry the IVth. to apprehend Alphonso Fonseca Archbishop of Sevil, and afterwards advised him privately to provide for his own safety. These are the usual practices of Courts, and though they are oft discovered, yet they never want Patrons, nay, there are those who will suffer themselves to be cheated twice; whence we often see barefaced Impostors remain at Court so long; an effect of the weakness of our depraved Nature, which is more taken with Lies than Truth. We are more apt to admire the Picture of a Horse than a real one, that being but a Lie of th'other. What is Rhetoric with all its Tropes and Figures, but a kind of Falsehood and Cheat? From all which we may see, how much danger there is of a Prince's being deceived in his opinion, unless he with great application and diligence examine things, suspending his belief, until he not only sees the things themselves, but also as it were, feels them, those especially which he has only by hear-say. For the Breath of Flattery, and the Winds of Hatred and Envy enter at the Ears, and raise the Passions and Affections of the Mind, before there can be any Certainty of the truth of the thing. 'Twould therefore be very convenient for a Prince to have his Ears near his Thoughts and Reason. As are the Owl's (for that reason perhaps sacred to Minerva) upon the top of its head, the Chamber of the Senses, all of which we have need of in hearing, lest our ears should deceive us. Let a Prince therefore take great care thereof, for when the ears are once free from affections, and reason sits there as judge, every thing is well examined; all things relating to Government depend upon the relation of others: therefore what Aristotle said of Bees seems improbable; that is, that they are deaf; for that would be a great inconveniency for that prudent and politic little Animal, since those two Senses, Hearing and Seeing, are the Instruments through which we draw Wisdom and Experience; both these we have need of to prevent our being deceived by Passion, Nature or Inclination. The prepossessed Moabites thought the Waters upon which the Sun shone, were Blood 17 And they risen up early in the Morning, and the Sun shone upon the Waters, and the Moabites saw the water on the other side as red as Blood, 2 Kings 3. 22. . The same noise of the people, to the Ears of Warlike joshua, seemed their Shoots to Battle; and to those of gentle Moses a Harmony of Music 18 And Ioshu● heard the noise of the people, as they shouted, he said unto Moses, There is a noise of war in the camp. And he said, it is not the voice of them that shout for Mastery, neither is it the voice of them that cry for being overcome: but the noise of them that sing, do I hear, Exod. 32. 17, 18. . For which cause, God, though omniscient, would verify with his Eyes what he had heard of Sodom and Gomorrha 19 I will go down now, and see whether they have done altogether according to the cry of it, which is come unto me; and if not, I will know, Gen. 18. 21. . When therefore a Prince shall have seen, heard, and felt things, he can't be deceived, or if he be, 'twill not be his fault. From all which we may see how ill contrived was that image of the Thebans, by which they expressed the qualifications of their Princes, for it had ears, but no Eyes, these being full as necessary as those: the Ears to know things, and the Eyes to believe them, in which the Eyes are most trusty, for truth is no farther distant from a Lie than the Eyes from the Ears. Nor has a Prince need of less diligence and attention in discussing the Counsels and Proposals of his Ministers, before he puts them in execution; such as concern raising Money, regulating the Government, and other matters relating to Peace and War, for their usual aim is their own particular interest, and effects done't always correspond to our expectations. Ingenuity often approves Counsels which Experience afterwards rejects. Yet is it imprudence wholly to slight them, for the success of one only makes amends for the vanity of the rest. Spain had never obtained the Empire of the new world, if their Catholic Majesties had not gave more credit to Columbus than other Princes. Yet to be over credulous or confident to act whatever is proposed, is either Levity or Folly. First, The condition of the Proposer is to be considered, his Experience in the matter; what end he may have in deceiving; what interest if he succeeds; also the means and time by which he thinks to accomplish it: Nero, for want of these considerations, was much disappointed about a Treasure which one told him he had found in afric 20 Non authoris, non ipsius negotii side satis spectata, nec missis visoribus per quos nosceret an vera ass●rerentur. Tac. 16. ann. . Many Projects at first seem considerable, which prove at last vain and useless. Many seem light and frivolous, from whence result great advantages. Many which have been successfully experienced in small matters, in affairs of greater moment succeed not. Many seem easy to reason, which are difficult in the operation. Many are prejudicial at first, and advantageous afterwards, and so on the contrary; and many have different effects from what were at first proposed. The lazy and blind Vulgar don't know truth, unless they light on it by chance, for they foolishly form opinions of things before Reason foresees the inconveniences, and promise themselves a more certain knowledge from the success, the guide of the ignorant, and so if any one should go about to argue these people out of their opinions he would lose his time and pains. There are no better means, than to make them see and feel their Errors; so startling Horses use to be whipped and spurred to make them go forwards to see the vanity of the shadow which frighted them. This means Pacuvius used to appease the people of Capua, who risen against the Senate: he first shut all the Senators by their own consent, into a certain Hall; then calls the people together, tells them, that if they have a mind to take off or punish the Senators, now is their time, for they are locked up without Arms; but withal tells them, it would be necessary to take them one by one, and immediately to elect another in the room of him whom they took off, for that without those heads the State could not subsist a Moment. He puts all their Names in a Pot, draws out one, and asks the people what they would have done with him; they all cry out, let him die; then he advises them to elect another; this confounds them, and they don't know who to propose; and so a second and third time they could not agree upon their choice. At last their confusion taught them, that 'twas better to bear with an ill already experienced, than to attempt a remedy, and so they immediately commanded the Senators to be released. The people is very furious in its opinions, and 'tis often, especially upon any imminent danger, a piece of great management in a Prince to govern it with his own hand, keeping pace with it in its ignorance. The people are often reduced to their duty, by laying before them the incoveniences which have happened in the like cases; for they are more moved by Example than Reason 21 Plebei● ingenia exemplis ●agis quam ratione capiuntur. Macrob. . EMBLEM XLVII. EVEN Virtues have their Dangers; they should be always in a Prince's Mind, but not always in exercise. Public interest ought to dictate when and where to use them. Used without Prudence, they either become Vices, or are not less hurtful than them. In a private person they respect only him; in a Prince both him and the State too. They ought to suit with the common interest of all, not with that of particular persons. Civil Science prescribes certain limits to the Virtue of him who commands and him who obeys. Justice is not in the power of the Minister, but aught always to be directed by the Laws. In the Prince, who is the Soul thereof, it has certain considerations, which respect the Government in common. In the Subject Commiseration can never be excessive; in a Prince 'tis often dangerous. To demonstrate this in the present Emblem, I have made use of that method, which according to Sanaz●ro and Garcilazo, the Shepherds used to catch Crows. Which shows Princes with how much circumspection they ought to interest themselves in the misfortunes and dangers of others. They fastened a Crow by the Pinions of its Wings to the ground, this seeing others fly by, would, by making a grievous noise, excite them to pity, and come down to its assistance. Cercavanla, i alguna mas piadosa Del mal ageno de la companera. Quae del fnyo à visada, o timerosa, etc. For that which was fastened to the ground, catches hold of another with its Claws, thereby to free itself, and that again of another, which the same Compassion brought to their assistance; so that for the sake of one another, they are all caught. In which something may be attributed to the Novelty of the accident, for sometimes that appears Compassion which is only a motion of natural Inquietude. I allow the Eyes and Heart to be moved with Compassion, at the Misfortunes and Complaints of foreign Princes. But not to arm upon every slight occasion for their Defence. For a private person to expose himself to dangers to serve his Friend, is brave and commendable, but in a Prince unblamable, if he hazards the public safety for the service of a Foreigner, without good grounds and reasons of State; nor are those of Consanguinity or private Friendship sufficient. For a Prince is born more for his Subjects than his Relations and Friends; he may indeed assist them, but without incurring any damage or danger. When assistance renders the danger so common, that the ruin of one draws after it that of the other, there is no tie of Obligation or Piety can excuse it: but when interests are so interwoven and united, that one must follow the fate of th'other, whoever assists in that case acts his own cause; and 'tis more prudence (as we have said) to oppose dangers in a foreign State than to expect them at home. Also when 'tis the public interest to assist the oppressed; the Prince who is most potent, is, without doubt, obliged to it. For between Prince's Justice can't have recourse to the common Tribunals; 'tis in the Authority and Power of the strongest, that it finds Refuge. In such case 'twould be a kind of Tyranny to be an idle Spectator only, and give way to that Policy which aims to imbroil other Princes, that themselves may be more secure through their dissensions, and raise their own fortunes upon the ruin of others, for such as these the supreme Judge of the intentions severely punishes. These cases require great Prudence, to weigh the engagement with the interest, lest we should▪ entangle ourselves in others Misfortunes, and make their danger ours, for we must not afterwards expect the same return. Spain pitied the Misfortunes of the Empire, and assisted it with its Blood and Treasures, from whence proceeded the Invasions which France made in Italy, Flanders, Burgundy and Spain, the whole War lying at present upon this Monarchy, yet won't some in Germany acknowledge this, or believe that it is for their sakes. Experience therefore in our own and others Misfortunes ought to make us more cautious in our Commiseration and Assistance. How often, by assisting the Misfortunes of our Friends, have we lost both ourselves and him, being afterwards ungrateful for the benefit! How often have these incurred the hatred of a Prince by those very means by which they have endeavoured to served him. Germanicus was adopted by Tiberius, appointed to succeed him in the Empire, and so faithful in his Service, that he took it as an affront, that the Legions should offer him the Empire 1 Quas● scelere contaminaretur. Tac. 1. ann. , and when they pressed him to it would have stabbed himself 2 At ille moriturum potiùs quam fidem exueret, clamitans, ferrum à latere diripuit, elatumque deferebat in pectus. Id. ibid. ; and the more faithfully he behaved himself, the less grateful he was to Tiberius. His care in appeasing the Legions with Donatives was distasteful 3 Sed quod largiendis pecuniis & mission●●estinata favorem militum quaefivisset, belli●a quoque Germanici gloria aug●batur. Id. ibid. . His Piety in gathering and burying the Relics of Var●s's Army, he interpreted Ambition 4 Quod Tiberio haud probatum. Id. ibid. . The Compassion of his Wife Agrippina in clothing the Soldiers, seemed a desire of rule 5 Id S●berit animum altius penetravit. Id. ibid. . In a word, all Germanicus' actions were misinterpreted 6 Cuncta Germanici in deterius trahenti. Id. Ibid. . Germanicus knew this Hatred, and that he was called upon pretence of Honour, from his true Glory in Germany, and endeavoured to oblige him more by Obedience and Observance 7 Quanto summe spei propi●r, tanto impensi●s pro Tiber●o niti. Id. ibid. ; but this made him still more odious, till Gratitude, oppressed by the weight of Obligation, he sent him to the Eastern Provinces 8 Novisq●e provinc●is impositum, dolo simul & cafibus objectaret. Tac. 2. ann. , where he caused him to be poisoned by Piso, rejoicing in the death of him, who was the support of his Empire 9 Na● G●rmanici mortem inter prospera ducebat. Tac. 4. ann. Some Princes are Idols, whose Eyes are, (as jeremiah says) blinded with the dust of those who enter in to worship them 10 Their eyes be full of dust, through the feet of them that come in. Baruc. 6. 17. . They acknowledge no Services, and what is worse, won't be convinced of them, nor that their liberty is subject to desert, and therefore take great care to disengage themselves from it. Him who has performed signal Services they charge with some Crime or other, that his pretention to reward being reduced to a defence, he may take his Pardon for a sufficient Recompense. They seem dissatisfied with those very Services which they inwardly approve; to avoid being obliged, or they attribute them to their own orders, and sometimes that very thing which they desired and commanded to be done, they repent of afterwards, and are angry with him who facilitated it, as if he had done it from his own motive. The Heart of a King is unsearchable 11 Prov. 25. 3. . 'Tis a deep Sea which is to day boisterous and raging, from the same cause which made it yesterday calm and serene. The Goods of Fortune and Mind, and also Riches and Honours, they sometimes esteem meritorious, sometimes injurious and criminal 12 Nobilitas, opes, omissi g●stique honores pro crimine & ob virtutes certissimum exitium. Tac. 1. hist. . The most officious diligence often displeases them. That of Uzza● to God, in putting forth his arm to support the falling Ark, cost him his life 13 And Uzzah put forth his hand to the Ark of God, and took hold of it, for the Oxen shook it And the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzzah, and God smote him there for his error, and there he died by the Ark of God, 2 Sam. 6. 6. . Princes usually recompense negligence rather than care, and reward the least Services with greatest Honours. To be obliged they reckon servile and mean, and choose Ingratitude rather than Acknowledgement. The prompt zeal and liberality of junius Blaesus towards the Emperor Vitellius got him his Hatred instead of Thanks 14 Lugdune●sis Galliae rector, genere illustris, largus animo, & par opibus, circumdaret Principi ministeria▪ comitaretur liberaliter, 〈◊〉 ipso ingratus quamvis, odium Vitellius humilibus blanditiis velaret. Tic. 2. hist. . The renowned Roger of Catalo●ia, being at Constantinople to assist Fadricus King of Sicily, was recalled by the Emperor Andronicus to defend the Empire; he did things beyond belief; with a small number of his valiant Catalonians; he repelled the Turks, and when he expected a reward for his Services, the Emperor upon some slight pretence, put him to death. And very often some frivolous pretence is more regarded than the greatest Services; for Gratitude is esteemed a burden to the mind, but Revenge discharges the Bile. There is this Misfortune in the Service of Princes, that no man knows when he obliges or disobliges them 15 And no man knoweth either Love or Hatred, by all that is before them, E●●l. 9 1. . And if we would form any method of Policy from the light of History, and the Misfortunes which we incur through our over●officiousness, we had need distinguish between Virtues, that we may know how to use them, by considering that though they are all in us as their proper Subject, yet do they not all operate within us. Some are practised externally, others internally. These are Fortitude, Patience, Modesty, Humility, Religion, among which, some are only so far for us, that those external ones contribute no more thereto, than the security of humane Society, and an esteem for their own Excellence, as are Humility, Modesty, and Humanity. So that the more perfect these Virtues are, the more they work upon the Minds and Approbation of others, provided we can keep a Decorum. Other of those Virtues, though they are internal, yet their Operation depends upon external Actions, as Valour and Magnanimity. In these there is no danger, if they be governed by Prudence, which prescribes time and manner to all Virtues. For excessive and imprudent reservedness usually obstructs our interest; we losing ourselves under a Notion of Reputation and Glory, while those who suit themselves to the Times, Necessity and Flattery, obtain the Rewards and Commendations. In the exercise of those Virtues which respect the good of others, such as Liberality and Compassion, there is always some danger, because neither the Rewards of Princes, nor the acknowledgements of Friends are answerable to them; we persuade ourselves that our Services will be acceptable, and that to assist our Misfortunes, they will reciprocally expose their own Lives and Fortunes. Into this error we are led by our own Sense of Gratitude, which often makes us heedless of our own ruin, to satisfy for Obligations received. But if we fall into any Calamity they withdraw and desert us. There were but three of Iob's Friends who visited him in his Afflictions, and they too by God's Command 16 Now when Jobs three Friends heard of all this evil that was come upon him, they came every one from his own place, V Lat. v●nerunt sicut locutus est dominus ad eos, Job 2. 9 : nor did they assist him but with Words and severe Advice, which he had need of all his Patience to bear. But after God again smiled upon job, and began to heap on him Riches in abundance, than came flocking to him, not only his Brethren and Relations, but those too who knew him not but by sight, and sat down at Table with him, that they might partake of his Prosperity 17 Then came there unto him all his Brethren, and all his Sisters, and all that had been of his acquaintance before, and did eat Bread with him in his house, job 4●. 11. . This error, under pretence of mutual assistance and obligation has been the ruin of many, who have reaped nought but Ingratitude and Hatred from their benefits and kindnesses, and created Enemies of those who before were their Friends, so that they die friendless and miserable. The Holy Spirit has cautioned us of this: My Son, says he, if thou be surety for thy Friend, if thou hast stricken thy hand with a stranger; thou art snared with the words of thy mouth, thou art taken with thine own words 18 Prov. 6. 1. . He advises us to deliver ourselves from the hand of a Friend, as a Roe from the hand of the Hunter, and as a Bird from the hand of the Fowler 19 Ibid. . Do good but look about ye, is a Spanish Proverb drawn from Experience. Those are not subject to these Misfortunes who live only to themselves, nor suffer themselves to be moved by Compassion or Charity, to assist the calamities of others, being deaf to their Tears and Groans, avoiding all occasions of intermeddling with them, whence they live free from cares and troubles, and if they gain not new Friends, they however keep those they have; not being esteemed for the good they do, but for the ill they don't do, this being in them accounted Prudence. Besides we naturally esteem them most, who have least need of us, who without being beholden to us, live content with their own. Whence considering the usual custom of Mankind, it may perhaps seem adviseable to be an idle Spectator of others Calamities, and minding only our own interests, not to engage ourselves in their dangers and troubles. But this policy would be against our duty as Christians, Charity, and generous Virtues, which gives us a nearer access to God. This would dissolve all civil Society, which wholly consists in the mutual assistance of one another. Virtue needs no outward acknowledgements; being to itself a fair reward. Nay, 'tis then most perfect and glorious, when it expects the least return; for 'tis a kind of Avarice to do good in hopes of a Retaliation, which if not obtained creates a lasting resentment. Let us therefore be guided by the consideration of what we own ourselves, and also by the example of God Almighty, who bestows his Blessings even on the Ungrateful. Yet 'tis Prudence to have respect to the time when and where acknowledgements may be expected, for 'tis too hard for a man, after great Expenses, great Hazards and Hardships undergone for another, to meet with nothing but Ingratitude in return. To him who understands the nature and usual ways of Mankind, this will not seem at all new; but foreknowing it, will ward the blow, and avoid being hurt. We should also well consider, whether it be really our Friend's interest for us to undertake his assistance: for sometimes we do him an injury by our diligence, because 'tis either unseasonable or imprudent, by which we ruin both ourselves and him too. This officiousness Thraseas checked in Rusticus Arulenus, though in his own behalf, knowing that kindness would be prejudicial to the Intercessor, and of no advantage to the criminal 20 Ne vana, & reo non profitura, intercessori exitiosa inciperet. Tac. 16 ann. . Nor is it less imprudent and dangerous to be over zealous for the public good and welfare of the Prince, then especially, when without obligation of duty, or certain prospect of remedy, we intermeddle with their concerns to our own apparent ruin. I don't mean, that we should be insensible at the sight of others sufferings, or that for our own ease and quiet we should basely truckle to the Times and Tyranny. But that we should not foolishly ruin ourselves, and that we should follow the example of Lucius Piso, who in difficult and deplorable times, knew how to preserve himself with such Prudence, that he was never the Author of any servile proposition, and upon absolute necessity, did it with great Moderation 21 Nullius servilis sententiae sponte author, & quoties necessitas ingrueret, sapi●ntèr moderans. Tac. 6. ann. . Oftentimes we are forward in giving our advice in things which done't concern us, persuaded that therein consists the remedy of the public ills: not considering how easily we are deceived with a conceit of our own opinions, without particular knowledge of the motives upon which Princes act. Nothing is more dangerous than to advise; even he who is obliged in duty to it, aught to avoid it if not asked; for Advice is judged by the event, and that depends upon future accidents, which no Prudence can foresee, and that which falls out ill is attributed to the Counsellor, but not that which succeeds well. EMBLEM XLVIII. HOW are Princes armed against foreign Enemies! and how unprovided against domestic ones! who follow them even through the midst of their Guards, yet do they take no notice of them. These are Flatterers and Parasites; nor is there less danger from their Fawns than from an Enemy's Sword. Flattery has ruined more Princes than force. What Royal Purple has not this Moth eaten? What Sceptre has not this Worm gnawed? It insinuates itself into the tallest Cedars, and preying upon the root soon brings them to the ground. 'Tis a damage not discerned, but by entire ruin; the effect is sooner seen than the cause. 'Tis a false Silkworm which inhabits the gilded Roofs of Palaces. The present Emblem compares it to a Lizzard, with a gay starry back and poisoned Breast. It appears to the Prince under the shining Cloak of Zeal, the better to conceal its pernicious designs 1 woe unto them that call evil good and good evil; that put darkness for light, and light for darkness; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter, Isai. 5. 20. . Let a Prince know, that all brightness does not denote the Excellence of the Subject; for in the Scripture it is a sign of a Leprosy 2 When a man shall have in the skin of his Flesh, a rising, a scab, or bright spot, Levit. 13. 2. ; and rotten wood gives a kind of light in the dark. There are some glimmerings of good, even in the blackest Soul. Sometimes in the very bowels of Severity, the Assertor of Liberty, and Opposer of the Prince. Flattery basely discovers itself; as when Valerius Mesalla proposed the administering the Oath of Allegiance to Tiberius each year, and being asked by whose order he did it, he replied, That 'twas from his own proper motive; for that in all matters of public concern, he would follow the Dictates of his own reason, even though he should offend by it 3 Sponte dixisse, Respondit; neque in its quae and remp. pertinerent, consilio nisi su●●surum, vel cum periculo offensionis, ea sola species adulandi supererat. Tac. 1. ann. . Not unlike this, was that of Ateius, who when Lucius Ennius was accused of having destroyed the Silver Statue of Tiberius, to make house Plate on, and Tiberius being willing to wave the Accusation, openly opposed it, saying, That the Senators ought not to be deprived of the power of judging, nor should such a Crime go unpunished; that he might indeed forgive his own Grievances, but should not be prodigal of the Injuries done the State 4 Palam aspernante Atieo Capitone quasi per libertatem. N●● enim debere eripi patribus vim statuendi, neque tantum maleficium impune habendum; sane lentius in suo dolore esset; reipub. dolores ne largiretur. Tac. 3. ann. . The Lizzard changes its skin every year, so also does Flattery, as oft, I mean, as the Prince changes his mind. The Ministers of King Alphonso the Tenth, advised him to Divorce Queen Violante, for Barrenness, arguing, that the Marriage was void, which they afterwards declared valid, and persuaded the King to retake her to his Bed † Mar. hist. Hisp. There is no Animal more cunning than the Lizzard, whence the Lawyers call all false practice Crimen Stellionatus. Who uses more cheats than the Flatterer, imposing upon the Will, the noblest faculty of man; so much above the other Senses, that without it the rest would be enslaved. The Lizzard does not kill him whom it wounds, but only benumbs him, and puts him, as it were, beside himself, by raising divers passions in him. The proper quality of a Flatterer, who with specious pretences charms the Eyes and Ears of Princes, and put them so beside themselves, that they can't search the truth of things. The Lizzard is so inveterate against man, that when it casts its skin, it eats it up, lest it should be useful in the cure of the Falling-sickness. A Flatterer desires a Prince may not recover from his errors; for Disabuse is the Son of Truth, which is an utter Enemy to Flattery. Flatterers envy the prosperity of Princes, and hate them as those who by their power, and a certain necessity oblige them to the Slavery of Dissimulation and Flattery, and force them to speak one thing and think another. A Prince has need of great Prudence to distinguish Flattery: for it consists in Praise, which he will find from those who are far from that Vice. This is the difference that a Flatterer promiscuously commends all, honourable or base, good or bad; but the other only that which is just and good. When therefore a Prince sees things attributed to him which are due to others, or which are mere accidents 5 O my People, they which lead thee cause thee to err, and destroy the way of thy paths, Isa. 3. 12. ; frivolous things commended and extolled which done't deserve it, such as tend more to pleasure than Reputation. Such as avert his mind from the toil of affairs, such as respect more his own advantage than the public interest, and that the person who so commends these things, does not rightly govern himself, that he does not show any concern or readiness to admonish him, when he commits any thing below his Person and Majesty; nay, that he excuses his Errors, and regards more his own Interest than his Service, that he never seems offended at any thing, that he may he always near him, that he does not associate with those who are zealous Patriots and lovers of their Country. That he praises those whom he thinks agreeable to him, and whom, if he would, he cannot turn out of favour, that when he finds himself fixed therein, makes it his business to gain the esteem of others, by attributing all good success to himself, and by accusing the Prince in that he did not follow his Counsel; that to gain credit, he brags that he reprehended his Errors, when in private he excused commended and approved. Such a one as this a Prince may well mark for a Flatterer, whom he ought to avoid as the most venomous Poison, and directly opposite to that sincere Love with which he ought to be served 6 Elanditiae pessimum veri affectus venenum; sua cuique utilitas. Tac. 1. hist. . But though these marks are plain enough, yet is self Conceit generally so blind, as not to discern Flattery, but suffer itself to be coaxed with its own Praises, which exercise an agreeable Tyranny over the Senses, so that there is no Flattery so gross, which it does not believe its due. Sometimes this happens from a remiss and negligent Goodness, which not duly considering the inconveniences of Flattery, bears it, and interprets it Submission and Zeal. This was the fault of Ferdinand King of Galicia, who was hated of his Subjects for listening too much to Flatterers. And King Alphonso the Ninth, for the same reason, did not a little obscure the Glory of his other Virtues and Exploits. Let Princes therefore believe, that they may be so deceived either through Self-conceit, or their natural Goodness, that though there be sufficient tokens to distinguish Flattery, which that they may know and avoid, I would advise them to read History, and observe by what Tricks and Cheats their Ancestors were cajoled, and what Losses they have incurred thereby, and then consider, whether or no they are not served in the same manner. One time only, when King Ahasuerus could not sleep, and commanded the Chronicles to be read to him, he presently learned from thence what never any one durst tell him, the Designs and Tyranny of his Favourite Haman, and the faithful Services of Mordecat: those hide hitherto by Dissimulation and Flattery, these stifled through Malice, by which being disabused, he punished the one and rewarded the other. Yet even in this they ought to beware of Flattery, wherefore let them read themselves; for perhaps if another reads, he will either pass over those cases which should instruct them, or change some Sentences and Words. O unhappy State of Majesty, which can't be sure of the truth even of Books, which are esteemed the faithfullest Friends of Mankind. A Prince ought also to get a sight of all Libels which are published against him: for though Malice dictate them, yet Truth writes them, and he will find therein what his Courtiers conceal, and gather Prudence and Instruction from his Infamy. Tiberius' seeing how he had been cheated, in not discovering the practices of Sejanus in time, caused to be published the Will of Fulcinius Trius, which was a satire upon him, that he might see, though to his shame, the Truths which Flattery had concealed from him 7 Quae ab haeredibus occultata, recitari Tiberius jussit: patientiam libert at is alienae ostentans, & contemptor suae infamiae, an scelerum Sejani dici nescius, mox quodam modo dicta vulgari malebat, veritatisqui cui officit adulatio, per probra saltem gnarus fieri. T●c. 6. ann. . Let not a Prince always view his own actions in the glass of those that are about him, but rather let him consult Strangers, zealous Men, and such as are of strict Lives and Conversation, and observe if they all agree in one opinion: for the variable and inconstant glasses of Flattery never represent things as they really are, but as the Prince would have them. And 'tis better to be corrected by the wi●e, than cheated by the Flattery of Fools 8 It is better to hear the rebuke of the wise, than for a man to hear the Song of Fools, Eccl. 7. 6. . To this end 'tis necessary sometimes to consult one, sometimes another, making them lay aside Modesty and Fear, by letting them know the obligation they are under to speak Truth. Even Samuel durst not freely tell what God commanded him, to Eli the Highpriest 9 And Samuel feared to show Eli the Vision, 1 Sam. 3. 15. , until he entreated him 10 And he said, What is the thing that the Lord hath said unto thee? I pray thee hid it not from me, Ibid. . Let a Prince sometimes view himself in the glass of the people, in which the least spot immediately appears, for the Mob can't dissemble. Lewis the Fourth of France, would, disguised, mix himself with the Crowd, and hear what they said of his Actions and Government. He that would find Truth, must seek her in the Streets. Lewis the Eleventh of France used to complain, that he wanted one piece of Furniture in his Palace, which was Truth. Which is too modest and plain to live in Courts, being confounded in the presence of Kings. For this reason Saul disguised himself when he went to consult the Witch of Endor, that she might answer him with more freedom; and he did this himself without trusting to another 11 And Saul disguised himself, and put on other raiment, and he went, 1 Sam. 28. 8. . jeroboam also observed the same method, when he sent his Wife to Ahijah to inquire about their sick Child. He commanded her to disguise herself, that he might not know her, lest if he should, he might either give her no answer at all, or not tell her truth 12 1 King 14. 2. . Since than Truth is not to be found in the Palaces of Princes, she must be traced out elsewhere; 'tis the honour of a King to search out a matter 13 Prov. 25. 2. . King Philip the Second had a Favourite, whom he loved extremely, who used to inform him of whatever was said of him as well within as without the Court. 'Tis observable, that though the discourses of the people in the absence of the Prince, be true, yet when they come to his ears they are so softened, and gilded with Flattery, that they rather encourage, and blindly make him pursue his Vices, persuading him that his actions are highly approved by all. No Government was more tyrannical than that of Tiberius; no Favourite more hated than Sejanus; yet when they were at Caprea, the Senate earnestly begged, that they would please to let them see them 14 Cr●brisque precibus efflagit abant, visendi sui copiam facerent. Tac. 4. ann. . Nero was so miserably deceived by the Flattery of the people, that he believed they could not bear his absence from Rome, though for never so small a time, and that his presence comforted them in their Adversity 15 Vidisse civium moestos vultus, audire secretas quarimonias, quod tantum aditurus esset iter, cujus ne modicos quidem egressus tolerarent, sueti adversum fortuit a aspectu Principis ref●veri. ; though he was really so odious, that the Senate and Nobility were in doubt, whether he was more cruel in his Absence than his Presence 16 Senatus & Primat●● in incerto erant. procul, an coram atrocior haberetur. Tac. 15. ann. . There are other ways to know Flattery, but few Prince's care to make use of them, it being so agreeable to their inclinations and nature; and so we see Coiners punished, but not Flatterers, though the last are most guilty; these gilled and counterfeit our Money, those our Vices, putting them off even to ourselves for Virtues. This is a great fault, which is still decried, yet still maintained in the Courts of Princes; where Truth appears not without danger, especially with haughty and passionate Princes 17 Contumacius loqui non est tutum apud aures superbas, & offensioni proniores. Tac. 4. ann. . Bernardo de Cabrera lost his life for his friendly advice in some affairs to Peter the IVth of Arragon, notwithstanding his signal Services, and his having been his Tutor. He who advises or informs another, seems to accuse his Actions and Judgement, which Princes won't endure; for they think he done't sufficiently respect them, who talks to them freely. Gutierrez Fernandez of Toledo with an honest and well-meaning Sincerity, told King Peter the Cruel, what he thought of his Government, and advised him to moderate his Severity; which meritorious Advice the King took for such a crime, that he caused him to be beheaded for it * Mar. hist. Hisp. . A Prince looks upon him as his Judge, who observes his Actions, nor can he endure him who finds fault with them. The danger is in admonishing a Prince what he should do, not what he would do 18 Nam suadere Principi quod oporteat, multi laboris, & periculi. Tac. 1. hist. : which is the reason Truth is so timorous, and Flattery so audacious. But if any Prince would be so generous, as to think it base and mean to be coaxed by Flattery, and look upon it as a contempt for others to pretend to impose upon him, by false praises, and speak more of his Grandeur than his Person 19 Etiam ego & tu simplicissimè inter nos hodie loquimur, caeteri libe●tius cum fortunâ▪ quam nobiscum. Tac. 1. hist. , he would soon be rid of this sort of cattle by arming himself with severity; for none will dare attempt a staunch and severe Prince, who fathoms the truth of things, and has learned to contemn vain Honours. Tiberius with the same composure of countenance, heard the freedom of Piso, and the Flattery of Gallus 20 Audiente h●c Tiberio, ac silente. Tac. 2. ann. . And though he dissembled so well, he knew the Flattery, as he did that of Ateius Capito, considering their Thoughts, not their Words 21 Intellexit haec Tiberius, ut erant magis, quam ●t dicebantur. Tac. 3. ann. . Let a Prince also publicly gratify those who shall be so ingenuous as to tell him Truth. Thus Clisthenes the Tyrant of Sicily did, who erected a Statue to one of his Counsellors, who contradicted his Triumph, by which he wonderfully gained the hearts of his Subjects, and encouraged his other Counsellors to speak their Sentiments more freely. King Alphonso the Twelfth, being once advising about an affair of great moment, with his Sword in his right hand, and his Sceptre in his left, spoke to this effect: Come, says he, speak all your minds freely, and frankly advise me what you think for the glory of this Sword, and the advantage of this Sceptre * Mar. hist. Hisp. . Happy that Kingdom, in which Counsel is neither embarrassed by Respect, nor awed by Fear! All men know the baseness of Flattery, but they know too the inconveniencies of Truth, and see more danger from this than that. Who would not speak with more sincerity and zeal to Princes, were they all of the same temper with john the Second King of Portugal, who when one petitioned for some vacant Office, replied, That he had long since promised it to a faithful Servant, who never spoke to please, but to serve him and the State † Mar. hist. Hisp. . But this generous Sincerity is very rarely to be found; Princes being usually of King Achab's mind, who calling a council of Prophets, would have Micah excluded, because, says he, he doth not prophesy good concerning me, but evil 22 1 Kings 22. 8. . For this reason, Ministers often run great Risks, who through zeal are too forward in telling their Thoughts of future dangers, that they may be seasonably prevented. For Princes had rather not know them than fear them; their ears are prepared for the soft Harmony of Music, but can't bear the jarring sounds of impending dangers. Whence they chose for their Counsellors and Confidents, such as will tell them nothing but what they approve of 23 After their own Lusts they shall heap to themselves teachers, 2 Tim. 4. 3. , and not what God inspires as the Prophet Micah did 24 And Mi●ah said, as the Lord liveth, even what my God saith, that will I speak, 2 Chron. 18. 13. . What wonder then, if without the light of Truth they lose their way and are lost? Would these Tell-truths be guided by Prudence, doubtless a Prince would more value Truth, than vain and empty Flattery; but there are few who use it seasonably; or with that Modesty and Address that is requisite. For all that are free are morose, and offend Princes with the asperity of their Looks, especially when armed with Truth; for some Virtues are odious, such as obstinate Severity, and a Spirit not to be gained by favours. For Princes think themselves slighted, when they see those measures, which are usually taken to obtain their favour are contemned, thinking he who does not study to acquire them, neither acknowledges himself their Subject, nor has occasion for them. The Superior uses the Lancet or incision Knife of Truth, to cure the distempers of the inferior, but this only a caustick, which without pain benumbs, and wears away the parts infected in the Superior. To be troublesome with unseasonable and improper Truths, is rather Malice than Zeal, rather Sauciness that Admonition. God himself uses singular Prudence and Caution in revealing them; for though he might have told Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzar their future Calamities by joseph and Daniel; yet he chose rather to do it by Dream, when the Senses were ●ull'd and Majesty buried in Sleep, and even then not clearly, but by Figures and Hieroglyphics, that there might be some time allowed for their Interpretation, to avoid sudden Terror and Consternation, as also the danger of the Ministers, should they unasked declare such things 25 Gen. 41. 22. & Dan. 4 2. . 'Tis sufficient, if the Minister can make the Prince understand them; which if he can effect by signs, let him not use words. Yet are there some so imprudent, that they glory in bold Truths, and are fond to be the bearers, nay sometimes the inventors of ill News. Let these learn of what befell King Balshazzar, to whom the hand that pronounced his death upon the Wall, was not wholly visible, but only the fingers appeared, and but the ends of them neither; so that it could not in the least be discovered, who guided them; nor this by day light but by night, writing that decretory Sentence by Candle-light, upon the Wall in such Characters, as required some time to be understood. While therefore the intention is good, and accompanied by Prudence, 'twill be easy to walk a secure and middle path, between the Slavery of Flattery and the Arrogance of Truth; for all Truths may be spoken, provided it be with discretion, by proposing only the amendment of those to whom they are directed. Thus the discretion and address of Agricola mollified the stern humour of Domitian 27 Moderatione tamen prudentiâque Agricolae leniebatur, quia non contumaciâ neque inani jactatione libertatis famam, fatumque provocabat. Tac. in vit. Agric. . He who with his Services and Modesty mingles Valour and Industry, may live safe under the worst of Princes 28 Posse etiam sub malis Principibus magnos viros esse. Tac in vit. Agric. ; and gain more Reputation, than those, who by being too ambitious of Glory, do foolishly ruin themselves, without any advantage to the State; by this circumspection M. Lepidus turned to his advantage many dangerous Flatteries, and preserved the favour of Tiberius 29 Nam pleraque ab saevis adulationibus aliorum in melius flexit: neque tamen temperamenti egebat, cum ● quabili authoritate, & gratia apud Tiber●um viguerit. Tac. 4. an. . Thrasea Paetus' going out of the Senate, to avoid being present at the Votes, which to flatter Tiberius, they were making against the Memory of Agrippina, was pernicious to the Senate, and dangerous to himself, without giving any foundation to the people's Liberty, as he proposed 30 Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi ass●nsu pri●res adulationes transmittere solitus, exiit, tum Senatu, ac sibi causam periculi fecit, caeteris libertatis initium non praebuit. Tac. 14. ann. . Truth is yet more dangerous in those, who avoiding Flattery, to seem free and plain, carp at the actions and failures of Princes, with sharp Jests, which stick long by the great ones, especially where they are grounded upon Truth 31 Tiberius' acerbis facetiis irridere solitus, quarum apud pr●potentes in longum memoria est. Tac. 5. ann. : As Vestinus found by Nero, who put him to death for reprehending his Vices with too much freedom 32 Saepe asperis facetiis illusus, quae ubi multum ex vero traxere, acrem sui memoriam relinqunt. Tac. 15. ann. . To speak Truth only to publish the faults of the Government, is a kind of freedom which looks like Advice, but is Reflection; it appears Zeal but is Malice. And this I look upon as not less pernicious than Flattery itself. For if one be an odious Slavery, the other is a false kind of Liberty. Hence the wisest Princes dread freedom as much as Flattery, neither being safe, and therefore the extremes of both are to be avoided; which was observed in the time of Tiberius 33 Unde angusta & lubrica oratio sub Principe qui libertatem metuebat, adulationem oderat. Tac. 2. ann. Yet 'tis certain, there ought to be some allowance for Flattery, thereby to introduce Truth; for not to flatter in somethings, is to accuse in every thing; and in a corrupt Government, there is as much to be feared from too much as too little Flattery 34 Quae moribus corru● ptis, perinde anceps, si nulla, & ubi nimia est. Tac. 4. ann. . The State would be in a desperate condition, and the Prince inhuman and barbarous, if neither Truth nor Flattery durst approach him. He would be like an Adder, if he should be deaf to that Flattery which would persuade him to what is glorious and honourable 35 Psal 57 6. . With such as these God threatened the people of jerusalem by the Prophet jeremiah; I will send Serpents among you, Cockatrices which will not be charmed, and they shall by't you 36 Jer. 8. 17. . That Mind is wild and savage, which a gentle and modest Flattery can't soothe into good Temper, and Compliance with its wholesome Advice. Truth being of itself something bitter, we must sweeten the brim of the Cup, that Princes may drink with more pleasure: They won't hear it if it be dry, nay are often worse for it. The more Tiberius' Cruelty was exclaimed against, the more severe and bloody he grew 37 Caesar objectam sibi adversus reos inclementiam, eo pervicacius amplexus est. Tac. 4. ann. . 'Tis of use sometimes to commend some famous actions in them, as if they had actually done them, that they may be thereby prompted to put them in execution; or to be extravagant in the commendation of Valour or other Virtues, that they may be the more eager to follow them. This inflames the mind more to honour than Flattery. These means, says Tacitus, the Roman Senate used to Nero in the beginning of his Reign 38 Magnis patrum laudibus, ut juvenilis animus levium quoque rerum gloria sublatus, majores continuaret. Tac. 13. ann. . 'Tis of very ill consequence to commend Vices under the name of Virtues; for this is encouraging Princes to commit greater. Nero seeing his Severity taken for Justice, became a perfect Tyrant 39 Postquam cuncta scelerum pro egregiis ●●cipi videt, exturbat Octaviam. Tac. 14. ann. . We ill consult our own Liberty, Fortunes and Lives, in endeavouring to extend the unjust power of Princes beyond their due bounds, by administering them means to satisfy their Ambition and Lusts. Scarce any Prince would be bad, were not his Ministers Flatterers. They gain that favour by public Mischief, which they can't merit by their Virtues. Prodigious Villainy! For a momentary favour, which they are very often disappointed of too, or rather ruined with, to betray their Country and promote Tyranny! What wonder, if God chastises Subjects for the faults of Princes, if they are the cause of them, while Princes act all by their Ministers, who teach them several ways of burdening their Subjects with Taxes, of oppressing the Nobility, and turning the Government into Tyranny, by violating Privileges, Laws and Customs, and so are at last their own Executioners. EMBLEM XLIX. MANY reasons make me doubt, whether the chance of birth has any part of the favour or hatred of Princes; or whether our Conduct and Prudence, can, without ambition and peril, find a secure path, between a froward Obstinacy, and a despicable Slavery. There seems to be a certain occult force, which, if it does not compel, does at least move our Will, and incline it to one more than another: and if in the Senses and natural Appetites there is a Sympathy and Antipathy to things, why not in the Affections and Passions? They may perhaps, have more power and force over the Appetite than the Will, because that is more a Rebel to freewill than this, but it can't be denied, but that the inclination too is of great force, being generally attended by reason, especially when Art and Prudence know how to adapt themselves to the humour of the Prince. We see in all things as well animate as inanimate, a secret Correspondence and Friendship, whose chains are easier broken than parted. Neither the injuries nor adversities which King john the Second suffered for his affection to Alvarez de Luna, nor the apparent danger of the latter, could dissolve that firm bond of Friendship with which their Souls were united. And though this inclination be not natural, yet gratitude for past Services, or the extraordinary merits of the Subject usually produce it. Virtue is of itself amiable, and grateful to the Will. IT would be barbarous to oblige a Prince to balance his affections with indifferency to all, for they proceed from the heart by the Eyes and Hands: what staunch severity can always resist the charms of favour? How reserved was Philip the Second? Yet had he not one but many particular Favourites. God himself had some whom he peculiarly favoured, giving them power to stop the course of the Sun and Moon 1 And he said in the sight of Israel, Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon; and thou Moon, in the valley of Ajalon, Jos. 10. 12. ; The Lord obeying the voice of man 2 The Lord hearkened to the voice of man, for the Lord fought for Israel, Ibid . And why (as King Peter observed) is particular Friendship allowed to private persons and not to Princes? Many are the troubles of Government, to alleviate which, 'twill be necessary to have some one near you in whom you can put a more particular Confidence. There are many difficulties in it, which are not to be surmounted by one. The burden of a Crown is too weighty and cumbersome for one to bear, the strongest yield to it, and, as job says, bend under it. For this reason, though God was assistant to Moses, and supplied him with ability and instructions to administer his Office, yet he commanded to make use of the elders in the Government of his people, that they might help to bear the burden 3 And they shall bear the ●urthen of the people with thee, that thou bear it not thyself alone, N●●b. 11. 17. . And Ieth●o his Father-in-Law, thought the burden greater than he was able to bear 4 For this thing is too heavy for thee; thou art not able to perform it thyself alone, Exod. 18. 18. . Alexander took Parmeno to his assistance; David, Joab; Solomon, Zadock; Darius, Daniel; by whose directions they succeeded in their affairs. No Prince is so prudent and discreet, as of himself to know all things, nor so careful and diligent, as to manage all affairs alone. Which natural impotency obliged Princes to erect Courts and Counsels, and to create Precedents, Governors, and Viceroys, in whom the power and authority of Princes might reside. For alone (says King Alphonso the Wise) they can't penetrate and examine all things, but have need of the assistance of others, in whom they can confide, who should use the power which they receive in performing those things which Princes can't do themselves † L. 3. tit. 1. p. 2. . And if Princes use the assistance of Ministers abroad, why should he not in the more private affairs of his Cabinet? 'Tis necessary he should have some one near him, whom he may deliberate with about the Advice and Counsel which is given him. That he may with him compare his own Scruples and Propositions, and be by him instructed. Whom, in fine, he may safely trust to expedite and execute Affairs 5 Solatium curarum frequenter sibi adhibent maturi P●eges, & hinc meliores aestimantur, si soli omnia non praesumunt. Cassiod lib 8. epist. 9 . Would it not be worse, if embarrassed with such weighty cares, he should communicate himself to none? Besides, 'tis absolutely necessary that the Prince should have some assistant, who, disengaged from all other business, should be as a Mediator between him and his people: Otherwise it would be▪ impossible for him to hear and satisfy all, nor would it suit with his Majesty. For this reason, the Israelites besought Moses that he would speak to God for them, for they themselves were afraid of his Presence 6 Exod. 20. 19 . And Absalon, that he might render David odious to the people, urged that he had no Ministers about him to receive the complaints of the distressed 7 Thy matters are good and right, but there is no man deputed of the King to hear thee, 2 Sam. 15. 3. . The Zeal and Prudence of a Favourite may with ease rectify the defects of Government, and the inclinations of Princes 8 Qui in regiae familiaritatis sacrarium admittuntur multa facere possunt, & dicere, quibus paupcrum necessita, sublevetur, faveatur religio, fiat aequitas, Ecclesia dilatetur. Petr. Bliss. Epist. 150. . Agricola by his prudent address, reclaimed Domitian, and though Sejanus was bad, Tiberius was worse, when without him he followed his own inclinations 9 Obtectis libidinibus, dam Sejanum dilexit, timuitve: postremò in scelera simul at dedecora prorupit, postquam remoto pudore, & metu, su● tantum ingenio utebatur. Tac. 6. ann. . And truly by such Favourites God-often saves a whole Kingdom, as he did Syria by Naaman, and Egypt by joseph 10 2 Kings 5. 1 . Since then 'tis necessary that the weight of Government should be divided; 'tis natural in the choice of such an assistant to be guided in some measure by inclination, or some secret Sympathy in the persons of each; which choice, if it be founded upon desert, can be no ways dangerous; nay, 'tis requisite that the humour of the party whom the Prince takes to assist him, should be chosen to him The question is. Whether one or many should be chosen to this Office; if many equally favoured and respected, Emulation will arise, and their Counsels will thwart one another to the detriment of the State. So that it seems more agreeable to natural order, that affairs should be committed to one alone, who should supervise the rest, and by whom affairs should come digested and methodised to the Prince, who should only substitute him to his cares and trouble, not his power and authority, in his Counsels not his Rewards. The Sun alone imparts Light to the whole world, and when he sets, he leaves not many but only one Vicegerent, the Moon, with a Lustre much greater than that of the other Stars, who seem but as so many inferior Ministers to assist her. Yet neither this nor those shine with their own, but borrowed Light, which the Earth acknowledges received from the Sun. Nor does this favour misbecome Majesty, when a Prince devolves part of the burden of Affairs upon his Favourite, so as to preserve the sovereign power and authority to himself: for this is not favour but employment, not so much an obligation, as a communication of trouble; nor is this so much to be envied, if Princes would be so prudent, as to give it another name; as Precedent of the Council, or Chancellor; as the Magistrates called Praefecti at Rome, incurred no Envy, though they were second Caesar's. The felicity of Subjects consists not in the Prince's being like a loadstone, attractive of Iron and not of Gold, but in his knowledge in choosing such a Minister as will attribute whatever is great and commendable to him; and take all the Reflections and Odium of the people upon himself; one whose mind is wholly bend upon the public good; who manages affairs without Ambition; hears without Disdain and debates without Passion; whose Resolves and Determinations have no respect to self-interest. In a word, whose whole aim is the service and advantage of his Country, not himself, or the preservation of his Master's favour. By this rule one may know whether this Familiarity proceed from pure Zeal or Tyranny. Prince's ought to take great care in the choice of such a Minister, endeavouring not to be biased by Affection or fansifull Inclination, but by rare and excellent Qualifications and Merits, for sometimes such Friendship is not the result of deliberation but accident; it is not favour but diligence: Courts usually erect and adore some Idol which they deify, and treat with Royal Splendour and Magnificence; they worship it upon their Knees, burn Tapers, and offer Incense to it, imploring its assistance with Prayers and Vows 11 And so the multitude, alured by the grace of the work, took him now for a God, which a little before was but honoured as a man, Wisd 14. 20. . As industry can change the course of Rivers, and turn them another way; so it often happens that those who have business at Court, not regarding the Prince, the true channel of affairs, apply themselves to the Favourite, whose arts do, by this, so secure the Prince's favour, that he can never disengage himself from it. No Prince was more cautious, none more free than Tiberius, yet was he subject to his Favourite Sejanus 12 Tiberium variis artibus devinxit, adeo ut obscurum adversus alios, sibi uni incautuin intectumque efficere●. . In which case 'tis difficult to say, whether such favour be human choice, or some superior power, for the greater good or ill of the Commonwealth: The Holy Spirit says, 'tis a particular judgement of God 13 Prov. 29. ●6 . Tacitus attributes the favour and fall of Sejanus to the anger of the Gods for the ruin of the Empire 14 N●● tam sol●rtia (quip iisdem artibus victus est) 〈…〉 pari ex●tio vigu●t ●●●iditque. Tac. 4. ann. . A misfortune scarce avoidable, when this favour falls upon a person of great quality, as it usually does in Courts where the chief of the Nobility are Ministers. For he who is once possessed of it, will, by the pre-eminence of his Birth and Grandeur of his Family endeavour what he can to preserve it, nor will he easily suffer himself to be supplanted by any one: As was seen in john Alphonso Robles, in the time of King john the Second † M●r. 〈…〉 lib. 20. l. 25. . The heart of a Prince is never safe in the power of a Subject, whose Nobility and Authority make him too much respected by others. Though this inconveniency is lessened, when this favour falls upon some great man who is truly zealous and intent upon his Prince's Service, and the honour and welfare of his Country, for then the people's Envy and Odium will not be so great, and the orders which are dispatched through the hands of such a one will be the more readily observed; yet 'tis always highly necessary, if a Prince could balance his favour between his own Authority and the Merits of his Favourite, to commit only that part of the administration to him, which he cannot manage himself; for should he commit it wholly to him, he would experience the same misfortunes with King Ahasuerus, when he entrusted Hamon with the Government of his people 15 Esth. 3. 11. . Let him not give by another's hand what he can dispose of with his own; nor borrow others Eyes, when he can see with his own. As to what is done in Courts of Justice and Councils, let him afterwards consult the Precedents and Secretaries, from whose relations he may receive a just account of the affairs therein transacted; and his Resolutions will be more concise and ready, when he confers with those by whom the affairs ●ave been managed. This method the Popes and Emper●●●se, as did also the Kings of Spain ●ill Philip the Second, who being an excellent Penman, introduced the custom of taking debates and consultations in writing, which afterwards prevailing, gave rise to private favour: for the Kings being embrassed with such a vast number of writings were obliged to communicate them to some one, and this must of necessity be a Favourite. On such a one let a Prince bestow more peculiar marks of favour and benevolence. For he who merits his favour and shares his trouble, aught to have Pre-eminence above others. The shadow of St. Peter worked Miracles 16 Acts 5. 15. . What wonder then, if a Prince's Favourite, who is but his shadow, acts with more Authority than others? Nevertheless, some favours should be reserved for others; nor should those other be so great, as to exceed the condition of a Subject, and make him equal to the Prince, so as to have Court made to him as Copartner in the Empire, and to draw the whole body of affairs after him, which derogates much from the Authority and Esteem of the Prince. A Favourite should act as the shadow not the Substance. In this the Kings of Castille, who, in times past, had Favourites, run● great Risks; for as the power of the Kings being then not so large, how little soever they granted, it endangered the whole Kingdom; as it befell King Sancho the Strong, for his favour to Lopez de Hara; King Alphonso the Eleventh, for his to Count Alvero Osorio; King john the Second, and King Henry the Fourth, for theirs to Alvero de Luna, and john Pacheco. The whole point of Favouritism consists in the Prince's knowing how much he ought to allow his Favourite, and he how much he ought to receive from his Prince. Whatever exceeds this rule, creates (as we shall mention anon) Jealousy, Envy and Danger 17 Sed uterque mensuram implevimus & tu quantum princeps tribuere amico posses, & ego quantum amicus à principe acci●pere: caetera invidiam a●gent. Tac. 14. ann. . EMBLEM L. THE Mountain looks down with disdain upon the other works of Nature, and proudly rises above them, so as to have communication with the Skies. Let not the Valleys envy it this Glory, for though it be nearer the favours of Heaven, 'tis also more exposed to the strokes of its. Thunder too. About its head Clouds gather, and Storms prepare their rage, and upon it they first exert it. 'Tis the same in Offices and Employments more immediately under Princes. The Activity of their power is most offensive to those who are nearest it. Their Conversation is as venomous as that of a Viper 1 Eccles. 9 13. . Whoever walks among them, walks among Snares, and the Arms of his offended Enemies 2 Ibid. . The favour and disdain of Princes are so immediate, that nothing intervenes. Their Love knows no Moderation; when turned to Hatred, it leaps from one extreme to th' other, from Fire to Frost. The same instant sees them love and hate, with the effects of Thunder, which while the noise is heard, or the flash seen, reduces the bodies to Ashes. The favour of Princes is like flame, extinguished with the same ease 'twas lighted. Nay some have thought it absolutely fatal to those on whom it falls 3 Fato potenti● raro sempiternae. Tac. 3. ann. . And many examples as well past as present, are sufficient evidences of it; we have fresh instances of the sudden falls of the most exalted Favourites. The Duke of Lerma in Spain; the Marshal D' Ancre in France; The Duke of Buckingham in England; John Olden Barnvelt in Holland; Cardinal Clesel in Germany; at Rome Cardinal Nazaret; yet may this be ascribed to divers causes, either because the Prince having given all that he could, or the Favourite obtained all he desired, he was mounted to the highest step, and so must of necessity descend 4 An satius capis, ●ut illos cum omnia tribuerunt; Aut hos, cum jam nihil reliquum est quod capiant? Tac. 3. ann. . But suppose there be moderation in the favours of the one, and the ambition of the other; yet what constancy can there be in the minds of Princes, which the more vehement they are, are the more subject to variety and contradiction? who can fix the affections of him whose Senses see double, and is like the first matter, not resting in one form, but pleased with variety. Who can preserve that favour which is liable to so many chances and turns of Humour? Who can behave himself with so nice integrity, as to maintain the Prince's good opinion of him with the people? The Eyes of all are upon the Favourite. The Prince's Friends think him an Usurper of their Rewards, his Enemies that he incenses the Prince farther against them. These, if they return to their duty, must make the disgrace of the Favourite one of the conditions; those if they forsake it, lay all the blame upon him. Ambition and Envy are always in Arms, intent upon every occasion to ruin him. The people are so imbittered against him, that they impute even natural misfortunes, and the Prince's Vices, all to him. Bernardo de Cabrera lost his head for the Tyrannies of mPeter the Fourth, King of Arragon, whose Favourite he was. By the same means that a person endeavours to gain the favour of the Prince, he incurs the Odium of the Subjects; so that it was truly said by that great Man, Alphonso de Albuquerque, Governor of the Eastindies, that a Minister in obliging his Prince, offended the People: and if he endeavour to gratify the People, he disobliges the Prince. If this favour be only founded upon exterior Adoration, fomented by Court-Artifices, 'tis violent and momentary, and the Prince will endeavour to free himself from this imposed involuntary Slavery. If it proceed from a natural propensity of the Mind, 'tis very subject to second Causes, and is effaced by time or the ingratitude of the Subject, when he forgets from whence he took his rise 5 Wisd. 15. 11. . If a person's Mein and Carriage do, as it were, ravish the Prince's favour, it either soon fades, or is only superficial, as in common Friendship. If it be from some qualifications of Mind greater than those of the Prince, whenever he knows it, there's an end of his ●avour, for none can endure in another Pre-eminency in 〈◊〉 Valour, which is usually esteemed above Power and Authority. If it be from assiduity and care in business, diligence is not less dangerous than negligence; for success does not always correspond to means, because of the diversity of accidents; and Princes will be disappointed in nothing that they wish and desire. Success is attributed to chance, or to the fortune of the Prince, and not to the prudence of the Favourite 6 Haec est conditio Regum, ut casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant, sccundos fortunae suae. Aemil. Prob , but miscarriages to him alone, though the fault be another's, for all are willing to father Success, but Misfortunes are laid at another's door 7 Prospera om●es sibi vendicant, adversa uni 〈◊〉 Tac. in vit. Agric. , that is to the Favourite. Even Casualties are imputed to him, as the falling of the Amphitheatre, and the burning of Mount Caelius were to Sejanus 8 Feralemque annum fer●bant, & omnibus adversis susceptum Principi consilium absentia, qui mos vulgò ad culpam fortuita trahentes. Tac. 4. ann. . Nor do they only accuse him in affairs of his own management, but also in those of others, or in those accidents that depend upon the Prince's Will and Nature. Thus Seneca was blamed for that Nero would have drowned his Mother 9 Ergo non jam Nero cujus immanitas omnium qu●stus anteibat, sed adverso rumore, Seneca erat, quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset. Tac. 14. ann. . Men cannot imagine a wickedness so strange as was not believed of Sejanus 10 Sed quia Sejanus ●acinorum ommum repertor habebatur, ex nimia charitate in eum Caesaris, & caeterorum in utrumque odio quamvis fabulosa & immania credebantur. Tac 4. ann. . There is no natural death, of a great Minister or Relation of the Prince, but is immediately reflected upon the Favourite. As was that of Prince Philip Emanuel, Son to Charles Duke of Savoy, to the Duke of Lerma. If this favour proceeds from Obligation, and from signal Services performed, the Prince will by degrees grow weary of the burden, and his Love will turn into Hate, because he looks upon him as a Creditor, and being unable to pay him, he seeks pretences to break with him, and so strike off the Debt 11 Nam beneficia eo usque laeta sunt dum videntur exsolvi posse; ubi multum antevenè●e, pro gratia odium redditur. Ibid. . Acknowledgement is a kind of Slavery. For he who obliges another, makes himself his superior, which is inconsistent with the Sovereignty of a Prince, whose power is diminished, if it be not greater than the obligation: and Princes being oppressed with the weight of Gratitude and Obligation, become notoriously ungrateful, that they may discharge themselves from them 12 Quidam quo plus deb●nt, magis oderunt. Leave as alienum debit●rem facit, grave inimicum. Sen. Ep. 19 . The Emperor Adrian put Titian to death, who had been his Tutor from a Boy, and to whom he owed his Empire: Not to mention that the fatigues of many years are effaced by one oversight; Princes being more apt to punish a slight offence, than to reward signal Services. If they are honourable, they create Emulation and Envy in the Prince himself, for whose Service they are performed, for some are more angry with those who have served them successfully and gloriously, than with those who have been more remiss and less successful, of this humour was Philip of Macedon 13 Quem ita gloriae cupidum esse dicunt familiares, ut omnia clara ●acinora sua esse videri cupit, & magis indignatur Ducibus & Praefectis, qui prosper, & laudabilitèr aliquid gesserint, quam iis qui infelicitèr & ignave. Demost. ; a Vice which his Son Alexander inherited 14 Suae demptum gloriae existimans quicquid cessisset alien●. Curt. ; and was visible in james the First of Arragon, who when Don Blasco de Alagon had taken Morella, he thought he had gotten more Glory than he in that Expedition, and therefore took from him that City, and gave him in exchange that of Sagasto. The Victories of Agricola made Domitian jealous, seeing that the fame of a private man exceeded his 15 Id sibi maxime formidolosum, privati hominis nomen supra Principis attolli. Tac. in vit. Agric. . So that in the most glorious and successful Exploits there is the greatest danger. If favour springs from the prompt obedience of the Favourite to the Will of the Prince, it makes the Government incur the above mentioned inconveniencies of Flattery, and soon ruins both the Prince and Favourite; Obedience is as dangerous as disobedience; for if the command succeeds, 'tis ascribed to the Prince, if not, to the Favourite. If this command be not obeyed, 'tis then the reason why it succeeded not. If it be unjust, he dares not make that his excuse, lest he offend the Prince; if he obey, the ●ault is all laid upon him; and the Prince, that he mayn't seem the Author of the mischief, permits him to suffer either in the opinion of the People; or in the hands of the Judge. Thus Tiberius served Piso after he had by his command poisoned Germanicus, whose cause he referred to the Senate 16 Integram causam ad Senatum remisit. Tac. 6. ann. ; and coming to Rome, he behaved himself as if he knew nothing of the matter, leaving him confounded to see him so unconcerned and reserved, without either pity or anger 17 Nullo magis exterritus est, quam quod Tiberium sine miseratione, sine ira obstinatum, clausumque vidit, ne quo affectu perrumperetur. Tac. 3. ann. . If this favour falls upon a man of small Qualifications and Merit, he will sink under the weight of affairs; for without a brave and vigorous mind, without a quick and piercing Wit, the favour of Princes cannot be long maintained. If it proceeds from a resemblance and conformity of Virtues, when the Prince bids adieu to them the other is at an end. For he will hate the Favourite, as one who accuses his change 18 Wisd 2. 15. , and whom he can't make use of in the prosecution of his Vices. If a Prince loves a Favourite, for that he makes use of him as an instrument to execute his vicious designs and inclinations with; whatever ills do thence arise, either to the King's Person, or to the Government, all fall upon him; and the Prince with ease clears himself by disgracing him; or else hates him as a witness of his Vices, whose presence does, as it were, upbraid him with his crimes. For the same reason Nero disgraced Anicetus the Murderer of Agrippina 19 Levi post admiss●m scelus gratia, dein graviore odio, quia malorum facinorum ministri quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur. Tac. 14. ann. ; so Tiberius discharged those Ministers who had assisted his Cruelty, and made use of others 20 Qui scelerum ministros ut perverti ab aliis nolebat, ita plerumque satiatus, & oblatis in eandem operam recentibus, veteres & praegraves adfl●xit. Tac. 4 ann. . The Odium of the Death, and the favour of him who commands it, end both with the execution, and the Prince thinks he sufficiently clears himself in punishing the crime, as Plancina found 21 Ut odium & gratia desiere, ju● valuit. Tac. 6. ann. . If this favour proceed from the communication of important Secrets, he is in danger from them, for they are Vipers in the breast of the Favourite, which gnaw his Entrails till they eat their way out, for either levity or ambition of seeming a man in favour, reveals them, or they are discovered by another, or by discourse, which are equally pernicious to the Favourite. But though this should not happen, the Prince will be willing to free himself from the care of having entrusted them, by tearing open the bag in which they are hid: as many Secrets so many dangers 22 Isa. 24. 16. vid. lat. vers. . Nor is the danger less, if this favour proceeds from the Favourites being conscious of the Prince's Cowardice and Baseness; for such favour is rather fear than inclination, nor will a Prince endure, that his honour should depend upon another's silence, or that there should be one who inwardly should despise him. If this favour be but small, it can't resist the fury of Envy, but is blown down by every blast, like a tree not firmly rooted. If it be great, it creates Envy and Fear in the Prince himself, and so makes him careful to free himself from it; as when we have piled Stones upon Stones, we at last fear lest the heap which we have raised, should fall upon our own heads, and so push them over th'other way. The Prince sees the Statue which he erected shades his own Grandeur, and so pulls it down again. I may venture to say, that Princes seem to delight to show their power, as well in pulling down those images as in erecting them; for their power being limited, can't seem immense, unless it return to the centre from which it proceeded, or keep in a circle. These are the rocks against which, if the ship of favour strike, 'tis lost, so much the surer, by how much the more sail it makes. But if any one escape, 'tis either because it recovered port in time, or that it ran first upon the shore of Eternity. Is there then any Pilot so skilful as to know how to manage the helm of favour, and to sail in so very dangerous a Gulf? What prudence, what art can save him? What Chemist can fix this Mercury of Prince's Affections? especially, when favour founded upon eminent merit can't resist Envy and the Machinations of so many as conspire its ruin. Neither the Kings Darius nor Achis could defend their favour to Daniel and David, against the hatred of the Princes and Guards 23 Dan. 6 4. ; but were forced for their satisfaction, to banish one, and throw the other into a Den of Lions, though they were well assured of their Integrity and Innocence 24 1 S●m. 20. 6. . Though no prudence nor attention be sufficient to prevent those accidents which depend not upon the Favourite, yet may he do much in things which depend upon him, and at least will be unblameable if he fall into disgrace. Which consideration obliged me here to mark out to him the usual causes of his ruin, arising from his own imprudence and the malice of others, that being forewarned he may avoid them. If we would attentively consider the Maxims and Actions of former Favourites, and especially of Sejanus, we shall find, that most of them fell, because they could not continue those good methods by which they at first obtained the Prince's savour. All to merit it, and gain the applause of the people, enter into favour zealous, humble, courteous, and officious, giving counsel for the Glory of the Prince, and Preservation of his Grandeur, the method by which Sejanus ingratiated himself 25 Quia Sejanus, incipiente adhuc potentia, bonis consiliis no●escere volebat. Tac. 4. ann. , but being once masters of this favour, they lose the Helm which before guided them, and believe they have no more occasion for it in their Voyage, but can sail securely with the gale of the Prince's favour. At first they are diligent to appear wholly disengaged from their own affairs, and only intent upon the Prince's interest, preferring his service even to their own Lives and Fortunes; whence the Prince, persuaded that he has got in this person a faithful associate in his labours, loves him and extols him everywhere; as Tiberius did Sejanus to the Senate and People 26 Ut soci●m laborum non modo in sermonibus, sed apud patres & populum celebraret. Tac 4. ann. . They endeavour farther by some generous and heroic action to prove their fidelity to the Prince and win his heart. Thus Sejanus ingratiated himself with Tiberius, by sustaining with his own hands and head, the weight of a Precipice which would else have fallen upon Tiberius, causing him thereby to put more confidence in his Friendship and Constancy 27 Praebuitque ipsi materiam, cur amicitiae, ●●stanti aeque 〈◊〉 magis fideret. Ibid. . Which good opinion of a Favourites fidelity, if a Prince once imbibes, he easily fancies himself secure of it for the future, and willingly takes his advice though never so pernicious, putting more confidence in him than in himself; as Tiberius did after that action 28 Major ex e●, & quanquam exitiosa suaderet, ut non sui anxius, c●m fide audiebatur Ibid. . And hence proceed very great mischiefs. For he is blinded by this preconceived opinion, nay, and himself promotes his Favourite's Credit and Reputation, by permitting extraordinary Honours to be paid him, as Tiberius did, hanging Sej●nus's picture in the Theatres a●d public Places 29 Colique per theater & fora effigies ejus, interque principia legionum sineret. Ibid. . This whisper passes immediately from one to another, whence is raised a new Idol, like that of Aaron out of the Earrings 30 Exod. 32. 4. , for either there would be no favour, or at least, 'twould be but of short continuance, without the applause of the people: This Honour creates Arrogance and Avarice to support it, the usual Vices of the great ones 31 Avaritiam & arrogantiam, praecipua validiorum vitia. Tac. 1. hist. . The Favourite forgets himself, and those good qualities which made him at first esteemed, by degrees fade, Prosperity insensibly disclosing those Vices which Policy had a while concealed. So it happened to Antonius Primus, in whom Prosperity discovered Pride, Avarice, and other ill qualities which were before unknown 32 Felicitas in tali ingenio, avaritiam, superbiam, caeter●que occulta mala patef●cit Tac. 3. hist . Grandeur disturbs the reason, and makes the Favourite aspire to things above him; thus Sejanus offered marriage to Livia 33 At Sejanus nimiâ fortunà socors, & muliebri insuper cupidine incensus, promissum matrimonium, flagitante Livia, componit ad Caesarios codicillos. Tac. 14 ann. . He manages affairs not as a Minister, but a companion (which was Mucian's great fault) 34 Mucianus cum expedita manu, socium magis imperii quam ministrum agens. Tac. 4. ann. ; and would have the Prince but a bare name, reserving all the authority to himself 35 Vim principis amplecti, ●omen remittere. Tac. 4 hist. . Nor dares any say to him what Bathsheba said to David, And now be●old Adonijah reigneth, and now, my Lord the King, thou knowest it not 36 1 Kings 1. 18. . And 'tis the Favourite's whole aim to exceed the Prince in those qualities which are proper to Royalty, that he may be esteemed beyond him; which way Absalon made use of to disgrace King David, affecting affability and a readiness to hear the Subject's Complaints; by which he stole the hearts of the people 37 2 Sam. 15. 6. . A Favourite does not think himself such, unless his Servants, Relations and Friends participate of his Authority, and so for his security he con●errs the chief Offices of State upon them, and so cuts the Nerves of Envy. With this design Sejanus preferred his own Creatures 38 Neque S●natorio ambitu abstin●bat, clientes suos konoribus aut provinc●is ornando. Tac. 4. ann. . And because this power derogates from the Authority of the Princes of the Blood, who always oppose favour, not being able to bro●k that it should be more esteemed than Birth, and that the Prince should suffer himself to be governed by a Subject, on whom they must depend, (a danger which Sejanus experienced in the Family of Tiberius 39 C●terum pl●na C●sarum domus, juvenis filius, nepotes adulti m●ram capitis ad●erebant. Tac. 4. ann. . The Favourite breeds discontent between them and the Prince. Thus Sejanus informed Tiberius, that Agrippina conspired against him, and Agrippina that Tiberius designed to poison her 40 Imm●ssis qui per speciem amiciti● monerent, paratum ei venenum, vitandas s●ceri epul●s. Tac. 4. ann. . If the Favourite succeeds in any thing of this nature it emboldens him to proceed farther. After the death of Drusus, Sejanus had a design to cut off the whole Family of Germanic●s. So that the Favourite being blinded with passion and excess of power, scorns private Artifices, and acts openly against the Prince's Relations, as Sejanus did against Agrippina and Nero. None dare warn him of the danger of his actions, for all tremble at the Majesty of his presence, as the Israelites did at that of Moses, when he came from conversing with God 41 Exod. 34. 30. And as he sees himself as much respected as the Prince, he conspires against him 42 Esth 16. ●. , and oppresses his Subjects, knowing he can't gain their good Will; which makes them in Despair, doubt, whether his Avarice and Cruelty would not be less, were he really their Prince, than now when not being so, he treats them as Slaves and Strangers. Which Otho considered in a Favourite of Galba 43 Minore avaritia, aut licentia grassatus esset Vinius s● ipse imperasse●, nunt & subjectos nos habuit tanquam suos, & viles ut alienos. Tac. 1. hist. . All attempts of this kind augment the danger, for Envy increases, and Malice arms against the Favourite, who thinking he can't overcome it, but by some greater, applies all the means that Emulation of favour, more furious than that of Love, can suggest. And since the security of his favour depends upon the constancy of the Prince's Will, he endeavours to oblige him, by pleasures and voluptuousness, the main instruments of favour, which Vitellius' Courtiers made use of to preserve his 44 Unum ad potentiam iter prodigis epulis, & sumptu, ganeaque sati●re inexpl●biles Vitellii libidines. Tac. 2. hist. . And lest the Prince should give credit to any, he makes him diffident of all, the good especially, for them he fears most. By this artifice Vatinius 45 Optimi cujusque criminatione eousque valuit, ut gratia, pecunia, vi nocendi, etiam malos praemineret. Tac. 15. ann. , and Sejanus ingratiated themselves 46 Sui obtegens in alios criminator. Tac. 4. ann. . The Favourite considering, that nothing is more opposite to favour than the capacity of the Prince, makes it his whole endeavour, to keep him from knowing, understanding, seeing or hearing any thing, or having any one about him to inform him. He procures his aversion to business and fatigue, by filling his mind with the diversions of Huntting, Plays, and Banquets, that his Senses being diverted, neither his Eyes may inspect Transactions, nor his Ears hear the Murmurs and Complaints of his people. Thus in the Sacrifices of the Idol Moloch, the Priests made a noise with Drums and Trumpets, to drown the Cries and Groans of the dying Infants. Sometimes by a farther fetch, he embarasses and confounds him with Affairs and Papers, on purpose to tyre him quickly, so we ride Colts in a boggy ground to break them, and make them sooner take the Bit. To which end he persuades him to assist at Audiences, by which being wholly wearied, he may commit the management of all to the Favourite, thinking it sufficient to have an account of affairs from him. Whence (as jeremiah said of the Babylonish Idols) the Prince is nothing but what the Favourite pleases 47 Baruch 6. 46. . He would not have Affairs go smoothly and with success, for any one can sail in a Calm, but he wishes that the Sea may run high, and that the State may be so tossed by the Waves, that the Prince may be afraid to put his hand to the Helm, and so have more need of him. And then to stop at all Avenues to Truth, and remain sole manager of Affairs beyond the reach of Envy, he draws him from Court to some Retreat among his own Creatures. So Sejanus persuaded Tiberius to retire from Rome 48 Ac ne assiduos in domum caetus arcendo, infringeret potentiam, aut recept●ndo facultatem criminantibus praeberet; huc ●lexit, ut T●berium ad vitam procul Roma amoenis locis degendam, impelleret: mult● quippe provideb●t. Suà in manu aditus, literarumque magna ex parte se arbitrum fore▪ cum per milites comm●arent: mox Caesarem vigente jam ●en●ctâ se●r●toque loci mollitum munia imperii facilius transmissurum: & mi●ui ibi invidiam, ademptâ salutantum turbâ, sublatisque m●nibus vera po●entia augere. Tac. 4. ann. . All these Arts redound much to the prejudice of the State, and the Prince's reputation, and he who hawks after a Prince's favour by these means, does him more injury than one who openly offends him 49 Plura saepe peccantur dum 〈◊〉, quam cum 〈◊〉. Tac. 15. ann. . For an offence is given by one fault, but favour is not acquired under many, and these always derogate from the Honour of the Prince, and are opposite to the public Welfare. A State suffers much upon the sudden death of its Prince, but this grievance is soon remedied in his Successor, which can't be, when the Prince is by these arts rendered unserviceable to the Government, this misfortune must continue as long as he lives, to the utmost Detriment of the Commonwealth. And as 'tis daily more and more felt, it creates Discontent and Murmurs among all, who find that this favour is not voluntary but violent, not choice but force, and many grounding their fortune upon his disgrace, he being an impediment to their promotion; these, I say, being always armed against him, 'tis impossible but that at last they should find an opportunity to displace him, or that the Prince should not at last perceive the trick, and that all the Envy and Odium conceived against the Favourite falls upon him, as Tiberius at last found 50 Perque invidi●m tui, me qu●que incusant. T●c. 4. ann. : and then the Prince beginning to open his Eyes, at the same time gins to fear the power which he has given his Favourite; which made Tacitus doubt whether Tiberius more loved or feared Sejanus 51 Dum Sejanum dilexit timuitve. Ibid. ; and as before his favour raised him, so now his hate procures his ruin. This is the critical point of favour, in which all are in danger, for neither can the Prince dissemble his does satisfaction, nor the Favourite remain constant in his Disgrace, whence both being disgusted the bond of Amity is broken. The Prince regards the Favourite as unworthy his favour, and he him as ungrateful for his Services, and believing that the Prince can't be without him, and that he must shortly recall him, he withdraws a while from Court, and giveth occasion to another to intermeddle in Affairs, and foment the new raised disgusts, whence in a short time the favour is turned into hatred, the impatience of the Favourite hastening his ruin. The report of his Disgrace spreads, and all grow insolent and insult over him, it being now not in the power of the Prince himself to assist him. His Relations and Friends foreseeing his fall, and the danger which threatens them, fear lest they too should be involved in the ruin 52 Quidam male alacres, quibus infanstae amicitie gravis exitus imminebat. Tac. 4. ann. . As a lofty Tree falling crushes all that grow under the shadow of its Branches; nay these are the chief promoters of his fall, that they may get out of danger themselves, all joining, some as Friends, some as Enemies, to push down this falling Wall 53 Psal. 61. 4. . The Prince ashamed of himself, strives to free himself from this Subjection, and to regain his credit, by making the Favourite the principal cause of all miscarriages, so that he is caught in his own Snares without being able to free himself, as Sejanus was 54 N●n tam s●le●tia, quip iisdem artibus victus est. Tac. 4. ann. , and the more he strives to disengage himself, the more he hastens his ruin: For when Favour once sickens it must die, there being no Medicine can recover it. From all that has been said we may evidently see, that the greatest danger in Favour is in the methods which Ambition takes to preserve it; it being the same with Favourites, as with People who are too curious about their Health, who thinking to preserve it by abundance of Physic, rather destroy it and shorten their days. And as in Distempers of the Body there is no better remedy than Abstinence, leaving the rest to Nature, so when Favour gins to sicken, the best Advice is not to tamper too much with Medicines, but to serve his Prince with sincerity and integrity, without affection or interest, leaving the Operation to Merit and Truth, more durable than Artifice; and using only some Preservatives, such as respect the Favourite, the Prince or his Ministers, or the Court, or the People, or Strangers. As to the Favourite, he should preserve the same state of Modesty, and Affability that his fortune found him in. He should clear his Looks from the dazzling Beams of Favour, as Moses did when he spoke to the People, after he came from communing with God 55 Exod. 34. 35. . Daniel, though he was a Favourite to many Kings, waited with the rest in the Antichambers 56 Dan. 2. 49. . Let him refuse those Honours, which either belong to the Prince, or exceed the Sphere of a Minister, and if any would offer them, let him advertise both himself and him, that he is only a Servant to the Prince, to whom alone those Honours are due: so the Angel informed St. john when he would have worshipped him 57 Revel. 19 1●. . Let him not make his Prince's Favour the means whereby to execute his Lusts and Passions. Let him hear with Patience, and answer calmly 58 Eccles, 12. 9 , let him not affect others Favour, nor fear their Displeasure▪ nor conceal his Favour, nor covet Sovereign Power, nor arm against Envy, nor provide against Emulation, for in these Precautions are very dangerous Let him fear God and Infamy. The Favourite is also in danger from his Family and Relations, for though the Prince and People do approve of his Actions, it don't thence follow, that they must also those of his Domestics and Relations, whose Disorders, Indiscretion, Pride, Avarice, and Ambition render him odious and ruin him. Let him not deceive himself by thinking, that his own Creatures are the support and strength of his Favour, for he who depends on many, is in danger of many, and therefore 'tis better to keep them within remembrance of their former Condition, and far from the management of Affairs, that others may see they hold no part in the Government, nor his Favour, or that they are preferred merely for being his Servants. But if they are persons of Worth and Merit, I would not that their being the Favourites Servants and Relations should prejudice them. Christ has taught us this Point, giving to his Relations the Dignity of forerunner and Apostle, but not that of Teacher of Nations, and that of the Pontificate, which were due to the Faith of St. Peter, and the Learning of St. Paul. With the Prince let him observe these Maxims. Let him always presuppose, that his Favour or Affection is very subject to change, and if any such change should happen, he inquire not into the Cause thereof, nor pretend to take notice of it, that the Prince may not suspect him, nor his Rivals hope his Fall, for he is in danger of it when he but thinks of it. Let him not build his Favour upon the inclination and fancy of the Prince, but upon his own Merit; for if the Gold of Favour be not well tempered with that Alloy, it can never endure the Hammer of Emulation. Let him love more the Dignity than the person of a Prince. Let him moderate his Zeal by Prudence, and guide his understanding by that of the Prince, for none can suffer a a Rival in Sense. Let him think himself his Subject not his Companion, and being a Creature, let him not pretend to equal his Creator 59 ●ccles. 2. 12. ; let him esteem it honourable, and glorious to ruin himself to augment his Grandeur. Let him advise with a modest, agreeable and sincere Freedom 60 Prov. 22. 11. , without fear of Danger or Ambition of being accounted zealous and staunch in his Opinion. Let him make no Affair his own, nor think his Reputation concerned in its Success, nor be disgusted that his Sentiments are rejected, or that being admitted they were afterwards altered, for such Attempts are very dangerous. In Debates and Resolutions, let him be neither so hot as to flame, nor so cold as to freeze, but keep a moderate pace according to time and opportunity. Let him be more intent upon his Duty than his Favour, but without Affectation or vain Glory, for he who serves only for Reputation, robs the Prince of his 61 Luk. 17. 10. . Let his Silence be a propos, and his words close and ready upon occasion, which quality King Theodorick commended in one of his Favourites 62 Sub Genii nostri luce intrepidus quidem, sed reverenter astabat, opportune tacitus, necessariè copiosus, Cass. lib. ●. Ep. 3. . Let him prefer his Prince's Service to his own interest, nay let them be both one. Let him pay due Veneration to the Royal Family, esteeming their Friendship his greatest Security, without fomenting Differences between them and the Prince, for Blood is easily reconciled to the ruin of the Favourite. Let him take care that the Prince has always good Servants, and faithful Ministers about him, and let him instruct him faithfully in the Art of Government. Let him neither shut his Eyes, nor stop his Ears, but rather take care that he see, touch and feel all things himself. Let him discreetly inform him of his Errors and Failures, without fear of offence, if necessity requires. For though his Favour may sicken for a time, 'twill recover again when he finds his Error, as it happened to Daniel with the Kings of Babylon 63 Prov. 28 23. . When the Prince resolves or determines any thing through Heat or Passion, he should endeavour to bend not break those Resolutions, waiting while time and the inconveniencies thereof convince him of his Error. Let him not prevent his hearing People's Complaints, and Satyrs, for when they fall upon Innocence, they are as Grains of Salt that preserve Favour, and Admonitions not to err or to amend. Let him ascribe successful Actions to the Prince, but t●ke miscarriages upon himself. Let him always think his ruin sure and certain, waiting for it with Constancy, and a free and disinteressed mind, without being over solicitous to establish his Favour, for he falls soon from a Precipice who fears it most. The reflection of the danger disturbs the Brain, and we grow giddy with looking from an height. Whatever Favourites have been thus giddy have certainly fell, when those who have not been so solicitous have passed secure 64 Prov. 10. 9 . Among the Ministers of State, let him behave himself rather as a Companion than a Master, rather as a Defender than Accuser 65 Eccles. 32. 1. . Let him encourage the Good, and endeavour to reform the Bad. Let him not interpose his Authority in their Preferments or Removals; and leave to them their own business. Let him not alter the Course of Counsels in Consultations, nor deny any access to the Prince. If the Prince would have him confer with him, let him declare his Sentiments frankly, without any other Design than to consult for the best. The Court is the most dangerous Rock of Favour, and yet all use it to establish and confirm it; there is not a stone in it but would strive to fall, if in falling it might crush the Statue of the Favourite, which is as brittle as that of Nebuchadnezar, by reason of the diversity of Metals that composed it. Not one Courtier is a true Friend to the Favourite; if he chooses some he incurs the Hatred and Envy of the rest▪ If he introduces them, he is in danger of being supplanted; if he does not he makes them his Enemies. 'Tis therefore the safest way to walk with indifference to all, and not to intermeddle in the Affairs of any one, but endeavour to satisfy all, and (if possible) rather to promote than hinder them in their Pretensions and Interest. If any one shall have insinuated himself into the Prince's Favour, 'twill be the best way to keep him there; for he who wrestles with another to throw him down usually falls with him, and opposition confirms Favour. More Favourites have been ruined by striving to displace others, than by advancing them. Let him slight Accusations, or Commendations to the Prince, and leave them to Fortune. Favour is very subject to the People, for if they disapprove the Favourite, the Prince can never support him against the common Cry; or if he Attempts it, the People usually turn his Judges and Executioners, we having seen a great many fall by their hands. If the People love him to excess he is in danger from thence, for that creates Jealousy and Envy in others, nay in the Prince himself, whence the People's Loves are generally short and unlucky 66 Breves & infaustos populi Romani amores. Tac. 2. ann. . And so that the Favourite may walk safe between these two Extremes, he must avoid all occasions of public Applause and Acclamations. Let him only endeavour to procure to himself a good Esteem, by Piety, Liberality, Complaisance and Affability, making it his Care to see Justice duly administered, that there may be plenty of all things, that the public Peace be not disturbed in his time; that Privileges be not violated, nor Novelties introduced into the Government; but above all that there be no Disputes in matters of Religion, nor difference among the Clergy: For he will soon feel the People's Rage, if he once incur the name of impious. Foreigners who want this natural Love for the Prince, depend more upon the Favourite than him, whence they pay him most Respect, that they may by his means accomplish their Designs, to the great dishonour of the Prince, and prejudice of his States. Nay, they often prove the ruin of the Favourite, unless he abundantly satisfy them in their Desires and Requests; wherefore he ought to beware of their Respect, and refuse the incense and worth of Foreigners, letting them who would pay him those Honours know, that he is only the Curtain before the Image, and that 'tis the Prince that works the Miracles. Ambassadors usually affect the Friendship of the Favourite, as the most effectual means to accomplish their Affairs, and judging that the disorders which result from Favour, will be of Service to them, they endeavour to foment it, being often introduced thereto by the Favourite himself, and as they take occasion to commend them in Audiences, and seem at first sight free from Interest and Emulation, it has often very good Effect, yet for all this they are dangerous Friends; for the Favourite can't preserve their Friendship without great Detriment to the Prince and State. And if in consideration of his Duty, he does not abundantly satisfy them, they are utter Enemies and leave no stone unturned to ruin him. 'Tis therefore safest not to be more engaged to them than the Prince's Service will permit. Endeavouring only to gain the Reputation abroad of a sincere and affable Person, and one who would rather preserve the good Correspondences and Alliances of his Prince, than break 'em. A timely Application of these Preservatives may perhaps prevent a Favourites fall, but when he has once incurred the Odium and Envy of the people, these are looked upon as Tricks and Artifices, and more endanger him. As it happened to Seneca who took no method to prevent his Death, but endeavouring to moderate his Favour, when he found himself persecuted 67 Instituta prioris potentiae commutat, pro●ibet coetus salutantium, v●tat comitantes, rarus per Urbem, quasi valetudine infe●sa, aut sapientiae studiis do●● 〈◊〉. T●c. 14. ann. . If notwithstanding the Observation of all these Cautions, the Favourite shall fall into Disgrace, his fall will be Glorious, he having lived without the little Fears, and the shameful Care of preserving his Favour by methods below a generous Spirit, a torment much worse than the disgrace itself. If there be any thing valuable in a Prince's Favour, 'tis only the Glory of having merited his Esteem; the Continuation of which is full of Cares and Dangers. And he is happiest, who soon and with most Reputation quits it. I have described, Royal Sir, the Practices of Favourites, but not how a Prince ought to comport himself towards them, not supposing that he ought to have any, for though he must be allowed to have more inclination to one than another, yet not so as to devolve all his Authority upon one person, from whom the people must expect Orders, Rewards and Punishments; for such Favour is properly an Alienation from the Crown, and dangerous to the Government, even when Favour succeeds in the Election of the Subject, for neither will the people so readily obey, nor so awfully respect the Favourite as the Prince, nor is he so much concerned for the welfare of the State, nor is he so immediately under the care of God as the Prince: So that though many of your Royal Highness' Ancestors have had Favourites, who with much care and zeal (as we see at present) have endeavoured to Act with the greatest Integrity, yet have their attempts met with answerable Success. Let not your Royal Highness be deceived by the example of France, whose Territories we see indeed much enlarged by the Counsels of a Favourite, but not without detriment to the Kingdom, and prejudice to the Royal Prerogative. Whoever shall duly consider the Persecution of the Queen Mother, and Duke of Orleans; the Blood of Monmorency spilt, that of the Prior of Vendosme, of Paul Reny, and of Monsieur de Macraints, the Imprisonment of the Duke of Bulloign, the Exactions and Oppressions of the Subjects, the Usurpation of the Duchy of Lorraine, the Leagues made with the Dutch, Protestants and Swedes, the Design upon Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, the Peace made at Mouzon without the knowledge of the Allies, the Curb imposed upon the Valtoline and Grisons, the Succours sent to Scotland, and the English Parliament, the Sieges of Fontarabie, St. Omer, Thionville, Fornavent and Catelet, the loss of so many Soldiers at Louvain, Tarragone, Perpignan, Sa●e, Valence upon the Po, Imbree and la R●que, the retaking Aire and the Bass. He, I say, who shall consider these things, will find that all his measures were grounded upon Violence, and that his Favour was founded upon force; that the Sword so daring against the Persons of Kings, has been timorous and cowardly against this Minister, that Fortune has favoured his Temerity, that he has succeeded by the same means he should have failed, whereas we have lost by the same methods we should have gained; a sure Sign that God prospered this Favourite for the Exercise of Christianity, and for our Chastisement, forestall our Prudence, and confounding our Valour. Kingdoms destined to Ruin, fall by the same means they should be supported; thus the entrance into the Adriatic created Distrust, the Protection of Mantua Jealousy, the opposition at Nivers Wars, the Diversion, Expense, the Army in Alsace Rivals, the War for Spain Rebellions. At the Siege of Casal we lost an opportunity of putting an end to the War; the Counsel of Secretary Passiers to Prince Thomas, hindered the relief of Turin and triumph over France. The same thing happened at Air, for a foolish piece of Formality, the News that was brought of the Siege of Arras made them omit the Care of relieving it. For a vain Scruple D' Amvilliers was not succoured, through Cowardice or Treachery, Chapelle surrendered. O Providence Divine! Whither tend such variety of Accidents, so different from their Causes? 'Tis not by chance that the Government of Europe is put into the hands of Favourites. God grant Success may answer the public Prayers. The End of the First Volume. His Royal Highness William Duke of Gloucester. Printed fo● M. Gillyflower and L. Meredith. THE Royal Politician REPRESENTED IN One Hundred Emblems. Written in Spanish by Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo, Knight of the Order of St. jago, Plenipotentiary Ambassador To the Cantons of SWITZERLAND, At the Imperial Diet at RATISBON, At the Famous Treaty of MUNSTER, And of the Supreme Council of State for both of INDIES. With a large Preface, containing an Account of the Author, his Works, and the Usefulness thereof. Done into English from the Original. By Sir JA. ASTRY. VOL. II. LONDON: Printed for Mat●. Gylliflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall: And Luke Meredith at the Star in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCC. OF THE EDUCATION OF A PRINCE. EMBLEM LI. THERE is nothing better or more advantageous to Mankind than prudent Diffidence; 'tis the Guard and Preservation of our Lives and Fortunes, our own Security obliges us to it; without it there would be no Caution, without which no Safety; that Prince governs best who trusts fewest, there is but one Confidence safe, which is not to depend upon the Will of another. For who can secure himself of Man's heart, hid in the privatest corner of the Breast, whose Secrets the Tongue dissembles, the Eyes and all the Motions of the Body contradict 1 Eccles. 13. 31. . 'Tis a Gulf rolling with the Tempests of different Affections, a Sea full of hidden Rocks which no Chart can discover. What Prudence must the Needle be touched with for a Prince to sail by, through such dangerous and difficult Seas 2 The heart is deceitful above all things, an● desperately wicked: Who can know it? jerem. 17. 9 . How well should he know the Winds? when to furl and lose the Sails of Confidence? In this consists the chiefest Art of Government; 'tis in this that a Prince's danger chief consists, either through want of Experience in Affairs, or Knowledge of his Subjects, none of them appearing ill to him. For in his Presence all compose their Actions, and adjust their Looks: Their set Speeches sound nothing but Love, Zeal and Fidelity, and their Attendance nothing but Respect and Obedience; Discontent, Hatred and Ambition being hid in the heart; which made one say, a Prince should trust no Body; but both extremes are equally to be avoided 3 Utrumq● in viti● est, &. omnib●is credere, &. nulli. Seneca. . To trust none is the Suspicion of a Tyrant, to trust all the easiness of an imprudent Prince. Confidence is not less important to a Prince than Distrust: The one is worthy a sincere and Royal Breast, the other is very necessary in the Art of Government, as an Instrument by which Policy works its Ends. The Difficulty consists in knowing how rightly to use one and t' other, so that neither a too credulous Confidence expose you to Infidelity and Dangers, or a too suspicious Distrust provoke Hatred, or make the Prince by reason of this Diffidence incapble o● treating with any one: He should not measure all things by Confidence, nor all by Distrust. If a Prince will trus● none, who can serve him without evident Dangers? 'Tis a● great a misfortune to lose a faithful Minister upon vain and groundless Suspicions, as by a too easy Credulity to trus● those who are not so. Let a Prince confide, but at the same time suspect that he may be cheated; this Suspicion ought not to retard the Course of his Actions, but only to be a Caution to him: if he was without Suspicion he would be too careless. Suspicion is a cautionary Security, a due weighing of Matters; he who doubts nothing can never know the Truth. Let him give Credit as if he believed, and distrust as if he believed not. Confidence and Diffidence being thus governed by Prudence and Reason, work Miracles. Let the Prince therefore be well advised in the Affairs which he treats of, in the Alliances which he ratifies, in the Peace's which he concludes, and in all other Treaties in general which concern the Government; and when he Signs them let his hand be full of Eyes, (as in the prefent Emblem) that he may see what he does. The Bawd in Plautus valued not the Promises of the Lover when she said, Our hands are full of eyes, what they see they believe; and elsewhere she calls the Day quick sighted, in which she never traded but for the Ready. Blind are Resolves made by Confidence: Pythagoras' Motto was, Not to shake hands with every Body. Credulity to all is very dangerous; let a Prince therefore consider well before he engages himself, thinking always that his Friends as well as his Enemy's design to cheat him, one more, the other less; one to rob him of his Territories and Riches, the other only to reconcile himself to his Favour and goodwill. This Pre-supposition should not be derived from Fraud, and Villainy giving him the Liberty to forfeit his Word and Promise, which would utterly confound the public Faith, and be a great Blot in his Reputation; this Caution should be nothing but a prudent Circumspection and piece of Policy. That Diffidence the Daughter of Suspicion is then unblamable in a Prince, when 'tis frivolous and vicious, which immediately discovers its Effects and proceeds to Execution, not that Circumspect and general Distrust, which equally regards all, without particularising upon any one, until the Circumstances well examined shall dictate otherwise, and perhaps you may not sufficiently confide in any one, whom you may nevertheless have a good Opinion of, for this is not a particular distrusting of him, but a general Caution of Prudence; there are Forts in the very middle of Kingdoms, in which there are Garrisons kept, as if on the Enemy's Frontiers. This Caution is convenient, and reflects not upon the Subjects Fidelity. A Prince may confide in his Relations, Allies, Subjects and Ministers, yet this Confidence should not be so remiss, as to lull him asleep, and make him careless of all Accidents, by which Ambition, Interest, or Hatred usually pervert Fidelity; breaking the strongest Bars of the Law of Nature and Nations; when a Prince had rather choose to suffer, than live in the continual Alarms of so many Cautions; and rather let things run on, than remedy the Inconveniencies which may happen. He makes his Ministers wicked and sometimes treacherous, for they imputing his Indulgence to Incapability despise and slight him, and each Reigns absolutely in that part of the Government which is allotted him. But when the Prince is vigilant, and if he does confide in any does it not without Caution; when he is always so prepared, that Treachery shall never find him unprovided; when he condemns not without hearing; and reprehends not but to preserve Fidelity, when 'tis in danger, he may wear his Crown in safety. King Ferdinand the Catholic had no reason to suspect the Fidelity of the great Captain † Gon●alez Fernandez of Cordov●. Mar. Hist. Hisp. ; nevertheless he kept those people near him who should diligently pry into his Actions, that he knowing how narrowly he was watched, might Act with the more Caution. This was not properly an Action of distrust but prudence. For all this he must take care that this Suspicion be not groundless and frivolous, as was that of the same King Ferdinand to the same great Captain; for though after the loss of the Battle of Ravenna, he wanted him for the management of Affairs in Italy, he would not make use of him when he saw with what eagerness all the people strove to serve and fight under him; and so endeavoured by al● the means he could to assure himself of Duke Valentine, 〈◊〉 that suspecting an experimented Fidelity, he exposed himself to one suspected: So over jealous Spirits to avoid one Danger fall into a greater; though sometimes the refusal of the Services of such great Men, may be rather a Prince's Envy or Ingratitude, than Jealousy or Suspicion. It may be also that this wise Prince, thought it not convenient to make use of a Man whom he knew to be discontented; a Prince must expect little Fidelity from a person of whom he has once shown a Distrust. The more ingenious and generous a Spirit is, the more it resents the Suspicion of its Fidelity, and so more easily quits it, which made Getulius make bold to write to Tiberius, That he was Loyal, and unless suspected, would remain so 4 Sibi fidem integram, &. si nullis infidiis peteretur, mansuram. Tac. 6. ann. . A Prince ought to learn by the experience of his own Accidents as well as others, how far he ought to confide in his Subjects. Amongst the Cautions which King Henry the II. left his Son Don John, there was this, That he should continue the Rewards given to those, who had followed his party against King Peter their natural Lord, but that he should not put so much Confidence in them, as not to have an Eye upon 'em, that in Offices and Places of Trust he should make use of those, who adhered to their Master King Peter like true and faithful Subjects, and oblige 'em to make amends for past Offences by future Services; but that he should not put any Confidence in the Neuters, who had shown themselves more addicted to self Interest than the public Good. Traitors are odious even to those whom they serve by their Treason 5 Quip proditores, etiam iis, quos anteponunt, invisunt. Tac. 1. ann. , and the Loyal are esteemed by those against whom they are so; upon this ground Otho trusted Celsus, who had faithfully served Galba 6 Mansitque Celso velut fat alit●r etiam pro Othone fides integr● &. infelix. Tac. 1. Hist. . 'Tis not good to raise a Minister all at once to great Places, for it makes other envy him and hate the Prince, they taking this sudden Promotion as an Argument of his Levity. There is no Minister so modest, as not to be affronted, nor so zealous as to continue in his Devoir, when he sees another so unjustly preferred. For one that's satisfied many are discontented; and when the Ministers are disgusted 'tis impossible the Government should go well: Such Elections are nothing else but abortive Births; and Fidelity takes deeper root, when it sees that Offices and Employments are the reward of faithful Services: the Prince has in the mean while time to make Trial of his Minister, first in places of small Trust lest it should cost him too dear, afterwards in places of greater Importance 7 He that is faithful in that which is least, is faithful also in much, Luk. 16. 10. , let him examine before he employs him in Affairs of Peace or War, what is the most likely to shake his Fidelity, what his Birth is, what his Reputation and Fortune; this Circumspection is particularly necessary in places of Trust, which are as 'twere the Keys and Security of Governments. Augustus would not permit any Senator or Roman Knight to enter Egypt without his special Order, because that Province was the Grainary of the Empire, and that he who made himself Master of that had the other at Command: for the same reason Tiberius sharply reprehended Germanicus for going into Alexandria without his leave 8 Acerrimè increpuit, quod contra institutum Augusti, non sponte Principis Alexandriam introisset. Tac. 2. ann. , but for the greater Security, and the better to keep the Minister in obedience, 'twould be convenient to allow a little more Authority to the Magistracy of the Province, for there are no Curbs stronger than that, nor more ready to oppose the Faults of the Governor. Mean and abject Spirits, such as have no Ambition of Glory, or thirst for Preferments, are fit for no Employ. The chief Quality which God found in joshuah, to introduce him into the management of Affairs, was that he had a great Spirit 9 Numb. 27. 18. . But yet the Courage should not be so great, as to repine at his being born a Subject, and not be contented with his Condition; for the Loyalty of such is in great Danger, because they aspire always to the highest step, which if they attain not, 'tis either for want of Power, or Wit, besides they soon flag in their Zeal for the Public, and Obedience to their Prince. Great Spirits are not less dangerous at least, if they are not docile and modest for being very positive and conceited of their own Opinions, they are apt to slight Commands, and believe that all should be governed at their Pleasure. A person is as troublesome for his good Qualifications, as for his having none at all; for there is no satisfying him, who presumes too much upon his Merit: Tiberius never desired great Virtues in Offices of Trust, and hated Vices too; for from one he feared Danger to himself, from the other Scandal to the Government 10 Neque enim imminentes virtutes sectabatur, & rursus vitia oderat; ex optimis periculum sibi, à pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. Tac. 1. ann. . Nor are those fit for Ministers who are rich and of great Families, for having no need of the Prince, and flowing in plenty of all things, they won't expose themselves to Perils and Toils, nor can, nor will they be under Command 11 Qui in affluentia fortunae, virium, opum, & amicorum, anlioruamque talium constituti sunt, Reginaeque ob●dire norunt. Arist. 4. Pol. c. 11. . Whence Sosibius Britannicus used to say, Princes can't endure Riches in the Commons 12 Auri vim, atque opes Principibus infensas. Tac. 11. ann. . When a Prince shall have made Choice of a Minister with all due Circumspection, let him seemingly put an entire Confidence in him, but always keep an Eye upon his Actions and Intelligences, and if they are any ways suspicious, let him be removed to another Post, where he will want opportunity to make a party to execute his ill Designs; for there is more prudence and kindness in preventing a Crime, than in forgiving it when committed; if Germanicus' Victory, and the Soldiers Applause pleased Tiberius on one hand, on the other they made him jealous and uneasy 13 Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque affecere. Tac. 1. ann. . And understanding the Commotions in the East, he was glad of a Pretence ea expose him to Dangers, by making him Governor of those Provinces 14 Ut to specie Germanicum suetis Legionibus abstraheret, nov●sque Provineiis impositum, dolo simul & casibus objectaret. Tac. 2. ann. . Now if any Minister is to be removed, it should be done under the pretence of Honour, and before the Reasons are known, with such prudence as mayn't give him Reason to mistrust the Prince's disgust: for as fear of being cheated is the way to be cheated; so Suspicion of Loyalty makes Traitors; for which Reason Tiberius having a mind to recall Germanicus to Rome, did it under a pretence of a Triumph which he designed him 15 Acriùs modestiam ejus aggreditur, alterum Consulatum offerend●. Tac. 2. ann. ; offering him other Preferments, of which Princes are very liberal, when they would free themselves from their Jealousies. If a Subject once loses the Respect he owes his Prince, after Confidence will never secure him. Sancbo the first King of Leon pardoned Count Gonzalo, for having taken up Arms against him, endeavouring to reconcile him by his Favours, but those by which he thought to have obliged him, only gave him opportunity to poison him. When Princes are concerned with one another, there is no Obligation of Friendship or Affinity, a sufficient Reason for their trusting each other; Don Ferdinand the great King of Castille, and his Brother Garcias of Navarre were at difference; he as he lay sick at Nacar had a design to seize his Brother who came to pay him a Visit; but his Design not succeeding, he had a mind to dissemble his Intent by visiting his Brother, who caused him to be apprehended * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . Revenge and State-Policy is of greater Force than Friendship, or Consanguinity. The same befell Don Garcias King of Galicia, for having trusted his Brother Alonso King of Castille: the most irreconcilable falling out, is that between Relations and dearest Friends 16 Difficiles fratrum dissentiones, & qui valdè am●nt, valdè edio habent. Arist. 7. Pol. c. 6. , and perfect Hatred is the result of perfect Love; from all which we may infer, how difficult a thing 'tis for a Prince to trust himself in the hands of his Enemies, it cost the King of Granada his Life for going, though with a Pass port to ask assistance from King Peter the Cruel. Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan, was more cautious, refusing an Interview with the King of France, unless in the midst of a River, or upon a broken Bridge. A true piece of Italian Policy, not to trust where they have once showed a Jealousy, for which Reason the Italians were much admired at the Interview between the great Captain and King Ferdinand the Catholic, as also at that between the same King, and the King of France his Enemy. In some Cases Confidence is more safe and necessary to gain people's Affections than Distrust. Don Alonso VI. having lost his Kingdom of Leon, lived retired at the Court of the King of Toledo, who was a Moor, when upon the Death of Don Sancho his States recalled him to his Throne, with the greatest privacy imaginable, fearing lest if it should come to be known by the Moors, they might retain him by force; he like a prudent and grateful Prince discovered the whole Affair; this Confidence so obliged the Barbarian King, who before understood the Intrigue and designed to seize him, that he not only let him go free, but also furnished him with Money for his Voyage: See the power of Gratitude which disarms even the most savage Spirits. * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . Distrusts between Princes can't be cured by Satisfactions or Excuses, but by their contrary; if time won't heal them, diligence never will: these are a kind of wounds which the Probe and the Hand does but more exulcerate; and a sort of apparent Jealousies, which are an Introduction to Infidelity. EMBLEM LII. THE Scorpion translated to the Skies, and placed among the Constellations loses not its Malignity, which is greater, by how much more its Power and venomous Influences are extended over things below. Let Princes therefore well consider the Qualifications of those Subjects, whom they raise to places of Trust, for there Vices always thrive; nay, Virtue itself is often in danger, for the Will being armed with Power, bids defiance to Reason, and often gets the better; if Virtue have not resolution enough without being dazzled with the splendour of Riches and Prosperity to resist it. If Promotion makes the good bad, 'twill make the bad worse. And if Vice notwithstanding the Punishments and Infamy that attend it find so many followers, what will it do when backed with Favour and Preferments. And if Vice be the ready way to Preferment, who will seek it through the rugged Road of Virtue? That is inherent to our Natures, but this must be acquired by Industry. The first forces Rewards, the other expects 'em with Patience, and we find the Appetite much better pleased by its own Violence than Merit; and being impatient had rather depend upon its own Industry, than attend the Pleasure and Will of another; to reward the bad, by promoting them to places of Authority, is, to check the virtuous and encourage the vicious. A private Knave while he is private can do no great matter of mischief, 'tis but an inconsiderable number of private Men, on whom he can exercise his Villainy; but promoted to places of Trust, his Villainy reaches all, being himself Minister of Justice, and having the whole Body of Government at his disposal 1 Nam qui maguam potestatem habent, etiam si ipsi nullius pretii sint, multum nocent. Arist. 1. Pol. cap. 9 ; Villains ought not to be put into places where they have power to exercise their Villainy, Nature foreseeing this inconvenience, has given venomous Animals neither feet nor wings, that they may do less mischief? He who furnished Villains with either designs it should either run or fly. But Princes nevertheless usually make use of the bad rather than the good, the former seeming generally more cunning 2 For the Children of this world are in their Generation, wiser than the Children of light, Luke 16. 8. ; but they are mistaken, for Vice is not Wisdom, and he can have no true Judgement who has no Virtue; for which reason Don Alonso King of Arragon and Naples, commended the prudence of the Romaus, in building the Temple of Honour within that of Virtue, that to go into that you must necessarily pass through this, esteeming him not worthy of Honour, who was not a follower of Virtue; and that he should not arrive to Offices and Preferment, who entered not at the Porch of Virtue: Without this how can a Minister be serviceable to the Government? Among a crowd of Vices what room is there for Prudence, Justice, Clemency, Valour, and other Virtues absolutely necessary for a Commander? How will the Subject observe those proper to him, if he wants the example of the Minister, whose Actions he observes carefully, and imitates through Flattery? The people have a respect for a just Minister, and imagine that he cannot err; on the contrary, they never approve and commend the Actions of one who is not so. Demosthenes spoke very well one day in the Spartan Senate, but because the people looked upon him as a vicious person, they rejected his Counsel. Whereupon it was ordered by the Ephori, that a person whom they had a better Opinion of should propose the same thing, that it might be received and executed: this good Opinion of the people is so necessary, that though the Minister be a person of Integrity, the Government is not safe in his hands, if the people misinformed think him otherwise. Henry the Vth. King of England, for this reason at his coming to the Crown, removed from him all those who had been his Companions in his younger days, and turned out all Ministers, putting in their places Men of worth, and such as were agreeable to the people; one can impute the Success and Victories of Theodorick, to nothing but his good Choice of Ministers, having no other for his Councillors than Prelates of the strictest Virtues. Ministers are as it were the Picture of Majesty, which since it can't appear every where is represented by them; who ought therefore to be as like him as possible in Life and Conversation, since the Prince cannot of himself exercise in all places, the Authority which he has received by common Consent, he ought to take great Care how he shares it amongst his Ministers. For he who is not born a Prince, when he sees himself decked with Majesty, will take Pride in showing it, by exercising his Authority and Passions 3 Regiae potentiae Ministri. quos delectat superbiae suae longum spectaculum; minusque se judicant posse, nisi diu, multumque singulis, quid possint ●ftendant. Seneca. . And here may the Question be decided; which Nation is in the better Condition, that where the Prince is good, and the Ministers bad, or that where the Prince is bad, and the Ministers good [for that may happen according to Tacitus] 4 Posse etiam sub mal●s Principibus magnos vires esse. Tac. in vit. Agr. for necessity obliging a Prince to substitute his Power to several Ministers, if they are bad they will do more Damage to a Nation, than the Prince be he never so good can advantage it; for they will abuse his Goodness, and under pretence of public Good, will turn it to their own private interest and advantage. A bad Prince may be reform by many good Ministers, but not many bad Ministers by a good Prince. Some imagine a Prince's hands are bound, and his Liberty infringed, when he has good Ministers, and that the more vicious the Subjects are, the safer he lives among 'em; a ridiculous and senseless Fancy, for Virtue is the only thing that keeps Nations in obedience and quiet, and Nations are never more quiet and firm than when at home, private people live justly and innocently, and Justice and Clemency flourish abroad; 'tis easy to govern the good. Without Virtue the Laws lose their force; the love of Liberty reigns, and the aversion to Government increases, whence proceed the change of States, and fall of Princes. 'Tis necessary then that they have virtuous Ministers, who should advise them with Zeal and Affection, and introduce Virtue into the Nation by their Example, and by the integrity of their Lives. Tiberius' held the extremes of both Virtue and Vice equally dangerous to a Minister, and chose one between both, as we said elsewhere, but this is properly the fear of a Tyrant; if a virtuous Minister be good, one more virtuous is better. But 'tis not sufficient for his Ministers to be endued with excellent Virtues, if those necessary Endowments, and Ornaments of experience, which the management of Affairs requires are not eminently visible in him: afric still mourns and shows upon the sooty Faces of its Inhabitants, the rashness of Phoebus [if we may use the Philosophy and Morality of the Ancients] in lending his Chariot to his Son Phaeton, an unexperienced Youth, and one who did not in the least merit such Promotion; and this is the Danger all Elections carry with 'em which are made at a jump, and not gradually, by which Experience teaches 'em to know the people, and to rise by degrees. Tiberius though a Tyrant never advanced his Nephews without this Caution, and particularly Drusus, whom he would not make a Tribune till after eight years' Experience 5 Neque nunc properè, s●d per octo annos capto experimento. Tac. 3. ann. . Preferment to an unexperienced person is Favour, but to one of Experience a just Reward. Yet is not Experience in all things, as neither all Virtues requisite for every Office; but only those who regard each in particular, for that which is proper and requisite for one is not always for others: Experience of the Sea is useless in Affairs at Land, and it does not follow, that he who knows how to manage a House or ride a Horse, can also marshal an Army 6 Nam unum opus ab uno optim● perficitur, quod ut fiat, munus est Legumlatoris providere, nec jubere, ut tibia canat quisquam, & idem Gale●●s confici●t. Arist. 2. Pol. cap. 9 . In this Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan was mistaken, when he committed the Conduct of his Army against the King of France to Galeaze St. Severin, who was very dexterous in managing Horses, but understood little of Affairs of War. Mottathias made a more prudent Choice when seeing himself near his End, he chose for General judas Maccabee, a robust Man, and well versed in Arms, and for his Counsellor his Brother Simeon a Man of Judgement and Experience 7 1 Macch. a 65. . In this we have seen great Errors, in changing the reins and administration of Governments. These are different in Kingdoms and Commonwealths. Some respect Justice, others Plenty, some War, others Peace; yet though they are so different in themselves, there is nevertheless a certain Faculty or civil Virtue, which unites 'em, and makes them all tend one way, to the Preservation of the State: each aiming at this by means proportioned to the Office he is in. This civil Virtue is different according to the several Forms of Government, which differ according to the means, and methods of governing, for which reason a Man may be a good Citizen, but not a good Minister, for 'tis not sufficient that he be endued with several moral Virtues, unless he has also civil ones, and this natural Disposition so proper to Administration and Government. 'Tis therefore necessary for a Prince to know the Nature and Inclinations of his Subjects, that he may better know how to employ 'em, for upon this good Choice all the Actions of his Government depend. The Genius of Herman Cortes, was particularly proper for the Conquest of India; that of Gonzalez Fernandez of Cordova for the War of Noples; and if they had been exchanged, and the first sent against the French, and the latter against the Indians, doubtless they had not been so successful. Nature has not given Man a like Qualifications for all things; but only one excellence for one Office, whether it be Frugality, or Prudence, and 'tis certain, Instruments do most Service when they are made use of by one, not by many. For this reason, Aristotle blamed the Carthagians, for that among them one person officiated in many places, there being no Man fit for all 8 Sic enim optimè instrument a proficient, si eorum singula, non inultis, sed uni deserviant. Arist. lib. 1. Pol. cap. 1. . Nor is it possible [as the Emperor justinian remarked] 9 Nec sit concessum cuiquam duobus assistere Magistratibus, & utriusque judicii curam peragere, nec facile cre●endum duabus necessariis rebus, unum suff●cere. L. F. de Asses to mind two, without forgetting one or the other. A Nation is much better governed, when in that as in a Ship every Man knows his Birth; for though perhaps a Man may be found capable of all Affairs, it does not follow, that they shall be all assigned him. That great Copper Vessel for Sacrifices called for its largeness a Sea, and supported by 12 Oxen before the Altar of the Temple of Solomon 10 ● Chron. c. 4. 5. contained 3000 measures, yet they never put in above 2000 11 1 Kings 7. 26. . 'Tis by no means convenient to accumulate all Offices and Preferments upon one person, to the Envy and Dissatisfaction of all; but whether for want of Knowledge of persons, or for that they won't take the pains to look for fit Men, it usually happens that Princes employ one, or at most a very few of those who are about them: In all Affairs, whence Promotions and Rewards are scarce, and so Emulation grows cold, and all things move slowly. For the same Reason 'tis not good for two persons to be employed about the same Affair, for that makes it confused like a Picture drawn by two hands, the methods of Painters being always different, one is quick, the t' other slow, one loves Lights, the t' other is more for Shades. Besides this, 'tis impossible two should agree in the same Conditions, Counsels and Methods, or that they should not disagree to the great Detriment of the Negotiation and Prince too. These second Causes have each their distinct Office and separate Operations. For my part I think it more adviseable to commit an Office to one person less capable, than to two though more sufficient; since therefore the good Election is a thing so necessary, and its Success so difficult, 'tis not adviseable for Princes to rely too much upon their own Judgements. Pope Paul the III. and King Ferdinand the Catholic first consulted the people, suffering it as if carelessly to be published before they made their Choice; the Emperor Alexander Severus, proposed his Choice to all, that each person as if he were interested in it, might freely declare his thoughts of his Capacity, or Incapacity 12 Ubi aliquos voluisset, vel Rectores Provinciis dare, vel Praepositos facere, vel Procurat●res, id est, rationales ordinare, nomina eorum proponebat, & Lamp. in vit. Alex. Seu. . Though the people's Approbation is not always to be depended on: Sometimes 'tis in the right, sometimes 'tis in the wrong 13 Haud semper errat famae, aliquando & eligit. Tac. in vit. Agr. ; 'tis oft deceived in men's Natures and hidden Vices. Moreover Industry, Self-interest, or Malice, and Emulation spread this Report among the Mob, either in their Favour or otherwise. Nor is a Ministers behaving himself well in small Offices sufficient to recommend him to greater, for Preferment makes some more vigorous and active, others careless and lazy 14 Non ex rumore statuendum multos in Provinciis, contra quem spes, aut metus de illis fuerit, egisse, excitari quosdam ad meliora Magnitudine r●rum, hebescore alios. Tac. 3. ann. : much safer was the Diligence of King Philip the II. who carefully observed his Nurseries, and took particular notice what Plants were like to bear, when transpanted into the civil or Ecclesiastical Government, and had private Informations of their Behaviour in their Youth, before Ambition could disguise their Vices, whether they grew straight and upright, or crooked; and had certain Characters of the Virtues and Vices of the chief of his Subjects; whence he never made an ill Choice, and in his time flourished Persons truly valuable; especially in Ecclesiastical Preferments, for he thought it better to make Choice of such as he knew would not deserve Punishment, than to punish them afterward 15 Officiis ac administrat ●onibus, potiùs non peccaturos, quam damnare cum peccassent. Tac. in vit. Agr. . Happy is that Kingdom where there is no room for Ambition, Petitions, Prayers, nor Attendance, and where even concealed Virtue has no need of a Petition, or Recommendation to be known to the Prince, who of himself knows the Merits of his Subjects; this was formerly spoken in Tiberius' Commendation 16 Quia sine Ambitione, aut proximorum Precibus, ignotos etiam, ac ultro accitos M●nificentia juver at. Tac. 4. ann. . An auricular Commendation depends upon others, but an ocular one not; that may be deceived, this rot; that only informs the mind, this both informs and moves too; nay, as 'twere forces to Punishment or Rewards. Some Countries have chosen their Ministers by Lots, which in some Cases is not improper, to decline Envy, and avoid Contention and Emulation, often the grounds of Tumults and Seditions. But when a fit person is to be chosen for the Administration of Justice, or Command of the Army, upon whom the Government and public Safety is to depend, a matter of that Concern, ought not to be decided by the uncertainty of Chance, but to pass the Trial of a due Election For the Lot or die weighs not Qualifications, Desert, and Reputation, as Counsels do, where all things are examined by weight and measure 17 Sorte &. urna mores non disecrni: suffragia & existimationem senafus reperta, ut an eujusque vitam, famamque penitrarent. Tac. 4. Hist. , and though all Counsels are usually guided by Interest, a Prince may make a good Choice, if he takes Care privately to inform himself of the Parties Qualifications and Virtues, as also the ends which his Councillors propose in promoting them. For when a Prince blindly approves all Proposals, these abovementioned Inconveniencies will attend; but when his Counsellors see that he examines them, and that he does not always admit the Persons proposed, but chooses others more sufficient, they will advise with greater Care and Deliberation. EMBLEM LIII. THE Thebans represented the Integrity of Ministers, especially those of Justice, by a Statue without hands: for when they are shut they are the Emblem of Avarice, when open its Instruments. This Garden represents the same thing, by these Statues without Arms, which are at the corners of each Walk, like those in the Walks at Rome; nor are there any better Guards than these; for they have eyes to watch the Flowers, but want Arms to gather them; if all Ministers were like these Statues, the Exchequer would be more secure, and Nations better governed, especially Commonwealths, whose Revenues are looked upon as common, every Magistrate believing it no Crime to make his fortune out of them; one accuses t'other to excuse himself, and all wink at one another, and this Vice being like Fire, which with the same matter that should quench it is nourished and burns fierce 1 Eccles. 5. 9 , so they the more they get, the more they desire 2 Eccles. 14. 9 , and Avarice once glutted with the public Treasure, then Attacks private persons, whence they wholly confound the principal end of Society which is common Preservation. Where Avarice reigns, Peace and Quiet is banished; all things are in disorder and confusion; nothing but Jars, Seditions and Civil Wars, the Forms of Government are changed, and Empires run to Ruin, as most have been lost upon this account. Avarice drove the Phoenicians out of Spain * Mar. Hist. Hisp. ▪ that made the Oracle of Apollo foretell the downfall of the Commonwealth of Sparta. God warned Moses to choose persons into places of Trust who hated Covetousness 3 Exod. 18. 21. . 'Tis impossible that State should be governed well whose Ministers are covetous; for how can he who Plunders every Body rightly administer Justice? How will he procure Plenty, whose whole Gain is starving others? How can he love the Kingdom, who thinks of nothink but robbing on't? How can he whose mind runs upon nothing but filling his Chests, mind Affairs of State? How will he endeavour to merit Rewards, who is his own Paymaster? Nothing succeeds well when Self-interest manages. For Interest is preferred before Duty or Honour. Nothing great or glorious is enterprised without a desire of Glory, which a mean, abject, covetous Spirit has no value for. There is scarce any Crime but proceeds from Avarice or Ambition 4 Pl●raque eor●m quae h●mines injuste faciunt, per Ambitionem & Ava●i●●am commit tuntur. Aristo●. 2. Pol. cap. 7. . Nothing makes Rebels sooner than the fraud and corruption of the Ministers. They are first moved by their particular Damages, then by the common Injustice, then by Envy against those who commit it, and so by Hatred to the Prince that suffers it; if he knows it not, they accuse him of Incapacity; if he tolerates it, they say he's remiss and negligent; if he permits it, he's an Accomplice; if he wishes it to the end, that the Authors being glutted like Sponges, he may take occasion to squeeze 'em afterwards, he is a Tyrant. O unhappy Prince and State, wherein the Ministers don't thrive but by their Ruin. Nor would I have Ministers so nice, as to 〈◊〉 ●e●sents in general; 'tis incivility to receive none; many, S●●●dness; all, Covetousness. Avarice in Princes is the ruin of States 5 Prov. 29. 4. , for the people can't bear to see their Estates in danger, in the hands of him whom they choose to preserve 'em; so that seeing this pretended Defender of his Country, the first that Arms himself against it, they straight look out for another: In short, what can a Subject hope for from a covetous Prince? For this Vice even Children hate their Parents. Where there is no Prospect of Interest, there is no Love nor Obedience; that Government is Tyrannic which respects Self-interest, more than the public Good. King Alphonso, the Wise, for this Reason said: That a King ought not to covet abundance of Riches only to fill his Treasury, and not do good with them; for 'tis impossible but he who does so, must use indirect means to gain 'em, which is beneath the Dignity of a Prince * L. 4. tit. 3. p. 2. ; the Holy Writ compares a covetous Prince who unjustly usurps his Subjects Estates to a roaring Lion, and a hungry Bear 6 Prov. 28. 15. , and his Actions to a Spider's Web which perishes with it, or to a Vineyard-Keeper's Arbour, which lasts but a little while 7 Job 27. 18. ; that which is ill got is soon spent How like Spiders are some Princes, who spin their Web from their own Bowels, gripping and draining their Subjects to make their own fortune from the Rock, and wove Nets which soon break and deceive their hopes 8 Job 8. 14. . There are several Remedies against this Vice, the best are those which prevent it; for if once Nature is tainted with it, 'tis very Difficulty cured; 'tis our last shift. If Princes are naturally Lovers of Money, they should be kept from seeing or feeling it, as much as possible, for Avarice like Love enters at the Eyes, and 'tis more easy to order a Payment than to make it ones self. The Ministers of the Treasury too should be generous, and not prompt the Prince to enrich himself by sordid and unworthy Methods; to prevent also Avarice in the Ministers, Care should be taken that Offices and Places be not bought and sold, as the Emperor Commodus observed, for he who buys 'em sells 'em too; this the Emperor Severus knew, as also Lewis XII. of France, who used this Remedy, but has been since ill observed by his Successors. It seems to be the Law of Nations, that a Province, the Command of which is bought, should be plundered, and that Judgement should be given to the highest bidder at the Court of Justice, which is not to be approached but by Golden steps 9 Provincias spoliari, & nummarium tribunal, audita utrinque licitatione, alteri addici non mirum quando quae emerit vendere gentium jus est. Sen. lib. 1. c. 9 de ben. . Castille to this Day finds the misfortune of these Methods in the Governments of their Cities, because they are all sold, against a Statute made by common Consent, in the time of Don John II. that they should be for Life, and given to none but whom the Kings should nominate. 'Tis necessary besides to settle a competent Salary upon each Office, such as the incumbent may live handsomely upon; this was the Method of Don Alonso IX▪ giving sufficient Salaries to his Judges, and severely punishing those whom he found guilty of Bribery. The same was practised by their Catholic Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabel, who reduced Lawyers Fees to a certainty * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . Magistrates should not be suffered to Traffic or Merchandise 10 Sed caput est in omni Rep. ut legibus, & omni alia ratione provisum sit, ne qu●● facultas quaestus faciendi Magistratibus relinqu●tur. Arist. Pol. 5. c. ●. , for they'll never give good Counsel, which they see is against their Gain. Besides the people is better satisfied with the Honour and Preferment which are conferred on others, provided they have the Gain and Profit, but they are incensed and apt to rebel when they see themselves robbed of both 11 Tunc utrumque ei molestum est, quod nec honorum particeps sit● & quod à quaestibus submoveatur. Ibid. . And to this Cause the Feuds between the Nobility and Commonalty of Genova may be attributed. Offices ought not to be given to poor and needy Persons, for their Poverty exposes 'em too much to Corruption and Bribery. In an Election in the Roman Senate for a Governor of Spain, the Dispute lay between Sulpicius Galba and Aurelius Cotta, Scipio being asked his Opinion replied, He liked neither, one for having nothing, and t'other for that he had never enough. The Athenians always Elected rich Magistrates, and Aristotle gives this Reason for it, that 'tis impossible for a poor one to govern justly or peaceably 12 Quasi impossibile ●it, qui egenus existat, eum benè Magistratum gerere, aut quietem optare. Arist. Pol. 2. c. 9 ? 'Tis true, in Spain we have had several able Statesmen, who came poor into Office and went poor out. Ministers who have a great Family are very burdensome to their Provinces; for though they are Men of Integrity themselves, yet their Retinue mayn't be so, the Roman Senate for this Reason would not suffer them to carry their Wives into their Governments 13 Haud enim frustra placitum olim, ne foeminae in S●cios aut gentes externas traherentur. Tac. 3. ann. ; and the Kings of Persia generally preferred Eunuches to the greatest places of Trust 14 Hest. 1. 11. , because being free from the trouble of Wives, and Cares of providing▪ for Children, they might be more careful of, and less chargeable to the Public. Those who are too much addicted to Self-interest, and a desire of raising their Fortunes, are very dangerous in public Offices. For though some do strive to raise themselves by Merit and Renown, yet they generally think it the surest way to do it by Riches, without waiting Rewards and Gratuities from the Prince, who is usually most sparing to him, who deserves most. Lucullus the Consul whom Want made covetous, and Avarice cruel, brought an unjust War upon Spain only to enrich himself. Residents in Courts after Employments are over, is a very effectual Remedy, because of the fear not only of losing this ill gotten Wealth, but also of Punishment, in the Severity of which there should be no Favour, nor should it be bought off by resounding; as Sergius Galba the Praetor did at Rome, when he was accused of Treachery to the Portugueze. If all the Chairs of Justice were covered with the Skins of corrupt Judges, as Cambyses King of Persia ordered, and since him Roger of Sicily, certainly Justice and Integrity would be more strictly observed. EMBLEM LIV. LIBERTY is natural to Men; obedience forced; that is Arbitrary, this guided by Reason, these are Contraries, and continually jarring against one another; whence proceed Rebellions and Treasons against the Prince, and as no Government can consist, unless some commanded and others obeyed 1 Naturam duas necessarias res, easdem salutares human● generi comparasse, ut alii cum Imperio essent, al●i ei subjicerentur, nihilque quod citra haec, nec 〈◊〉 quidem queat spatio perdurare. Dion. lib. 14. ; every one would be Head, and depend on none but himself, which being impossible, he imagines his Liberty consists in changing the form of Government: and this is the greatest misfortune that can befall States, and is often the chief Cause of their Ruin, wherefore 'tis highly necessary to use such methods, as that this Lust after Liberty, and this humane Ambition being removed far from the immediate Administration, should be kept under by reason, and the force of Government; so that this supreme Authority which is the Prince's Property should be granted to none else, for he exposes Loyalty to evident Danger; who grants any one a Power too absolute. The Royal Crown put upon a Subjects Head, tho' but in jest, will make him proud and think himself above what he is. The mind of a Subject should not experience this Royal Grandeur and Glory of reigning, for afterwards abusing it he usurps it, and that it mayn't return to him from whom he had it, he Plots and contrives his Ruin; the Divine Writ in one Chapter gives us Examples of Kings put to Death by the hands of their Subjects, for having raised them too high. Solomon for all his Wisdom fell into this misfortune and ran the same Risque, for having made jeroboam Precedent of all the Customs of the House of joseph 2 1 Kin. 11. 28. , and we read that he had the Impudence to lift up his hand against his King 3 1 Kin. 11. 26. . Let Princes then take it for a Maxim of State, not to promote one too much above others, or if they are obliged to it, let it not be one but several, that they may Balance one another and mutually keep each other in their Devoir, by a reciprocal Examination of one another's Actions and Designs 4 Est autem omnis Monarchiae cautio communis, neminem facere nimis magnum, aut certè plusquam unum facere: ipsi enim inter se, quid quisque agate observant. Arist. 5. Pol. c. 11. . The Emperor Ferdinand II. did not sufficiently observe this piece of Policy, when he gave the absolute Command of his Armies, and Provinces to the Duke of Fridland, whence sprang so many misfortunes, and amongst the rest the loss of that great Man, which was merely the effect of too much Power. Let not Princes be deceived by the Example of Pharaoh, who committed all his Power into the hands of joseph, who preserved his Kingdom 5 Gen. 41. 40. ; for joseph was the Emblem of Christ, and there are very few Ioseph's to be found now adays. Each would depend upon himself, and not upon the Body; which this present Emblem represents, by a Branch encircled with a wicker Basket filled with Earth, such as Gardiner's use, where it by degrees takes root, and so being cut off insensibly, becomes a Tree independent of the Stock, without the least respect to its Greatness. This Example shows the Danger in making Governments of Provinces perpetual, for Ambition having once taken root, claims 'em as its Property, he who is so accustomed to command, will afterwards scarce be brought to obey. France shows us many Examples of this written in its own Blood. Even God's Ministers in the Kingdom of Heaven are liable to slip 6 Job 4. 18. , the Perpetuity of great Offices is an Alienation from the Crown; the Sceptre will be useless and of no force, and will stand in awe of that very Power it has been so prodigal of: Liberality will want a Dowry, and Virtue a Reward. The Minister becomes a Tyrant in the Government which he is sure of for Life; that Prince whom he sees preserves his Authority, he respects as his Master, but him who does not he despises, and at last rebels against him. Therefore julius Caesar limited the Praetorship to one Year, and the Consulship to two. And the Emperor Charles V advised his Son Philip II. not to continue Ministers in Office too long, especially in places Military, to give the greatest to persons of mean Fortune, and Embassy's to the rich, thereby to weaken 'em. The Bravery of the great Captain in Italy, made King Ferdinand the Catholic suspect him, so that he recalled him, and if he did not then wholly mistrust him, at least he would no longer hazard his Loyalty, by the Continuation of the Vice-Royship of Naples. And though that great Politician Tiberius continued Ministers in Posts all their Life-time, but this was upon such Tyrannic Considerations, as ought not to enter into the Thoughts of a prudent and just Prince 7 Id morum Tiberii suit, continuare Imperia, ac plerosque ad fine● vitae in eisdem exercitibus, aut jurisdictionibus habere. Tac. 5. ann. . Prince's ought therefore to take advice from Nature, the Mistress of true Politics; who does not allow its Celestial Ministers of light a perpetual Authority, and Government of the World, but certain fixed Seasons, as we may see in the Motion and Reigns of the Planets, that they mayn't lose the right of disposing of 'em, and to prevent, the usurping her Authority and Power; besides she considers, that the Earth would be ruined, if it should always be governed by the Melancholy of Saturn, or the heat and fury of Mars, or the severity of jupiter, or the subtlety of Mercury, or the levity of Venus, or the inconstancy of the Moon. In removals of this Nature great Care ought to be taken, that Ministers should not take it to be a slur upon their Reputation, to be removed from greater to lesser Places, for since there are not many, that Minister would be of no use, who when he has been employed in the highest, would refuse to Officiate in lower Places; and though Reason requires that Rewards should be equal to Deserts; yet in this Point the Subjects reason should be guided by the Prince's interest, when his Service, or the public Advantage is in the Case; [not that he ought to be put into any inferior Post, out of Contempt or Disgrace] for so the importance of the Negotiation makes amends for the meanness of the Office. If any Offices may be continued long, they are Embassies● for their Business is only to intercede, not Command; not to give Orders, but to negotiate; at their Departure all Acquaintance with their native Country dies, and all Intimacy with the Prince with whom they negotiate and his Ministers cease. Forts and Garrisons, which are as it were the Keys of the Kingdom, should be at the immediate Power and Disposal of the Prince; King Sancho was ill advised, when by reason of the Minority of his Son Don Alonso III. he ordered those of the Nobility, who were Governors of Cities to remain till his Son was fifteen years old, which occasioned many grievous Calamities to that Kingdom. As for other Offices let 'em be but for a time, for their too long continuance makes the Ministers proud, and endangers their Loyalty: This Tiberius knew though he did not practise 8 Superbire homines etiam annua designatione: quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent? Tac. 2. ann. . Virtue is tired by Industry and Expectation; yet should not Offices be of too short continuance, so as the Minister can reap no benefit or experience in 'em, or so as to make him too ravenous like Hawks in Norway, because of the shortness of the day; but in troublesome and dangerous times, public Offices and places of Trust ought to be continued longer, lest they should upon removal be conferred upon raw, unexperienced Persons. So Augustus did upon the defeat of Quintilius Varus. But this Doctrine of Ministers being continued in Offices but for a time, must not be understood of those supreme Offices of the Prince's Counsel, or of Justice. But on the contrary, they ought to be fixed and continued, because of the advantage of their Experience and Knowledge of Affairs depending. These kinds of Offices are in Governments like the Poles in the Heavens, about which the lesser Orbs move, so that if they should be changed or removed, the whole Universe would be endangered by the disorder of its natural Motions. Solon knew this Inconveniency in the four hundred Senators, which were yearly Elected by Lot at Athens, and therefore he established a Senate of Sixty worthy Men who were called Areopagites, and while this continued the Republic flourished. 'Tis moreover very dangerous to commit the Government of Kingdoms during the Minority, to persons who have any Pretentious thereto, though never so unjust; so it fell out in Arragon, by the Imprudence of those who committed the Government to Sancho Duke of Roussillon, until King james I. came to age. Those Persons who have no manner of Pretention to the Crown, either by Birth, or any other Cause, often thirst after it; how much more than those, who in Pictures and Images see their Ancestors brows encircled with it? This Age as well as the passed gives us many deplorable Examples of Relations, who have treacherously usurped Kingdoms which they were entrusted with. Those of the Royal Blood are more prone to Tyranny, in that they never want means to accomplish their Designs. Few can be persuaded of the Justice of that Law, which prefers Birth to Virtue; and every one thinks he better deserves a Crown, than another, and if this Reason should be of force in any one, he is in danger from his Favourites, who hoping to participate of his Grandeur, strive to procure it by violent means, and to raise Jealousies amongst his Relations. If King Philip had any Jealousy of Don John of Austria they flowed from this Spring. A glorious Example of this Policy we find in the Infant Ferdinand refusing the Crown, which was the Right of his Nephew Don John II. by which generous Recusance of that Crown on Earth he merited many more in Heaven. The generous Loyalty which the Infants of that Name have paid the Kings of their Race, is of an ancient Date. Nor do we find less in this present Infant towards the present King, whose Respect and Obedience is more like that of a Subject than of a Brother. The heavenly Spheres pay not a more ready Obedience to the first mover, than his Highness does to his Majesties Will. O truly Noble Prince, whose glorious Birth, though the greatest in the World, is yet the least of his Excellencies, the Effect of Divine Providence, that in a time of such troublesome and tedious Wars, which strained the very Axletree and Poles of the Government, to raise us up an Atlas to support it by his Valour, Conduct and Prudence. EMBLEM LV. ARISTOTLE the better to instruct Alexander the Great, in the Qualities of Counselors compared them to Eyes; which comparison Don Alonso the Wise makes use of in his Books of Laws. Nor is this thought new, for the Kings of Persia and Babylon called 'em their Eyes, their Ears and their Hands, according to the Offices in which they officiated: The seven Spirits God's Ministers sent all over the Earth, were the Eyes of a Lamb without spot or blemish 1 Apoc. 5. 6. . A Prince who ought to see and comprehend so many Affairs, should be all Eyes and all Ears 2 Superior debet esse totus mens, &c totus oculus. S. Antioc. Hom. 5. , and because he can't be so, he must make use of the Eyes and Ears of other. Whence there is no Prince, though never so prudent and intelligent, but ha● occasion for Ministers and to make use of them as his Eyes, Ears and Hands 3 Nam Principes ac Reges nunc quoque multos sibi oculos, multas a●res, multas item manus atque pedes faciunt. Arist. Pol. 5. c. 12 . This is not of small advantage to him▪ if he knows how to make a right use on't, for by thi● means he sees with every Body's eyes, hears with their Ears▪ and takes advise from them all 4 H●● enim ratione, & omnium oculis cernet, & omnium auribus audiet, & omnium denique consiliis in unum tendentibus consultabit. Sines. ad Arcad . The Egyptians mean● this by the Eye which they placed upon their Sceptre▪ for Counsels are the Eyes by which we inspect Futurity 5 Consilium oculus futurorum. Arist. lib. 6. de Regim. . This jeremiah seemed to allude to, when he said, Virga● vigilantem ego video 6 ●erem: 1▪ 11. Vid. Version. Vulgar. . For this Reason, in this present Emblem you see a Sceptre full of Eyes, to give the Prince to understand, that he ought to inspect all Affairs of the Government by his Ministers; nor is it to be wondered at, that we place the Ministers in the Sceptre, for formerly their Names were engrave on the Crowns of the Emperors and Kings of Spain, nor without Reason, for they shine brighter than the Diadems themselves. This Emblem of Eyes sufficiently shows the Qualifications that a Minister ought to be endued with. For as the Sight extends to all things far and near, so should the active Spirit of the Counsellor inspect all things present, past and future, that he may make a right Judgement of things, and give a true Opinion of all Affairs, which can't be done without much Reading, great Experience, and a continual Commerce with foreign Countries: For if the Counselors bened perfectly versed in the Prince's Nature, and the Manners and Genius of the people, they'll ruin both themselves and the Government 7 Morum, animor●mque Provincie nisi s●●gneri qui de ea consulant, perdant se, & R●mpub. Cicero. . And to know this requires use; for the Eyes don't know things which they have never seen; he who has had Experience and Knowledge of things, will readily find Expedients and Remedies 8 Eccles. 3. 4. . There is such a correspondence between the Eyes and Heart, that the Affections of the one immediately strikes the other, when this is sad they weep, when this glad they smile; if the Counsellor has not a particular Esteem for his Prince, he will take but little care of his Affairs, and is therefore very little to be trusted, so said King Alphonso the Wise: * L. 5. tit. 9 p. 2. That Counsellors ought to be the Prince's true Friends, otherwise he would be in great Danger, for those who hate a Person will never advise him cordially. The Eye won't suffer the Finger to touch its inside, but upon its approach immediately skulks within the Lids; how wise and learned soever the Minister is in his Counsels, if he is easy and free of his Secerts, if he suffers his Finger to probe his Heart, he'll be more prejudicial to the Princers Affairs than one who understands nothing, Counsels are worth nothing when revealed, and there is more danger in good Resolves unseasonably discovered, than in ill ones executed with Secrecy; let a Minister therefore avoid Discourse with those who are not entrusted with the same Secret. Let him shut his Heart against those who would dive into it: for in discoursing of Affairs the Design is easily discovered, with the Maxims by which the Prince governs. The Lips are the windows of the Heart, the opening of which discovers all within. The Eyes are so pure and free from Avarice; that they won't admit the least Atom, and if by chance any thing, though never so little gets in, it obstructs their Sight, or at least makes them see things double, and different from what they are; the Minister who receives Presents will be blinded with the dust of them, so as not to be able to discern things rightly, but only as Self-interest shall represent 'em. Though the Eyes are two, yet they see but one and the same thing, they both agree in the truth of the Species which they receive, and in transmitting them to the sense by the Optic Nerves which are united, that they mayn't enter severally and deceive it. If the Ministers don't unanimously agree in advising for the best, without being divided in their Sentiments by love and hate, or any other reason▪ the Prince will be always in doubt or confusion, without knowing which Counsel is best. And this inconvenience falls out when one Minister thinks he sees and understands more than another, or when he has not Judgement enough to distinguish which is best 9 Eccles. 8. 20 . or when he is biased by his own Passions or desire of Revenge. But a Minister should be free from all these, so as to have no other Purpose or Design than the Service of his Prince: Such a Minister [says Alphonso the Wise] is called in Latin Patricius, being as it were a Father to the Prince, which Title is taken from the resemblance it bears to the natural Father, for every Father is naturally inclined to advise his Son in all things for his advantage and Honour; so he who governs the Prince by his Counsels, aught to love him and advise him with Sincerity, preferring his Honour and Interest above all things, not respecting the Love or Hatred, Interest or Prejudice, that may ensue, and all this without Flattery, not minding whether he be good or bad; like a Father in instructing his Child † L. 7. tit. 1. p. 4. . Nature has divided the Jurisdiction of the Eyes by a Line interposed, not but that they both agree in Operation, assisting one another with a Zeal so mutual, that if one turns to one side, the tother does so too, that they may have a more certain Cognizance of things, neither regarding whether they be within their Sphere or not, the same Agreement is absolutely necessary amongst Ministers, whose Zeal should be so universal, that they should not only regard those things which their Office obliges 'em to, but also those that belong to others; there is no Member, but for the preservation of the whole Body, sends its Blood and Spirits to the assistance of that which is out of order. For a Minister to be an idle Spectator of another's Calamities shows malice, envy and want of respect to the Prince. This proceeds often from a love of Self-interest and Glory; or lest he should by assisting his Friend endanger his own Reputation, or else that he may flourish more upon his Friend's misfortune. Such Ministers only serve themselves not the Prince. Whence proceed Divisions in the State, Army and Revenue, by which many good opportunities are lost, many Towns, Castles and Provinces ruined; Ministers should mutually communicate their Designs and Actions, as the Cherubims did their wings in the Temple of Solomon 10 2 Chron. 3. 12. . As useful as Eyes are to the Body, Nature has given it but two, because more would breed confusion and obstruct the Susception of things: 'Tis the same in Counselors, for when there are too many, Consultations are retarded, Secrets revealed, and Truth confounded, for their Votes are only counted not duly weighed, and the greater number carries it; and thence proceed generally all misfortunes in Commonwealths. The multitude is always blind and thoughtless; and the wisest Senate, if composed of too many, will have a mixture of the Ignorance of the vulgar. A few Planets give more light than many Stars, and the multitude thereof in the Via Lactea darken one another by the refraction of their own Light, so that 'tis darker there than in any other part of the Sky. Two great a number makes Liberty saucy and stubborn, and difficult to be reduced to the Princes Will 11 Populi Im●erium juxta libertatem: paucorum Dominatio Regi● l●bidini proprior est. Tac. 6. ann. . As it often happens in Parliaments and general Assemblies; let therefore the Prince have just so many Ministers as are sufficient to govern his State, carrying himself indifferently to them all, not being ruled wholly by one, for he can't see so well with one as with all; thus Xenophon said when using the same comparison, he called the Ministers of the Kings of Persia their Eyes and Ears 12 Hinc factum est, ut vulgò jactarunt Per●arum Regem multos h●bere e●ules, auresque multas: quod si quis putet unum oculum expetendum Regi, eum egregie falli certum est, unus enim & pa●ca videat, & pa●ca 〈◊〉; Xenoph. lib. 4. Cyri. ; such a Minister would usurp all the Dignity and Majesty of the Prince to himself, for that the Prince is obliged to see with his Eyes 13 Et Majestas qui 〈◊〉 imperium habere apud Ministrum sol●t; Regi, aut Principi 〈…〉 relinquitur. Plutarch. Princes are generally so taken with some one Minister, that with him they negotiate all manner of Affairs, though he be never so great a Stranger to them; hence proceed so many Errors in their Resolutions, for neither can Men of Learning give proper advice in Military Affairs, nor Soldiers in those which relate to Peace; upon which Consideration the Emperor Severus advised with every one in those matters which particularly belonged to them 14 Unde si de jure tractaretur, in consilium solos doctos adhibebat, ●●vero de re militari, milites veteres, & senes ac bene meritos & locorum peritos. Lamp. in Vit. Alex. . By all these Qualities of the Eyes the Body is governed, without 'em it can't move one step securely; 'twill be the same in the Government which wants good Ministers. Without these Eyes the Sceptre would be blind, for there is no Prince so wise as to be able to decide all Affairs himself: † L. 1. tit. 9 p. 2. Since Royalty [says K. Alphonsus] admits of no Companion, nor has occasion for any, 'tis necessary for the Prince to have about him Persons of Integrity and Wisdom, who may upon all Emergencies advise and assist him. But if any Prince imagines his own Eyes so good as to believe he can see all things without the assistance of others, he is more vain than prudent, and will stumble each step of his Administration 15 Si de sua uni●● sententia omnia geret, superbum hunc judicabo, magis quam prudente● Livius. . joshua though he communicated with 〈◊〉▪ received Instructions from him; and particularly for the taking the City Nai, he advised with his old Captains about it 16 Jos. 8. 10. . King Assuerus' Ministers never departed from his side, and he maturely advised with them about all Affairs, a Custom which Kings always observed 17 Hest. 1. 13. . Only by Pride cometh Contention, but with the well advised is Wisdom 18 Prov. 13. 〈◊〉 Nature has qualified no Man sufficiently to manage a Government though never 〈◊〉 little by himself, it being impossible for one to know so much as many 19 Nemo solus sapit. Plaut. . And though one quicksighted can see further than many others, for they are not like number●▪ which are multiplied by themselves, and make one great Sum, it must be understood of things at a distance, not of those in a near Circumference, for then many Eyes discover more than one 20 Prov. 11. 12. , provided the number be not so great as to create Confusion; one person has but one Argument, for he can't have many at the same time, and being fond with that will go no further. In Counsels the Prince hears all, and following the best renounces his own Opinion, and perceives the Inconveniencies of those, which proceed from Passion or Interest. For this Reason Don John II. of Arragon writing to his Sons their Catholic Majesties, upon his Death bed, he advised them to do nothing without the Counsel of virtuous and discreet Ministers. 'Tis necessary, that these Eyes of Ministers should preceded each step of the Administration, and mark out the way 21 Prov. 4. 25. . The Emperor Antoninus Surnamed the Philosopher the wisest Prince of 〈◊〉 time, had for his Counselors Scaev●la, Mutlanus, Ulpianus and Marcellus, all persons of exquisite Merit, and when their Counsel seemed better than his own, he with ease ●quitted it and sided with them; 'tis fit says he, for me to follow the advice of so many worthy Friends, than for them to follow mine. A wise Man hearkeneth unto Counsel 22 Prov. 12. 15. . An ignorant Prince who will be advised, will succeed better in his Affairs, than an understanding one who depends too much upon his own Opinions. Let not a Prince's Pride suggests to him, that he divides the Honour of the Success, in taking the advice of his Ministers; for 'tis as commendable to submit himself to be advised by others, as to succeed in any thing of his own management. * Homer. ● Be advised, O King, and governed in your turn. This taking advice, is a particular mark of a Prince's Authority; 'tis the Inferiors Duty to give advice, and the Superiors to receive it. There is nothing more becoming Royalty, nothing more necessary than Consultation and Execution. 'Tis an Action [said King Alphonsus XI. in the Parliament of Madrid] worthy the Royal Grandeur, to have always, according to his commendable Custom, worthy Counselors about him, and to take advice of them in all things; for if every private Man's Duty be to have good Counselors, how much more is it incumbent upon a Prince? Every Fool can give advice, but he must be a Man of Prudence who resolves well 23 Prov. 13. 16. . And there is no Diminution of the Honour of a Prince, who knows how to take advice and make a good Choice: whatever shall be well Enacted by the assistance of your Counsels, said the Emperor Theodosius in one of his Laws, will redound to the Honour of the Empire and my own Glory 24 Bene enim quod cum vestro consilio fuerit ●●●dinatum, id ad beatitudinem nostri imperii, & ad nostram Gloriam red●●●dare. L. Humanum, c. de Leg. . The Victories of Scipio Africanus proceeded from the Counsels of Laelius, whence they said in Rome, Laelius wrote the Play, and Scipio Acted it. Yet did not this obscure the Lustre of his Glory, nor was the Honour of Scipio's Exploits attributed to Laelius, 'tis necessary that the Prince should know how to Act the Play himself, and that the Minister should not be both Poet and Actor too. For though a Prince's Ministers are his Eyes, yet he should not be so stark blind, as not to see at all without them, for this would be to govern by Guests, and he would incur the contempt and disrespect of his Subjects; Lucius Torquatus being chosen Consul the third time, desired to be excused for the weakness of his Eyes, saying, 'Twas a shame that the Government, and the Estates of the Citizens should be committed to one, who must be forced to see with other Men Eyes 25 indignum esse, Rempub, & f●●tunas civium ei committi qui alienis oculis uti crederetur. Tit. Li●▪ lib. 26. . King Ferdinand the Catholic used to say, That Ambassadors were a Prince's Eyes; but that he would be very unfortunate who should see with no other: That great Politician did not wholly rely upon his Ministers; see with them indeed he did, but as we do with Spectacles, by applying 'em to his own Eyes. When the Ministers find that the Administration of Affairs is wholly in their Power, they wil● wrest it to their own private Ends, and their Ambition increasing they divide into Factions, every one arrogates 〈◊〉 himself that share of power and authority, that the Prince through his Laziness and Insufficiency has granted him. All things are in disorder and confusion; if the Ministers aim to be any thing more than Perspectives, by which the Prince discovers the Horizon of Affairs, and takes those Resolutions and Counsels which he likes best, Nature has given him Eyes, and if God governs his Heart 26 Prov. 21. 1. , he directs also his Sight, and makes it more clear and quick than his Ministers. King Philip II. retired sometimes into himself, to meditate upon the Affairs of his Government, and after having fervently recommended himself to God; he resolved upon the first method that offered itself, though against the Opinion of all his Ministers, and this generally succeeded. Counselors can't always be at the Prince's Elbow, for the state of Affairs and the urgency of Opportunity requires sometimes, that their Resolutions be quick and ready 27 Non omnia consilia cuncti● praesentibus tractari, aut occasionum velocitas patitur. Tac. 1. Hist. . Orders are not respected and obeyed, when it appears that he gives them not, but receives them himself: 'Tis a presumptuous Rashness to conclude all without ever taking Advice, and a stupid Slavery to Act nothing without it. He who Commands should have the Liberty of changing, mending, and rejecting whatever his Ministers propose to him. 'Tis sometimes convenient to hid from 'em certain Mysteries, and to deceive them, as the same Philip, did who differently reported to his Council the Negotiations of his Ambassadors, when he had a mind to draw 'em to his own Resolutions, or thought it convenient to conceal certain Circumstances from them. A Council of State should be like a Colossus, that the Prince standing upon its Shoulders may see farther than it. The Thebans did not desire Princes so foresighted, as one may guests by the manner of Painting them with their E●rs open, and their Eyes shut, signifying that they ought blindly to execute all the Resolutions of the Senate: but this was not the Emblem of an absolute Prince, but only of a Prince of a Commonwealth, whose Power is so circumscribed that 'tis sufficient for him to hear, for the Power of seeing what is to be done, it reserved for the Senate. This is nothing but a dark shadow of Majesty, and an empty appearance of Authority. His Power is nothing but a reflection of that of the Senate, and so he has no need of Eyes, who can't go where he pleases. But though 'tis convenient for a Prince to preserve this Liberty in Counsels, yet he ought not to be so vain as for fear of being thought to want their Advice, to reject whatever they pro●●●e; for so he would incur very great Inconveniences: As Pettus did according to Tacitus 28 Ne 〈◊〉 sententi● indig●●s videretur, i● diversa ac deterior● 〈◊〉. Tac. 11. ann. . If 'twere possible Kings should have Kings for their Counselors, that 〈…〉 Counsels might not deviate from 〈◊〉 Authority and Honour of 〈◊〉; a Prince sometimes 〈…〉 beneath himself 〈…〉 Instigation of an abject 〈…〉. But since this is impossible they 〈◊〉 choose 〈◊〉 counsellors, as though they are not Princes by Birth, are so in greatness of Mind and Generosity. In Spain there are several Councils instituted, with a great deal of Prudence; for the Government of Kingdoms and Provinces, and for all the most important Affairs of the Kingdom▪ yet ought not all Care to be rejected, by confidently relying upon this happy Constitution, for no Government is so strongly fenced, but that its Foundations in time wear away, or are unsensibly undermined by Malice or Abuse. 'Tis not sufficient for each distinct part to be well governed, if they don't sometimes all unite, to treat as well of themselves in particular, as of the whole Body in general. For this Reason we have in Convents or religious Orders, Provincial and general Chapters, and in the Government of the Church, Councils. For the same Reason every ten years there is held at Madrid a General Council consisting of two Counselors, of each particular Council, and of two Deputies of each Province, to consult for the Preservation not only of each part, but of the whole Kingdom. For if these Kingdoms were not so renewed, they would grow old and at last die. This Assembly will unite the parts of the Monarchy, and make 'em agree among themselves, to the mutual assistance of each other. For this Reason the Councils of Toledo were assembled, where not only Matters of Religion, but also those of State were treated of. All these Qualities of Eyes ought also to be found in Confessors to Princes, who are their Counselors, Judges, and spiritual Physicians: these Offices require Men of Zeal and entire Affection for the Service of God, and their Prince; Persons who have Sense to judge well, prudence to advise, Liberty to reprehend, and Courage to undeceive, by setting before his Eyes, though at the hazard of his Favour, the Disgusts of his Subjects, and the Danger of his Kingdom, without smearing over the crazed and falling Wall with untempered Mortar 29 Ezek. 13. 10. . Some Princes use Confessors only for Conscience sake, others make use of them as Councillors of State: I shall not pretend to examine into the Reason of these two Methods; I only say, 'tis thought convenient in Spain, to admit the King's Confessor into his Council, as well to give his assistance in matters of Conscience, as also that being as it were a sharer in the management of Affairs, he may correct the Prince, if in any thing he is deficient in his Devoir. For some know the Faults that they are guilty of as Men, but not those which they commit as Princes, though those are greater which belong to their Office than those which respect only their person. No● only the Confessors ought to assist in Council, but also Bishops, or other ecclesiastics, who by their Authority and Learning may be very serviceable, and so the two Arms, the Temporalty and Spiritualty will more firmly unite, for the Defence and Preservation of the Body of the Government. The Gothick Kings used to advise about all weighty Affairs, with Prelates who were to that purpose assembled in the Councils of Toledo. What we have said about Confessors should be understood also of Preachers, who are the Trumpets of Truth 30 Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a Trumpet, Is● 58. 1. , the Interpreters between God and Men 31 For every High Priest taken from among Men, is ordained for Men in things appertaining to God, Heb. 5. 1. , in whose mouth God has put his word 32 Behold I have put my words in thy mouth, jerem. 1. 9 , the Prince ought to carry himself with great Circumspection towards them, they being the Channels by which wholesome or poisonous Doctrines are delivered to the people; the Mobb wholly depends upon 'em, they being the most proper Instruments either to raise or appease them, as has been seen in the Revolts of Catal●nia and Portugal. Their Zeal for declaiming against Vice, often gives 'em occasion to reflect upon those in Authority, which the people eagerly swallow, through their natural Aversion to the Ministers; whence proceeds Contempt of Authority, and the People's disgust, which is the occasion of Seditions and Tumults; especially when the Prince's faults are reflected on, 'tis necessary therefore, that these Reprimands should be general, without pointing at persons when the Scandal is not public, or Holy Admonitions, or other Circumstances have been ineffectual. God so modestly in the Apocalypse reprehended the Bishops, that he seems almost to ●latter them 33 I know thy Works, and Charity, and Service, and Faith, and thy Patience, and thy Works; and the last to be more than the first. Notwithstanding I have a few things against thee. Revel. 2. 19 ; Christ never reflected upon any person from the Pulpit, his Reprehensions were general, and if at any time he descended to particulars 'twas not as Preacher, but as King. That should by no means be heard from the Pulpit, which is dissolute and punishable in the Streets, in which Zeal is often mistaken, either because 'tis extravagant, or blinded with the Applause of the Giddy Mobb, which eagerly crowds to hear the Prince or Magistracy reflected upon. EMBLEM LVI. THE Office of a Secretary depends upon the understanding, not the Pen; if it all lay in neatly cutting a Letter Printers would be the best Secretaries. His Duty is to consult, propose and bring matters to Perfection, he is the right hand of the Princes Will, his Instrument of Government, the Finger by which he points out his Resolutions; and as King Alphonsus says, The second Officer of the Household, at least of those who are of the Cabinet; for as the Confessor is Mediator between God and the King, so is the Secretary between the King his Subjects † L. 4. tit. 9 p. 2. . Discreet and prudent Consultations in Councils will be of small Effect, if he who should methodise them should fail in his part; the Ministers give their Opinions, and the Prince declares his Sentiments by his Secretary, and a word now and then aptly applied, changes the Face of Affairs, as in a Picture, a small shade or a stroke of the Pencil, either spoils it, or gives more Life to it; the Council forms the Idea of the Building, the Secretary draws the Plan thereof, which if it be irregular, the Super-structure must of necessity be so too. The better to represent this, you see in the present Emblem his Pen is a pair of Compasses, because his Business is not only to write, but also to measure the Resolves, and to set out fit times and opportunities for the Execution of 'em, that they may neither be too soon nor too late: this Office is so united to that of the Prince, that if the trouble of Affairs would permit, it should by no means be committed to another, for if it is not a part of Majesty, 'tis at lest a certain Reflection of it; this I believe Cicero meant, when he advised the then Proconsul of Asia thus, Let your Ring [which you must construe Secretary] be not as any other piece of Goods, but as your own self, not a Minister of another's Will, but a Witness of your own; each other Minister is the King's Representative but in one Office, but the Secretary in all 1 Sit annullus tuus, non ut vas aliquod, sed tanquam ipse tu; no● Minister alien● voluntatis, sed t●stis tuae. Cicer. Epist. 1. ad Quint. fratrem. . It suffices others to know what belongs to their particular Places, but he must have a perfect Knowledge, a general and particular Intelligence of Practices, and Arts, as well of Peace as War. If they err 'tis but in some one particular; but this reaches all in general, yet so privately, that the miscarriage is imputed to the Council; as the ignorance of the Physician is to the Malignity of the Distemper; some Affairs may be negotiated with bad Ministers, but not with an ignorant Secretary. He is the Stomach, in which Affairs are digested, and if they come thence crude and ill concocted, the Life of the Government will be sickly and short; cast your Eyes back upon Pastimes, and you will find that never any Government has been well managed without good Secretaries. What signifies the Prince's careful Resolves, if the Secretary knows not how to apply them, by judiciously considering, and prudently observing certain Circumstances on which Affairs always depend. If he wants Discretion and Judgement, his written Rules and Instructions are of small use, for there is scarce any Affair for which you can find an exact Precedent. For time and other accidents alter the very Nature and Form of all things. Apothecaries have different Medicines prescribed by several Physicians, for several Diseases; but they'd be notoriously mistaken, if they should ignorantly apply them without a due Knowledge of the Causes whence they proceed, as also of the Constitution of the sick Person, the time, and other Circumstances; which Experience, Reason, and Speculation shall dictate. The same Affair should be differently prescribed to a Phlegmatic and Choleric Minister, differently to a timorous and bold one. The Secretary ought to instruct each how he should behave himself. What are Secretaries Offices, but certain Schools for the Education of able Statesmen? From what Practice and Experience teaches them, they learn the true Art of Government. There they observe what Counsels have succeeded, what miscarried. From all which appears the necessity of choosing such for Secretaries, as are endued with good natural parts. Those great Ministers or Secretaries of God, which we call Evangelists, were represented in the Apocalypse, by four winged Animals, full of Eyes both within and without, signifying by their Wings, their Expedition and Execution, their Knowledge of all things by their external Eyes, and their Contemplation by their internal ones 2 Revel. 4. 8. . Being so busy that they never rested night or day 3 Ibid. , so intent upon their Duty, that their wings were always stretched upwards 4 Ezek. 1. 11. , so conformed and united to the Holy Spirit in all things, that they never parted from it 5 Ezek. 1. 12. . To make a good Choice of a Secretary, 'twould be convenient for Princes to train up such persons as by their natural Qualifications and perfect Knowledge of the Latin Tongue seem fit for it, under their Ambassadors, or chief Ministers, making Trial of them in several Posts beyond Sea; and afterwards let them call 'em to the Secretary's Office at Court, where they may serve, and capacitate themselves for Secretaries of State, High Treasurer, and the like, upon whose Knowledge and Experience, the Success and good management of Affairs very much depend. By this means the ill Choice which Ministers of State usually make of their Secretaries would be avoided, for they employ only them, who have served 'em formerly, and who are usually most unfit for that Office, being chosen commonly more from the neatness of their Handwriting than their Understanding. Whence it falls out, that a good Minister who has a careless ignorant Secretary, is more prejudicial to the Prince's Affairs, than a bad Minister whose Secretary is discreet and careful; besides the Secretary being chosen by the Prince himself, on whom he solely depends, will make the Minister more vigilant and attentive in the performance of his Office; King Alphonso well knowing of what importance it was to have a good Secretary, said, That a King ought to make Choice of for that Charge, a person well born and well bred, of good Sense, good Temper, and good Manners; who can read and write Latin, as well as his vulgar Tongue † L. 4. ti● 9 p. 2. . King Alphonso seems to thing it not sufficient that he can read it, but that he must readily speak it too; for this is absolutely necessary for him, who is to treat with all Nations. Especially at present, now the Spanish Monarchy is extended over so many foreign Kingdoms, and Provinces, because o● the frequent Correspondence in Latin. The most essential thing in a Secretary is Secrecy, whence his Name is derived, that he may upon hearing it be put in mind of his Duty. The Tongue and the Pen are the most dangerous Instruments of the heart, by these 'tis usually exposed, either through Levity, or Vanity, to be thought the Repositories of very important Secrets, by discovering them, either by discourse or writing, to those from whom they should conceal 'em: So that he is not fit for the Charge of a Secretary, who can't modestly hear others, rather than talk himself, without changing the Air of his Face at any thing; for ofttimes the Secrets of the heart are discovered thereby. EMBLEM LVII. THE wheels of a Clock perform their Office with such silence, that their Motions can neither be heard nor perceived, and though the whole Contrivance depends upon them, yet do they not attribute to themselves the Honour of it, but lend to the hand its Motion, which alone distinguishes and points out the hours, and is esteemed by all, the only Rule and Measure of time. This mutual Correspondence and Agreement should be between the Prince and his Counselors; for 'tis highly convenient to have them: for [as King Alphonsus the Wise said] Though Emperors and Kings are great persons, yet can neither of them by themselves do more than a single Man; ‖ L. 12. ti●. 1. p. 2. and the Government of a Nation requires many, but them so modest as not to attribute their successful Resolutions to their own Counsel, but to the Princes; let 'em share the Trouble but not the Power; let 'em be Ministers not Companions; let 'em know that the Prince can govern without them, but not they without him. Where a Prince can show his Authority and Greatness without the assistance of others, let him do it. In Egypt where the heat of the Sun is more powerful than in other parts, it breeds Animals without any assistance; if a Prince does nothing without Advice, he's more like a Client than a Prince. The force of Government is lost, unless the Sum of Affairs be reduced to one 1 Neve Tiberius vim Principatus resolveret, ●unc●a ad senatum vocando, eam conditionem esse imperance, ut non aliter ratio const●t, quam si uni reddatur. Tac. 1 ann. ; Monarchy is distinguished from other methods of Government in that one only Commands, and the rest obey, and if the Prince shall permit several to rule, 'twill not be a Monarchy but an Aristocracy, there is no Command where all are Masters. The Holy Spirit takes this for a punishment of the Sins of the people 2 For the transgression of a Land, many are the Princes thereof Prov. 28. 2. , and on the contrary a Blessing when only one Commands 3 And I will set up one Sheph●rd over them. Ez●●. 34. ●3. , when the Ministers shall find a Prince so careless as to let others Reign, they usurp to themselves what Authority they can. Pride and Emulation grows among them, every one tears a slip from the Royal Robe, so that at last it remains a mere Rag. The people confounded between so many Masters, no longer acknowledge their true and lawful one, and so begin to despise and contemn the Government. For they believe nothing can be well done, but what they think the Prince does of himself, whence they prepare a Remedy by force. Histories furnish us with deplorable Examples of this, in the Deposition and Death of Garcias King of Galaecia, who would not be so much as the Index to point out the Motion of the Government; but left all to the management of a particular Favourite of his, who was afterwards killed with him. We find Sancho King of Portugal deposed, because his Queen, and a few other Scoundrel Servants had the whole management of Affairs; the same thing be●el King Henry iv for being so easy as to Sign all Dispatches which his Ministers brought him▪ without ever reading or knowing the Contents of 'em. The Prince exposes himself to all manner of Inconveniencies, who without perusal or consideration, agrees to whatever others desire him: for upon him as upon soft Wax every one makes what impression he pleases; so it was with the Emperor Claudius 4 Nihil arduum videbat●r in ani●o Principis, 〈◊〉 non judiciu●, non odium erat nisi indita & j●ssa. Tac. 12. ann. . God placed the Government upon the Princes own Shoulders, not upon his Ministers 5 Is●●. 9 6 ; as Samuel intimated to Saul, at the Entertainment when he anointed him King, when he on purpose ordered the Cook to set by for him a shoulder of Meat 6 And the Cook to●k up the Shoulder, etc. 1 Sam. 9 24. . Yet would I not have a Prince like a Camel merely to bear Burdens; but his Shoulders should be full of Eyes, like the Animals in Ezekiel's Vision, 7 Ezek. 1. 18. lm LXX. that they may see and know what they bear: Elisha called Elias the Chariot and Horsemen of Israel, because he sustained and managed the Government † 2 Kings 2 12. . He does not deserve the name of Prince, who cannot of himself give Orders and contradict 'em, as is visible in Vitellius, who not being capable of commanding nor punishing, was no longer Emperor, but only the cause of War 8 Ips● n●q●e jub●nd●, neque vi●an●i pot●ns, non jam Imperator, sed tantum 〈…〉. T●c 1. H●st. ; wherefore a Prince should not only perform the part of the hand in the Clock of the Government, but that also of the Pe●dulum, which regulates the Motions of the Wheels: In short, upon that depends the whole Art of Government? Not that I would have a Prince perform the Office of a Judge, Counsellor or Precedent, for his Dignity is far above it 9 Non Aedilis, aut Praetoris, aut Consulis Partes sustineo, majus aliquod, & excelsius à Principe postulatur. Tac. 3. Hist. , if he applied himself so to all Business, he would want time for Affairs of greater moment. He ought, says King Alphonso, to have Understanding, Loyal, and Trusty Persons to assist him, and serve him faithfully in all things, as well to advise him as to administer Justice to his People; for he can't of himself duly weigh and examine all things, so that he has need of some in whom he can confide. He should use them as the Instruments of Government, and let them operate; yet so as he may inspect what they do, with a superior Direction, more or less immediate or assistant, as the importance of Affairs requires. Those things which properly belong to the Ministers, let the Ministers perform. Those which are peculiar to the Prince's Office, let him only manage. For which Reason Tiberius checked the Senate for leaving the whole Burden of Affairs to him 10 Et proximi Senatus die, Tiberius castigatis per literas oblique Patribus, quod cunct● curarum ad Principem rejicerent. Tac. 3. ann. , the weighty thoughts of Princes, ought not to be disturbed by frivolous Consultations, when without any offence to their Majesty, they may be decided by the Ministers. Wherefore Sanguinius advised the Roman Senate, not to trouble the Emperor with such Matters, as without molesting him were in their Power to remedy 11 Sanguinius Maximus è Consularibus oravit Senatum ne curas Imperatoris conquisitis insuper acerbitatibus augerent, sufficere ipsum statuendis remediis. Tac. 6. ann. . But if a Prince relying upon the Prudence and Integrity of a Minister, shall intrust him with the management of any Affair, let him leave it wholly to him. After God had made Adam Lord of the whole Earth, he brings all the Animals which he had created, that he might give 'em names 12 Gen. 2. 19 , God would not so much as reserve that to himself. For the like Reason a Prince ought to leave ordinary Cares and Troubles to others: for the Head intermeddles not with the business of the Hands and Feet, nor does the Pilot intermeddle with the common Sailor's Duty, but sitting in the Stern does more with the gentle Motion of his hand, in guiding the Boat, than all the other with their Toil and Labour. But if a Prince either by reason of his Minority or old Age, or any other natural defect, be incapable of attending the direction of Affairs, let him choose an Assistant. For 'tis much better to govern well by another, than ill by himself. The first years of Nero's Reign were happy, because he took Advice from good Counsellors; but when he took the management of all into his own hands he ruin'd himself. King Philip II. finding that Age and Infirmities had rendered him unfit to govern, chose certain trusty and experienced Ministers for his Assistants. Yet even when necessity urges, a Prince ought not wholly to omit the Care of Affairs, be his Ministers never so prudent and faithful, for the Body politic resembles the natural, in which if the Heat be deficient, no Remedy, no Art, nor Industry can preserve its Life. The Prince is the Soul of the Government wherefore to keep that alive, 'tis necessary that this should assist the Members and Organs; if he can't absolutely do this, let him seem to see and hear all things, with such Assiduity, that they may be attributed to his Disposal and Judgement; the Prince's Presence though it has no other Effect, at least influences the Ministers, and makes 'em more careful and Assiduous. To know only that all Orders come through his hands, giveth them Authority, though he never alter nor see 'em; what will it do then if he shall particularly examine, and being privately instructed, shall correct and reprehend his Ministers faults? If he do this but once, they will be ever after fearful and cautious, they will imagine that he actually sees, or inspects all things. Let them treat in Councils not only of Affairs of State, but also of what worthy Persons, they should promote to Offices and Preferments; but let his hand confirm their Resolutions, let it be that which bestows all Rewards and Gratuities, not suffering as in a Sundial his shadow, I mean his Ministers and Favourites▪ to point 'em out, and publish them, and ●o cause them to be ascribed to them; for by this he woul● lose his Esteem, Affairs their Authority, Rewards their Acceptance; and the Prince is slighted by those whom he 〈◊〉 most obliged; for which Reason Tiberius when he saw the Senate inclined to reward M. Hortalus, vigorously oppose it 13 Inclinatio Senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit, quo promptiùs 〈◊〉 saretur. Tac. 2. ann. . And sharply checked junius Gallio, for proposing Gratuities to the Praetorian Soldiers, giving him to understand that it was only the Emperor's Prerogative 14 Violentèr increpuit, velut coram rogit●● quid illi cum militibus, quos, neque dicta Imperatoris, neque pr●mia, 〈◊〉 ab imperatore accipere par ●sset. Tac. 6. ann. ; so 〈◊〉 Prince is not respected because he is a Prince, but because as such he Commands, Rewards, and Punishes. If any piece of Severity is to be committed, or any rigorous Punishment to be inflicted, let it be done by the hands of hi● Ministers, but let the Prince conceal his own as much 〈◊〉 possible. Let the People's Indignation, and the Odium 〈◊〉 Severity, and Punishment fall upon them, not him 15 Et honores ipse 〈◊〉 se tribuere, p●nas autem per ali●s Magistratus, & judices irrog●● Arist. lib. 5 Pol. c. 11. ▪ The Ancients said of jupiter, that of himself he darte● forth none but benign Rays, without hurting any one, bu● only to show his Power, but that malign ones were by th● Council of the Gods; let the Ministers be thought sever● and cruel, the Prince tender and merciful; 'tis their 〈◊〉 to accuse and condemn, his to forgive and pardon. Em●nuel King of Portugal thanked a certain person, who fou●● an Argument to sa●e a Criminal. Also john III. King 〈◊〉 Portugal being present at the Trial of a Criminal, whe●● the Judges were equally divided, and his Opinion asked 〈◊〉 decide the matter spoke to this Effect, You, says he, 〈◊〉 having condemned this Man have done Justice, and could wish you had been all of the same Opinion; 〈◊〉 I am for acquitting him, lest any should say, that 〈◊〉 King's Vote alone took away a Subjects Life. The Prince is made for the Subjects preservation, and he ought to 〈◊〉 no one to Death, but for the sake of that. The hand of a Clock has no effect upon the Wheels, but permits them to do their Duty, and only denotes their Motion, so the Emperor Charles V was of Opinion, a Prince ought to behave himself towards his Council, to let them alone in their Debates without intermeddling with 'em; this Precept he left to his Son Philip the II. A Prince's Presence obstructs their Freedom, and gives opportunity for Flattery, and though in Matters of greater moment, the Prince's Presence seems very convenient, in that he can't be so throughly informed by reading, as by hearing their Debates, for by this he will learn much, and begin to love Business, and be instructed in the Qualifications, and Designs of his Counsellors, a Prince ought to be extremely cautious in declaring his Opinion, lest either Flattery, Respect, or Fear should make it received. For this Reason Piso, when Marcellus was accused for taking down the Head of Augustus' Statue, and putting his own up; being asked his Opinion by Tiberius, What's your Sentiment, Sir, said he, if you speak first I know what to follow, but if last I am afraid lest I should imprudently think otherwise 16 Quo lo●o cens●bis Caesa●? Si pri●us, habeo quod sequor: si post omnes, vereor nè imprudens dissentiam. Tac 1. ann. For the same Reason 'twas a prudent Order of the same Emperor, that his Son Drusus should not Vote first in the Senate, lest others should think themselves obliged to follow his Opinion 17 Exemit etian● Drusum Consule● designatum dicendae primo loco sententiae, quod alii ci●ile reb●ntur, nè 〈…〉 fieret. Tac. 3. ann. . This is a thing of ill Consequence; is it less inconvenient not to declare his mind at all, for so that Counsel which seems best may with more Secrecy be executed. Henry King of Portugal proposed matters with so much Discretion in his Council, that it could not be discovered, either by his Words or Looks, which way he inclined; whence came the Custom of Precedents and Vice-Roys, not giving their Votes in Council, which is an ancient Practice, and was used by the Etolians. But in a matter in which the Prince desires rather their Approbation than Advice, he may open his mind and declare his Opinion, for he will find they will generally ●ide with him either through a desire to please, or because we naturally incline to follow our Superior. In Affairs of War, especially when the Prince is involved therein, his Presence in Council is of more importance, 〈◊〉 well for the abovementioned Reasons, as that he thereby animates them, and that their prudent Resolves may be pu● in speedy Execution, and least while they are brought to him the opportunity be slipped. He must know that some Minister's desire to be thought vigorous and active, rathe● than discreet, and so in the Prince's Presence o●t●n are the Authors of rash Counsel, not that they would be th● persons that should execute them, nay they have a particular aversion to all Danger, as it was with those who advised Vitellius to take up Arms 18 Sed quod in cjusmodi rebus accidit, consili●m ab omnibus dat●● est, periculum pauci sensere. . 'Tis a common Question among Politicians, whether 〈◊〉 no a Prince himself should not assist in the Courts of Justice; 'tis a too weighty Employ, and would take up 〈◊〉 much of that time which is necessary for Affairs of State and the Administration of the Government. Though Tib●rius after he had assisted in the Senate, went to the Court● of Judicature 19 Nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus, judiciis adsidebat in co●nu tribunalis. Tac. 1. ann. . King Ferdinand the Holy was ofte● present in those Courts, where he heard and defended the Poor, and protected the weak from the strong. K. Alphon●● the Wise ordained, that the King himself should undertake the Causes of Widows and Orphans, For tho', says he, he is obliged in general to defend his Subjects, yet ought he particularly to assist them, because they are more helpless than others * L. 20. tit. 23. p. 3. . Solomon's great Judgement in the Decision of Causes got him the general Esteem of all 20 And all Israel h●ard of the Judgement which the King had judged, and they feared the King: for they saw that the Wisdom of God was in him to do judgement, 1 Kin. 3. 28 ; the Israelites desired a King, who as in other Nations might be Judge over them 21 Now make us a King to judge us like all the Nations, 1 Sam. 8. 5. ; the Presence of the King makes Judges just, and his Power only can defend the poor 22 A King that sitteth in the Throne of Judgement, sca●●ereth away all evil with his Eyes, Prov. 20. 8. ; the chief Reason why God chose David King was, because he who had freed his Flocks from the jaws of the Lion 23 Psalm 9 14. , best knew how to protect the Impotent from the powerful 24 1 Sam. 17. 31. : so grateful and acceptable is this Care to God, that for that only he promises to blot out all the rest of his Sins, and make them as white as Snow 25 Isa. 1. 17. . Wherefore I can't deny that this is the main part of a Prince's Duty, yet I think he fulfils it, if he chooses Persons of Integrity for his Ministers of Justice, and taketh Care that they justly and uprightly perform their Offices. 'Twill suffice sometimes in the most important Cases, I mean such as may be oppressed by Power, to be present at their giving their Opinions, so as to make the Judges always in fear, lest he should be in some corner of the Court and hear all that is said and done. For which Reason all the Judges live in the Royal Palace at Madrid; and in the Courts where they sit, there are windows, from whence his Majesty uses to hear all that passes. The same is usual in the Turks Divan, where when the Bassa's meet to treat about Affairs, he hears them when he pleases, from a window covered with Sarsenet. And this Harmony of the Clock, and the mutual Agreement between the Wheels, and the Hand which points the hours is evidently visible in the Government of the Kingdom of Spain, which is so well constituted, that those Kingdoms and Provinces which Nature has disjoined, she unites by the prudence of her Government Each has its particular Court at Madrid, C●stile, Arragon, P●rtugal, Italy, the Netherlands and the Indies, to which there is but one Precedent, they take Cognizance of all Affairs, whether of Justice or Rewards belonging to any of these Kingdoms or Provinces. And their Debates are brought to the King who order what he thinks fit, so that the Councils are as 'twere the Wheels, and his Majesty the Index; or they the Optic Nerves, by which visible Species are transmitted to the Prince, and the King the common Sense which discerns and Judges them. The Affairs of the Kingdom being so disposed and presented to his Majesty, all's managed with that ease and prudence, that for above a hundred years since it began to flourish; there has happened no considerable miscarriage, which is almost incredible, in such a disunited Body. The Roman Empire was more succinct, and yet it almost continually felt Convulsions and Disorders, an undeniable Proof that ours is better founded than theirs, and governed by Men of greater Judgement, Prudence and Integrity. Since then the Sum of all Affairs should be reduced to the Prince, he should not only be a Father to the Republic in Love, but Economy too, nor should he think it sufficient to have Counselors, and Ministers to manage his Affairs, but he should also keep by him a certain private Memoir of them, by which he should be guided in all things; as Merchants keep their Accounts in a particular Book for that purpose, such a Book as this the Emperor August●s kept. In which he took an account of the Revenue, of the number of the Citizens and Auxiliaries in his Service, also o● the Fleets, Kingdoms, Provinces, Tributes, Taxes, and Gratuities, all which he wrote with his own hand 26 Opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium, sociorumque in ●●mis, quot Classes, Regna, Provinciae, Tributa & Necessitates, ac Largiti●nes, quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus. Tac. 1. ann. ; the Memory is the Treasury of Experience, but is very short and weak without the assistance of the Pen to strengthen and perpetuate it upon Paper. He'll find a great advantage, who for Memory's sake takes an account of all Actions good or ill, in his Book; which Diligence if your Royal Highness when settled upon the Throne shall neglect, and think it beneath your Grandeur to stoop to, and that your Presence is sufficient without this troublesome Assiduity, leaving that to your Ministers, I dare aver● from the excellent Constitution, and order of this Government, both in its Courts and Counsels, your Highness might finish your Course without any considerable Danger; but you would be no more than the hand to the Clock, wholly governed by the Wheels, nor would there appear any thing conspicuous or glorious in your whole Reign; as there will, if [which God grant] your Highness imitating Augustus, shall make your Remarks upon each Kingdom distinctly, with an Addition of all Garrisoned Towns, also of all persons famous for War or Peace, with their Qualifications, Characters, Services and the like; particularly inserting all Affairs of great Concern, what has been their Issue, in what they succeeded, in what failed, and several other Observations, which are instructive in the Art of Government. Hence proceeds the Harmony in the Order of the Jesuits, which all so much admire, for every three years the General has a particular Account of all things that have passed, together with a private List of those of the Order; who because they may in time alter their Nature and Manners these Catalogues are renewed every Year; besides, he has particular Informations every Year of what ever in necessary for him to know. By which they always succeed in their Elections, by suiting the Capacity of the Person to the Office, not the Office to the Person. And if Princes had such Characters of things and persons, they would not be so often deceived in their Resolves and Counsels; they would be better instructed in the Art of Government, and need not depend wholly upon their Ministers; and these would serve the Prince with more Care and Circumspection, when they knew that he understood and took notice of all things; and so these gross Faults which we see at present, I mean, in not timely providing Necessaries for Peace and War, would never be committed; in a word, the fear of this Catalogue would make Virtue flourish, and Vice perish; nor would these short Memoirs breed any confusion, especially if some were made by the Princes own hands, and others by his chief Ministers, who are persons of Understanding, and whom he can trust to do it sincerely and carefully; wherefore if as Cicero says, this Knowledge is necessary for a Senator 27 Est senatori necessarium nosse Rempub. quàm latè p●tet, quid habeat Militum, quid valeat aerarium, quo● socios Resp. habeat, quos amicos, quos ●ipendiarios, qua quisque sit lege, conditione, foedere, etc. Cicero. , who is but a small Member of the Government, how much more is it for a Prince on whom depends the universal welfare of his State? And if Philip King of Macedon, caused the Articles of the Roman League to be read over to him twice every day, why should a Prince disdain to read in one Book, an Epitome of the whole Body of his Empire, viewing in that as in a Map, all the parts of which it consists? EMBLEM LVIII. HONOUR is one of the chiefest Instruments in the Art of Government; if it were not the Offspring of Glory, I should think it a politic Invention; it is the Prop of Empires; without it none could stand long; a Prince without it wants a Guard for his Virtues, the Spur of Renown, and Bond, which makes him to be loved and respected; a Thirst for Riches is Tyrannic, but for Honour Royal 1 Velle pecuniis excellere Tyrannicum, H●noribus vero magis Regium. Arist. Po●. lib. 5. ; nor is Honour less requisite in the Subject than the Prince; for without that the Laws would not be able to keep the people in their Devoir, it being certain, that they are more restrained by the fear of Infamy than punishment. The Economy of Government would soon be ruined, were not Obedience, Loyalty, Integrity and such like Virtues in esteem. Ambition for Honour preserves the Authority of the Laws, to attain it we enure ourselves to Labour and Virtue. That Government is in as much danger where all would be Slaves, as that in which a●l would be Masters. A Nation too abject and base, is a prey to every Invader, and soon forgets its Duty to its lawful Prince; but that which is of a more lofty Spirit, and which sets a value upon Honour, slights all Toils and Perils; nay, even despises its own Ruin, to remain firm in its Obedience and Loyalty; what Wars, Calamities and Devastations by Fire and Sword, has not the Duchy of Burgundy felt for preserving their Faith and Allegiance to his Catholic Majesty, neither the Tyranny and Barbarity of their Enemies, nor the infection of the Elements, though all seemed to conspire against them, could shake their Constancy. They might indeed take from those Loyal Subjects, their Estates, their Country, and their Lives, but not their sincere Faith, and generous Loyalty to their lawful Prince. The usual Remedies against intestine Disorders, is to make the People strangers to Honour and Reputation, which piece of Policy is used in China, which is in no danger but from its own Subjects: but in other Kingdoms which are exposed to Invasions, Glory and Renown is absolutely necessary for the Subjects, that they may have Courage to repulse an Enemy; ●or where there is no Honour, there is no Valour. That Prince is not truly Great, who does not command great Spirits, nor can he ever without such make himself formidable, or enlarge his Territories. The Subject's Honour obliges them to procure the Prince's, for upon his Grandeur depends theirs. The very shadow and empty appearance of Honour, makes 'em assiduous in Labours, and valiant in Dangers. What Treasures could make sufficient Compensation for the Estates, and Blood which Subjects squander away for the Prince's Will and Fancy; were it not for this public Coin of Honour, wherewith every one pays himself in his own Opinion? 'Tis the best Price of worthy and brave Exploits, the cheapest Reward that Princes could have found, so that if not for their own Grandeur, they ought at least for their Conveniency and Interest, maintain it among their Subjects; by either taking no notice of, or lightly punishing the Faults which they commit to defend it, and on the contrary, by encouraging with Rewards and public Acknowledgements, such Actions as are generous and honourable. But they should beware of giving the least Encouragement to that vain fantastical Honour so much in Vogue, which depends upon people's Fancies, not true Virtue, thence proceed Disputes among the Ministers about Precedence, to the prejudice of the Public, and the Prince's Service: Hence Duels, Affronts, and Murders; and from these come Tumults and Seditions. This makes Obedience stagger, and defiles it with the Prince's blood; for if once the Subject shall be persuaded in his own Opinion, or by the common Cry, that he is a Tyrant and not fit to live, he soon contrives his Death, to obtain the Honour of Assertor of his country's Liberty 2 Itaque Monarchas, non ut sibi vendicent Monarchiam, invadunt, s●d ut famam & gloriam adipiscantur. Arist. Pol. 5. cap. 10. . It should therefore be the Prince's Care to abolish this Superstition of false Honour, and to promote the Worship of the true. Let not a Prince disdain to honour Merit, either in Subjects or Strangers, for this does not derogate from the Prince's Honour, no more than the light of a Torch is diminished by the lighting of another by it; for which Reason Ennius compares the Charity of a person, who instructs a wand'ring Traveller in his way, to a Flame. He who t' a wand'ring Man his way has shown, Lights tother's Torch and never hurts his own * Ennius. From whence proceeds Cicero's Advice, that whatever kindness can be done another without Detriment to ones self, let it be done even to a Stranger 3 Ut quicquid sine detrimento accommodari possit id tribuatur velignoto. Cicero. . From both these Sentences the present Emblem is taken; a lighted Candle in a Candlestick, the Emblem of Divinity, and supreme Authority, at which two others are lighted, to signify that a Prince may bestow Honour upon those who deserve it without Detriment to his own. His Honour, is borrowed, not his own, who is afraid of wanting it, when he confers it on others. Springs continually flow, and are never empty. The Fund of Honour in Princes is inexhaustible, be they never so profuse: All respect them as the only Magazines of Honours, from whence every one expects his share; so the Earth with its Vapours refreshes the Air, which returns them in Dew upon the Earth again. And this mutual Correspondence between the Prince and his Subjects, King Alphonso the Wise knew, when he said, that these in Honouring him, honoured themselves, because from him they expect Honour and Preferment; where this mutual Honour is, there Affairs flourish in Peace and War, and the Government is established. Nor does a Prince show his Majesty more in any thing, than in the Honours he confers. All natural Bodies the more noble they are, are the more generous and free of their Virtues and Gifts. To give Riches is humane, but the distribution of Honour belongs to God or his Vicegerents. In these Maxims I would perfectly instruct your Highness, especially in that of honouring the Nobility, who are the main support of Monarchy. Let your Highness hearken to your glorious Predecessor, King Alphonso the Wise, who in laying down Maxims for his Successors, speaks to this Effect: Furthermore he ought to respect and honour the Nobility for their Riches, and for that they are an Honour to his State; and he should respect and honour the Gentry, as being his Guard and the Bulwark of his Kingdom. Without Rewards Services flag, but rewarded they flourish, and make the Kingdom glorious Under an ungrateful King never any great Action was achieved, nor any glorious Example transmitted to Posterity. Those three brave Soldiers, who broke through the Enemy's Squadrons and fetched water from the Cistern, scarce did any thing else remarkable, because David did not gratify them. A Prince by once rewarding the Merits of a Family, binds them to his Service for ever. The Nobility is as much urged to Glory, by the noble Exploits of their Ancestors, and by Honours with which they were rewarded, as by those which they themselves expect; 'twas upon this Account that your Royal Highness' Predecessors bestowed eternal marks of Honour upon the Services of some great Families of Spain. So King john II. rewarded those of the Counts Ribadeo, by permitting them to eat at the King's Table upon Twelfth-day, and to have the same Coat which his Majesty wore that day; his Catholic Majesty granted the same Honour to the Marquis of Cadiz. And ordered, that they should have the Coat which he wore upon the Feast of the Blessed Virgin: to the Marquesses of Moya, he gave the Cup which the Kings should drink out of upon St. Lucia's Day; to the Earls of Roca, of the Family of Vera, and to all of that House a Grant for each, to exempt thirty persons from all Taxes; the same King Ferdinand, when he met the King of France at Savona, invited the great Captain Gonsalvo to Table with him, at whose house also he stayed at his Entry into Naples; and what wonder since he owed him his Kingdom and all Spain, its Glory and Success † Mar. Hist. Hisp. ? Of him might well be said, what Tacitus says of another brave and valiant General. In his Body was all the beauty of the Cherus●i; and whatever was done with Success was the result of his Counsel 4 Illo in corpore decus owne Cheruscorum, illius consilia gesta, quae prosper● ce●id●rint testa●atur. Tac. 2. ann. . The Valour and Conduct of one Minister is often the Foundation and Rise of a Kingdom That which is founded in America is owing to Herman Cortes, and the Pizarrs. The single Valour and Industry of the Marquis of Aytona, kept the Netherlands from revolting upon the Death of the Infanta Isabel, and some of our present Ministers have been the chief Instruments in preserving the Empire in the House of Austria, and of the Tranquillity which Italy has so long enjoyed, whose great Rewards have been a spark to kindle a glorious Emulation in others. By recompensing one Service you purchase many more; 'tis a noble Usury which enriches Princes, and enlarges and secures their Estates; the Ottoman Empire flourishes, because it encourages and prefers Valour in whomsoever it is conspicuous. The Fabric of the Spanish Monarchy arrived at this Perfection, because King Ferdinand the Catholic, and after him Charles V and Philip II. known how to hue out, and proportion the Stones to its bigness. Princes complain of this Age of being barren, and not productive of such great Spirits, not considering that the Reason is that they don't look for them, or if they do find them, that they don't give them sufficient Encouragement, but only promote those who are about them, which depends more upon Chance than Choice. Nature always produces some great Genius's, but Princes don't always make use of them. How many excellent Genius's and great Spirits are born and die in Obscurity, who if they had been employed and exercised in Business, had been the Admiration of Mankind: Ossat had died Chaplain of St. Lewis in Rome, without the Glory of having done so many signal Services to France, had not Henry iv of France observing his great Abilities procured him a Cardinals Hat. If a Prince suffers a great Soul to herd with the common Rout, he will live and die like one of them, without performing any thing remarkable or glorious. Christ went up to the Mountain Tabur with three of his Disciples only, leaving the rest with the multitude, upon which their Faith immediately cooled 5 Nam quod Domino in monte demorante, & ipsis cum turba resid● tibus quid●m tepor eorum fidem retardaverat. Hilar. cap. 7. Sup. Matth , so that they could not cure a possess person 6 And I brought him to thy Disciples and they could not cu● him, Matth. 17. 15. . Great Spirits do not flourish nor Blossom, unless they are watered by the Dew of Favour. That Prince therefore, who shall sow Honours shall reap able Statesmen. But he ought to sow them in Season, and to have them always ready upon all Occasions; for than they are rarely t● be found. In this Princes are usually careless while they li●● in Peace and Quiet, thinking they shall never have need o● them. Nor should a Prince honour and prefer only his Nobility and Ministers, but also all others of his Subjects, whose Actions shall be meritorious. As King Alphonso prudently advises in his Laws, where he says, that a Prince ought to honour Virtue wheresoever he finds it, though it be in the very meanest of his Subjects. A Prince ought to be very cautious in the Distribution of Honours, considering the time and weighing the Qualifications of the persons, that they may be exactly adapted to their Merit. For that distinguishes Dignities, as the intrinsic worth of a Diamond makes it more valuable; if Honours were all equal, they would be less valued; 'tis a kind of Tyranny not to reward Desert, and nothing more incenses the People than it; a whole Government is disordered by the unequal Distribution of Preferments, Rewards above Desert are a Scandal to the receiver, and an Affront to those who deserve better. One is gratified; many offended. To gratify all alike is ●o reward none. Virtue thrives not by equality, nor will Valour ever attempt any considerable Action, without the hopes of some particular Reward. A Statue erected for one, affects many with a glorious Desire of obtaining the same Honour. In a word, Honour suited to a persons Merit, is a Spur to him, an Encouragement to others, and a means to preserve Obedience in the people. But though nothing more firmly settles, or more gloriously adorns a Prince's Throne than Distribution of Honours, yet ought he diligently to take Care, not to Grant away those which are proper to his own Dignity, and distinguish him from others: For they are not like Flames which passing to another Subject, still remains entire in its own; but all such which he shall confer on others, will no more shine in him, so that Majesty will be obscured, nor will any make their Applications to him, but to them to whom he has granted such Honours; Tiberius would not permit even his Mother Livia to receive those particular Honours which the Senate designed because he thought 'twould diminish his Authority 7 Caeterum anxius invidia, & mulieb●e fastigium in diminutionem sui ●ccipiens, ne lictorem qui●●em ei decern 〈◊〉 Tac. 1. ann. . Even Ceremonies which were introduced either by Chance or Flattery, and are now peculiar to the Prince, he ought not to make common to others. For though they are vain and empty, they mark out the Borders of Majesty to Respect and Veneration. Tiberius was disgusted, that the same public Prayers were made for Nero and Drusus which were made for him, tho' they were his Sons and Successors in the Empire 8 Tum verò aequari adolescentes senectae suae, vis hoentèr indoluit. Tac. 4. ann. ; the Honour of Princes vanishes, when made common by promiscuous Flattery 9 Vanescit Augusti honour, si promis● noribus vulg●tur. Tac. 4. ann. ; sometimes though, as when Ministers do personate the Prince in his absence, the same Honours and Ceremonies are to be paid them, as are due to the Prince if present; as we fee in Vice-Roys and Courts of Supreme Authority, which like Stars shine in the Sun's absence; but not in his Presence, for then those marks of Honour are paid to the Royal Dignity represented in the Ministers, who are as it were the Pictures of Majesty, and the reflection of Supreme Authority. EMBLEM LIX. NATURE, the provident Disposer of all things, has divided Countries from one another, and hedged 'em in sometimes with Mountains like ●ast Walls, sometimes entrenched 'em about with deep Rivers, and sometimes with the Ocean itself, that she ●ight put a stop to the Designs of humane Ambition; for ●he same Reason she has constituted different Climates, Nature's, Languages, and Customs, that in this great Diversity of Nations, each might live amicably, and in Unity among themselves, not easily giving way to the Power and Tyranny of Invaders. Yet are not all these bars and fences of Nature, able to check this insatiable Desire of Rule; for Ambition is so great and so deeply rooted in Man's heart, ●hat it thinks the five Zones too narrow for it. Alexander, ●hey say wept, that he had no more Worlds to Conquer. All the Blessings of Life, nay Life itself, for all our natural Inclinations to preserve it, are all slighted for a moment's Reign. Humaya going to invade the Kingdom o● Cordova, some of his Friends dissuaded him from it, urging the danger of the Attempt: Call me King to day, say● he, and to morrow kill me; there is no Passion in Ma● more blind and dangerous than this. This has cost many their Lives, as well as Estates, which they would have there by enlarged. A certain Prince of Tartary usually drank ou● of a Cup on which was engraven the Head of a Prince o● Muscovy, who in invading his Kingdom lost his own, wit● his Life; about the edge of which was this Inscription: This Prince by coveting mine, lost his own. Almost the same thing befell King Sancho, who woul● have robbed his Brothers of the Kingdoms, which their Father King Ferdinand had divided between 'em. Ambition is in danger, when it but puts its Arm out of its Territories like the Snail which runs a Risque whenever it peeps out o● its shell 1 Test●dinem, ubi collecta in suum tegmen est, tutam ad omnes 〈◊〉 esse, ubi exerit partes aliquas, quodcunque nudavit obnoxium at que i● mum habere Cic . And though Tyridates said, That 'tis for private Men to maintain their own, but for Kings to invade others 2 Et sua retinere privatae domus, alienis ce●●● Regiam laudem esse. Tac. 15. ann. ; yet this is only then; when reason and pruden●● advise it, and when Power has no other Tribunal than that o● Arms; for whoever unjustly robs another of his Kingdom gives others opportunity and right to do the same to him first let a Prince consider the Danger of his own, before 〈◊〉 thinks of invading fewer Kingdom 3 Suam quisque fortunam in 〈◊〉 ●●lio habeat, cum de ●lieno deliberate. Curtius. : for which Re●son the Emperor Rodolphus I. used to say, 'Twas bett●● to govern well than to enlarge a Kingdom; if King alphonso the Wise had took this Advice, he had never pursue his Pretensions to the Empire, to the so evident peril his own Kingdom; so that the comparison of Alphonso Ki●● of Naples was very applicable to him: That such ambitious Princes were like Gamesters, who cheated by a vain hope of winning, lose even what they had. To defend ●his State is a Prince's Duty, but to invade another's is ●erely Arbitrary. Ambition hurries Men to new and dangerous Attempts 4 Quibus nova & ancipitia praecolere avida, & plerumque fallax 〈◊〉 est. Tac. 14. ann. ; and the more it has the more it co●ets. It increases with Empire 5 Vetus, & jampridem insita Mortalibus 〈◊〉 cupido, cum imperii Magnitudine adolevit erupitque. Tac. 2▪ 〈◊〉 . Opportunities, and the easiness of the means charm Princes Eyes and Hearts, and hinder them from understanding, that they ought not to covet all that they can obtain; a generous mind should be regulated by Reason and Prudence; he is not safest who ●ossesses most, but he who possesses most lawfully. Too great an extent of Power, creates Emulation and Envy, and increases Danger. For they arm and unite against the strongest, as the Kings of Spain did against Alphonso III. whose Greatness and Prosperity they suspected. For which Reason 'tis more desirable to have Power well grounded and established, than to exercise it; for there is as much Danger ●n maintaining as in procuring it. Were there no foreign Enemies, affluence of Plenty would sufficiently enervate it; ●s the Grandeur of old Rome found 6 Et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis ●o ●reverit, ut j●m Magni●●ine laboraret sua. Liv. lib. 1. , which Augustus ●oreseeing, proposed to Remedy it by prescribing Bounds to ● 7 Addideratque consilium coercendi in●● terminos imperii. Tac. 1 ann. , which the Emperor Adrian afterwards effected. Let a Prince bridle his Felicity and he will Reign well 8 I●pone felicitati tu● fraena, faci●● reges. Curti●, . 'tis no difficult matter for Injustice and Tyranny, if armed with Power, to raise and extend Kingdoms; the Difficulty ● in the preservation thereof, it being a harder matter to Govern well than to Conquer 9 Fa●ilius est qu●dam vincere quam tenere. Curt. . For in Arms usually Fortune takes place, but Government depends on Prudence 10 Fortunam 〈…〉 invenies quam retineas Publ. . Success enters the gate without being called, by Merit or Industry, but 'tis Prudence only that keeps her there. Alphonso the Wise gave this Reason, why 'twas less difficult to get, than to maintain when got; Because the preservation depends upo● Judgement; but the Acquisition upon Chance. Ho● Fortune with both hands, or she'll slip from you 11 Fortunam tuam pressis manibus tene, lubrica. Curtius: A Hedgehog [from whence I took this Emblem] is fou● with ease, but to hold it requires Prudence; that is, yo● must apply your hand so as gradually to smooth down 〈◊〉 thorny Bristles, which when erected resemble a Squadr● of Pikes. Claud. Armed with herself she does securely go, Herself, the Quiver, Arrow, and the Bow. Scarce were the Arms of Spain retired from the Netherland● in the time of Don John of Austria, when those of the R●bels entered. 'Twas an easy matter for the King of Fr●● against the Laws of God and Man to seize upon the Duchy of Lorraine, but to maintain it now, he finds it expensive a● dangerous; so he is obliged always to keep an armed ha● upon it, and the Causes which occur in the Acquisition do● always in the Preservation. But if 'tis once settled, time will help to fix it; whence happens, that sometimes one person may easily maintain Government which was not raised, but by the great To● and Perils of many. Wherefore since 'tis a Prince's chief Duty to preserve 〈◊〉 States, I will here subjoin the means which it may be do● by, whether they descend by Succession, or are acquir'd● Conquest or Election. I first premise the general Caus● which usually concur in attaining and maintaining the and those are God; that is, when he assists us with Religi● and Justice; Opportunity, when a concurrence of Causes pen the way to Grandeur; and Prudence, either in maki●● these Opportunities, or in using them when offered. The are other Instruments common to the Art of Government as Valour, the Prince's Assiduity and Prudence, the People Esteem, Respect and Love for him; the Reputation of ● Crown, the force of Arms, Unity in Religion, a due Administration of Justice, the Authority of the Laws, the Distribution of Rewards; the Severity of Punishments; the Integrity of the Magistracy; the good Election of Ministers; the Preservation of Privileges and Customs; the Education of Youth; the Modesty of the Nobility; the Purity of the Coin; the Increase of Trade and Arts; the People's Obedience; Concord, Plenty, and public Riches. By these means all States are maintained, and though the Government of each requires great Care and Attention, yet do those which descend lineally from Father to Son require ●east; for Sovereign Power and Obedience being become habitual, and as it were natural to the Subjects, they forget that it was of their own Institution, not an original Propriety. No one dares deny him Respect and Veneration, whom he has owned for his Lord from his Birth; all are ●w'd by fear of Punishment from the Successor, for Crimes which they shall commit in the present Reign: The Subjects easily bear and wink at his Failures. The very Tide of Affairs, which long Custom and Experience has confined to a Channel, secures him, though he be incapacitated for Government, provided he be of an easy docile Nature, ●nd one that will Act for the best in all things, and can ●ake Choice of good Ministers, or should happen on them ●y Chance. But those States which descend by an indirect Line, or ●y Marriage; a Prince ought to manage with particular Care and Circumspection, especially at the beginning of is Reign; in this those Princes run great Risks, who through ●o much Zeal, or too fond a Desire of Glory, reverse the action's and Institutions of their Predecessors, introducing novelties of their own, without that due Moderation and prudence which is necessary even in changing 'em into bet●er; for Plato's Opinion that all change is dangerous except ●om bad, must not be understood of Governments, which 〈◊〉 great Risks unless remedied by degrees, according to 〈◊〉 Order of Nature, which does not leap from one ex●eam to the other; but interposes the Temperature of the ●ring and Autumn, between the Extremities of the Winter's cold, and Summer's heat: A sudden and violent chang● is troublesome and doubtful; that which is slow and gradual is always more easy 12 Anceps & operosa nimis est mutatio, quae subitò & cum qu●● violentiâ suscipitur; facilior autem quae sensim & paulatim de. li●● fit. Arist. 6. Pol. . 'Tis dangerous in sailing to shift the Sails upon a contrary mind, because they mu● on a sudden be changed from one side of the Ship to th● other. Wherefore 'tis requisite for a Prince at the beginning of his Reign, to observe the methods of the last, 〈◊〉 king Care to reform it by Degrees with that easiness a● moderation, that the People shall find themselves on tother side without knowing how they got over. Tiberius' du● not at the beginning of his Reign abolish the public Sport's introduced by Augustus 13 Sed populum per tot annos mollitèr habi● nondum audebat ad duriora vertere. Tac. 1. ann. . Galba reigned but a f●● Months, because immediately upon coming to the Thron● he began to punish past Crimes, to moderate extravaga● Donatives, and to curb the Licentiousness and Insole● which the People had been so used to in Nero's time 14 〈◊〉 veterem disciplinam, atque ita quatuordecim annis à Nerone 〈◊〉, ut haud minus vitia Principis amarent, quam olim virtutes 〈◊〉 rabantur. Tac. Hist. 1. that they as much loved their Prince's Vices, as former they esteemed their Virtues. The same befell the Emperor Pertin●x, for designing to reform the Militia, enervate under the Luxurious Reign of Commodus. Lewis XI▪ Ki●● of France fell into the same Error, for that he began 〈◊〉 Reign with the severe Punishment of some of his princip● Nobility. The Excellence of a new Government ought 〈◊〉 be Benignity; since too much Rigour and Severity is 〈◊〉 Vice of an old one. What dare not old Kings do? The softest Chai●, Of Kingdoms is in a new Prince's Reign. To settle a Government is a work of time, for 'tis troublesome to reform, as to new model one 15 Non minus negotii est Remp. 〈◊〉 quam ab initi●●onstituere. Arist. 4. Pol. cap. 1. ; for 〈◊〉 reason David excused himself from punishing joab for the Murder of Abner, as being weak and newly anointed King 16 2 S●m. 3. 39 ; that is, he feared by too much Severity, he should make his new got Government odious. Rehoboam had never ruined himself had he considered this, when by the Counsel of the young Men, he answered the People of Israel, who desired he would treat 'em with less Severity than his Father had done; My Father made your Yoke heavy, and I will add to your Yoke; my Father also chastised you with Whips, but I will chastise you with Scorpions 17 1 Kings 12. 14. . There is nothing more serviceable to a Prince at his entrance upon the Government, than to signalise himself by some glorious Exploits, for Reputation once got is not immediately lost; for which Reason Domitius Corbulo, when he was sent into Armenia took particular Care to raise his Reputation 18 Ubi famae inserviret, 〈◊〉 in novis c●ptis validissima est. Tac. 13. ann. . The same Agricola did in his Government of Britain, knowing that the Reputation of his first Actions would bias all the rest 19 Non ignarus instandum fa●●ae, & prout prima ●essissent, fore universa. Tac. in vit. Agr. The comparison which the People make between the past and present Administration is always of ill consequence, when they don't find in this the same Felicity they did in tother, or done't perceive the same Parts and Qualifications in the present Prince, as in his Predecessor; let him therefore take Care as much can be, that there be no difference; but that the same hand may seem to hold the Reins. But if the Prince, either cannot, or knows not how to adjust his Actions to the People's humour as his Predecessor did, let him more particularly avoid occasion, which may breed Comparisons. Which was the reason that Tiberius was never present at public Shows, fearing that his rough melancholy Temper, compared to the complaisant Gaiety of Augustus, would be offensive to the People 20 Cur abstinuerit Spectaculo ipse, variè trahebant; ali● taedio caetus, ●●id●m tristitia ingenii, & met● comparationis, quia Augustu● comi●er ●●●fuisset. Tac. 1. ann. . Wherefore as soon as a Prince comes to the Helm of Affairs he should diligently inquire, what things were distasteful in the past Reign, that he may avoid them; this was Nero's Maxim at his Accession to the Throne, prescribing it as a Plan of his future Government, sedulously declining those things which had lately bred Disgust 21 Tum formam futuri Principatus pr●scripsit, ca maximè declin●●, querum recens flagrabat invidia. Tac. 13. ann. . Let a Prince also adjust his Actions to the Customs of the Country, and methods of his Predecessor, for even the Virtues of the Successor which are new, and such a● the Predecessor and the Nation in general were unacquainted with, the People look upon as Vices and loath 'em. The Parthians demanded Vono for their King, a Person endued with the Gentile Accomplishments of Rome (where he had been as Hostage) but those Virtues lost him the Affections of his People, who regarded them as nothing but new Vices 22 Sed prompti adius, obvia comitas, ignotae Parthis Vertutes, nova vitia. Tac. 2. ann. ; they were disgusted, that he did not give his mind to Horses and Hunting, as his Predecessors did; and on the contrary they all loved Nero, because he accommodated himself to their Customs 23 Quod hic prima ab infantia instituta. & cultum Armeniorum 〈◊〉 latus, venatu, epulis, & quae alia barbari celebrant proceres, plebem●● juxta devinxerat. Tac. 2. ann. . And if this difference of Manners in the Prince's Person produces these Effects, how much greater will the Alteration of the Customs and Ways of the People create? But if Correction be necessary, it must be applied with such Moderation, as may neither make the Prince seem severe nor remiss, but when the negligence of the Predecessor was very great, and the People require a Remedy, than the Activity and Diligence of the Successor is very opportune; as was visible in the first Years of your Royal Highnesses renowned Father 'Tis a generous piece of Justice, for a Prince to begin his Reign with pardoning all offences against himself, and punishing those committed against others; nothing gai●● People's esteem and respect more than this 24 Novum Imperium inchoanti●● utilis clementia. Tac. 4. Hist. . As the Emperor's Vesp●si● and Titus found, as also Charles VII. King of France. Upon this Consideration Witiza remitted the Banishment of those whom his Father had condemned, and caused their Trials to be burnt, by this great means the better to secure the Crown upon his Head. Though these Acts are highly requisite, yet the main Point is the gaining the Love and Obedience of the Subjects; which two Kings of Arragon were absolute Masters of † Mar. Hist. Hisp. : One was King Alphonso I who going to take Possession of the Kingdom of Castille for his Wife Terraca, behaved himself with great Complaisance and Affability to all; he heard Causes, and administered Justi●e himself; he protected Widows and Orphans, relieved the Poor, honoured and rewarded the Nobility according to their Desert, preferred Virtue, and made the Kingdom plentiful and populous, which acquired him the Affections of all. The other was Alphonso V King of Naples, who made himself extremely beloved by the People, by his care and prudence in Affairs, by a due Disposal of Rewards and Punishments, by Liberality, Complaisance and Easiness of Access, by his Love for the public welfare, and by so exact a Conformation to the Manners and Customs of the Kingdom, that he seemed a natural, not a foreign Prince. Those Kings who have their Residence among their Subjects, may gain their hearts more easily, than those who reside in distant Provinces, for if their Loyalty does not grow quite cold, 'tis at most but Lukewarm, and nothing but the Excellence of the Constitution can preserve its heat; that is by providing able Ministers, and by severely punishing their Faults, especially those which they commit against Justice, and the Reputation and Estates of others, all the Comfort absent Subjects have is that if the Prince be good, they shall feel the Effect of it as well as if present, but if otherwise, they should be least under the Lash of his Tyranny 25 Laudatorum Principum usu● ex aequo, quamvis prout agentibus, s●vi proximis ingr●nt. Tac. 4. Hist. . But because such Kingdoms love Novelty and Change and require the Presence of the Prince himself to govern them; the Confidence which he puts in them, should be armed and sensed from all Accidents, using the same means which we prescribed for the preservation of a Conquered Kingdom? Elective Kingdoms which are obtained by Favour are also maintained by the same, though this very rarely continues long. And though all new Empires begin with Applause, yet in this 'tis but short and soon over; amidst the very Acclamations, when Saul was anointed King, the People began to distrust and slight him, though he was chosen by God himself 26 1 Sam. 10. 27. . But there are Ways by which the person Elected, may preserve the People's good Opinion of him, that is to say, by maintaining those Virtues and Qualifications, which made him at first thought worthy of the Crown; for Men usually change their Manners with their Fortunes. Tiberius had a very good Character and Reputation, while he was a private Person and lived under Augustus 27 Egregium vita, famaque quoad privatus, vel in imperiis sub Augusto fuit. Tac. 6. ann. ; as also had Galba; let him be Courteous and obliging to all 28 Major privato visus, dum privatus fuit. Tac. 1. Hist. . Grateful and Liberal to those who Elected him; civil to those who gave their Votes against him; let him be a zealous Lover of his Country. And a vigorous Assertor of its Laws and Privileges; let his Council be composed of the Natives of the Country, employing them alone in Offices and places of Trust, not admitting Foreigners and Relations; let him maintain his Family with modesty; let him temper Majesty with Consideration, and Justice with Clemency; let him so govern as if his Kingdom came by Descent, which he should transmit to his Posterity, not as if it were Elective, fleecing it of what he can during his Reign; according to the Poet. A short Reign never spares the People 29 Non parcit populis Regnum breve. Statius. : For 'tis very difficult to be moderate in Grandeur which must die with us 30 Difficilius est temperare felicitati, qua te non putes di● us●rum. Tac. 2. ann. . The Prince ought moreover to be peaceable, not an Invader of others: for Elective Kingdoms fear such a Master, whose mind is bend upon Conquering others; but they love him who is only careful in preserving his own, as we see in Poland, for 'tis evident that all Kingdoms were at first Elective, and that 'twas only Ambition of enlarging them by invading their Neighbours, by which so many have lost that Liberty, which they would have taken from others. Nor is it possible, that among so many Casualties and Dangers of Election, this Enlargement of States should be lasting, for those very Arms which make those additional Conquests, will reduce them to Hereditary Kingdoms; which was 31 Si immensum Imperii corpus starè, ac librari sine rectore posset, dignus eram à quo Respub. inciperet. Tac. 1. Hist. Galba's excuse for not converting the Empire into a Commonwealth. Elective Monarchies love Liberty, and so ought not to be governed without it, and since Election is the Scale in which they weight it, the Prince should always stand on that side, for if he gives the least Suspicion that he intends to make the Crown Hereditary, he will certainly lose it. In States acquired by Conquest, there is more difficulty in attaining than preserving them, for they are like wild Colts, in which the main Trouble is backing them, for afterwards they willingly take the Bit, and submit to the burden. Fear and Flattery open the way to Dominion; the first Ascent of which is steep and difficult 32 Prima dominandi spes in arduo; ubi sis ingressus, adsunt studia & Ministri. Tac. 4. ann. , but once settled you want neither Partisans nor Ministers; yet since these Services are generally forced and counterfeit, they easily revolt when they have opportunity, and are therefore to be entertained and cherished with great Care, especially at first, since from the first Actions we easily Judge of the future Government; as Vitellius experienced, who grew hateful and odious to all, for the Death of Dolabella 33 Magna cum invidia novi Principatus, cuju●●oc primum specimen nosce●atur. Tac. 2. Hist. . And though Piso said, that a Kingdom acquired by ill Practices could never be maintained by good ones 34 Nemo enim unquam imperium flagitio quaesitum, bonis artibus exercuit. Tac. 1. Hist. , yet King Sancho did this way establish his doubtful Title to the Kingdom, which he got by Conquest. Princes are soon ruined by striving to preserve that by Force which they got so. This pernicious piece of Policy has been the ruin of all Tyrants, and if any one has preserved himself; 'tis because he changed his Tyranny into Benevolence, and his Cruelty into Clemency: Vice cannot subsist long unless Virtue be its substitute; Ambition unjust in acquiring at first, must change into Zeal for the public Good to maintain itself. Subjects love their Prince for the public, and their private Interests, and when they succeed in both, their Fear soon changes into Reverence, and their Hatred into Respect: but Care must be taken that this Reformation of Vices, which are now publicly known, be not so sudden nor affected, as to proceed from Design not Nature, whose Operations are slow and methodical, so Otho thought; that a sudden Modesty, or affected Gravity could not preserve the Empire which he had attained by Villainy 35 Simul reputans non posse Principatum scelere quaesitum, subita modestia & prisca gravitate retineri. Tac. 1. Hist. . The People are more apprehensive of such Changes than of Vices themselves; for they suspect greater mischief at the Bottom. Feigned Virtue is worse than Vice; for this is executed under the shape of the other. Augustus was an admirable Pattern of Prudence and Valour, in raising and supporting his Empire, which all Princes ought to Copy. At nineteen years of Age he showed himself worthy of the Empire, by sustaining the Civil 36 Nono decimo Caesar Octavianus civilia bella sustinuit. Tac. 13. ann. Wars. From which time he began to raise his Fortunes. Empire's are not obtained by deserving, but by having merited them. One Victory proclaimed him Emperor 37 Mansisse, C●s●re Augusto victore, Imperium. Tac. 1. Hist. , because he knew how to make use of Opportunity and Prudence; of Opportunity in triumphing over Anthony and Lepidus 38 Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere. Tac. 1. ann. , of Prudence in not entering by open Force, every one was weary of Civil Wars 39 Cuncta discordiis civilibus fess●. Ibid. , the Empire was naked and defenceless 40 Nulla jam public● arma. Ibid. , all the most Courageous being taken off, by the Wars or Proscriptions 41 Nullo adversante cum ferocissimi per acies out proscriptione cecidissent. Ibid. . The Provinces were disgusted at the Government of the Senate, and showed their Inclination to change it 42 Neque Provincia illum rerum statum abnueb●nt, suspecto Senatus populique Imperio, ●ob certamina, potentiam & avaritiam magistratuum. Ibid. ; Dissensions and civil Discords, obliged 'em to apply the usual Remedy of turning Aristocracy into Monarchy 43 Non alitèr discordantis patriae remedium suisse quam ut ab uno regeretur. Ibid. . All these Concurrents managed by Prudence, facilitated his Access to the Empire; which by the same Conduct he maintained, he obliged the Mobb, by defending them by the Authority of a Tribune 44 Ad tuendam plebem tribunitio jure contentam. Ibid. ; and to avoid giving Disgust, he neither took upon him the name of a King, nor Dictator, but only that of Prince 45 Non Regno tamen neque Dictatura, sed Principis nomine constitutam Remp. Ibid. . He continued the Titles of the Magistrates, he engaged the Soldiery by Gratuities; the People by Plenty, and all in general by the sweets of Peace, by Affability, Civility and Clemency 46 eadem Magistratibus vocabula, militem donis populum annona, cunctos dulcedine ●tii pellexit. Ibid. . He was courteous even to his Rivals, Anthony and Lepidus 47 Multa Antonio & multa Lepido concessit. Ibid. , and rewarded those with Honours and Riches, who had been zealous in his Service 48 Quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus & honoribus extollebatur. Ibid. . He very rarely was severe, and then not through Passion, but to procure the public Quiet 49 Pauca admodum vi tractata, quo caeteris quies esset. Ibid. . He captivated the minds of all, by a ready and copious Eloquence, very becoming his Dignity 50 Augusto prompta ac profluens, quae decerat Principem, eloqu●ntia fuit Tac. 15. ann. ; he used Justice among his Subjects, and Modesty to his Allies 51 Ius apud cives, modestiam apud socios Ibid. 3. ann. ; he showed his Integrity, in punishing the Debauching of his Daughter and Niece 52 Oh impudicitiam filiae & neptis, quas●urbe d●puli●, Tac. 3. ann. . He took Care to preserve noble Families, as is visible in his Bounty to Marcus Hortalus 53 In lect●s à Divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertium duc●re u●orem, ●è clarissima familia extingueretur. . He severely punished the Authors of Libels upon any of the Nobility 54 Primus Augustus cognitionem, ●e famosis libellis, specie legis ejus tractavit etc. Tac. 1. ann. , and slighted, those upon himself and Government 55 Sed ipse Divus julius, ipse Divus Augustus & tulêre ea, & reliquêre Tac. 4. ann. . He very much adorned and beautified the City of Rome 56 Urbem ipsam magnifico ornatu. Tac. 1. ann. . He fixed the Bounds of the Empire, keeping a Book of his Revenues and Expenses 57 M●ri oceano, aut a●nibus longi●quis septum imperium. Tac. 1. ann. He erected a Military Treasury, and so disposed his Forces, that his Armies, Fleets and Provinces might as it were take hands 58 Regiones, Provincias, Classes, cuncta inter so co●●exa. Ibid. : These good Qualities made the Romans chose the present Government which was secure and safe, rather than run the Risque and uncertainty of the Past 59 Novis ex rebus aucti tuta & pr●●●ntia quam vet●ra & periculosa mallent. Ibid. ; Hence they first became fond with Tyranny. I don't relate all these Arts with a Design to instruct Tyranny, but that Tyrants may be these ways reform, by joining these to the Fear, which Force and Oppression have created. For that which is gained by the Sword must be preserved by it. For which Reason in such States, 'tis requisite to erect Castles and Forts, but so contrived as they mayn't seem a curb to the People's Liberty, but a Protection against foreign Invasions, Garrisons appointed for their Safety not to keep 'em in awe, for this always makes 'em desperate. The Spaniards were so offended, that the Emperor Constans should commit the Guard of the Pyrenaean Hills to Foreigners, that they invited (though to their great Detriment) the Vandals, alan's, Swedes, and other Nations into Spain. Confidence makes Subjects Loyal, which made the Scipio's give the Celtiberi●ns leave to march under the same Colours, and lodge in the same Tents with the Romans. Also Augustus' Life Guard were Spaniards of the Colaguritan Legion. Let a Prince endeavour gradually to transplant into his conquered Provinces, the Customs, Genius and Language of the conquering Nation, as they did in Spain, in those Colonies which were founded in the time of Augustus, this they are easily brought to, being inclined to imitate their Conquerors, flattering them by accommodating themselves, to their Manners and Genius, and esteeming their Privileges, and Honours more than their own. For which Reason the Romans gave their Friends and Confederates the Title of Citizens, thereby to preserve their Fidelity. The Emperor Vespasian to oblige the Spaniards granted them all the Privileges of Italy. Acquired Provinces if they are used like Strangers, never forget their Enmity; this was the Reason, why the Emperor Claudius gave the Dignity of Roman Citizens to Galli● Comata, saying, that the Laced aemonians and Athenians were ruined by nothing, but by using their conquered Nations as Foreigners, but that their Founder Romulus acted with more Prudence, who in the same day saw his Enemies, his Fellow-Citizens 60 Quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis & Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? Et conditor noster R●mulus tantum s●pientia valuit, ut plerosque populos, eodem die hosts, deind● cives habuit. Tac. 2. ann. . By these and such like means, foreign Government becomes natural, after continuance of time has fixed and settled it, and blotted out the Memory of former Liberty. Spain in its Restauration slighted this Policy. Esteeming more the Preservation of its Nobility, than to debase it with the Blood of afric, and so would not share any of its Privileges, and Honours with this conquered People, whence though united in one Body, they kept their own Customs, and Language, together with such an indelible Hatred, and Treachery that they were forced, that they might free themselves from them, to drive 'em quite out, and to deprive themselves of so many Subjects, so useful in Agriculture; which made all the world wonder at their Policy, in preferring the Splendour of their Nobility, to their advantage and interest, and their Religion to humane Prudence. In changing one form of Government into another, such Skill should be used that the People mayn't perceive the change, and regret the loss of the former. It was at the Expulsion of Kings at Rome, where all things, as well Sacred and Profane were managed with that Prudence, that the People did not perceive the want of those Kings, who had before the Care and management of both, and afterwards when the Commonwealth was turned into an Empire, the Magistrates retained the same Titles 61 Eadem Magistratuum vocabula. Tac. 1. ann. , and the same order of the Senate remained, with a show of their ancient Liberty 62 Sed Tiborius vim Principatus, sibi firmans, imaginem antiquitatis senatui praebebat. Tac. 3. ann. , and 'twas this established the Empire. The Dukes of Tuscany did the same in the Dukedom of Florence. The Emperor Augustus was a great Master of this Policy: Disposing things by Degrees, executing some out of hand, and remitting others to another opportunity, fearing he should not succeed in endeavouring to do all together 63 Non omnia statim, uti decretum erat, executus est, veritus, nè parum succederet si simul homines transfer & invertere vellet, sed qu●dam extempore disposuit, quaedam rejicit in tempus. Dion. . But Samuel was more worthy of admiration, in changing as he did the Government and Policy of the people of God, without giving any one occasion of Complaint 64 Eccles. 46. 16. . The very shadows of Liberty should be so dissipated, that they should insensibly disappear as Dominion takes Root; this Agricola judged the best way to manage Britain 65 Idque adversus Britanniam pro●iturum, si Romana ubique arma, & velut è conspectu libertas tolleretur. Tac. in vit. Agric. . There is no Force more mild and effectual in maintaining and preserving acquired Provinces than Liberality. Men have worshipped and attributed Divinity, even to things Inanimate, which they have received any benefit from; they are easily gained by Interest; nor do they much care what hand holds the Sceptre, whether Foreign or Natural, provided it be Liberal; they who suffer themselves to be obliged by Benefits received, and afterwards prove false, can never do the Prince any great damage by their Designs against him, for no Body will take the part of an ungrateful Person. For this Reason Scipio upon the taking of Carthage, ordered all their Goods to be restored to the Inhabitants; and Sertorius gained the Affections of the Spaniards by moderating their Taxes, and constituting a Senate in Spain like that at Rome, and King Ervigius the better to secure his Throne, lessened the Imposts which were laid upon his Subjects, and forgave all that was due to his Treasury. The Romans in their conquered Provinces lessened their Taxes, to make their Dominion seem the more easy 66 Quaedam ex Regiis tributis diminuta, qu● mitius Rom. Imperi●● speraretur. Tac. 2. ann. ; for Subjects can better brook Slavery itself, than Avarice in their Commanders, as the Romans found in the Rebellion of the Frisians 67 Pa●em exu●re, nostrae magis avaritiae, quam obsequii impatientes. Tac. 4. ann. . A Prince ought therefore to be very cautious of oppressing his new acquired Provinces with Taxes, but especially of introducing those which are used in other parts; for such an Introduction is odious: The Cappadocians revolted, because Archelaus would have introduced Taxes among them, after the Roman Fashion 68 Quid 〈◊〉, in modum defer Census, pati tributa adigebatur. Tac. 4. ann. . Modesty is also necessary to the preservation of acquired Kingdoms; the Senators were more disgusted at Caesar's not rising up when they entered the Senate, than at the loss of their Liberty. Which Tiberius observing, carried himself reservedly and modestly toward them 69 Verba fuere pauca, & s●●su permodesto. Tac. 1. ann. ; the People take more notice of Accidents than the substance of Things, and sometimes for frivolous empty Punctilios of Honour Princes lose their Esteem, and become odious to 'em. Sejanus thought 'twas better to slight the empty shadows of Grandeur, and to augment real Prower 70 Et minus sibi invidiam, adempta salutantium turb●, sublatisque inanibus●, vera potentia aug●ri. Tac. 4. ann. . The Romans valued not vain Ceremonies, but were intent upon the increase and preservation of their Empire 71 Apud qu●s vis imperii valet, inania transmit●untur. Tac. 15. ann. : For which Reason Tiberius like a prudent Politician, was a vigorous contemner of Honour 72 Validus alioqui spernendis Honoribus. Tac. 4. ann▪ . Nor would he ever permit the farther Spain to erect Temples to him, nor admit of the Title of Father of his Country 73 Nomen Patris Patriae Tiberi●● à popul● saepius ingestum, repudi● vit. Tac. 1. ann. , well knowing the Danger of inordinate Ambition, when exposed to the View of every one 74 C●ncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus ad●●tus sere●, tant● se magis in lubrico dictitans. Tac. 1. ann. . For the same Reason of State the Dukes of Florence, demean themselves with great Civility to their Subjects not permitting them to stop, to pay their Respects when they pass by, as is usual at Rome. After that Castille had refused Obedience to Kings, they banished those high sounding Titles, calling their Governors only Judges, that they might be the better received by the People. By the same Prudence and Moderation; Don Ferdinand the Catholic refused the name of King [after the Death of the Queen] and would be called only Governor of Castille. Some States in Italy which aspire to Royal Dignity, will I believe at last (pray God I may be mistaken) find the ill Consequences of their having left their former Modesty, for Italy will not be able to support itself, when she shall see so many Crowned Heads within her Territories. 'Tis less inconvenient to extend the limits of any State, than to alter the Form of its interior Greatness; either through the jealousy of the Nobility, or the Contempt of the Commons, for about those they are both mighty Captious; from the inequality of Communities proceeded common Government; in which not to admit Sovereignty is the means to preserve their Freedom; but if the Seeds of Royalty are once sown, they will produce the Desire of Monarchy, which puts an end to their Liberty In a word, 'tis Peace alone (as we shall show elsewhere) that preserves acquired Kingdoms; provided that Peace be cautious and armed. For so it gives opportunity to Possession, to settle its Government, and justify its Title, without the trouble of War which confounds all Right, and gives opportunity to turbulent uneasy Spirits, and robs the Commander o● his Authority. Wherefore a Prince ought not only to endeavour to procure Peace, to his new Kingdoms, but also to the neighbouring Provinces; for the same sparks of Fire easily catch, and the fury of Arms soon embroils those that are near them. This was the Reason that King Philip III took up Arms against Emanuel▪ Duke of Savoy, when he would have taken Monferrat from the Duke of Mantua, his Majesty endeavouring to decide those Pretensions by Justice, not Force, nor would he suffer the Ambition of one person to disturb the Quiet of all Italy. The same Danger is at present to be feared, unless these Animosities which have put so many Princes in Arms, be accommodated; for the Sword once drawn, either revenge thinks of satisfaction for Affronts received, or Justice of recovering her Right, or Ambition of extending its Dominions, or Mars himself of trying his Strength. I conclude this Discourse with four Verses of Tasso, in which he very judiciously, and concisely comprehends the true Grounds, upon which any new Kingdom should be established. EMBLEM LX. AN Arrow sent from a Bow, either mounts or falls, without suspending in the Air; like time present, which is so imperceptible, that it no sooner is, but is past: Or like Angles in a Circle, where the acute becomes obtuse, without ever forming a right Angle. The first point of the Arrows consistence is the first of its Declination; the higher it mounts, the nearer 'tis to its fall. All things when they arrive at their highest Pitch, mu●● necessarily decline: Hypocrates observed this in human● Bodies, that when they are past thriving, they immediately begin to decay 1 Nec enim in melius verti, nec diu sistere valent, reliquum est, ●t 〈◊〉 deterius dilabantur. Hippoc. . Nothing in Nature is Permanent; the Heavens themselves never rest, no more do their Effects which they imprint on things below; for which Reason Socrates attributed all changes of Government to them 2 Qui causam esse tradit, quod nihil perpetuò maneat▪ sed omnia motu qu●dam orbicular: mutentur. Arist. 5. Pol. . Monarchies differ not from Animals and Vegetables, they are born, live and die like them, nor have they any time of Consistence, so that their falls are natural 3 Naturales esse convers●●●es Rerumpub. Cic. lib. 2. de nar. Deor. . In not increasing they decrease. There is no interval in the fall of the highest Fortune; when it once gins to fall 'tis impossible to stop it; 'tis more difficult for the Majesty of Princes to fall from the highest Pitch to the middlemost, than from thence to the lowest Degree 4 Regum majestatem dissi●ilius à summo fastigio ad medium detra●i, quam a mediis ad ima prae●ipitari. Livius. . But all Kingdoms don't rise and fall by the same Degrees; when they are got up to the highest Point, they fall with more speed than they risen 5 Fati maligna, perpetuaque in ommbus rebus Lex est, ●t ad summum perducta, rursus ad infimum velocius quidem quam ascen●erunt, relabantur. Seneca. . Alexander was twelve years in raising his Kingdom, which decayed in a very small time, being rend and divided at first into four, and afterwards into more Principalities. The Causes of the Rise and Fall of States are many; those who attribute them to Motion, or the power of the Stars, or the number of Plato, or Climacterick years, deny Providence the care of Sublunary things. He who has designed to make the World, will not disdain to govern it: Nay to create, and not take care of the World, would be disapproving his own work. If God vouchsafed himself to paint the Peacock's Tail, and the Butterfly's Wings, shall we think he will commit to Chance the management of Empires and Monarchies, upon which depend the Happiness or Ruin of Mankind, for whom all things were created? 'Twould be impious to believe it, and to attribute the Success of things to our own Counsels, the highest Arrogance. By him Kings Reign, and with his own Hands he disposes of Sceptres, and though in their Preservation he give their free Course to those natural Inclinations, which were either born with us, or imprinted in us by some other influence, without giving any check or restraint to freewill; yet does God himself order and dispose them 〈◊〉 that no Government was ever ruined, without the interv●ning of some humane Folly and Bindness 6 Ego ita comperi omma Regna Civit●tes▪ Nationesque usque eo prosp●● imperium habu●sse, dum apud eos vera consilia valuerunt; ubicunque Gr●● Timor Voluptas ●a corrupt●re, post paulo imm●nut● opes, deinde 〈◊〉 in perium, postremè servitus imposita est. Sallust. . I cannot forebear thinking that Empires would be pepetual, if Prince's would accommodate their Will to their Pow●●, their Power to their Reason, and their Reason to Accidents. Since than Prudence and humane Counsel have their 〈◊〉 in the falls of Empires, we may easily find the Causes ther● of; which are either general or particular; general which comprehend all Kingdoms, whether acquired by Succession Election or Conquest, and are many, but may be redu●● to four Principal ones, from whence proceed the rest; 〈◊〉 in the Horizon of the World, from the four Cardi●● Winds proceed many collateral ones. These Causes are Religion, Honour, Life and Estate; for the Conservation 〈◊〉 which Civil Society was first instituted, and the People o'ercame subject to the Government of one, a few, or many and whenever they find themselves oppressed in any one 〈◊〉 these four, they rebel and change the Form of the Government. We will therefore touch upon these, with as mu●● brevity as the Subject will admit. Though Religion, as we said before, be the strong Bond of Governments, yet is it that which disunites th●● most, and reduces them into many Forms, when it is 〈◊〉 universal, for those who are of different Opinions 〈◊〉 God, never live in Unity among themselves. If they ●●●gree and quarrel about trivial Customs and Manners, 〈◊〉 much more will they about their Affection and Loyal due to the Creator of all things, and furious Zeal of ●●●derstanding things of such importance. Liberty of Conscience is the ruin of any State. Those who disagree matters of Religion, are to one another (as the Holy S●●rit says) Pricks in their Eyes, and Thorns in their Sides 7 Numb. 33. 5. The Duty of Subjects, and the greater Ties of Friendship, and Relation are loosed, and broken upon account of Religion. King Witeric was put to Death by his own Subjects, for endeavouring to introduce Arianism, the same befell Witiza for altering the Rites and Ceremonies of Divine Worship. Galicia rebelled against King Froilus for the abuse of the Marriage of the Clergy: As soon as Dive sity of Religions was introduced among the Dutch, they rebelled against their lawful King and Master. So Honour, as it is the Defence and Preservation of States, and the chief Spur to Loyalty, so it also disturbs them to clear itself from Affronts, Contempt and Injuries, the People preferring Honour before Life and Fortune 8 Honour quoque quant●● valeat, & quomodo sit causa seditionis 〈◊〉 est Arist. 5. Pol. c. 3. . Count julian invited the Moors into Spain, because he suspected that King Roderick had violated the Honour of his Daughter Cava; the Nobles of Castille took up Arms against Alphonsus III. for that he would infringe their Privileges, and oblige 'em to pay Taxes; as did the Subjects of Ramires III. King of Leon, for his severe and servile usage of them. For Affronts received by the People always provoke to Revenge upon the Prince 9 Et multae conspirationes, & invasions in Monarchas propter pudendas contumelias, in corpus illatas fact● sunt. Arist. 5. Pol. l. 10. ; and Contempt creates Seditions 10 Proper contemp●um etiam seditiones conspirat●●●qu● f●●n● A●●st. 5. Pol. c. 3. . And this either, when the Prince contemns the People, or the People the Prince, which is when they don't find him fitly qualified, thinking it base to obey one who knows not to Command, and make himself respected, and takes no Care of the Government. So the People of Arragon served their King john I. the same thing befell john II. of ●astile for his insufficiency, Henry iv for his Vices, and Alphonso V of Portugal, for suffering himself to be governed by others Nor do Subjects take it as ● less Injury and Contempt, for the Prince to make Foreigners his chief Ministers, and to dispose of all Dignities and Preferment among them: for (as King Henry said) That is declaring plainly, that his own native Subjects are insufficient and unworthy * L. 14. tit. 3. lib. 2. recop. . This was the cause of the Commotions of Castille, in the time of the Emperor Charles V The same thing happens upon an unequal Distribution of Honours, for that Men of great Spirits can't brook 11 Non multitudo qu●dem gravit● fert inaequalitatem patrimoniorum, praestantes autem honorum inaequalitatem. Arist. lib. 2. Po●. c. 5. ; and take it as an Affront, that Men of le●● Desert are preferred before them 12 Nam homines tum quod ipsi inhonorati fiunt inovent seditiones, tum quod alios videant in honore. Arist. 5. Pol. 3. . The greatest Disease of a Government is Incontinence and Lust in the Governors; hence proceed Seditions and Revolutions of States, for that violates the Honour of many, and is severely punished by God. One such Action buried Spain in ashes for many Ages; the same called down great Plagues upon Egypt 13 Gen. 12. 17. . And David suffered great Troubles, both in his own Person, and in his Posterity 14 2 Sam. 12. 10. , who were continually persecuted and destroyed by the Sword. There is danger in those States, where many are excluded from Offices; for they are all so many Enemies 15 Cum enim multitudo in●pum est in civitate, eademque ab honoribus exclusa, necesse est eam civitatem plenam hostium Reipub Arist. lib. 3. Pol. c. 7. ▪ no Man is so stupid as not to desire Honour▪ and take it ill to be deprived of it 16 Honori incumbit, tam ignarus quam bonus. Arist. 2. Pol. 5. . Those States also are subject to the same Inconveniency, in which the Magistracy is divided among a set number of the Nobility, all the rest being excluded. The third Cause of the Revolutions and Troubles of States is the desire of preserving Life, that is, when the Subjects think the Prince so Lazy, and Cowardly as that he can't preserve and defend them; or else when they hate him for his Severity, as they did King Alphonso III. or for his Cruelty, as they did King Peter; or for his Injustice and Tyranny, which endangers all their Lives, as they did King Ordonius, for the ill usage and Murder of the Counts of Castille, whence proceeded the Change of his State * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . The last is, Estates, that is when a Prince idly squanders away his Subjects Fortunes; which occasioned Garcias King of Galicia, to lose both Kingdom and Life too; or when he extravagantly spends his Revenues, which was Ramon's Pretence for killing ● his Brother-in-Law, Sancho King of Navarre; or when he is very covetous, as was King Alphonso; or when through his ill management, the State suffers by Scarcity, or when the Price of things rises, or Trade fails, which rendered the same Alphonso so odious; or when the Coin is bad, as 'twas in the time of Peter II. King o● Arragon, and in many other Kings Reigns; or when Places of Profit, or Riches are unequally disposed of. For Envy and Necessity take up Arms against the Rich and so raise Commotions 17 Insuper seditiones oriuntur, non solum ob patrimoniorum, verum etiam ob honorum inaequalitatem. Arist. lib. 2. Pol. 5. . This also happens from the Maladministration of Justice, from the quartering of Soldiers, and from other Burdens, which oppress the Subjects Estates and Goods. Besides these general Causes, there are others particular to the three Distinctions which I made of Kingdoms, in the last Emblem, which may be inferred from what I proposed for their Preservation; for the Knowledge of preserving a State, implys the Knowledge of what will ruin it, and so on the contrary 18 Sed illud primum omnium dubitar● non potest, quin cognitis iis quae Reipub interitum important, ea quoque quae salutem afferunt, intelligantur. Arist. lib. 5. pol. cap. 8. ; for all this I cannot but enlarge a little, though I run a Risque of repeating what has been already said. Hereditary States are usually ruined, for want of Care and Diligence in the Successor, especially when they are considerable; for than their Greatness makes him secure and negligent, careless of all Danger, and dubious in his Counsels. In Execution timorous, lest he should disturb the Quiet he enjoys; he takes no Care to prevent misfortunes, but thinks it sufficient if he can remedy them; not considering that this latter is more chargeable and less effectual 19 〈…〉 diora sunt remedia quam mala. Tac. in vit. Agr. . He thinks Bravery too dangerous; and in procuring Peace by certain idle and uncertain means, he brings a War upon himself, and so ruins himself by the very means he used for his Preservation. This is the misfortune of Monarchies, that in taking Repose they find ruin, endeavouring to stop they fall, and ceasing to labour they grow feeble. Ezekiel aptly represents all this in his Vision of the four winged Animals, which are the Emblems of Princes and Monarchies: Which when they went I heard the noise of their Wings, like the noise of great Waters, as the Voice of the Almighty, the Voice Speech as the noise of an Host 20 Ezek. 1. 24. ; when they stood they let down their Wings. But 'tis not necessary to a Prince's Preservation to be always making new Conquests, for this would be endless, and run into Tyranny and Injustice; a State may easily maintain itself within the Circumference of its own Circle, provided it preserves its Activity and Vigour, and those Arts by which it at first acquired its Grandeur; running water preserve their Purity, but once standing they taint; yet is it not necessary, that they should be always running; it suffices that they keep a Motion within themselves, like Lakes moved only by the Winds; so Monarchies in which Discipline flourishes, and which are fenced against all Accidents, are of long continuance, though they make no Excursions; for without War Arts Military may be exercised; so Cassius in time of Peace caused all the old Military Discipline to be observed 21 Attamen quantum sine bello dabatur, revocare priscum morem, exercitare Legiones cura provisus agere, p●rinde acsi hostis ingrueret. Tac. 12. ann. . A Prince for want of Exercise of his Arms, should not grow wholly enervate by the Sloth and Laziness of Peace; but should then enterpize some glorious Action, that may preserve his Reputation. Augustus during the Repose of his Empire, suffered not his fiery Soul to be extinguished by the ashes of Idleness, for when he wanted what to do as Man, he employed himself as God, studying the Motion of the Spheres, correcting the Months, and prescribing Laws to time. To this end Philip II. Erected that admirable Fabric of the Escurial; in which he aimed to outdo Nature herself in Art, and to show the whole World the greatness of his Soul, and of his Piety. But Hereditary Kingdoms are also in Danger, when the Successor forgetting the Laws and Institutions of his Ancestors, thinks that the Subjects Duty, and Subjection is from Nature, and not remembering that his Grandeur is derived from them, he looks upon 'em as Slaves, and is more bend upon his own Interest, than the public Good, his Administration being turned into Tyranny 22 Aliae ●yrannides ex Regibus, qui moribus institutisque majorum violatis, imperia magis concupierunt. Arist. Pol. 5. cap. 10. . Whence the People conceive a disrespect to the Prince, and an Odium and abhorrence of his Person and Action, by which the reciprocal Union between the King and People is broken 23 Nam si 〈◊〉 volentibus imperet, protinus desinit ●sse Reg●um. Arist. 5. Pol. cap. 10. ; since one obeys, and t'other commands by the mutual Benefit they receive, one in the Splendour and Grandeur of his Government, t'other in the Happiness of being well governed; without this reciprocal Bond, Hereditary Kingdoms would go to ruin, or at least suffer a Change; for the Prince seeing himself despised and slighted by all, is in perpetual Fear, from which fear proceeds Cruelty, and from that Tyranny; which the Nobles not being able to bear, conspire against him, and by the assistance of the People dethrone him: Whence it comes that the People looking upon them as the Restorers of their Liberty, offer them the Government, and thus Aristocracy is introduced; but even this soon falls into the Inconveniences of Monarchy; for as their Children succeed, the Magistracy and Government becomes Hereditary, and they abuse them, and convert them to their own Interest, whence the People finding themselves oppressed by them, wrist their Power from 'em, and will set up for Governors themselves, as if their Liberty was greater in a Democracy, in which it being impossible to preserve Equality, Insolence, and Injustice rule, from whence proceed Seditions and Tumults, and thence Confusion, which obliges 'em to choose some one Person to command 'em, and so the Government becomes once again Monarchical. This Circle usually States run, in which they very often wholly lose their Liberty, when some Potent Neighbour makes use of the opportunity of their Commotions, to conquer and enslave them. Elective Kingdoms, or at least the People's Affections for the Prince are lost; when the Actions of the Elected Prince correspond not to the Opinion which had been once conceived of him; for many appear capable of Government, before they come to it, as Galba did 24 Omnium consensu c●pax imperii, ●isi imperasset. Tac. 1. Hist. ; those who voted not for the Election are in continual Danger and Fear, which makes them desire and contrive a Change. Those who assisted him with their Votes, promise themselves such a share of his Favour, that finding themselves disappointed in their Hopes, they fall into disgust and complaint; it being impossible for the Prince to satisfy all. Or whether it be that humane Gratitude is tired with the coutinual sight of its Benefactors, and looks upon them as so many Creditors. Subjects used to frequent Elections are always fond of them, and still fancy the new Prince will be better; those who have the Privilege of voting take it to heart, that their Power in which their Honour consists should lie so long dormant and useless. The Prince Elected on t'other hand, proud of his Power endeavours to extend it, and so break the Oaths and Covenants of his Election, and despising the Natives of the Country, if he be a Foreigner, admits only his own Countrymen into Offices, and endeavours only the Preferment of his own Family, by which he incurs the hatred of his Subjects and his own ruin: For few Nations can endure the Command of Strangers. jeremiah told this as sad Tidings to jerusalem 25 Jerem. 1. 16. . Kingdoms acquired by Conquest are also soon lost, for Luxury enervates the Strength and Vigour of the mind; Felicity disturbs Counsels, and misleads Princes from those ways by which they attained their Grandeur; they obtained it by Valour, Clemency and Reputation, and they lose it by Laziness, Severity and Contempt. Which changing the Government, changes also the Affection and Obedience of the Subject 26 Illud clarum te●tatumque exemplis est, quod homines felicitatem assequantur be●ignitate in alios, & bona de se opinion, iidem cum adepti, qu●e voluerant, ad injurias & impotenti●n in imperiis dilabuntur, fit meritissimo, ut una cum imperantium mutatione, ●psi sub●iti se & affectus mutent Polyb. ; the Reason why the Carthagenians were expelled Spain was, that they did not know that States should be maintained by the same Arts they were acquired by; which usually the conquerors of Provinces are more observant, than their Successors, for they employ all their Courage and Wit, in attaining and preserving them, but Succession makes these negligent and careless. Whence 'tis an Observation, that those who acquire Kingdoms usually keep 'em, and those who receive them lose them 27 Qui occuparunt imperia, eo●um plerique eadem retinu●runt, qui vero tradita ab aliis accepere, high statim fer● omnes amiserunt. Arist. 5. Pol. 9 . The Holy Spirit says, that Kingdoms pass from one Nation to another, because of Injustice, Injuries and Deceit 28 Eccles. 1. 8. . I conclude the present Discourse with two Cautions, first that the Preservation of States does not always depend on their being far from the Causes of their Ruin, but sometimes on their being near them 29 Conservantur etiam Respub. non solum, qui● procu● sunt ab iis, ●uae interitum aff●runt, sed etiam, quia prope sunt, nam Timor intentiore cur● R●i●ab, consul●re c●gis. Arist. 5. pol. cap. 8. ▪ for Fear creates Care and Diligence; the other is, that 〈◊〉 in the Person of the Prince, or in the Body of the State, the least ill should be taken most Care of, for they increase insensibly, without being perceived till they are past Remedy 30 Ibid. . A small Worm destroys the tallest Cedar; the little Remora stops the Course of a Ship under sail; frivolous Losses caused the Ruin of the Roman Empire. A slight disorder of Body is often more dangerous than a real Sickness, for that is not minded, this diligently taken Care of: We immediately apply Medicines to a Fever, but never heed a Cold, from which the greatest Distempers proceed. EMBLEM LXI. AN Harp Forms a complete Aristocracy, composed of Monarchy and Democracy; understanding Presides, several Fingers govern, and many Strings obey, not with a particular, but general and common Harmony, so that the Disproportion between the great and little ones don't spoil the Tune. One may justly compare to a a Harp every Republic, in which long Practice and Experience, have appointed who shall command, and who obey; in which they have established Laws, elected Magistrates, distinguished Offices, prescribed set Rules and Methods of Government, and instituted in each part of the Republic, such Customs and Laws as are most conformable and consentaneous to its Nature. This makes the first Institutions durable, and not easy to be changed. This Harp of Kingdoms and Commonwealths being thus fitted up, and all the Strings tuned and disposed in Order, though any one should ●ansie he could better tune any one of them, he ought to have a better opinion of the Prudence and Judgement of his Ancestors, whom long Practice, and dear bought Experience had instructed: for some Ways and Methods of Government, though they have some Inconveniences are yet better born with than altered. A prudent Prince tunes the strings in the same Order they stand in, not changing them without time or other accidents have so discomposed them, that they can't perform the Office they were first designed for, wherefore a Prince should perfectly understand this Harp of his Empire, and the Grace and Majesty that attends it, and be throughly versed in the Nature, Qualities, and Genius's of the Nobility and Commons, which are its main Strings. For as King Alphonso says in one of his Laws: A King's greatest Care should be to know Men, for since tis them he has to do with, an exact Knowledge of them is absolutely necessary * L. 13. tit. 5. p. 2. . In this consists the principal Art of Government. To know his Subjects is a King's best Art † Ma●●. . Those who have most applied themselves to this Study have governed with most Success. Many take this Harp in their hand, but few can finger it with Judgement, few understand its Nature, and can touch it agreeably. Let therefore a Prince know, that a Kingdom is nothing but an Union of many Cities and People; and a joint Consent to the Command of some one, and the Obedience of the rest, which Consent, Ambition and Force introduced. Concord at first raised, and Concord preserves it. Justice and Clemency keep it alive; 'tis the Care of others Safety; its Sp●rit consists in Unity of Religion; its Increase, Preservation or Ruin depends upon the Parts of which it is composed. It admits of no Companion; is exposed to all Dangers. In it more than any thing▪ Fortune shows her Inconstancy. 'Tis liable to Envy and Emulation; 'tis in more danger in Prosperity than Adversity; for than it lives in Security, which creates Pride, from whence proceeds its Ruin; when young 'tis weak, and when old decrepit; 'tis as much in danger in continual Peace as in War. It falls of its self, when not exercised by foreign Arms, and when it once gins to fall it cannot stop itself; there is no Interval between its highest Elevation, and its Ruin. Emulation sometimes raises it, and sometimes oppresses it. If it be small it can't defend itself, if great it can't govern itself, it is better governed by Art than Force; 'tis fond of Novelties though they are its bane, Virtue is its Health, and Vice its Sickness. Labour raises it, and Idleness is its Ruin; 'tis fortified by Forts and Alliances, and established by Laws, the Magistracy is its Heart, Counsel its Eyes, Arms its Hands, and Riches its Feet. This Harp is attended with a certain Majesty, which is a Harmony springing from the strings of the People, and approved by Heaven 1 1 Kings 2. 24. . An Emblem of Power, and Splendour of supreme Jurisdiction; a certain Force which draws Authority and Obedience to it; the Safeguard and Preservation of the Government. Opinion and Fame give it Life; Love, Security; Fear, Authority; Ostentation, Greatness; Ceremony, Reverence; Severity, Respect; Pomp, Esteem; in Retirement the more venerable; 'tis in danger of Contempt and Hate. It neither bears Equality nor Division, for it consists in Admiration and Unity; 'tis constant in either Fortune; Respect strengthens it; Arms and the Laws maintain it; it lasts not in Pride, nor falls in Humility▪ It lives by Prudence and Beneficence, and dies by Force and Vice. The strings of a Harp are the People, which are naturally monstrous, different from themselves, inconstant and various; governed by outward appearances, without searching to the bottom of things; they take Counsel of Report, so void of means and reason, that they cannot distinguish Truth from Falsehood, always prone to mischief. The same minute of two contrary Affections, by which they are always guided not by Reason; by Violence not Prudence, by the shadow not the reality. Only to be tamed by Punishment. Their Flatteries are an awkward medley of Truth and Falsity; they know no Medium; they love or hate to Excess; are extremely Complaisant, or extremely Insolent; either fear or frighten; and when they fear, are most contemptible. Small Dangers at hand terrify them strangely, but great ones at a distance, they are unconcerned at. If a Servant slavish, if a Master haughty; know not what Liberty is themselves, and will not suffer it in others. Bold and courageous in Words, but cowardly and base in Action. They rise upon the least occasion, and are soon composed. Do not lead, but follow; bear themselves the same to all; are sooner forced than persuaded. In Success arrogant and impious, in Adversity timorous and superstitious; as prone to Cruelty as Mercy. Equally blind in their Favours as their Persecutions; they abuse Clemency by Licentiousness, and rebel against strict Discipline; if they once shall attack the Rich, neither Reason nor Shame will reclaim them. They raise and are fond of Stories, and by their own Credulity enlarge them; they follow the Advice of the many, not the wise few▪ they attribute ill Success to the Malice of the Magistracy, and common Calamities to the Prince's fault. Nothing makes them more supple and obedient than Plenty of Provisions, for upon that their Care and Thoughts are fixed. Interest and Dishonour soon put them in Commotion. Loaden they fall, lightened they kick back; they love hot and rash Spirits, and an ambitious and turbulent way of Government; they are never content with the present State of Affairs, but are always greedy of Change. A servile Imitator of the Virtues and Vices of those in Authority. They Envy the Rich and Wealthy, and plot against them; are mighty fond of Plays and Shows, nor is there any other way, than that to gain their Favour. Superstitious in Religion, paying more respect to the Priests than their Principles. These are the chief Qualities and Affections of the Mob. But a Prince may be satisfied that there is no Community, or Council, though never so great and grave, and of Select Persons, in which there is not something of the vulgar, and which does not in many things resemble the Popularity? The Court makes another part of the strings of this Harp; which if a Prince can't touch with great Prudence and Dexterity, the whole Harmony of Government is spoiled; wherefore that he many know to tune them well, 'tis necessary he should know their Nature. The Court is presumptuous and inconstant, changing its Colour, Chameleon like, each moment according as the Wind of Prosperity or Adversity blows; though it all speaks one Language, yet all done't alike understand it; it Worships and Adores ●he rising Prince, but slights him when declining towards his West; it censures and carp at his Actions, and yet imitates them; it hawks after his Favour, with the Nets of Flattery; ever bend upon Ambition and Self-interest; it lives by Lies and hates Truth. Easily swallows Vice, but Virtue not without Difficulty; loves Change and Novelty; fears every thing, and distrusts all. Haughty and arrogant in Authority, servile and cringing in Obedience. Envys even itself as well as others; wonderful cunning and dissembling, in concealing its Designs; it veils its Hatred with Smile and Ceremony. Praises, and commends in public, and defames privately. Is its own Enemy, fantastical in its Appearance, and unperforming in its Promises. This Instrument of Government being known, and the Qualities and Sound of each string, the Prince ought to touch 'em with that Dexterity, that they may all sound Harmoniously without jarring; in which he ought to keep time and measure, and not favour one String more than another, in those which are to make the Consort, and wholly forget others; for in this Instrument of the Government all have their proper Functions, tho' they are unequal and easily jar, which Discord is very dangerous, when he shall grant too great Authority to the Magistracy; or too much Favour the Commons, and slight the Nobility; or Administer to some, and not to others; or confound Offices Military with Civil, or does not well know to sustain his Majesty by Authority; his Kingdom by Love; the Court by Gravity; the Nobility by Honour, the People by Plenty Justice by Equality; the Laws by Fear; Arms by Rewards; Power by Frugality; War by Riches, and Peace by Reputation; every one of these Instruments are different, both in their Nature, and the Disposition of the Strings, which are the Subjects; and so should be managed and played upon by different ways, and a different hand; one Kingdom is like a Harp, which not only requires the softness of the Finger's ends, but also the hardness of the Nails too. Another is more like an Organ, which requires both Hands to express the Harmony of the Pipes. The third is so delicate, like a Guitarre, that it won't bear the Fingers, but must be touched with a fine Quill, to make it exert its Harmony. A Prince ought therefore to be well versed in the Knowledge of these Instruments, and their Strings, to keep 'em always in Tune, and to take Care not to strain too hard upon the Notes of Severity or Avarice (as St. Chrysostom observed in God himself) 2 Neque nervum intendit, neque remittit ultra modum, nè harmi●●iae consensum laedat. Chrysost. for even the best String when too much strained, if it does not break, at least spoils the Sweetness of the Consort. EMBLEM LXII. THE ingenuous and industrious Bee cautiously conceals the Art by which it makes its Combs. They are all busy, and none can find out their Oeconomy and method of Government. And if any one more curious than ordinary shall endeavour to inspect it, by means of a Glass Hive, they soon plaster it over with Wax, that they may have no Spies, nor Witnesses of their Domestic Transactions. O prudent Commonwealth, Mistress of the World! Thou hadst long since extended thy Empire over all Animals, had Nature furnished thee with Strength equal to thy Prudence. Let all others come to thee to learn the importance of Silence and Secrecy, in the management of Affairs; and the Danger of discovering the Artifice and Maxims of Government, Negotiations and Treaties, Counsels and Resolutions, the Ails and inward Infirmities of States; if Drusus the Tribune had duly considered this Prudence of Bees, when a Builder promised him to make the Windows of his house, so that no Body should look in, he had not given him this Answer: Rather, says he, so contrive my House if you can, that all may see what I do 1 Tu vero, inquit, siquid in te artis est, it a compone do●num meam, ut quicquid again, ab omnibus perspici possit. Vell. Pat lib. 2. ; this was a piece of Pride of an open ingenuous Spirit, or the confidence of a private Person, not of a public Minister, or a Prince, in whose▪ Court there should be some Retirements, where they may unseen treat and deliberate of Affairs. Counsel is like a Mystery, to be communicated but to few 2 Judith. 2. 2. . Ancient Rome erected Altars to the God (whom they called Consus) who presided over Counsels, but they were Subterraneous ones, to intimate, that Counsels ought to be private; by the benefit of which Secrecy it grew to that Greatness, and maintained itself so long; For Silence is the best and strongest Bond of Government 3 Taciturnitas optimum atque tutissimum rerum administrandarum Vinculum Val. Max. l. 2. c. 2. . Their Senate was so close and trusty, that never any of their Debates were published; there was not one for many Ages who discovered 'em. They had all Ears to hear, but none Tongues to divulge. I question whether the same may be said of present Governments. That which was yesterday debated in Council, is to day the Subject of women's Chat; who with ease (notwithstanding the Prophet Micah, 4 Micah. 7. 5. coaks them out of their Husbands, and so tell 'em again to others; as it was in that Secret, which M●ximus told his Wife Marti● 5 Quod Maximum uxori Martlae aperuisse, illam Liviae. Tac. 1. ann. , and she to Livia. By these Channels, those Secrets soon come to the Ears of foreign Ambassadors, whose inquisitiveness nothing escapes. They are public Spies, and Plummets that always search the bottom; prudent are those Governments, which allow them not continual Residence. They are more prejudicial, than beneficial to the public Peace, and they oftener breed Disturbances than promote Tranquillity. They are ever making Glass Hives, that they may treacherously inspect the Deliberations of Councils. Let a Prince therefore attentively endeavour to stop all those Crevices, through which inquisitive Curiosity may pry into his Concerns. For if any Enemy penetrates them, he easily prevents and frustrates them. As Germanicus did, who understood all the Designs of his Enemies 6 Nihil ex iis Caesari incognitum; consilia, locos, prompta multa noverat, astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis vertebat. Tac. 2. ann. . This was the Reason of the Advice which Sallust gave Livia, that the Secrets of the Family, nor the Counsels of Friends, nor the Ministry of the Militia, should by no means be divulged 7 Ni arcana domus, ne consilia amicorum, ne ministeri● militum vulgarentur. Tac. 1. ann. . Samson in discovering wherein his Strength lay to Dali●h 8 Jud. 16. ● , gave his Enemy's opportunity of robbing him of it 9 Ibid. . Private Designs strike a Fear upon all, and create a Veneration for the Prince; and though at first they are not well grounded, yet may a prudent Judgement afterwards find means to make them Successful. The Respect and Esteem which we have for Princes and Commonwealths, would all be lost, if their private Consultations were made public. They are carved Giants, which seem tall and vast to the Eye, and which frighten more than hurt, but if that Fear shall approach nearer, 'twill find them governed and framed by Men of no higher Statu●e than themselves. States which are close in their Counsels, and Actions are respected, but otherwise despised by all 10 Prov. 20. 5. . How smooth and pleasant does a deep River glide along; and how rough and uncouth that, which discovers the Pebbles and Weeds at the bottom! None dare wade that, but this every one skips over. Those things which Opinion magnifies, the Eye shows less. Reverence proceeds from distance 11 Major è longinquis reverentia. Tac. 1. ann. . For this Reason, God when he conferred with Moses upon Mount Sinai, about the Laws and Government of his People, he veiled its Top not only with Fire, but also with a thick Cloud 12 Exod. 19 6. , lest any one should treacherously observe them; he also Commanded upon pain of Death, that none should approach the very Foot of the Mountain 13 Exod 19 12. . If God himself, is so cautious in his Commands and Consultations, what then should Man be, whose wisest Counsels are Ignorance? When their Resolutions are published in due time, they seem elaborate and composed with profound Judgement; they show the Majesty and Prudence of the Prince, and we believe there are Reasons and Considerations which we can't comprehend; nay we many times imagine some, that the Ministers never so much as thought of. But if we were to hear the Debates, Grounds, and Reasons of their Resolves, we should perhaps deservedly ridicule them. As upon the Stage the Actors appear, Gay and Splendid, and move the Respect of all; but behind the Scenes is despicable Misery and Confusion. 'Tis yet more dangerous to entrust the Mysteries of Government to Foreigners, these King Henry II. ever suspected * L. 4. tit. 3. lib. 1. Re●op. . And though perhaps many would be true, yet the safest way is, not to admit any of 'em to the management of Affairs, especially those of the Treasury; chief when they are not Subjects, or of equal Capacity. Lest they should dive into the Maxims of the Government 14 N● ali●ni Regni, quod non convenit, scrutentur arcana. L. M●rcato●es C de Comer. ; 'tis our unhappy Temper to slight and contemn our own, and admire all foreign Commodities. We think there is no Courage, Knowledge, or Prudence but is imported, not regarding the Advice of the Holy Spirit: Admit not a Stranger within thy Door, for he will raise a Whirlwind against thee, and at last turn thee out of thy own Dwelling. If a Prince would have his Counsels kept secret and close, let him himself set a good Example of Prudence and Taciturnity. Let him imitate Q. M●tellus, who we are told used to say, That if his Shirt knew his Thoughts, he would order it to be burnt. Let him diligently endeavour to conceal his Mind; for he who is Master of his Thoughts, has already the main Instrument of Government. This Tiberius knew, who even in Matters which he had no Design to conceal, either naturally, or through use, always spoke intricately and obscurely; but then most of all, when 'twas discoursed of his succeeding Augustus 15 Tib●rioque etiam in rebus, quas non occuleret, seu natura, sive adsuetudine suspensa semper, obscure semper: tunc vero nitenti ut sensus suos abderet Tac. 1. ann. . Secrets are not to be communicated to all Ministers, though they are never so faithful; but only to those to whom they some way belong, or those from whom they can't be concealed without greater Damage. Christ when he desired to have one of his Miracles private, made only three of his Apostles privy to it, thinking it not safe to intrust it to them all 16 Luk. 8. 51. . The keeping of a Secret requires great Care; for though we can be Silence, yet it is not in our Power to Command the interior Passions 17 Si tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quam tacere. Tac. in vit. Agric. , or to suppress that quick Motion of the Blood, which betrays the Secrets of the heart, by the Face and Eyes 18 Psal. 54. 16. . The Mind being like the finest Paper, which discovers on the other side what is written within; so Britannicus' Death appeared in Agrippina's Face, though she did what she could to stifle it 19 At Agrippinae is Pavor, ea consternatio mentis▪ quamvis vultu premeretur emi●uit. Tac. 13. ann. . Augustus and Tiberius knew this, and because they doubted they could not enough dissemble their Joy for Germanicus his Death, durst not appear in public 20 Anne omnium oculis vultum eorum scrutantibus salli inteliigerentur. Tac. 3. ann. . The Tongue is not the only blab of the Secrets of the Heart; Man has many as great Tell-tales as that about him; as Love, which being a Fire gives light to, and discovers the darkest Designs: Anger which froths and boils over; fear of Punishment; violence of Sorrow; Self-interest, Honour or Infamy; Vainglory of our own Thoughts, which prompts us to disclose them before they are put into Execution. In short, the weakness of the Mind, either from Wine, or any other Accident. No caution can deceive these natural Spies. Nay, the more Care is taken to blind them, the sooner they discover the Secret. As it befell Sevinus in a Conspiracy, which he was concerned in, who discovered his Care and Concern through all his pretended Joy 21 Atque ipse moestus & magnae cogitationis manisestus erat, quamvis laetitiam vagis sermonibus simularet. Tac. 1●. ann. , and though long use may in time correct Nature, and make it more retentive, as Octavia, who though very young could hid her Grief and other Affections 22 Octavia quoque quamvis rudibus annis omnes affectus abscondere didicerat. Tac. 13. ann. ; and Nero who beside his natural Propensity▪ had almost an acquired Faculty of disguising his Hate with false Flatteries 23 Factus Natura, & consuetudine exercitu●, vel●re odium fallacibus blanditiis. Tac. 14. ann. ; yet Art can't be so vigilant and attentive, as not sometimes to forget itself, and give Nature its free Course, especially when urged and provoked by designing Malice; which is done many ways, which I will here describe, that the Prince may beware of them, and not suffer any one to fathom his private Sentiments. Malice then sometimes touches the peccant Humour, that it may exert and declare itself 24 Eccles. 22. 24. . So Sejanus Egged on Agrippina's Relations to incense her haughty Spirit, that she might be urged to discover her desire of Reigning, and so give Tiberius' occasion to suspect her 25 Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos Spiritus perstimulare. Tac. 4. ann. . Injuries and Affronts also do the same, being the Keys of the Heart. As close and reserved as Tiberius was in his Thoughts, he could not contain himself when Agrippina affronted him 26 Audita haec raram occulti pectoris vocem elicuit correptamque Graeco versu admonuit, ideo laedi quia non regnaret. Tac. 4. ann. . He who concealing his real Sentiments pretends contrary ones, will soon discover people's thoughts of them; with which Artifice the Emperor Tiberius used to fathom the Thoughts of the Senate, making a show as if he would not accept of the Empire 27 Postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum v●luntates, inductam dubita●ionem. Tac. 1. ann. . There is yet another piece of Cunning, which insinuates 〈…〉 or discommending that, 〈…〉 bottom of, 〈…〉 be of the Party to gain Credit, and induce the other to disclose his Sentiments. This way Latiaris by commending Germanicus, pitying Agrippina's misfortune, and accusing Sejanus, so ingratiated himself with Sabinus, that he discovered to him his Aversion to Sejanus 28 Tac. 4. ann. . Many Questions asked at a time, are like so many Bullets discharged at once, which no Caution can avoid, and which disarm the most retentive Breast; as were those of Tiberius, to Piso's Son 29 Crebris interrogationibus exquirit, qualem Piso diem supre●●● Noctemque exegisset, atque illo pleraque sapientèr, quaedam inconsultius resp●●dente. Tac. 3. ann. ; the Mind is also confounded by sudden and unexpected Questions; as Tiberius' on●● found, by those of Asinius Gallus 30 Perculsus improvisa interrogatione paululum reticuit. Tac. 1. ann. , when though he had taken time to answer, yet he could not hid his Concern so, but that Afinius took notice of it 31 Etenim Vultu offensionem conjectaverat. Ibid. . The Authority of the Prince, and the Veneration due to Majesty, are means to discover Truth, and sometimes more than Truth; as Tiberius found, as often as he examined the Criminals himself 32 Non temperante Tiberio quin premeret voce; Vultu, ●ò quod ipse ●reberrimè interrogabat: neque▪ refellere aut eludere dabatur; ac saepe etiam confitendum erat nè frustra quesivisset. Tac. 3. ann. . By Discourse and Talk, which some can promote with great Dexterity, the Mind is discovered; as by joining the several pieces of a torn Letter, you may read the Sense of it, and by this method the Conspirators against Nero, knew that Fenius Rufus was of their Party 33 Crebr● ipsius sermne fact● fides. Tac. 15. ann. . From all which a Prince may infer, how difficult a matter 'tis to keep a Secret, and if it is safe within our own Breasts, it is much less so, when committed to others; wherefore it should without absolute necessity be entrusted to none; 'tis like a Mine, which if it has too many Vents the force of the Powder is lost, and it proves ineffectual, but if there is a necessity of a Prince's communicating his Secrets to his Ministers, and he seeing 'em divulged would know by whom, let him feign several important Secrets, and commit one to each, and by that which he hears of first, he will find who was Tardy before. Let not these Cautions seem frivolous for from very small Causes, great Commotions often proceed 34 Tac. 4. ann. . The most Potent Empires are in danger of being sapped by the Sea, if its Curiosity could find but the least Chink to enter at When this Worm has once found the Root of the Secret, it soon brings the tallest Tree to the ground. EMBLEM LXIII. IN all Affairs the Beginnings and Ends ought mutually to correspond; the Form should be perfect, and not easily to be changed. The Potter does not give his Wheel so much Liberty, nor use his hand so carelessly, as to form a different Pot from what he began. Let any undertaking be uniform and agreeable to its self. * Ld. Roscom. Hor. Art Poet. When you begin with so much Pomp and Show, Why is the End so little and so low? Be what you will, so you be still the same. There is nothing more pernicious than this, inequality of Actions and Government, when the Beginnings don't answer the Ends. He makes himself ridiculous to all, who gins his Reign with Care and Diligence, and afterwards grows negligent and careless. It had been better always to have kept the same Pace though dull and slow, the Commendation which the beginning of his Reign merited accuses the end. Galba lost his Reputation, for that, at the beginning of his Empire he promised to reform the Militia, and afterwards admitted Persons wholly desertless 1 Nec enim ad hanc forman caetera erant. Tac. 1. ann. . Many Princes seem very good, and are very bad. Many Talk and Discourse prudently, and Act without Discretion. Others promise much, and perform little; some are very valiant in Peace, and mere Cowards in War; others undertake every thing and do nothing. This Disagreement is much below the Majesty of a Prince, in whom a firm Constancy should appear in all his Words and Actions. The People can never be firm in their Obedience to a Prince, who staggers thus himself. Wherefore he should attentively consider, before he concludes any thing, whether in the Executions of his Counsels, the middle will be answerable to the Beginning and End; as Godfrey advises. Let him who does at great Begin●●●g●●m, * Tass. cant. 1. Make the Thread even; and both Ends the same. The Web of Government, tho' never so finely wrought, cannot be good and strong unless it be even. Nor is it sufficient to know, how to enter upon an Affair, but 'tis expedient too, to know how to end it. By the Head and Stern of a Ship, the Ancients represented perfect Counsel, duly weighed from the beginning to the end 2 Mihi prora & puppis, ut Gr●ecorum proverbium est, fuit à me tui dimittendi ut rationes meas explicares; Prora itaque & Pupp● summam consilii nostri significamus; propterea quod à prora & puppi, tanquam à capite, & calce pendeat totan●vis. Cicero. . Whence I took the Figure of this present Emblem, representing prudent Counsel, careful of its Beginning and End; by a Ship moored between two Anchors, one a Head, and the other a Stern, to preserve it from the violence of Tempests; only one at the Bow would be of small effect, if the Wind blowing hard a Stern, should drive her upon the Rocks. There are three things requisite in Resolutions, Prudence to deliberate, Diligence to dispose, and Constancy to proceed. All the heat and toil about the beginning of Affairs would be insignificant, if (as it usually is) we are careless about the end 3 Acribus ut ferme tali● initiis, incuri●so fine. Tac. 1. ann. ; 'tis at each end that Prudence ought to cast Anchor. But since Prudence only regards things present and past, not future, upon which all Affairs depend; 'tis necessary by Discourse and Reason, to conjecture and foresee what such and such means should produce; to make use of Deliberation and Counsel; which are as the Wise Alphonso says, The best Foresight a Man can have in dubious Matters. And in those there's three things to be considered, the Probability, Justice, and Profit of the thing proposed; and also the Capacity and Experience of the Minister, who gives the Counsels; whether he be moved by Interest or private Ends; whether he offers himself to the Danger, what are the Difficulties of the Enterprise, and upon whom the Blame and Honour of the event will fall 4 Omnes qui Magnarum rerum consilia suscipiunt, astimare debent, an quod inchoatur Reip. utile, ipsis glorios●m. aut pr●mptum effectu, aut certè non ●rduum sit, simul ipse qui ●uadet considerandus est adjiciatne consilio periculum suum: Et si fortuna coeptis fuerit cu● s●mmum decus acquiratur. Tac. 2. Hist. . These Cautions premised, and the Matter stated, such means ought to be applysed, as are conformable to the above mentioned Qualities; for nothing will be just and beneficial, which shall be attained by indirect or extravagant means: In this also should be considered, four Distinctions of time, which occur in all Affairs, but especially in Diseases of States, as well as those of humane Bodies, and these are the Beginning, the Growth, or Progress, the Consistence, and Declension; by which, and a timely Application of proper means, the desired End is easily obtained; as on the contrary, by transposing these Methods, 'tis retarded; 〈◊〉 the Course of a Ship would be, if the Rudder were changed to the Head; the Art consists in selecting means proper to the Ends designed, using sometimes these, and sometimes tho●● those being not less useful and assistant which are omitted than those which are applied; as in a Consort of Voices, where some cease while others Sing, and yet all equally make the Harmony. Affairs will not move of themselves, though their good Disposition, and Justice, or common Interest seem to drive 'em, and if not guided by Judgement, they certainly miscarry 5 Nam saepe honest●s rerum causas, ni judicium adhibeas, pernic●●● exitus c●nsequuntur. Tac. 1. Hist ; few Princes would Err, if they governed with Assiduity and Circumspection; but either they tyre, or else despise these Arts, and will obstinately accomplish their Designs by their own methods. This is the way of stubborn Ignorance, but Prudence uses other means. What Force can't subdue, is easily obtained by Dexterity, adapted to time and circumstance. So Caecinus, when he could neither by Prayers, nor by Threats stop the Flight of the Germane Legions possessed by a vain Fear, he at last threw himself in the Gate way, and by the Horror, they conceived of trampling over their General's Body, stopped them 6 Projectus in limine portae, miseratione demum, quia per corpus Legati eundum erat, clausit viam. Tac. 2. an. . The same thing Pompey did in another Case; one single word spoken to Purpose has gained the Victory. Ferdinando Gonsalez Count of Castille, having drawn up his Army against the Moors, a certain Person putting Spurs to his Horse, road out of his Rank towards the Enemy, and immediately the Earth opened and swallowed him, the whole Army was in a Consternation at it, but the Count turning to 'em: Courage Gentlemen, says he, If the Earth can't bear us, much less will our Enemies, and instantly joining Battle he gained the Victory. That which happened at the Battle of Cirniola is not less remarkable; an Italian thinking the Spaniards were routed, set Fire to two Wagons of Powder, the great Captain Gonsalvo readily and cheerfully animated them with these words: Courage my Friends, these are the Bonfires for our Victory; which the Event proved * Mar. Hist. Hisp. ; so much it imports a Minister to have a quick ready Wit, and address to make use of Opportunities, and by proper means to turn Misfortunes to his Advantage. If after the Election of good Ministers, and the Application of proper means, Events don't answer the Prince's Desire, let him not be discouraged, but rather show his Constancy; for Resolutions should not be measured by Chance, but Prudence. Casualties which can't be foreseen, or prevented, accuse not the Action; and to blame a Man for doing his endeavour is Impudence. This usually befalls Princes, who either want Judgement or Courage; who being oppressed by ill Success, and as it were beside themselves, give themselves up to Melancholy, and lose that time in vain Reflections upon what has happened, which should be employed in remedying it, quarrelling with themselves, that they did not take another method 7 Eccles. 22. 24. ; and laying all the Fault upon him who was the Author of this, not considering whether 'twas grounded upon Reason or no. Whence 'tis that Ministers are afraid of declaring their Opinions, and let slip many Opportunities, without advertising the Prince thereof, for fear of exposing their Favour and Reputation to the uncertainty of Casualties. These Inconveniences a Prince ought most industriously to avoid, by persisting constant in Adversity, and excusing their Ministers, when they are not notoriously to blame, that they may more readily and courageously assist him in overcoming them. And tho' there are palpable Errors in some Resolves and Executions, yet he ought to bear it calmly; for what is once done, as we say, can't be undone▪ we ought to reflect upon past Actions, for Instruction not Affliction; it requires as much Courage, to pass by Faults, as to encounter Dangers; there is no Empire free from 'em. He who is too timorous cannot resolve, and oftentimes Irresolution is worse than Error itself. Business requires a quick and ready Genius; if each particular should take up his whole time, many must of necessity be neglected, to the utmost Detriment of the Parties concerned, and of the Government in general. EMBLEM LXIV. THE Ancients in War made use of certain Chariots armed with Scythes, which moved and executed at the same time; the Wheels and Scytheses being both governed by the same Motion; those were no sooner whirled about, but these did Execution, with equal Speed and Effect, and are therefore in the present Figure, the Emblem of speedy Execution; as those fiery Wheels in the Throne of God, signified the Activity of his Power, and the Quickness of his Operation 1 Dan. 7. 9 . Let Prudence (as we said before) choose a fit time for Consultation, but let its Resolves, and Executions have such a mutual Correspondence, as they may both seem to move together, without any interposed Delay. For Consultation and Execution should join hands, that they may assist each other in the Production of the desired Effects 2 Priusquam incipias, censulito, & ubi cons●lueris mature facto opus ●st: ita utrumque per se indigens alter al●●●ius auxilio viget. Sallust. . The Emperor Charles V used to say, That delay was the Soul of Counsel, and speed that of Execution, and that both joined together were the Quintessence of a Prince's Prudence. King Ferdinand the Catholic had not been so successful in his undertake, had he not maturely weighed, and speedily executed his Resolutions. Were a Prince endued with both these Virtues, he would never want Success, which is ever the Daughter of opportunity, which once passed is not to be recalled. One minute brings us great Advantage, or great Detriment, wherefore Demosthenes blamed the Athenians, for spending too much time in Preparations, saying that Opportunities would not wait their Delays. If the Counsel be advantageous, that time which is spent in Delay deducts from its Advantage. There is no room for Delay in Counsels which are not valuable, but in their Effects 3 Nullus cun●●ationi 〈◊〉 est in eo courtly, quod non p●test laudari, nisi peractum, Tac. 1. Hist . Counsel is an Embryo, and unless Execution which is the Soul thereof gives it Life, it dies. 'Tis the Product of the Understanding, and an Act of practic Prudence, which if it exert not itself but remains in Contemplation, 'tis nothing but a vain Imagination and Fancy. Resolution, says Aristotle, should be executed with haste, but deliberated with leisure. james I. King of England, advised his Son to be prudent and cautious in his Deliberations, firm and constant, in his Resolutions, and prompt and resolute in his Executions; for that, for this last Nature had supplied the Hands and Feet with so many Joints and such ready Motion. Delay is base and mean▪ but speed great and Royal. 4 Barbaris 〈…〉; statim exequi regium videtur▪ Tac. 6 ann. . This Vice of Delay is very frequent in great Kingdoms, and proceeds from their too great Confidence of their Power, as was visible in the Emperor Otho 5 Quo plus virium ac roboris, è fiducia tarditas inerat, Tac. 2. Hist . As also from the unweildiness of the Wheels, upon which its Grandeur is carried, and lest the Prince should run the Risque of losing what he already has, he lives content within the Bounds of his own Empire. That which is really Laziness and Sloth is called Wisdom, as was that of the Emperor Galba 6 Et motus temporum obtinuit, ut quod segnities erat, sapienti● voca●etur. Tac. 1. Hist . Empires in their Infancy acquire Strength and Vigour by dispatch, whilst the Blood boils, and the Spirits of Glory and Ambition are active. The Roman State throve by Action and Bravery, not by those Dilatory Counsels which Cowards call Cautions 7 Agendo, audendoque res Romana crevit, 〈◊〉 hic signibus consiliis, quae timidi ●●uta voc●nt. Tit. Liv. . But after they are at their full growth, their very Majesty and Authority supports 'em long, though that Vigour and heat of Glory, and Ambition be extinguished, as the Sea keeps its Motion for a considerable time after the Wind ceases. When therefore Empires are in this Vigour, I don't so much disapprove of these tedious Deliberations. For so they gain more time to enjoy quietly what they have gotten: too speedy Resolutions being often attended with Danger. In this Sense that of Tacitus is to be understood, that Power is better preserved by cautious than rash Counsels 8 Potenti●● cautis, quam acrioribus consiliis tutius haberi. Tac. 11. ann. . But when this Age decays, and the Esteem and Authority of the Empire gins to Flag, other methods ought to be used, Counsels should be speedy, and other means applied to recover its former Vigour, before decrepit old Age comes on, and renders it irrecoverable; this difference of Ages is not considerable in small States, but they should always be ready to spread their Sails to every favourable Wind, which sits sometimes this way, sometimes that. As in the Circumference of the Horizon, the Winds rule alternatively upon the Earth; the Goths and other Northern Nations, had formerly very favourable Winds, of which they made so good use, losing all their Sails, that they penetrated even to Herculeses Pillars, the then utmost limits of the World; but this Wind ceasing another succeeded more favourable to other Empires. Constancy in executing Resolutions, whether they are the Prince's own, or given him by others, is always of great Importance. For want of this Paetus could not triumph over the Parthians 9 Eludi Parthus tractu belli poterat, si Paeto aut in suis, ●ut in 〈◊〉 consiliis constantia fuisset. Tac. 15. ann. . All eager and fiery Spirits quickly resolve, and soon repent, they are hot at the beginning, but cold in the end of Affairs; they aim at all, but bring nothing to Perfection; they are like the Animal called Calipes, which mo●es with great haste, but advances not a Foot in an hour. The management of all Affairs requires Conduct and Valour, one to form and tother to execute them; to a resolved and brave Spirit nothing is difficult; but he who is scrupulous, and timorous, meets with a world of Difficulty, and loses many lucky Opportunities. Great Men are long in their Deliberations, and jealous of what may happen, but once resolved they Act with Vigour and Confidence 10 Vir ea ratione fiet 〈◊〉: si in deliberando quidem cunctetur, & praetim●●t quicquid potest 〈◊〉, in agendo autem ●●nfidat. Herod. , without which the Courage sails, and not applying convenient means, wholly desists from the Enterprise. There are few Affairs which cannot he accomplished by Wit, or which time, and Opportunity cannot facilitate; wherefore 'tis not proper wholly to confound them, but to preserve 'em entire. Crystal once broken can't be rejoined, and so Affairs; be the Tempest never so great, ●tis safer to keep some Sail abroad, than to fu●l all. Most Affairs die by being despaired of. ' Ti● also highly conducive, that he who is to execute Orders, should first approve them, otherwise he will not ●hink 'em necessary, or else find Difficulties in them, and so ●ot apply himself to them as he ought, not caring whether they succeed or no. That Minister is most proper to execute who first gave the Counsel. For his Honour and Re●utation 〈◊〉 concerned in its Success. EMBLEM LXV. A Stone cast in a Pond creates such a continual Series of Waves, that they at last become innumerable, and wholly disturb that transparent Element, and calm Looking-Glass; from which the Species of things which were before distinctly represented, appear now in Disorder and Confusion. 'Tis the same with the Mind, in which from one Error proceeds many, so that the Judgement being confounded and blinded, and the Waves of Passion raised, the Understanding can't perceive the truth of things represented, but striving to remedy the first Error falls into another, and thence into a third, which at length become infinite, and the further they are from the first the greater they are, like Waves that are most distant from the Stone that caused 'em. The Reason of this is, That the Beginning is said to be half of the whole, so that a small Error in the Beginning correspond to the other Parts 1 In principio enim peccatur; principium autem dicitur dimidium t●tius, itaque parvum in Principio erratum correspondens est ad alias parts. Arist. pol. lib. 2. cap. 4. . Wherefore great Care of the first Error should be taken, for from thence all others proceed 2 Cum fieri non possit, ut si in primo, atque principio peccatum fu●rit, non ad extremum malum aliquod evadat. Arist. pol. 5. cap. 2. . This is visible in M●smissa, who being checked by Scipio for marrying Sophonisba, thought to remedy that Fault by a far greater, in poisoning her. King Witiza by his Vices obscured the Glory of the Beginning of his Reign, and that the number of the Mistresses he kept might not seem scandalous, he allowed all his Subjects the same Liberty; nay, and made a Law for impowering the Clergy to marry; and at last finding his Errors contradictory to Religion, he denied the Pope's Authority, and thence incurred the Odium of the whole Kingdom, wherefore to prevent their rebelling he demolished the Fortifications of most Cities and Castles, and so laid all Spain open to the Incursions of the Moors * Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 6. cap. 19 , and all these Faults proceeding, as you see, at last occasioned his Death. The same Series of Crimes is visible in Duke Valentine: He endeavoured to build his own Fortune upon the Ruin of others, to which End he omitted no sort of Tyranny, one piece of Cruelty being followed by a greater 3 Ferox scelerum, & quia prima provenerant, volutare secum, quonam modo Germa●i liberos perverteret. Tac. 4. ann. , which at last cost him his State and Life too, proving himself an unfortunate Scholar, and Machiavelli, a pernicious Master. The Faults of Princes are Difficulty corrected; for that they usually affect many; or sometimes because of Obstinacy or Ignorance. Great Spirits which are often more ingenuous and tractable than others, easily acknowledge their Errors, and being convinced of them, study to amend them, pulling down the ill built Edifice Stone by Stone, to rebuild it with more firm and durable Materials. The Motto of the Emperor Philip III was, Be not ashamed to alter that which was ill began. He who returns by the same way he went, will find his mistake, and soon recover the right Road; Repentance would be afterward insignificant. To own you, have at last your Error found * Claud. , Is of small use, when once the Ship's aground. Policy is a certain Chain, in which if one Link be broken, the whole is useless, unless soon soldered: A Prince who knows the Danger of his Resolutions, yet still persists in them, is a greater Lover of his own Opinion, than his Country; esteeming an empty shadow of Glory more than Truth; and while he would be thought constant, he is stubborn and perverse, 'tis the general Vice of Sovereign Power, to think it beneath 'em to retire when they have once advanced. — He thinks it Brave † Seneca. Who grasps the Sceptre in his Royal Hand Not to retreat— Though the Emperor Charles V was better advised, who having Signed a Grant, which he was afterwards informed was illegal and disallowable, ordered it to 〈◊〉 brought him, and immediately tore it: I had rather, say● he, tear my writing than my Soul. To know one's errors, and still to persist in them is tyrannic Obstinacy; but to defend them●upon pretence of Honour, is to resolve to Sin on, and to encourage Ignorance and Folly, 'tis gilding Iron with Gold, which soon wears of, and the Iron appea●● in its rusty Hue. An Error corrected makes us more ca●tious for the future, and to commit Faults sometimes is a means to prevent greater. So small is our Capacity, that we are to be instructed by our very Faults, and are taught by them how to Act discreetly. 'Tis certain, that the be● Laws and Examples proceed from others Crimes 4 Usu probatum est P. C. leges egregias, ●●●pta honesta, apud bonos ex delictis aliorum gigni, Tac. 15. ann. . The most prudent State committed many miscarriages, before it arrived to Perfection. God alone could complete the Fabric of this World without Error, and yet even he did afterwards in a manner repent him, that he had made Man 5 Gen. 6. 6. . We are sometimes more indebted to our miscarriages, than to our Success; for those instruct us, but these are only the Seeds of Pride and Vanity. The Patriarches Instruct not on●y the Wise, but the Sinful 6 Instruunt Patriarch●, non solum docentes, sed etiam errantes. A●b lib. 〈◊〉 de A●●. C. 6. , 'tis the Shades give light to a Picture, to them we own the Excellency of that Art. Error does not always proceed from Imprudence, time and other accidents are often the occasion of it. For that which was at first convenient, is afterwards prejudicial. The greatest Prudence can't give Counsel, which will be proper at all times; which makes it necessary to alter Resolutions, and repeal Laws and Statutes, especially when there is an apparent Advantage 7 Non d●bet reprehensibile judicari, si secundam varietatem temporum, Statu●a qundoque varientur humana, p●s●●t●m cam urg●ns N●●●ssitas, vel evidens utilitas id exposuit. Cap. non deber de Cons. & A●●. ; or Danger, or when the Prince finds himself misinformed of Matters, upon which such Resolutions were grounded. This was the Reason King Ah●suerus gave for recalling the Sentence, which he had pronounced against the People of God, upon the unjust Accusation of Haman 8 Hest. 16. 9 . In these and the like Cases, 'tis not levity of Mind, but Prudence to alter Counsels and Resolutions, nor can it be called Inconstancy, but a firm Zeal to be guided by Reason in all things, as the Weathercock is by the Wind; and the Needle by the North Pole. The Physician varies his Medicines according to the Accidents, having Respect to nothing, but the recovery of his Patient. The different Diseases which States labour under, require different methods of Cure. Let a Prince then think it a Credit to review, and correct his Decrees, and his Errors too, without being ashamed of 'em to commit 'em might be Inadvertency; but to amend is Prudence; Obstinacy is ever a certain Sign of Folly. Yet 'twill be Prudence to make this Alteration with such Address and Dexterity, that the People may not perceive it: for they ignorant and foolish as they are, call Mistake want of Prudence, and Amendment, Levity. But tho' I advise a Prince to correct his Errors, yet I would not be understood of all in general; for some are so small and insignificant, that the Danger of being censured for Levity in the amendment of them is more than the Damage they can do by continuing. So that where they will by Degrees cease of themselves, without drawing on greater, 'twill be better to let 'em remain. There are some of that Nature, that 'tis better to follow 'em, nay, and vigorously to persist in them, there being perhaps more danger in retracting; and these frequently happen in War; there are some Affairs, in which that you may succeed, 'tis requisite to use indirect means, tho' you incur some small Inconveniencies, as the way to straiten a crooked Stick is to bend it the contrary way; in these Cases small Errors are not to be valued, nor their Causes, nor Means, provided they be not wholly opposite to Honour and Justice, and when the Advantage to be reaped from 'em is considerable: For so they are allowable, and ought rather to be called Disposition to Success than Errors. Others are so interwoven in great Attempts, that like Roses there is no approaching them without pricking one's hand. And this in those Counsels which concern the general Good of a Nation, which are always prejudicial to some private Persons. The Bodies of States are composed of different and opposite Parts, as to their Qualities and Humours, and a Remedy which is applied to the whole Body, is usually disagreeable to some Part: A Prince therefore has need of great Prudence, to weigh and compare Advantages with Damages, and of a great Courage to execute without hazarding the loss of those for fear of these. EMBLEM LXVI. RENOVATION perpetuates the most fading things in Nature; each individual Eternizes' itself in another, and by that means preserves its Species. 'Tis for this the Husbandman carefully preserves young Plants to substitute in the room of those Trees which die. He does not leave this to Chance, because perhaps they will either not spring at all, or not such as he desires, or else not in proper places, nor will they of themselves grow straight and handsome, without his Care in setting them while they are young; for when once grown up no Force can straiten them. The same Care ought to be taken in the Education of Youth ', especially in those countries', where the Constitution of the Climate is apt to produce great and noble Spirits, which are like fertile Fields soon overrun with Wood and Brambles, unless their Fertility be corrected by the Art and Industry of the Husbandman. The greater the Spirit is, the more dangerous it is to the State, unless timely moderated by Education. A high aspiring Spirit cannot contain itself; it shakes off the Curb of the Laws, and is eager for Liberty, and should therefore be restrained by Art and Instruction, and afterwards by being busied in some honourable Exercise, but when a little more advanced in years, the Cure for its Levity is, to employ it in Affairs of State; I take this to be the Reason, why some States admitted young Persons into their Senates. But the best way is, that which Gardiner's use, to transplant their young Trees into another Ground, that the superfluous Roots may be pruned, and the Tree grow straight and tall. Youth seldom thrives well in its own Country. For their Friends and Relations by too much Indulgence make them Extravagant. In other Countries 'tis otherwise, for their Necessity obliges them to regulate their Actions, and to endeavour to gain People's Esteem. At home we generally expect a little more Liberty, and are apt to promise ourselves Pardon; but abroad when we are not known, we are afraid of the Rigour of the Laws, besides Travel polishes our Behaviour, and corrects the Roughness of our Nature, and that foolish Vanity, which attends our homebred Gentlemen. There Languages, and Men are learned, and their Manners and Customs observed, the Knowledge of which qualifies a Man for Affairs, as well of Peace as War. 'Twas Travel made Plato, Lycurgus, Solon, and Pythagoras, such prudent Lawgivers and Philosophers. At home Men are born and die with the same Fortune, but abroad they raise it. No Planet is exalted in its own House, but in another's, though not without Detriment and Inconveniency to itself. Travel is the great Mistress of Prudence, if made for Information, as well as Direction. In this the Northern People are very much to be commended, who with great Curiosity and Attention travel the World over to learn Languages, Arts and Sciences. The Spaniards who have greater Conveniency for travelling than any other Nation, because of the great Extent of their Kingdom, have the least inclination to it, lazily spending all their time at home, unless sometimes they are called out by War; when nevertheless 'tis absolutely necessary for Princes, who have often occasion to bring their Armies into several Countries, to have a perfect Knowledge of them. The two chief Reasons which detain our Spanish Nobility at home, are first, because Spain being almost wholly surrounded by the Sea, 'tis more inconvenient Sailing, than Travelling by Land; the other is a vain Conceit, that they can't appear abroad without great Pomp, and expensive Equipage, in which Strangers, though Persons of the best Quality are more modest. Nor is it sufficient only to transplant Youth, but Nurseries should be also raised, of which vacant Offices may be supplied, to avoid the necessity of employing fresh Persons, who must buy their Experience at the hazard of the State. This is represented in the present Device by a bundle of Rods, the Emblem of Magistracy; for these being planted produce more of the same; and because in each of the three Forms, that's to say Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy, the methods of Government are different, so should also the methods of Education of Youth, according to the different Institutions and Customs of each State; and according to those things, in which they have most occasion for able Men. The Persians, Egyptians, Chaldaeans, and Romans were particularly careful about this; but principally about the Education of Youth for the Magistracy, the Welfare or Ruin of States, depending upon the Capacity, or insufficiency of the Magistrates, who are as it were their Soul, and according to the Affections of it the whole Body is governed. There were several Colleges erected in Spain for this Purpose, which were so many Seminaries of able Men for the Administration of the Government; these though their Institutions might seem vain and frivolous, yet were they of great Use upon this account, that they first taught those to obey, who were afterwards to command. I have elsewhere said, that the Knowledge of Sciences was a necessary Qualification for a Prince, and will now examine whether it be proper for Subjects, or whether the young Commonalty should be instructed therein. Nature has placed in the Head, as having the Command over the whole Body, the Understanding to apprehend Sciences, and the Memory to retain them. But to the Hands and other parts she has given only a Disposition to Obedience. Men at first entered into Society, for the mutual Assistance of each other, not for Contemplation; more for the conveniency of Action, than the Subtlety of nice Speculation: The Happiness of Governments proceeds not from the Vivacity of the Wit, but the Activity of the Hands. The leisure of Studies is employed in Vices, and Eternizes' all those upon Paper, which the wickedness of the Times shall invent; plotting against the Government, and raising Seditions among the People. The Spartans' thought it sufficient to learn Obedience, Patience, and Conquest 1 Literas ad usum saltem discebant, reliqua omnis disciplina erat, ut pulchrè parerent, ut labores perferrent, ut in pugna vincerent. Plutar. . Too subtle and learned Subjects are always fond of Novelty, continually reflecting upon the Government, and disputing the Prince's Orders, and raising Commotions among the People; Obedience should be prompt not ingenious, sincere not cunning 2 Patres valere decet consilio, populo supervacanea calliditas est. Sallust. . Ignorance is the principal Foundation of the Turkish Empire. And the readiest way to Ruin it is to sow Literature among the People. The Happiness and Tranquillity of the Swiss proceeds from the same Cause, for frivolous Sophistry is forbid among them, yet are they governed with as much Policy and Prudence, as any Nation whatever. Study enervates the Body, and deba●es the Mind, giving it too quick an apprehension of Danger. Most Men are charmed by the Pleasure, Honour, or Profit of Learning, so that few would apply themselves to Arms, or Military Exercise for the defence of the State, whose Interest is in having its People Valiant, rather rather than Learned. The Genteel Politeness of Learning, makes the Mind wholly averse to all laborious Exercises. Study makes Men melancholy, and Lovers of a retired and single Life; which is wholly opposite to the Design of Government, which is to multiply, and raise Men fit and capable of public Employments, and such as are able to Act offensively, or defensively with an Enemy. The netherlands show us, that it is not Learning and Ingenuity, but Arts, Industry and Trade, that makes a Nation flourish. The Germans and other Nations considered these Inconveniencies, and therefore founded their Nobility upon Arms, not regarding the Honour and Reputation of Learning; whence almost all the Nobility applied themselves to War, and Arts Military. Though Literature conduces much to the Knowledge of the true Religion, yet 'tis evident, that from thence arise different Opinions, which create as many Sects, whence proceed the Confusion and Ruin of Empires, so that the true Religion being now found, a sincere and credulous Ignorance would be much safer, than a presumptuous and conceited Knowledge, which is exposed to so many Errors. These and some other Reasons which might be alleged, seem to advise an utter Extirpation of Learning, according to the Rules of Policy, which regard more the Authority of the Prince, than the advantage of the Subject; but these are Maxims of a Tyrant, not a good and just Prince, who should have no other Object than the Honour and Welfare of his People; to whom Learning is absolutely necessary to confute the Errors of Sectaries, which always flourish where Ignorance Reigns, and also to administer Justice, and to preserve and improve Arts Military, as well as Civil. For Scholars are as useful in defending Cities as Soldiers; as Syracuse formerly found in the Person of Archimedes: And Dole in its learned Senate, by whose prudent Counsel, ingenious Machine's, and vigorous and resolute Defence, it resisted the whole Power of France; changing their Libraries into Magazines, their Gowns into Coats of Mail, and their Pens into Swords, which dipped in French Blood, recorded their Names and Actions to Eternity. 'Tis only too great a number of Universities and Students, which is prejudicial to the Public, as Spain found, whence 'tis highly necessary, that the greatest number should apply themselves to Arts of Navigation and War, not to Law or Speculative Sciences: For which Reason there should be greater Encouragement given to those than the other, that Men may be the more inclined to follow them; for want of such Encouragement in Spain, there are so many apply themselves to Learning, that there wants Soldiers to defend the Kingdom. This aught to be remedied by the Care and Prudence of the Prince, who should so judiciously dispose the Education of Youth, that the number of Scholars, Soldiers and Tradesmen might be proportioned to his State. The same Proportion should be observed in those who would lead a religious Monastic Life, of whom too great a number is very prejudicial, both to the Prince and State. Though Religion and Piety ought not to be measured by the Rule of Policy, and in the Church Militant, Spiritual Arms are of more use than Temporal, he who was the first Founder of that State, will maintain and preserve it without Detriment to the Public; nevertheless since human Prudence ought to believe, not expect Miracles, I leave it to him whose Duty 'tis, to consider, whether if the number of ecclesiastics, and religious Orders should exceed the Laity which should support 'em, it would not be of great Detriment even to the Church itself The Council of Lateran in the time of Innocent III. provided a Remedy for this Inconveniency, by prohibiting the Introduction of new Religions 3 Ne nimia Religionum diversitas grav●m in Ecclesia Dei confusionem i●ducat firmiter prohibemus, nequis de c●ter● novam Religionem inven●at, etc. Conc. Later. . The Royal Counsel of Castille, also persuaded his Majesty to request of the Pope, that there might be none admitted into any Convent under the Age of sixteen years, and not be ordained under twenty; but pretended Piety and nice Scruples of Conscience, easily pass over these Inconveniencies. But this Proportion in those who are designed for Business or Speculation, will be of small use, unless the Prince also take Care of the Nurseries of the Commonalty, which should produce a sufficient number of well qualified Citizens to succeed in the room of those whom Death daily takes off. The Ancients were always very careful of Propagation, that each Individual might be succeeded by another. Of the necessity of this, the Romans in particular were so well satisfied, that they not only proposed Rewards for Procreation, but also looked upon a single Life as infamous. Germanicus the better to oblige the People to revenge his Death among the rest of the Services, he had done the Government, he urged, that he had six Children by his Wise 4 Ostendite populo Romano Divi Augusti neptem, eandemque conjuge●● meam, numerate sex liberos. Tac 2. ann. . Tiberius also told it, as a good Omen to the Senate that Drusus' Wife, was brought to Bed of Twins 5 Nulli ante Romanoru●● ejusdem fastigii viro g●●inam stirpem editam. Tac. 2. ann. . The Strength of Kingdoms consists in the number of Subjects; and he is the greatest Prince whose State is most populous, not he whose Territories are largest: For they of themselves can neither defend nor offend; but by means of their Inhabitants●, on whom all their Glory depends. The Emperor Adrian used to say, That he had rather his Empire should abound with Men than Riches; and with a great deal of Reason, for Riches without Subjects do only invite Wars, without being able to defend themselves, as on the contrary, Subjects without Riches, want neither Power to acquire, or maintain them 6 Cum ampliari imperium ●ominum add●●●iion● potiùs, quam pecuniarum copi● malim. , in the multitude of People is the King's Honour: but in the want of People, is the Destruction of the Prince 7 Prov. 14. 28. . The Wise Alphonso would have a Prince take particular care to People his State, and that not only with Commonalty, but also with Nobility; in which he judged with great Prudence, for one without the other is like a Body without a Soul, the Commonalty being insignificant without the Nobility, which are their Life, and by whose Example they learn to covet Glory, and despise Danger. It ought therefore to be a Prince's chief Care, to preserve and maintain them. As Augustus did, who not only caused Hortalus to marry, but also allowed wherewithal to his Quality, that that Noble Family might not be extinct 8 Ne clarissima familia extingueretur. Tac. 2. ann. . The Germans are very circumspect in this Point, for which Reason they anciently gave no Portion with their Women 9 Dotem no● uxor marito, sed uxori maritus affert. Tac. de Mor. Germ. , and even now give very small ones, that their Virtue and Nobility might be their only Dowry, and that their Lovers might respect the Endowments of their Minds and Bodies, more than their Fortunes, that Marriages might be sooner concluded, without losing so much time in Fortune-Hunting; for which Reason Lycurgus wholly prohibited the giving Dowries to Women; and the Emperor Charles V regulated them; 'tis said also, that Aristotle reprehended the Lacedæmonians, for giving such large Fortunes to their Daughters 10 Statuit virgines sine dote nubere: jussit uxores eligerentur, non pecunia. Trog. lib. 3. . King Alphonso also advises, that a Prince unless upon extraordinary occasions should not People his State with Foreigners, and truly with a great deal of Reason, for different Manners and Religions are the worst Domestic Enemies. This made the Spaniards drive the jews and Moors out of Spain. Foreigners introduce with them their Vices, and Errors, and are ready upon every occasion to rise against the Natives 11 Quare qui inquilinos & advenas antehac in Civitatem receperunt, ●i magna ex parte seditionibus jactati sunt. Arist. ●. 5. pol. c. 3▪ . But this Inconveniency would not be much to be feared, if only Labourers and Husbandmen were admitted, nay, this is sometimes of great Advantage. So the Grand Signior Selim sent a vast number of Labourers from Cairo to Constantinople. The Poles having Elected Henry Duke of Anjou King, among other Articles 'twas agreed, That he should bring with him several Families of Artificers. Nabuchadnezzar upon the taking of jerusalem, carried away all the Men of might even seven thousand, and Crafts Men, and Smiths a thousand, and all that were strong, and kept for War, even them the King of Babylon brought Captive to Babylon 12 2 Kings 24. 16. . But because this method may be too troublesome and chargeable, and also because such a Supply may be insufficient, I will here set down the usual Causes of want of People in Nations. And these are either internal or external; External are Wars and Plantations; War is a sort of Monster which feeds on humane Blood; and since 'tis the Interest of each State to maintain it abroad as the Romans did, it must necessarily be done at the Expense of the Lives and Estates of the Subjects 13 Fuit proprium Pop. Rom. long à dom● bellare, & propugnaculum imperii sociorum fortunas, ●on sua tecta defendere. Cic. pro leg. Man. . Neither can Plantations be long maintained, without great Supplies of Men, as we have found in Spain; for which Reason the Romans during the War with Hannibal, and for some years after, took little Care of planting new Colonies 14 Dei●d● neque dum Annibal in Italia moraretur, nec proximis post excessum ejus annis vacavit Romanis Colonias ●●ndere, cum esset in bello conquirendus potius miles, & post bellum vires ref●ve●dae, potius quam spergendae, Vell. lib 1. ; they having more reason to recruit than weaken their Forces. Velleius Paterculus esteemed the planting Colonies out of Italy as very pernicious, because being so far distant from the Heart of the Empire, they could ●ot assist it upon occasion 15 In legibus Gracch● inter perniciosissima num●raverim, quod extra Italiam Coloni●s posuit, Vell. lib. ●. . The other Causes are Internal. The principal of which are Taxes, want of Husbandry and Trade, and too great a number of Holy Days, the Inconveniencies, and Remedies of which I have set down elsewhere. The Court is also a great Cause of the want of People, for as a hot Liver draws all the natural Heat to itself, leaving other parts of the Body spiritless and faint, so the Pomp, Ease, Delight, Profit, and hopes of Reward at Court, allure the Minds of most, especially of the Artificers and Tradesmen, who think it a more pleasant and easy Life to serve some Person of Quality; than to toil at their own Trade; the Nobility also, invited by the Prince's Presence, or the Charms of the Court, leave their Estates in the Country for a Court Life; whence not being able to look after them, but spending their Revenues upon extravagant and unnecessary Expenses, their Estates become poo● and uninhabited, whereas they would have been rich and populous, had their Lord resided there. The Emperor Iusti●●n prudently reflected upon these Inconveniencies, and appointed an Officer on purpose to prevent them 16 Invenim●● enim quia populatim Provinci● suis habitatoribus spolr●●●●: Magno vero haec nostra civitas populos● est, turbis diversor●●● h●minum, & maxima Agricolarum suas civitates & culturas relinquentiam, Auth de Quaest . King john II. also ordered, that all the Nobility at his Court should at certain times, visit their own Estates, as also the Emperor Trojan did before him. Birthright also, especially in Spain is very prejudicial to Propagation; for the eldest Brother Claims the whole Estate (which King Theodorick thought very unjust) 17 Iniquum est enim ut de una substantia, qu●bus competit. aequa successio. alii abundantèr affuant, alii paupert ati● r●comm●d●●●gemiscunt Cass. lib. 1. Epist 7. , so that the youngest not having wherewithal to maintain a Family, instead of marrying, either shut themselves into Convents, or turn Soldiers. For this Reason Plato called Riches and Poverty, the ancient Plagues of Commonwealths, knowing that almost all their misfortunes proceeded from an unequal Distribution of Riches. If the Citizens had all an equal Dividend, State would undoubtedly flourish more. But though the advantage redounding from hence wou●d be great, the Preservation of the Nobility by means of Fie●● would not be less, for by that means they would be in a Capacity to serve the Prince and State; so that those may be allowed to the ancient Nobility, not to the modern, by making a Law, that all Relations to the fourth Degree, should be joint Heirs, if not of the whole, yet of the greatest part of the Estate 18 Commodum est etiam, 〈…〉 donatism sed jure cognitionis tradantur, Arist l. 5. pol. 8 ; thus the Inconveniencies of Legacies and Gifts would be prevented, which are more the Effects of Vanity, than a design to serve the Public, as also of that religious Prodigality, which observing neither Bounds, nor Proximity of Blood, gives all to the Church, not leaving so much as Subsistence to Brethren, or any other Relations, whence Families become Extinct, the Royal Revenues are exhausted, the People impoverished, and unable to pay Taxes, the Power of those who are exempted is increased, and the Authority of the Prince diminished. This Moses considering 19 Exod. 36. 5●. forbid by Edict, any one from offering any more towards the Work of the Sanctuary 20 Exod. 36. 6. , though God himself was the Author of those Offerings, and th●y were offered through pure Devotion▪ 21 Exod. 35. 29. ; the Republic of ●e●ice have made very prudent Provisions against this. 'Tis necessary also, that a fit time should be observed in Marriages: for if too late the Succession is endangered, and the Government would be too much exposed to the Incontinency of Youth: And if soon the Children being almost of the same Age with their Fathers, would soon forget their Duty, and grudge 'em the time they live. EMBLEM LXVII. THE Policy of our Times presupposes Malice and Fraud in all things, and therefore arms itself with greater, without any regard to Religion, Justice or Honour. It thinks nothing disallowable that is advantageous; but as these Practices are now common, they must need justle and confound one another, to the Detriment of the public Tranquillity, and without obtaining their proposed Ends. But let a Prince cautiously avoid such Doctrine, and learn rather of Nature the Mistress of true Policy, without Malice, Fraud, or any ill Practice, there being none so certain, firm and solid, as that which she observes in the Government, of Vegetables and Animals, more especially that which she dictates to every Man by his Reason. Particularly to Shepherds and Husbandmen, for the Preservation of their Flocks, and improvement of their Ground: Hence may be 'tis, that those Kings who have been chosen from the Crook or the Blow, have made the best Governors. Though the Shepherd (whose Office is almost the same of a Prince's) 1 Jerem. 23. enjoys the Benefit of the Wool and the Milk of his Flock, yet 'tis with such moderation, that he neither draws Blood from their Duggs, nor shears their Skin so close as to leave 'em wholly exposed to the Inconveniences of cold and heat. So a Prince, says King Alphonso) aught more to value the common Good of his People, than his own particular Interest, for the common Good and Riches of his Subjects, are as it were his own * L. 19 ti●. 2. p. 3. . The Husbandman cuts not down the Body of the Tree, for his Domestic occasions, but only Lops the Branches, and not all of them neither, but leaves enough to sprout out and serve his Occasions the next Year; but the Farmer is not so careful, who is for making the best of his Farm while his Lease continues, not caring how much he impoverishes his Ground for his Landlord 2 Alitèr utimur propriis. alitèr commodatis Quint. de Orat. . This is the difference between a lawful Prince and a Tyrant, in respect of Taxes and Impositions. This having an unjust Title, and fearing soon to be dethroned, makes the best use of his time, stocking up all by the Roots, flaying instead of shearing his Flock, instead of feeding them he gluts himself, 3 Ezek. 34. 2. and instead of defending them, leaves them a naked Prey to every Wolf 4 John 10. 12. . But a just and lawful Prince in imposing Taxes, considers the Justice of the Cause, the Quantity, Quality, and Occasion, and also Proportions them to his Subjects Estates and Persons, treating his Kingdom not as a Body which is to die with him, but to remain to his Posterity; knowing that though Princes are Mortal, States are Eternal, 5 Principes mortales, Rempub. aeternam esse, Tac. 3. ann. and since he expects a new Crop from his Kingdom every Year, he preserves it carefully, as his best Treasury, which he may make use of upon urgent Occasions: for as King Alphonso said in one of his Laws, borrowing his Thought from a Precept of Aristotle to Alexander the Great: The best and most lasting Treasure of a King, is his People, when they are well defended; according to a saying of the Emperor justinian, that the Kingdom was always rich, and the Exchequer full when the Subjects were wealthy, and the Land plentiful * Lib. 15. tit. 5. p. 2. . When therefore a Prince raises Taxes with this Moderation, the Subjects ought cheerfully to pay them, nor can they without a sort of Rebellion refuse them; for Sovereignty has no other Portion, nor public necessity any other Assistance; there is no Peace without Soldiers, no Soldier without Pay, no Pay without Taxes 6 Neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis, neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt, Tac. 4. Hist. . For this Reason when Nero would have remitted the Taxes, the Roman Senate opposed him, saying, that without them the Empire would be ruined 7 Diss●lution●m Imperii docendo, si fructus quibus Resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉, Tac. 13. ann. . Taxes are the Prince of Peace: but if they are too heavy, and the People not well satisfied of their necessity, they soon rebel against their Prince. 'Twas for no other Reason that King Alphonso Surnamed the Great, grew so odious to the People, that after many Troubles and Vexations he was obliged to quit his Crown; for the same also Garcios' King of Galicia lost both his Kingdom and Life too † Mar. Hist. Hisp. lib. 9 cap. 8. . K. Henry III. considered this Danger, when being advised by some, to raise new Taxes to defray the Expense of War, he answered, I fear the Discontent of my People more than my Enemies. Money collected from unjust Taxes, is mingled with the Subjects Blood, as was seen to drop from that piece which St. Francis of Milan broke in the Presence of Ferdinand King of Naples, and this ever cries for Vengeance against the Prince. Great Taxes therefore ought not to be raised till the People be well convinced of the Necessity o● them; for when they are satisfied of that, and of the Justice of the Cause, they patiently bear the heaviest Impositions, as we see in those which were raised by K. Ferdinand IVth, and in the Grant which the Parliament, of Toledo made of a Million, in the times of Henry III permitting him also to raise more of his own accord, to carry on the Wars against the Moors. For though 'tis not for private Persons to examine into the Justice of Taxes, though they cannot often apprehend the Causes of Expenses, nor can they be communicated to them without evident Danger 8 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere: nobis obs●quii gl●●ia relict● est, Tac. 6. ann. , yet are there some general Reasons which they may without Damage be informed of, and though Natural and Divine Reason do allow the Power of levying Impositions to the Prince, without the Subjects Consent, when they are just and necessary (as King Alphonso used to say) yet will a prudent Prince so manage the matter, and dispose the Minds of his Subjects, that it may seem to be done with their Approbation; Taxes are (according to the Scripture) the Bridle of the People 9 2 Sam. 8. 1. Vide. ; they keep them in Obedience, and uphold the Prince's Authority. Those who are free from all Taxes are ungovernable; yet this Bridle should be so easy, as not to gall them too much; as King Flavius Herwegi●s prudently considered in the Thirteenth Council of Toledo, saying, That that Government was best which neither oppressed the People with too great Taxes, nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * Ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet, nec indiscreta r●missio statum gentis fociat deperire, Concil. Tol xiii. . The Command which Princes have over the Lives of their Subjects, is executed without Danger, it being done by Law, which punishes some as Examples to the rest; but not so that Command which they have over their Goods and Estates, for that comprehend all in general, and People are more sensible in what concerns their Estates than their Bodies; especially when they are got by Sweat and Blood, and are to be employed to supply the Prince's Luxury. In which that remarkable Action of K. David ought to be considered, when he refused to drink the water which his three Soldiers brought him from amidst the Enemy's Camp, lest he should seem to drink the Blood of those Men 10 2 Sam. 23. 17. . 'Tis no good Policy to impoverish the People by Taxes the better to keep them in Obedience, for though Poverty, whether Original or Accidental, debases our Spirits, which always rise and fall with our Condition; yet does Oppression provoke our Minds, and urge us to Rebellion 11 Ferocissimo quoque adsumpto, aut quibus ob egestatem, ac metum ex Flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo, Tac. 3. ann . All the Israelites that were in Distress, and every one that was in Debt, and every one that was discontented joined David against Saul 12 1 Sam. 22. 2. . The People are always most obedient when they are richest. The plenty of Egypt made the People of God, though very severely used, forget their Liberty; but afterwards when they came to want in the Wilderness, they complained heavily of their Slavery and Bondage. When a Kingdom is given upon Condition, that no Taxes shall be levied without its Consent, or if this be afterwards provided by some general Decree, as was in the Parliament of Madrid, in the time of King Alphonso XIth. or when it has acquired this Privilege by long Prescription, as in Spain, and France; in such Cases the Prince must wait the Consent of the Parliament, lest he should expose himself to the same Danger, as Charles VIIth. of France did formerly, when he went to raise a certain Tax without communicating it to his Council. 'Tis also of great advantage to a Prince to be so well esteemed of his People, that from their Opinion of his Zeal for their Good, they may think whatever Taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable, and blindly agree to whatever he proposes, committing themselves wholly to his Prudence and Management, as the Egyptians did to Ioseph's, when he exacted the fifth part of their Estates 13 Gen. 47. 25. . When the People have once this Confidence in the Prince, he ought diligently to take Care, not to burden them without sufficient Cause, and mature Deliberation. But if necessity does require it, let him at least take Care that the Taxes be well expended; for the People take nothing more heinously, than to see no advantage from their Oppressions, and to see their Estates squandered away to no purpose. They are also very uneasy to see Taxes continued, when the Occasion for which they were raised is over. As 'twas in Vespasian's time, when the Taxes raised for the necessity of War were continued in time of Peace 14 Necissitate arm●rum excusorta, etiam in pace mau●er●, Tac. 2. ann. . For afterwards Subjects dread them, and grudge to pay them though never so small, thinking that they will be perpetual. Queen Mary gained the Hearts of her Subjects, and preserved their Loyalty in the most difficult times, by remitting the Excise which her Husband King Sancho IVth. had laid upon Provisions. 'Tis difficult to persuade People to part with their Money to maintain a foreign War, nor can they easily apprehend how much it conduces to their Interest, to keep War from their own Doors, and maintain it in foreign States, and how much safer is the Defence of a Shield than that of a Helmet, that being farther distant from the Head. The Purblind Mobb can seldom see so far. They weigh rather the present Burden, than the future Benefit, not thinking all the Riches of the Kingdom will be afterwards too little to make good the Damage they have suffered by their obstinate Negligence 15 Plerumque accidit, ut quae provinciae pecuniae parcendo, ●mota pericula contemnunt incumbentibus demum malis, desperate s●pe remedio graviora sentiant detrim●nta, Paul. Jou. . It requires therefore, all the Prudence and Dexterity of a Prince to make them know their Interest. In raising Taxes, Care aught always to be taken not to oppress the Nobility: for Exemption from Taxes being the chief Distinction between them and the Commons, they can't brook to see themselves degraded, and their Privileges violated, which were acquired by the Valour and Virtue of their Ancestors. This was the Reason why the Nobility of Castille took up Arms against Henry III. who taxed 'em at fi●e Marvedees' of Gold apiece, towards the Charge of the War. Neither should Taxes be laid upon such things as are absolutely necessary for Life; but rather upon Toys, Curiosities, Pride and Vanity: for so besides correcting Luxury, they would fall in the greatest measure upon the Rich, and would be Encouragement to Husbandmen and Tradesmen, which part of the Government ought most to be cherished and supported; so the Romans laid great Taxes upon the Spices, Pearls and Jewels, which were imported from Arabia; as Alexander Severus did upon those Offices which tended more to Debauchery, than Use and Necessity, 'tis the readiest way to Reformation, to enhance the Price of Vanity. There are no Taxes paid more easily than those which are laid upon Commodities imported; for the greatest part of them is paid by Foreigners; wherefore in England the Royal Revenue is very prudently raised from these kind of Taxes, the Kingdom itself being Exempt. The greatest Inconveniency in raising Taxes and Excise is, in the Collectors and Receivers, who are often more burdensome than the Taxes themselves; for there is nothing that the Subjects take more grievously, than the violence and importunity of these sort of Men in collecting their Money. 'Tis an Observation that only Sicily endured them with Patience: God himself complains of them by the Prophet Isaiah, that they oppressed his People 16 Isa. 3 12. Vid. . In Egypt some Prophet was always Precedent of the Customs, for they thought it not safe to trust 'em to any but God's immediate Servant; but now they are committed to Pedlars and Brokers, who wreck a Ship in Port, which had escaped the Fury of the Wind and Sea 17 Portus nostros navis veniens non paveseat, ut certum nautis possit esse naufragium, si manus non incurrere●t exigentium: quos frequenter plus affligunt damna, quam solent naufragia, Cassiod. lib. 4. Ep. 19 , like Robbers plundering Travellers of their Goods and Money. What wonder therefore that Trade decays, and that Riches and Merchandise are not imported, if they are exposed to such as these, who plunder 'em by Authority, what Wonder, I say, That the People complain of Taxes, if for one Shilling that comes to the King, ten goes to the Collectors and Receivers for this Reason, when in the Parliament of Guadal●jara, the Kingdom of Castille offered to raise 150000 Ducats, it was upon Condition, that they themselves should keep Books of the Receipts and Disbursements of it, that they might know what was employed to the public Interest, and how it was expended, without trusting it to the Management of those who had the Government of the Kingdom during the King's Minority. For the same Reason, the People of France proposed to King Henry II. that if he would discharge his Collectors, they would themselves pay in their Assessments, wherever he should Order; which the King had agreed to, had not some of his Ministers dissuaded him. The Kingdoms of Castille have often offered the same thing, nay, and also to pay off the Crown Debts; but 'twas judged that it would be a Diminution to the Royal Authority, to be instructed and tutored by the Kingdom, and besides, that such a Power could not be without Danger. But I believe the true Reason was, that the Court was unwilling to lose so many beneficial Offices, and such ready means of getting Money. A Prince's Credit consists not in the Administration, but in the Possession of Riches. The Roman State was not less careful of their Authority than any other, yet by Reason of the Trouble and Charge of Collecting, it ordered each Province to Collect and pay in their own Taxes; taking Care to keep the Officers in their Duty, that they might not oppress the People through Avarice and Extortion; in this Tiberius took particular Care 18 Ne Provinciae nobis oneribus turbarentur, utque vetera sin● a varitia, ●ut crudelitate Magistratuum tolerarent, Tac. lib. 4. ann. . Modesty in the Collecting of one Tax, obliges the People more readily to grant others. EMBLEM LXVIII. THE Ingenious Greeks included in certain pretty Fables, as the Egyptians in Hieroglyphics, not only all Natural Philosophy, but also Moral and Politic; either to hid them from the Vulgar, or else that they might be the better imprinted in their Minds, by these pleasant and delightful Fictions. So, to represent the Power of Navigation, and the Riches thereby acquired, they feigned, that the Ship Argo (which was the first that durst venture upon the main Ocean) obtained the famous Fleece, which instead of Wool, yielded Gold; for which glorious Exploit it was consecrated to Pallas, the Goddess of War, and placed amongst the Constellations, as a Reward of such dangerous Voyages: showing the World, that by the Help of Oars and Sails, they might make Way through Mountains of Waves; and by the Assistance of the Wind, carry Arms and Merchandise all the World over. This Morality, and the Preferment of that Ship to the Skies, occasioned me to draw two in this present Emblem; as the Poles of the Globe Terrestrial, to show that Navigation is the Support of the World, by Commerce and Arms: These Poles are Movable, but in their Motion consists the Stability of Empires: There's scarce any Monarchy which has not received its Rise and Preservation from thence. If the Grandeur of Spain were not supported by both those Poles, the Mediterranean and Ocean, it would soon fall: For 'tis evident, that Provinces so distant from one another, would be in imminent Danger, were it not, as 'twere, united by Oars and Sails, and timely supplied with Recruits for its Support and Defence: So that Ships and Galleys seem to be nothing but a kind of Sea-Bridge. For this Reason, the Emperor Charles V and Ferdinand Duke d' Alva, advised King Philip II. to maintain a great Fleet at Sea. King Sisebutus well knew the Advantage of it, being the first that kept a Fleet upon the Spanish Seas. Themistocles gave the same Adice to his State; and the Romans made use of it afterwards to conquer the World. This Element begirts and conquers the Earth: In it Strength and Speed are united; and whoever can make use of them with Valour, has the World at command. Arms at Land attack and terrify only one Nation, but at Sea they Alarm the whole World. There is no Circumspection, or Power sufficient by Land, to defend the Sea Coasts. 'Tis the Sea which has civilised all Nations, which had been rude and barbarous, without the Use of Navigation and Commerce, which has taught 'em to know one another's Languages and Customs: This Antiquity meant, when they feigned that the Rudder of the Ship Argo spoke; intimating, that by the Help of that, foreign Languages were learned. 'Tis Navigation that supplies each Nation with the Goods and Riches of others, all Nations mutually furnishing each other with what they want; which Advantage promotes that mutual Love and Correspondence between Men, which is necessary for their reciprocal Assistance. This Marine Power is more necessary for some Kingdoms than others, according to their several Situation and Disposition. The Asiatic Monarchies have more Occasion for a Land than Sea Force. Venice and Genoa, of which one lies upon the Sea, the other near it, being utterly unapt for Husbandry and Agriculture, apply themselves wholly to Navigation: And as long as they maintained their Power at Sea, they were the Terror and Glory of the World. So Spain, which is in a manner surrounded with the Ocean, must establish its Power at Sea, if it would aspire to Universal Monarchy. The Situation of its Ports is very commodious, not only for the Support of such Force, but also for hindering the Navigation of other Nations, who, by our Trade, get Riches and Strength to make War upon us afterwards. For which Reason, 'twill be convenient to provide sufficient Security for Commerce and Traffic, they being the principal Causes; 'tis they turn all the Ports into Magazines and Stores, furnishing the Kingdom with all things necessary, making it flourish, and grow Populous. These and other Conveniences the Prophet Ezekiel intimated, in the Allegory of the Ships which belonged to Sidon (a City situate at the Entry of the 1 Ezek. 27. 3. Sea,) which was full of Merchants and Mariners 2 Ibid. . They of Persia, and of Lud, and of Phut, were in its Armies, Men of War: they hanged the Shield and Helmet in it, they set forth its comeliness 3 Ibid. ver. 10. . Tarshish was its Merchant, by reason of the multitude of all kind of Riches; with Silver, Iron, Tin, and Led, they traded in its Fairs 4 Ibid. ver. 12. . In a word, There was nothing in any Nation, which was not sold in its Fairs; so that it might be truly called glorious in the midst of the Seas 5 Ibid. ver. 25. . We find also its Prince exalted, and lifted up by its Traffic 6 Ezek. 28. 5. . The Republics of Si●● Nineveh, Babylon, Rome, and Carthage, flourished bo●● in War and Peace, as long as they maintained the●● Trade and Commerce. When Venice and Genoa failed ● Traffic and Navigation, their Grandeur and Glory soon faded. Holland, situate upon a barren Sand, 〈◊〉 capable of being manured by either Spade or Blow supports very numerous Armies by their Trade an● Commerce; and maintains such populous Cities, as the most fertile Plains would not be able to supply. Fr● ●● has neither Mines of Silver nor Gold, yet does it enri●● itself by its Trade in several kind of Toys and Guga● in Iron, Led and Tin: Whereas we, through Laziness, neglect these Riches, which the Conveniency 〈◊〉 the Sea offers us. We, with great Toil and Danger bring Home the Treasures of both the Indies, as Diamonds Pearls, Spice, etc. without proceeding any further; whereas other Nations reap the Benefit of this our Labour, b● transporting them into all the Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa. We support the Genoveses with Gold 〈◊〉 Silver to trade with, and afterwards pay 'em extravaga● Prices for their Commodities, so paying Interest for o● own Money. We furnish other Nations with Silk● Wool, Steel, Iron, and many other Commodities which, after they are wrought, are brought to us again and we buy them at a prodigious Rate, by reason of th● Carriage and Workmanship: So that we pay very de● for the Ingenuity and Industry of other Nations. Th●● bring us trifling, insignificant Ware, and carry hen●● our substantial Gold and Silver. Whence it is, (● King Henry II. said) That Foreigners, nay, sometimes 〈◊〉 very Enemies, grow Rich and Powerful, while our own 〈◊〉 are Impoverished and Beggared. This the Emperor Tiber●● formerly complained of, when he saw the Extravagant of the Roman Ladies in Pearls and Jewels 7 Quid? lapidum causa pecuniae nostra ● hostiles gentes transferuntur. Tac. 3. Annal. . Yo● R. H. would gain Immortal Honour, in Encouragi● and Promoting Trade and Navigation, both in the Citizens and Nobility; for the Products of the Earth are not more Natural than those of Traffic and Commerce. The Kings of Tyre did not disdain to Trade; and the Fleets which Solomon sent to Tarshish, carried not only Necessaries, but also Merchandise and Effects to Trade with, that he might exceed all the Kings of the Earth for Wisdom and Riches 8 1 King. 10. 22. . We read, that Pompey put out his Money to Use. The Nobility also of Rome and Carthage thought it not beneath 'em to Traffic. Rome Instituted a College of Merchants; whence, I believe, the Dutch took the Institution of their Companies. How much more commodiously might Spain Establish them, by securing them with Men of War; which would make it not only Rich, but Formidable. These Conveniencies the Kings of Portugal considering, settled their Commerce in the East, by Force of Arms; maintaining their Arms by their Trade; and by the help of both, founded a new and large Empire 9 Psalm 71. 8. ; Establishing Religion, before unknown to those remote Countries: As it was also to the Western Part of the World, till introduced by the Valour and Prowess of the Castilians, who instructed that Heathen Country in what before they never so much as heard of 10 Isai. 49. 12 ; so that receiving from them the True Religion of the Gospel, and the Mysterious Bread of the Encharist, brought them so far 11 Prov. 31. 14. , that they cried out for Joy, with the Prophet Isaiah, Who hath begotten me these; seeing I have lost my Children, and am desolate, a Captive, and removing to and fro? and who hath brought 〈◊〉 these? Behold, I was left alone, these, where had they ●een 12 Isai. 49. 21. ? IT would be also conducive, that if, as the Romans formerly established Garrisons at Constantinople, Rhodes, ●pon the Rhine, and at Cadiz, as in the four principal Angles of the Empire; so now the Spaniards should erect Military Orders in several Places in the Mediterranean and Ocean, who might Cruise about the Seas, and clear them of Pirates, and secure our Trade with other Nations. These Badges of Honour and Nobility, are sufficient Rewards for Virtue and Valour; and the Presidency of these Orders are rich enough to give a Beginning to so Glorious and Royal an Undertaking. But if their Revenues should not suffice, nor the Crown be willing to be deprived of so many Noble Posts, the Administration of which is invested in it by the Apostolic See, some Ecclesiastical Rents might be applied to that use. This was the Advice of King Ferdinand the Catholic, who would have Constituted the Knights of St. james at Oran; and the Orders of Alcantara, and Calatrava, at Bugia and Tripoli; having obtained leave of the Pope, to convert the Revenues of the Conven●● del Villar de Venas, St. Martin, in the Diocese of Saint james, and that of Oviedo, to that use. But by reason of the War, which soon after broke out in Italy, this Design was not accomplished, or perhaps because God reserved the Glory of this Institution for some other King. Nor is the State-Objection, against Intrusting such Potent Offices to the Nobility, of force. Military Orders were, 'tis true, the Occasion of so many Rebellions in Castille: yet now, when the Power of our King is enlarged by the addition of so many Crowns, tha● Inconveniency is not to be feared; especially if these Orders were settled out of Spain, and the Presidency of them Engrafted, as it were, in the Crown. EMBLEM LXIX. DIvine Providence would not suffer this Monarchy of the World to be one moment without Gold and Iron; one to preserve, and the other to defend it: For if it did not create them at the same time with the World; yet did the Sun, the Second Governor of all things, immediately after its Creation, operate in Purifying and Refining the Mineral Matter, and locking it up in Mountains, as in public Treasuries; where also Mars, after the Matter was hardened and re●in'd into Iron and Steel, erected his Armoury. Arms are the Hands of Governments; and Riches their Blood and Spirit: And if these don't supply the Hands with Strength, and they again preserve and defend them, the whole Body will soon fall, and be exposed to Ruin and Violence. Pliny tells of a sort of Aunts, in India, which instead of Grains of Corn, heap up Grains of Gold. Nature has not granted those laborious Animals the Use of this Metal; yet it would have them, like Masters, inform every Government of the Importance of laying up Treasure. And though it be the Opinion of some Statesmen, That hoarding up Riches, serves for nothing but to invite Enemies, as Hezekiah found, when he had shown his Treasure to the Ambassadors of Assyria 1 2 King. 20. 13. ; and as the Egyptians knew, who, for this Reason, employed all their Royal Revenues in Building; yet are their Reasons invalid, and these two Examples of no force: For 'twas not Hezekiah's showing his Riches, that brought the War upon him; but his Vanity and Pride, in putting his Trust in them, more than in God: 'Twas this that made Isaiah prophesy, That he should lose all that he had 2 Ibid. ver. 17. . Nor did the Egyptians employ their Treasure in Building, through fear of losing it, but through Vainglory, and a design to amuse the People's Minds, as we shall observe in its proper place. If a Prince amasses Treasure, through Avarice, not making use of it, when Occasion requires, to defend his Country, and offend his Enemy, and, to save Charges, leaves his State unprovided of Arms and Men, he will soon invite his Enemies to forge Keys to open his Chests, and plunder him of his Riches. But if he applies those Treasures to the Use and Service of his State, he will at once strike an Awe and Respect into his Enemies. For Riches are the Nerves of War 3 Sed nihil aqu● fatigabat, quam pecuniarum conquisitio; eos esse belli civilis nervos dictitans, Tac. 2. Hist. : 'Tis they procure Friends and Allies. In a word, A Full Exchequer does more Execution than Artillery, Fleets, or Armies. When thus applied, hoarding Riches, and Moderation of Expenses, are not Avarice, but Prudence; as was that of King Ferdinand the Catholic, who, while living, was called Miserable and Covetous; but after his Death, was cleared of that Aspersion, he leaving behind him but a very inconsiderable Sum; whatever he hoarded, he used to expend upon the Fabric of the Kingdom, placing his Glory not in spending, but in having what to spend. It must be observed, That Treasures are sometimes collected with a true and Heroic Design, to execute some Great and Glorious Action: yet does this, by degrees, dwindle into Avarice, and the Ruin of States happens before the Treasury is opened for their Relief. Man's Mind is easily taken with the Love of Riches, and is wholly possessed with a desire of obtaining them. Nor is it sufficient, that these Treasures be divided among the whole Body of the State, as Chlorus in Eutropius desired 4 Melius publicas opes à privatis haberi, quam intra unum claustrum asservari. Eutrop. : For Riches secure the Prince, but endanger the People. Cerealis told the People of Treves, That their Riches were the chief Cause of their Wars 5 Penes quos Aurum, & opes praecipuae bellorum causae. Tacit. 6. Hist. . When the Public is Poor, and private Persons Rich, Misfortunes arrive, before they can be prevented. Counsels are prejudiced; for the People avoid those Resolutions, which seek to redress the Public Grievances, at the Expense of particular Persons, so that they can very difficultly be induced to make War. Aristole, for this Reason, blamed the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Sparta, it having no Public Treasury 6 Male e●iam circa pecunias publicas constitutum est apud ill●s, quia neque in publi●o habent quicquam, & magna bella gerere coacti, pecunias agre con●erunt. Arist. l. 2. c. 6. Pol. . And if the People are more intent upon their own private, than the Public Interest, with how much Regret will they be induced to remedy the Grievances of the Public, at their own particular Expense 7 Privato usui bonum publicum postponitur. Tac. 6. Annal. ? The Republic of Genoa feels this Inconveniency. And Plato ascribes the Ruin of that of Rome to no other Cause, in an Oration which Sallust says he made in the Senate, against the Accomplices of Cataline's Conspiracy; having (as St. Augustine explains it * St. August. lib. 5. de Civ. Dei, cap. 12. ) strayed from their first Institution, in which private Persons were Poor, but the Public Rich. Of which Horace complains † Lib. 2. Ode 15. : Non it a Romuli Praescriptum, & intonsi Catonis Auspiciis, etc. Great Princes, relying too much upon their own Power, lay aside all Care of laying up Treasure, or of preserving what they already have; not considering, that if the Necessity of their Affairs should require Money, they must be obliged to oppress their Subjects with Taxes, to the great hazard of their Fidelity; and the greater the Kingdom is, there will be need of greater Expense and Charge. Princes are Briareus', who, what they receive with fifty Hands, spend with a hundred; nor is any Kingdom rich enough to supply the Extravagance of one. Clouds, in one Hour, spend all the Vapours which they have been many Days in collecting. Those Riches which Nature had for many Ages hoarded up in the close Treasury of the Earth, were not sufficient for the extravagant Prodigality of some of the Roman Emperors. And this Extravagance is usual to Successors who find the Treasury filled to their Hands: For they spend that carelessly and lavishly, which they never knew the trouble of acquiring; they soon pull down the Banks of the Treasury, and drown their State in Pleasure and Luxury. In less than three Years time, Caligula squandered away Sixty Six Millions of Gold, though then One Crown was as much as Two now. Power is self-willed and foolish, and should therefore be corrected by Prudence; for without that, Empires would soon fall to Ruin: that of Rome seemed to decline, from the Time that the Emperors began to squander away its Treasures. The World is wholly ruled by Arms and Riches. Which is represented in the present Emblem, by a Sword and Golden Bough, which a Hand holds over a Globe; to intimate, that by both these the World is governed: alluding to Virgil's Story of Aeneas, who, by the help of both these, conquered even Hell itself, and subdued its Monsters and Furies. The Sword wounds most, whose edge is Gold; and Valour without Conduct, and Magazines without Treasuries, are insignificant. A Prince ought therefore to consider, before he declares War, whether he is sufficiently furnished with these Means to prosecute it: For which Reason, 'twill be convenient, that the Precedent of the Treasury should be one of the Council, that he may give an Account of the State of the Revenue, and what Grounds they have to proceed upon. Power ought to be cautious and circumspect, and diligently consider of what it undertakes. Prudence does the same in the Mind, as the Eyes do in the Head; without that, Kingdoms and States would be blind: And Polyphemus, who having once lost his Eye by the Cunning of Ulysses, in vain threw Stones about, and stormed for Revenge: so will they vainly squander and throw away their Treasure and Riches. What prodigious Sums have we seen spent in our Times, upon some vain Fear, in countermining Enemies Designs, in raising Armies, and making War, which might have been avoided by a Friendly Composition, or by Dissimulation? How much in Subsidies and Taxes ill applied, and in other Necessary Expenses, by which Princes, thinking to make themselves Powerful, have found the contrary: The Ostentations and Menaces of Gold extravagantly and unseasonably squandered away, render themselves ineffectual, and the second are less than the first, for one weakens the other. Strength lost, is soon recruited; but Riches once spent, are hard to be recovered. They ought not to be used but upon absolute Necessity. Aeneas did not first show the Golden Bough, but offered to force his Passage with his Sword. The Chief unsheathed his shining Steel, prepared, Though seized with sudden Fear, to force the Guard. But when he found that neither Force nor Fair Means could oblige Charon to waft him over, the Golden Bough was produced, which had been hitherto concealed 8 Prov. 21. 14. : At the sight of which, the angry God was pacified. * Dryden ' s Virgil. If neither Piety, nor Heaven's Command, Can gain his Passage to the Stygian Strand, This fatal Present shall prevail, at least, (Than showed the Golden Bough, concealed within her Vest.) No more was needful; for the Gloomy God Stood mute with Awe, to see the Golden Rod, etc. Let Princes therefore take Care to keep those Eyes of Prudence upon their Sceptres, clear, and quicksighted, not disdaining Oeconomy, which is the Safety and Preservation thereof; Princes being, as 'twere, the Fathers of their People. The Great Augustus condescended, as we have said before, for the Good of the Public, to take the Accounts of the Empire with his own Hand. Spain had had long since the Universal Empire of the World, if it had been less Extravagant in War, and more Regular and Methodical in Peace; but through a certain Negligence, the usual Effect of Grandeur, it has suffered those Riches which should have rendered it Invincible, to be made use of by other Nations. We purchase them of the simple Indians, for Toys and Baubles; and afterwards, we ourselves, as silly as they, permit other Nations to Export them, leaving us Brass, Led, or some such worthless Commodities, in their stead. 'Twas the Kingdom of Castille, which, by its Valour and Prowess, erected our Monarchy; yet others triumph, and that suffers, not knowing how to make good Use of the vast Treasures which are brought to them. So Divine Providence, in a manner, levels and equals States; giving to the Great Ones Strength, without Industry; and to the Little, Industry to acquire Strength. But lest I should seem only to discover Wounds, and not heal them, I will prescribe some Remedies; not drawn from the Quintessence and Nicety of Speculation, which are approved at first, when new, but afterwards rejected by Experience; but such as Natural Reason shall suggest, and such as Ignorance slights as vulgar. The chief Wealth and Riches of Nations, are the Fruits of the Earth; no Mines in the World being richer than Agriculture. This the Egyptians knew, who made the lower End of their Sceptres like a Ploughshare; to intimate, that its Power and Grandeur was founded upon that: The fertile Sides of Vesuvi●s, are richer than Potosus with all its Gold. 'Tis not by Chance, that Nature has so liberally imparted the Fruits of the Earth to All, and hid Gold and Silver in the very Bowels of the Earth: It made those common, and exposed them upon the Superficies of the Earth, on purpose for Man's Nourishment 9 Maxima pars hominum è terra vivit & fructibus. Aristor. Polit. lib. 1. c. 5. ; and hide these in the Bowels thereof, that they might not easily be dug out, and refined, knowing they would prove the Bane and Ruin of Mankind. Spain was, in former times, so rich, almost only from the Fruits of the Earth, that Lewis King of France, coming to Toledo, in the time of King Alphonso the Emperor, was surprised at the Splendour and Magnificence of that Court, affirming, That he had not seen the like in all that Part of Asia or Europe, which he had travelled through, in his Voyage to the Holy Land. Such was then ●he Grandeur of one King of Castille, though distracted with Civil Wars, and the greatest part of his Kingdom possessed by the Moors. There are some Authors affirm, That there was in this Kingdom, in the time of the Holy War against the Heathens, a Rendezvouz of a Hundred Thousand Foot, Ten Thousand Horse, and Sixty Thousand Wagons; and that King Alphonso III. daily paid both the Soldiers, Captains, and Generals, according to their Office and Quality. These vast Expenses and Provisions, which at present seem incredible, the single Kingdom of Castille could afford; nay, and at the same time maintained a greater Number of Enemies, without the Assistance of Foreign Riches; until a certain Biscayner, roving upon the Sea, by fortune, got a sight of this New World, either unknown to, or forgotten by the Ancients, and preserved for the Honour of Columbus, who, after the Death of this Spaniard, diligently considering the Observations that he, the first Discoverer had made, undertook to demonstrate the Discovery of the Provinces which Nature seemed designedly to separate from us by Mountainous Waves. He communicated this his Project to several Princes, hoping, by their Assistance, to facilitate his great and difficult Enterprise: But all slighted it, as vain and notionary. Which if they had done through Prudence and Caution, and not Distrust and Misbelief, they had merited the same Praise which Carthage gained of old; which, when some Sailors were boasting in the Senate, of the Discovery of a wonderful Rich and Delicious Island, (supposed to be Hispaniola) caused 'em immediately to be put to Death, thinking the Discovery of such an Island would be of more Detriment than Advantage to the Commonwealth. Columbus, at last, applies himself to Their Catholic Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabel; whose Generous Spirits, capable of many Worlds, could not be content with one alone. So that having received necessary Assistance, he put to Sea; and after a tedious and hazardous Voyage, in which he encountered as great Danger from the Diffidence of his Companions, as from the Sea itself, he at last returned to Spain, laden with Gold and Silver. The People flocked to the Shore of Guadalquivir, to admire these precious Products of the Earth, brought to light by the Indians, and thither by the Valour and Industry of their Countrymen. But this great Plenty of them soon perverted all Things; the Husbandman soon leaves Plough, gets into his Embroidered Silks, and gins to be more curious of his Tawny, Sunburnt Hands; the Merchant steps from his Counter into his Sedan, and lolls it lazily about the Streets; Workmen disdain their Tools, and all, forsooth, must now turn Gentlemen. No Money is current now but Silver and Gold; and our Coin being wholly unmixed and pure, is coveted and desired by all Nations. Gold and Silver now growing common, all Things raise their Price. In fine, It befell our Kings, as it did the Emperor Nero, whom a certain African put a Trick upon, telling him, in his Grounds he had found a vast Treasure, which he believed Queen Dido had buried there, either lest too much Riches should enervate the Minds of her Subjects, or lest they should invite others to Invade her Kingdom. Which the Emperor giving credit to, and thinking himself already sure of the Treasure, squandered away the Old Stock, upon the Hope of these Newfound Riches: The Expectation of Riches being the cause of the Public Want 10 Et divitiarum expectatio inter causas paupertatis publicae erat. Tac. 16. Annal. . Cheated by the same Hopes, we were persuaded that we had no more need of fixed and standing Treasuries, but think our Ships sufficient, not considering that all our Power depends upon the Uncertainty of the Winds and Seas; as Tiberius said the Lives of the Romans did, because their Provisions were all brought them from Foreign Provinces 11 At hercule nemo refert, quod Italia extern●e opis indiget; quòd vita populi Romani per incerta maris & tempestatum quotidie vivitur. Tac. 3. Annal. . Which Hazard Aleto considered, when dissuading Godfredo from going to the Holy Wars, he said, * Tasso. Shall then your Life upon the Winds depend? And as men's Hopes are generally above their Estates 12 S●epe enim de facultatibus suis amplius quam in his est, sperant homines. Justin. Instit. quibus ex causis man. § in fraudem. , State and Pomp increases; the Salaries, Wages, and other Charges of the Crown are enlarged, out of Confidence and Expectations of these Foreign Riches; which being afterwards ill and negligently managed, were not sufficient to defray such Expenses: and this made way for Debts, and those for Usury and Interest. Necessity daily increased, and occasioned new Expenses: But nothing was so prejudicial to the Public, as the Alteration of the Coin; which, though not considered, should be preserved in as much Purity as Religion itself; the Kings, Alphonso the Wise, Alphonso XI. and Henry II. who did offer to alter it, endangered both themselves and Kingdoms; and their Misfortunes ought to have been a Warning to us. But when Ills are fatal, neither Experience, nor Example, can move us. King Philip II. deaf to all these Cautions, doubled the Value of Copper Coin, which was before convenient for common Use, and answerable to bigger Money. Foreigners coming to understand the Value that the Royal Stamp gave to this paltry Metal, began to Traffic with nothing else, bringing us in vast quantities of Copper ready Coined, in Exchange for our Gold, Silver, and other Merchandise: Which did us more Damage, than if all the Monsters and venomous Serpents of Africa had been brought among us: And the Spaniards, who used to ridicule the Rhodians for their Copper Money, became themselves the Jest and Laughingstock of the whole World. Trade was ruined by this troublesome, scoundrel Metal, all things grew dearer, and, by degrees, scarcer, as in the time of Alphonso the Wise. Buying and Selling ceased, and at the same time the Revenues of the Crown were diminished, so that new Impositions and Taxes were unavoidable; whence, for want of Commerce, the Wealth of Castille was spent, and the same Inconveniencies renewed, proceeding one from another in a pernicious Circle; which will at last prove our Ruin, unless a Remedy be timely applied, by reducing that king of Money to its former and intrinsic Value. Who would not think that this World must be subdued by the Riches and Wealth of the other? And yet we see there were greater Exploits performed formerly by pure Valour, than since, by all these Riches; as Tacitus observed, in the time of Vitellius 13 Vires luxu corrumpebantur, contra veterem disciplinam, & instituta majorum, apud quos virtute, quam pecunia res Rom. melius stetit. Tac. 2. Hist. . Foreign Nations did soon after find the same Damage, from the Discovery of the Indies, from their too great Dependence upon their Riches; all things grew dearer with them; as with us, their Expenses surmounted their Revenues: In a word, they suffered all the same Inconveniencies with us; which were so much greater to them, as being farther Distance from those Provinces; and the Remedy of Gold and Silver which is brought us from the Indies, and which they must receive from us, being more uncertain. These are the Inconveniencies which the Discovery of the Indies caused: In knowing the Causes of which, we know also their Remedies. The First, is, Not to neglect Agriculture, upon Hopes of those Riches: Those which we receive from the Earth, being more natural, sure, and common to all: Wherefore Husbandmen should be encouraged and exempted from the Oppressions of War, and all other Encumbrances. The Second, is, That since all things are restored by the contrary Means to which they were ruined, and the Expenses are greater than the Hopes and Expectation of those Metals; the Prince should, like a prudent Governor, provide, as the Senators of Rome advised Nero 14 Vt ratio quaestuum, & necessitas erogationum inter se congruerent. Tac. 13. Annal. , That the Public Revenues should rather Exceed, than fall short of the Expenses; That he should moderate those that were superfluous and unnecessary: imitating the Emperors Antoninus Pius, and Alexander Severus, the last of which used to say, That 'twas the Part of a Tyrant, to support them with the Entrails of his State. Such a Reform would only Disgust some few, not the whole Nation. And if Abuse or Imprudence has raised the Salaries of Offices, and Charges in Peace and War; and if they are only introduced by Vanity, under the title of Grandeur; Why should they not be corrected and reformed by Prudence? And as the greater the Kingdoms are, those Abuses will be greater; so also will be the Effects of this Remedy. Frugality is the best Revenue. Gold once spent, returns not. By damning up the Streams, the Fountainhead rises. And the way to keep Silver, is to fix the Mercury of it; that being the True and Approved Philosopher's Stone. Wherefore, I am satisfied, that if a Prince be informed by his Ministers, of all superfluous Expenses by Sea and Land, and would resolve to moderate them; he would soon find himself enabled to pay his Debts, lessen his Taxes, and fill his Treasury. As King Henry III. who finding the Crown much in Debt, consulted with his Parliament, how to remedy it: And they could not find a better Expedient, than what we have here proposed; that is, To Reduce Salaries and Pensions, and Regulate Superfluous Expenses. The Treasurers also, and other Officers in the Treasury and Exchequer, should be reduced to a less number, as also the Collectors of Taxes, who all, like the thirsty Sands of afric, soak and drink up all the Streams of the Revenue, which pass by them. The Great Emperor of the Turks, though he has immense Revenues, has but two Treasurers, one in Asia, and another's in Europe. Henry IU. of France (not less a Statesman than a Soldier) was satisfied of the Inconveniency of this, and therefore reduced the Ministers of his Revenue to a less, yet sufficient number. The Third Remedy, is, That since Princes are, by Importunity, often forced to grant those Things which are not in their Power; all such Grants, Privileges, Immunities and Rewards, as are prejudicial to the Crown, should be revoked; especially when the same Causes concur, as moved Their Catholic Majesties to repeal those of King Henry iv For, said they, in another Law, A Prince's Liberality should not be so great as to ruin him▪ and the Immunities granted to Subjects, should be such as may not prejudice the Crown. But if a Prince, through Negligence or Necessity, has not considered this; it must be remedied afterwards. As was after the Abdication of Ramirez King of Arragon; at which time, all Grants that had weakened the Crown, were made void. King Henry the Liberal, and Queen Isabel, did the same thing: And King john II. repealed the Privileges and Immunities which himself and his Predecessors had granted. 'Tis with Princes, as 'twas with the Idols of Babylon; from whose Crowns, according to jeremiah, the People took the Gold and Silver, and applied it to their own Use 15 Baruch 6. 9 . King Henry III perceiving the same Abuse, Imprisoned several of his Nobility, and made 'em refund what they had purloined from the Crown; by which, and a just Administration of his Revenues, he amassed a prodigious Treasure in the Castle of Madrid. The Last Remedy, (which should have been the First) is, That a Prince should first regulate the Expenses of his own Family, if he would reform those of his People: For their Reformation, as King Theodatus said 16 A domesticis volumus inchoare disciplinam, ut reliquos pudea● errare, quando nostris cognoscimur excedendi licentiam non praebere. Cas. lib. 10. ep. 5. , must be begun by the Prince, that it may be effectual. St. Lewis, King of France, advised his Son Philip to take care that his Expenses were moderate and reasonable 17 Da operam ut impensae t●ae moderat● sint, & rationi consentaneae. Bell. in Vit. S. Lud. 'Tis a Misfortune, that Princes think it becomes their Grandeur to be Careless, and keep no Accounts; and take Extravagance to be Liberality, not considering how contemptible they are when poor; and that true Greatness does not consist in Shows, and gaudy Ostentation, but in Castles, strong Garrisons, and Armies. The Emperor Charles V in the Parliament of Valladolid, moderated the Expenses of his Household. The true Greatness of Princes, consists in being liberal to others, and moderate and sparing to themselves. For which Reason, Sisenand, King of Spain and France, (so styled by the Fourth Council of Toledo) used to say, That Kings should be Mais Escasos que Gastadores; that is, Rather Rich than Lavish. I well know the Difficulty of these Remedies; but, as Petrarch said, in the like case, I do my Duty: And though all that is requisite, cannot be executed; it ought to be represented, to accomplish the Design of this Book 18 Multa scribo non tam ut saeculo meo prosim, cujus jam despera●● miseria est, quàm ut meipsum conceptis exonerem, & animum script●● soler. Petrarch. . I dare hardly say any thing about the Remedies of Money, it being the Apple of the Eye of the State, which you cannot touch, without hurting; so that 'tis better to let it alone, than to alter the ancient Method: The acutest Judgement cannot foresee all the Inconveniencies which attend every Alteration thereof, until they are discovered by Experience: For it being, as it were, the Rule and Measure of Contracts, every one feels the least Variation of it; Commerce is disturbed, and the whole State disordered. Wherefore, after King Peter II. had Abdicated the Throne, it was prudently Enacted by the Kingdom of Arragon, That all their Kings thenceforward, should take an Oath, not to alter any thing about the Coin. This is the Duty of a Prince, as Pope Innocent III. wrote to the same King Peter, when his Subjects began to rebel against him. Of which this seems to be the Reason; That the Prince is subject to the Law of Nations, and as Public Trustee, aught to take care that there be no Alteration in the Nature of the Coin, which consists in Matter, Form, and Quantity; nor can any Kingdom be constituted, where that is not pure. But not to be wholly silent in a Matter so Important to Government, I'll mention Two things. First, That Money is then Just and Convenient, when the Coin or Stamp adds nothing to the Intrinsic Value of it, and when the Gold and Silver have the common Alloy of other Nations; for this will prevent its being Exported. The other, is, That it should be of the same Weight and Value with that of other Nations, permitting also the Currency of Foreign Coin: Nor will it at all derogate from the Prince's Authority, since the Coin serves only to show the Weight and Value of it. And this seems most commodious, i● those Kingdoms which hold Correspondence and Trade with many Nations. EMBLEM LXX. EMPIRE admits of no Companion, nor can Majesty be divided: For it is impossible that each should Command and Obey at the same time; especially since Power and Accidents cannot be so nicely shared between them both, nor Ambition so equally balanced, but that one will desire to be above the other, or that Envy and Emulation will disturb their Agreement. * Lucan. Rivals in Empire still mistrustful are; Nor can Authority a partner bear. It seems next to an Impossibility, that the Orders and Commands of two Governors should not thwart one another. Moses and Aaron were Brothers; and yet when God made them Part'ners, he thought it necessary to be in the Mouth of one, and in the Mouth of the other, and to teach them what to do, lest any Dissension should arise between them 1 Exod. 4. 15. . A Republic has but one Body, and should therefore be guided but by one Soul 2 Vnum esse Reip. Corpus atque unius animo regendum. Tac. 3. Annal. . A King will hardly entertain even a deposed Prince within his Kingdom. This was the King of Portugal's Excuse, for not admitting King Peter, when deposed by his Brother Henry. Nothing but Matrimony, which unites Bodies and Souls, and the singular Prudence of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabel, could have prevented the Inconveniencies of their Joint-Reign in the Kingdom of Castille. For Power and Concord are very rarely found together 3 Quanquam arduum sit, eodem loci potenti●●● & concordiam esse. Tac. 4. Annal. . And though there was some Consent and Union in the Joint-Empire of Dioclesian and Maximinian, yet was not that without its Troubles and Inconveniencies; for which Reason, the Roman Consuls used to Command by Turns. But if there be occasion for more Princes than One, 'tis better to have Three; for the Authority of One, will check the Ambition of the other Two. There can be no Faction, where there is no Equality; which was the Reason why the Triumvirates of Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey, and of Anthony, Lepidus and Augustus, continued for sometime. The Kingdom was well governed, during the Minority of King Henry III. by his Three Guardians * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 12. . Upon which Consideration, King Alphonso the Wise proposed, That during the Nonage of Kings, the Administration of Affairs should be committed to One, Three, Five, or Seven. Which not being observed in the Minority of Alphonso XI. the Kingdom of Castille felt great Commotions, from the Government of the two Infants, john and Peter, which at last obliged the Royal Council to take upon 'em the Administration. Though Empires are always violent, and of short continuance, which are divided, and depend not upon one; as it happened to Alexander's, which, vast as it was, ended with his Life; for that after him, 'twas divided among many. That which the Moors had founded in Spain, had lasted longer, had it not been divided into many Kingdoms. This is represented in this present Emblem, by a Crowned Tree, which signifies a Kingdom: To intimate, that if two Hands, tho' of the same Body, should pull this Tree two different ways, they would rend, burst, and ruin the Crown. For Humane Ambition sometimes forgets the Bonds of Nature. When States are divided among Brothers, the Crown can never remain entire, and in Union; for every one is for himself, and grasps at the whole Sceptre as his Father held it. So it befell King Sancho the Elder. Divine Providence united all the Kingdoms of Spain to his Empire, that by their Joint-Force they might expel the Moors, and free themselves from their Tyrannic Slavery: But he, through Fatherly Affection, rather than prudent Policy, divided his Kingdoms among his Children, thinking that so they would be stronger, and more ready to unite against the Common Enemy * Mat. Hist. Hisp. l. 9 c. 1. . But instead of that, each of the Brothers set up for King himself. So that the Crown being thus rend in pieces, lost its Strength and Splendour. And as Domestic Feuds and Grudges are more inveterate than other, they soon grew to Civil Wars, each endeavouring to depose his Brother, to the utmost Detriment of the Public. This Example might, one would have thought, have been a Warning to all Princes, for the future; yet we find King Ferdinand the Great, the Emperor Alphonso, and james I. King of Arragon, guilty of the same fault, dividing the Command of their Kingdoms among their Children † Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 9 c. 8. . I know not whether this be the Effect of Self-Conceit, or Humane Nature, ever greedy of Novelty, and fond of old rejected Opinions, thinking that best, which was done by their Ancestors; if 'tis not that we seek for Examples to excuse our own Resolutions. james II. King of Arragon, was more prudent upon this score, when he firmly Enacted, That the Kingdoms of Arragon and Valence, and the Province of Catalonia, should never be separated * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 19 . Nor can these Errors be excused, either by the Law of the Twelve Tables, or the Common Law, which shares the Father's Estate equally among the Children; or by Natural Reason, which seems to urge, that as the Children received their being in common from their Father, they should also be Sharers of his Estate. For a King is a Public Person, and aught to act as King, and not as a Father; and ought rather to attend the Good of his Subjects, than his Children. Besides, a Kingdom is a kind of Public Chattel, and so belongs to no one in particular; it not being in the King's Power to dispose of that, as of his own private Goods: For the Subjects, in submitting themselves to One, have required a Right to be preserved, defended and maintained by him; which is inconsistent with the Division of the Empire: And since this Right is Common and Universal, it ought surely to be preferred to private Love, and Paternal Affection, or to Desire of making Peace among his Children, by the Ruin of the Public. Besides, instead of making them agree, it arms 'em with Power to quarrel with one another about the Dividends, which cannot be made so equal as to satisfy all. Brother's would live much more quietly, if their Maintenance should depend upon him who Commands in Chief; for so each would receive a Revenue sufficient to support the Grandeur of his Birth. Thus jehosaphat did 4 2 Chron. 21. 3. . There being no Occasion for that barbarous Custom of the Turks, or that Impious Policy of some, who think no Government firm and secure, unless its Foundation be mixed with the Blood of all such who have but the least Pretensions to it; as if that, like Cement or Mortar, fastened the Stones of the Building. For the said Reason, almost all Nations prefer Succession to Election; well knowing that an Interregnum is liable to Dissensions and Civil Wars, and that 'tis safer to accept a Prince, than to seek one 5 Minori discrimine sumi principem quàm quaeri. Tac. 1. Hist. . Wherefore, since Succession is best, 'tis most agreeable to follow the Course of Nature, preferring him whom she first sent into the World; so that neither Minority, nor any other Natural Defect, is a sufficient Objection to this Right, especially when there are greater Inconveniencies attend the admittance of another, of which the Scriptures afford us very many Examples. There is the same Reason and Right for the Succession of Women to the Crown, in default of Heirs Male; for otherwise the Crown would be subject to Divisions, by Collateral Pretensions. And though the Salic Law, under the Pretence of the Frailty and Imbecility of that Sex, (if it mayn't rather be called the Envy and Ambition of Men) does, contrary to the many glorious Examples of the Valour and Conduct of the Female Sex, urge many Inconveniencies, which may seem to exclude them from the Administration; yet is there none so weighty as to balance the Advantage of preventing an Interregnum. Nay, there are strong Reasons why they ought to be admitted, it preventing Pretensions and Civil Wars about the Succession: And besides, matching the Heiress to some Great Prince, there acceeds a considerable Addition to the Crown; as it happened to the Kingdom of Castille and the House of Austria. If the abovementioned Inconveniencies are ever of weight, 'tis in small Principalities; where the Heiress marrying with other Princes, the Family may become extinct, and one State be confounded with the other. EMBLEM LXXI. WHAT does not Labour overcome? It subdues Iron, softens Brass, draws out Gold into the finest Wire, and cuts the hardest Diamonds. A soft Rope does, by continual Motion, wear the Marble Edge of the Well. By this Consideration, St. Isidore, when he applied himself to Study, overcame the Dulness of his Genius. What Fort was ever so strong, as that Assiduity could not conquer it? The continued Force of that Engine, which the Ancients called a Ram, would make a Breach in the thickest and strongest Walls. And we see now a-days, that Castles, though defended by Artillery Walls, Ramparts and Ditches, are at last forced to yield to the Spade and Mattock. No Difficulty retards or checks a Constant Spirit. The Temple of Glory is not situated in a delightful Valley, nor in a delicious Plain, but upon a rugged Mountain's Top, not to be arrived at, but by rough, uncouth Paths, overrun with Thorns and Brambles. The Temples of Minerva, Mars, and Hercules, (Deities glorious for their Virtue) were not built of Corinthian or Carved Work, finely embellished with curious Engraving, as were those of Flora and Venus; but after the Doric Fashion, rough and unpolished: Nor did the Cornices and Chapiters' of the Pillars show any thing, but that they were built by Labour and Industry, not by Luxury and Ease. 'Twas not the Ship Argos' lying at Anchor in Port, that preferred it to the Skies; but it's daring the Wind and Sea, and resolutely exposing itself to all Dangers and Difficulties. Never did any Prince Enlarge his Territories by Effeminacy, Luxury and Ease. Labour, Traffic and Industry are necessary to all, but to none more than to a Prince; for others are born only for themselves, but a Prince for All. A Kingdom is not an Office of Repose and Rest. Certain Courtiers once were discoursing before Alphonso, King of Arragon and Naples, against the necessity of a Prince taking Pains; Do you think then, says he, that Nature gave Princes Hands to do nothing. That wise Prince had, doubtless, considered the admirable Composure of them, their Joins, their Readiness to open, and their Strength to hold, and also their mutual Aptness to do whatever the Mind proposes, being, as it were, the Instruments of all Arts: Whence he concluded, that this exquisite Structure was not accidental, or merely for no Use, but for Pains and Toil, Labour and Industry. The Prince whose Hands are careless and unclinched, will soon drop his Sceptre, and give his Courtier's opportunity of catching at it. As it befell King john II. who so wholly gave himself up to the Diversions of Poetry and Music, that he could not endure the Weight of Affairs, and either carelessly transacted them himself, or left 'em totally to the Management of his Ministers; rather choosing this sottish Ease, than the glorious Labour of Government; not at all regarding the Examples of his Heroic Predecessors. So we often find, that the Virtue and ardent Courage of Ancestors is wholly extinguished in their Posterity, by the Luxury and Voluptuousness of Empire, and so the Race of great Princes becomes degenerate; as we see in Horses, when they are removed from a dry and lean Pasture, into one too fat and fertile. This Consideration moved Frederick King of Naples, upon his Deathbed, to write to his Son the Duke of Calabria, to enure his Body to Military Exercise, and not suffer himself to be debauched by Pleasures, nor vanquished by Difficulties and Dangers * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 28. 11. . Labour and Employment is, as it were, the Anchor of the Mind: without which, it would be tossed about with the Waves of Passion, and dashed to pieces upon the Rocks of Vice. God enjoined Labour to Man, as a Punishment; yet so, as it might be at the same time the Means of his Quiet and Prosperity 1 Gen. 3. 19 . Those Foundations and noble Superstructures of the Monarchies of the Medes, Assyrians, Greeks and Romans, were not founded by Sloth and Laziness, but by Toil and Labour. It was that which so long supported their Grandeur; 'tis this which still preserves Oeconomies in Kingdoms: For since it partly depends upon the mutual Assistance of People's Labours, when they flag, all those Conveniencies at the same time cease; which obliged Men to Society and Order of Government. Divine Wisdom proposes the Example of the Ant, to instruct Men in their Duty; for that, with great Care and Prudence, lays up a Store in the Summer, to supply its Necessity in Winter 2 Prov. 6. 6. . Let Princes learn from this little, prudent Animal, timely to provide their Cities, Forts and Garrisons with Necessaries; and to make Preparations in the Winter, to meet the Enemy in the Spring. Nor is the Commonwealth of Bees less assiduous than these; you shall never find them idle, but continually employed both within and without their little Cells; the Diligence of each, causes the Prosperity of all. And if the Labour of these little Animals can enrich the whole World with Honey and Wax; What would a Kingdom do, in which all the People should be equally Industrious? For this Reason, in China, tho' it be so Populous, that it reckons Seventy Millions of Inhabitants; they all live in the greatest Affluence and Plenty, there being none among them but exercises some Trade. The Scarcity of things in Spain, proceeds from the want of this, not from the Infertility of the Soil; for in the Countries of Muroia and Carthagena, Wheat returns a hundred Corns for one, and might thereby sustain a War for many Ages: But this Misfortune arrives from the neglect of Husbandry, Trades, Business, and Commerce; the People, even the meanest of them, being so excessive proud, that they can't be content with what Lot Nature has given them, but aspire to something greater, loathing those Employments which are not agreeable to their affected Grandeur. The Reason of which, seems to be, that the Bounds between the Nobility and the Commonalty are not so well distinguished with us, as in Germany. But as Noble and Well-employed Labour is Advantageous, that which is Nice and Superfluous is Prejudicial. For men's Minds are not less effeminated by soft and easy Employments, than by Idleness. Wherefore the Prince ought to take particular care to employ his Subjects in such Arts as tend to the Defence and Preservation of the State, not to Luxury and Debauchery. How many Hands are vainly wearied in adorning one Finger, and how few in the Necessities of the Body? How many are employed in making Conveniencies for Pleasure and Recreation, and how few in making necessary Works for the Defence of Cities? How many in Gardening, and forming curious Figures in Box or Myrtle; and how few in Agriculture? Whence we see Kingdoms abound so much in superfluous Trifles, and want those things which are most necessary. Since therefore Labour is so conducive to the Preservation of a State, the Prince ought to take care that it be continual, and not be hindered by too great a number of holidays, such as the People, through a kind of Pious Levity, dedicate to Divine Worship: For Experience shows us, that such are more employed in profane Games and Sports, than Religious Exercise. But if Labourers would spend those Days, as we read St. Isidore of Madrid did, 'twere to be hoped that the Time would not be lost, and that Angels would descend and hold the Plough: But Experience has taught us the contrary. One Holiday in which all Arts and Trade ceases, is more considerable than any Tax; and, as St. Chrysostom says, Saints take no delight in being worshipped, at the Expense of the Poor 3 Non gaudent Martyrs, quando exillis pecuniis honorantur, in quibus pauperes plorant. St. Chrysoft sup. Matth. . So that holidays and Working-Days should be so divided, as that those might not hinder the other 4 Oportere dividi sacros & negotiosos dies, quibus divi●a colerentur, & humana non impedirent. Tac. 13. Annal. . And it was argued in the Council of Mentz, in the time of Pope Leo III. whether 'twas not better either to reduce them to a less Number, or else to transferr some of them to the next Sundays. Though generally the End of all Actions is Rest, yet 'tis otherwise in those which belong to Government: For 'tis not sufficient for Princes and States to labour, but their Labour must also be continual. One Hour's Negligence in a Garrison, frustrates the Care and Vigilance of many Months. The Roman Empire, which had been supported by the Labour and Valour of Six Ages, was ruined by the Negligence of a few Months. Spain would scarce repair the Loss in Eight Year, which it sustained in Eight Months. There should be no Interposition of Idleness between the Acquisition and Preservation of Empires. The Husbandman has no sooner got his Harvest into the Barn, but he immediately goes to Plough again; his Labours never end, but continually renew. If he should rely upon his Grainery, and leave his Lands untilled; he would soon find one empty, and the other overrun with Weeds and Briers. But there is this difference between the Husbandman and the Prince; That he has his Set-times of Sowing and Reaping, but the Prince has not: For in Government, all Months are Septembers to Sow, and Augusts to Reap in. Let not a Prince believe that the Pains and Labours of his Ancestors excuse him, for this Motion must be continual: And as declining things surely fall, unless supported by some new Force; so do Empires, unless sustained by the Strength of the Successor. This is the Cause (as we have observed) of the Ruins of all Kingdoms. When any Monarchy shall be once instituted and founded, it should ne'er be idle, but should imitate Heaven, whose Orbs continue their Motion from their first Creation; and if they should once stop, the Generation and Production of all Things would cease. The Exercise of States should be always continual and vigorous, and not be corrupted by Idleness or Intermission; as we see the Sea, if not agitated by the Winds, is kept in Motion by its Tides. Citizens who carelessly give themselves up to Pleasure and Luxury, without ever moving their Hands to Work or Labour, are their own greatest Enemies. Such Idleness plots against the Laws and Government, and is nourished by Vice, from whence proceeds all the Internal and External Misfortunes of States. That Repose only is commendable and beneficial which is the Gift of Peace, and which is employed in Trade, and Employments and Exercises Military and Civil, by which all enjoy a serene, peaceable and secure Tranquillity. EMBLEM LXXII. THE Steel would lost its Spring, and the String its Force, if a Bow were always bend. Labour is necessary and beneficial, but cannot continue without some intermission. The Yoke does not always hang upon the Ox's Neck. The Force and Vigour of Things consists in Vicissitude. From Motion comes Rest, and from thence Motion again 1 Nostram omnem vitam, in remissionem atque studium esse divis●●▪ Plat. de lib. Educat. . Nothing, (says the wise Alphonso) can continue long, which takes no Respite. Even Land must be Fallowed, that it may afterwards brings better Crops. Virtue is refreshed and strengthened by Rest 2 Otium enim tum ad virtutes generandas, 〈…〉 civilia munera obeunda requiru●●tur. Arist. Pol. l. 7. c. 9 , like the Stream of a Fountain (the Figure of the present Emblem) when stopped by the Hand. A seasonable Rest, Refreshment gives; And weary Valour, after Ease, revives. For this Reason, Day and Night have divided the Hours into Labour and Rest. While half the World wakes, th'other sleeps. And the Ancients feigned, that even jove himself sometimes eased himself, by laying the Burden of the World upon the Shoulders of Atlas. The most Robust Constitutions are not able continually to bear the Fatigues of Government. Continual Toil weakens the Body, and besots the Mind; so does also too much Ease 3 Nascitur ex assiduitate laborum animorum hebetatio quaedam, & languor. Senec. de Tranquil. Anim. . It should be therefore only as a Watering to Plants, which refreshes, not drowns them: or like Sleep, which, if moderate, corroborates; if excessive, rather enervates the Body. There are no Diversions better than those which at the same time recreate and instruct the Mind, as does the Conversation of ingenious and learned Persons. Such the Emperor Adrian always entertained at his Table; which, for that reason, Philostratus called, A Rendezvouz of the Learned. The same, Pliny commends in Trajan; and Lampridius in Alexander Severus 4 Cum inter suos convivaretur, 〈◊〉 Vlpianum, aut doctos homines adhibebat, ut habere fabulas literatas, 〈◊〉 se recreari dicebat & pasci. Lamp. in Vit. Alex. Seu. . Alphonso, King of Naples, always retired with them, after Dinner, into another Apartment, that he might (as he used to say) feed his Mind, as he had done his Body. Tiberius never travelled from Rome without Nerva and Atticus, Men of excellent Learning, to direct him 5 Co●ceius Nerva, cui legum peritia: eques Romanus, praeter Sejanum, & illustribus Curtius Atticus; ●aeteri liberalibus artibus praediti fer●● Graeci, quorum sermonibus levaretur. Tac. 4. Annal. . Francis, the First King of France, learned so much from his constant and continual Conversation with such learned Men, that though he had never applied himself to Literature, he would discourse very pertinently upon any Subject. But this commendable Custom is out of date; and instead of it, Princes keep Buffoons, Jesters, and Ridiculous Fellows, for their Entertainment at Table. The Errors and Shame of Nature are become now their Diversions. They love to hear themselves praised, though undeservedly: And though Reason and Modesty would reject those Praises, as coming from some Fool; yet Self-conceit easily receives them; and the Ears being by degrees used to them, soon give way to Flatterers and Pickthanks. Their Jests impose upon the Will, being generally obscene, sometimes vicious. And if such Buffonery can divert the Mind, how much more will the neat and witty Discourses of the Learned, who not being too grave and rigid (as they are sometimes) can be facetious and witty upon occasion? If there be any Diversion in looking upon some misshapen, ridiculous Monster; What Satisfaction will it be, to hear of the prodigious Works of Nature, and to discourse of her Wonders and Secrets? Athenaeus mentions of Anacharsus, that some of these Buffoons being once brought to Table, to promote Mirth, he remained grave and serious, but laughed hearty at the sight of an Ape, saying, That th●● Animal was naturally ridiculous, but Man only by Art, and base Affectation 6 Accitis in convivium peritis ad risum commovendum hominibus, 〈◊〉 omnium non risisse, post autem inducta simia in risum solutum, dixisse, Natura id Animal ridiculum, hominem autem arte, & study eoque pa●●● honesto. Athen. l. 4. This Composure was great, and becoming the Dignity of a Prince. These Fools are a kind of Public Spies in Courts, Corruptors of Manners, and very often Plotters against the Prince and State: For which Reason, the Emperors Augustus, and Alexander Severus, would never entertain them. If they are good for any thing, 'tis for the Truth they tell the Great Ones by way of Jest. Some Princes, through the Glory and Ambition of Affairs, think themselves sufficiently eased, in resting from Matters of Importance, and employing themselves in those of less moment; as the Hair of a Mad Dog cures his By't. But because then all Minds are not diverted by this means, and that there is no Affair, though never so little, but requires Attention enough to tyre the Mind; 'tis necessary to be sometimes wholly unemployed, and to quit, for a time, the Trouble and Toil of Government 7 Satis Onerum Principibus, satis etiam potentiae. Tac. 3. Annal. . Business ought to be so mixed with Diversion and Pastime, as that the Mind may neither be oppressed by the first, nor enervated by the latter: It being like a Mill, which having nothing to grind, wears out itself. Pope Innocent VIII. sometimes laid by the Helm of the Church, and diverted himself in his Garden, in planting Trees. In these Truces of Repose, Age, Time, and the Quality of the Diversion, ought also to be considered: So that Gaiety mayn't be offensive to Reservedness, Ingenuity to Gravity, nor Recreation to Majesty. For some Pastimes not only debase the Mind, but also diminish the Prince's Authority. So Artaxerxes was infamous for Spinning; Viantes, a King of Lydia, for fishing for Frogs; Augustus, for playing at Even or Odd with the Boys; Domitian, for kill Flies with a Bodkin; Solyman, for making Pins; and Selim, for Embroidering with the Women. While the Prince is young, there are no Diversions more proper than such as confirm the Mind and Body; such as Fencing, Horse-races, Tennis, and Hunting; and also those Noble Arts of Music and Painting, which we elsewhere commended in a Prince's Education; which are very requisite to refresh the Spirits, when exhausted by Assiduity of Affairs, provided they be used with Moderation: So as not to waste that Time therein, which should be employed in Matters of State. King Ferdinand the Catholic diverted himself so profitably, that even amidst his Recreations he forgot not his Affairs; but while a Hawking, he gave ear to the Journals and Dispatches which his Secretary read to him, and at the same time observed the Game. Emanuel, King of Portugal, never denied Audience amidst his Diversions. A Prince should divert himself upon Affairs, as the Dolphin does upon the Waves, though never so deep, not seeking the quiet Retreat of some River. His Repose should not be Idleness, but Refreshment. 'Twill be convenient sometimes to entertain the People with Public Diversions, that they may breathe a little, and return more vigorously to their Work, upon which their Thoughts are employed: For if they are always sad and melancholy, they turn them against the Prince and Magistracy; whereas if they are allowed some Refreshment and Recreation, they submit their Necks to any Burden; and losing their Heat and Restiness, live in Obedience. For this reason, Croesus told Cyrus, That he must learn his Lydians to Sing, Dance, and Revel, if he would keep them in Obedience 8 Impera, ut liberos cit●aram pulsare, psallere, cauponari doceant, & 〈◊〉 comperies, O Rex, viros in mulieres degenerasse, nihilque metuendum, 〈◊〉 rebels ● te unquam desciscant. Herod. lib. 40 . These Diversions keep the People as firm in their Obedience, as did that Method of Pharaoh, in employing the People of Israel in making Bricks. For the same reason, Agricola granted the Britain's many of these Diversions; and they looked upon that as a Favour, which was part of their Slavery 9 Idque apud 〈◊〉 ritos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset. Tac. in Vit. Agr. . This the Ambassadors of the Tencteri knew, when being sent to Cologn, they proposed the ●estitution of their Ancient Native Customs, and the Abolition of those Pleasures which the Romans had introduced, by which they subdued more than by Force of Arms 10 Instituta cultumque patrium resumite, abruptis voluptatibus qui●● Romani plus adversus subjectos, quam armis valent. Tac. 4. Hist. . States being more observant of this Policy, than Princes, permit every one to live according to his Pleasure, conniving at Vices, that the People may less apprehend the Tyranny of the Magistracy, and be more in love with that way of Government, taking this Licence for Liberty; they being ever more prone to a Dissolute, than a Regular way of living 11 Item vivere ut quisque velit permissio, quoniam sic magna erit tali Reip. faventium multitudo, ●●am vulgo dissoluta gratior est quam temperata vita. Arist. 6. Pol. 4. . But this Policy is none of the safest: For when People have once laid aside Respect for Virtue and the Laws, they begin to despise the Authority of the Magistracy; nay, almost all Mischiefs in States proceed from Libertinism; it being sufficient to keep the People in Peace and Tranquillity, and to allow them some honest and agreeable Recreations. To live conformable to Government, is not Slavery, but Liberty. But since in all things the Public Good aught to be the only aim, 'tis conducive to convert all these Diversions into such Pastimes as exercise the Strength, prohibiting all such as depend upon Luck, as pernicious both to the Government and Subject: To these, because they give themselves so much to them, that they neglect their Business; to that, because by such Games the People squander away their Livelihood, and so, through Want, are necessitated to Plunder and Rebel. EMBLEM LXXIII. THE Diseases of States are hidden: Nor can any one judge of them by their present Disposition; for when they seem in full Health and Vigour, they are taken ill of a sudden, the Distemper breaking out when least thought of; like the Vapours of the Earth, which are not visible till gathered into Clouds. Wherefore a Prince ought carefully to remedy the first Symptoms; nor are they to be slighted, as seeming frivolous and distant: as neither the first Rumours of Ills, though to appearance never so unreasonable. Who can penetrate the unsettled Designs of the frantic Mobb? Upon the least Occasion, the least Shadow of Slavery, or Maladministration, it rises, and takes Arms against the Prince. Seditions arise from small Causes, and afterwards proceed to greater 1 Ex parvis orta seditione de rebus magnis dissidetur. Arist. l. 5. Pol. cap. 4 . If they are neglected at first, they will be at last incurable; they spring like Rivers from small Fountains, and afterwards flow into large Streams. Their Beginnings always create too much Fear, or too much Confidence 2 Primis eventibus metum ac fiduciam gigni. Tac. l. 12. Annal. . These Considerations kept Tiberius in suspense, when he had notice that a certain Slave pretended to be Agrippa, and began to raise Commotions in the Empire: For he was in doubt whether he should punish him out of hand, or let Time discover the Cheat; sometimes considering that nothing should be slighted, then again, that he ought not to be frighted at every thing, being dubious between Shame and Fear, but at last he resolved upon a Remedy 3 Vi ne militum servum suum coërceret, an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sinere●, modò nihil spernendum, modò omnia metuend●, ambiguus pudoris a● metus reputabat. Tac. 2. Annal. . Certain it is, that sometimes the Torrent of the Mutinous Mobb is so rapid, that unless Care be taken, it leaves its own Channel dry, or falls into Civil Wars, the Consequences of which are always terrible, but are, if taken in time, moderated by Accidents and Chance, and wholly quashed by Care and Prudence 4 Initia bellorum civilium fortunae permittenda, victoriam consiliis & ratione perfici. Tac. ● Hist. . Experience shows many ways to appease the Commotions and Seditions of Kingdoms; sometimes Chance offers them, and sometimes the Inclination of the Seditious. As it happened to Drusus, who seeing the Legions repent of their having Mutinyed, because of an Eclipse of the Moon, which happened at that time, and which they took for an ill Omen, made use of that Inclination to appease 'em 5 Vtendum inclinatione e● Caesar, & quae casus obtulerat, in sapientiam vertenda ratus. Tac. 1. Annal. . The same also Herman Cortes did, upon another Occasion. Nor are these Means to be slighted as frivolous; for the Mobb is often quieted with the same Ease it is raised: Neither of which Motions are guided by Reason. A blind Hurry puts them in motion, and an empty Shadow stops 'em. All the Art lies in knowing how to humour their Rage; while that works, they are uncontrollable; they always either fear, or are feared 6 Nihil in vulgo modicum: terrere ni paveant, ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni. Tac. 1. Annal. . If any one should endeavour, by a set, premeditated Speech, to appease and quiet them, he would lose his Time and Pains. A sharp Sentence, or severe Check, has more Force than all the Rhetoric in the World. julius Caesar with one Word quashed a Mutiny among the Soldiers; * Lucan. — Begun, ye Roman Drones, And leave our Ensigns to be born by Men. But the most effectual Means to pacify a Sedition, is Division; by drawing the Heads thereof into divers Factions and Parties. This Way we use with Bees, whenever that Wing'd People begin to Mutiny, (for even that Republic has its Intestine Broils) and leaving their waxed Houses, begin to gather in the Air, by throwing a little Dust among them, they are soon separated: † Virg. in Georg. Throw but a little Sand, they settle strait. Whence the Figure and Motto of this present Emblem is taken. But though this Division be always good, 'tis more Prudence thereby to prevent Ills ere they happen, than to remedy them afterwards. King Ferdinand iv understanding the Commotions of some of the Nobility of Galicia, sent for them; and giving them Commissions, sent them to the Wars. The Romans used to send all turbulent and seditious Men to their Colonies or Armies. Publius' Aemilius transported the chief Authors of Seditions to Italy; as also Charles V did the Nobles of Saxony. Rutilius and Germanicus, instead of Punishing some Mutineers, made 'em Freemen. Drusus appeased the Mutinous Legions, by separating them from one another 7 Tyronem à ve●erano, Legionem à Legione dissociant. Ta●. 1. Annal. . Loyalty, and Military Virtue, are maintained by Division, because it hinders Forces and Vices from joining. For this Reason, the Armies were separated, in the time of Galba 8 Longis spatiis discreti exercitus, quod saluberrimum est ad ●ontinendam ●ilitarem fidem, ne vitiis nec viribus mis●ebantur. Tac. 1. Hist. 'Tis for this Reason, that many think it requisite to prohibit all Cabals and Meetings of the People: For the same Cause, Grand Cairo was divided into several Districts or Parishes, by very high Walls, that the People might not so easily associate. Nor is it any thing else that has so long preserved Venice in quiet, than that all its Streets are divided by the Sea. Separation makes People dubious and unresolved, not knowing which Part is safest; but without that, they would all unanimously side with the Strongest 9 Quod in seditionibus accidit, unde plures ●rant, omnes fuere. Tac. 1. Hist. . This made Pisander sow Discord among the Athenians, that he might divide and separate them. In Military Seditions, 'twill be sometimes conducive to set them together by the Ears 10 Dux ad solvendam militum conspirationem alterum in alterum concitat. S. Chrysost. : for one Mutiny is generally remedied by another. The Roman Senate was advised, upon a certain Popular Insurrection, to appease the Mobb by the Mobb 11 Remedium tumultus fuit alius tumultus. Tac. 2. Hist. , weakening their Force by Division. And doubtless this is the meaning of that Law of Solon, which Condemned a Citizen, who, in a Sedition, did not adhere to some one Party. But this is rather to inflame, than quench and divide it; since, at this rate, there would remain none who might be Mediators to compose it. There is also another effectual Remedy, which is the Presence of the Prince, bravely and resolutely confronting the Fury of the People: For as the Sea, which foams and dashes against Rocks and Hills, runs smooth upon the even Sand; so is the Mobb hushed and quieted by the serene Presence of its Prince. Augustus, with his Looks, frighted the Actium Legions into Obedience 12 Divus Augustus vultu & aspectu Actiacas Legioned exterruit. Tac. 1. Annal. . In the Disorders of the Germane Legions, when the Soldiers looked upon the Multitude, they shouted; but when again they cast their Eyes upon Caesar, they seemed to tremble 13 Illi quoties oculos ad multitudinem retulerant vocibus trucul●●●●●repere, rursum viso caesare trepidare. Tac. 1. Annal. . Sedition is soon quashed by Authority and Presence. As the Blood hasts to the Assistance of the Part wounded, so ought the Prince to assist with his Presence at the Disorders of his State. Majesty easily reduces Subjects to their Obedience; for in that Nature has placed a certain Occult Force, which often produces wonderful Effects. Certain Conspirators had entered the very Palace of Peter iv King of Arragon, with a Design upon his Life; and he readily going to meet them, quite dashed their Resolutions. The Rebellion in the Belgic Provinces had never gone so far, had Philip II. been himself upon the Spot. But this Remedy ought well to be weighed and considered of, whether or no absolute Necessity requires it: for 'tis the last; and if that fails, there is no other. For this Reason, Tiberius sent Drusus and Germanicus to compose the Mutinous Legions in Hungary 14 Res●st●●●●esque Germanico & Druso, posse à se mitigari, vel infringi: quod aliud s●●sidium si Imperatorem sprevissent? Tac. 1. Annal. . The Prince's Presence is also dangerous, if he be hated, or a Tyrant; for then the Subjects are willing and eager to shake off the Yoke of Obedience. But if any Kingdom be divided into Factions, by the private Grudges of Families one to another, 'tis Prudence to prohibit their Names from being mentioned. Thus did King Francis of Navarr, forbidding any one, upon severe Penalties, to be called Agramont or Biamont, which were two Families in that Kingdom at continual Enmity. But if the People's Dissatisfaction and Sedition proceed from the Maladministration of some Minister, there is no Dust more effectual to appease them, than the Punishment of that Person. If they impute to the Minister that which is really the Prince's fault, and so rise against him, their Error must have its free course; since neither Force nor Reason can stop it, without greater Detriment to the Public. Innocence, 'tis true, will thereby suffer, but not through the Prince's fault. In all such great Accidents there is no Remedy without Injustice, which is compensated by the Public Good 15 Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum, quod contra 〈◊〉 utilitate publica rependitur. Tac. 14. Annal. . Sedition is a Poison which strikes at the Heart; and 'tis therefore necessary sometimes to lop off a Limb, to save the Body; and to give way to the Torrent of Fury, though disagreeable to Reason and Justice. Thus did Queen Isabel, in a Rising of the People of Sevill: For when they insisted upon her turning Andrew Cabrera, Governor of the Palace, out of his Office, and were running on to further Demands, she cut 'em off short; Gentlemen, says she, what you demand, I had before resolved on; Go, remove not only the Governor, but also all my other Domestics. By which Answer, she seemed to command that which she was forced to, and the Mutineers took it as her Favour and Kindness; and having satisfied their Rage, by tumbling down those headlong, whom they found upon the Towers, they were quiet; and afterwards she, upon Examining the Accusations which they laid to the Governor's Charge, finding them unjust and groundless, restored him to his Office. When the Mutineers think that the Punishment of the Heads of the Sedition will be sufficient, they spare none, hoping by that means to expiate their Crime; as the Germane Legions did 16 Gaudebat cae●●●●s miles, tanquam semet absolvere●. Tac. 1. Annal. ; though Patience and Connivance did increase their Insolence 17 Nihil ●●●ci Patientia, nisi ut graviora, tanquam ex facil tolerantibus imperen●●●. Tac. in Vit. Agr. ; and the more you grant them, the more they crave, as did the Soldiers which Flaccus sent to Rome 18 Et Flaccus multa concedendo, nihil aliud 〈◊〉, qu●m ut acrius exposc●rent, quae sci●bant negaturum. Tac. 4. Annal. : Yet this chief happens, when the Person so Granting is but of small Authority among them, as was Flaccus, whom the whole Army despised 19 Superior exercitus Legatum Hordenium Flaccum spernebat. Tac. 1. Hist. . But in the forementioned Case of Germanicus, the Demands of the Mutineers ought to be complied with, though violent and unreasonable, that their Fury might have been qualified, or that he might have had some honourable Pretence, to wave their Punishment. He knew the Injustice and Inconvenience of a general Punishment, and that it would of necessity involve the Innocent: But though it could not wholly be avoided, it seemed not to be done by his Command, but was rather to be imputed to Chance, and the Fury of the Seditious 20 Nec Caesar ar●ebat, quando nihil ipsius jussu, penes ●osd●● saevitia facti & invidia ●rat. Tac 1. Annal. . The fault of the Minister ought to be excused, as a piece of Policy, when by Popular Constraint he becomes Head of the Sedition; that he may afterwards, when their Fury gins to abate, with more ease reduce them to Obedience. So Spurinna gave way to the Soldiers Rage, and pretended to Countenance them, that he might preserve his Authority among them, when they began to repent 21 Fit temeritatis alienae comes Spurinna, primo coactus, mox velle simulans, quo plus aucto●itat●● inesse● consiliis, si seditio mitescere●. Tac. 2. Hist. . Sometimes the People, upon pretence of Preservation of their Liberties and Privileges, encroach upon the Royal Prerogative: A piece of Arrogance that ought by no means to be connived at, lest they should thence become more saucy. In this Case, the Punishment of the Delinquents should be speedy, and the Heads of the Promoters stuck up, as a Terror to the rest, when they least think on't. For there is nothing quells their Insolence more, than the Punishment of their Leaders 22 Neque 〈◊〉 glis●entis discordiae remedium, quàm si unus alt●●ve maximè prompti subverterent●r. Tac. 4. Annal. ; it being an approved Truth, That the Body of the Mobb dare attempt nothing without them 23 Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amot●●. Tac. 1. Annal. . Ramirus, King of Arragon, being embroiled in the Insurrections of his People, asked Advice of the Abbot of Tomer: Who gave him no Answer, but with his Switches, imitating Periander 24 Nam Periander caduceatori, per quem Thrasybulus consilium ejus exquirebat, nihil respondisse fertur, sed s●icis eminentibus sublatis segetem ad●quasse. Arist. Pol. 3. c. 9 , lopped off the Heads of the Tallest Flowers in his Garden, (where he was then walking) and by that showed him what he was to do. Upon which he Beheading the chief Authors of the Rebellion, and restored Peace to his Kingdom. The same was the Advice of Don Lopez Barrientos, to King Henry IU. Yet will it be convenient to use this Method with such Moderation, as that the Execution may fall but on few: But those who cannot be punished, must be connived it, or so dealt with, as that their Affections may be gained; as we read Otho did, when his Army Mutinyed 25 E● oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum animos, severitatis modus (neque enim in plures quàm in duos animadverti jusserat) gratè accepta, compositique ad praesens, qui coerceri non poterant. Tac. 1. Hist. . Severity with Moderation, appeases all Commotions: For when the Bad begin to fear, the Good will obey; as Vocula found, who, in a general Mutiny of the Legions, punished but one Man 26 Et dum mali pavent, optimu●●●isque jussis paruere. Tac. 4. Hist. . The Method also of the Punishment ought to be so mild, as not to give the People occasion to resent it as a National Grievance, for that would make them more Resolute. Slavery, Wounds, and all the Miseries of War, were not so grievous to the Germans, as that Trophy which Germanicus erected out of the Spoils of the Rebellious Provinces 27 Haud peri●de Germanos vul●era, luctus, excidia, quàm ea species dolore & ira adfecit. Tacit. 2. Annal. . Ferdinand Duke d'Alba did not forget this Precept, when he erected a Statue of the Rebels Heads: Nor had he omitted it, though he had read or heard, that Vitellius would not put to Death julius Civilis, a Man of great Authority among the Dutch, lest he should thereby alienate the Minds of that Warlike People 28 julius' igitur Civilis periculo exemptus praepotens inter Bata●●s, ne supplicio ejus ferox gens alienaretur. Tac. 1. Hist. ; for he thought a severe Animadversion more proper: which nevertheless created no Disturbance; though there were not wanting those who urged it as an Aggravation, to make that People revolt. There is another sort of Disobedience, which proceeds from a too zealous and inconsiderate Fidelity; in which case the Subjects are to be brought to their Duty, by benign and mild Means. Such as john II. King of Arragon, used, in an Insurrection at Barcelona, upon the Death of his Son, Prince Charles: For he wrote to that City, That unless compelled by Necessity, he would never use violent Methods; but that if they would return to their Obedience, he would use them as his own Children. This Mildness, and his Promise of a General Pardon, reduced them all to their Devoir. A Prince ought always to discover an Inclination to Clemency; for without Hopes of that, Criminals grow desperate. For which Reason, Valentinus, after he had moved the People of Treves to a Rebellion, ordered the Roman Ambassadors to be killed, that he might, by the People's Despair, strengthen his Crime 29 Quo minor spes veniae, cresceret vinculum sceleris, Tac. 4. Hist. . Sedition turns to Obstinacy, where there is no Hopes of Pardon; and the Seditious had rather die Rebels, than Malefactors. Upon this account, those who followed the Faction of Vitellius, were Pardoned 30 Tac. 4. Hist. . This Generosity is particularly necessary in Insurrections of the Mobb. This King Ferdinand the Holy used in the Commotions of Castille; and john I. in the Convention of the States of Guadalajara, pardoning all those who sided with the Portuguese. But if a Prince has lost his Reputation, and is in contempt with his Subjects; then, I confess, Clemency will be of small use: nay, those very Remedies which should cure these Wounds, do more exulcerate, and render them incurable. For his Authority once lost, he can neither maintain the Severity of Punishment, nor terrify the Offenders by Example: so that he must give way to his Misfortunes, and as prudently as he can, circumvent them by Policy and Stratagem. Thus Vocula did, when he saw he was unable to punish the Mutinous Legions 31 Sed vires ad coercendum deerant, in frequentibus infidisque Legionibus, etc. Tac. 4. Hist. . For the same Reasons, King john II. released those Noblemen whom he had in Prison. Nor are those Favours and Benefits more effectual in appeasing Seditions, which proceed from a Prince who has lost his Reputation: For the Receiver either imputes them to Cowardice, or persists in Rebellion to preserve them 32 Nihil spei, nisi per discordias habeant. Tac. 11. Annal. ; and sometimes sets up another King, by whose Protection he may enjoy them: As did those who Conspired against King Henry iv for they would never be obliged by his Favours, though never so great and numerous. When a Prince resolves to quench the Fire of Sedition, 'twill be conducive, that those Resolutions should be thought to proceed from his own Virtue, not from the Persuasions of others; for the People are generally more Incensed, when they find the Prince does nothing but by the Instigation of his Ministers. But when a General Pardon is once granted, the Prince ought punctually to observe it, wholly forgetting all former Offences and Injuries; for otherwise he would give occasion for fresh Commotions: As Ferdinand King of Naples did, when he offered to punish some Noblemen whom he had already pardoned, and who had put themselves under the Protection of King Ferdinand the Catholic. But if they are afterwards found Delinquent, they should be punished with the utmost Rigour of the Law, to curb them, and prevent others from abusing the Prince's Authority. In these, and all other Remedies, there is nothing more useful than Expedition 33 Nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tuti●s, ●●i facto magìs, quam con●ulto opus est. Tac. 1. Hist. : For the People grow Arrogant and Saucy, when their Insolence meets wi●h no Check nor Opposition. Time confirms them in their Revolt, and makes those who were Dubious declare for them, and so endangers the most Loyal. Therefore Artabanus endeavoured, with utmost Speed and Diligence, to compose the Commotions of his Kingdom 34 Pergit properus & pra●veniens inimico●um actus, amicorum ●●●●ite●tiam. Tac. 6. Annal. . As Seditions are suddenly raised, they ought suddenly to be remedied. There is more need of Action than of Consultation, before the Venom takes Root and spreads. When the People are once used to Murder, Rapine, and all other Ills that Sedition brings with it, 'tis very difficult to recall and pacify them. This King Henry well knew, when, upon the Death of his Brother, King Peter, he immediately seized upon the chief Cities and Garrisons of the Kingdom; and by this Diligence, soon established its Tranquillity. Seditions therefore, and Civil Wars, being Distempers which consume the Life of the State 35 Paul. ad Gal. 5. 15. , and enervate the Prince, by the Losses which he receives, and the Gratuities which he is obliged to give, 'tis the best way to compose them upon any Terms. This moved King Ferdinand the Catholic to agree with Alphonso King of Portugal, in his Pretensions to the Crown of Castille. For in such Disorders, the Weakest, and most Oppressed, are strongest 36 Quip i● turbis & discordiis pessimo cuique plurima vis. Tac. 4. Hist. . Princes are at the Discretion of those who have their Arms in their Hands, and the Soldiers have more Authority than their Commanders 37 Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere. Tac. 2. Hist. . EMBLEM LXXIV. ANIMALS naturally endeavour nothing but the Preservation of their Individuals; and if at any time they injure one another, 'tis generally from that Reason, and a certain Natural Fierceness, which is not subject to the Command of Reason. On the contrary, Man, animated with that Celestial Flame, which gives him the Command of all Things, easily persuades himself, that he is not born only to live, but also to enjoy all those Things, even beyond the Bounds which Reason has prescribed him; and his Imagination being cheated by the false Appearance of Good, seeks this Enjoyment in several Objects, and therein places his Felicity and Satisfaction. Some think it consists in Riches, others in Dainties and Luxury, others in Dominion, and every one in what the Errors of his Appetite or Fancy suggest; for the Enjoyment of which, they apply those Means which their rambling and unquiet Minds prompt 'em to, though never so unjust 1 Vn● ac ca vetus causa bellandi, profunda libido imperii, & d●●●tiarum. Sal. in Cons. Catil. . Whence proceed Murders, Rapine, and Tyranny, which make Man the most unjust of all Animals: And since one cannot be secure from another, several kind of Arms were invented, to repel Villainy, and preserve Innocence and Liberty, and so War was introduced into the World 2 jam. 4. 1. . This was the Original of this Monster, unless it came from Hell, after the Fall of the Rebellious Angels. War is so hateful to God, that he would not permit David, as Just as he was, to build the Temple, because he had shed much Blood 3 1 Chron. 22. 8. . All good Princes dread it, as knowing the various Events and Success thereof 4 2 Sam. 11. 25. . War disturbs the Order and Harmony of States; changes Religion, violates Justice, silences the Laws, destroys Friendship and Relation, makes Arts forgot, Agriculture cease, ruins Trade, depopulates Cities, and altars Governments. King Alphonso calls Wars, the Alienation from Peace, the Disturber of Quiet, and the Destruction of Order. A Civil War is like a Burning Fever, which soon scorches up the State: A Foreign War cuts its Veins, and dreins it of its Riches, Strength and Vigour. War is a Vice contrary to Reason, Nature, and the End of Man; for God created him after his own Image, and gave him the Command of all Things here below, not to destroy them by War, but to preserve 'em by Peace: He did not create him for War, but Peace; not for Rage, but Quiet; not to Ruin, but to Preserve: For which Reason he sent him into the World Naked, without Arms to offend others, or a thick Hide to defend himself; so indigent of the Assistance and Government of others, that even in his most flourishing Estate he can't subsist without foreign Aid. This Necessity obliged him to Society, and Civil Correspondence; from which, by the Joint-Labour of all, he might be supplied with necessary Conveniencies for Life, and that this Politic Felicity might unite all in the firmest Bonds of mutual Friendship; and that one Country, haughty with its own Riches, might not disdain Communication with the rest, he has shared his Blessings among all; Wheat he has given to Sicily, Wine to Crete, Purple to Tyre, Silk to Calabria, Aromaticks to Arabia, Gold and Silver to Spain and the West-Indies; Diamonds, Pearls and Spices, to the East-Indies. The Desire and Want of the Riches and Rarities creating Commerce, by which the whole World became as one common House, and that they might understand one another in this Correspondence, and mutually express their Affections of Love and Benevolence, he endued them with a Voice Articulate, smooth and pleasant, to explain their Conceptions; Laughter, to show their Satisfaction; Tears, to show their Sorrow; Hands, to exert their Faith and Liberality; Knees, their Submission and Obedience: Which are all Tokens of a Civil, Benign, and Pacifick Animal. But those Animals which Nature designed for War, she created with Arms Offensive and Defensive, for that purpose; to the Lion she has given Claws, to the Eagle Talons, to the Elephant a Trunk, to the Bull Horns, to the Bear Fangs, to the Porcupine sharp Quills; she has made Adders and Vipers formidable by their Poison, for their Defence consists in our Danger, and their Security in our Fear. For which Reason, she has clothed almost all Beasts with a thick Skin, for their Defence; the Crocodile with a Breastplate, Serpents with a Coat of Mail, Scorpions with Scales: She has given all an Aspect terrible, and a Voice horrible and dreadful. Let therefore Savage War be for them, not for Man, in whom Reason is predominate over Rage. Nature has hid Iron, Steel, Gold and Silver, in the Bowels of the Earth, lest Men should make ill Use of them; but Revenge or Injustice has found them even there, some for the Instruments, and some for the Price of Murder 5 Video serrum ex iisdem tenebris esse prolatum, quibus A●rum & Argentum, ne aut instrumentum in caedes mutuas deesset, aut Pretium. Senec. . Great Abuse of Mankind, to employ Gold and Silver to the Destruction of Life, which was given for its Preservation! But because many Men (as we have said) more Savage than the very Beasts themselves, are more swayed by Lust and Ambition, than Reason, and so unjustly covet to oppress and govern others, War became necessary for Natural Defence; for there being two Methods of deciding Matters, one by Justice, the other by Force, which is common to all Animals, when the one can't be used, the other must 6 Nam cum duo sint genera disceptandi, unum per disceptationem, alter●● per vim, cumque illud proprium sit hominis, hoc belluarum, confugiendum e●● ad posterius, si ●ti non licet superiori. Cicero. , provided the Cause and Intention be just, and the Authority of the Prince be lawful; in which also nothing should be resolved on, without due Deliberation. So the Athenians used to consult their Orators and Philosophers, about the Legality of their Wars; for 'tis in our Power to begin, but not to end them; he who undertakes them in haste, will repent at leisure. War (says King Alphonso) ought to be well weighed ere 'tis begun, that it may be agreeable to Reason and justice; for from hence proceed three great Advantages: The first, is, That God favours those who do so: The second, is, That they themselves are more encouraged, upon Confidence of their justice: The third, is, That those who know it, if they are Friends, join more cheerfully; if Enemies, they have the less hopes of Success * L. 2. tt. 23. p. 2. . War ought not to be undertaken for slight and frivolous Matters, such as were those which moved Xerxes to bring War upon the Greeks, and the Lumbards' to make an Irruption into Italy. That Prince is a Tyrant, who wages War for another State; but he Just and Commendable, who does it for the Defence of his own, or the Recovery of unjust Usurpations; in such case especially where Justice cannot be obtained otherwise, or where it is more securely decided by the Sword, than the Book so subject to Deceit and Cavil 7 Castrensis jurisdictio secura, & obtusior, & plura manu agens, calliditatem fori non exerceat. Tac. in Vit. Agric. . The Success of War is a Just Judge, giving the Right of Victory to him to whom it belongs. King Philip II. was so desirous to clear his Right to the Crown of Portugal, upon the Death of King Sebastian, that after having had the Opinions of many Divines and Lawyers, and his Army being then upon the Frontiers, he stopped, to confer with them further about it. A Prince who desires gradually to raise his Fortune, may do it by War, provided he has just Occasion. But he who is already in quiet Possession of a competent Greatness, ought diligently to consider how he engages himself in War; and to endeavour, as much as possible, to avoid it by honourable Means, without loss of Authority and Reputation; for if he loses them, the Refusal will rather kindle it. The Emperor Rodolphus I. used to say, That 'twas more commendable to Govern a State well, than to Enlarge it. 'Tis not less Glorious for a Prince to preserve Peace with his Sword, than to Conquer in War. Happy is that Kingdom, in which the Reputation of Arms maintains Plenty, and where Lances support the Vines and Olive-Trees; where Ceres is protected by Bellona's Head-piece. The greater the Courage is, the more averse 'tis to War, as knowing to what it must be obliged. Many times, Cowards advise and promote it, and the Brave act it 8 Sumi Bellum etiam ab ignavis, tenu●ssimi cujusque Periculum geri. Tac. 4. Annal. . If War is commenced for the sake of Peace, what need of that, when we may enjoy this? The Choice of it ought not to proceed from the Will, but from Force or Necessity 9 Pa●em habere debet Voluntas, Bell●m Necessi●●s. De August. Epist. 207. Tom. 2. . The Ancients feigned, that Pallas was born out of the Head of jupiter; to intimate, that War ought to proceed from Prudence, not from the Perverseness of the Mind. Sebastian, King of Portugal, who carried it into afric, more by the impulse of his Courage than Counsel, with his Blood imprinted on those Sands the Truth of this Precept. The Bees don't choose an armed King, that he mayn't be given to War, and neglect the Government of his own State, for foreign Conquests. If Francis King of France, and Gustavus King of Sweden, had duly considered this, the first had not been taken at Pavia, nor the last killed at Lutzen. Ambition of Rule, is that which gins the Ruin of many States. This Hannibal knew at last, when he told Scipio, That ' 'twould have been better, had the Gods given Men more modest Thoughts, that the Romans might be content with Italy, and the Carthaginians with afric. Great Princes ought to carry on War with their utmost Power and Vigour, that they may the sooner end it, as the Romans did; for the Protraction of it is both chargeable and dangerous. The Enemy is also thereby disciplined, and forewarned, and encouraged. Power, without Vigour, loses its Esteem. For these Reasons, two Wars ought not to be commenced at the same time; for the Forces being divided, they can't be ended so soon, nor is any Power sufficient to maintain 'em long, nor Subjects capable to Command them. The Romans ever endeavoured, as do the Turks at this day, not to be engaged in two Wars at a time. Upon this were grounded the Threats of Corbulo to the Parthians; telling them, That all the Empire enjoyed a firm Peace, and that they had only that War 10 Tac. 15. Annal. . EMBLEM LXXV. MEDEA (to facilitate the Conquest of the Golden Fleece) sowed Serpents Teeth in Col●hos, whence immediately sprang Troops of armed Men, who falling together by the ears, destroyed one another. So some Princes and States, the pernicious Medea's of the World, sow Discord among Princes, and reap Wars, and Confusion, the Fruit thereof, in their own States 1 For they have sown the Wind, and reaped the Whirlwind. H●sea 8. 7. . They think to enjoy themselves that Repose which they molest in others, and the Event proves contrary. Cosmographers say, about the Aequilibrium of the World, that it is so Equidistant from the Centre, that the least Weight moves the Earth. 'Tis the same in War; there is none so distant, but it changes the Centre of Rest of other Kingdoms. War is a raging Fire, which kindled in one Place, runs on to others, and very often to its own Home, according as the Wind drives it. The prudent Farmer dreads the Storm he sees gathering upon the Mountain's top, though at never so great a distance: Much greater need has he to fear, who raises it, by supplying it with Vapours. Those who foment the Dutch Power and Grandeur, may in time repent it, when subject to the Yoke of their Slavery; as it befell those who favoured the Rise of the Roman Grandeur. The Venetians, jealous of the Portuguese, for that by their Voyages they deprived 'em of the Traffic of the Persian Sea, and the East-Indies, sent an Ambassador against them to Cairo, and Engineers and Carpenters to arm the King of Cal●cut against them, persuading the Dutch to oppose their Passage by the Cape of Good Hope. But they having complied with their Desires, and established their own Factories and Commerce, quite disappointed the Republic, who had better have left the Portuguese Trade free, since so they might have made use of their Ships to Import the Eastern Commodities; which when they had brought to their Ports, the Inhabitants might with more Industry and Profit disperse over Europe. Thus we see the Means which humane Prudence makes use of for its own Safety, turn to the Ruin of the Author. The Dukes of Savoy and Parma thought to maintain the War in the State of Milan; and the one utterly ruined his own, and the other made his the Seat of War. Ill Advice imposed upon the Goodness of the French King, made him fearful of himself, diffident of his Mother and Brother, and of the whole Kingdom, being persuaded, that without War he could not subsist, and that his Preservation depended upon the Ruin of the House of Austria; and for that end, he raised (with the Blood of the Nobility of that Kingdom, engaged in Civil Broils) Clouds which created a general Tempest against all Christendom; the Rhine, Moselle, Danube, and Elbe, being summoned to his Assistance. He foments the Clouds in England, Holland and Denmark. He breaks the Ice of Sweden, that he might pass the Baltic Sea by those Northern straits, to the Ruin of Empire 3 Isai. 23. 11. . He thaws the Snows of the Swissers and Grisons, and scatters them through Germany and Italy. He turns the River Po upon the State of Milan, summoning the Tiber and Adriatic to his Assistance 4 Ezek. 32. 2. . He raises the Fogs of afric, Persia, Turkey, Tartary and Moscovia, that they might in Clouds of Arrows and Lightning invade Europe. He forces through the secret Crannies of the Earth, Earthquakes which shook Brazil and the East-Indies. He sends through all Parts furious Hurricanes, which made one continual Tempest; and he disturbed the Heavens with such Diligence and Art, that it darted Fire, hailed Shot, and reigned Blood upon the Earth 5 jer. 4. 13. . He reaches from Pole to Pole with the Shot of his Artillery 6 jer. 8. 16. , and with his Dragoons, more swift (by the Negligence or Malice of some) than the Imperial Eagles 7 4. 13. . Their Neighing are heard in all Parts, and Mars triumphs in Blood and Dust 8 jer. 8. 16. . The Author of so many Wars, verifying what Isaiah said of Lucifer, That he disturbs the Earth, ruins Kingdoms, dispeoples' the World, and destroys its Cities 9 Isai. 14. 16. . For when God makes use of one as a Scourge to the rest, he gives him his Power, by which he succeeds in whatever he undertakes, while his Divine Anger continues 10 Isai. 10. 5. . He told Moses, That he had made him God over Pharaoh 11 Exod. 7. 1. ; and so, as God, he wrought Miracles, to punish him and his Kingdom 12 Data est Moysi authoritas, & potest●●, 〈◊〉 vel●t Deus Pharaontem ●erreret, puniret. Hil. l. 7. de Trin. . But I am not so bold to say, that in Pharaoh's Person, and his Kingdom, is represented that of France, and the Punishment that Divine Sun of Justice threatens it, and that we must hope for other miraculous Actions for the Preservation and Grandeur of the House of Austria 13 2 Mac. 15. 8. , That his Displeasure being appeased, will by little and little dispel the Clouds which obscure its Pinnacles, discovering thereupon the Triumphant Imperial Eagle, which having sharpened its Talons and its Beak, and refreshed its Feathers in the Waters of its Trouble, shall join that Divine Lightning, which shall be Light to it, and Fire to France, causing to fall upon them the whole Tempest which they had raised against other Kingdoms. The Spirit of so many Tempests shall waste itself, their Counsels being rash and violent 14 Isai. 19 3. . French shall War with French, Friend with Friend, Brother with Brother, City with City, and the Kingdom with the Kingdom 15 Ibid. , by which it shall become the Bloody Scene of that War which it has so industriously procured other Nations 16 Ezek. 29. 10. . Such Counsels are like Spider's Webs, drawn from their own Bowels; their due Punishment is, to fall into the same Nets which they have spread for others 17 Pro●. 26. 27. . Perillus invented a Brazen Bull for the Exercise of his Tyranny, and was himself the first that made it Bellow. No Possession is secure, which is founded upon the Destruction of others. A certain French Ambassador advised the League of Cambray against the Republic of Venice, insinuating, That she should sow Dissensions among the Princes, and build her own Fortune upon their Ruin: And several of them uniting, disarmed her, and took from her all the Lands she possessed upon the Continent. It may be, that those Times required such Artifices; or that the Prudent Noblemen, of which that Illustrious Senate always consists, knew those Inconveniencies, but could not prevent 'em, either through the furious Torrent of the Multitude, or through fear of rendering themselves suspected by Opposition. This is the Misfortune of Republics, that Malice, Tyranny, fomenting Hatred, and Self-Interest, without respect to Justice, pass for Zeal and Love to their Country, hindering Persons of Integrity from appearing. That the Prudent endeavour to procure the Peace of the State, while giddy Fellows, who have no Prospect of the Time to come, molest it by their vain and dangerous Erterprises 18 Sapientibus quietis & Reip. curae: levissimus quisque, & futuri imp●ovidus spe vana tumens. Tac. 1. Hist. , and that in their Resolves, their Votes are counted not weighed; and that Communities are always fuller of Raw, Ignorant Persons, than of those of Prudence and Experience; thence happen grievous Inconveniencies. And we see at present that Republic governs with great Applause by the best Maxims, and that she always promotes the universal Peace and good Correspondence with her neighbouring Princes, not being to be prevailed upon by the continual Importunities of France to join in the present War; by which she has not only obliged the House of Austria, but has been also freed from this general Influence of Mars, by which she has gained more than she could have done by the Sword. The Neighbourhood of greater Power is not always Dangerous; it is sometimes like the Sea, which Ebbing, leaves whole Provinces to the Continent. There are not few Princes and Republics which own their Preservation to this Monarchy. 'Twould be a dangerous Attempt for the lesser Powers always to join in making War upon the Greater, (as we observed elsewhere.) States gain more by their good Correspondence with Princes, than by Force. They are cunning Ladies, who easily captivate their Heart and Will, and guide their Actions to their particular Ends. Let 'em not therefore be disturbed, if Princes are sometimes angry with them; for such Anger is like the Petty Quarrels of Lovers, which are the Renewing of Love: Let them blame rather Jealousies, and credulous Suspicions, which make them doubt the Fidelity of their best Friends; which is the Vice of the Multitude, who measure Things not by Reason, but by their vain Suspicions. These Arts of Sowing Discord, and procuring the Rise of one by the Fall of others, are most in use in Courts and Palaces: They proceed from Ambition; for Rewards being already divided, and there being no means to introduce new Forms, but by the Corruption of others, they procure it by Scandal and Violence. Sometime 'tis the Envy of one Minister to another, for some excellent Qualifications, endeavouring to prevent his continuance in a Post where they may be conspicuous, or else to ruin the Reputation he has already acquired, by false Accusations: And when he can't obscure the Truth, he Sneers, Joaks at, and Ridicules it, under pretence of a kind of Friendship; that losing his Credit in Things of small concern, he may afterwards gain it in Things of greater moment. Such malicious, sly Tricks, are ever pernicious to their Author, as Tacitus remarked in Hispon 19 Perniciem aliis, ac postremum sibi invenere. Tac. 1. Annal. , and in those who followed him. Notwithstanding, Lucinus Proculus succeeded well, by accusing others 20 Vt cuique erat, criminando, quod facillimum factu est, prav●s & callidus, bonos & modestos anteibat. Tac. 1. Hist. . This sometimes happens, when Goodness and Modesty are so reserved as to live privately, despising the Honours and Favour of Princes, as it befalls those, who, through distrust of their own Abilities, are thought unfit for the Management of Public Affairs; such as these, assiduous Malice, such as is intent upon gaining men's Opinions, easily robs of the due Rewards of their Virtue, as Tigillinus used to do 21 Praefectur●● vigilum, & praetorii, & alia praemia virtutum velocius vitiis adeptus. Tac. 1. Hist. But such Artifices fall with the same speed they rise; of which Tigillinus is an Example, who died infamously by his own Hands 22 Inter stupra concubinarum, & oscula, & deforme● mores, sectis novacula faeucibus, infamem vitam foedavit, etiam exi●u se●● & inhonesto. Tac. 1. Hist. . EMBLEM LXXVI. THE Sun darts the Rays of his Light upon a Concave-Glass, and thence proceeds, in Rays of Fire, the Figure of this present Emblem; intimating, That in the good or bad Intention of the Ministers consist Peace or War. The Reverberation of the Orders they receive, is Fatal. If the Breast be of clear and plain Crystal, the Orders flow thence as pure, if not purer, than they entered; but if it be Steel, they will imbroil the whole World in Wars. To this end, Princes, desirous of Peace, should beware of making use of Warlike Ministers; for as they found all their Fortune upon Arms, they continually seek Occasions to exercise them. France had never bewailed the Effects of so much Discord, nor Europe of so many Wars, had not the Preservation of that King's Favour consisted therein. We find, in Holy Writ, that the Priests carried the Trumpets wherewith they declared War 1 And the Sons of Aaron the Priest shall blow with the Trumpets, and they shall be for an Ordinance for ever to you, throughout your Generations. Numb. 10. 8. ; that the Modesty and Gravity of their Sacred Office would not use them without great Occasion. The Breasts of Princes are Seas, which swell with Mountains of Waves, when their Ministers are blustering Boreas', but are calm and serene when they are gentle Zephyrs; for a generous and peaceful Mind tempers the hot and dangerous Orders, and turns them to good; like the Sun, whose Rays, though they pass by Angles, endeavour to free themselves from this imperfect Form, and return Spherical in their Reverberation. And sometimes it suffices not that their Intention is good, if they pass for Warriors; for either none believe that Men of their Courage would neglect an Occasion, and Fear arms against their Bravery, or at least Malice takes it as a Pretence. The Count of Fuentes, foreseeing what would happen to the Valtoline, from the Revolt of the Grisons, upon account of the League with the Republic of Venice, built a Fort at the Mouth of the River Ada, for the Security of the State of Milan. The Duke of Feria, in the same Country, summoned the Catholics to defend themselves from the Protestants. The Duke d' Ossuna endeavoured, by a Fleet which he had in the Adriatic, to divert the Arms of Venice upon Friuli. And to these three Ministers are ascribed the Wars which were afterwards occasioned through the Troubles of the Duke of Savoy. In those who assist at Treaties of Peace, the Danger is yet greater, each acting according to his Inclination and Passion, and not according to the good Intention of the Prince. Don Lopez de Haro being disgusted by King Sancho the Strong, revenged himself in the Treaties of Peace between that King, and Peter III. King of Arragon, differently reporting the Answers of both; which incensed them more than before. The greatest Misfortune of Princes, is, that they can't Personally assist at all Affairs, but are obliged to be guided by others Reports, which are like Streams which are always tinctured with the Quality of the Minerals through which they pass, proceeding always infected with the Malice, Passion or Affection of the Ministers, and answer their Conveniencies and Designs; by these they strive to flatter the Prince, preparing them so, that they may be grateful to his Taste and Inclination. Ministers, and principally Ambassadors, eager to show their Abilities, and that they penetrate all things, report to the Prince for Certainty, not that which is, but that which they fancy may be; they are too prone to Suspicions, which they form from the least Shadow, and then give credit to them, whence proceed great Equivocations and Errors, and is the chief cause of Quarrels and Wars among Princes; for no Minister but has Power to promote Broils and Discord 2 In turbes & discordi●s pess●mo cuique plurima vis. Tac. 4. Hist. . Let Princes therefore be cautious of giving Credit to the first Relations of their Ministers, but compare them first with those they receive from others: And to form a more certain Judgement of what is written to them, let them be perfectly acquainted with their Humour and Genius, and with their Method of Conceiving Things, whether they act by private Interest and Passion; for it happens sometimes, that the Minister is taken with a Love for the Country or Prince with whom he Treats. and thinks all things Right and Just; and sometimes suffers himself to be obliged by their Favours and Civilities, and being naturally Grateful, is of their Side, and acts their Cause. Sometimes is deluded by plain Appearances, and by contrary Reports, cunningly spread, and so easily deceives his Prince; for there is none more apt to deceive others, than one who has been imposed upon before. Many Ministers are moved by slight Reasons, or by some Passion or private Aversion which disturbs their Judgements, and turn every thing to ill. There are some also naturally inclined to Misconstrue all Actions and Designs; whereas others are so Frank and Generous, that they think nothing ill designed. Both the one and the other are dangerous, and these last not less so than the others. Sometimes the Minister, thinking it part of his Duty to discover to the Prince his Enemies, and that by that means he shall gain the Character of a Zealous and Understanding Person, becomes so nicely suspicious, that no one is safe from his Tongue and Pen; and to make his Surmises and Apprehensions sure, gives occasion, by his Distrust, to Friends to become Enemies, to the great Detriment of the Prince, to whom it were much better to have a good Confidence in all, or for the Minister to apply Remedies to cure, not to infect the Minds and Wills of the Subject. Ministers also, weary of Embassies, that they may retire to enjoy the Conveniencies and Ease of a Domestic Life, stick not to promote a Rupture between the Princes they assist, or at least to suggest Counsels not less pernicious. Princes are much deceived, who think their Ministers act always as Ministers, and not as Men. If it were so, they would be much better served, and find less Inconveniencies. But they are Men, and their Office does not strip 'em of their Inclination to Ease, and to the Pleasures of Love, Anger, Revenge, and other Affections and Passions, which Zeal nor Duty are not always capable to correct. But let Princes be apprized, that those who can't seduce Good and Loyal Ministers, (for that they fathom their Artifices and Counsels, and know what is their Prince's Interest, what not) they traduce them as Distrustful, Passionate, Perverse and Obstinate, and therefore endeavour to remove them from the Management of Affairs, and to introduce others less Knowing, or to treat immediately with the Prince himself, tendering him specious Propositions, which oblige him to Resolves more prejudicial. He must not give the least grounds to any one, to think that he can't change the course of Affairs, or displace Ministers; for if such Thoughts take place, the Prince will be ill served: For such Confidence causes Disdain and Disobedience in the Accuser, and the Fear of it discourages the Minister. The Errors of these are less dangerous than those to admit the Accusations against them, especially if they are Foreigners: And were they true, yet 'tis more Prudence to defer the Remedy, till he from whom they came can't ascribe it to himself. EMBLEM LXXVII. THE farther those two Luminaries of Day and Night are distant from each other, the greater their Influence and Light is Below: But when they are in Conjunction, their being Brethren; does not prevent the one from obscuring the other's Rays; and such Eclipse creates Shadows and Inconveniencies to the Earth. Princes, by the benefit of their Ministers and Letters, maintain and uphold mutual Correspondence with each other: But if they should Confer Personally with one another, their Interview would create shadows of Suspicion and Jealousy, which would put all their States in Confusion, for that they never find in one another what they promised to themselves, and that neither measures himself by his own Rule, but pretends always to much more than his Due. An Interview of two Princes, is almost like a Duel, in which they fight with Ceremonies, each endeavouring to conquer t'other. The Families of each assist at the Engagement, like two Hostile Troops, each being zealous for his Prince's Triumph over the other, in Personal Accomplishments or Grandeur; and as in such a number all can't be Men of Prudence, some light Expression, or slight Affront, causes Dissatisfaction in the rest. So it happened in the Interview between King Henry, and Lewis XI. of France; in which the Spaniards exceeding them in Pomp and Greatness, and scouting the Meanness and Slovenliness of the French, those two Nations departed Enemies, who had till then maintained a good Correspondence together * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . The Hatred between Germanicus and Piso was private, till they saw one another 1 Discesser●ntque opertis Odiis. Tac. 2. An●al. . The Interview between Ferdinand iv of Castille, and Dionysius, his Father-in-Law, King of Portugal, caused great Disorders; as did that of King Philip I. and King Ferdinand. And though the Meeting of james I. and King Alphonso, produced very good Effects, yet is it the safest way for Princes to manage their Affairs by Ambassadors. Sometimes Favourites sow Discord between the Prince and those of the Blood-Royal, (as we have before observed) of which there are many Examples in our Histories. Don Lopez de Haro procured a Separation between King Sancho the Strong, and the Queen his Consort. The Domestics of Queen Catharine, Mother to King john II. incensed her against the Infant, Don Ferdinand. Don Alvarez de Lara endeavoured (thereby to keep the Government in his own Hands) to persuade King Henry I. that his Sister, Queen Berenguela, designed to poison him. Those who were interested in the Quarrels between the Infant Sancho, and King Alphonso the Wise, his Father, took what care they could, to prevent their Meeting and Agreement. The Grandees of Castille hindered the Reconcilement of King john II. to his Son Henry. Don Alvarez de Luna, that of King john of Navarre, to his Son Prince Carlos of Viana. The Favourites of King Philip I. dissuaded him from an Interview with King Ferdinand. Such Artifices we have seen used in France, in these Times, to the Detriment of that Kingdom, and of all Christendom. The only Remedy is, to despise the Difficulties and Inconveniencies which these Favourites represent, and to come to an Interview, when the secret Operation of the Blood has appeased their Minds, and discovered the Malice of those who procured the Misunderstanding. Upon these Reasons, King Ferdinand gave a Meeting at Segovia, to King Henry IU. his Brother-in-Law, not fearing the Danger of exposing himself to the Resentment of an offended King, who, either through Natural Affection, or to disguise his Infamy, procured his Daughter joanna 's Succession to the Crown * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . For though he was sufficiently pre-advised by his Ministers of the Danger of the thing; yet in the Scales of Prudence, this Consideration outweighed, That no Force nor Treaty was so effectual as Presence. EMBLEM LXXVIII. WHAT we see of the Mermaid, is Beautiful; what we hear, Melodious; that which the Intention conceals, Pernicious; and that which is hidden under Water, Monstrous. Who could imagine so great an Inequality in so fair an Appearance? Such Beauty as to charm the Mind, and such Harmony as to entice Ships upon Rocks? Antiquity admired this Monster as an extraordinary Prodigy: yet is nothing more frequent; Courts and Palaces are full of them 1 Isai. 13. 22. . How often is a fair, smooth Tongue, the Snare to entrap a Friend 2 Prov. 29. 5. ? How often does a Friendly, Smiling Look, conceal a Heart full of Rancour and Malice? How often are Tears forced from a Spring of Joy 3 Peractis tritsitia imitamentis. Tac. 13. Annal. ! Those who showed most Sorrow for the Death of Germanicus, were those who rejoiced most 4 Periisse Germanicum nulli jact antius moerent, quam qui maxime laetantur. Tac. 2. Annal. . When the Head of Pompey was brought to Caesar, he, by his Tears, dissembled the Satisfaction of the Sight: Caesar, at first, his Gift would not refuse, Nor turn his Eyes away, but fix'dly views Till he perceived 'twas true, and plainly saw 'Twas safe to be a pious Father-in-Law; Then shed forced Tears, and from a joyful Breast Drew Sighs and Groans, as thinking Tears would best Conceal his inward joy— * May's Version of Lucan. We see much of the Siren in the Pretexts of some Princes: How full of Religion and Concern for the Public Good? How Obliging, Kind, and Promising? And what Cheats do they impose upon each other, under these Feints and Appearances? They have the Face of Angels, but end in Serpents; and Embrace, only to Sting and Poison: The Wounds of a Well-meaning Sincerity are more wholesome than the Kisses of such Lips 5 Prov. 27. 6. . The Words of those are smooth and balmy, but of these sharppointed Arrows 6 Psal. 54. 22. . How often has Treason took Rise from Honours? Tiberius, designing the Death of Germanicus, as jealous of the Glory of his Victories, and to extinguish thereby the Race of Augustus, called him to Triumph, and made him his Companion in the Empire. By such Arts he strives to disguise his Mind: He burns with Envy of Germanicus; and makes his Glory blaze more, only the sooner to extinguish it: What appears is Honour and Affection, what is concealed is Hatred and Malice 7 Nec ideo sincerae charitatis fidem adsecutus, amoliri juvenem specie ho●oris statuit, struxitque caus●s, aut fortè oblatas a●ripuit. Tac. 2. Annal. The more Frank and Sincere a Man appears, the more Fraud and Design he harbours. We are not so apt to be deceived by Muddy as by Clear Fountains, which hid their Poison, and invite by their Clearness. For this Reason, Prudence should be upon her Guard, to penetrate these Arts of Princes, suspecting them most when they seem most fair and obliging, and acting against their Custom and Nature; as Agrippina did, changing her morose Temper into good Humour and Dalliance, to take Nero off from the Love of his Slave 8 Tum Agrippina ver●is Artibus, per blandimenta juvenem aggredi, suum potiùs cubiculum ac sinum offerre contegendis, quae prima aetas, & summa fortuna expeterent. Tac. 14. Annal. : Which Alteration was suspected by Nero and his Friends, who advised him to beware of her Subtleties 9 Quae mutiny nequ● Ner●nem fefellit, & proximi amicorum metuebant, orabantque caver● in●idis mulior is semper ●trocis, tum & falsae. Tac. 13. Annal. . We should be more cautious against what Princes conceal, than against what they show; more against what they are silent of, than what they declare. The Elector of Treves delivers up that City to the French King, to put therein a Garrison, though he knew 'twas Imperial, and under the Hereditary Protection of the King of France, as Duke of Luxemburgh, and Lord of the Lower Burgundy, and that thereby he not only ran counter to that Protection, but also to the Constitutions of the Empire; for which Reason, the Troops of Spain surprise this City from the French, and accidentally detain the Person of the Elector, and treat him with all Respect due to his Dignity: And the King of France having Eighteen Days before concluded a League with the Hollanders against the Netherlands, makes use of this Pretext, though happening afterwards, and enters with his Forces in their behalf, under pretence of setting at liberty his Friend and Ally. He who seeks Occasions, easily finds or makes 'em. Malice is like Light, which enters at the least Chink; and such is our Inclination to Liberty, and so blind our Ambition, that there is no Pretence which respects either of them, but we immediately embrace it, suffering ourselves to be deceived by it, though never so unlikely or unreasonable. Italy does not yet apprehend the Designs of France, to Lord it over her, under pretence of Protection, though she has seen the Public Faith so often violated, as in the Treaties of Ratisbon, Carasco, and Mon●on; the Usurpation of Montferrat, the Valtoline, and Pignerol, and a Garrison put into Monaco. By such Pretexts Princes mask their Ambition, their Avarice and Designs, to the expense of the Lives and Fortunes of their Subjects. Hence proceed all the Commotions and Wars that the World labours under. As Interests alter, so also do these Pretexts; for they give Umbrage to them, and follow them. The Republic of Venice enter into League with the Grisons; the French oppose it, lest it should diminish their Alliance with them. Whereupon the People are divided into Factions, to the prejudice of the Catholics, whom the Protestants endeavour to extirpate. The Swissers hereupon summon a Diet, and can find no better Remedy, than to invite the Spaniards into the Valley; an Expedient before thought on by Pope Clement VIII. in the Instructions given to the Bishop of Veglia, when sent to the Catholic Cantons in Quality of Nuncio. Which Method was also approved of by Gouffier, who managed the Affairs of France, and who persuaded Count Alphonso Casati, Ambassador from Spain to the Swissers, to write to the Duke of Feria, to enter the Valtoline with His Majesty's Forces; that thereby shutting up the Passage of Valcamonica from the Venetians, they might desist from their Pretensions, and that the Valley might be cleared of the Protestants. The Duke, moved by these Instances, and by the common Danger of this Sect, which threatened the State of Milan, and all Italy, and also by the Complaints and Tears of the Catholics, entered the Valtoline; and immediately the French, upon new Considerations, change their Minds, and oppose this Intent, entering into League in Avignon with Venice and Savoy, under Pretence of the Liberty of Italy, though that consists more in the stopping that Passage from the Protestants on t'other side the Mountains, than in any Acquisitions the Spaniards could make in this Country; and the Valtoline being only the Pretence of the League, the Arms of the Allies served only as a Diversion, and all the Force and Design were turned to the Oppression of the Republic of Genoa. So that Pretences vary according to the Alteration of Interests. Times by their Effects discover the Falsity of these Pretences; for either they don't perform what they promise, or done't act where they proposed. The Republic of Venice had a mind to seize Gradisca, and took for a Pretext the Incursions of the Vscoques in Croatia: They made a Faint to defend the Liberty of the Sea, and made War upon the Land. Many times they make War, upon pretence of Zeal for the Glory of God, and rather hinder it; sometimes for Religion, and confound it; sometimes for Public Peace, and disturb it; sometimes for the People's Liberty, and oppress 'em; sometimes for Protection, and enslave them; sometimes to preserve their own State, and they invade others. O Men, O People, O States, O Kingdoms! whose Tranquillity and Happiness depends upon the Ambition and Capriche of a few. When the Ends of Actions are Just, but are in danger of not being so interpreted, or of miscarrying if they are understood, we may so dispose them, that our Actions may appear different to the Eyes of the World, and be thought to be guided by other honest Causes. He who acts so, cheats none, but acts justifiably, but only amuses Malice by false Appearances, by which it deceives itself, and prevents its opposition to the just Designs of the Prince; for no Reason obliges him to point at the Mark at which he levels; for it would be impossible for him to strike one, if at the same time he did not seem to aim at another. There is not less Danger to States, in the feigned Zeal with which some would seem to respect the Public, and regard only their own particular Interest. They pretend to reform the Government, to weaken its Authority: They propose Means, and suggest Counsels after the Effect, to discover Errors already past Remedy: They affect Liberty, to gain the Applause of the People against the Magistracy, and confound the State, by reducing it afterwards to Slavery 10 Vt Imperium evertant Libertatem praeferunt: si impetraverint ipsam aggredientur. Tac. 16. Annal. . These Artifices are used by all Tyrants of Republics 11 Caeterum libertas, & speciosa nomina praetexuntur, nec quisquam alienum servitium & dominationem sibi concupivit, ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet. Tac. 4. Hist. . What Feints did Tiberius make of restoring Liberty to that of Rome, when his whole Design was to oppress it 12 Speciosa verbis, re inania au● subdola: quantaque majore libertatis imagine ●egebantur, tanto eruptura ad infensius servitium. Tac. 1. Annal. . The same Methods the Prince of O— used to make the Netherlands Revolt, which his Family have made use of since to Lord it over the United Provinces. Time will show them, to their Cost, the difference between a Natural Prince and a Tyrant; then they will repent of having preferred Rebellion with their Ruin, to Obedience with Security, as Cerialis advised those of Treves 13 Ne cont●●aciam cum pernicie, quam obsequium cum securitate m●litis. Tac. 4. Hist▪ . The People blindly fly to the Call of Liberty, and don't know it till they have lost it, and find themselves entangled in the Nets of Slavery. They suffer themselves to be moved by the Fears of these false Crocodiles, and rashly intrust them with their Lives and Fortunes. How peaceable would the World be, if Subjects knew, that whether the Government be of All, of Many, or of One, it would have its Inconveniencies, with some kind of Tyranny: For though Speculation may invent a perfect Form of Government, as it must be of Men, not of Angels, it may be commended, but not practised 14 Dilecta ex his, & constituta Reipub. forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. Tac. 4. Annal. . So that Liberty consists not in this or that Form of Government, but in the Preservation of that which a long Use and Experience has constituted and approved, in which Justice is defended, and Public Peace preserved, supposing that some sort of Government must be obeyed; for Liberty never suffers more than in such Changes. We think to find a better, and we fall into a worse; as it happened to those who survived Tiberius and Caius 15 An Neronem extremum Dominorum putatis? idem crediderunt, qui Tiberio, qui Caio superstites fuerunt: cum interim instabilior & saevior exortus est. Tac. 4. Hist. ; and when we better ourselves, it does not countervail the Damage we sustain in the change of one Form to another. So that 'tis better to bear with the present, though unjust 16 Ferenda Regum ingenia, neque usui crebraes mutationes. Tac. 12. Annal. ; and hope, that if the Prince be bad, God will be pleased to send another good one 17 Vlteriora mirari, praesenti● sequi, bonos Imperatores voto expetere, qualescunque tolerare. Tac. 4. Hist. . 'Tis he bestows Kingdoms; and 'twould be accusing his Divine Decrees, not to obey those whom he has constituted. Nabuchadnezzar was a wicked Prince, yet God threatened a severe Punishment to those who did not obey him 18 jer. 27. 6. . As we are contented with the Seasons, and bear patiently the Inconveniencies of Nature; so also we should the Defects of our Princes 19 Quomodo sterilitatem, aut nimios imbres, & ●aetera Naturae mala, ita Luxuriam vel avaritiam dominantium tolerare. Tac. 4. Hist. . While there are Men, there will be Vices 20 Vi●ia erunt, donec Homines. Ibid. . Where is there to be found a Prince without them? These Evils are not continual. If one Prince be bad, another good one succeeds, and so one makes amends for the other 21 Sed neque haec continua; & meliorum interventu pensantur. Ibid. . EMBLEM LXXIX. NO Bird so much resembles Man in the Articulation of the Voice, as the Parrot * Si me non vide●s esse negabis avem. Mar●. . It's Vivacity is so great, that some Philosophers have doubted whether it did not participate of Reason. Cardan says, that it surpasses all Birds in Ingenuity, and Quickness of Apprehension; and that it not only learns to Speak, but also to Meditate with a Desire of Glory 1 Inter aves Ingenio, Sa●●citateque praestat, quod grandi sit c●pite, atque in India coelo sincero 〈◊〉, undè didicit non solum loqui, sed etiam meditari, meditatur ob st●dium Gloriae. ●ardan. . This Bird is very Candid and Ingenuous, the Quality of Great Spirits: yet is not its Candour exposed to Deceit, but she knows how to prevent it; and as sly and crafty as the Serpent is, it evades his Artifices, and to secure its Nest from him, it hangs it at the end of the highest and slenderest Twig of a Tree, in the manner here represented, that when he would pass by them to devour its young ones, he falls by his own weight. So Artifice must be frustrated by Artifice, and Counsel by Counsel. In which Case, King Ferdinand the Catholic was an Excellent Master for Princes, as he sufficiently shown in all his Designs, particularly in his Marriage with Germana de Foix, Niece to Lewis XII. of France, to break the Peace clapped up at Hagenaw, between the Emperor, and his Son-in-Law, King Philip I. without his knowledge, and to his prejudice. Nor did he use with less Address the Opportunity offered by the same King of France 's desiring a League with him, to get liberty to Invade the Kingdom of Naples, contriving the Matter so that he might recover the Governments of Rousillon and Sardinia: And when he saw the French King had already made an Inroad into Italy with that Intent, and withal how dangerous a Neighbour he would prove to the Kingdom of Sicily, which his Eye was upon, he put a stop to his Progress, broke the Treaty, and denounced War against him, entering into an Alliance with the Republic of Venice, and other Princes. And these Weapons are more necessary in War than Peace; for their Wit does more than Strength. And certainly that Commander deserves no small Praise, who despising the Vainglory of Conquering his Enemy with the Sword, steals the Victory, and triumphs by Policy and Stratagem, whereby the Law of Nations is not the least violated 2 Cum justè Bellum suscipitur, ut aperte pugnet quis, aut ex Insidiis, nihil ad justitiam interest. D. Aug. . For if the War be Just, the Methods thereof are so also 3 Dolus an Virtus quis in Host requirat. Virg. : 'Twixt Force and Fraud, what Difference in War? And indeed, what Reason can be given, why you may not deceive him, whom it is lawful even to kill? It is a piece of Magnanimity to prefer the Public Safety before a Triumph, and make sure of Victory without exposing it to the manifest Fortune of War, when there's none, in Humane Judgement, can appear so certain, but it is subject to a thousand Chances. In countermining the cunning Designs and Intrigues of an Enemy, we must not always regard what a Prudent Man would do in the like case, (though to have also some Forethought of that were adviseable) but a Judgement must be form from the Condition and Capacity of the Person to be dealt with; for all Men take not always the most proper and prudent Methods. Ferdinand Duke of Alba 's entering Portugal with an Army, upon King Sebastian 's Death, was Amazing; by several blamed as a very Dangerous Enterprise, in a Person so eminently versed in the Art of War. To whom he replied, That he was not ignorant of the Danger; but he trusted in having to do with a Nation, which by a continued Enjoyment of Peace, had probably forgot the Affairs of War. Even when we have to do with Men eminent for Prudence, the Judgement and Conjecture we pass upon their Actions, even by the Rule of Reason and Prudence, is not infallibly certain; for sometimes they suffer themselves to be carried away by Passion, and the wisest Men are now and then guilty of the greatest Errors, Self-conceit rendering them negligent, or too much Confidence in their Discretion, making them presume, that though they have a little lost their Way, they can easily find it again. Sometimes in Things they presuppose, Time and other Events deceive them. Wherefore it is the safest way, ever to suspend one's Judgement in Things that depend upon another's Pleasure, and not to go about to regulate them by our own Private Discretion; for every one has his particular Reasons unknown to others, and consonant to his Nature, which are the Spring of his Actions. What to one seems impossible, another thinks easy: And there be some Genius's that fear not the most hazardous Enterprises; some that are guided by Reason, others that are utterly averse to it. The most secret Artifices of Enemies, or those who under colour of Friendship, aim wholly at their own Interest, are such particularly whereby they make their Proposals with so much Subtlety, that they seem to redound to the Prince's Advantage, when they really tend to his Ruin; a Thing his Integrity is easily deluded in, if he want Experience, or smell not their Drift. It requires therefore no small Prudence and Attention to turn such Counsels to the Destruction of the Authors thereof. Into what Precipes will that Government fall, which is directed by Foreign Councils, contrary to the Advice of the Holy Ghost 4 Receive a stranger into thine house, and he will disturb thee, and turn thee out of thine own. Eccles. 11. 34. . But although an Enemy's Designs are usually discoverable by bare Reasoning, yet is it convenient to trace them also by Spies, the principal Instruments of Government, without which a Crown can never be secure, or admit of Increase, nor a War be carried on with Success 5 Ignarus militiae, improvidus con●ilii, quis ordo Agminis, quae cura explorandi, quantus urgendo, trahendove Bello modus. Tac. Hist. l. 3. . Vitellius was condemned for being improvident in Council, in Warfare ignorant, how to draw up an Army, what belonged to Scouts, when to prosecute, when protract a War. And indeed, of what ill Consequence this Negligence is, Germany can abundantly testify, which has lost several advantageous Opportunities, and its Soldiers been oftentimes surprised and cut off in their Quarters, for want of Intelligence of the Enemy's Designs and Marches 6 And Joshua sent out two men to spy secretly. jos. 2. 1. . joshua made use of Spies, though God himself took care of his Arms 7 And the Angel of God which went before the camp of Israel, removed and went behind them; and the pillar of the cloud went from before their face, and stood behind them. Exod. 14. 19 . Moses never Marched, but an Angel carried a Pillar of Fire before him, to show where to encamp; yet by God's Command, he sent out Men to search the Promised Land 8 Send thou men, that they may search the Land of Canaan, which I give unto the Children of Israel. Numb. 13. 2. . Ambassadors are nothing but Public Spies; and without prejudice to the Law of God, or that of Nations, may endeavour, by Bribes and Presents, to corrupt the Fidelity of Ministers, who even by Oaths are obliged to it, and to sift out what ill Contrivances are in Agitation against their Prince; for these are no way obliged to keep the Secret, and the other have on their side the Natural Reason of Self-preservation. EMBLEM LXXX. THE Stone-cutter at Home first prepares and polishes the Marbles he designs for the Ornanament of a Building; because afterwards it would be more troublesome, and the Work imperfect. For this Reason, I conceive, those of Solomon's Temple were fashioned, that it might be erected without Noise, and the Sound of Tools. Thus wise Princes ought to polish their Designs, and bring their Resolutions to Maturity, before they put them in Execution; for not to consider of them but in the Field, is more like a Gladiator than a Prince. The Bull (the Figure of this Emblem) before he engages his Rival, practices by making Trial of himself, and by often running his Horns against a Tree, by degrees learns the Art of Defending himself, and Goring his Opposer 1 Timet, atque eum deficere omnia videntur, qui in ipso negotio ●●●silium capere cogitur. Jul. Caes. . He who is to Consult in heat of Action, fears all things, and knows not what Measures to take. But because Occasions happen not always as we wish, and sometimes it is not in our Power to retard or hasten them, it will be the part of Prudence to consider whether it is better to execute our Resolutions with Leisure or Expedition, for that some Affairs require Speed in their Resolutions, others Time, and mature Consultation; and to offend on either hand, will be to the prejudice of the Government. Consideration, when of worse consequence than Rashness, is by all means to be avoided. In sudden Emergencies, Counsels are better snatched than taken. Whatever Time is spent in Deliberation, will either overcome the Danger, or lose the Opportunity. Fortune's nimble, but the generality of Men move but slowly, and that's the reason so few overtake her. The greatest part of our Deliberations are upon Things already past, and the Counsel comes after the Event 2 Res nostrae feruntur, imo volvuntur; ergo consilium sub die nasci debet; & hoc quoque tardum est 〈◊〉, sub manu, quod aiunt nascatur. Seneca. . Our Affairs run with so much swiftness, that Counsel must be speedy to pursue them; nay, even that will be too slow, it ought to be in a readiness to expect them. When Time favours, it is assisted by Delay; otherwise Expedition surmounts it, and then Counsellors of lively, active Spirits, are chief necessary. Other Affairs, which allow Time, should be transacted with Maturity; for nothing is more opposite to Prudence, than Haste and Passion. Impetuousness ever miscarries, and Examination and Attention are confounded by it. Hence it is that hot, rash Counsels almost always please at first Sight; are difficult in the Execution; in the Event grievous; and the Persons who suggest them, though they may appear at first daring, yet when they come to execute, are at a stand, being embroiled by their own Counsels: For Haste is blind, and without Forecast 3 Omnia non properanti clara certaque sunt, festinatio improvida est & 〈◊〉 Livy. . Wicked Counsels require Precipitation, but Good usually get Strength by Delay 4 Scelera impetu, bona consilia morâ valescere solent. ●ac. l. 1. Hist. . And although the Common People love to see Effects before they do Causes, and so always condemn slow Counsels; yet the Prince ought to be Proof against these Murmur, which, upon Success, will afterwards redound to his Glory 5 Festinare quodvis negotium gignit errores, ●nde 〈◊〉 detrimenta exoriri solent; at in cunctando bona insunt, quae si non 〈◊〉 talia videantur, in tempore bona quis esse reperiat. Herod. . Nevertheless, Delay must not be so great, as to let slip the Opportunity of Execution; a Fault the Emperor Valens was guilty of, who idly spent the Time of Action in Consultation 6 Ips● 〈◊〉 cunctatione agendi tempora consultando consumpsit. Taci●. . This is a general Error in imprudent Counsellors, who, perplexed with the Weight of Affairs, can neither judge of the Danger, nor come to any Conclusion; whence they start at the least Shadow, nay, and think by these very Doubts to pass for Discreet. They suspend their Counsels, till Time itself furnish them; and then begin to Resolve, when the Opportunity is gone. Counsels therefore should be ripened, not hurried; for Maturity errs neither in Excess nor Defect of Time: as it is admirably expressed by Augustus, in his Device of a Dolphin twined round an Anchor, with this Inscription, Festina lente; with which that of Alexander the Great is not incompatible, Nihil cunctando: the one being understood of Affairs of Peace, the other concerning those of War, where Expedition gives Success to the greatest Designs. Cerealis succeeded well in all Things, by Resolving and Executing with Expedition 7 Sane Cerealis parum temporis ad exequenda imperia dabat, 〈◊〉 consiliis, sed eventu clarus. Tac. l. 5. Hist. . But notwithstanding Speed does generally produce great Effects in War; yet Care should be taken, that it be not blind and inconsiderate, beginning briskly, but in the end languisheth 8 Omnia inconsulti imp●●● caepta, initiis valida, spatio languescunt. Tac. 3. Hist. . When the Thing itself admits of Delay, and there is room for Deliberation, this is of more service than Rashness 9 Deuces pr●videndo, consultando, curctatione saepius, quam temerita●e prodesse. Idem Ibid. : Though both in the one and the other Prudence should measure Time, either lest through want of it the Counsels be like Whelps, born blind, or as Hedgehogs with Prickles and Difficulties, by being too slow. When therefore Orders come first out of the Prince's Hand, let them be Absolute, to prevent Confusion or Doubt in their Execution. For the most prudent Ministers can never perform as they ought, such as come to them rough and deformed: It is for him that Commands to prescribe the Form, for the Subject to Execute it. And if each do not keep to their distinct Duties, the Work will remain defective. The Prince should do the part of a Master-Workman, the Minister that of an inferior Labourer. That Prince who leaves all to the Disposal of his Ministers, either is ignorant or weary of his Office. 'Tis an ill-constituted Government, where ●ower is lodged in many; nay, it is indeed no Government, which is not under one Head. If Minister's Rule, all Authority and the Order of Government will perish. Then only they may and aught to suspend the Execution of Orders, when the same appear evidently unjust, inasmuch as they are born for God, before their Prince. As also when the Prince's Commands are prejudicial to his Patrimony or Reputation, or inconsistent with good Government, and depend upon the knowledge of some particular Matters of Fact, or lastly, when Distance or other Accidents shall seem to have made such an Alteration in the state of Affairs, that it may be probably gathered, that had the Prince known these before, he would not have given those Orders; in this Case, provided however there be no other considerable Danger in Delaying, they may be deferred and excepted against, modestly however, and with all the Respect due to his Authority and Judgement, with this Hope at least, that upon better Information, he may Command what is more proper to be done. Thus the Great Captain did, when, contrary to the Orders of Ferdinand the Catholic, he stayed at Naples with his Army, considering with what Impatience the Italian Princes expected the Result of the Interview between the two Kings, Ferdinand, and his Son-in-Law, Philip I. and what a desperate Condition the Affairs of Naples would be in, if he abandoned them at that Juncture. For all this, if the Minister know his Prince to be so great a Lover of his own Counsels, as rather to do amiss, than admit of Instruction, he may hold his Tongue, and Dissemble; for it were downright Folly for him to expose himself to Danger, without hopes of a Remedy. Corbulo was already engaged in some considerable Enterprise; but the Emperor having Commanded him to desist, he retired: For tho' he knew those Orders were unadvisedly given, yet he would not ruin himself by Disobeying them 10 jam castra in hostili loco moliebatur Corbulo, acceptis tamen à 〈◊〉 Imperatore literis, quibus se recipere jubebatur, re subita, quanquam 〈◊〉 simul offenderentur, metus ex Imperatore, contemptus ex Barbaris, 〈◊〉 brium apud socios; nihil aliud prolocutus, quam ●eatos quos●am Deuces 〈◊〉, fignum recep●ui dedit. Tac. l. 11. Annal. . No Orders require so punctual Observance in the Minister, as those which relate to Matters of State. In this Case (unless the abovementioned Circumstances occur, or there be otherwise any considerable evident Danger in the Execution) he is implicitly to Obey, without giving any heed to his private Opinion and Arguments. For the Designs of Princes are often too deeply rooted, to be penetrated by the Minister, or rather they would not have him dive into them; and therefore he should side with the Prince's Commands, and presume upon his Prudence that so it ought to be. Hence Dolabella, when Commanded by Tiberius to bring the Ninth Legion out of Germany, readily Obeyed, although he wanted not Reasons to the contrary 11 jussa Principis magis, quam incerta belli metuens. Tac. l. 4. Annal. . If every one had liberty to canvas and examine what is enjoined, all things would be confounded, and infinite Opportunities lost. A Kingdom (as has been said elsewhere) is like a Musical Instrument, whose Strings the Prince tunes, who runs them all over with his Fingers; whereas the Minister touches only one, and not hearing the rest sound, cannot know whether it be too high or too low, and would very easily be mistaken, if he went to set it according to his own Fancy. The Count de Fuentes, by the liberty of his Years, Zeal, Services and Experiences, crowned with so many signal Trophies and Victories gave him, sometimes (while he governed the State of Milan) suspended his Obedience to King Philip the Third's Orders, because he ●udged them improper, and to proceed rather from the Self-Interest or Ignorance of his Ministers, than his own Mind: Which Example many afterwards have followed, to the great prejudice of the Public Repose, and Regal Authority. It would be of very ill Consequence, for Ministers to be always allowed to question, whether what is Commanded, be the Prince's Will or not; an Abuse which usually has its first Rise from their knowing it not to be his own Hand that proportions and polishes the Stones designed for the Edifice of Government. But suppose it be another's, yet due Honour and submission ought to be paid to the Commands, no less than if they came from his own Will and Judgement, or else there would be nothing but Confusion and Disorder. Zealous and Prudent Obedience reuerences the bare Hand and Seal of its Sovereign. But if Princes are too remote, and there is Danger of their Orders coming too late, even after the Event, or that variety of Accidents (particularly in Affairs of War) may not allow Time for Deliberation, and there be certain Intelligence that the Opportunity will be in the mean time lost, it will be Prudence to give full Power of Acting as Occasion shall require, lest that happen which befell Vespasian, in the Civil War with Vitellius, when Distance of Place made the Counsels come after the Events. To avoid which Inconveniency, Tiberius, upon sending Drusus to Command the Germane Legions, joined with him some Prudent and Experienced Counsellors, whom he might Consult as Occasion required, but a full Power to Act as he saw Opportunity. When Helvidius Priscus was sent into Armenia, he had a Commission to Act as he saw Occasion. In●fine, this was the usual Practice of the Roman Senate, to leave all to the Discretion and Conduct of their Commanders, and to recommend nothing in particular to them, but only all possible Care that the Commonwealth suffered no Damage. An Example the Republics of Venice and Florence are far from imitating; who, unwilling to let their Liberty lie at the Mercy of one Man, restrain the Power of their Generals; being forewarned by the Example of Augustus, who turned the Arms upon the Commonwealth, which he had taken up in its Defence against Mark Anthony. This Freedom of Power the Ministers who are near the King's Person are wont to limit, to increase their own, and render it necessary for all to pass through their Hands. Whence it is that so much Time is spent in Deliberating, and that Resolutions are taken too late to be executed, or at least to have the Success that might be expected from them; and consequently the Charges and Pains in Preventing is utterly thrown away. It happens also sometimes, that while there passes so great a Space of Time between the Accidents themselves, and their being known and examined, fresh Advice is brought of the State of Affairs, with new Circumstances, which make it necessary to alter the former Orders; and after this manner Days and Years slide away, without any Effect either of Resolution or Action. EMBLEM LXXXI. THE Forces of all Powers are limited, those of Ambition alone (the common Vice of Humane Nature) infinite. This, the more it has, the more it desires to have, or rather is a kind of fiery Appetite by the Heart exhaled, which draws Strength and Increase from the very Matter it is applied to. This Failing is greater in Princes than in other Men; for to the Desire of Getting is joined that Glory of Commanding, both which neither submit to Reason nor Danger, and hate to measure themselves by their Abilities. Wherefore the Prince ought to weigh well what his Sword is able to strike, what his Shield to defend, always remembering this, that his Crown is a finite and limited Circle. King Ferdinand the Catholic, in all his Undertake, never failed to consider every Circumstance of them, their Cause, Disposition, Time, Means, and End. He who attempts nothing but what he can effect, will pass for Invincible; whereas one that aspires to a Thing impossible, or too difficult, discovers the Bounds of his Power, and the frustrated Designs are, as 'twere, public Records of his Weakness. There is no Monarchy so Potent, but it is upheld more by Opinion than Reality, by Reputation than Strength. Desire of Glory and Sovereignty hurry us on, so that all things seem easy, but in the end we meet with Difficulties unobserved before. Almost all Wars might be avoided, were their Means and End throughly examined at first: It is therefore incumbent on the Prince, before he engage in them, perfectly to know his Forces, as well Offensive as Defensive, the State of his Malitia, and what Officers he has to Command them, the Substance of his Coffers, what Contributions he may expect from his Subjects, and whether they be like to continue Loyal in Adversity, also by Study, Reading and Conversation, to instruct himself in the Disposition and Situation of Countries, in the Customs of Nations, the Natures of his Enemies, their Wealth, Auxiliaries and Allies. Let him measure every one's Sword, and examine wherein his Strength consists. Henry, King of Castille, notwithstanding his Sickness, never neglected this, but sent several Ambassadors as far as Asia, to inform him of the Manners and Customs of those Parts. The same did Moses, before the Israelites entered the Promised Land 1 See the land what it is, and the People that dwell therein, whether they be strong or weak, few or many. Numb. 13. 18. . And lest the Prince we frame by these Emblems should want this Matter also, I shall here, in general, touch upon some Points of it, with what brevity the present Design requires. Nature, willing to show her Beauty and Power, by the variety of her Productions, has stamped a Difference not only upon the Faces, but also on the Minds of Men; there being a vast Disagreement between the Tempers and Morals of Nations. To this end, she has variously disposed the Causes themselves; which either jointly all operate in some Places, or separately; in these some, in those others. Geographers have divided the Globe of the Earth into divers Climates, each of which is subject to a particular Planet, as to the principal Cause and Fountain of that Diversity: And because the First Climate, which is drawn through Meroe, an Island of the River Nile, is subject to Saturn, they say its Inhabitants are Black, Barbarous, Rough, Suspicious, Treacherous, and Cannibals. That those of the Second, which is attributed to jupiter, and passes through Siene, a City of Egypt, are Religious, Grave, Honest and Prudent. Those of the Third, which is subject to Mars, and reaches through Alexandria, are Restless and Warlike. Those of the Fourth, which is under the Sun, and is stretched through the Isle of Rhodes and the Midst of Greece, are Men of Learning, Orators, Poets, and Ingenious Artists. Those of the Fifth, which passes through Rome, dividing Italy from Savoy, and is ascribed to Venus, are Effeminate, Lovers of Music and Luxury. Those of the Sixth, governed by Mercury, and passing through France, are Fickle, Inconstant, and addicted to Sciences. Lastly, Those of the Seventh, where the Moon presides, and which is extended through Germany, the Low-Countries, and England, are Phlegmatic, Lovers of Good-Fellowship, Fishing, and Trading. Nevertheless, this one 'Cause seems not to be always uniform, nor sufficient: For under the same Parallel or Climate, with the same Elevation of the Pole, and an equal Rising and Setting of the Stars, we see opposite Effects, particularly in the Climates of the Lower Hemisphere. In Aethiopia, for Instance, the Sun's Beams scorch and blacken men's Bodies; but in Brasil, which has the same Latitude, their Skins are White, and the Air Temperate and Agreeable. The Ancients held the Torrid Zone, for its excessive Heat, to be uninhabitable, yet in Armenia it is very Temperate, and well Peopled. And though those Eternal Luminaries of Heaven have some energy, yet the Disposition of the Earth contributes more; for we find the Effects of their Rays to be greater or varied, according to the various Situation of Hills and Valleys, and tempered even by Rivers and Lakes. This is undeniable, That Nature is wonderful in her Works, and that she sometimes seems to swerve from the ordinary Laws of Causes, and from Reason, as it were on purpose to baffle Humane Curiosity. Who can account for what we see happen in the Country of Malabar, where Calcutta is? Vast high Mountains, which touch the very Clouds, and end in a Promontory called anciently Corus, now Cape Comorin, divide this Country into two Parts, and altho' both have the same Elevation of the Pole, yet when on this side the Mountain's Winter gins, and Neptune's Billows rage and swell, on the other side the Fields and Towns are burnt up with the scorching Heats of Summer, and the Waters continually calm. This Diversity then which is in Climates, in the Situation of Places, the Temperature of the Air, and Food, variously distinguishes men's Complexions, and these again their very Natures. For the Manners of the Mind follow the Temperament and Disposition of the Body. The Northerns, by reason of the Sun's Remoteness, and the Coldness of their Countries, are Sanguine, Robust, and Valiant; whence they have almost ever had Dominion over the Southern Nations 2 Homines, qui frigida h●●, Europamque habitant, sunt illi quidem 〈◊〉. Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 7. ; the Assyrians over the Chaldaeans, the Medes over the Assyrians, the Parthians over the Greeks, the Turks over the Arabians, the Goths over the Germans, the Romans over the Africans, over the French the English, and over these the Scotch. They love Liberty, as those also do who inhabit Mountains, as the Swissers, Grisons, and Biscayners, their Temperament being not much unlike the Constitution of the Northerns. In Nations very near the Sun, Excess of Heat quite dries up the Blood; which makes the Inhabitants Melancholy, and Profound in the Penetration of Nature's Secrets; whence all other Northerly Nations have received the Mysteries of Sciences from the Egyptians and Arabians. Those Countries which lie between the two Torrid Zones enjoy a favourable Air, and there Religion, Justice and Prudence Flourish 3 Graecorum autem genus, ut locorum medium tenet, sic ex utr●q●● naturâ praeditum, quip animo simul & intelligentia valet. Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 7. . But because every Nation differs from others in many Particulars, although they are all situate under one Climate, I shall here set down what I have by long Experience and Study observed of each, lest this necessary piece of Knowledge should be wanting to your Highness, who exercise Dominion over almost all. The Spaniards love Religion and Justice, are patiented of Toil, in Counsel profound, in Execution slow; of such great Souls, that neither Good Fortune elevates, nor Ill dejects them. What is in them a Natural Glory, and Greatness of Mind, is imputed to them for Pride, and a Contempt of other Nations, when notwithstanding it is that which is most agreeable to all, and makes them most esteemed 4 Advenientes enim externos benignè hospitio excipiunt, adeo u● aem●latione quadam invicem pro illorum honore certent: Quos advenae sequ●ntur, hos laudant aemicosque Deorum putant. Diod. Sicul. l. 6. c. 9 ; that, I say, which above all follows the guidance of Reason, and by the Dictates of that checks its Passions and Appetites. The Africans are Subtle, Deceitful, Superstitious and Barbarous, and observe no Military Discipline. The Italians Cautious and Prudent: There's no Species or Image of Virtue which they represent not in their Words and Behaviour, to promote their Ends and Interest. A Glorious Nation, whose Temporal Empire did heretofore, as its Spiritual one does at this day, Rule almost the whole World. They are no less able and fit to Command, than Obey; of Prodigious Courage and Ingenuity in Arts, as well of Peace as War. Their excess of Judgement makes them enclinable to Suspicion, to the prejudice of themselves, and other Nations. They are in continual fear and jealousy of greater Powers, and make it their endeavour to balance them. There's not a Sword drawn, nor Pike trailed in any part of the Earth, but what has been first made and sharpened in the Forge of Italy. In Germany, variety of Religions, Civil Wars, and the Soldiers of other Nations serving there, have corrupted their ancient Candour and Ingenuity of Mind. And as things of a Delicate Make receive most Damage by being corrupted; so where Foreign Malice has infected these People, it has rendered them more Mistrustful and Depraved in their Morals. Some of them have wholly thrown off Allegiance to their Prince. The Horror of so many Cruelties has rendered their Minds so Savage, that they are neither touched with Love nor Compassion towards their Neighbours or one another. One cannot, without Tears, compare what this Illustrious Heroic Nation has been, with what it is now, ruin'd no less by the Vices, than Arms of others. Although this must be confessed, that in a great many Nature has had more Force than Example, several still refaining the Candour and generous Sincerity of their Ancestors; those ancient Manners are yet in our Time sufficiently demonstrated by the Integrity and Nobleness of these. Nevertheless, tho' the Case be thus in Germany, yet we cannot deny but Good Manners have more In●●●nce there, than in other Places Good Laws 5 Plus ibi bonos Mores valere, quam alibi bonas Leges. Tac. de Mor. ●●●●●norum. . All Arts are in request there; Nobility is most diligently preserved, in which Thing it may boast above all other Nations. Their Obedience and Patience in War is great, their Hearts strenuous and valiant. The Power of the Empire perished, by being too prodigal of it Grandeur and Majesty among the Princes, and suffering the Usurpation of so many Provinces, and the too great Liberty of the Free Towns, the chief Rise of its Troubles, by the Disunion of the Parts of so Puissant a Body. The French are Civil, Affable, and Warlike: Their first Onsets, with the same Speed they are heated, cool again. They neither know how to keep within the Bounds of their own, nor preserve themselves in another Land; are Impatient and Fickle; in Look lovely, in Manners intolerable; their Vivacity, and Freedom of Action, being very disagreeable to the Gravity of other Nations. All Arts and Sciences flourish among them. The English are Grave and Resolute, have a good Opinion of themselves; and, when Occasion requires, undauntedly expose their Lives to the greatest Dangers, though sometimes carried on by too bold and impetuous Passion, rather than premeditated Choice. They are excellent and Powerful by Sea, and good Soldiers also at Land, when by long Use enured to Arms. The Irish are Hardy; despise Arts, and proudly boast of their Extraction. The Scots are Constant and Faithful to their Kings, having continued the Crown in one Line for Twenty Ages down to these Times. They know no other Tribunal of their Anger and Revenge, but the Sword. The Netherlands are Industrious, Men of Candour and Sincerity, fit for Arts both of Peace and War, in which that Soil has always produced Eminent Men. They love Religion and Liberty; know not how to cheat others, nor will they suffer themselves to be cheated. Their kind Natures are like melted Metals, which afterwards consolidated, always retain the Impression of their Jealousies. Hence the Wit and Address of Count Maurice were able to give them an Aversion to the Spaniards, ●●d under a Pretence of Liberty, bring on them that Yoke of Slavery under which the United Provinces live even at this day 6 Had the Author lived longer, or not wrote so soon, he would have been of another Opinion. . The rest of the Northern Nations are Wild and Ungovernable; know how to Conquer, and maintain their Conquests. The Polanders are Martial, but better at Preserving than Acquiring. The Hungarians Haughty, and resolute Assertors of their Privileges. They retain also many of the Manners of those Nations which have took up Arms for or against them. The Sclavonians Fierce. The Greeks Vain, Superstitious, and without Faith; forgetful now of what they have been heretofore. The asiatics are Slaves to their Sovereigns, to their Vices also, and Superstitions. That vast Empire was at first raised and is still supported more by our Cowardice than the Courage of that People, more for our Punishment than their Desert. The Moscovites and Tartars are naturally Servile; rush with heat into the Battle, and as presently fly. But these General Observations comprehend not without Exception every Individual: For there are found some Grateful and Loyal Persons in the most Ungrateful and Perfidious Nation, inasmuch as Alteration of Governments, passing from one Nation to another, Conversation, Intermarriages, War, Peace, and those very Motions of the Spheres which from the Poles and from the Zodiac of the Primum Mobile derive on Things here below Celestial Influences, change Customs and Manners, nay, even Nature itself. For if we consult Histories, we shall find the Germans were noted for their Bravery; the Italians, on the contrary, branded with Cowardice: a Difference not visible now. Nations have been uppermost by turns; and while Monarchy lasted in them, Virtues, Arts and Arms flourished, which have been afterwards, with the Empire's Ruin, buried in its Ashes, and with it revived again in another Place. Nevertheless, all Nations have some peculiar Inclinations and Passions, which insensibly stick to Foreigners, if they make any considerable Stay amongst them. The Customs then of Nations being known, the Prince will be able far better to manage Affairs whether of Peace or War, and know how to rule Foreign Countries, every one of which inclines to a particular Manner of Government 7 Natura enim quoddam hominum genus proclive est ut imperio herili gubernetur, aliud ut regio, aliud ut civili, & horum imperium cujusque aliud est jus, & alia commodit●s. Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 12. , as conformable to its Nature. They have not all an Uniform Reason of State, no more than one Medicine is a Cure for all their Diseases. And herein Unexperienced Counsellors are generally out, who think others can be governed by the Maxims and Principles of their own States. The Bit which is easy to the Spaniard, is not so to the Italian and Netherlander: And as the ways of Dressing, Managing and Breaking the Horses of Spain, Naples and Hungary are different, though they are all of one Species; so Nations also should be differently governed according to their Natures, Customs and Habits. From this variety of People's Conditions, we may gather, how careful the Prince ought to be in sending Ambassadors, to see that they be not only endued with all the Qualifications necessary for the Representation of his Person, and Exercise of his Power; but withal, that their Natures, Wit and Manners, agree with those of the Nation they are to treat with: For if this Conformity be wanting, they will be fit to kindle War, than to make Peace; to excite Hatred, than procure Love. Hence God himself was, as it were, in Suspense, and Dubious in the Choice of a Minister to send to his People, and therefore deliberates thus with himself; Whom shall I send, and who will go for us 8 Isai. 6. 8. ? Every Court requires a Minister suitable to its Nature. In that of Rome, Men of Thought are approved, who are perfectly versed in the Art of Dissimulation, so as not to betray any Passion, either in their Speech or Looks: such as appear Sincere, and are Subtle and Prudent; who know how to Oblige all Men, and be Obliged to none; are Civil in Negotiations, Easy in Treaties, Reserved in Counsels, Constant in Resolutions, Friends to all, Intimate with none. The Emperor's Court requires a Man who maintains his Authority without Pride, who Speaks with Sincerity, Proposes with Modesty, Answers with Truth, and Expects with Patience; who anticipates not Accidents, but makes use of them when they happen; who, in a word, is Cautious in Promising, Exact in performing. The French Court likes Men of Facetious, Pleasant Humours, that can mix Seriousness with Gaiety; that neither despise, nor very much regard Promises; who change with the Times, though more according to the present than future. In England, the Grave and Reserved are commended, such as are slow both in Negotiations and Dispatches. At Venice are valued Men of Eloquence, of a Ready lavention, Ingenuous in Reasoning and Proposing, and Quicksighted into others Designs. At Genoa, Persons of Frugality, loving rather to compose than breed Dissension; who keep up their Authority without State, are Patient, and Time-Servers. The Suissers require such as can, upon occasion, lay aside Public Grandeur, and be Familiar in Conversation; as have learned to ingratiate themselves by Presents and Hopes, to have Patience, and watch their Opportunities; for they have to do with a Subtle and Jealous People, differing from each other in Religion, Factions, and Methods of Government, but are unanimous in their Resolutions and Decrees, and in their Counsels avoid Extremes, which each Canton afterwards executes according to its own Method. Now, as these Qualities are proper for every Court beforementioned; so are Complaisance, Civility, and Splendour, of universal use in all, if accompanied with a good Mien and Carriage, with some Learning and Knowledge of Languages, particularly the Latin; for these affect every body, procure the Applause and Esteem of Foreigners, and Credit to one's own Country. As Nations differ in Manners, so do they also in Strength. That of the Church, consists in the Respect and Obedience of Christian Believers; that of the Empire, in Reputation of Grandeur; of Spain, in its Infantry; France, in the Nobility; of England, in the Sea; of the Turks, in their Number; that of Poland, in its Cavalry; that of the Venetians, in their Prudence; of the Savoyards, in their Judgement. Almost all Nations differ from each other in Arms both Offensive and Defensive, which are adapted to the Genius and Disposition of each Country; wherein it is principally to be considered which are the most common and general, and whether those of our own Country are inferior to others, that the most advantageous may be made use of; for Excellency in one kind of Weapons, or the Novelty of the late-invented ones, often give or take away Empires. The Parthians enlarged theirs by the use of Darts: The French and Northerns opened a way to theirs by that of the armed Lance, forced on by the Swiftness of their Cavalry: The Art of Fencing, which the Romans practised in their Public Sword-Plays, (wherein Judgement has great effect) made them Masters of the Universe: And the Spaniards have conquered a New World, and established a Monarchy in Europe, by the Invention of several sorts of Fire-Arms; for these, above all, require Courage and Resolution, which are the particular Virtues of that Nation. To this Element of Fire the very Earth has opposed itself, (so that now all the Four Elements conspire the Destruction of Mankind;) and by introducing the Pick-ax and Shovel, the Industry of the Dutch has made such advances, as to be able to resist the Valour of Spain. The greatest Politicians often mistake the Balance of Governments; particularly some of the Italians, who vainly strive to keep them always in Aequilibrio; for that Government is not the most Dangerous or Potent, whose Dominions are of the Largest Extent, or Subjects most Numerous, but which knows best how to use its Strength. If you put the Forces in a pair of Scales, and one fall down, the other hang in the Air; yet, upon adding to this but one drachm of Prudence and Valour, or else if the quantity of Ambition and Tyranny exceed in that, the former shall poise, if not outweigh the latter. They who have raised their Fortune in this World, and ruled it, have all had but slender Beginnings. The Grandeur of the House of Austria inflamed the Envy of many, and all conspired to bring it down, while not one so much as thought of Sweden, which had undoubtedly enslaved Germany, and perhaps Italy too, had not the King's Death prevented it. Powers that begin to grow, are more to be feared than those that are already grown; for in these their Declension is Natural, as in those their Increase. The one strive to preserve themselves by the Public Quiet, the other to advance themselves by disturbing Foreign Dominions. Suppose one Power be in itself stronger than another, this has not therefore less Valour than that, to defend and protect itself. One Planet has more Force and Vigour in its own House, than another in its Elevation. Nor are these Fears of a Neighbouring Power always well grounded; on the other side, they often turn to its Advantage. Italy was under Apprehensions of Slavery from the West, when it saw the Kingdom of Sicily united to the Crown of Castille; which were not a little augmented when Naples was added, and both at once paid Obedience to Castille: But when the Emperor Charles V annexed the State of Milan to the Crown of Spain, it seemed absolutely to Despair; yet for all this, the Princes lost not their Liberty; on the contrary, have been effectually preserved against the Turkish and Transalpine Arms, and enjoyed a whole Age of Peace. The Fort de Fuentes, built by the Spaniards, was a great Eyesore to many, who looked on it as a Bridle to Italy, yet Experience has showed its only Design was their Defence. But all these Examples are not sufficient to cure the Panic Fears of that Hypochondria of State-Interest, as they call it, especially complicated with the ill Humours of Envy and Emulation, so as to make it shake off those Melancholy Whimsies. His Catholic Majesty lays Siege to Casal, to dispossess the French of it, and put it into the Hands of the right Owner, to promote the Peace of Italy: And what do the Envious, but immediately enter into a new League to oppose him? As if one City, more or less, were of any moment to so vast a Dominion. From this false Apprehension of future Evils and Dangers, which perhaps would never have really come to pass, proceed other present ones, much greater, by the Anticipation of their Remedies. Let such Persons then as are thus solicitous to poise the Balance of Governments, lay aside their Emulations; for it cannot be effected without prejudice to the Public Repose. Who can so keep the Globe of the World in this Equinox of Power, that some shall not come nearer the Solstices of Grandeur than others; Nations would be in perpetual War; nothing giving more Disturbance to them, than to be once possessed with such empty Chimeras which never have an end, especially since the Union of inferior Powers against a Greater cannot be of long continuance: And should they pull this down, who will they find to share the Grandeur among them, so that each shall be satisfied, and not every one desire the Whole? Who shall keep them so even, that one shall not increase faster than another? Since Man's Body is preserved by the inequality of its Members, why should not States, as well by the Greatness of one and Mediocrity of another Commonwealth? It is the securer Policy to follow the most Powerful, and conform to their Fortune, than to oppose them. Opposition awaken● Power, and gives a Pretence to Tyranny. The Orb● of Heaven suffer themselves to be whirled by the Violence of the Prim●m Mobile, which they cannot resist; and in following the Motion of that, perform their own Course. Ferdinand de Medicis, Duke of Tuscany, learned at Rome the Art of Molesting Superior Powers, and practised it against Spain by certain new Devices, in France, England, and Holland; but he afterwards found the Danger of it, and left it as a Lesson to his Successors never to use them; which they observe to this day, to the great Benefit of the Public Tranquillity. EMBLEM LXXXII. SOme adorned their Helmets with Swans and Peacocks, by the Generosity of these Creatures to animate their Minds, and inflame them with a Desire of Glory; others with a Bear's or Lion's Head, letting the Skin hang down their Shoulders, to strike Terror into their Enemies. So that of this Device (the Design of which is to show what a Price the Prince ought to set upon Arms) I have chosen for the Crest a Porcupine, whose Quills, no less agreeable for their Roughness, than the Ostrich's Feathers are for their Smoothness, at once Defend and Assault. There's no Garb more graceful than Armour adorned with Arms. The Splendour of Purple, however sparkling with Gold, Pearls and Diamonds, is insignificant; and the Magnificence of Palaces and Attendance, and the Pomp of Courts useless, except flaming Swords, and the Glittering of Arms, contribute to render Princes Illustrious. Solomon, the wisest of Kings, gloried not so much in his costly Wardrobes, as in his rich Arsenals, which were stored with Shields and Targets of an inestimable Value 1 And King Solomon made two hundred targets of beaten gold, six hundred shackles of beaten gold went to each target: And he made three hundred shields of beaten gold, and three hundred shackles went to one shield. 2 Chron. 9 15, 16. . The Spaniards of old prized a War-Horse more than their Blood 2 Hispanis militares E●● sanguine ipsorum cariores erant. Trog : now that Esteem is sunk, by the Convenience of Coaches and Chariots, the Use of which was prohibited among the Romans to all but Senators, and Ladies of Quality 3 Quibus quidem vehiculi● 〈…〉 & spectatae probitatis, alias uti non licuit. Alex. ab Alexan● l. 8. c. 18. . To remedy which Abuses, and once more introduce the Custom of Riding, the Emperor Charles V spoke thus in the Assembly of the States of Madrid, in the Year 1534: The Natives of these Kingdoms (said he) have ever been esteemed and honoured both at Home and Abroad, for their Skill in Chivalry; and it is by this alone they have obtained so many glorious Victories over their Enemies, as well Christians as Infidels, conquered so many Kingdoms and Dominions as at this day depend on our Crown. The Scripture says, in the Praise of Men of Courage, that their Shields are of Fire 4 And the shield of his mighty men is made red Na●um 2. 3. ; intimating how careful they are to keep them bright and well polished: and in another place observes, that their Rays reflected on neighbouring Mountains were like Lamps of Fire 5 Now when the sun shined upon the shields of gold and brass, the mountains glisteren therewith, and shined like lamps of fire. Macchab. 6. 39 . David said, a Sword added Grace even to the Majesty of God 6 Psal. 44. 4. . Hannibal's Habit was mean and modest, but in Equipage he surpassed all others 7 Vestibus nihil inter aequales ●●ellens, arma a●que equi inspiciebantur. . The Emperor Charles V took more delight in Military Pomp, than in Robes embroidered with Gold. Ottocarus, King of Bohemia, being overcome by the Emperor Rodolphus, came with great Splendour to swear Homage to him, and, as he was exhorted by his Attendance, to deck himself as became his Majesty: he replied; Arm, and March in Rank and File, and show these men, that you place your Bravery and Gallantry, not in Fine clothes, but in your Arms, for they best become both me and you. That Majesty begets Princes most Authority, which proceeds from Power. The People choose them for their Defence; which was intimated by the Navarrois, when, in their Coronations, they seated the Kings on a Shield: This was their Throne, and Heaven their Canopy. The Prince should be a Buckler to his Subjects, armed against all Assaults, and exposed to Dangers and Injuries. He will never appear more beautiful either to them or Foreigners, than when in Armour. The first Ornaments and Marks of Honour the ancient Germans gave their Youth, was a Sword and Buckler: Till than they were part of their Family, but afterwards became Members of their Government 8 Scuto Frameaque juvenes ●●abant. Haec apud illos toga, hic primus juventae honos, ante hoc Domus 〈◊〉 videbantur, mox Reipublicae. Tac. de Mor. Germ. . The Prince never looks like himself, but when in Arms. There's no Equipage more splendid than a Troop of Curiassiers; no Train more pleasing to the Eye than that of Squadrons, whose Sight is then most agreeable, when they are Martially equipt with all things necessary for an Attack, and want Nothing either for their Defence or Subsistence. An Army requires no other Ornament but what is necessary for them. Splendid Furniture is but Luggage and Cumber 9 Supellex pretiosa nihil aliud quam onus & impedimentum. Curt. l. 5. . That makes the best Appearance in War, which conduces most to the principal End of Victory. Hence Scipio the African, upon going into Spain, commanded each of his Men to carry on his Shoulders Thirty Days Provision, and Seven Stakes for Intrenchments. Such was then the Equipage of that Warlike Nation, so enured to Hardships, that they took the City to be built for the Roman Senate and People, the Temples for the Gods, but thought their Glory was in the Fields, under Tents and Pavilions 10 Vrbem Senatui, & Populo Romano, Templa Diis reddita, propri● esse Militiae decus in Armis. Tac. l. 3. Hist. . By such Discipline they were able to rule the World. Delights, Costly clothes, and Riches, are for Courtiers; in Soldiers they do but excite the Enemy's Avarice. Hence Hannibal had just cause to smile, when Antiochus, showing him his Army, rather beautiful in Apparel, than strong in Arms, demanded whether this would be enough for the Romans: Yes, (answered he, with an African Subtlety) certainly enough, be they never so Covetous. Let not the empty Show and Glittering of Gold and Silver terrify you, which neither Defend nor Wound, said Galgacus to the Britain's, to take away the fear of the Romans 11 Ne terreat va●● aspectus, & auri fulgor atque argenti, quod neque regit neque vulner●●. Tac. in Vit. Agric. . And Solyman, going to relieve jerusalem, to encourage his Men, tells them: Their Glorious Equipage you view from hence, Shall be our Plunder, 'stead of their Defence. * Tass. Can. 9 And tho' julius Caesar was for having his Soldiers Rich, because he thought fear of losing their Estates would make such Men more Resolute; yet large Spoils expose Victory to sale 12 Quod tenaciores eorum i● pretio essent metu damni. Sueton. , and Arms adorned with nothing but their own Strength buy it: For the Soldier is generally more solicitous to preserve what he has, than even to get the Victory. He that goes to fight, with a Spirit of Covetousness, is desirous to conquer his Enemy, only that he may afterwards rifle him. Interest and Glory are powerful Incentives to Man's Breast. How would Hannibal have laughed to have seen the Soldiers of these times so fine and spruce, and with such sumptuous Equipages, that there are scarce Horses and Carriages enough for them. How could he have passed the Pyrenaean Hills, or opened a Way over the Snowy Alps, with such a number of Chariots? They now (particularly in Germany) look not like Armies, but large Colonies of Nations, removing from one Place to another, with their whole Families, and all their Household Goods, as if they were Instruments of War 13 Quidam luxuriosos apparatus conviviorum, & irritamenta libidinum, 〈◊〉 instrumenta belli mercarentur. Tac. l. 1. Hist. . The like Remissness in Discipline Tacitus observed to be in Otho's Army. There is no Prince rich enough, no Province plentiful enough to supply them with Provision. They are equally injurious to Friends and Enemies. The same slackness was introduced by Duke Fridland, to raise a great number of Soldiers, suffering them to Forage whole Countries, with a Design, as some thought, to oppress and weaken them, so that they should never after be able to make head against his Forces, or else by this Licentiousness to enervate the Army itself, following herein the Practice of Caecinna 14 Cui perfidiam 〈◊〉, infringere exercitûs virtutem inter artes erat. Tac. l. 2. Hist. . This Abuse threatens great Inconveniencies, unless a timely Remedy be applied, and that one which shall not appear desperate. For tho' it costs no less Pains to correct undisciplined Soldiers, than resist Enemies, as Corbulo ●ound in Syria 15 Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum, quàm contra per●●iam hostium erat. Tac. l. 13. Annal. ; yet this must be understood, when the Enemy gives not Time, or at least when it is improper to make so sudden a leap from one extreme to the other. But if Time allow, nothing hinders but an Army may be reduced to Order and Discipline, by Exercise, Severity, and Example; without which three, it is impossible it should be reform, at least long continue so, as Vitellius experimentally found true 16 Degenerabat à labore ac virtute miles, assuetudine voluptatum & conviviorum. Tac. l. 2. Hist. . Corbulo was sensible of the same, when he was sent into Germany, and therefore reduced those slothful, disorderly Legions to their ancient Discipline. The same he did afterwards with his Army in Syria 17 Legiones operum & laboris ignar●●, popul●tionibus laetantes, veterem ad morem reduxit. Tac. l. 11. Annal. , where he found Soldiers so ignorant in the Affairs of War, that there were many, even Veterans, who had never kept Guard, or stood Centinel, who were utter Strangers to Trenches and Fortifications, unarmed, but rich and magnificent, as having served all their time in good Garrisons 18 Veterani qui non stationem non vigilias inissent, vallum, fossamque quasi nova & mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi, & quaestuo●●, militia per oppida expietâ. Tac. l. 13. Annal. ; and cashiering such as were unserviceable, kept the rest encamped all the Winter, to enure them to Cold, himself in a thin Habit, and his Head uncovered, always attending them, whether on a March or in their Works, commending the Valiant, comforting the Weak, and giving Example to all 19 ●pse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse; laudem strenu●●, solatium invalidis, exemplum omnibus o●tendere. Ibid. ; and when he perceived the Inclemency of the Wether made many leave their Colours, he remedied that by Severity, not pardoning (as was usual in other Armies) the first and second Transgression of that nature, but whoever Deserted was immediately put to Death. And that was found to be of more use than Clemency; for fewer deserted his Camp, than did those where it was pardoned 20 Remediu● severitate quae●i●um est. Nec enim ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumqu● venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliq●erat, s●atim capite poenas luebat. Idque usu salubre, & misericordia melius apparuit. Quip pauciores castr● deseru●re, quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur. Ibid. . The Soldier could never be brought to undergo those great Fatigues, and expose himself to the present Hazards of War, without some other Severity, or some Reward to equal those two. Princes, by Honours and Recompenses, make good Generals; and these good Soldiers, by Example, Rigour, and Liberality. Godfrey well knew Courage to be increased by Glory, and Hopes of Advantage, when, upon the point of giving Battle, He clears the Doubts, and elevates the Hopes Of those whose Bravery deserves Reward.— Some he with Wealth, with Honour some excites, And differing Genius's as each delights. * Tass. Can. 20. I dare affirm, no Soldiers can be good, unless their Commanders be something inclined to Prodigality and Severity. And 'tis probably on this account the Germans call a Regiment, and all that belongs to it, the Colonel's Staff, (den Regiment oder Colonelstah,) for with that Soldiers are to be ruled. Moses kept his in such strict Discipline, that suing once for Passage through the King of Edom's Country, he withal engaged, that none of them should drink of the Water of his Wells, or pass through any one's Fields or Vineyards 21 We will not pass through the fields nor through the vineyards, neither will we drink of the water of the wells. Numb. 20. 19 . Antiquity has left us an illustrious Example of the Re-establishment of decayed Military Discipline in the Person of Metellus, when he was in Africa, where he found the Roman Army so corrupted, that the Soldiers would not stir out of their Quarters, deserted their Colours, and dispersing themselves over the Province, Ravaged and Plundered wherever they came, being guilty of all the Extravagancies that Avarice and Luxury are capable of inspiring. Yet all these he insensibly remedied, by Exercising them in Military Arts. He first ordered, that no Bread, or any other Meat dressed, should be sold in the Camp; forbade the Sutler's to follow the Army; suffered not any Common Soldier, upon a March, to have a Servant or Mule. And thus correcting the other Abuses, he restored them to their former Courage and Strength. The effect of which Care was so great, as of itself to terrify jugurtha, and obliged him, by Ambassadors, to beg his Life, and the Lives of his Children of him, and to promise the Delivery of all besides to the Romans. Arms are Vital Spirits, which cherish and give motion to the Body of a Government; the Surety of Public Tranquillity, wherein the Preservation and Increase of the same consists, provided they be well ordered, and admit of Discipline. This the Emperor Alexander Severus well knew, when he said, Ancient Discipline was the Support of the Commonwealth, the Fall of which would be the Ruin of the Roman Name and Empire 22 Disciplinam majorum Rempublicam tenet, quae si dilabatur, & nomen Romanum, & Imperium amissum iri. Alex. Sever. apud Lamprid. . Since than it is of so great Importance to have good Soldiers, it is the Duty of Princes to confer Favours and Honours upon them. Saul loved a brave Soldier so well, that he would not suffer him out of his sight. Reward and Honour find, and Exercise makes them: For Nature produces few Valiant Men; but Industry, with good Instruction, brings up many 23 Paucos viros fortes natura procreate, bona institutione plures reddit industria. Veget. . This aught to be the care of the Captains, Colonels, and Generals, as it was of Sopher the Chief of the Host, who exercised his Freshwater Soldiers 24 And the principal scribe of the army, who mustered the people of the land, etc. 2 King. 25. 9 . And thus the Holy Scriptures call Commanders, Masters of Soldiers 25 Gen. 37. 36. , it being their business to teach and instruct them; such were Potiphar and Nebuzaradan 26 jerem. 39 9 . But because this, through the excessive Indulgence and Carelessness of Officers, and upon account of other Impediments in War, is not easily reduced to Practice, the Evil of it ought rather to be timely prevented; a Thing which Princes and Commonwealths are strangely negligent in. Upon the Study of Literature are founded Colleges; for Religion, Convents and Monasteries. The Church Militant has its Nurseries for the Edification of Spiritual Soldiers to defend it; for Temporal ones there is none. The Turk alone regards this, who, to that end, gathers Children of all Nations into certain Seraglios, and sees them brought up in the Exercise of Arms; whence afterwards is form the Body of his Janissaries, who knowing no other Father or Lord but the Grand Signior, are the chiefest Strength and Defence of his Empire. Christian Princes ought to do the same in all great Cities, by taking Orphans, Foundlings, and all other of that nature, into Seminaries for that purpose, there to be instructed in Military Exercises, taught to forge Arms, twist Ropes, make Gunpowder, and all other Ammunition, to prepare them for War-Service. There might also be some educated in Seaport Towns, where they might have an early insight into Navigation, and see the manner of Building Ships, of making Sails and Cables, which would be a means to cleanse the Commonwealth from those Dregs of Vagabonds, and furnish it with Persons that would be useful in Military Arts, which might be kept out of what they daily earn; or, if that would not suffice, a Law might be made to assign such Seminaries the Third of all Pious Gifts or Legacies: For assuredly they deserve no less who defend the Altars, than those that offer Incense at them. It would be also a very good way, for the Subsistence of an Army, to endow the Treasury of War with certain stated Revenues, to be employed to no other uses: As Augustus did, who settled the Tenth of all Hereditaments and Legacies, and the Hundred part of all Commodities sold upon it. Which Tax Tiberius would not afterwards take off, even though the Senate requested it, because it was the Support of the Military Treasury 27 Centesimam rerum venalium post bella civilia institutam, deprecante populo, edixit Tiberius militare ●rarium eo subsidio niti. Tacit. ●. 1. Annal. . Thus Peter Count de Lemos endowed that of N●ples; but Envy afterwards overthrew all that his Zeal and Prudence had established. Neither should this Care be taken for Soldiers only, but also in Erecting Fortresses, and Garrisoning them; forasmuch as that Charge may prevent many greater. The Weakness of a Place invites an Enemy, whereas scarce any one Attacks a State he thinks able to Defend itself. If all that is lavishly squandered away in Gaming, Shows, and Building, were expended upon this, Princes would live abundantly more Secure, and the whole World enjoy more Peace and Tranquillity. The Emperors, Dioclesian and Maximilian, took it as a signal piece of Service of a certain Governor of a Province, who laid out a Sum of Money designed for the Structure of an Amphitheatre, upon the Repair of a Citadel 28 Ita enim & tutelae civitatis instructae murorum praesidio providebitur, & instaurandi agonis voluptas, confirmatis his, qua ad securitatis cautionem spectant, in secuti temporis circuitus circuitione repraesentabit. L. Unica C. de Expen. Publ. l. 11. . EMBLEM LXXXIII. THE very Ground whereon Fortresses are built is their greatest Enemy. It is upon the Surface of that with the Shovel and Pickax (Weapons of this Age) Trenches and Approaches are made to begin a Storm. 'Tis within the Bowels of the same, that Mines are secretly sprung under the Foundations of the Walls and Bulwarks, which taking Fire, blow them all up. That Castle only is Impregnable, which, situated in the midst of Waters, is on all sides surrounded with the Fury of Foaming Billows; which, although they beat against it, yet do at the same time also defend it, by not admitting of a Naval Siege; and all the Danger would be in a Calm, if it should continue long. Thus Governments, while engaged in War, are generally safe 1 Civitates magna ex parte bellum gerentes conservantur, caedem I●per●o potitae corrumpuntur. Aristot. l. 7. Polit. c. 14. : Then are they industriously Vigilant, providently forewarned; Glory animates; Exercise redoubles their Courage; Emulation prompts to great Erterprises; and Common Danger unites men's Affections, and purges off the State's ill Humours. Fear of an Enemy, keeps a People Regular, and under Laws 2 Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sallust. . The Romans were never more Valiant, nor their Subjects more Quiet and Obedient to the Magistrates, than when Pyrrhus first, and after him Hannibal, came up to the very Gates of their City. A great Monarchy is in more Danger upon the account of its Power, than others are from their Weakness; for that, through too much confidence in its Strength, neglects to provide against future Casualties 3 Whose arrows are sharp, and all their bows bend: their horses hoofs shall be counted like ●lints. Isai. 5. 28. : whereas, on the contrary, Fear puts this always upon its Guard. If Military Discipline cease, and be not kept in continual Exercise, Sloth effeminates Minds, weakens and throws down Walls, rusts Swords, and gnaws the Straps of Shields; Debaucheries, by degrees, increase with it, and Ambition reigns; whence arise Dissensions, and from them Civil Wars: so that there is not one Intestine Malady or Infirmity engendered by Laziness, but the whole State suffers by it. Nothing grows or is preserved without Motion. Q. Metellus, upon the News of the Loss of Carthage, said openly in the Senate, That he now apprehended that of Rome would follow, when he saw that Rival Republic destroyed. Pub. Nasica, hearing one say, This Success put Affairs in a better Posture; answered, Nay, rather, they are now in greater Danger. This wise Man well knew those Hostile Forces were like Surges, which indeed shook the City, but withal added Strength and Courage to it; and therefore exhorts them to beware of their Ruin, as knowing weak Minds to have no greater Enemy than Security, and 〈◊〉 Fear was a necessary Tutor to this Pupil People 4 Timens infirmis animis hostem securitatem, & tanquam pupilli● 〈◊〉 idoneum tutorem necessarium videns e●se terrorem. Mar. Hist. Hisp. . ●●inthila, King of the Goths, was great in Spain, and ●●quired Renown by his Achievements, while he was engaged in War: when that ceased, he abandoned himself to Luxury, and was ruined. King Alphonsus VI. reflecting upon the Losses he had received from the Moors, ●●k'd the reason of it; and was answered, It was the Sloth and Looseness of his Men: upon which he immediately forbade Bathing, and all other Wantonnesses that impair Strength. The Oscitancy and Drowsiness of the two Kings, Roderick and Vitiza, made almost all Spain fall a Prey to the Africans, till the times of Pelagius and his Successors, when Warfare beginning to flourish again, Valour, and the Glory of Arms, increased by constant Emulation, and not only delivered Spain from that heavy Yoke, but rendered it Head of a Puissant Monarchy. The Emulation between the Military Orders of Castille produced abundance of Great Men, who striven more to surpass each other in Military Glory, than to conquer an Enemy. The House of Austria had never ascended to this Pitch of Grandeur, had it always been given up to Idleness. The same means Envy takes to pull it down by, strengthen and render it more glorious: For they who live in Peace, like Iron not used, lose their Brightness, and become rusty 5 Nam pacem agentes, tanquam ferrum, splendorem amittunt. Arist. l. 7. Polit. c. 14. . Lesser Powers may indeed be preserved without Arms, but not great ones: For it is not so difficult to keep Fortune equal in them, as in these; out of which, if Arms be ●ot sent abroad, War is kindled at Home: As it befell the Roman Monarchy; with whose Grandeur, Ambition, that old inbred Vice, increased and broke out. For when Affairs were in a low Condition, it was easy to keep an Equality: but after the Conquest of the World, when their Rival Cities and Kings were destroyed, and they at leisure to share their Riches, than it was that the Senators and Common People first began to fall out 6 Vetus 〈◊〉 jam pridem in●ita mortalibus potentiae cupido, cum 〈◊〉 per●i magnitudine adolevit, erupitque. Nam rebus modicis, aequalitas fa●●● habeb●tur, sed ubi subacto orbe, & aemulis Vrbibus Regibusque excisi● s● cu●as opes concupiscere vacuum fuit, prima inter Patres Plebemque 〈◊〉 mina exarsere. Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 14. . The Emulation of Valour which is exercised against Enemies, when there is any, is usually inflamed between Countrymen, when there is none. This the Germans had Experience of, when, upon the Romans leaving them, and their being exempt from Foreign Fear, out of Emulation, turned their Arms upon one another 7 Decessu Romanorum, 〈◊〉 vacui externo metu gentis assuetudine, & tum aemulatione gloriae arma in se verterant. Tac. l. 2. Hist . The Peace of the Roman Empire was very bloody, it being the Source of all their Civil Wars 8 Pacem sine dubio post haec verum cruent●●. Tac. l. 1. Annal. . Long Peace was agreeable to the Cherusci, but of no advantage 9 Cherusci nimiam ac marcentem diu pacem illacessui nutrierunt, idque ju●undius quam tutius fuit. Tac. de Mor. Roman. . The Wars of the Low-Countries put an end to the Intestine Commotions in Spain. That Theatre of War, or rather that School of Mars, where so many Military Arts have been taught and exercised, has been very much to the Advantage of this Monarchy: Though, 'tis true, this Military Exercise and Discipline has been common to its Enemies and Rivals, almost all the Princes of Europe having learned the Use of Arms there, although it is a prodigious Charge to make War in Countries so disturbed and remote, with so much Bloodshed and Extortion, so much Advantage on the Enemy's side, and so little on ours, that it may reasonably be questioned whether it were better to conquer or be conquered; or if it would not be more expedient to apply some Remedy, whereby to quench, or at least damp, for a time, that ardent Thirst after Blood and Riches; to the end, that what is thrown away there, might be laid out upon a a Fleet, for the Establishment of the Empire of the Ocean and Mediterranean, and the carrying on a War in Africa, the successful Progress of which, by reason of the nearness of Spain and Italy, would the more unite this Monarchy. However, Love of those so Ancient and Loyal Subjects, joined with a Desire to see them redeemed from that vile Slavery, they are, under the Notion of Liberty, miserably oppressed with, and to reduce them to the true Worship of God, have more Influence on us, than State-Interest. Now as the Encouragement of Valour and Military Glory in a Monarchy, is the Security thereof; so is it not without Danger, when the Supreme Power is lodged in many, as in Commonwealths; their greatest Hazard being in their own Arms, while they intrust the Power of the Army to one; that very Hand which they first armed usually laying the Yoke on them; those Forces themselves gave, oppressing their Liberty. Thus it was with the Roman Republic, and from thence Tyranny passed to almost all other Nations. However requisite therefore it be to keep Armies always ready, and in Exercise; yet the Arts of Peace are still more secure, especially if the People be corrupted, and separated in distant Places: For the Fierceness of War does but render them more Insolent; and it is better to keep them in view of Danger, than secure from it, if you expect they should unite for their Conservation. The Liberty of the Republic of Genova was not less safe, when its Mountains were not regularly fortified, than now that through singular Industry and Labour they are made as Impregnable Walls to the State. For too much Security breeds ill Humours, divides the People into Factions, begets Presumptuous Spirits, and despises External Means. In a word, In Commonwealths harassed with Intestine Broils, Wars are more dangerous than useful; and consequently then only will be of advantage to Genova, when that prudent Senate shall act as if they had never built them. EMBLEM LXXXIV. IT has been the Opinion of some, That Nature was rather a Stepmother to Man, than his own; and that she had showed herself more liberal to other Creatures, in giving them a clearer Instinct and Notice of the Means necessary for their Defence and Conservation. But these Persons did not sufficiently consider their own Excellency, their Power and Dominion over Sublunary Things; Nature having bestowed on them a swift Understanding, in a Moment penetrating both the Earth and Heavens: a Memory, wherein, without the least confusion or disorder, are reposited the Ideas of Things so various: a Reason, which Distinguisheth, Collects, and Concludes: a Judgement, that Comprehends, Weighs, and Determines; Gifts whereby Man is entitled to the Sovereignty of all Created Being's, and a Liberty to dispose of them according to his Pleasure, having Hands framed with such Skill and Wisdom, that they are Tools fit for all Arts; so that although he comes into the World naked and without Arms, yet he forges them according to his Fancy, either to defend himself, or assault others. The Earth, to that end, furnishes him with Iron and Steel; the Water (as you see in this Device) turns the Mill that strikes them: Thus all the Elements obey his Will. With any slight Plank (Boat) he tames the Sea's Pride, and gathers the Winds into a small piece of Canvas, to make them serve him for Wings to fly from one Place to another; confines all the Fire's Violence within Brazen Pipes, called Guns, and thence shoots Thunderbolts no less terrible than those of jupiter himself. By Wit and Art he facilitates many Things impossible to Nature: By these he improves Nature 1 Multa quae natura impedita erant, c●nsi●io expediebat. Livy, Dec. 2. ; he tempers Breastplates, and sharpens Iron into Lances. It behoves the Prince to use Industry more than Force, Wisdom than Arms 2 Wisd. 6. 1. , the Pen rather than the Sword 3 Eccl. 9 18. . For to attempt every thing with one's utmost Power, is the Folly of the Giants, who heaped Mountains upon Mountains. It is not the greatest Strength that always Triumphs; the little Remora stops the Course of a Ship. That one City, Numantia, fatigued the whole Roman Empire, for fourteen Years: Nor did the Conquest of those vast Countries of Asia cost it so much Pains as the Taking of Saguntum * A City of Spain, now called Morvedre. . Strength decays by degrees, and is consumed, but Wisdom and Ingenuity endures for ever; and except War be managed by this, Victory is never obtained by that. A War carried on by Policy is secure; that which relies wholly upon Strength, hazardous and uncertain. One Wise Head is worth Twenty Hands. † Eurip. Tiberius, writing to Germanicus, boasts, that in the nine times he was sent by Augustus into Germany, he had done more by Stratagem than by Force 4 Se novies à Divo Augusto in Germaniam missum, plu●a consilio, qu●● vi perfe●isse. Tacit. l. 6. Annal. . Nor did he use to take any other Measures, when Emperor, especially to maintain the remote Provinces; and would frequently say, That Foreign Affairs should be managed by Wisdom and Policy, and Armies kept as far off as possible 5 Consiliis & astu, exter●as res ●●liend●s, arma procul habenda. . All things are not surmounted by Strength and Expedition, but many by Policy and Deliberation 6 Non omnia viribus superantur, non velacitate, non celeritate, sed corilio & sententia. C●cero. Mar. Hist. Hisp. . The Low-Countries were ruined amidst their continual Victories; because they confided in Strength, more than Prudence. Let Force submit to Policy; for that will conquer where the other cannot. When the Moorish Armies annoyed Spain, in the time of King Roderick, the Governor of Murcia was defeated in a Battle, where all the Nobility of this City lost their Lives; and the Women having Intelligence of it, placed themselves along the Walls, in men's Habit, and all in Armour. Upon which the Conquerors, thinking by this they were still very Numerous, consented to Honourable Terms. Edward IU. King of England, used to say, That Charles the Wise, of France, without any Armies, by writing Letters only, did him more mischief than his Father or Grandfather had done with all theirs. The Sword can exert its Force but in a few Places; good Management is of Universal Influence. Nor does Princes being remote one from another signify any thing: For as Trees have Communication with, and are united to each other by the means of Roots, their Activity being a very large Extent; so they, by their Ambassadors, and secret Practices, may do the same. Policy makes the Strength of Foreigners its own by Alliance, having the Common Interest in view. A Prince may do more from a private Closet, than in an open Plain. King Philip II. never went out of Madrid, yet kept the World in Awe and Obedience: He made himself more Formidable by Prudence than by Power. The Power that makes use of Address, is in a manner Infinite. Archimedes often said, If he had a Place to stand on, he could, with his Machine's, move this Terraqueous Globe. Any Potent Monarchy might easily attain to an Universal Empire, if to its Strength were joined Skill and Industry: But lest this should be, that Primum Mobile of Empires permits the Great Ones to want Prudence, and wholly trust to their Power. More Affairs are transacted by Counsel and Conduct, than by Blows 7 Pleraque in summa fortuna auspiciis & consiliis, magis quam ●elis & ●●nibus geri solent. Tac. 13 Annal. . Power with Rashness is as dangerous as Rashness without Power. Abundance of Wars between Christian Princes might be avoided by Industry; but either Judgement is insensible of their Inconveniencies, and cannot find a way to decline them Honourably, or it does not regard them, Ambition blinding Prudence; or else Vanity and Haughtiness look on it as a piece of Bravery, voluntarily to face them; and thus are tickled with a Counterfeit-Glory of War, which, as it is a Public Action, whereon the Common Preservation of all depends, ought not to be measured by thin Shadows of Honour, but by the Public Advantage and Utility; yet so, that the Prince must in the mean time leave no Stone unturned to shun War, cutting off all Occasions, before they happen, or if they be already, getting the Hearts of such as by their Counsel can promote Peace. Let him find out all endearing ways imaginable to preserve Friendship: Let him embrace his Enemy both within and without his Realms; and by crossing his Designs, and entering into Leagues and Alliances Defensive, terrify him. And to these Humane Means let him join the Divine Assistances of Prayer and Sacrifice, and apply himself to the Pope, as the Common Father of Christendom, ingenuously telling him his Intentions and Desire of the Public Quiet, of the Injury received, or the Reasons that induce him to take up Arms, if Satisfaction be not made him. Whence the Matter being also carried to the College of Cardinals, and the Authority of the Apostolic See interposed, either the War will be avoided, or the Prince justify the Cause of it at Rome, where is the Tribunal at which all Prince's Actions ought to be judged, and their Controversies decided. Nor is this a Mean-spiritedness, but rather a Christian Generosity, and Political Provision for the maintaining Amity among Nations, and the avoiding of Emulations, and the Confederacy they occasion. EMBLEM LXXXV. WHen the Bear has got a Beehive, he finds no better way than to plunge it under Water; for any other would rather hinder his Design of getting the Honey, and escaping the Stings of the Bees. By this Example, the present Emblem shows the Inconveniencies of keeping a Mediocrity in Counsels; experienced in that which Herennius Pontius gave the Samnites, when they had got the Romans in a narrow Pass, who seeing his first Advice rejected, which was to let them all go, was for putting them all to the Sword: And being asked why he thus went from one Extreme to the other, when the Middle-way might be taken, of giving them their Liberty, after the Imposition of certain Laws, as being Conquered? He answered, That it was necessary either to show themselves generous to the Romans, by so signal a Kindness to establish a firm and inviolable Peace with them, or else to give such a Blow to their Forces, that they should never again be able to make Head against them; Any way between these two, said he, will neither make Friends, nor take away Enemies 1 Neutralitas nec amicos pa●it, nec inimicos tollit. Polyb. . Hence that of Aristodemus to the Aetolians: We must have the Romans either our Allies or Enemies; there's no Middle-way 2 Romanos 〈◊〉 socios habere oportuit, aut hosts, media via null● est. Aristodem. . In those Cases where any one would oblige a Friend or Enemy, Moderate Expressions of Kindness do nothing: For Gratitude always looks upon the Omissions are made, and seldom fails to find a Reason not to think itself Obliged. Thus Francis I. King of France, laid not aside his Enmity to the Emperor Charles V notwithstanding he set him at liberty, because his Captivity was not so generous as that of Alphonsus' King of Portugal, who being taken in a Battle by Ferdinand King of Leon, was treated by him with all the Humanity imaginable, his Wounds dressed carefully, and himself set at liberty after his Recovery; Favours which wrought upon him to lay his whole Kingdom at the Conqueror's Feet: But Ferdinand refused the Offer, satisfied with the Restitution of such Places as had been lately taken in Galicia. The same Consideration had Philip, Duke of Milan, when having taken Prisoners the Kings of Arragon and Navarr, (the first of which was Alphonsus V) he called a Council, to deliberate what should be done with them; and while some were for having them pay a Ransom, others for binding them to certain Conditions, and lasty, others for freely Dismissing them without either, he took this last Advice, thereby to lay the greater Obligation upon them, and so engage their Friendship. When Kingdoms are embroiled in Civil Wars, there's nothing more dangerous than standing Neuter, as Henry the Infant endeavoured to do, during the Troubles of Castille, occasioned by the Nonage of King Ferdinand iv by which means he lost his Friends, without obliging his Enemies. Nor is it less dangerous in the Punishments of the Multitude, to inflict them promiscuously on all; wherefore it seems most adviseable, either wholly to connive at their Faults, or to make a severe Example of some one. Hence Germanicus was counselled, in the Rebellion of the Germane Legions, either to grant All or None of what the Soldiers demanded 3 Periculosa severitas, flagitiosa l●rgitio: seu nihil militi, seu omnia concedereniur in ancipiti Republica. Tac. 1. Annal. ; and deservedly blamed for indulging them Part, taking a Middle-way 4 Satis superque missione, & pecunia & mollibus consul●is peccatum. Id. Ibid. . Thus Drusus, in another Occasion of the like nature, was advised either to Dissemble, or Punish with Rigour. The prudentest Counsel certainly in the World: For the Common People can never keep a Medium between two Extremes, but always exceed in the one or the other 5 Al●i fortioribus remediis agendum, nihil in vulgo modicum: terrere ni paveam, ubi pertimuerint, impunè contemni. Tac. 1. Annal. . If the Matter require Expedition, it is certain Ruin not to venture enough, or not to use sufficient Precaution; as it happened to Valens, who wavering between the Counsels that were given him, could not come to any determinate Resolution 6 Mox utrumque consilium aspernatur, quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est, dum media se quitur, nec ausus est satis, nec providit. Id. l. 3. Hist. . In Affairs of War, Fear would sometimes appear prudent; and to that end, suggests Moderate Resolutions; which serve but to encourage the Enemy, and give him Time to look about him. As King john I. found, who pretending the Crown of Portugal was devolved on him by the Death of Ferdinand, his Father-in-Law, resolved to enter that Kingdom alone, and to have his Army follow: whence the Portuguese gained Time to take up Arms in the interim; which had never been done, had he immediately fell upon them; but he, to avoid War, left his Right to the Decision of Justice. Threats signify little, if the Hand lifted up, have no Weapon in it, and do not sometimes punish Disobedience in earnest. The Hastiness of the French, makes them regard neither the past nor present Time, and through the Heat of their Minds they are too adventurous, and too precipitous in their Resolutions: However, this very thing oftentimes gives Success to them; for by this means they avoid Lukewarmness, and dispatch every thing in a trice. The Spaniards, on the other side, are Dilatory, that they may, by long and much Consideration, proceed with more Caution; and out of an Affectation of Prudence, use to Hesitate; nay, while they take Time to Consult, lose the Opportunity of Execution. The Italians know better how to make their Advantage both of the one and the other, using the Opportunities as they present themselves: Not like the Germans, who are slow in Resolving, lazy in Executing, and consult only the present Time, without any regard to the past or future. Their Minds change with Events, which is the reason they have so little advanced their Fortune; it being otherwise a Nation, which, considering its innate Courage, might extend its Dominions far and near. To the same Cause may be ascribed the long Continuance of the Civil Wars the Empire is harassed with at this day; which undoubtedly, by resolute Counsel and Expedition, might have been laid asleep long ago; whereas by slow Counsels, which yet passed for Prudent, we have seen vast Armies, upon the Rhine, which might have made way even into France, and forced it to an Universal Peace: a thing has done them more prejudice, than if they had lost several Battles: For there can be no greater Overthrow, than for an Army insensibly to waste and perish within itself. It is this has made Havoc of their own Country, and the Places adjacent, through which War ought to be carried, when now its Seat is in the very Heart of Germany. In all other Affairs of Civil Government, Middle-Counsels may have place; because of the Danger of Extremes, and because it is of great Importance ever to take away from which you may afterwards (in case of Necessity) come to any one of the two with the less inconvenience. Between these two Extremes, the Ancients placed Prudence, represented by the flight of Daedalus, who came neither too near the Sun, nor too near the Sea, lest the excessive Heat of the one should melt, or the Moisture of the other wet his Wings. I● Countries whose Inhabitants are not of a Servile Nature, but of a Polite Genius, and Generous Spirit, the Reins of the People ought to be governed with so much Caution and Address, that neither too much Indulgence shall breed Arrogance, nor too much Rigour Aversion. It is equally dangerous to curb them with Bits and Barnacles, and turn them lose without a Bridle; for they can neither endure all Liberty, nor all Slavery, (as Galba told Piso of the 7 Neque enim hic, aut in caeteris gentibus, quae regnantur, certa Dominorum Domus, & caeteri servi: sed im●eraturus es hominibus, qui ne●●otam servitutem pati possunt, nec totam libertatem. Tac. l. 1. Hist. Romans.) Always to execute Power, is to wear out the Chain of Servitude: 'Tis a kind of Tyranny, to go about to reduce Subjects to the model of an absolute Perfect State, in that the Condition of Humane Nature admits not of it. It is not necessary for a Government to be such as it ought to be, but as it is capable of being; for all things that are expedient, are not possible to Humane Infirmity. It is an Absurdity, to wish there may be no Defect at all in a Commonwealth. There will be Vices, as long as there be Men. Excess of Zeal is the Spring of many Mistakes in Governors, in not knowing how to conform to Prudence. The same is Ambition, when Princes affect to pass for Severe, and imagining their Reputation consists in Ruling their Subjects so, that they shall never in the least degree swerve from Reason and the Laws. 'Tis a dangerous Strictness, which consults not the ordinary Passions of the Vulgar. Open Address prevails more than Power; Example and Complacency, than Inhuman Severity. Let the Prince therefore rather make believe he finds his Subjects good, than value himself upon making them so: which Tacitus commends Agricola for, in his Government of Britain 8 Maluit videri invenisse bonos quam fecisse. Tacit. in Vit. Agric. . Let him not suffer himself to be deceived in the past Times, so as to wish he could see those Good Manners he fancies were in those Days: For Malice was ever the same in all Times; but 'tis a fault of our corrupt Nature, always to like the Past better than the Present 9 Laudamus veteres, praesentes carpimus annos. . Besides, granting that Severity and Obedience were greater formerly, yet this Age will not bear it, if those Ancient Manners are altered in it: This Mistake cost Galba both his Life and Empire 10 Nocuit antiqu●s rigour, & nimia severitas, cui pares non sumus. Tac. l. 1. Hist. . EMBLEM LXXXVI. MAN's Mind has not been satisfied with the Speculation of Terrestrial Things; but impatient that the Knowledge of the Heavens should be deferred so long as till after Death, has broke the Prison of the Body, and soared above the very Elements, to find out, by Reasoning, what it could not by Touching, Sight, and Hearing: and to this end, hath formed in Imagination an Idea of that most Beautiful Fabric, contriving a Sphere with such various Circles, Equations and Epicycles, as aptly represent the several Motions of the Planets and Constellations; and though he be not positively assured whether the thing be really so, he hath, however, acquired this Glory, that he can now conceive how this World is, or at least how it might have been created. Neither does the Mind stay here; but restless and venturesom in its Researches, has imagined another quite different Hypothesis, and would persuade others, that the Sun is the Centre of those Orbs which move round it, and have their Light from it. An Hypothesis impious, and directly contrary to Natural Reason, which gives Rest to heavy Bodies; repugnant to Holy Writ, which says, the Earth stands for ever 1 Eccles. 1. 4. : lastly, inconsistent with the Dignity of Man, as if he must be moved to enjoy the Sun's Rays, and not the Sun to bring them him, when yet this (as all other Creatures) was made, only for his Service 2 This Opinion was embraced and maintained by Copernicus, Rheticus, Rothmannus, Kepler, Galilaeus, Des Cartes, and Gassendus, by whom all Arguments to the contrary are fully answered. . It is certain then, that this Prince of Light, who has in Charge the Empire of all Things here below, illuminates, and by his Presence informs them, by going, without intermission, from one Tropic to the other, with a Contrivance so wonderful, that all Parts of the Earth receive from him, if not an equal Heat, at least, an equal Light, whereby the Divine Wisdom has prevented the Evil that would unavoidably ensue, if the Sun should never leave the Aequator; for than its Rays would utterly burn up some Countries, while others would freeze, and be involved in perpetual Darkness. This Natural Example teaches Princes how much it advances the Public Utility, for Them, like that Swiftest of the Planets, continually to move about their States, to warm the Affection of their Subjects, and give Life to their Affairs 3 Velocissimi sideris more, omnia invisere, omnia au●ire. Plin. Jun. . This is what the Royal Prophet would intimate, when he says, God has placed his Tabernacle upon the Sun 4 Psal. 19 4. , which never stands still, but is present on all Occasions. King Ferdinand the Catholic, and the Emperor Charles V kept not their Courts in one certain Place; by which means they achieved many Notable Things which they could not possibly have done by Ministers, who, although dexterous and careful enough, yet never perform what the Prince would, were he present in Person; because they want either Orders or Power. Our Saviour Christ no sooner came to the Sheep-pool, but he healed the Paralytic 5 Rise, take up thy bed and walk. john 5. 8. , which the Angel could not do in Eight and thirty Years, whose Commission being only to trouble the Water, he, as a Minister, could not go beyond it 6 For an Angel went down at a certain season, and troubled the water. Ibid. 4. . 'Tis impossible for States to be well governed by the bare Relations of others, and therefore Solomon advises Kings to give ●ar to their Subjects themselves 7 Give ear, you that rule the people, etc. Wisd. 6. 2. ibid. ver. 4. ; for this is a part of their Office, and to them, not to their Ministers, is given of the Lord that Power and Virtue which accompanies the Sceptre only, wherein it infuses the Spirit of Wisdom and Counsel, of Courage and Piety; nay, I may say, a kind of Divinity, enabling the Prince to foresee Things to come, so as that he cannot be put upon either in what he sees or hears 8 And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge, and of the fear of the Lord. Isai. 11. 2. . Nevertheless, in Time of Peace, some fixed Place of Residence seems by no means inconvenient; and it will be sufficient, by going a Progress round each Country, to have once visited his States. Nor indeed are any Treasuries capable of defraying the Expenses frequent Removals of a Court will require; nor can they be made without considerable Detriment to the Subject, without disturbing the Order of Councils and Tribunals, and retarding the Proceed of Government and Justice. King Philip II. throughout his whole Reign, scarce ever went a step out of Madrid. But in Occasions of War, it appears more adviseable for the Prince to be himself present, and to Head his Subjects: For 'tis for that Reason the Scared Writings call him Shepherd and Captain 9 And I will set up shepherds over them, which shall feed them, and they shall fear no more, etc. Jer. 23. 4. . Thus God, commanding Samuel to anoint Saul, does not say to be King, but to be Captain over Israel 10 And thou ●●alt anoint him to be a Captain over my people I●rael. 1 Sam. 9 16. : intimating that this was his principal Office; and in effect, that this was the Practice of all Kings in former Ages. Upon this it was that the People grounded their Petition for a King, that they might have one to go out before them, and fight their Battles 11 Rex enim Dux erat in Bello. Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 11. . Nothing encourages Soldiers more in War, than their Prince's Presence 12 Nay, but we will have a King over us; That we also may be like all the ●●tions, and that our King may judge us, and go out before us, and ●●ght our battles, 1 Sam. 8. 19, 20. The Lacedæmonians thought theirs, even while in their Cradles, had the same Power, and therefore carried them, in their Infancy, into the Field. Antigonus, the Son of Demetrius, took his Presence, in a Sea-fight, to be equivalent to a great many Ships of the Enemy 13 Mevero, inquit, praesentem, 〈◊〉 multis navibus comparas. Plut. in Ep●ph. . Alexander the Great animated his Men, by representing to them, that he first exposed himself to Dangers. When the Prince, in such a case, is upon the Place, great Exploits are often performed, which no one, in his absence, would dare to undertake: Nor is there need to wait for Orders from Court, whence they generally come too late, after the Opportunity is gone, and always full of vain Apprehensions, and impracticable Circumstances; a Thing we have often experienced in Germany, not without great Prejudice of the Public. There's nothing kindles Spirits so generously, nothing that inspires such Lofty Thoughts in the Minds of Soldiers, as to have the Prince, in whose Hand is Reward, an Eye-witness of their Bravery 14 Ego qui nihil 〈◊〉 unquam praecepi, quin primus me periculis obtulerim, qui saepe civet 〈◊〉 cl●peo texi. Curt. l 8. . This Argument Hannibal made use of, to inflame the Courage of his Men; There's none of you, said he, whom I am not a Witness and Spectator of, and cannot too, in convenient Time and Place, requite, where I observe Merit 15 Nemo vestrum est, cujus non idem ego spectator & testis, notata temporibus locisque referre possim decora. Liv. Dec. l. 2. . To the same effect, Godfrey thus spoke to his Men: Whose Country is not known? Whose Noble Blood, Whose Courage or whose Conduct is not understood? * Tass. Cant. 20. Upon this account, it will not be convenient for the Prince to intrust his Forces with a General; which is so certain a Danger, that it was looked upon as unsafe for Tiberius to put his into the Hands even of his Son Germanicus 16 In cujus manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favour, habere imperium quàm expectare mallet. Tac. l. 4. Annal. . And this takes place more particularly in Civil Insurrections, where (as has been said) the Princes appearing, easily dashes the Rebels 17 Divus julius seditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit. Quirites ●●cando, qui sacramentum ejus detrectabant. Divus Augustus vultu & aspects Actiacas legiones exterruit. Tac. l. 1. Hist. . Notwithstanding, every Motion of War, or the loss of any small Town, should not make the Prince come abroad, and desert the Court; whence Government flows to all the other Parts, as Tiberius well observed in the Troubles of Germany 18 Neque decorum pri●cipibus, si una ●lterave civitas, omissa urbe, unde in om●ia regimen. Tac. l. 3. Annal. : He, at another time, hearing himself reviled, for not going to quiet the Hungarian and Germane Legions, stood unshaken at those Murmur, and was fixed not to abandon the Head of the Monarchy, and expose that and himself to the Chance of War. By these Reasons were they led, who persuaded David not to go out to fight against the Israelites who adhered to Absolom, saying, That their being put to flight, or cut off, would not be of so bad consequence, as if he should fly or be killed in his own Person, which was worth Ten Thousand of them, and therefore that it seemed best that he should stay behind to guard the City: Which accordingly he did 19 2 S●m. 18. 3, 4. . So if the War be made to revenge an Injury or Affront, Vindictam mandâsse sat est. * Claud. The same may be said when Arms are taken up for Defence only, and there be no evident Danger; for then the Prince will get more Credit by despising it, and leaving it to a General. So if the War be waged to make any new Conquests, it will be thought too eager Ambition in him to hazard his Person, and be greater Prudence to try his Fortune by another; as King Ferdinand the Catholic did, committing the Conquest of Naples to the Great Captain, and that of the Indies to Herman Cortes. If a General fall, it is easy to find another to succeed him; but if the Prince be lost, all is lost, as it befell King S●bastian. The Absence of Princes from their Courts is very dangerous, as Spain found to its cost, in that of the Emperor Charles V. Nor should a Prince venture his own State, to conquer others 20 Ne nova molire●ur, nisi ●ioribus firmatis. Tac. Annal. l. 12. The same Sun (whose Figure we use in this Device) never visits the Poles, because one of them would be endangered in the mean time: — Medium non des●rit unquam Coeli Phoebus iter, radiis tamen omnia lustrat. † Claud. Nature has given the Kings of the Bees Wings, but those very small, lest they should stray too far from their Kingdoms. Let the Prince go to those Wars only whose Seat is within his own Dominions, or that threaten him with evident Danger. Hence Mucianus advised the Emperor Domitian to stay at Lions in France, and not stir till the State of those Provinces, or the Empire itself, were in greater danger 21 Ipse Lugduni vim fortunamque Principatus è proximo ostentator, nec parvis periculis mixtus, & majoribus non defuturus. Tac. Hist. l. 4. . Nor was it good Counsel which Titianus and Proculus gave Otho, not to be at the Battle of Bedriacum, upon the Issue of which the whole Empire depended 22 Postquam pugnari placitum, interest pugnae Imperatorem, an se●●● melius foret, dubitavere. Paulino & Celso non adversantibus, ne Pr●●cipem objectare periculis viderentur; iidem illi deterioris consilii perpul●●●, ut Brixellum conderet, ac dubiis praeliorum exemptus, summae rerum & ●●perii seipsum reservaret. Tac. Hist. l. 2. . The Archduke Leopold shows much more Courage and Prudence, who though he sees himself assaulted at Salefeld, by the Joint-Forces of his Enemies, much superior to his, yet undervalues his Personal Dangers, and always maintains a general Constancy, well knowing the Safety of the Empire and House of Austria to consist in this Event; and so is the foremost in the Perils and Fatigues of War. — Monstrat tolerare labores, Non jubet— * Lucan. But even in these Cases too, it is necessary to examine the Condition of the War, whether the Prince, by absenting himself, will not leave his State in greater danger, either from within or abroad; if he shall not hazard his Succession; whether he have Courage enough, and be capable of Arms, and have an Inclination to them: For if he want but any one of these Qualities, he will do more by putting his Power and Forces into another Hand; as we see in the Loadstone, which by touching the Iron, and communicating its Virtue to it, lifts up a greater Weight than it could do by itself. But if the Necessity be great, it will suffice, if the Prince be hard by, to Influence his Army, staying in some Place, whence he may readily Consult, Resolve, and give Orders: This was the Emperor Leopold's way, who removed sometimes to Aquileia, sometimes to Ravenna or Milan, to be near the Wars of Hungary and Germany EMBLEM LXXXVII. PRudence is not always fortunate, nor Temerity always unhappy: — Quisquis sapit celeriter, non tuto sapit. It is however good for fiery Tempers to follow the first impetus of Nature, because by delay they cool insensibly, and can never determine themselves; nor has it usually an ill End (in War particularly) to let themselves be l●d by that secret Force of Second Causes, which if it does not compel, at least moves them so, that with it they seldom miscarry. Some Divine Genius favours Daring Actions. Scipio passes the Sea into Africa, and freely trusts himself to the Punic Faith of Syphax, with apparent Risque of his Life, and the Public Safety of Rome: Julius Caesar in a small Bark abandons himself to the Fury of the Adriatic; and both succeed in their Rashness. It is impossible for all things to be provided against by Prudence; nor would any thing great be attempted, if that should stand to consult all Casualties and Hazards. Cardinal Gaspar Borgia entered Naples in Disguise, upon hearing of the Sedition between the Commons and Nobility: The Danger was great; and when some of the Nobility proposed several ways for him to secure himself, he answered, with a presence of Mind truly generous, It is not now a Time for Deliberation, something must be allowed to Chance 1 Nullum nunc in is●a occaaione deliberandi tempus est, aliquid 〈◊〉 permittendum. Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 12. c. 19 . If after the Success of great Erterprises, we should look back upon all the Dangers that attended them, we should scarce venture on them again. james, King of Arragon, was so adventurous, as to sit down before Valencia with only a Thousand Foot, and Three hundred and sixty Horse: And though this Undertaking was looked on by all Men as rash, nay, impossible, yet the Town surrendered. Bold Counsels are commonly judged by the Event; if they succeed, they are commended for Prudent 2 Fortuna in sapient●●● cessit. Tac▪ de Mor. Germ. , and those Persons blamed who gave safer Advice. No Judgement can either in Precipitation, or when it acts calmly, sufficiently provide for itself, in that Affairs depend upon Contingencies, which are uncertain even to the most wary Foresight. Sometimes Rashness comes before Occasion, and Moderation follows it; sometimes this slides swiftly between them, nor has it any Hair behind to be held by. All things depend on that Eternal Providence, which efficaciously moves us to act, when the Disposition of it, and the Accomplishing of its Divine Decrees so require; and then Foolhardy Counsels are Prudence, and Errors the highest Reason. When Providence would pull down the Pride of a Monarchy, lest, like the Tower of Babel, it should attempt to reach Heaven, it confounds the Designs and Languages of its Ministers, that they may disagree; so that if one asks for Lime, another either does not understand what he means, or else offers him Sand. In the Untimely Death of those who are invested with Supreme Government, its end is not to cut their Thread of Life, but to throw down that Grandeur. The Holy Spirit, mentioning David's Victory over Goliath, says not that his Body, but that his Boasting was beat down with the Stone 3 When he lift up his hand with the stone in his sling, and beat down the boasting Goliath Eccles. 47. 4. . So if, on the other side, it has decreed to Exalt a Monarchy, it creates in that Age brave Commanders, and wise Councillors, or causes them to be made choice of, and gives them occasion of exerting their Valour, and giving Proof of their Wisdom, by which two more is done than by the Arm and Sword 4 Pleraque in summa ●●●una, auspiciis & consiliis potius quam telis ac manibus geruntur. Tac. Annal. l. 3. . Bees than swarm into Helmets, and Weapons grow, as that Hunting Spear of Romulus did, upon Mount Palatine, and erected at a Wild Boar. The very missing of the Blow of this Founder of the Roman Monarchy was fortunate, being a kind of Prognostic of it. Which shows, that it is not always Courage or Prudence that raises and supports Monarchies, (though they are generally the Instruments) but that Superior Impulse which moves all Causes together, for their Increase or Preservation; and then even Chance, directed by that Eternal Mind, effects what Prudence could not so much as have imagined before. When Germany Revolted, and the Roman Affairs were extremely desperate, the Fortune of this Nation, as it had often upon other Occasions, came to its Assistance out of the East 5 Affuit ut saepe aliàs fortuna populi Romani 〈◊〉 Oriente. Tac. Hist. l. 3. . If the Valour and Conduct of any Hero be ordained to these ends, no other Person, though never so Brave, and truly Great, can deprive him of the Glory of obtaining them. Can there be a finer Soldier than D'Aubigny? Yet he was unsuccessful, having to deal with the Great Captain, who was Destined to Establish the Spanish Monarchy in Italy: God so disposing (as he did in favour of the 6 Struebat jam fortuna, in diversa parte terrarum, initia causasque imperio. Tac. Hist. l. 2. Roman Empire) its Beginnings and Causes, by the means chief of Ferdinand the Catholic, who, by his Prudence and Skill in Government, laid the Foundations of that Monarchy, and by his Valour erected and enlarged it; being so careful and vigilant to increase it, that he neglected no Occasion which offered itself; nay, of himself, found all that Humane Judgement is capable of: Lastly, so strenuous in the prosecution of them, that he was always the first in Danger and Fatigue; and as Imitation is abundantly more easy to Mankind than Obedience, he made it his business to Command more by his Actions than Orders. But because so great a Fabric required Workmen, that Age (fertile in Great Persons) produced Columbus, Herman Cortes, the two Brothers Francis and Ferdinand Pizarro, Antony de Liba, Fabritius, and Prosper Colonna, Raimond de Cardona, the Marquesses of Pescara and Basto, and many other Hero's so illustrious, that a whole Age now scarce brings forth one such. To that end, God then prolonged their Lives; whereas now, not Mars' Fury, but some lingering Fever, carries them off before their time. Within how few Years has untimely Death deprived us of Peter of Toledo, Lewis Tajardo, Frederick of Toledo, the Marquis Spinola, Gonsalez of Cordova, the Duke de Feria, the Marquis d'Aytona, the Duke of Lerma, John Fajardo, the Marquis de Zelada, the Count de la Fere, and the Marquis de Fuentes, all Persons no less considerable for the glorious Actions they did, than those which all the World still expected from them? How Profound and Inscrutable is the Providence of this Eternal Deity! Who would not from hence infer the Decay of the Spanish Monarchy? as in the Emperor Claudius' time, the Death of so many Magistrates, as a Quaestor, Aedile, Tribune, Praetor, and a Consul, in a few Month's time, was looked on as a Prodigy portending some Evil 7 Numerabatur inter osfenta, diminutu: omnium magistratuum numerus, Quaestors, Aedile, Tribu●o, ac Praetore & Consul, paucos intra menses defunctis. Tac. Annal. l. 12, , unless he considered, that these Instruments are taken away, to let all Men see, it is by Divine Grace, rather than Humane Strength, is upheld that Power, the Pillar and Support of Christian Commonwealths. It is this First Mover of the Universe that disposes these interchangeable Alterations of Things, these Revolutions of Empires. One Age raises up great Men in a Country, improves Arts, and makes Arms flourish; and the succeeding immediately overturns and confounds all, without leaving so much as the Traces of the Virtue and Valour which were an Ornament to those of the past. What great, what secret Force on Things, nay, even on Minds, is concealed in those Second Causes of the Heavenly Spheres? It is not by mere Accident that those Superior Lights are so different one from another, some having a Fixed Place, others Wand'ring; and since this Disorder and Irregularity gives no additional Beauty, it is a sign at least they contribute to Operations and Effects. O vast Volume! in the Leaves of which, God, the Contriver and Maker of all Things (yet without laying any Obligation upon his own Power, or 8 Etiam merito accidisse videtur, & casus in culpam transit. Velleius. Man's Will) has wrote their Changes and Vicissitudes in Characters of Light, for the Glory of his Eternal Wisdom, which past Ages have, the present do, and those to come will for ever read! Greece was heretofore flourishing both in Arms and Arts; it left Rome enough to learn, but little to invent; but now it lies buried in the Depth of Ignorance and Degeneracy. The Wits in Augustus' time exceeded even Expectation, but under Nero they began to flag, so that all the Pains and Industry in the World was not sufficient to save the Arts and Sciences from Destruction. Unhappy are those great Genius's who come into the World when Monarchies are declining, in that they either are not employed, or if they be, cannot withstand the weight of their Ruin, or perhaps miserably fall with them, without Honour or Renown; nay, sometimes their Fate seems deserved, and they are blamed for what was the effect of Chance 9 Cuj●scunque fortunam mutare constituit, consilia corrumpit. Velleius. . God lays no Constraint upon freewill; but yet either the course of Causes draws it on, or, for want of that Divine Light, it stumbles of itself, and its Designs are overthrown or executed too late. Princes and Councillors are the Eyes of Kingdoms; and when God Almighty determines the overthrow of these, he blinds them, that they may neither see Dangers, nor know their Remedies 10 For the Lord hath poured forth upon you the spirit of deep sleep, and hath closed your eyes; the prophets, and the rulers, and the seers hath he covered. Isai 29. 10. . That which they think to succeed most by, leads them most into Miscarriages: They see Accidents, but do not prevent, but rather, as much as in them lies, forward them. A Dangerous Instance of this Truth we have in the Swiss-Cantons, ever so prudent and stout in defending their Country and Liberty, but now so negligent and supine, that themselves are the Cause of the Ruin that threatens them. The First Author of Monarchies had situated their Republic between the Outworks of the Alps and the Rhine, and environed it with the Countries of Alsace, Lorraine, and Burgundy, against the Power of France, and other Princes; and when they were farthest from the Fire of War, in the Fruition of a happy and desired Peace, they of themselves called and encouraged One upon their own Borders, standing by and seeing the Ruin of those Provinces, redounding afterwards to their own Prejudice, they not considering the Danger of a neighbouring Power, superior in Strength, and whose Fortune must of necessity be raised out of their Ashes. May I be deceived, but I fear this Body of the Swissers is already at its full growth, and that it will begin to decay, when those Spirits and Forces are spent which supported its Reputation and Grandeur. Empires, 'tis certain, have their Periods: That which has endured longest, is nearest its Ruin. EMBLEM LXXXVIII. WHat strange Force has the Loadstone, to produce such Wonderful Effects? What so Amorous Correspondence with the Polar Star, that although because of its Weight it cannot always gaze on its Beauty, yet the Needles it touches should? What Resemblance can there be betwixt these two? What so great Virtue, that is not lost at so wide and remote Distances? And why does it incline to that Star or Point of Heaven, rather than to any other? Were not the Experience common, Ignorance would be apt to impute it to Magic, as it does all other Extraordinary Effects of Nature, when it cannot penetrate the Obscurity of its Operations. Nor is the Loadstone less admirable in that other Virtue of Attracting and Lifting up Iron, against its Innate Gravity; nay, even this, carried by a kind of Natural Tendency to obey that Superior Power, closes with it, and does voluntarily, what, one would think, could not but be violent. How much were it to be wished that the Prince would, by this Example, learn to know that concourse of Causes, which (as hath been said) sets up or pulls down Empires, and how to carry himself therein, so as not to increase their Force by a too obstinate Opposition, nor by a too easy Yielding to facilitate their Effects, it being with this Series and Connexion of Causes moved by the First Cause, as with a River 1 Fluminum instabili● natura, simul ostendere● omnia 〈◊〉 Tac. Annal. l. 6. , which while it streams in its ordinary Current, is easily parted into several Branches, or, by Banks cast up, turned this or that way, and suffers Bridges to be made over it; but when swelled by continual Rains, or melting Snows, admits of no Resistance; and for any one to contend with it, does but augment its Force, and put it in a condition to carry all before it. Hence the Holy Spirit admonishes us not to strive against the Stream 2 Eccles. 4. 32. . Patience surmounts that Violence, which in a moment loses both its Power and Being. Upon which account it was looked on as an ill Omen to the War of Vitellius, in the East, that Euphrates overflowed, and bubbled into a kind of Frothy Crowns, by those who considered how Transitory these were. When therefore many Causes conspiring together, attend the Victories of a● Enemy, and open an happy Way to his Military Expeditions, it will be great Prudence to allow them Time to disperse sensibly of themselves, not that they lay any necessity upon the Freedom of the Will, but because this Freedom has power only over the Motions of the Mind and Body, not over those External Things: It may indeed give way to Accidents, but cannot avoid being overwhelmed by them. Constancy in Expecting, is infinitely more valuable than Valour in Fight. This Fabius Maximus well knew; and therefore let that Torrent of Hannibal run by, till having by long Delays weakened, he at length surmounted it, and saved the Roman State. Successes get strength from one another; and by the Reputation Opinion gives them, suddenly increase to that degree, that no Power is able to grapple with them. The Spanish Monarchy rendered Charles V Fortunate and Glorious; and he, by his Prudence, Courage and Vigilance, made the Empire happy. Which eminent Qualities were followed by the general Acclamations and Applause of all Nations. All Men joined with his Fortune; and the French King, Francis I. emulous of so great Splendour, striving to eclipse it, lost his own Liberty. What Terrors does Lightning strike us with, when it breaks out of the Clouds! Then first exerting its Force when it meets with Resistance; without that, vanishing into Air. Such was that Thunderbolt raised out of the Exhalations of the North; within a few Days it triumphed over the Empire, and struck almost the whole World with Terror: And yet one leaden Bullet piercing it, made it presently disappear. There is nothing so frail and uncertain as the Fame of a Power that stands not upon its own Bottom 3 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fluxum, quam fama potentiae non suî vi nixae. Tac. Annal. l. 13. . All those Efforts of several Causes concurring, are very brittle, in that they hinder each other; and are subject not only to various Accidents, but to Time also, which by degrees brings their Effects to Nothing. Many Wars, hot and impetuous at the first, vanish by Delay 4 Multa bella impetu valida per t●edia & moras evanuisse. Tac. . He who can but a little while bear up against the Forces of Confederate Enemies, certainly gets the better of them at last: For as they are many, they have different Causes, different Interests and Designs; and if they happen to disagree in any one thing, part and leave one another. There was never a greater League than that of Cambray against the Republic of Venice, yet the Resolution and Prudence of this Valiant Senate soon broke it. All things in the World arrive to a certain Period; after which, they decline again. Were that Critical Minute known, it would be easy to overcome them 5 Opportunos' magnis conatibus transitus rerum. Tacit. Hist. l. 1. . 'Tis for want of this Knowledge, which sometimes consists in the least Delay imaginable, that we sink under Accidents. Our Impatience or Ignorance aggravates them, in that often, not sensible of their Force, we voluntarily submit to them, or else perhaps promote them by the violence of those very Means we take to shun them. God had undertaken the Grandeur of Cosmo de Medicis; and they who strove to put a stop to it, by Banishing him from the Republic of Venice, were the Instruments of making him Master of it. Nicholas Vzanus observed, with much greater Prudence, the Torrent of that Fortune; and lest it should increase by Opposition, thought it most advisable (as long as he lived) to give him no Occasion of Displeasure; but with his Death the Consideration of such discreet Counsel fell. Nor is it possible for the greater Force of such like Cases to be concealed; forasmuch as all things conspire to their Success, though they appear, at first sight, directly contrary to that end. And therefore it is then best to Endure what you cannot Mend; and quietly to conform to God, by whose Appointment all Things come to pass 6 Optimum est pati quod emenda●re non possis, & Deum, quo Authore ●uncta eveniunt, sine murmure ●omitari. Sen. Ep. . The Iron should not obey the Loadstone more readily, than we the Divine Pleasure. He comes to less Harm who lets himself be carried down by the Stream, than he that struggles against it. It is a foolish Presumption, to think to overthrow the Decrees of the Almighty. The Predictions of the Statue with Feet of Clay, in Nebuchadnezzar's Dream, was never the less certain, for his making another of Gold, and commanding it to be worshipped 7 Dan. 3. 1. . However, this Resignation of our Will to the Divine must not be so Brutish, as that we should believe all Things were so Ordained from Eternity, that nothing can be Improved by our Diligence and Conduct; for this would be the very Weakness of Mind which had given occasion to that Divine Decree: We are to Act as if all depended on our Will, for God makes use of ourselves to bring us to Happiness or Misery 8 Eccles. 10. 5. . We make a part of the Creation, and that no small one; and though Things were set in order without us, yet they were not made without us. 'Tis true, we cannot break that Web of Events wrought on the Loom of Eternity, but we might very well concur to the weaving of it. The same that ranged the Causes foresaw their Effects, and permitted their Course, yet so that it should be still at his Command. He has saved from Danger whom he thought fit; and left others in it, by abandoning them to their liberty: If the first was an Effect of his Mercy, or our Merit, this is of his Justice. Our Will involved in the Ruin of Accidents, falls with them; and as this most Wise Contriver of the Universe is the Supreme and Absolute Arbitrator, he might break his Vessels as he pleased, and make one to Honour, another to Dishonour 9 Rom. 9 21. . In the Eternal Disposal of Empires, their Progresses, Revolutions, or Ruins; that Sovereign Governor of the Orbs had always present in his Mind our Valour and Virtue, our Negligence, Impudence, and Tyranny: And upon this Prescience it was, that he disposed the Eternal Order of Things, in conformity to the Motion and Execution of our Choice, without the least Violence done to the same. For as he lays no Constraint upon our Free Will, who discovers its Operations by Reasoning; so neither does the Supreme Being, who by his Immense Wisdom foresaw them long ago. He forced not our Will in the Alterations of Empires; but rather altered Empires, because our Wills freely and deliberately deviated from Justice. The Cruelty exercised by King Peter was the cause of his Brother Henry's succeeding him; not, on the contrary, this the Occasion of that. For the Mind has more Power than any Fortune, turns its Affairs which way it pleases, and is the sole Cause of a Happy or Miserable Life 10 Valentior enim omni fortuna animus est, in utramque partem res suas ducit. Sen. Epist. 98. . To expect Fortune from Chance, is Heartlesness; to think it prescribed and already determined, Desperation. At this rate, Virtue would be useless, and Vice excusable by Compulsion. Let your Highness but look upon your Glorious Ancestors, who have raised the Greatness of this Monarchy, and I am assured you will see, it was not Chance that Crowned them, but Virtue, Courage, and Fatigues, and that it has been supported by the same Means, by their Descendants, to whom an equal Glory is due; he no less contributing to the Fabric of his Fortune who maintains it, than he that at first raised it. 'Tis a thing equally difficult to get, and easy to lose. One Hour's Imprudence ruins what cost many Years to acquire. By Labour and Vigilance alone is procured God's Assistance, and the Grandeur of Princes is derived from Eternity 11 Non enim votis, neque supplici●● muliebribus auxilia Deorum parantur; vigilando, agendo, prosperè omni● cedunt. Sallust. . EMBLEM LXXXIX. THE smallest things increase by Concord; by Discord the greatest fall to the ground. Those which being divided, were weak and impotent; when united, resist any Force whatever 1 A threefold cord is not quickly broken. . What Arm can pull off a Horse's Main when the Hairs are not parted, or break a Bundle of Arrows? And yet either of these, of itself, is unable to withstand the least Violence. By these Emblems, Sertorius, and Scilurus the Scythian, expressed the Force of Concord, which of many distinct Parts makes one united and consequently strong Body. Care of the Public Repose has raised the Walls of Cities so much above the reach of Men, that they might not scale them; but however, many Soldiers at once closing their Shields, and mutually joining and agreeing to lift one another up, have got above their Battlements, and stormed them. All the Works of Nature are preserved by Amity and Concord; and when this fails, they decay and die: The cause of Death being no other than a Discord of the Part, whereon Life depends. The very same happens in Commonwealths; as common Consent made them a Society, so a Dissension between the greatest or most powerful part dissolves again and dissociates, or else new models them. That City, which by Concord was but one, without it becomes two, nay, sometimes three or four, for want of that Body of Love whereby its Inhabitants made one Body. This Division engenders Hatred, whence Revenge arises, and from that a disrespect of Laws; without the Authority of which, Justice loses its force; and where that fails, Arms are taken up; and a Civil War breaking out, the Order of the State, which wholly consists in Unity, is confounded 2 Wisdom 18. 9 . The Bees no sooner fall out, but their Commonwealth is destroyed. The Ancients, to represent Discord, painted a Woman tearing her clothes. Et scissâ gaudens vadit discordia pallâ. * Virg Now if it has the same effect between Citizens, how will they be able to unite for their Common Defence and Interest? How will they have God on their side, who is Peace itself, and so great a Lover of it, that (as job says) with it he maintains his Heavenly Monarchy 3 He maketh peace in high-places. . Plato used to say, Nothing was so pernicious to Commonwealths as Division. Concord is the Ornament of a City, its Walls and Guard; even Malice itself cannot stand long without it. Domestic Dissensions are so many Victories for the Enemy 4 Nostris illi dissentionibus, & discordiis clari, vitia ●ostium in gloria● exercitus sui vertunt. Tac. in Vit. Ag●ic. ; as those of the Britain's, Galgacus said, were to the Romans 5 Conversis ad civile bellum animis, externa sine cura ●abentur. Tac. Hist. l. 1. . But notwithstanding these and other Reasons, some Politicians assert, That it is necessary, for the Preservation of a State, to sow Discords among the People; and to this end, alleges, for an Example, the Bees, in whose Hives is always heard a kind of Murmuring and Dissension. But, alas, this is so far from strengthening, that it rather overthrows their Opinion; for that Humming is not a Dissonance, as I may say, of Wills, but a Harmony of Voices, whereby these Creatures, as it were, encourage and stir up each other to the Labours of making Honey, as Mariners do when they Hoist Sail. Nor is the Argument drawn from the contrariety of the four Humours in living Bodies, of any force; for 'tis rather from this Conflict of theirs that proceed Diseases, and Shortness of Life, that which is Prdominant at last getting the Victory. Hence Vegetables, because without that contrariety, endure longer. What differs from, and is at variance with itself, must of necessity suffer; and what suffers, can never be lasting. Who, when a Republic is divided, can keep the Flame of Dissensions within certain Bounds? Who will afterwards quench it, when All are involved in them? The more Powerful Faction will now oppress the Weaker; and that to Defend, this to Revenge itself, make use of Foreign Forces, and so enslave the Commonwealth, or else introduce a new Form of Government, which will almost always be Tyrannical, as several Instances witness. It is not the Prince's Duty to distract the Minds of his Subjects, but rather to keep them loving and amicable; and besides, 'tis impossible they should conspire to love and obey him, who are divided amongst themselves, or consider not whence their Evil comes. As often therefore as the Prince himself is the cause of Discord, Divine Providence (as it abominably 6 And a seventh doth my heart abhor, he that soweth discord among brethren. Prov. 6. 14. detests it) permits those very Means he thought to preserve himself by, to be the Instruments of his Ruin: For when the Parties come to know it, they despise and abhor him, as the first Author and Promoter of their Differences. King Italus gained the Affection and Applause of the Germans, by never fomenting Dissensions, and carrying himself alike to all. For these then, and such like Reasons, the Prince should beware of letting Discords take root; and rather strive to encourage the Union of his State, which will easily be maintained, if he look carefully to the Observance of the Laws, the Unity of Religion, Plenty of Corn and Provision, to the equal Distribution of Favours and Gratuities, to the Maintaining of Privileges; if he take care that the Common People be employed in Mechanic Arts, the Nobility in Public Government, Arms, and Literature, to prohibit Cabals, and Clandestine Meetings, to keep the Great Ones Frugal and Modest, and the Inferiors Peaceable, to restrain Privileged Persons, and those who pretend to be exempt from Duties; in a word, if he see that Riches be reduced to a Mediocrity, and Poverty remedied. For from the Reformation and Regulating these, results good Government; and where that is, there Peace and Concord ever flourish. There is but one Case wherein it seems convenient and warrantable to kindle Discords in Kingdoms, and that is, when they are already troubled with Seditions, and Intestine Broils; for then to distract them into Factions, will be a means to weaken the Power of the Bad, the only end in that being to render Peace to the Good. And it is a piece of Self-Preservation, not to let Disturbers be at quiet; inasmuch as the Concord of Ill Men is to the Prejudice of the Good; as 'tis to be wished that these may live Peaceably, so it is that those may be in Discord: For Good Men always come by the worst, when Bad Men are united 7 Concordi● malorum contraria est bonorum, & sicut optandum est, ut boni pacem habeant ad invicem, ita optandum est, ut mali sint discords, Impeditur enim iter bono 'em, si unitas non dividatur malorum. S. Isid. . The Discord we condemn as pernicious to Commonwealths, is that which arises from Hatred and Enmity; not that Contention which has place between several Conditions and Members of the same Commonwealth, as between the Lords and Commons, the Soldiers and Tradesmen: For that Contrariety, or rather Emulation, by the very diversity of Natures and Ends, keeps up a Distinction in the Degrees and Spheres of the State, and supports it; nor are there Seditions, but when the States combine together, and make every private Person's the Common Interest: just as from the commixtion of the Elements, and the meeting of Rivers and Streams, proceed Storms and Inundations. It concerns the Prince therefore to employ all his Care upon this Division; so moderating it, that it shall neither come on the one hand to absolute Rupture, nor on the other to unlawful Combinations. The same thing should be done between Ministers, that some kind of Emulation and Diffidence one of another, may make them more attentive of their Duty; for if once, through a neglect of this, they Dissemble, and conceal one another's Faults, or with one consent join the pursuit of their own Interests, there will be an end of the Prince and the State, without the possibility of a Remedy, in that none can be applied but by their Hands. But if this Honest and Generous Emulation should degenerate into Aversion and Enmity, it will create the same Inconveniencies; for they will then be more intent on contradicting and thwarting one another, more solicitous to overthrow each others Counsels and Actions, than to promote the Public Good, and their Prince's Service. Every one has his Friends and Creatures, and the Common sort of People are apt to be ●ead into Factions, whence generally arise Tumults and Dissensions. For this Reason, Drusus and Germanicus ●oined themselves, lest the Flame of the Differences ●indled in Tiberius' Palace, should be increased by the ●last of their Favour. Whence it is apparent how erroneous the Judgement of Lycurgus was, who sowed Dissensions among the Kings of Lacedaemon, and ordained, that when Ambassadors were to be sent afar off, such Persons should be made choice of, as had some grudge to each other. We have not a few Examples in this Age of Public Losses, occasioned by the clashing of Ministers joined in one Commission, upon a Supposition that this very Emulation would incite them to execute it carefully. The Prince's Service is One, and cannot be performed but by Persons Unanimous: Whence Tacitus commends Agricola, for one who was far from envying his Colleagues 8 Procul ab aemulatione adversus collegas. Tac. in Vit. Agric. . And certainly it is less dangerous for an Affair to be managed by one Bad, than by two Good Ministers, if they don't agree, which rarely happens. The Nobility is the Prince's greatest Security, or greatest Hazard, being a Powerful Body, that draws most of the People after it. Spain and France furnish us with many Bloody Instances of this Truth; that in former Ages, this in all. The best Remedies are, by the means of Emulation, to keep them divided from the Commons and themselves, yet with the Moderation abovementioned. To multiply and levelly the Titles and Dignities of the Nobles; to spend their Estates upon Public Ostentations, and their Great Souls in the Toils and Dangers of War; to divert their Thoughts by Employments of Peace, and humble their Exalted Spirits by the servile Offices of the Court. EMBLEM XC. KINGS, in Holy Scripture, are compared to Rivers; for so the Prophet Habakkuk is to be understood, when he says, God would cleave the Rivers of the Earth 1 Thou didst cleave the earth with rivers. Haba●. 3. 9 ; meaning, that God would divide the Forces of those who took up Arms against his People: As David actually found he did, in his Defeat of the Philistines; and therefore openly confessed, that the Lord had divided his Enemies before him, as Waters are divided 2 The Lord hath broken forth upon mine enemies before me, as the breach of waters. 2 Sam. 5. 20. . Division is the most effectual means to pull down any Power; the very greatest, if divided, being uncapable of making any further Resistance. How impetuously does a River stream down the midst of its Channel, breaking through its very Banks to open itself new Passages; yet if parted into several Rivulets, it loses its strength, and becomes passable to all. Thus it happened to the River Gyndes, where a beloved Horse of Cyrus' having been drowned, it so enraged him, that he immediately commanded it to be cut into an Hundred and sixty Canals; by which means it lost both its Name and Greatness; and that which before would scarce bear Bridges, might afterwards be easily forded. This the Counsel had regard to, which some gave the Roman Senate, to weaken the River Tiber, by turning the Course of the Lakes and Brooks that discharged themselves into it 3 Siamnis' Nar (id enim parabatur) in Rivos diductus supernavigasset. Tac. Annal. l. 1. , to rid the City of continual Fear and Danger of its Inundations. But the Senate refused to do it, as unwilling to deprive the Tiber of its Glory 4 Quin ipsum Tiberim no●●e, prorsus accolis fluv●s ●●batum, minori gloria fluere. Ibid. . All these things have given occasion to the present emblem, which (by a River parted into several Branches) shows of what consequence it is to distract the Forces of Puissant Princes: For the greater the Power is, the more Forces and Expense its Defence requires; nor is it hardly possible to find Officers and Soldiers enough for it, or to prevent all Mischances. Courage and Prudence are confounded, when Dangers threaten thus on all sides. Besides, this is the most secure and the cheapest Method that can be taken; inasmuch as a Trumpet on a sudden sounding an Alarm in several Parts of a Kingdom, has abundantly greater Effects, than a War solemnly denounced. It is always the best and securest way, to divide Enemy's Forces, and sow seeds of Dissension within their States 5 Prudentis est Ducis inter bostes discordi●e causas serere. Veget. : Nothing so much exposing to Plots and Invasions, as Discord and Sedition 6 Discordia & Seditio omnia facit opportuniora insidiantibus. Livy. . By these Artifices the Phoenicians established their Dominion in Spain, dividing it into various Factions. The same did the Carthaginians against them. Therefore the Counsel of the Marquis of Cadiz was not at all imprudent, when having taken Boabdili, King of Grenada, he moved Ferdinand the Catholic to set him at liberty, that his Presence might foment the Factions a foot between him and his Father, about the Crown, which had distracted the Kingdom into a great many Parties. When the Roman Empire, says Tacitus, began to decline, and hasten to decay, nothing greater could be desired of Fortune, than the Discord of its Enemies 7 Vrgentibus Imperii Romani fatis, nihil jam praes●are fortuna majus ●●tuit, quam hostium discordiam. Tac. de Mor. Germ. . No Money is laid out to more Advantage, none with less Bloodshed or Danger, than that which is employed in encouraging the Dissensions of an Enemy's Kingdom, or in getting another Prince to make War upon it; for the Charges and Damage become hereby much more inconsiderable. But this matter demandeth extraordinary Advertency; for sometimes, upon a misgrounded Apprehension, Money is expended to no purpose, and the Discovery of the ill Intention begets open Hostility: A thing we have many Instances of, in those who without any Provocation, or the least Prospect of Advantage, have countenanced the Adversaries of the House of Austria, to keep its Hands full, by continual Wars, in the mean time unprofitably exhausting their Treasuries, without considering, that if they should once be attacked by those of this House, it would be much better to have still by them, for their own Defence, what they had laid out upon the Diversion of their Forces. And this whole Doctrine has place, without any scruple in Policy, in an open War, where the Reason of Self-Preservation is more cogent, than other Considerations less solid; and the same Cause that makes the War lawful, justifies also this Discord. But when the case is nothing but an invidious Emulation of Grandeur, these Artifices are not warrantable; for he who stirs up the Subjects of another Prince to Rebellion, at the same time teaches his own to be Traitors. The Emulation should be between the Persons, not the Offices: Dignity is of the same kind in all its parts; that which wounds one, wounds all. Passions and Hatreds are transient, but Bad Examples remain for ever. It is the Interest and Concern of every Prince, not to suffer the Dignity of another to be injured by Contempt or Disobedience, or his Person by Treason. 'Tis an Action unworthy of a Prince to conquer by Poison, not by the Sword. It was ever accounted base, among the Romans 8 Non fraud neque occultis, sed palam, & armatum populum Romanum bostes suos ulcisci. Tac. Hist. l. 2. ; and is to this day with the Spaniards, who have been so far from making use of such secret Practices against their Enemies, that they have often been assisting to them. A remarkable Example of which, our Catholic King left your Highness, when he sent an Army to aid the French King against the English, who had possessed themselves of the Isle of Rhea, not regarding the Duke of Roan's Advice, which was, to divide the Kingdom into several Governments. And another time, when His Majesty offered, by Monsieur de Maximi, the Pope's Nuncio, to assist the same King in Person to subdue the Hugonots of Montauban, and drive them out of his Country. Which Signal and Heroic Kindness had no other Return but Ingratitude; leaving a Lesson to Reason, not to let itself be too easily touched with Compassion towards a Foreign State. From what hath been said, it is obvious to deduce how much the Agreement of Subject's Minds, and the Union of States, contribute to their Common Defence: If, I say, every particular Person did look on the Danger of his Neighbour as his own, be it at never so remote a distance, and accordingly endeavour all ways, both with Men and Money, to relieve him, that the whole Body may be preserved. But not a few are deceived in this Point; they who are far off, flattering themselves with the Thoughts that the Danger will never reach them, or that they are no way obliged to anticipate such Expenses, and that it is greater Prudence to keep their Forces entire till the Enemy come nigher. But alas! then all the Difficulties being surmounted, and those States taken, which served them for Outworks the rest will never be able to hold out. This was the Fate of the Britain's: of whom, thus Tacitus; Heretofore they were under Kings, now are by petty Princes distracted into Factions; nor does any thing further our Designs against the strongest Nations, than their not consulting the Common Good. Seldom above two or three Cities associate to repel the Common Danger: Thus while every one fights single, all are overcome 9 Olim Regibus parebant, nunc per Principes factionibus, & studiis trabantur; nec aliud adversus validiss●mas gentes pro nobis ●●ilius, quam quod in common non consulunt. Rarus duabus, tribusve civitatibus, ad propulsandum commune periculu● conventus: ita dum singuli pu●nant, universi vincuntur. Tac. in Vi●. Agric. . The Kingdoms of Spain, and Provinces of Italy, Burgundy and Flanders are sensible of this Danger, with a greater Prudence, a more eminent and exemplary Piety, Zeal and Affection towards their Lawful Lord; in that with a generous Emulation they voluntarily offer His Majesty their Lives and Fortunes, to protect them from their Enemies, who with joint-Forces conspire the Overthrow of the Catholic Religion, and that Monarchy. Let Your Highness engrave these Services on your tender Breast; and let the Gratitude and Esteem due to Subjects so Loyal, increase with your Glorious Years: Then you will judge which is most excellent, To Rule the World, or such a Government. * Cam. Lus. EMBLEM XCI. FRiendship seems to restrain a Government more, and to have been more considered by Lawgivers, than justice.. For if all Men were Friends, there would be no need of Justice; but though all were Just, yet would they want the Protection of Friendship 1 Videtur amicitia magis continere, & majore quam justitia in study fuisse Legislatoribus. Nam si amicitia inter omnes esset, ni●il esset, quod justitiam desiderarent; at si justi essent, tamen amicitiae praesidium requirerent. Arist. Ethic. l. 1. . Friendship is the greatest good Mankind enjoys; a sure Sword always by one's side, both in Peace and War; a faithful Companion in both Fortunes. With this, Prosperity is crowned, and Adversity becomes more easy. For it neither is diminished by one, or increased by the other: In one it is guided by Modesty, in the other by Constancy; in the one and the other always at hand, as if by both it were like to gain. Consanguinity may be without Kindness and Affection, Friendship cannot. This comes from our own Choice, that from Chance. That may be without the Bond of Communication and Mutual Assistance, this cannot; forasmuch as there are three things, which, as constituent parts of its Being unite it; Nature by the means of Resemblance; the Will, by that of Good Humour; and Reason, by that of Honour. Hereunto, certainly, King Alphonsus the Wise alludes, when he accuseth a certain Person of Cruelty and Injustice, for carrying away Prisoner one of two Persons who were endeared to each other by Consanguinity and Friendship 2 L. 19 Tit. 2. p. 2. . The more tried therefore and sincere the Friendship has been, so much the less valuable will it be, when once violated. A Crystal cracked, is good for nothing. The Diamond loses all its Worth, when divided into Pieces. A Sword once broken, can never be soldered again. Whoever trusts to reconciled Friendship, will find himself deceived; for upon the first Blow of Adversity, or Prospect of Advantage, it will presently relapse again. Neither David's Mercy, in sparing Saul's Life, nor the Acknowledgements and fair Protestations of Saul, confirmed by Oath, were sufficient to make the first think himself e'er the safer for this Reconcilement, or the last to cease Plotting against him 3 And Saul went home; but David and his men got them up unto the hold. 1 Sam. 24. 22. . Esau, with Embraces, and Tears in his Eyes, tried to regain the Favour of his Brother jacob; and though there passed great Signs and Expressions of Friendship on both sides, yet could they never take away Iacob's Distrust, who, notwithstanding, endeavoured all he could to be severed from him, and secure himself * Gen. 33. 12. . Renewed Friendship is like a vessel of Metal, which to day shines, and to morrow is covered with Rust 4 Never trust thine enemy; for like as iron rusteth, so is his wickedness: though he humble himself, and go crouching, yet take good heed, and beware of him, Eccl. 12. 10. . Nor are all the good offices in the World capable of making it firm, because the remembrance of Injuries is never quite erased out of the Mind. Ervigius, after the Usurpation of Wamba's Crown, married his Daughter Cixilon to Egica, a very near Relation of that King's, and afterwards nominated him for his Successor; but even this could not keep Egica from giving some marks of his Hatred to his Father-in-Law, as soon as ever he came to the Crown * Mar. Hist. Hisp. . The Scars of Wounds made by Injuries on the Mind, always remain in the Person wronged, and upon the first motion bleed afresh. Injuries are like Marshes, which, though dried up, are easily filled with Water again. There is a certain Shadow always betwixt the Offender and the Offended, which no Light of Excuse or Satisfaction can dispel. Nor is Friendship secure on the former's side, in that he never is persuaded the other has really and from his heart forgiven the Injury, and always looks on him as an Enemy. Besides that, it is natural to hate one you have injured 5 Proprium humani ingenii est, odisse quem laeser is. Tac. Vit. Agric. . This is what happens in the Friendship of private Persons, but 'tis not so in those of Princes, (if indeed there be any true Friendship to be met with between them) for Self-Interest makes them Friends or Enemies; and though the Friendship be broke a thousand times, yet it is presently renewed again by hopes of Advantage; and as long as this may be executed, continues firm and constant. Wherefore in such Friendships as these, no regard is to be had to the Ties of Blood, or Obligations of Favours received, for these are things disowned by Ambition. Their Duration is to be esteemed by Utility, in that all Friendships' nowadays are like those of Philip, King of Macedon, who made Interest, not Faith, the Measure of them. In these, Friendships, which are more Reason of State, than any Mutual Harmony of Wills, Aristotle and Cicero would never have so sharply reprimanded Bias, for saying, We ought to love no otherwise, than if we were to hate again: For a Prince would be deceived in his Confidence, should he ground it upon such Friendship. It is best then for Princes to be Friends so to day, as to think they may possibly fall out to morrow. But although this Precaution is not to be found fault with, yet Interest and Self-ends are not to be preferred to Friendship, ever the more, for that 'tis common for others to do so. Let Friendship fail in others, but not the Prince we propose to form by these Emblems, whom we exhort to Constancy in his Actions and Obligations. All that has been said hitherto, has respect to such Friendships as are betwixt neighbouring Princes, between whom there is some Emulation of Grandeur; for among others, sincere Amity, and a reciprocal Correspondence, may have place. Power should not be so over-careful, as to trust no one. Like a Tyrant, he will be ever in Fear, who puts no Confidence in his Friends. Without these, the Crown is Slavery, not Majesty. 'Tis an unjust Empire, that deprives Princes of Friendships. Not Armies nor Treasures are the Defence of a Kingdom, but Friends 6 Non exercitus neque thesauri, praesidia Regni sunt, verum amici, Sallust. . 'Tis not the Golden Sceptre that protects a King, but abundance of Friends; those are the truest, those the securest Sceptre 7 Non aureum istud sceptrum est, quod Regem custodit, sed copia amicorum, ea Regibus sceptrum tutissimum, Xenoph. . Nor is there any greater Instrument of good Government, than good Friends 8 Nec ●llum majus boni Imperii instrumen●um quam boni Amici, Tac. Annal. l. 4. . Friendship between great Princes, should be maintained rather by a good Correspondence, than by Presents; for Interest is always ungrateful and insatiable: For the sake of that, Friendships are pretended, never really contracted; as Vitellius found, who thinking to preserve his Friends, by the Richness of his Presents, not by his Merit, deserved rather than had them 9 Dum amicitias magnitudine munerum, non constantia morum continere putavit, meruit, magis quam habuit, Tac. Hist. l. 2. . Friends are to be kept by Iron, not Gold; for Fear of Arms creates more of them, than Desire of Money. Pecuniary Subsidies enervate the Giver; and the greater they are, the lesser time can they be continued; and as fast as the Prince's Coffers empty, his Reputation diminishes. Princes are esteemed and loved for the Treasures they still have, not those they have already squandered away; more, I say, for what they can give, than for what they have given: For Hope prevails much more with Men than Gratitude. He who buys Peace, is unable to uphold it with Arms. This is a Fault which almost all Monarchies fall into, when arrived to some height of Grandeur, they strive to maintain it by Money, not Arms; and thus consuming their Treasures, and oppressing their Subjects, to raise Contributions for neighbouring Princes, to keep the Circumference quiet, they weaken the Centre. And though that Greatness be supported for a time, yet 'tis at the Price of a greater Downfall; for that Weakness being known, and the Frontiers once lost, the Enemy, without Opposition, makes way to their Heart. Thus it befell the Roman Empire, when, after having been at so many useless Expenses, and wasted their Strength, the Emperors went about to gain the Parthians and Germans by Presents, which was the first beginning of their Ruin. Hence Alcibiades advised Tisaphernes not to be so liberal of his Succours to the Lacedæmonians, but to remember, that it was not his own, but another's Victory he promoted; and that he was to support the War, so as not to be obliged to abandon it through Want 10 Ne tanta stipendia classi Lacedaemoniorum praeberet, sed nec auxiliis nimis enixe ju●andos, quip non immemorem esse debere, alienam esse victoriam non suam instruere, & eatenus bellum sustinendum, ne inopia deseratur, Trog. l. 5. . This Counsel we may make our Advantage of, by taking care, what is expended on Favour of Foreign Princes, to the great prejudice and weakening of Castille; which yet, as being the Heart of the whole Monarchy, should be furnished with the greatest quantity of Blood, to distribute Vital Spirits to all the other Parts of the Body; as Nature herself, the best Mistress of Politics, instructs, who fortifies with the strongest Fences the interior Parts, whereon Life depends. If what Timorousness and Solicitude spends Abroad to keep the Monarchy in Security, Prudence would lay out at Home in maintaining Forces both by Sea and Land, in Fortifying and Garrisoning Strong Holds, Forts and Cities, the remote Provinces would be abundantly more safe; and if any one should be lost, it might easily be recovered by the Forces within. Rome was able to defend itself, and even to retake all that Hannibal had gotten from them, nay, even to overthrow Carthage itself, by keeping all its Wealth and Strength within the Bowels of the Commonwealth. Not that I say this, with a desire to persuade Princes always to refuse their Money to their Friends and Neighbours, but only that they might be very careful how they lay it out, and rather assist them with Men than Money; for this stays with them that received it, whereas those return to him who sent them. And this is to be understood, when there is no danger of engaging themselves in the War, by drawing it into their own States, or of getting their Friend greater Enemies; as also when it is more Expensive, and liable to more Inconveniences to aid with Money, than Arms: For one of the two ways State-Interest absolutely requires us to defend a neighbouring Prince, as often as our Fortune is inseparably joined with his; it being prudenter to carry on a War in another's State, than to feed it in the very Heart of our own. Thus, of old, it was the peculiar way of the Romans to make War far from Home, and by the Fortresses of the Empire to defend the Fortunes of their Allies 11 Fuit proprium populi Romani longè à domo bellare, & pro●ugnaculi●, Imperii sociorum fortunas, non sua tecta defendere, Cic. pro leg. Man. , not their own Houses. And this we ought to have learned from that Government, that we might not be forced to lament at this day so many Calamities. 'Tis this Policy, rather than Ambition, that has moved the Swiss-Cantons to undertake the Protection of some People; for though they were sensible this could not be done without great Charges, and the running the Risque of their own Defence, yet they thought it more their Interest to keep the War out of their own Territories: The Confines of a neighbouring State are the Walls of our own, and as such, to be guarded with all the Care imaginable. EMBLEM XCII. EVen the Feathers of Birds are in danger, when too near those of the Eagle; in that these, by that natural Antipathy surviving in them, which is between the Eagle and the other Birds, corrode and destroy them 1 Plin. l. 10. c. 3. Ael. l. 9 c. 11. de Animal. . Thus Protection changes into Tyranny. A Superior Power observes no Laws, Ambition no Respect. What was committed to its Trust, it afterwards detains as its own, under colour of Self-Preservation. Petty Princes think to secure their States by Foreign Aids and utterly ruin them: They fall a Prey both to Friend and Enemy; the former being no less dangerous from Confidence, than the latter from Hatred. With a Friend we live secure, without the least Fear or Precaution; so that he may easily strike us, without any Danger on his side. Upon this Reason, I conceive, was founded that Law, which commanded, the Ox that had gored any one, to be stoned 2 If an ox gore a man or a woman, and they die, the ox shall be s●rely stoned, Exod. 21. 28. , but says nothing of the Bull; because we trust the Ox more, as being a Domestic Animal we every day make use of. Ambition creeps in, under the pretext of Friendship and Protection; and that, by their means, is easily obtained, which never could have been by Force. With what specious Names did the Romans mask their Tyranny, when they received the People of other Nations for Citizens, Friends, and Allies? They admitted the Albani into their Commonwealth, peopling it with those who before were Enemies: The Sabines they made Free of their City; and abundance of Countries called them to their Aid, against their Enemies, as the Protectors of their Liberties and Privileges, and the Universal Arbitrators of Justice. Thus they, who of themselves could not have 〈◊〉 one Foot of Ground, by the Ignorance of others, extended their Dominions far and near. At first they exacted but moderate Tributes of those Nations; thus disguising their Treachery, under the Appearance of Morality. But when that Imperial Eagle had spread its Wings wider, over the three Parts of the World, Europe, Asia, and Africa, she whet her Beak upon Ambition, and discovered the Claws of her Tyranny. The People then found their Confidence was miserably deluded, and the Feathers of their Power destroyed, under those of the Oppression of Taxes, and the loss of their Liberty and Privileges; and now the Tyranny was grown powerful, could neither recover themselves again, nor re-establish their Forces: And to the end the Venom might turn into Nature, the Romans invented Colonies, and introduced the Latin Tongue, thus to efface the Distinction of Nations, and leave the Romans alone to enjoy the Empire of all. This was that Eagle in Ezekiel's Vision, with great Wings, and many Feathers 3 And there was also another Eagle, with great wings, and many feathers, etc. Ezek. 17. 7. ; or, as the Septuagint has it, many Talons, because such were its Feathers. How often do Men think they stand under the one, when they are really under the other? How often do they think themselves covered with the Lily, when stuck so fast amidst Thorns and Briars, that they can't escape without tearing their clothes. The City of Pisa put their Rights and Pretensions against the Republic of Florence, under the Protection of Ferdinand the Catholic, and the King of France; and both agreed to deliver it to the Florentines, under the pretence of the Repose of Italy. Lewis Sforza employed the Assistance of the French against his Nephew, john Galeas; and they having divested him of the Duchy of Milan, carried him Prisoner into France. But what need is there to look so far for Examples? Let the Duke of Mantua 〈◊〉 how dear fewer Protection has cost him? Let 〈◊〉 Elector of Treves, and the Grisons, say whether they have preserved their Liberty, by admitting Foreign Armies into their States, for their Defence and Protection: Let Germany tell us how it finds itself, under the Patronage of Sweden; now the noble Circles of its Provinces, heretofore the Splendour and Support of the Imperial Diadem, are divided and broken; now those sparkling Diamonds, the Cities of the Empire, its ancient Ornament, are sullied and unset, the Orders of its States overthrown and confounded, the Harmony of its Politic Government destroyed, its ancient Nobility stripped and impoverished; that, of all its Provinces which knew best how to assert its Liberty, now without the least appearance of it, is trampled under foot and laid waste by the Fire and Sword of Foreign Nations, and exposed to the Will of a thousand Tyrants, all living Pictures of the King of Sweden; in a word, a Slave both to Friends and Enemies, and so stupefied by its Misfortunes, that 'tis rendered incapable of discerning its Interest or Disadvantage. This is the Fate of all People at variance with themselves, of all Princes who make use of Foreign Forces; especially if he who sends, does not also pay them. Thus it happened to the Cities of Greece, when Philip, King of Macedon, contriving to ensnare the Liberty of all, fomented their Contentions; and by fiding with the Weaker, made both the Victors and Vanquished submit to one Yoke 4 Philippus Rex Ma●edonum libertati ●●●ium insidiatus, dum contentiones civitatum alit, auxilium inserioribus ferendo, victos pariter, victoresque subire regiam s●rvitutem coëgit. Justin. . Glory, at first, prompts to the Defence; but in the end, Ambition seizes all. Whoever employs his Forces for another, expects some Amends for it. The Country always loves the Power that protects it; the Subjects imagining they shall live more secure and happy under his Government, freed from the Fear and Danger of Wars, and the severe Taxes inferior Princes are wont to impose, and from those Grievances they generally suffer at their Hands. The Nobles too, think it more Honourable to serve a greater Master, who has larger Rewards to give, and greater Preferments to confer upon them. All these Considerations make way for Tyranny and Usurpation. Auxiliary Troops always obey him who sends them, or in whose Pay they are, and treat those Countries they serve in, as Foreign; so that when the War is ended with the Enemy, they must begin with the Friend. Therefore I think it better, and less hazardous and expensive, for the weaker Prince to come to a Composition, upon any Terms, with the more powerful, than even to conquer him with Foreign Arms: What cannot be obtained but by them, can much less be preserved without them, after they shall be withdrawn. This Danger of Auxiliary Forces is yet more to be feared, when the Prince who sends them is of a different Religion, or has, or at least pretends to some Right to that State; or else, if it be of any considerable Advantage for him to be possessed of it, for the opening a Passage to his own, or obstructing that of an Enemy. These Apprehensions should be measured by Necessity, the Condition and Manners of the Prince being well examined; for if he be open and generous, Public Faith and Reputation will have more Influence on him, than Interest, and Reasons of State; as has been experienced in all the Princes of the House of Austria, (represented by that powerful protecting Cherub to which Ezekiel 5 Thou art the anointed Cherub that governeth, Ezek. 28. 14. compares the King of Tyre, before he failed in his Duty) of whose Friendship no one can justly complain. Piedmont, Savoy, Cologne, Constance, and Brisac, all Places defended by the Spanish Arms, and afterwards restored without so much as a Garrison left in them, are everlasting Witnesses of this Truth. Nor can Genova deny it; for when oppressed by France and Savoy, it put its Liberty into the Hands of the Spaniards, these People most faithfully preserved it, as esteeming more their Friendship, and the Glory of Public Faith, than Dominion. But if Necessity, at any time, oblige the Prince to have recourse to a Foreigner, he may avoid the Dangers mentioned, by these two or three Cautions: If he take care that the Foreign Forces be not greater than his own; That his own Officers Command them; That they be not put in Garrisons; That they be mixed or divided, and immediately drawn out against the Enemy. EMBLEM XCIII. OFten has the Tyrrhene Sea felt the Danger of the Neighbourhood of Mount Vesuvius: But we learn not always to profit by our Misfortunes, being, out of a vain confidence, apt to persuade ourselves, they will never happen a second time. The World had long since been at the height of Wisdom, had it known how to improve by its Experiences: But Time, we see, effaces them, as it did in the Ruins the late Conflagrations had left upon the skirts of that Mountain, covering it with a prodigious quantity of Ashes, which, but a few Years afterwards, the Plough cultivated, and reduced again to Soil. The Remembrance of the Losses sustained, was lost, or rather, no one would retain it, when yet they ought to have ever kept Humane Caution upon its Guard. The treacherous Mountain concealed under its green Garment the Heat and Drought of its Entrails; and the Sea, suspecting no harm, made an Alliance with it, and embraced it with its Waters, not regarding the contrariety of those two Natures. But the treacherous Mountain kept its Intention so close, that not the least Smoke gave any sign of what was plotting within. Their Communication increased by secret ways: Nor co●ld the Sea imagine this pretended Friend was raising Fortifications against it, and preparing Mines with divers sulphurous Metals; which being afterwards filled, and that in our Age, was set fire to. There opened, on the top of it, a wide and deep Mouth, breathing out Flames, which at first seemed to be no more than P●●mes, as I may say, of Sparks, or Bonfires, but in a few hours proved tragical Prodigies. This heavy Body several times shook; and amidst its dreadful Thunder, vomited up the liquid Flames of those indigested Matters of melted Metals which boiled in its Stomach: like Torrents of Fire they streamed down it, into the Plains adjacent, burning the Trees, and carrying the Houses along with them, till at length they run into the Sea; which, astonished at so sudden an Hostility, retired with its Waters to the very Centre, whether out of Fear, or Policy, to raise a greater Body of Waves to defend itself withal; for now the old League was violated, it was obliged to prepare for its Defence. The two Elements engaged not without the trembling of Nature her ●elf, afraid of seeing this beautiful Fabric of the Universe on Fire: The very Waves, conquered by a superior Enemy, burned; and the Fish, swimming in the Flames, were drowned: For the Fire, (as Solomon 1 For earthly things were turned into watery; and the things that before swum in the water, now went upon the ground, Wisd. 19 9 speaks) had power in the Water, forgetting his own Virtue; and the Water forgot his own quenching Nature. Such will be the Effects of all the like Alliances of contrary Natures. Let not the Catholic Prince, who enters into a Confederacy with Infidels, expect less Evils. For there being no more inveterate Animosities than those which arise from the Difference of Religions, the present Necessity may indeed dissemble them, but it is impossible that Time should not discover them: And how is it to be imagined that Amity can ever be maintained between them, when the one cannot trust the other? when the Ruin of this, is the Interest of that? They who differ in Opinions, differ also in Minds; and as Creatures of that Eternal Artificer, we cannot suffer any other Adoration to be paid him, than what we judge to be true and Orthodox. And altho' the Friendship of Infidels were never so good, yet Divine Justice permits us not to obtain our Ends by the means of his Enemies, nay, usually chastises us by the very Infidel's Hand that Signed the Treaty. The Emperor which Constantine the Great translated into the East, was ruined by the Alliance of the Palaeologi with the Turk; God permitting it to remain to Posterity, for an Example of his Correction, but not any living Memorial of that Family. But if, by reason of the Distance of Places, or Disposition of Things, the Chastisement cannot be inflicted by those very Infidels, God uses his own Hand. What Calamities has not France suffered, since Francis I. more through Emulation of Charles the Fifth's Glory, than forced by any Necessity, made a League with the Turk, and called him into Europe? This Fault he acknowledged in the last moments of his Life, expressed his utmost Detestation of it in Words; which piously we ought to impute to a Christian Compunction, though otherwise they seemed to proceed from extreme Despair. God pursued his Chastisement in some of his Successors, by taking them off with violent and unhappy Deaths. Now if this Just Judge be thus severe on Princes who do but ask the Aid of Infidels and Heretics, what will he do to those who assist them against the Catholics, and are the reason of their making such great Progresses? The Example of Peter II. of Arragon, will tell us 2 Mar. Hist. l. 12. c. 2. : This King stuck with all his Forces to the Faction of the Albigenses in France; and though he fought at the Head of One hundred thousand Men, against the Catholics, who were but Eight hundred Horse, and a Thousand Foot, lost at once both his Life and the Battle. judas Machabaeus no sooner joined with the Romans, tho' only to defend himself against the Grecian Power, but the two Angels, that stood by his side, left him, and he was slain. The same Punishment, and for the same Cause, suffered jonathan and Simon, his Brothers and Successors. Nor is the Excuse of Self-Defence always sufficient; for all the Conditions and Circumstances that make such Confederacies allowable, very rarely concur, and are of greater weight than that universal Scandal and Danger of defiling the true Religion with Errors; the Communication of Heretics being a Poison apt to infect, a Gangrene that soon spreads, where Minds are inclined to Novelty and Licentiousness 3 And their word will eat as doth a canker, 2 Tim. 2. 17. . Policy distrusting the Divine Assistance, and wholly relying upon Humane Artifices, may indeed deceive itself, but not God, at whose Tribunal mere Appearances of Reason are not received. Baasha, King of Israel, built a Fortress in Ramah, the last City of the Tribe of Benjamin, in the Kingdom of Asa, and so stopped its Avenues, that no one could go in or out of it with safety 4 In the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa, Baasha king of Israel came up against Judah, and built Ramah, to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to Asa king of Judah, 2 Chron. 16. 1. . This occasioned a War between those two Kings; and Asa fearing the Alliance of Benhadad, King of Syria, with his Enemy, contrived first to break that, and then entered himself into a Confederacy with Benhadad: which when Baasha heard, he left off building the Fortifications of Ramah 5 And it came to pass, when Baasha heard it, that he left off building of Ramah, and let his work cease, 2 Chron. 16. 5. . Nevertheless, though Asa made this League out of Necessity, and only for his own Defence, whereof the good Effect soon appeared; yet God was displeased that he put more confidence in the King of Syria than in him, and sent Hanani the Prophet to represent his fault to him, and threaten him with Wars, as a Punishment 6 Because thou hast relied on the king of Syria, and not relied on the Lord thy God, therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand, etc. Herein thou hast done foolishly; therefore from henceforth thou shal● have wars, 2 Chron. 16. 7, 9 ; which accordingly happened. Whence it will be easy to gather, how much France has incurred the Divine Displeasure, by the Alliances it has now engaged itself in with those of another Religion, to oppress the House of Austria: Where is no room for the Pretence of Self-Preservation in extreme Necessity, since without any Provocation or Reason, he has sided with all its Adversaries, and made War upon it, fomenting it out of their States, and enlarging these by the Usurpation of foreign Provinces, and assisting the Heretics and their Allies with Counsel and Arms to conquer the Catholics; no one, in the mean time, coming thence to the Treaty of Peace at Cologne, although the Pope, the Emperor, and King of Spain, had all sent their Plenipotentiaries thither. Nor is it unlawful only to make Leagues with Heretics, but even to make use of their Forces. The Holy Scriptures give us an illustrious Instance of this, in the Person of King Amasiah, who having hired an Army of the Sons of Israel, was commanded of God to dismiss it, and reproved, for not rather relying on him 7 O king, l●t not the army of Israel go with thee: for the Lord is not with Israel, to wit, with all the children of Ephraim. But if thou wilt go, do it, be strong for the battle: God shall make thee fall before the enemy: for God hath power to help, and to cast down, 2 Chron. 25. 7, 8. . And because he presently obeyed, without any regard to the Danger, or to the hundred Talents he had given them, God gave him a signal Victory over his Enemies. Confederacy with those of a different Religion is lawful, when its End is the Intermission of War, and Liberty of Commerce; such as that was which Isaac made with Abimelech 8 We s●e certainly that the Lord is with thee: and we said, Let there be now an oat● betwixt us, even betwixt us and thee, and let us make a covenant with thee, That thou shalt do us no hurt, Gen 26. 28, 29. , and as now is between Spain and England. When any Treaty is made with Heretics, provided it interfere not with Religion or Good Manners, and be confirmed by Oath, the Public Faith is by all means to be kept with them; for in the Oath, God is called to be a Witness to the Agreement, and, as it were, a Surety for the Performance of it, both Parties consenting to make him Judge of it, to punish the Perjurer. And certainly it were a heinous Sin, to call him to witness to a Lye. Nations have no other Security of the Treaties they make, than the Religion of Oaths; which if they should make use of to deceive, there would be an end of Commerce in the World, nor would it be possible for firm Truces or Peace to be ever concluded. But though there pass no Oath, yet the Treaties should nevertheless be observed: For from the Truth, Fidelity and Justice whereby they are maintained, there arises in them a mutual Obligation, and a Duty common to all Nations; and as it is not allowable to kill or hate a Man of a different Communion, so neither is it to cheat, or break a Promise to him. Hence joshua kept his Oath with the Gibeonites 9 We have sworn unto them by the Lord God of Israel: now therefore we may not touch them, I●sh. 9 19 : A thing which was so pleasing to God Almighty, that he vouchsafed in his savour to interrupt the Natural Order of the Orbs of Heaven, obeying the Voice of joshua, and stopping the Sun in the midst of its Course, to give him Time to prosecute the slaughter of his Enemies, and acquit himself of his Obligation 10 So the sun stood still in the midst of heaven, and hasted not to go down about a w●ole day. And there was no day like that, before it, or after it, that the Lord harkened unto the voice of man: for the Lord sought for I●rael, josh. 10. 13, 14. : As, on the contrary, he punished David with a Three Years Famine, for Saul's breaking this very Treaty Three hundred Years after 11 Then there was a famine in the days of David, three years, year af●er year; and David enquired of the Lord. And the Lord answered, It is for Saul, and for his bloody house, because he slew the Gi●eonites, 2 Sam. 21. 1. . EMBLEM XCIV. THE Sun, when in Libra, distributes his Rays with so much Justice, that he makes the Days and Nights equal; not, however, without having a more particular regard to the Zones that are nearest and most subject to his Empire, to which he imparts a greater Force of Light, always preferring those Climates and Parallels that are least remote; and if any Country suffers the Intemperatures of Heat under the Torrid Zone, the fault is in its ill Situation, not in the Sun's Rays, since they are at the same Time benign to other Parts of the same Zone. Now what the Sun does in the Equinoctial-Line, a Part of Heaven so considerable, that if the immense Being of God could be confined to any limited Place, it could be no other than that; the same Effect, I say, is produced here below, by that Pontifical Triple-Crown, which from Rome, as a Fixed Equinox, with its Divine Rays illuminates all the Parts of the World: This is the Sun of these inferior Orbs, in which was substituted the Power of the Light of that Eternal Sun of Righteousness, that all Things Sacred might receive from it their true Form, so as never to be called in question by the shadows of impious Opinions. There is no Country so near the Poles, but the Brightness of its Rays, in spite of the Frosts and Mists of Ignorance, has reached it. This Tiara, or Triple-Crown, is the Touchstone on which other Crowns are tried, and the Caracts of their Gold and Silver proved, in that, as in a Crucible, they are separated from other base Metals; and it is by the Tau they are stamped with, that they are assured of their real Value. Hence Ramius, King of Arragon, and many others, voluntarily offered to become Feudataries to the Church, looking on it as an Honour and Happiness for their Crowns to pay it Tribute. Those that refuse the Touch of this Apostolical Stone, are of Lead and Tin, and so soon wear out, and consume, rarely passing to the Fifth Generation, (as we see by frequent Experience.) It was with the Respect and Obedience of Princes, that their Temporal Grandeur and Dignity, foretold by the Prophet Isaiah 1 Then thou shalt see and flow together, and thine heart shall fear, and be enlarged, because the abundance of the sea shall be converted unto thee, the forces of the Gentiles shall come unto thee, Isai. 6●. 5. , was increased; who afterwards armed the Spiritual Sword, so as to render it capable of being the Balance of the Kingdoms of Christendom. And by the same means the Pope's still endeavour to support their Power, procuring the Favour of Potentates by their Paternal Affection. Their Empire over Minds is a Voluntary one, imposed by Reason, not Force: and if at any time this latter has been too immoderate, it has had quite contrary Effects; for Passion is blind, and easily runs headlong. The Papacy even unarmed, is stronger than the best appointed Armies. The Presence of Pope Leo in his Pontifical Robes, struck such a Terror into Attila, that it made him retreat, and lay aside his Thoughts of Sacking of Rome; which had he attempted by Arms, he had never quelled the haughty Spirit of that Barbarian. The bare Whistle of the Shepherd, or a kind Menace of the Crook or Sling, do more than the hardest Stones. It is a Rebellious Sheep, that must be led by Rigour: For if the Piety of the Faithful has given Force to the Papal Dignity, that was rather for the Security of its Grandeur, than done with a design to let them use it, except when the Maintenance of Religion, and the Universal Benefit of the Church so required. When, contrary to this one Consideration, the Mitre is turned into a Helmet, no more Reverence or Obedience is due to it, than if it were merely Temporal * The Italian is ●ere guilty of par●ial Omissions and Additions. : And if it will depend on Reasons of State, it will be looked upon only as a Politic Prince's Crown, not as the Diadem of a Pope, whose Empire is supported by a Spiritual Authority. His Pastoral Office is of Peace only, not War; his Crosier crooked, to guide, not pointed, to wound. The Sovereign Priest is the Sovereign Man, and therefore should not, as other Men, be guilty of Envy, Hatred or Partiality, which are always Incentives of War 2 Summum Pontificem etiam summum h●minem esse, non amulationi● 〈◊〉 odio aut privatis affectio●i●us 〈◊〉, Tac. Annal. li●. 3. . This even the very Pagans required in their Chief-Priest. The Splendour of his Virtues strike the Mind more than the Sword does the Body, which is much less prevalent in composing the Differences of Princes than Love and Respect; for when Princes once see that his good Offices proceed from a true Paternal Love, free from Passions, Affections, and Politic Artifices, they willingly lay their Rights, and Arms, at his Feet. This several Popes have had Experience of, who avoiding Neutrality, have shown themselves the Common Fathers of the whole World. He who adheres to one alone, denies himself to all besides; and he that is neither on this Side nor that Side, takes the Part of none. Whereas the High-Priests should be for All, as their Garments, in the Old Law, gave us to understand, whose exquisite Make represented the Globe of the Earth 3 For in the long garment was the whole world, Wisd. 18. 2●. . 'Tis a piece of Cruelty to stand with Arms across at the sight of other men's Calamities. Should a Father stand still while his Children quarrel, he would be deservedly blamed for whatever mischief they should do one to another; he ought, sometimes by Rigour, sometimes by good Words, to part them, putting himself betwixt them, or, if need be, espousing one's Cause, the better to reduce the other to Agreement. Thus if Princes refuse to hearken to the Fatherly Admonition of His Holiness, if they pay not the Respect due to his Authority, and there be no hopes of ever recovering them, it seems best to declare in favour of the most just Side, always having regard to the Public Quiet, and the Advancement of Religion and the Church, to assist that, till the other be brought to its Duty: For he that approves the Cause of the one and the other, will be thought to cooperate with both. * A whole Page is here omitted in the French. In Italy, more than in any other Part of the World, this Care of the Pope's is necessary 4 Zurit. Hist. Arragon. l. 13. c. 13. : For if once they so openly betray their Inclination to the French, that they may promise themselves their Aid and Favour, they will soon bring their Arms thither. This Consideration prevailed on some Popes to show themselves more addicted to Spain, the better to keep France within Bounds; and if at any time, any one, induced by an appearance of Good, or through Partiality or Self-Interest, and a Forgetfulness of this Caution, has used Secular Arms, and called in the Aid of Foreigners, he 〈◊〉 given occasion to great Commotions in Italy; as Historians observe, in the Lives of 5 Mar. Hist. Hisp. Vrban IU. who sent for Charles, Count of Anjou and Provence, to 〈◊〉 Relief, against Mainfroy, King of both Sicily's: Of Nicholas III. who being jealous of the Power of King Charles, had recourse to Peter, King of Arragon: Of Nicholas IU. who entered into a League with Alphonsus ●f Arragon, against King james: Of Boniface VIII. who appealed to james, King of Arragon, and called in the Assistance of Charles of Valois, Count of Anjou, against frederick, King of Sicily: Of Eugenius IU. who sided with the Faction of Anjou, against Alphonsus, King of N●ples: Of Clement V. who sought the Aid of Philip of 〈◊〉, against the Viscounts of Milan: Of Leo X. and c●●ment VII. who made a League with Francis, King of France, against Charles V to throw the Spaniards out of Italy. This Inconveniency proceeds from the Weight of the Apostolic See, it being so great, that the Scale wherein 'tis put must necessarily fall very much. It is probable that some Appearance of Good moved those ●●pes to do thus; but certainly, in some of them, the 〈◊〉 was far from answering their Intention. But as it is the Duty of the Popes to endeavour to ●●intain Princes in Peace and Tranquillity; so ought these, out of Interest (were there no Divine Obligation for it, as there really is) to have continually their Eyes, like the Heliotrope, upon that Sun of the Pope's Triple-Crown, which always shines, and never sets, and to be obedient to, and protect it. Hence Alphonsus V King of Arragon, upon his Deathbed, charged his Son Ferdinand, King of Naples, to esteem nothing beyond the Authority of the Apostolic See, and the Favour of the Popes; and to take care not to disgust them, whatever Reason he had on his side 6 Zurit. Ann. de Arrag. . Impious or Imprudent Princes think it a piece of Bravery to carry themselves haughtily towards the Popes: but such an Humility is so far from being a Weakness, that 'tis a Religious Act; 'tis no Dishonour, but a Glory. The most submissive Deferences paid them by the greatest Princes, are but a pious Magnanimity, that teaches Subjects what Respect is to be paid to all that is Sacred; they beget not any Infamy, but rather an Universal Applause. No one condemned the Emperor Constanti●●, for taking a low Seat in a Council of Bishops 7 Euseb. in Vit. Const. ; nor King Egica, for prostrating himself upon the Ground, in another held at Toledo 8 〈…〉 Reg. Goth. . No one ever succeeds in opposing the Popes; those are Quarrels that nev●● have a good end? And who can separate the Inter●●● of the Temporal Prince from that of the Head of the Church? Injury and Authority are so joined, that the greater that is, the more it derogates from this. The Pontifical Dignity, when armed with both the Temporal and Spiritual Sword, withstands the greatest Power. It meets with an unshaken Obedience in Foreign Kingdoms; and if it once goes to make War upon them, the People's Piety grows cold, and from fight with Arms, they come to that of Books; Allegiance tott●●▪ and Religion being confounded, changes of Governm●●● ensue, and the overthrow of Kingdoms, whose only Bottom is the Reverence and Respect of the Priesthood 9 Honour 〈…〉 Tac. Hist. l. 5. . which made some Nations unite it to the Re●● Dignity. Prince's ought therefore to carry themsel●● with so much Prudence, as to decline, as much as 〈◊〉 sible, giving any Occasion of Distaste to the Pope●● which they will do, if they pay a due Respect to 〈◊〉 Apostolic See, maintaining its Privileges, Rights, 〈◊〉 ●munities inviolable, and asserting their own with ●urage and Resolution, when they interfere not with ●●●m, without admitting any Innovations prejudicial to ●●eir own States, and which tend not to the Spiritual ●ood of their Subjects. When Charles V went into ●ely to be Crowned, the Pope's Legates would oblige ●●●m to take an Oath to preserve the Rights of the Church. ●o which he answered, That as he would not alter them, 〈◊〉 neither would he, on the other side, do any thing against 〈◊〉 Constitutions of the Empire: Which he said, upon the ●●count of the Fiefs which the Church pre●ded on Parma and Placentia. * A Page and an half is here omitted in the Italian. King ●dinand the Catholic was so exact in this, ●at one may, in a manner, say he fell ●to Excess; judging it not fit to transgress ●●e Limits of Rights and Privileges the ●st in the World; because when the Foot is once ●●ed, it presently defends the Place it stands on, as a prossession; and insensibly goes farther, when, by briskly ●●posing its first steps, much greater Losses might be ●●oided. john, King of Arragon, refused to ratify the ●●ant of the Archbishopric of Saragossa, made by Pope ●●tus IU. to Cardinal Ausias Dezpuch, because he did not ●ominate him, as was then the Custom; but causing the cardinal's Goods and Revenues to be seized, and mis●ing his Relations, forced him to quit the Pontificate, ●●ich he afterwards conferred upon his Nephew Al●●●sus 10 Zur. Hist. Arrag Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 24. c. 16. . Such another Dispute, a little after, arose ●●on the Subject of the Church of Tarrassona; which a ●rtain Temporal Judge having been made Bishop of, 〈◊〉 ordered him to leave it instantly, threatening, if he ●●d not, to drive him, and all that belonged to him, out 〈◊〉 his Kingdom. The same did his Son Ferdinand, in 〈◊〉 the Bishopric of Cuenca, to which Pope Sixtus had ●●●ated Raphaël Galeot, a Relation of his own 11 Anton. ●eb. Hist. Hisp. : For ●●e King, incensed that it should be given to a Foreigner, and without his Nomination, enjoined all the Spaniards to leave Rome, protesting he would call a Council upon that and some other Matters; and when the Pope afterwards sent his Nuncio into Spain, he bid him return, complaining that His Holiness did not use him as such an obedient Son of the Church deserved, and wondered that the Ambassador should undertake such a Commission: But he humbly making answer, That he would renounce the Pri●●es of an Ambassador, and submit wholly to His Majesty's Pleasure; by this, and the good Offices of the Cardinal of Spain, he was admitted, and all the Differences adjusted. But unless, for Self-Preservation, or otherwise, the Case be extremely dangerous, recourse should not be had to these Methods; and it is befitting the Paternal Affection of the Popes, not to give Occasion to them, behaving themselves so Courteous always, so as thereby to maintain a good Correspondence with Princes: For although they have in their Hand, as was said, the two Swords of Spiritual and Temporal Authority, yet this aught to execute nothing but by the Arms of Emperors and Kings, as Protectors and Defenders of the Church: Which makes it (as Alphonsus the Wise says * In Proem. p. 2. ) of so much concernment for those two Powers always to agree, so that each may help the other, when Occasion requires. I doubt not but all those whom God hath placed in this High Station, have this Care deeply rooted in their Hearts; but yet it is oftentimes perplexed by the Courtiers of Rome, whose only business is to sow Discords; as also by the Ambition of some Ministers, who think to wind themselves into the Favour of the Popes, and to procure the best Preferments by their Independency on Princes, and by the Aversion they bear them, always inventing Pretences to reject their Petitions, and taking all occasions of Affronting their Ambassadors; and who, to appear Stout, suggest violent Counsels, under colour of Religion and Zeal: all which ruin the good Understanding of the Popes and Temporal Princes, to the great prejudice of the Christian Commonwealth, and chills the Veins of Piety, for want of Love, the Artery that cherishes them, and maintains their warmth. EMBLEM XCV. THE Isthmus maintains itself between the Force and Power of two contrary Seas, as their common Arbiter, not inclining more to this than that: Hence, what one takes from it, the other restores again; and by the conflict of both, it is preserved entire; for if the Waves of either should once swell and overflow the whole Tract of Ground, they would spoil its Jurisdiction, and it would be no longer an Isthmus. This Neutrality betwixt two great Powers supported, for a long time, Peter Ruiz d'Azagra in his Government of Albarraein, situate on the Frontiers of Castille and Arragon 1 Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 11. c. 16. ; for each of these Kings took care not to let it be oppressed by the other, and those Emulations kept the Freedom of that little State untouched. By this the Dukes of Savoy may see how much it is their Interest to stand Neuter between the two Crowns of France and Spain, and to keep in their Hands the free Disposal of the Passes into ●●aly by the Alps, as a thing whereon their Grandeur, their Conservation, and the Necessity of their Friendship, entirely depends; it highly concerning each of these Crowns not to let them be subdued by the other. Hence the Spaniards have so often marched to the Aid of Charles Emanuel, and recovered such Places as the French had taken from him. I know only one Case wherein it is better that these Prince's brea● this Neutrality, and side with one of the two Crowns and that is, when the other attempts the Conquest of their Dominions, particularly that of France: For if once the French should drive the Spaniards out of Italy, they would become so powerful (considering they have already extended their Dominions from the very utmost Limits of the Ocean, as far as the Mediterranean, through Cal●●ria) that over running the States of Savoy and Piedmont, they must of necessity either unite them to the Crown of France, or but then them with an intolerable Slavery, which the whole Body of Italy would soon feel the Effects of, without hopes of redeeming their Liberty again; and for Spain ever to retrieve their Losses, or balance their Forces, would be extremely difficult, considering the vast distance between them too. This Danger the Republic of Venice, with a great deal of Prudence, weighed, when seeing Charles the Eighth's Power increase in Italy, they struck up that which was called the Holy League. From that time, one may say, Divine Providence began to contrive the Security and Preservation of the Apostolic Chair, and of Religion, and to prevent its falling under the Tyranny of the Turk, or being infected with the Heresies, then taking root in Germany; advanced the Greatness of the House of Austria, and established the Spanish Monarchy in the States of Naples, Sicily, and Milan, that Italy might have a Catholic Prince to defend it on all sides: And to restrain the Power of Spain, and make it content with the Rights of Succession, Fiefs, and Arms, it raised it a Rival in the Person of the King of France, to lay its Kings under a necessity for their Preservation of gaining the Love and goodwill of their Subjects, and the Esteem of other Princes, by maintaining Justice among them, with these Peace, without giving the least Occasion to War, which always hazards the Rights and Designs of the most Powerful. This Advantage which Italy reaps from the Power of Spain, is, by some, unjustly traduced as a Yoke of Slavery; when, on the contrary, it is the only Instrument of its Repose, of its Liberty and Religion: The Mistake proceeds from their not well knowing the Importance of this Counterpoise. A Person, ignorant in Navigation, seeing the Bottom of a Ship filled with Sand and Stones, thinks it carries the Cause of its Wreck in this Weight: whereas they who are acquainted with Sea-Affairs, know, that without this Ballast, the Lightness of the Ship could never subsist long against the Agitation of the Waves. Nicephorus, speaking of this Aequilibrium between two Crowns, looks on it as a Common Advantage to the Subjects of both Kingdoms, when he says, That he could not enough admire the inscrutable Wisdom of God, who makes too directly opposite Means tend to the same End; as when he would keep two Powers at variance, without however subjecting the one to the other, he either gives to both Commanders, whose Capacity and Courage discover the Artifices, and oppose the Attempts of the adverse Party, which makes for the Liberty of the Subjects of both Sides; or else sets over them Men so senseless and cowardly, that they undertake nothing considerable one against another, but leave the Limits of the Kingdom as they found them 2 Mirari 〈◊〉 subit impervestigabile● Dei sapientiam, qui plane ●●●traria uno fine conclusit. Nam cum du●● ad●ersarias potestates inter se co●mittere statuit, nee alteram alteri subjicere, aut ingenio & virtute 〈◊〉 utrinque parti moderatores praeficit, ut alter alterius consilia & 〈◊〉 vertas, & utrinque subditorum libertati consulatur, aut utrosque ●ebetes & imbelles deligit, ut neuter alterum tentare, & s●pta (quod aiunt) 〈◊〉 aude●●, veteresque regnorum limites convellere. Niceph. . For the same ends, Divine Providence has parted the Forces of the French and Spanish Kings, by interposing the high Walls of the Alps, lest Propinquity of Territories, or Easiness of Passage, should be a Temptation to War, and favour the French most, if that Nation should have these Doors so often open. It has still, for greater Security, given the Keys of them to the Duke of Savoy, an Italian Prince, who having his States between those two Kingdoms, can lock or leave them open, according as the Public Good requires. This Divine Disposition Pope Clement VIII. was sensible of, and with singular Prudence procured the State of Saluzzes to fall into the Duke of Savoy ' s Hands. * Here is a Page and an half omitted in the French. This was a very ancient State-Maxim; on which Alphonsus, King of Naples, grounded his Advice to the Duke of Milan, not to deliver up Asti to Lewis the Dauphin: For (said he) it is not for the good of Italy, that the French strive to get footing there, but to bring it under their Subjection, as was attempted in the Genoese Expedition. That Italian Prince penetrated not the force of this Counsel, who advised the prefent French King, by making himself Master of Pignerol, to get firm footing on the Alps; deceived probably (unless it were Malice) by the appearing Conveniency of having the French ready against any Attacks of the Spaniards; not considering, that by the fear of a future War, which might perhaps never have really happened, a present and most certain one is kindled, upon the admission of the French into Italy; it being impossible for Peace to be preserved in any one Province betwixt two Nations so opposite and disagreeing: Nor were Italy like to reap any other Benefit from it than this, That it would nourish a Serpent in its Bosom, whose poisonous Sting would certainly afterwards envenom it. Besides that the French, even when within their own Limits, on the other side of the Alps, are always near enough to march into Italy, when called, nor is it necessary that they be so near as to have the Passage at their Command. Besides, were the French so modest, so void of Ambition, as to confine themselves there, and not move but when called upon; yet who doubts but upon such an Occasion they would widely transgress the Bounds of Protection; as Lewis Sforza, Castruchio Castrocani, and several others, have actually experienced, who sought their Aid with no other Advantage, than that the same befell them (as it does some at this day) which Tacitus relates to have happened to the Frecentini, who, while they agreed among themselves, valued not the Parthians; but upon their falling into Dissensions, while each called in Aid against his Rival, the Person invited by one Party conquered both 3 Quoties concordes agunt, spe●nitur Parthic; ubi dissensere, dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant, accitus in partem adversu● omnes valescit. Tac. Annal. l. 6. . Now if that Power might be brought into Pignerol, so as to be wholly at the Disposal of Italy, either to call it in, or send it out of its Territories, as Occasion should require, there had then been some Reason in the Policy, some colour of Zeal for the Public Good, in this Counsel: But now, in a time the most improper in the World, to place it within the very Gates of Italy, to enter them upon every Motion of Ambition or Levity, and that Fear of it might keep the Spaniards continually upon their Guard, and Occasion be given to other Princes to take up Arms, and a Storm of Wars be raised never to be calmed, was so far from being good Counsel, that it was the rankest Treason, being, in plain terms, no other than exposing it to the Power of France, and wresting that out of the Italian Prince's Hand, which he had over the Alps, for the Common Good of All. In the other Potentates of Italy, which are not situate between those two Crowns, this Reason of Neutrality has not the same force; for when once War is brought into Italy, they cannot but fall a Prey to the Conqueror, without having obliged either Party; as the Consul Quinetius said to the Aetolians, to persuade them to declare for the Romans, in the War against Antiochus; and as the Florentines found, when refusing to join with the King of Arragon, they stood Neuter; thereby losing the Favour of the French King, without appeasing the Anger of the Pope 4 Quip sine dignitate praemium victoris eritis. Liv. l. 35. . Neutrality neither makes Friends, nor removes Enemies 5 Neutralitas neque a●icos parit, ●eque inimicos tollit. Polyh. . Hence Alphonsus, King of Naples, said of the Sienois, who thinking to save themselves by Neutrality, were ruined, That the same happened to them, which usually does to one who lodges in the middle of an House, whom they below fill with Smoke, those above pour Water down upon him. What did not the Thebans suffer, by being Neutral, when Xerxes invaded Greece? While Lewis XI. of France continued so, he never had Peace with any Prince 6 Phil. de Coming. . * This whole Paragraph is omitted in the French. Let not the Prince be deceived, in imagining this Neutrality to be the best means to balance the Forces of Spain and France; for certainly there ought to be some Declaration in behalf of the former, not that it may enlarge its Territories, or make an Inroad into France, but that it may maintain what it is already possessed of, and the French be kept within their Kingdom, and not by any Neutrality or Affection be invited out. And this is so certain, that the very Declaration of Favour, without any other Public De●●nstrations, poises these Scales, and is a sufficient Ar●ment of War. Italy can never bear two Factions that ●ive to raise their Fortunes by the Contention of both ●owns within its Bowels. This Charles V was sensible 〈◊〉 when, to restore Peace to Italy, he destroyed them, ●●d new-modelled the Republic of Florence, which at ●●at Time encouraged them; for one of the two Balances 〈◊〉 France or Spain, never so little overloaded, turned. 〈◊〉 Scale of Peace, which consists in keeping them even. ●●on the knowledge of this Truth, all prudent Princes ●●d Commonwealths have showed themselves more ad●●ed to Spain, to add some Weight to it; and that by ●●ing a more perfect Aequilibrium, they, with their ●●tes, might enjoy a happy Tranquillity; and if at any ●ne any one has disordered it, by espousing the contrary ●●ty, he has been the Occasion of great Troubles, and ●●moted the Ruin of Italy. Glory, that constant attendant of Ambition, prompts ●ne Italians to think it would be more advantageous 〈◊〉 them to unite against both Crowns, and have no ●●er Masters but themselves, either by dividing themselves into Republics, or setting up one Head. Thoughts ●re for Talk, than Effect, considering the present ●●ndition of Italy; for either this Sovereign must be 〈◊〉 Pope, or some other. If the Pope, there want not ●●y many plausible Reasons to show the impossibility 〈◊〉 maintaining a Spiritual Monarchy changed into a ●mporal one under an Elective Prince (especially if 〈◊〉 be of a declining Age, as generally all the Popes are) used only in Arts of Peace, and Ecclesiastical Tran●lity, wholly employed in Spiritual Affairs, and sur●nded with Nephews and Relations, who, should ●●●y not require to secure to themselves the Succession 〈◊〉 their States, will be sure to share them by Investitures. ●●●des, it being the Interest of Christendom, that the ●●●es be the Common Fathers of all its Members, and 〈◊〉 have any Differences with other Princes, they will ●●●eby be engaged in perpetual Quarrels with those two ●●wns; which, on account of the Claims each lay to the Duchy of Milan, and the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, will soon fall upon the Apostolic See, whethe● joined by some Compact to divide the Conquests of these States, or separately, one breaking into Italy through, the Milanese, the other through Naples, with the Danger too of one of them calling in the Aid of the Germans, or the Turk, who would afterwards fix in Italy. But suppose any Person were created King of all Italy, yet still the same Inconveniencies would remain; nay, another much greater would arise from hence; that in form a Monarchy, this King must necessarily make other Prince's subject to him, and strip the Pope of his Empire: For should he leave them in the same Condition they are at present, (though it were under some acknowledgement of Homage, or in Alliance) he could never support himself; besides that thus Italy would lose that Spiritual Empire, which renders it no less Illustrious than heretofore the Roman did, and being deprived of its Liberty, would be brought to a kind 〈◊〉 Tyrannical Confusion. There is yet less probability of Italy 's continuing 〈◊〉 Peace, under several Native Princes, for they can neve● agree so uniformly as to unite against the two Crow● but will rather ruin one another by Intestine Wars, ● it happened in former Ages; the Italian Nation being 〈◊〉 so lofty a Genius, that it scorns a Medium; either it m●●● absolutely Govern or Obey. From all which, it appears, how necessary so●● Foreign Power is to Italy, which, opposed to all other neither suffers Wars between its Princes, nor allo● them to make use of Foreign Arms; which is the reas● that since it was united with the Crown of Spain, it 〈◊〉 always enjoyed a perfect and continual Peace. The Advantage therefore that attends that necessity 〈◊〉 joining itself to one of the two Crowns, may pre●●● upon the Italian Nation to conform to the present 〈◊〉 especially since if there should happen any Alteration 〈◊〉 Milan, Naples and Sicily, it could not but give a 〈◊〉 ●●●●rbance to other Governments: For no New Forms 〈◊〉 introduced without the corruption of others; and 〈◊〉 one of the two Nations must be incorporated 〈◊〉 Italy, the Spanish has most Reason for it, they lying 〈◊〉 under the same Climate, which renders them more 〈◊〉 in Firmness of Religion, Observance of Justice, ●vity of Actions, Fidelity to their princes, Constancy in 〈◊〉 Promises and Public Faith, in Moderation of Mind, 〈◊〉 briefly, in all other Customs and Manners; and ●es, because the King of Spain governs not in Italy 〈◊〉 Stranger, but as an Italian Prince, who aims at no●●●g more there, than to maintain what he justly pos●●● since he can, with much more Advantage to his 〈◊〉, extend his Monarchy over the vast Country's 〈◊〉 Africa. This Maxim Ferdinand the Catholic left to Successors, in generously refusing the Offer of the 〈◊〉 of Emperor of Italy, saying, That he desired nothing 〈◊〉 what of Right belonged to him, and that it was not his 〈◊〉 to dismember the Imperial Dignity. This Truth is ●●●ently attested by the Restitutions the King of Spain 〈◊〉 made of several Places, without making use of any 〈◊〉 of Arms, or demanding Satisfaction for Charges 〈◊〉 Damage, or taking up Arms but upon necessity, 〈◊〉 for his own defence, or that of another, as the 〈◊〉 of Mantua have experienced; and if he has at 〈◊〉 time made War upon the Duke of Nevers, it was 〈◊〉 as Malice would insinuate, to make himself Master ●asal, but to put it in the Power of the Emperor to justice to those who laid Pretensions to these States. 〈◊〉 the Duke of Nevers having implored, by the Marquis Mirebaean, His Majesty's Protection and Consent to 〈◊〉 Marriage of his Son, the Duke of Retel, with the ●●●eess Mary, obtained both: But after the Conclusion of 〈◊〉 Matter, Advice was brought to Madrid, That by the ●er-hand Practices of Count d'Estrige, the Wedding 〈◊〉 already celebrated, Vincent, Duke of Mantua, being ●he point of Death, without the King's knowledge, ●●●ctly against the Agreement between him and the 〈◊〉; which was the reason that this Novelty, which appeared to some a kind of 'Slight and Distrust, deferred first the execution of the Protection, and gave afterwards place to fresh Deliberations; wherein it was resolved, That without any Notice taken of all this, the Favour promised, should remain in full force, and One be sent to give the Married Couple Joy. But as Divine Providence had determined the Destruction of the City and House of Mantua, for the Vices of its Princes, and their Violation of so many Marriages, it directed all Events to that end; and accordingly, for this Reason, while these Things passed in Spain, Cardinal Richlieu, a sworn Enemy to the Duke of Nevers, brought it about, that the Duke of Savoy, assisted by his Master, denounced War against him, to get what he laid claim to in Montferrat. But the Duke smelling this to be nothing but a Pretence, under which to bring th● French Arms into Italy, and by the Ruin of both Dukes, to increase the Grandeur of France, discovered the whole Intrigue to Gonsalvo of Cordova, Governor of Milan, promising to desert the French, if he would ass●●● him. Gonsalvo desired Time to consider, and se●●● Advice of it into Spain; and seeing the Duke make some difficulty to grant it, and that if he did not succo● him, the Doors of the Alps would be open to the French, he, of his own head, agreed with the Duke, hoping to make himself Master of Casal, by the mea●●● of Espadin, whereby (as himself wrote to His Majesty) the Emperor might with much more ease determine the Controversies on foot in Montferrat and Mantua: a Reso●lution which obliged His Majesty to suspend a second time● the execution of the Protection promised, though contrary to his Design of procuring the Peace of Italy▪ nevertheless, to maintain that, and cut off all Occasi●● of Jealousy, he gave Order to Gonsalvo of Cordova, That if, as was supposed, he was already possessed of Casa●▪ he should keep it in the Name of the Emperor, the true Master of it, at the same time dispatching Letters to him to that effect, to convey, in that case, to His Imperial Majesty. But the Treaty with Espadin not su●●ding, Gonsalvo, without any Order from His Ma●●●y, invested Casal; which was the Occasion of the 〈◊〉 of France ' s Journey to Susa, and of Spain's being expectedly engaged in the War, after having pub●ly protested that those Forces were only Auxi●ies to the Emperor, to the end the Rights of the reenders upon Mon●ferrat and Mantua might be ●●ded by way of Justice; nor would Gonsalvo accept ●he Term offered him by the Duke of Nevers, of ●●●ng Casal, lest any should think His Majesty engaged ●ese Commotions more out of private Interest, than 〈◊〉 the fake of the Public Quiet. This is the very ●th of the Matter, which so many have unjustly maimed against, so few really known. ●et the Prince therefore and Republic of Italy lay ●e the empty Shadows of Jealousies assuring them●es that Spain aims at nothing more than to keep up 〈◊〉 Grandeur amongst them, not to increase it; and let 〈◊〉 give place to this true piece of Policy, if they desire Peace of Italy: for these imaginary Emulations tend ●o other end, but to promote its Disquiet; there ●g no War but what proceeds either from the Ambi●●● of a powerful Monarch, or the Apprehensions of inferior Prince. EMBLEM XCVI. VIctory in just Wars, aims at no other end 〈◊〉 Peace: Hence that is the most Glorious, wh●●● is obtained with least Damage, and more 〈◊〉 Stratagem than Force, which was least covered 〈◊〉 Dust and Blood; which Horace calls, — Dulcis sine pulvere palma: * Horat. Laurels with Ease obtained, smell always sweet. The Romans, for bloody Victories, sacrificed a 〈◊〉 and an Ox, for those got by Stratagem. If by Wit●●● ●nderstanding we are like God, but have Force in common with Brutes, undoubtedly there is more Glory in ●●quering with the former than the latter. Tiberius ●s better pleased in having quieted the Empire by Pru●nce, than if he had done it by the Sword 1 Laetiore Tiberio, qui● pacem sapienti● firmaverat, quim si bellu● 〈◊〉 a●ies consecisses, Tac. Annal. l. 2. : And Agricola looked on it as Glorious to vanquish the Britains ●●●thout the loss of Roman Blood 2 Ingens victoria dec●● 〈◊〉 a Romanum sanguinem bellants, Id. in Vit. Ag●ic. . If Victory pro●oses the Preservation and Increase of the Commonwealth, it will succeed much better by Policy or Nego●tion, than by Arms. The Life of one Citizen is of ●ore account than the Death of many Enemies. Whence ●●pio the African used to say, That be had rather save 〈◊〉 Citizen, than conquer a thousand Enemies: A Sentence ●hich afterwards the Emperor Marcus Antoninus Pius ●ok for his Device. For to conquer an Enemy is the 〈◊〉 Work of a General; to save a Citizen, that of a patriot. Vitellius considered not this, when having de●●ded Otho, he said, in passing among the dead Bodies, ●●he smell of dead Enemies is sweet, but that of Citizens yet ●●eter. A barbarous Saying, unworthy even of a Vulture. ● quite different Compassion was seen in Himilcon, who ●ving obtained considerable Victories in Sicily, because 〈◊〉 had lost most of his Men by Sicknesses which seized 〈◊〉 Army in their Camp, entered Carthage, not in triumph, but in Mourning, and the Habit of a Slave, ●●d going straight to his Quarters, killed himself, without ●aking a word to any. Cruel Victory seems to be ●●re the Heat of Revenge, than Effect of Courage; it has ●●re of Fierceness than Reason in it. When Lewis XII. ●ing of France, received News, that his Army had ●otten the better in the Battle of Ravenna, though with 〈◊〉 loss of all his Officers, and the best part of his ●●diers; Would to God (said he, sighing) I had lost the ●ay, and my brave Captains were now alive! May such ●ctories as these be for my Enemies, wherein the Conquered 〈◊〉 Conqueror, and the Victor vanquished. For this Reason, the most prudent Commanders decline Engagements and Attacks as much as possible; and value themselves more upon obliging the Enemy to yield, than upon subduing him by Force 3 Dare in discrimen legiones haud imperatorium ratus, Tac. Annal. lib. 2. . The Great Captain received Gajeta by Surrender: and some thinking he had better, since he was now Master of the Field, have stormed it, and taken the Officers, with the Garrison, Prisoners, to prevent any mischief they might do, if let go; he answered, It would have cost more in Powder and Ball than the Danger would have been worth. It is a generous Valour that brings the Enemy to a Surrender without Bloodshed, and a happy War that is ended by Mercy and Pardon 4 Bellorum egregios ●ines, quoties ignoscendo transigatur, Ta● Annal. l. 12. . Valour is for the Enemy, but Mercy for the Captive 5 Quanta pervicacia in hostem tanta beneficentia 〈◊〉 versus supplices utendum, Id▪ ibid. . This Generosity of Mind is very rare nowadays, when War is undertaken more to satisfy Passion, than to exert Valour, more for Devastation than Conquest. It is called Peace, to reduce Cities into Ashes, and Countries into Deserts 6 Vbi solitudinem fa●●● pacem appellant, Tac. in Vit. Agric. , to lay waste and burn up Fields, as we see in Germany and Burgundy. What a barbarous Cruelty, how inconsistent with Humane Reason is it thus to wage War with Nature herself, and take from her those Means wherewith she nourishes and supports us? The Holy Scriptures forbidden even the Trees that grow near besieged Cities to be cut down, because they are Wood, not Men, and so cannot increase the Enemy's Number 7 When thou shalt besi●●● a city a long time, in making war against it to take it, thou shalt 〈◊〉 destroy the trees thereof, by forcing an are against them: for 〈◊〉 mayest eat of them, and thou shalt not cut them down (for the 〈◊〉 of the field is man's life) to employ them in the siege, Deut. 20. 19 . To that degree does God abhor Blood spilt in War, that though he had made his People take up Arms against the Midianites yet he afterwards enjoined, That whosoever had killed any Person, or touched any Slain, should purify himself ●●ven Days out of the Camp 8 And do ye abide without the camp seven days: whosoever ●●th killed any person, and whosoever hath touched any slain, purify ●●●h yourselves and your captives, on the third day, and on the ●●●●th day, Numb. 31. 19 . Aeneas thought it ● Crime to touch Things Sacred before he had washed ●is Hands in some living Stream: Attrectare nefas, donec me flumine vivo Abluero. * Virgil. God, as he is equally the Author of Peace and Life, hates those who disturb that, or cut the thread of this: ●ven to Weapons, as the Instruments of Death, he has declared his aversion; for hence, I conceive, he commanded his Altars to be built of rough, unpolished ●tone, which no Iron had touched; such as that was ●hich the People of Israel raised, after they had passed ●●e River jordan 9 And there shalt 〈◊〉 build an altar unto the Lord thy God, an altar of stone: thou ●●it not lift up any iron tool upon them, Deut. 27. 5. ; and that of joshua, after his actory over the Men of Ai 10 Then ●●ua built an altar, etc. an altar of whole stones, over which no 〈◊〉 had lift up an iron, josh. 8. 30. 31. . The Reason of this, 〈◊〉 that Iron is the Matter of War, whereof Swords are ●ade: nor would he suffer the use of it in the purity and ●aceableness of his Sacrifices, as that other Precept ●●●ms to intimate 11 If thou wilt make ●an altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stone: for if thou 〈◊〉 up the tool upon it, thou hast polluted it, Exod. 2●. 25. . But ambition of Glory seldom gives place to these ●nsiderations, imagining there can be no Reputation ●t, where Valour is not exercised, and Blood spilt; ●●d thence it is that some care not to make use of auxiliaries, or admit of Companions in Victory. ●ing Alphonsus III. lost the Battle of Arc, only because 〈◊〉 would not stay for the coming up of the Forces of ●on and Navarr; and Tilly, that of Leipsick, by not ●aiting for the Imperial Forces. In which thing Ambi●on is much in the wrong; the Glory of Victories consisting not so much in any degree of Courage, as in having known how to make good use of safe Counsels; forasmuch as the one depends on Chance, the other on Prudence. He obtains the Victory soon enough, who has with Judgement so provided that he should not be overcome. Ambition burns; and Reason, once disturbed, follows its Natural Force and Tendency, and destroys itself. States are never more beholding to their Prince, than when undervaluing Trophies and Triumphs, he strives to maintain Peace by Negotiation, and purchases Victory with Money; for it is much cheaper buying for that than Blood, and generally safer fight with Golden than Iron Weapons. The variety of past Accidents is apt to make Victory forget itself; Glory, to make it vanish; Joy, to disorder; Spoils, to puff it up; Acclamations, to make it over-confident; and Bloodshed prompts it to despise the Enemy, and sleep secure, when it should be most vigilant, and show greater Fortune in subduing itself, than it met with in conquering the Enemy: for this latter may possibly be more an effect of Fortune than Courage; but in the Triumph over our Affections and Passions, Chance has no part. The General therefore would do well, immediately after a Victory, to retire into himself, and with Prudence and Constancy compose the Civil War of his Passions; forasmuch as without this Triumph, that other will but be more dangerous. Let him watch his Spoils and Trophies the more carefully, the more of them he has gotten; for in Danger, Fear doubles Guards and Sentinels, when he who thinks himself out of it, abandons himself to Sleep. joshua drew not back his Hand, till he had utterly destroyed all the Inhabitants of A●. 12 For 〈◊〉 drew not his hand back wherewith he stret●●●● out the spear, until he had utterly destroyed all the inhabitant A●, Josh. 8. 26. . Between the Battle and Victory there is no Security: Despair is daring; and the most contemptible Animal, when provoked, turns again. This Experience cost Archduke Albert dear, at Newport: And Abner told joab the danger of making his Sword too bloody 13 Shall the sword devour for ever? knowest thou not that it 〈◊〉 be bitterness in the latter end? 2 Sam. 2. 26. . Besides, Adversity is ingenuous; and the Enemy it oppresses often lays hold on the Occasion, and recovers in a moment whatever it had lost, baffling Fortune by her own Incon●ancy: A Goddess, who the more she shines, the more brittle she is, and the sooner broken. A General must not therefore be elated by his Victories, nor think it impossible for him to become in his turn a Trophy to the Person he ●as conquered. He should have ever before his eyes the like Casualty, phansying he always sees plunged ●der the Waters of Calamities the same Palm which ●e has once lifted up in Triumph: Thus that of this emblem looks itself in the Water, whose liquid Mirror represents to it the Condition, the Force of Winds, or ●●jury of Time, may reduce it to. This prudent Cau●●usness made the Spouse compare the Eyes of her beloved to Rivers of Waters 14 His eyes 〈◊〉 as the eyes of doves by the rivers of waters, Cant. 5. 12. , because in them the 〈◊〉 dresses and prepares itself for Adversities. ●●sperity is Glory's greatest Enemy: Confidence ren●ing Virtue negligent, and Pride undervaluing Danger. ●cessity obliges the Conquered to good Discipline; ●ger and Revenge animate him, and inspire Cou●ge 15 Aliquando etiam victis ira virtusque, Tac. in Vit. Agric. : Whereas the Conqueror, through Arrogance, and breach of Discipline, grows dull and ●●●vy 16 Acriore hodiè disciplinî victi quam victores agunt: h●s ira, odium, 〈◊〉 cupiditas ad virtutem acc●ndit, Tac. Hist. l. 2. . The gain of a Battle is oftentimes the beginning of Happiness to the Conquered, of Misfortune 〈◊〉 the Victor; the one being blinded by his Fortune, 〈◊〉 other casting about to retrieve his. What Arms ●●rishing could not conquer, those thrown down often 〈◊〉; and Spoils scattered here and there, inflaming the Avarice of the Victorious, make of them an eadie Victory. Thus it befell the Sarmatae, who being loaded with Plunder, were cut in pieces, as if they had been bound, and immovable 17 Qui cupidine praedae graves onere sarcinarum velut vi●cti . The Battle of Tarro, against Charles VIII. of France, was lost, at least dubious, ●●debanmur, Tac. Hist. l 2. only by the Italian Soldiers falling too soon upon the Baggage. Hence judas Maccabaeus required his Men not to touch the Booty, until the Fight was over 18 But stand ye now fast against your enemies, and overcome them; then may ye safely take the spoils, 1 Maccab. 4. 18. . Victories are to be esteemed more for the Progresses may be expected from them, than for themselves, and therefore should be cultivated, that they may bear the more. To give the Enemy Time, is to Arm him; and to sit down satisfied with the Fruit already gathered, to leave Arms barren. It is as easy for a Fortune raised to fall, as it is to lift up again one fallen. Tiberius, considering this Uncertainty of Things, endeavoured, with many Arguments, to persuade the Senate not to be so quick in executing the Honours decreed to Germanicus, for his Victories in Germany 19 Cuncta mortal 'em incerta, quan●●●● plus ad●ptus forat, tanto se magis in lubrico dictans, Tac. Annal. l. ●. . Although Victories should be pursued, yet it ought not to be with a Heat so secure and careless as to slight Dangers. Let Expedition consult with Prudence, with regard to Time, Place, and Occasion. Let the Prince use his Victories with Moderation, not with a Bloody and Inhuman Tyranny, always having before him that Counsel of Theodorick, King of the Ostrogoths, in a Letter to his Father-in-Law, Clovis, about the Germane Victories; In such Cases, let him be heard who has most Experience: No Wars have been more successful to me, than those I have ended with Moderation; for he comes oftenest off Conqueror, who best uses his Victory; and Fortune ever favours them most, who are least puffed up * Cassiod. . The French follow not this prudent Advice, but rather have imposed a heavier Yoke on Germany than it ever yet bore, and hastened the Ruin of that Empire. The Piety and Modesty of Marcellus made a greater Show, when he wept to see the Ruin of the beautiful Buildings of Syracuse, than his Valour and Glory in having stormed it, and made a Triumphant Entry at the Breach. Count Tilly struck the Hearts of several, more by the Tears he shed for the burning of Magdeburg, than by his Sword. And though joshua commanded the Officers of his Army to put their Feet upon the Necks of the Kings taken in the Battle of Gibaon 20 Come near, put your feet upon the necks of these kings, ●osh. 10. 24. ; yet this was not done out of Pride or Vainglory, but to animate his Soldiers, and to remove the Fear they had conceived of the Giants of Canaan 21 Fear not, nor be dismayed; be strong, and ●f good courage: for thus shall the Lord do to all your enemies against whom ye fight, josh. 10. 25. . To treat those one has subdued with Humanity, to maintain their Privileges and Nobility, and to ease them of Taxes, is twice to conquer them, once by Arms, and afterwards by Kindness, and in the mean while to prepare a Chain for other Nations; no fewer yielding to Generosity, than to Force. Expugnat nostram clementia gentem, Mars gravior sub pace latet. * Claud. By these Artifices the Romans made themselves Masters of the whole World; and if ever they forgot them, their Victories were the more difficult. Despair itself arms against a bloody Conqueror. una salus victis nullam sperare salutem. † Virg. The Wretch's only Comfort is Despair. There are some Men, who, with more Impiety than Reason, advise, for greater Security, to extirpate the hostile Nation, as the Romans did in demolishing Carthage, Numantia, and Corinth, or else to oblige it to seek a new Habitation; which is a barbarous and inhuman Counsel: Others are for extinguishing the Nobility, building Forts, and disarming the Inhabitants. But this Tyranny is practicable only in servile Nations, not among People of ● more generous Nature. Cato the Consul, to secure himself from some People of Spain, near the ●iver ●berus, took away their Arms, but was soon obliged to return them; they being so exasperated to see themselves without them, that they killed one another; they despised a Life destitute of Instruments to defend their Honour, and acquire Glory 22 Mar. Hist. Hisp. . EMBLEM XCVII. HERCULES having mastered the Lion, knew how to enjoy his Victory, in covering his Shoulders with its Skin, in order the more easily to tame other Monsters. Thus the Spoils of a Triumph arm the Conqueror, and increase his Power. Thus ought Princes to use their Victories, augmenting their Forces by the Prisoners, and advancing the Grandeur of their States by the Places they take. All Kingdoms, in their Original, were small; and if they increased, it was by getting, and preserving. The same Reasons that make the War lawful, justify also the detaining of what it brings. To spoil, only that you may restore again, is a foolish and extravagant Levity. That Man holds not himself at all obliged, who to day receives what was yesterday wrested from him with Bloodshed. Princes, by Restitution, barter for Peace, and buy its contrary: 〈…〉 render them Formidable; what they 〈…〉 contemptible, this being generally 〈…〉; and if after, upon 〈…〉, they go about to recover it, 〈…〉 Difficulties. His Majesty 〈…〉 put the Valtaline in 〈…〉; and the French 〈…〉 the State of Milan in 〈…〉 and Arms. By holding 〈…〉 is checked, 〈…〉 by so many Pawns 〈…〉 Necessity. Time and 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in what Cases it is 〈…〉, to prevent greater 〈…〉, however, must be 〈…〉, whose blind appetite 〈…〉 by those very means it 〈…〉. Prince's 〈…〉, let several considerable Forts 〈…〉, in War, they are sorry for, but too late. Present Necessity accuses past Liberality. No Power should be so confident of itself, as to think it stands not in need of every one of them for its Defence. The Eagle parts not with her Talons; which if she did, she would become the Je●● of other Birds: They respect her not as their Queen, for her Beauty, since in that the Peacock much exceeds, but for the Strength of her Pounces. The Grandeur of His Majesty would now be in far more Veneration and Security, had he still kept the State of Sienna, the Garrison of Placentia, and, in general, all those Places which he has left in other Hands. Even Restitution of a State is not to be made, when it cannot be without Prejudice to another. There is no less Inconveniencies in making War upon another, than in using Arms negligently: To take them 〈◊〉 only to offer Blows, is a dangerous way of fight. ● Sword drawn without being died in Blood, returns ●●amed into the Scabbard; if it wounds not our Enemy, ● does our Honour. Fire is the Instrument of War; ●●oever holds it up in his Hand, will be burnt by it. ●he Army, if not kept in the Enemy's Country, wastes ●s own, nay, is wasted itself. Courage grows cold, without Occasions to exercise, and Spoils to inflame it. ●ence Vocula quartered his Men in the Enemy's Land 1 Vt praeda ad virtutem incenderentur, Tac. Hist. l. 4. ; 〈◊〉 David went out of his own Realms to meet the Philistines 2 And ●avid ca●e to Baalperazim, and David smote them there, 2 Sam. ●. 20. . The same did jehoash, King of Israel, ●hen he heard that Amaziah, King of judah, was ●●ming against him 3 Therefore Jehoash king of Israel went up, and he and Amaziah king of Judah lo●ked one another in the face at Bethshemeth, ●●ich belongeth to Judah: And Judah was put to the worst before Israel, 2 King. 14. 11, 12. . Subjects can never long bear 〈◊〉 War at Home; for by maintaining, in this manner, ●oth Friends and Enemies, Charges increase, Means ●il, and Dangers continue. But if any one thinks ●●reby to soothe up, and the more easily appease him he ●●gaged with, it is imprudent Counsel, there being no ●●ttering a declared Enemy. Moderation in War, is ●ot imputed to Clemency, but to Weakness, and the ●ost Powerful lose their Reputation, and are endangered 〈◊〉 it. The King of Spain 's Mildness to Charles of Savoy, ●●st him dear. This Duke made War against Ferdinand Duke of Mantua, to assert his ancient Pretensions upon Montferrat; and King Philip III. not thinking it fit that 〈◊〉 Sword should decide this Suit, then depending before the Emperor, and that the Quarrel of these two princes should disturb the Peace of all Italy, made War ●pon the former, and sat down before Asti, not with ●●y design to enter that Place forcibly, (which might ●●ve been easily done) but by this Menace to oblige him 〈◊〉 Peace, as accordingly he did. This moderate way ●f proceeding increased the Duke's Obstinacy, and, contrary to the Treaty, he again took up Arms, kindling another War more dangerous than the first. Upon which, His Majesty besieged Vermeil; which he took, but presently restored again: so that the Duke, who saw his Designs succeed so happily, struck up a Leag●● with the French and Venetians at Avigno●, and a third time disturbed Italy. All which Wars might very easily have been avoided, had the Duke of Savoy been made to feel the weight of the Spanish Arms, and suffered the loss of part of his State. Whoever has once opposed a greater Power, will never become a Friend, till he sees himself oppressed and robbed of all, (as Vocula said to the Mutinous Legions, when he encouraged them against some Provinces of France 4 〈…〉 cum spoli●●i exutique 〈…〉 fore, Tac. Hist. l. 4. that revolted.) Princes are not feared for having the Weapons in their Hands, but for knowing how to use them. No one assaults him who dares turn again. Almost all Wars are grounded either upon the Oscitancy or Cowardice of the Person against whom they are waged. What Risque is there in making War against a Prince wholly devoted to Peace, since whatever the Success be, that will certainly be obtained? For this Reason, it seems convenient, that the Maxims of the Spaniards be changed in Italy, which endeavour to inculcate, That the King wishes nothing so much as Peace, and would purchase it at any Rate. It is fit, indeed, Princes should know that His Majesty is always Sincere, and willing to keep a good Understanding with them, ready to employ all his Forces for their Conservation and Defence, and that he will spare no Care which may contribute to the Quiet of those Provinces: but withal, they should know, That if any one unjustly opposes his Grandeur, and conspires to overthrow it, putting him to the Damages and Expenses of War, he will get Satisfaction, by detaining what he shall take from them. What Court of Justice will not allow Costs to the Party that sues another without Reason? ●●o will not try his Sword upon the Body of a potent 〈◊〉, if he can do it with safety? When a Victory is obtained, the Spoils should be 〈◊〉 among the Soldiers, and particular Honour shown 〈◊〉 as have eminently signalised themselves in the Fight; ●●at Valour seeing itself rewarded, may be encouraged 〈◊〉 greater Erterprises, and be an Example to others. 〈◊〉 this end, the Romans invented so many Crowns, ●ollars, Ovations, and Triumphs. Saul erected to himself a Triumphant-Arch, upon the Defeat of the Ama●●●ites 5 Saul came to Ca●mel, and behold, ●e set him up a place, 1 Sam. ●5. 12. . Nor are these Honours to be done the survivors only, but those also who have valiantly lost ●●eir Lives in the Battle, since they bought the Victory 〈◊〉 so dear a Price. Signal Services done the State, cannot be recome●●●ed but by some Eternal Remembrance. ●hus those of 〈◊〉 were requited with a Sepulchre ●hich lasted 〈◊〉 many Ages 6 And set up 〈◊〉 pillars upon it, one against another, for 〈◊〉 father, his 〈…〉: And he set great pillars round ●●out them, and set arms upon the pillars, for a perpetual memory, 〈◊〉 carved ships beside the arms, that they might be seen of men ●●●lling in the sea. This sepulchre, which he made at Modin, standeth 〈◊〉 unto this day, 1 Maccab. 13. 28, 29, 30. . The Soul, sensible of 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉, undervalues Dangers, to make the ●emory of its Actions immortal too: Hence the Spaniards 〈◊〉 old raised as many Obelisks about every Soldier's ●omb, as he had killed Enemies 7 〈…〉, Arist. l. 7. Po●. c. 2. . God being the sovereign Disposer of Victories, to him we ought to pay 〈◊〉 Acknowledgements first, to engage him to grant us others, not only by way of Thanksgiving and Sacrifice, ●ut by Spoils 〈◊〉 and Offerings; as the Israelites did, ●pon raising the Siege of Bethulia, and routing the Assyrians 8 After, when they 〈…〉 Jerusalem, they worshipped the Lord; and as soon as the 〈◊〉 were purified, they offered their burnt offerings, and their 〈◊〉- offerings, and their gifts, judith 1●. 18. ; and joshua, after his Victory over the Men of Ai 9 And thou shalt offer burnt-offerings thereon unto the Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer peace-offerings, 〈◊〉 27. 6. . In which particular the Spanish Kings have always been very liberal; which Piety of theirs God has rewarded with the present Monarchy. EMBLEM XCVIII. WAR, in many things, resembles Fire, not only in its Nature, which is to destroy, but also for that the same Matter wherewith it i● fed, when there is too much of it, extinguishes it. Arms support War; but if they are very powerful, quench it, 〈◊〉 change it into Peace. Therefore whoever would ob●●in this, must use them; it being impossible that any ●eace should be concluded with Honour and Advantage, ●Nless it be treated of under the Shields, and with this ●he Arm must be guarded, which reaches out the Hand to receive the Olive of Peace. Clovis wished for two Right-Hands; one armed, to oppose Alaricus; the other ●aked, to present in token of Peace to Theodorick, the Mediator between them. The Arms of a Prince should be equally prepared for Peace and War. Clovis never thought he could obtain that by showing his unarmed Right-Hand, without having at the same time another ●pon its Guard. This is that the Greeks meant, by the Hieroglyphic of a Man holding in one Hand a Pike, in the▪ other a Caduceus. Negotiation, expressed by the latter, can never succeed, except the Menace of the former attend it. When the Athenians were annoyed by Eumolphus, their General marched first, with a Caduceus in his Hand, and was followed by the flower of his Men in Armour, hereby showing himself ready as well for Peace as War. When the Rhodians sent an Embassy to Constantinople, there went one by the Embassador's side carrying three Boughs, signifying the same Disposition of Mind: To which Virgil seems also to have alluded, in this Verse of his, Pacem orare manu, praefigere puppibus arma. * Virg. To sue for Peace, yet prosecute the War. Even after the Conclusion of Peace, Care aught still to be taken of War; since between the Conqueror and Conquered no firm Faith is ever established 1 Cum in victores victosque, munquam solida fides convalesceret, Tac. Hist. l. 2. . One Day saw that of the French several times engaged and violated at Casal, and the Marquis de Saint Croix 's Goodness abused, he who preferred the Quiet of Italy before the Glory of Victory, which an advantageous Post, and 〈◊〉 Forces, offered him as 〈…〉 In Treaties of Peace, a Free Temper is no less requisite than i● the Management of a War. He that cons●lts too much his Honour in them, and would conquer his Enemy as well with the Pen as Sword, buries Sparks under the Ashes, to kindle the Fire of a greater War. Those Peace's which Pompey, and after him, the Consul Mancinus, made with the Nu●●●tines, had no effect, because they were not a little derogatory to the Honour of the Roman Commonwealth. The Capitulation of Asti, between Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, and the Marquis de Hino●osa, was soon broken, upon account of one of the Articles about Disarming the Soldiers, not much for His Majesty's Reputation, which those Disturbances and Innovations of the Duke seemed to tend to. No Peace can be secure, when there is so much inequality 2 Bellum anceps, an pax in●onesta placeret, nec dubitatum de bello, Tac. Annal. l. 15. . One of the Privernates being asked by the Roman Senate, how his Countrymen would observe the Peace, if it were allowed them; answered, Faithfully, and for Ever, if you grant us a good and equal one; but if you impose hard Conditions, you must not expect we should keep them long 3 Si 〈◊〉 dederitis, & fidam, & perpetuam; si 〈…〉 Tit. Liv. l. 8. . Never does any one observe a Peace which he knows is to his Disadvantage 4 Nec credideris ullu● 〈…〉 in ea conditione, cujus cum paniteat, diutius, quam necesse sit, mansurum, Tit. Liv. l. 8. . Except it be Honourable, and for the Conveniency of both Parties, it will be but a lame Contract: he that studies most his own Interest in it, makes it most slender, and subjects it to an easy Rupture. Upon any ill Success, one is not immediately to have recourse to Peace, as long as the least room is left for putting Affairs in a better posture; otherwise it can never go well with the Oppressed: Hence, after the loss of the Battle of Toro, Alphonsus, King of Portugal, thought it not a good Time to talk of Agreeing with ferdinand the Catholic. That is a weak Peace which ●●rce and Menace extort; for Honour and Liberty never 〈◊〉 to plot against it. There are usually no less Cheats and Contrivances in treaties of Peace than in War: witness those pretended 〈◊〉 of Rhadamistus, to take away Mithridates 's Life * Tac. Annal. l. 12. . ●hey are generally set on foot only to discover the ●ctions and Designs of the Enemy, to give Time for fortifications, Succours, and the Practices of Alliance; 〈◊〉 waste the Enemy's Forces, break Confederacies, and ●ll asleep with the Hopes of Peace, Diligence and Precaution. Sometimes they are clapped up, in order to raise ●ew Forces, frustrate Counsels; and, in a word, to serve 〈◊〉 a Truce, or Cessation of Arms, until a better Opportunity for taking them up again shall offer itself, or that the Seat of the War may be changed. Thus the French Signed the Peace of Mouzon, with no other intent than to remove the War into Germany, and fall upon the Valtoline that way. So the only end of the Peace of Ratisbone was to disarm the Emperor; for at the same Time the French agreed to it, they were brewing a League with the Crown of Sweden against him, and there was not above two Months between the one and the other. Now in the like Cases, War is much better than a suspected Peace 5 In pace suspecta tutius bellum, Tac. Hist. l. 4. ; this being indeed a Peace without Peace 6 Saying, Peace, peace, when there is no peace, jer. 6. 14. . Peace's should be perpetual, as all those of God have been 7 And I will establish my covenant between me and thee, and thy seed after thee, in their generations, for an everlasting covenant; to be a God unto thee, and to thy seed after thee, Gen. 17 7. . Hence the Holy Scriptures call such Treaties, Covenants of Salt; by this expression intimating their Permanency 8 The Lord God of Israel gave the kingdom over Israel to David for ever, even to him and to his sons by a covenant of salt, 2 Chron. 13. 5. . A Prince who is a real Lover of Peace, and sincerely endeavours the Settlement of it, is not afraid to bind even his Posterity to its Observance. A short Peace is good for nothing but to gather Fuel to light War withal. The same Inconveniencies attend Trucer made for a few Years; they do but suspend Anger for a time, and give place for the sharpening of Swords, and pointing of Lances; by their means Usurpations pass into Prescription, and Peace is afterwards rendered more difficult, inasmuch as no one resigns willingly what he has possessed a long time. The Ten Years Truce between the Emperor Charles V and Francis I. gave not Peace to Europe, as * In ●ul. Indict. Conc. Trident. Pope Paul III. very well observed. But when the Peace is secure, firm, and honourable, no prudenter Course can be taken than to embrace it, however Victorious your Arms are, or whatever considerable Progresses may be expected from them; since the Casualties of War are various and fortunate, often beget unhappy Successes. How frequent is it to see him begging for Peace, who was but just before asked it. A Certain Peace is better than a Victory in Expectation; the one depends on our own Pleasure, the other is in God's Hand 9 Melior enim tutiorque est certa pax, quam sperata victoria; illa in tua●, haec in Deorum manu est, Liv. Dec. 3. l. 1. . And though Sabinus said, That Peace was to the Glory only of the Conqueror, but Profitable to the Conquered 10 Pac●m, & concordiam victis uti●ia, victorib● tantum pulc●ra esse, Tac. Hist. l. 3. : yet this Advantage reaches the Victor too; for by being so, he may have it the more advantageous, and secure the Progresses already made. There is no better Time for Peace, than when one is uppermost in War. This, among other Reasons, moved Hanno, when News was brought to Carthage of the Victory of Cannae, to advise the Senate to close with the Romans: And it was for nothing but the neglect of this, that they were forced in the end to submit to such Laws and Conditions as Scipio thought fit to impose. In the Heat of Arms, when Success is yet dubious, to show a Desire of Peace, betrays weakness, and gives Heart to the Enemy. He that is too passionate for it at such a time, never obtains it: Valour and Resolutions are much better Persuasives to it. Let the Prince then love Peace, yet not to that degree, as to commit Injustice, or suffer Indignities, for the sake of it: Let ●im not look on that he has made with a Neighbour superior in Strength, to be safe; for it can never be, where the one is powerful, the other weak 11 Quia inter innocentes, & validos ●also qu●escunt, Tac. de Mor. ●●rm. . Ambition knows not how to contain itself, where ●here is a prospect of Usurping any thing; and specious Names, and Pretexts of Moderation and Justice, are never wanting to him that seeks to enlarge his Do●inions, and aspires to be a Monarch: For one who is so already, aims at nothing more than the Enjoyment of his own Grandeur, without going to entrench ●pon that of another, or designing any thing against it 12 Vbi manu agitur, modestia, ac probitas, nomina 〈◊〉 sunt, Tac. ibid. . EMBLEM XCIX. HE knows not how to value the Quietness of the Harbour, who has not felt the Storm; nor is he sensible of the sweetness of Peace, that has never tasted the bitterness of War: Then first this wild Beast, the sworn Enemy of Life, appears in its true Colours, when it is tamed. To that agrees Samson 's Riddle of the dead Lion, in whose Mouth Bees swarmed, and wrought their Honey-Combs 1 And behold, there was a swarm of bees, and honey in the carcase of the lion, judg. 14. 8. . For when War is ended, Peace opens the Doors of Commerce, brings the Hand to the Plough, re-establishes the Exercise of Arts, the effect of which is Plenty, as of that Riches which freed from the Fears that drove them away, then begin to circulate. Peace then, as Isaiah the Prophet speaks 2 Lord, thou wil● ordain Peace ●or us: for thou hast wrought all our works in us▪ Isai. 26. 12. , is the greatest Good that God has bestowed on Mankind, as War the greatest Evil. Hence the Egyptians, to describe Peace, represented Pluto, the God of Riches, as a Boy crowned with Ears of Corn, Laurel and Roses, to signify all the Happiness it brings along with it. God has given it the Name of Beauty, in Isaiah, saying, his People should take their Rest in it, as upon a Bed of Flowers 3 And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places, Isai. 32. 18. Et sedebit pop●l●s 〈◊〉 in pulc●ritudine pacis, Vulg. . Even the most insensible Being's rejoice at Peace. How cheerful, how fertile do the Fields look, which that cultivates? How beautiful the Cities adorned and enriched by its Calmness? On the other side, what Deserts, what ruinous Countries are not those where the Fury of War has ranged? Scarce can one know now the fair Cities and Castles of Germany, by those disfigured Carcases. Burgundy sees its Verdant Periwig (as I may call it) died in Blood; and its clothes, once so gay and fine, now ragged and scorched up, with amazement at so wonderful a Change. Nature has no greater Enemy than War. He who was the Author of the whole Creation, was at the same time Author of Peace. Justice gives itself up to its Embraces 4 Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other, Psal. 85. 10. . Laws tremble, hid themselves, and are dumb at the frightful sight of Weapons. Hence Marius excuses himself, for having done something against the Laws of the Country, by saying, he could not hear them for the Noise of Arms. In War, it is equally unfortunate to good Men to kill and to be killed 5 Aequè apud bonos miserum est occidere, quam perire, Tac. Hist. l. 1. . In War, Fathers, by a subversion of the Order of Mortality, bury their Children; whereas in Peace, these bury them. Here every one's Merit is considered, and Causes examined: In War, Innocence and Malice run the same Fortune 6 Name i● pace causas, & merita spectari: ubi bellum ingrua●, innocentes a noxios juxta ca●dere, Tac. Annal. l. 1. . In Peace, Nobility is distinguished from Populacy: In War, they are confounded, the Weaker obeying the Stronger. In that, Religion is 〈◊〉; in this, lost; that maintains, this usurps Dominions; the one breaks the haughty Spirits of Subjects, and renders them Submissive and Loyal 7 Sed longa pax ad 〈◊〉 servitium fregerat, Tac. Hist. l. 2. , the other makes them haughty and rebellious. This made Tiberius' fear nothing so much as disturbing the Repose Augustus had left in the Empire 8 Ni●il aque Tiberium 〈◊〉 habebat, quam ne composita turbarentur, Tac. Annal. l. 2. . With Peace, Delights and Pleasures increase; and the greater these be, the weaker are Subjects, and more secure 9 Quantâ pecuniâ dites, & voluptatibus opulentoes, tanto magis imbelles, Tac. Annal. l. 3. . In Peace, all depends on the Prince himself; in War, on him that has the Command of the Armies. Hence Tiberius dissembled all Occasions of War, that he might not commit it to the Management of another 10 Dissimulante Tiberio damna, ne cui bellum permitteret, Tac. Annal. l. 4. . Pomponius Laetus well knew all these Inconveniencies, when he said, That while the Prince could live in Peace, he should by no means kindle War. The Emperor Marcianus used this Motto, Pax bello potior; and certainly not without Reason, forasmuch as War can never be convenient, unless carried on to maintain Peace. This is the only Good that Infernal Monster brings with it. That of the Emperor Aurelius Caracalla, Omnis in ferro salus, was a Tyrannical Saying, and fit for that Prince only who cannot maintain himself but by Force. That Empire is of a short continuance, whose support is War 11 Violentia nemo imperia continuit diu, ●●derata durant, Seneca. . As long as the Sword is by the Side, Danger is so too: and though Victory be in one's Power, yet Peace is rather to be embraced: for there is none so happy, but the Damage that attends it is greater. Peace is the greatest Treasure Man e'er knew, A Thousand Triumphs to it seem but few. * Sil. Ital. No Victory can make amends for the Expenses of it. So mischievous is War, that even when triumphant, it throws down Walls, as it was the Custom among the Romans. Now than we have conducted our Prince amidst Dust and Blood, and thus seated him in the quiet, happy state of Peace; our next Advice is, That he do his utmost to preserve it, and enjoy the happiness thereof, without embittering it with the Perils and Calamities of War. David never took up Arms, but when indispensibly obliged. The Emperor Theodosius did not seek, but rather found War. It is a Glorious and Princely Care, that of procuring Peace. Now Caesar 's Grandeur, Caesar 's Glories reign, His Conquering Arm sheathing his Sword again. * Propert. Nothing in the World is more an Enemy to Possession than War. It is a wicked, as well as foolish Doctrine, which teaches, that Seeds of Hatred should be nourished, that Matter for War may be furnished, whenever it shall be thought fit 12 Semina odiorum jacienda, & omne scelus externum habendum cum laetitia, Tac. Annal. l. 12. . He always lives in War, who has it always in his Thoughts. The Advice of the Holy Spirit is much more wholesome, Seek Peace, and pursue it 13 Psal. 34. 14. . When a Peace is once Concluded, the Laws of God and Man oblige to a faithful Observance of it, even although transacted with one's Predecessors, without any Distinction between the Government of One and Many; both the Kingdom and Commonwealth, for the Benefit, and upon the Faith of which the Contract was made, being always the same, and never dying. Time, and Common Consent, have Passed what was once Agreed upon into a Law. Nor is Force or Necessity a sufficient Excuse for making War: For if the Public Faith might be violated for these things, there would be no Capitulation, no Treaty of Peace, but might be broken, under the same colour. Francis I. was blamed for declaring War against Charles V contrary to the Agreement made during his Imprisonment, under pretence of Constraint. By such Artifices, and Equivocal Negotiations, it comes to pass, that none at all are firm; so that to establish them, it is necessary to demand Hostages, or detain some considerable Place; things which embarrass a Peace, and fatigue the World with perpetual Wars. The Prince then being free from the Toils and Dangers of War, should apply himself wholly to the Arts of Peace, (according to Tasso,) Learning and Arts promote throughout your Realm, Divert your Subjects Minds with Plays and Balls: With equal justice punish and reward; And out of Danger, stand upon your Guard. Yet not without reflecting how soon War may possibly disturb his Rest. Let not his Eye quit the Arms his Hand has laid down; nor those old Medals influence him, upon the Reverse of which Peace was described burning Shields with a Torch: This was far from being a prudent Emblem; for there is nothing so necessary after War, as the preserving of Arms, to keep Violence from making any attempt against Peace. None but God alone could, when he gave it to his People, break the Bow, (as the Psalmist expresseth it) cut the Spear in sunder, and 〈◊〉 the Chariots in the fire 14 Psal. 46. 9 ; forasmuch as he being the Arbiter of War, needs not Arms to maintain Peace withal: But among Men there can be no Peace, where Ambition is not restrained by Fear or Force. This gave Occasion to the Invention of Arms, which Defence found out before Offence. The Plough marked out the Walls before the Streets were disposed, and almost at the same time Tents were pitched, and Houses built. The Public Repose would never be secure, did not Care armed guard its Sleep. A State unprovided with Arms, awakens the Enemy, and invites War. Never had the Alps heard the Echoes of so many Trumpets, had the Cities of the Milanese been better fortified: This State is, as it were, an Outwork to all the Kingdoms of the Spanish Monarchy, and each aught, for its own Security, to contribute to its Strength; which, joined with the Power of the Sea, would render the Monarchy firm and unshaken. men's Hearts, were they of Adamant, could not supply the Defect of Walls. King Witiza, by demolishing these, made the Moors so bold as to invade Spain, when those Banks were gone, which, till then, had stopped their Inundations 15 Mar. Hist. Hisp. . Augustus was not guilty of this Negligence, in that long Peace he enjoyed; but appointed a Public Treasury, as a Provision against a War. Except Forces be Exercised in Time of Peace, and the Mind disciplined in the Arts of War, it will not easily be done, when Danger of Invasion shall have put all Men in a Consternation, and they be more intent on flying and saving what they have, than on their Defence. There is no greater Stratagem, than to leave a Kingdom to its own Idleness. When Military Exercise fails, Valour does the same. Nature produces in all Parts great Souls, which either Occasion discovers, or want of Business burieth. Past Ages have not furnished braver Men in Greece and Rome, than are at this day born; but they than appeared so Heroical, because Desire of Rule made them use themselves to Arms. Let not a Prince be discouraged at the Sluggishness of his Subjects; Discipline will fit them either to preserve Peace, or to maintain War. Let him keep them always employed in the Exercise of Arms; for he that desires Peace, must prevent War. EMBLEM C. IT is a short breathing between the Cradle and the Tomb; short, I say, yet 〈◊〉 of occasioning considerable Evils, if ill employed. Often does a Commonwealth lament whole Ages the Error of one Moment. On this Point turns the Fall or Rise of Empires. One bad Counsel, in a Minute throws down what has cost Valour and Prudence many Years to build 1 〈…〉 Ta●. Annal. l. 5. . And therefore it is not enough, in this Amphitheatre of Life, to have run well, if the Course be not equal to the End. He only receives the Crown, who has lawfully touched the last Goal of Death. The Foundation of Houses consists in the first Stones; that of Renown, in the last; except they be Glorious, it soon falls, and is buried in Oblivion. The Cradle does not flourish until the Tomb has first, and then even the Briars of past Vices turn to Flowers; for Fame is the last Spirit of our Actions, which thence receive their Beauty and Lustre, a thing never seen in an infamous Old Age, that rather effacing the Glory of Youth, (as it happened to 2 Cesserunt que prim● postremis, & bo●a● juventae, senectus flagitios●●●●teravit, Tac. Annal. 1. 6. Vitellius.) The most perfect Strokes of the Pencil or Chizel are not esteemed, if the whole Work remain imperfect: And if ever Fragments were regarded, it was for being the Relics of a once perfect Statue. Envy or Flattery, while Life lasts, give different Forms to Actions; but Fame, unbyass'd by those Passions, pronounces, after Death, true and just Sentences, which the Tribunal of Posterity confirms 3 S●●m ●uique decus posteritas rependit, Tac. Annal. 1. 4. . Some Princes are sensible enough of how great Consequence it is to Crown their Life with Virtues; but they are mistaken, in thinking to supply that, by leaving them described in Epitaphs, and represented in Statues; not considering that they blush to accompany him in Death, whom they had not accompanied while alive, and that the Marbles are, as it were, in Indignation to see the Counterfeit-Glory of a Tyrant inscribed on them, but seem to soften to facilitate the engraving of that of a Just Prince, hardening again afterwards to preserve it to Eternity; which even the Stones themselves sometimes writ on their hardness. Letters of a miraculous Epitaph were the Tears of Blood, shed by those before St. Isidore's Altar at Leon, for the Death of King Alphonsus VI. * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Nor came they out of the Joints, but from the Heart of the Marbles, which seemed mollified for the Loss of so great a King. The Statue of a vicious Prince is a kind of Transcript of his Vices, nor is there either Marble or Brass so durable as not to submit to Time: For as the Natural Fabric is dissolved, so also is the Artificial; and that only is lasting which Virtues frame, those intrinsic and inseparable Ornaments of an immortal Soul 4 Vt vultus ●ominun, it a simulacr● v●ltus imbecilla a● mortal●a 〈◊〉; for●a mentis aeterna, quam tene▪ e, & exprimere non per alie●●●●●teriam, & artem, sed iw ipse moribus possi●, Tac. in Vit. Agri●. . What is engraved on the Minds of Men, being successively derived from one to another, endures as long as the World. No Statues are 〈◊〉 perpetual than those carved by Virtue and good Offices 〈◊〉 the Esteem and Acknowledgement of Men, (as Mecanus 5 〈◊〉 tibi neque aureas, nequ● argemeas. ●ieri ●●q●am 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 a●tem ali●s tibi sta●●as in ipsi● hominu● animis nibil 〈…〉 effice, Me●aen. ad August. told Augustus●) For this Reason, Tiberius refused the Temples which the Nearer Spain would have built in Honour of him, saying, That the Temples and Statues which he most esteemed, was to perpetuate his Memory in the Minds of the Commonwealth 6 Hac mibi in ●nimis vestris templa, bae pulcherrim●e effigies & ma●surae, n●m que saxon 〈◊〉, si ●●dicium poster●●um in odium vert●t, pro 〈…〉, Tac. Annal. l. 4. . The Ashes of Hero's are preserved in the Everlasting Obelisks of Universal Applause and Triumph, even after having been spoiled by Fire, as it happened to those of Trajan. The dead Body of that Valiant Prelate, Giles d' Albornoz was carried ' from Room to Toled● upon the Shoulders of Nations as well Friends as Enemies, and a Guard was forced to be set to defend that of Augustus 7 Auxilio militari t●●ndu●, 〈◊〉 sepultr● ejus 〈…〉, Tac. Annal. l. 1. . But granting the Firmness of the Marble, and Solidity of the Brass, should equal future Ages, yet it is not known afterwards who they were raised for * The memory of them is forgotten, Eccle●. 9 5. ; as it is at this day with the Pyramids of Egypt, where we see that Names of those worn out who laid their Ashes there to immortalize themselves 8 ●●ter omnes eos n●n cons●at à quibble factae s●●t, justifying casu ●bliteratis t●●ta vanit●ti● au●●orib●s, P●●n. 36. 12. . From what has been said, may be easily gathered how much it concerns the Prince, in the Declension of his Life, to endeavour that his former Glories may receive new Life and Vigour from those of his last Days, and that both, after his Death, may remain for ever in the memory of Mankind. To which end, we shall offer some Rules to direct him how he ought to govern himself, with relation to his Person, his Successor, and his Dominions. As to his Person, he is to know, that as he advanceth in Years, his Empire grows more savage, and less subject to Reason; for the variety of Accidents he has met with, instruct him in Malice; and by indulging Jealousies and Distrusts, he becomes Cruel and Tyrannical. A long Reign is apt to beget Pride and Presumption 9 Venustate imper●● c●alita ●udacia, Tac. Annal. l. 14. ; and the Experience of Want, Avarice: whence proceed many things inconsistent with the Decorum of Majesty, and from them contempt of the Royal Person. Prince's will still retain their ancient Customs and Gravity, forgetting what they did when young, and thus they render themselves odious. In the Beginnings of Government, Passion for Glory, and Fear of Ruin, make them take care to Act with Prudence and Caution: But afterwards Ambition is tired, and the Prince has neither any Satisfaction in good, nor any Concern for ill Success 10 Ips●● sa●e selem, & prosperis, adversisque satiatum, Tac. Hist. l. 3. ; but imagining Vice to be the Recompense of his Glory, and Reward of his Toils, shamefully gives himself up to it: Whence it is that so few Princes grow better by Ruling, of which the Holy Scriptures give us Instances in Saul and Solomon. They are, in their Government, like the Image in Nebuchadnezzar's Dream, its Beginning's of Gold, its End of Clay. Vespasian was the only Prnce remarkable for having passed from bad to good 11 Solusque ●●●ium ante se princip●●, in meliu● mutatus est, Tac. Hist. l. 1. . Besides, let the Prince strive never so much to continue like himself, it is impossible for him to please All, if his Reign be long; for the People hate to be ruled so long by the same Hand. They love Novelty, and rejoice at Revolutions, though dangerous, as it fell out in the Reign of Tiberius 12 Multi odio praesentium cupidine mutationis, suis quoque periculis l●tab●●tur, Tac. Annal. l. 3. . If the Prince be Virtuous, he is hated by the Bad; if Vicious, both by the Good and Bad, and then the only talk is of the Successor 13 Pars ●u●to maxima imminen●es d●●inos vargis 〈◊〉 differeb●nt, Tac. Annal. l. 1. , whom every one makes his Court to; a thing which cannot but incense the Prince, and which usually inclines him to hate his Subjects, and use them ill. As his Strength decays, his Care and vigilance, his Prudence also, Understanding and Memory proportionably fail: For the Sense● grow old no less than the Body 14 Quip ut ●●●pus, sic e●iam mens su●●●abet senium, Ari●t. l. 2. Pol. c. 7. ; and as he desires to reserve this small remainder of his days to himself, free from the Hurry and Fatigue of Government, he surrenders all to his Ministers, or some Favourite, on whom the Weight of Affairs lies, and the Odium of the People is transferred. In which Case, they who are not in the Prince's Favour, and have no share in the Administration and Preferments, wish for, and do their utmost to procure a new Master. These are the most dangerous Rocks of a declining Age, among which the Prince cannot use too much Precaution against a Shipwreck. Yet though the Course be hazardous, he ought not therefore to despair of passing securely, since many Princes have maintained their Esteem and Respect to their last Gasp. An Excellency which the whole World admired in Philip II. The motion of a prudent Government continues uniform to the very shore of Death; a former Character and Reputation support it against the Hatreds and Inconveniencies of Age, as Tiherius experienced in himself 15 Reputante Tiber●o public●● sibi odi●●, extre●●● aetatem ●●gisque fama, q●a● v● stare res 〈◊〉, Tac. Annal. l. 6. . Besides we pass over a great many Slips in Old Age, which would be unpardonable in Youth, (as Drusus 16 Sane gravaretur aspectum civium senex imperator, fessamque ●●atem, & actos labores, praetender●t: Druso quod nisi ex arrogant●a impedimentum? Tac. Annal. l. 3. observed.) The more boisterous the Storms are, with the more Resolution the Prince had need be armed to bear up against them, and the closer he ought to keep to the Helm of Government; lest by entrusting it in the Hands of others, both himself and the Commonwealth should fall a Prey to the Sea. While the Prince's Vigour lasts, he should live and die in Action. Government is like the Spheres, which never stand still; it admits no Poles but those of the Prince. In the Arms of the State, not those of Sloth, the Prince must find Refreshment in the Toils of his Old Age 17 Se tamen fortiora solatia è complexu Reip. petivisse, Tac. Annal. l. 4. : And if through the Infirmities of his Age he wants Strength to bear them, and has need of other Shoulders, yet let him not wholly refuse the Assistance of his own, were it only for Show, since that is the same thing in the Eyes of the ignorant Mobb as Reality, and (as we observed elsewhere) is a Restraint to Ministers, and Support to Reputation. In this Case it is safer to form a Privy-Council of Three, as Philip II. did, than to leave all to the Management of One single Person; because the People look not on them as Favourites, but as Councillors. Let the Prince beware of Covetousness, a Vice universally detested, and peculiar to Old Age, which it never forsakes, though it has bid adieu to all others. Undoubtedly Galba might have ingratiated himself with the People, had he been in the least Generous 18 Constat po●uisse con●iliari animos quantulacu●que parci senis liberalitate, Tac. Hist. lib. 1. . Let him conform to the Mode, and present Customs, and forget those more harsh and rigid ones of former Times, a fault Old Men are too apt to fall into, whether it proceed from the prejudice of their Education, from Vainglory, or the difficulty they find in taking up those new Customs; whence they incur the hate of all Men. They give way to that melancholy Humour, which ariseth from the Coldness of their Age, and exclaim against all Pastimes and Divertisements, not remembering how much Time they have formerly spent in them themselves. Let him not discover any Jealousy of his Successor, as Ferdinand the Catholic did, when Philip I. was to succeed him in the Kingdom of Castille. That is the time when most adore the Rising Sun; and if any one appears reserved in this particular, it is a Trick to make himself pass for a Loyal, Constant Man, in the Opinion of the Successor, and to gain his Esteem; as was observed of several, at the Death of Augustus 19 Patres, Eq●es. 〈◊〉 quis illustrior, ●●nto magis falsi a● 〈◊〉, ●●ltuque composito, ne laeti excessu P●incipis neu tristiores, pri●ordio lachrymas, gaudi●●, quaestus, adulationes misceb●nt, Tac. Annal. lib●. 1. . Let him strive to endear himself to All by Courtesy, Equality of Justice, by Clemency and Plenty; being assured, that if he have governed well, and got the Love and good Opinion of his Subjects, he will maintain them without much difficulty, begetting in their Minds a fear of losing, and a desire of keeping him. All these Methods will be yet of more force, if the Successor be such as he may be in a manner born again, and immortalised by; for although Adoption be only a Fiction of the Law, yet the Person Adopting seems to renew his Youth in him, (as Galba 20 Et audita adoptione defi●am videri senex, q●iod nu●● 〈…〉 objicitur, Tac. Hist. l. 1. said to Piso.) Succession ought not to be the least Care of Princes, it being not so frivolous a thing as Solomon imagined 21 Y●a, I hated all my labour which I had taken under the sun: because I should leave it unto the man that shall be after me, Eccles. 2. 18. . Sons are the Anchors and Props of a State, the Joy and Comfort of a Government and Court, Augustus well knew this, when having none, he Adapted his Nearest Relations, to be, as it were, Pillars to support the Empire 22 Quo pluri●us munimentis insis●eret, Tac. Annal. l. 1. . Neither Fleets nor Armies are greater Securities to a Prince, than a numerous Offspring 23 Non legiones, non classer, perinde firma imperii munimenta quàm numer●● liberorum, Tac. Hist. l. 4. . There are no greater Friends than They; no more zealous Opposers of Tyranny, Domestic and Foreign. All bear a part in the Happiness of Princes, their Children only are Sharers in their Misfortunes 24 Quorum prosperis & alii fruantur, adversa ad justissimos perti●eant, Tac. Hist. l. 4. . Friend's change and fall off with Adversity, but never our own Blood, which though transfused into another, still corresponds with us by a secret and Natural Inclination 25 Nam a●icos tempore, fortuna, cupiainibus, aliquando aut erroribus imminui, transfer●i desinere: suum cuique sanguinem indis●retum, Tac. Hist. lib. 4. . The Safety of the Prince includes that of his Relations, and his Faults reflect upon them; and therefore they endeavour to mend them, being most concerned to observe, and most free and bold to reprove them. Thus Drusus made it his business to discover what was disliked at Rome in his Father, that he might correct it 26 Vtrumque in laudem Drusi trabebatu●: ab eo in urbe inter coetus & sermons bominum obversante secreta patris mitigari, Tac. Annal. l 3. . And these Reasons may serve to excuse that Authority which some Popes have allowed their Nephews in the Management of Affairs. The Subject has, in the Heir, one to reward his Services; and, on the other side, he is afraid to offend the Father, who leaves a Son to inherit his Power and Quarrels 27 He leaveth behind him an avenger against his enemies, and one that should show favour unto his friends, Ecclus. 30. 6. . On this Marcellus grounded his Advice to Priscus, not to pretend to prescribe to Vespasian, a Man grown old in Triumphs, and the Father of many young Children 28 Suadere 〈◊〉 Prisco, ne supra Principem scanderet; ne Vespasianum senem triu●. thanem, juvenum liberorum Patrem prae●eptis ●oër●eret, Tac. Hist. l. 4. . The Hopes of the Rising Sun makes the cold and gloomy Evenings of the Setting much more tolerable. Ambition is confounded, and Tyranny trembles. Liberty dare not break the Chain of Servitude, when she sees the Links continued in a Long Train of Successors. The Public Repose is not disturbed by Factions and Differences about the Succession 29 Intempera●tia civitatis donec ●us eligatur ●ultos desti●andi, Tac. Hist. l. 2. , every one already knowing that a new Phoenix must arise out of the Ashes of the old one, and that even now this Successor has taken Root, and got Strength, by making himself beloved and feared; as an old Tree shoots out of its Stump a young Sprig, which, in time, comes to grow in its place 30 Ex ●rbore 〈…〉, & trunco novam producit qu●● anteq●am antiqua decidat, jam radices & vires accepit, Tol. de Rep. l. 7. c. 4. ●. 1. Nevertheless, if it lie in the Prince's Breast to appoint the Successor, he is not to make such use of this Advantage, as to prefer the Interest of his Kindred to that of the Public. Moses, distrusting the Abilities of his own Sons, left to God the Choice of a new Captain of his People 31 Let the Lord, the God of the spirits of all flesh, set a man over the congregation, Numb. 27. 16. : And Galba gloried, in having had more Regard to the Public Good, than to his Family, and having chosen a Person out of the Commonwealth to succeed him 32 Sed Augustus in d●mo successorem quaes●vit; ego in Republica, Tac. Hist. l. 1. . This is the last and greatest Benefit the Prince is capable of doing his States, (as the same Galba told Piso 33 Nunc ●o ●ecessitatis jampridem ventum est, ut nec mea senectus conferre plus populo Romano possit qu●m bonum successore●, nec tua plus j●venta quàm bonum Principe●, Tac. Hist. l. 1. , when he Adopted him.) 'Tis a Noble Instance of the Prince's Generosity, to strive to make his successor better than himself. He has but a mean Opinion of his Merit, who seeks a Name only by the Vices of him that comes after, and by the Comparison of one Reign with another. Herein Augustus himself was faulty, in choosing Tiberius upon the same motive 34 Ne Ti●erium quidem caritate aut Reipublicae cura successor●m ●dscitum: sed quoniam arrogan●iam saevitiamque introspexerit, compar●tione deterrima ●ibi gloriam quaefi●isse, Tac. Annal. l. 1. , without considering, that the glorious or infamous Actions of a Successor are charged upon the Predecessor who was concerned in his Election. This Care to provide a good Heir is a Natural Duty in Parents, and they ought to attend it with utmost Application, since in their Sons they in a manner live for ever: And indeed it were against Natural Reason to envy the Excellency of their own Image, or leave it unpolished. And though the Institution of a Great Person be generally the Occasion of Domestic Dangers, inasmuch as men's Ambition is proportioned to the Capacity of their Souls 35 Optimos' quip mort●lirum, altissima cupere, Tac. Annal. l. 4. ; and though oftentimes, by the subversion of the Ties of Reason and Nature, Children grow weary of expecting the Crown so long, and seeing the Time of their Pleasure and Glory waste, as it was with Rhadamistus, in the long Reign of his Father Pharasman, King of Iberia 36 Is modi●um Hyberiae regnum senecta patris detineri, ferocius crebriusque jactabat, Tac. Annal. l. 12. ; although too it was the Counsel of the Holy Spirit 37 Give him no liberty in his youth, and wink not at his folly, Ecclus. 30. 11. to Fathers, not to give their Son's Liberty in their Youth, nor wink at their Follies: yet for all this, I say, a Father ought to spare no Pains that may contribute to the good Education of his Son, which is the second Obligation of Nature, nor let fall his Hopes and Confidence for a few particular Cases. No Prince was ever more jealous of his Children than Tiberius, yet he absented himself from Rome to leave Drusus in his Place 38 Vt amoto P●tre, Drusus munia consulatu● solus impleret, Tac. Annal. lib. 3. . But if the Prince would prevent these Suspicions by Politic Methods, let him allow his Son a part in the Administration of Affairs both Civil and Military, but never in the Dispensation of his Favours; for by the former the Applause of the People is not so much got, who are apt to be taken with the Liberal and Obliging Temper of the Son, a thing not very pleasing to the Fathers who sit on the Throne 39 Displicere regna●ntibus civilia filiorum ingeni●, Tac. Annal. l. 2. . In a word, he may be admitted into the Secrets of State, not into the Hearts of the Subjects. Augustus, who well understood this, when he desired to have Tiberius made Tribune, commended him with so much Artifice, that he discovered his Faults in excusing them 40 Qu●nquam ●onor●●●atione, qu●dam de habitu, ●●ltuq●e & institutis ej●s jecerat, qu● vel●t excu●ando exprobraret, Tac. Annal. l. 1. . And it was believed that Tiberius, to render Drusus odious, and make him pass for one of a cruel Temper, gave him leave to frequent the Sword-Plays 41 Ad o●te●tand●● saevitiam in●vend●sque p●pull off●nsio●●●, concess●m f●lio materiam, Tac. Annal. l. 1. ; as he was glad when any Contest arose between his Sons and the Senate 42 L●tabatur Tiberi●● quum inter filios & leges Sen●tus dis●ept●ret, Tac. Annal. l. 2. . But these Artifices are more hurtful and treacherous than becomes the Sincerity of a Father; it is more prudent to join with the young Prince some Confident, in whose Power the Direction and Management of Affairs may be: as Vespasian did, when her gave the Praetorship to his Son Domitian, and assigned Mutian for his Assistant 43 Caesar D●mitianus Pr●●turam capit. Ejus 〈◊〉 epistolic edictisque proponebatur, vis penes Mutianum erat, Tac. Hist. l. 4. . But if the Son shall seem to harbour great and enterprising Thoughts, such as may give just Apprehension of some ambitious Design against the Respect due to a Father, out of impatience of his long life, the best way will be to employ him in some Undertaking that may wholly engage those Thoughts, and cool the warmth and vigour of his Mind. It was this made Pharasman, King of Iberia, put his Son Rhadamistus upon the Conquest of Armenia 44 ●gitur Pharasmanes juvenem potentiae promptae & study pop●darium accinctum, vergentibus jam armis suis metuens, alia● ad spem tra●ere & Armeniam oftentare, Tac. Annal. 1. 12. . But as this Caution of Honouring the Son, and employing him in Places of Difficulty, is absolutely necessary, so also must care be taken to put the Command of the Armies in the Hand of another; for whoever is Master of them, rules the whole State. To this end, Otho gave his Brother Titianus the Name and Reputation of the Supreme Command, yet left all the Authority and real Power lodged in Proculus 45 ●rofecto Brixellum Othone, honour imperii penes Titianum fratrem, ●is, ac potestas penes Proculum Praefectum, Tac. Hist. l. 2. : And Tiberius, when the Senate had decreed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas, made Piso Lieutenant of Syria, to be a Check to his Hopes and Designs 46 Qu● Syriae imponeretur, ad spes Germanici coercendas, Tac. Annal. l. 2. . Indeed, the Constitution of States and Governments in Europe is such, that there is little fear of those Dangers; yet if the Genius of the Son should be so violent and terrible, that the Remedies mentioned cannot sufficiently provide for the Father's Security, let him consider whether it be proper to apply that which Philip II. used with his only Son, Don Carlos, the execution of which made Politics admire its own Power, struck Nature with Amazement, and the whole World with Horror. But if he distrust the Fidelity of his Subjects, because of their Aversion to his Son, there is usually no better Remedy than to have him educated in some other Court, and under the Protection of some greater Prince, (provided there be no danger of any Emulation between them) with whom he may afterwards establish an Alliance. This Motive prevailed with Phraates, King of Parthia, to bring up Vonones in the Court of Augustus 47 Partemque prolis, firmandae amicitiae, miserat: ●aud perinde nostri me●u, quam fidei popularium diffisus, Tac. Annal. l. 2. : Though this oftentimes produces a contrary effect, the People being apt to hate him afterwards as a Foreigner, who returns to them with strange Manners, which was the Case of the same Vonones 48 Quamvi● gentis Arsaci●arum, ut extern●m aspernaban●ur, Tac. Annal. l. 2. . In the Disposal of his Dominions to his Children, the Prince cannot be too cautious; inasmuch as it is sometimes the Advancement, sometimes the Ruiné of a Kingdom, especially in the Younger Sons, who generally envy the Elder his Prerogative, and in the Daughters matched with his own Subjects; whence arise Jealousies and Uneasinesses, which end in Civil Wars. Augustus' re●●●●ting upon this, refused his Daughter to a Roman Knight, who might occasion Disturbance 49 Immensumq●● attolli pro●ideret q●em conjunctione ta●● super alios 〈◊〉, Tac. Annal. l. 4. , and proposed Proc●dejus, and others, who lived a calm and retired Life, and intermeddled not with Affairs of State 50 Proculejum, & quosda● in sermonibus 〈…〉, Reip negotiis permixto●, Tac. Annal. l. 4. The Choice of a Tutor for the Son who is to succeed in his Nonage is another thing, which demands all the Skill and Prudence the Father is Master of, there being nothing more exposed to Casualties than that; as we see present, and read of past Examples of many Princes, who, during their Minority, have lost their Lives and Kingdoms, at least been reduced to great Distress 51 woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child, Eceles. 10. 16. . For if the Guardianship be left to the Mother, though that may be looked upon as most secure, yet the Prudence and Experience requisite for such a Task are rarely to be met with in a Woman, and most of that Sex want Courage to awe Subjects, and gain Respect. But should it fall to the Uncle, Ambition of Rule is wont to break the strongest and most close Ties of Blood. If it light upon the Ministers, every one of them is wholly devoted to his private Interest, which occasions Divisions among them. Besides, Subjects despise the Government of their Equals, which is the Rise of Troubles, and Civil Commotions; and therefore out of all these Dangers and Inconveniencies the Prince must choose the least, considering the Nature of the State, and of the Persons most capable of the Education of his Son, and picking out a Class of Subjects, whereby the Security of the Pupil may be so provided for, that they cannot possibly unite and conspire to ruin him. In this Case it is highly requisite that they be immediately brought into Business, who are to have, after the Father's Death, the Tuition and Guidance of the Heir, and Administration of the Government. Nor is it the Prince's only Duty to get the Successor secured and instructed, but he is also to prevent the Accidents of his new Government, and their ill Consequence; for when the Sails are changed the Ship is endangered; and by the Introduction of New Forms, Nature suffers; because Things end faintly, but begin with vigour: 'Tis from this Vicissitude of Things that those Dangers proceed which threaten upon the meeting of the Waves of both Reigns, as it happens when one rapid River runs violently into another of an equal Current. The Authority of the Successor is easily lost, and Conspiracies and Innovations contrived against him 52 Quando ausuros exposcere remedia, nisi novum, & nutantem a●hus Principem, precibus vel armis adirent, Tac. Annal. l. 1. ; and therefore the Prince should endeavour to make the latter part of his Reign so calm, that the new one may be entered on without the least hazard: and as Seamen, when they enter the Port, quit their Oars, and furl their Sails; so ought he to close his Government, by laying aside all thoughts of Erterprises and Wars, by confirming ancient Alliances, and making new ones, particularly with his Neighbours, that Peace may be settled in his Realms. 'Tis no less worthy Praise, when Age draws on, To settle Peace and Quietness at Home; That no Intestine Broils subvert the State, Or powerful Neighbours War without create. * Tasso. Let him dissemble Injuries, us Tiberius did with Getulicus 53 M●lt●que gratia man●it reputante Tiberi● publicum sibi odium, extre●am ●●atem, magisque fama quam vi●st●re res suas, Tac. Annal. l. 6. and Philip II. with Ferdinand de Medicis; for at such a time the most prudent Princes order a Rainbow to be put over their Tombs, for a Token of Peace to their Successors, not a Lance fixed in the Earth, to prompt them to revenge their Quarrels, as the Athenians used to do. Let him govern his foreign Provinces with Counsel and Address, not Arms 54 Consilis & astu res externa● moliri, arm● procul ba●ere, Tac. Annal. l. 6. ; and see that the Governors he sets over them be Eloquent, Lovers of Peace, and unexperienced in War, lest they kindle it, as it was done in the time of Galba 55 Hispaniae praeerat Cl●vius Ruf●● vir fa●und●s, & pacis artibus, belli ine●p●●t●●, Tac. Hist. l. 1. . Let him compose the Minds of his Subjects, and reconcile their Differences; protect them from Injuries, moderate their Taxes, and re●ove all Nor●lties odious to the People. Let him make choice of prudent Ministers, Friends to peace and the Public Quiet; for by this means his Subjects Minds being form to Ease, and gentle Usage, will promise themselves the same from the Successor, and so not attempt any Innovation. EMBLEM CI. MAny great Men have laboured, by Speculation and Experience, to form the Idea of a Perfect Prince. It hath 〈…〉 this Royal Porcelain, this 〈◊〉 Vessel of Ear●●, no less brittle than others, and more subject to Casualties than any; particularly when the Potter is of the School of Matchiavel, whence all come out distorted, and of short continuance, as that was which he laid down as a Model of the rest. The Design of these Emblems has been to set off that Purple, whose Scarlet Dye soon turns to Ashes; they began at the Cradle, and end at the Tomb. They are the Parenthesis of Man's Life, which the least clause of Time includes; nor is it easy to determine which Hour is the most happy, that wherein the Eyes are open to the Day of Life, or that in which they are closed to the Night of Death 1 And the day of death, than the day of birth, Eccles. 7. 1. , since the one is the beginning, the other the end of our Labours; and however great the difference may be betwixt being and not being, yet the Material Part of Man only feels that, not the Form, which is Immortal, and improved by Death. The Dread we have of the Grave is natural; but had Reason more influence on us than Desire of Living, we should rejoice at the fight of it, as those do, who looking for Treasures, find urns, being sure to meet with Riches there 2 And dig for it more than for rich treasure, which rejoice exceedingly, and are glad when they can find the grave, job 3. 21, 22. ; for it is in the Grave that the Soul finds the real Treasure of Eternal Rest. This Simon Maccahaeus signified by that Hieroglyphic of Ships carved upon the Pillars he set about the Maus●laeum of his Father and Brothers 3 And set great pillars round about them, and set arms upon the pillars, for a perpetual memory, and carved ships be●ides the arms, 1 Ma●cab. 13. 29. ; intimating, that the Ship of our Life floating upon the Billows of the World, is never quiet till landed at the Shore of Death. In effect, what is Life but a perpetual Fear of Death? without any thing to assure us of its continuance. Many Signs portend the Approach of Death, not one exactly marks out the Bounds of Life, The most flourishing Age and strongest Constitution are not sufficient Sureties for one Hour of Health. The Heart, which performs the part of a Balance in this clock of the Body, points indeed to the presents Hours, but never to the future. Nor ought this ●ncertainty to be termed Disdain, but rather a Favour of Nature; for were the precise Time determined for Death as it is for Birth, for the Dissolution as for the Formation of the Body, Man would become Insolent to Reason; and therefore she has not only given him one sure Minute to breath in, but, on the contrary, hath in all things imaginable laid before him Evidences of the Shortness of Life: The Earth represents it to him in the Youth of its Flowers, and Gray-Hairs of its Harvests; the Water, in the Rapidness of its Current; the Air, in the Fires it kindles, and extinguishes again in a moment; and the Heavens, in the Prince of Light which the same Day sees rise in the golden Cradle of the East, and set in the dark Tomb of the West. But if Death be the last of all Evils, that it comes not too late is to be esteemed a Happiness. The shorter the Interval is between the Cradle and the Tomb, the shorter is the Course of our Labours; and therefore job wished he had been immediately carried from the Womb of his Mother to that of the Earth 4 Wherefore then hast thou brought me forth out of the womb? O that I had given up the Ghost, and no eye had seen me, I should have been as though I had not been, I should have been carried from the womb to the grave, job 10. 18, 19 . We are bound as soon as born, and all our Life-time after involved in Care● 5 I was nourished in swaddling clothes and with care●, Wisd. 7. 4. ; nor have Kings, in this, any Privilege above the rest of Mankind * For there is no king that hath any o●●er beginning of birth, Wisd. 7. 5. . Did Humane Felicity consist in long Life, Man would undoubtedly outlive the Stag; for it were absurd that any Creature should be happier than him, for whose Service they were all created 6 l●sas 〈…〉 fact●s na●●ra fuisse necesse est, Arist. Pol. l. 1. c. 5. . That Natural Desire we have of seeing Hours pass swiftly away, is an Argument that it is not Time which makes our Happiness; for than would the Mind find its Rest in that: whatever it desires out of Time, it always wants. In Princes, more than in others, as they are exposed to greater Accidents, Experience shows that in a long Life Fortune is endangered, she being tired as much with being propitious, as with being adverse. Lewis XI. had been a happy Prince, had he ended his Days before the Calamities of his last Years. Sovereignty is a kind of tempestuous Sea, not to be kept calm by a long Course of Life; he who lives longest, suffers most Storms and Dangers. But if we consider the End and Perfection of Nature, a long Life is happy, when, according to the Testimony of job, it comes into the Grave in its Maturity, as Corn into the Barn 7 Thou shalt come to thy grave in a full age, like as a shock of corn cometh in, in his season, job 5. 26. secund. Septuagint. , before Decrepidness makes it whither; for with the Shadow of Death the Vital Spirits congeal, and the Body remains useless. The Trembling Hand can no longer steer the Helm of the State, the Eye perceive the Clouds of Heaven, the Course of the Winds, and the Rocks of the Sea, nor the Ear hear the Barkings of Scylla and Carybdis. Amidst so many Miseries of Nature, Constancy fails the Prince; and being reduced, by the Moisture of the Senses, to a second Infancy, he believes every thing, and suffers himself to be governed by Malice, which is then most awake in those about him, who at such a time offend with equal Profit and Impunity 8 Cum ●pud infirmum & credulum, minore metu & majore prae●io peccaretur, Tac. Hist. l. 1. . Women get Possession of his Will, as Livia did of Augustus', when she made him banish his Nephew Agrippa 9 Nam senem Augustum devi●xerat, adeo, uti Nepotem unicum Agrippam Posthumu● in insulam Planasiam projic●ret, Tac. Annal. l. 1. , bringing him to such a pass, that he who before knew how to maintain the whole World in Peace, became incapable of ruling his own Family 10 Nulla in praesens formidine dum Augustus aetate validus, seque & domum, & pacem sustentavit, postquam profecta jam senectus & agro corpore fatigabatur, aderatque finis, & spei novae; pauci bon● liber●atis inc●ssum disserere, Ibid. . By this means Majesty is made the Derision of all Men, of which Galba was an Instance 11 Ipsa aetas Galb●e, & irrisu● & fastid●o erat, Tac. Hist. l. 1. Other Nations despise him, and are not afraid to rise up against him, as Arbanus did against Tiberius 12 Senectutem Tiberii ut inermem despicient, Tac. Hist. l. 6. . The Authority of a decrepit Prince is lost, and his Orders 〈…〉, not taken for his own, as it was 〈◊〉 of those of 〈◊〉 13 〈◊〉, & Principe i●●●to exitium d●mui ejus i●tendi 〈◊〉, 〈…〉 l. 5. . He is hated by the 〈◊〉, who look upon him as an unprofitable Instrument, the Source of all the Evils the Government suffers: And as Love is in a manner bred by interest, and brought up by Hope, all make slight of him; inasmuch as he is not ●ble to give much, who hath but a little while to live. His Empire is accounted precarious, and short lived, as that of Galba was 14 Precarium sibi imperium & brevi transi●●●●●, Tac. Hist. l. 1. ; and the Ministers, like the Goss-Hawks of Norway, that they may get the day, lay their Pounces upon the Public Trea●ures, selling Places and Favours, as the Servants of the same Emperor did 15 〈◊〉 afferebant ve●alia c●nct●, prap●●●mses libe●●. 〈…〉, Tac. Hist. l. 1. . When therefore the Age is come to this pass, the Prince has more need of Instructions to make him sensible of his inability, and resign the weight of the Government to his Successor, than of Precepts to continue it to himself. Let not Ambition delude him, by the Representation of his post Character and Applause; for Men consider not the Prince as he was, but as he now is: Nor is it enough to have once made himself feared, if he cannot do it now; nor to have governed well heretofore, if he neither is able nor knows how to govern well still. Dominion is like the Sea, which immediately casts on Shore all unprofitable Carcases. The Prince is esteemed for the Form of the Soul with which he Ordains, Commands, Rewards and Punishes; so that when Age comes to discompose that Form, the Esteem vanishes; a●d therefore it will be prudent to acknowledge the Injuries and Contempts of Age in time, and so slip from them before they arrive. If the Prince and Business must part, it is better that he bid the first adieu. 'Tis a glorious Action to submit to own one's Frailty, and voluntarily divest one's self of Grandeur, before Death takes it away by Force; lest it should be said, that he died unknown by himself, who lived known by all Men. He should consider, that his Royal Sceptre is like the Herb of the same Name, which in a little time turns to Worms 16 Theophr. l. de Plant. : and that if the whole Globe of the Earth be no more than a Point, in comparison of the Heavens; What will one Monarchy, one Kingdom be? And though this were never so large, yet he can have no more of it than a Place to bury him in 17 My breath is corrupt, my days are extinct, the graves are ready for me, Io● 17. 1. , or, as Saladin said, a shroud, without carrying away with him any other Glory. The Prince is not to live always for the Commonwealth; he should reserve some Time to himself, and endeavour, that at the setting of his Life the Horizon of Death may be cleared from the Vapours of Ambition, and the Clouds of Passion and Interest, as is expressed by the Sun in this Emblem, taken from the Sepulchre of joshua, upon which a Representation of that Planet was raised, with this difference only, that there it was put in memory of its standing still, at the Voice of this Great Captain 18 And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed, Ios●. 10. 13. ; here, to signify, that as a Clear and Fair Evening is an infallible Sign of the Serenity of the next Morning, so a Reign ended in Sanctity and Happiness, portends, that he who is a to succeed will be also happy, for a Reward to the Virtue, and by the irresistible Efficacy of this last Example. The Art of Living and Dying well, that glorious Retirement of the Emperor Charles Va. May teach, who so far laid aside all Public Cares, that he never so much as enquired after the State of his Monarchy, but brought his great Soul, otherwise made for brave Achievements, to the dressing of a Garden, or to divert the Hours (after his Spiritual Exercise performed) at some Ingenious Art or other. But if there are any Disputes or Revolutions to be apprehended upon account of the Succession, it will be Prudence in the Persons present at the King's Death to keep it secret, and make that and the Possession of the Successor public at one time. For in such Cases the People are like a Colt not broke, which suffers not the Saddle, unless it 〈…〉 sees it. Th●● Livi● concealed the 〈◊〉 until 〈◊〉 was settled in his 〈◊〉 19 Sim●l exce●●i●●e Augustum, & rer●m pot●ri Neronem ●ama e●dem ●●lit, Tac. Annal. l. 1. ; as Agrippin● did that of Claudius, with so much Dissimulation, that even after his Decease a Senate was convened in his Name, and Prayers offered for his Health, till Time was gained to contrive Nero's Succession 20 Dum res firmando Nero●●● i●p●rio 〈◊〉, Tac. Annal. l. 12. . The Death of the Prince being made known, neither Piety nor Prudence dissuade from Tears, and Demonstrations of Sorrow. The Holy Ghost, far from forbidding, recommends thiem 21 My son, pour forth tears over the dead, E●clus. 38. 16. . All the People of Israel lamented the Death of Abner, and David followed his Corpse to the Grave 22 Mourn before Abner: and king David himself followed the bier, 2 S●m. 3. 31. . For though there want not Christian Considerations to comfort us; and though there hath been heretofore a Nation, which, less enlightened with the Rays of Immortality, received those with Tears who came into the World, and took leave of them that went out of it with rejoicings; yet these Reasons stand good only on their side who are gone to a better Life, but are not for those who are left alone, and deprived of their Services and Conversation. Even our Saviour Christ going to raise Lazarus, wept over his Sepulchre 23 Jesus wept, Io●. 11. 35. . These last Expressions of Grief must not be denied the Tenderness and Resentments of Nature: They are the Scales wherein the Merit of the deceased Prince is weighed, and whereby may be known what Value his Subjects had for him; in a word, the Touchstone on which their Love and Obedience is tried, which strengthens the Links of Subjection, and gives Heart to the Successor. Yet for all this, the People must not be obliged to an expensive Mourning, for fear their Prince's Death should turn to a burdensome Tax. Not, however, that Funeral Pomp, and magnificent Tombs, adorned with Statues, and costly Embossed Works, are to be looked on as a mere Vanity of Princes; they are rather a generous piece of Piety, which marks out the last Bounds of Humane Greatness, and shows, in the Magnificence wherewith their Ashes are honoured, what Respect is owing to Majesty; Sepulchers being no other than a kind of mute History of the Royal Race 24 Quomodo imaginibus suis noscuntur, quas nec victor quidem abolevit, ●ic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent, Tac. Annal. l. 4. . The Obsequies of David and Solomon were celebrated with extraordinary Pomp and Splendour. In the Funerals of private Persons great Care is required, because Superstitions prejudicial to Religion are easily introduced, the Imagination being deluded in what is hoped or feared from the Deceased; and for that Funeral Charges are things which happen every day, and concern many, it is absolutely necessary they should be moderated, Sorrow and Vainglory being apt to raise them too high. Plato set a certain Rate upon the Building of Sepulchers, as did Solon also, and after them the Romans. King Philip II. made a Law to regulate the Abuses and Excesses of Funerals and Monuments; saying, That what was laid out superfluously upon them, were better given to pious Uses, and to pray for the Souls of the Deceased. Thus far Your Highness has seen the Birth, Death, and Burial of the Prince whom these Emblems form; being, as it were, present at the Building of this Politic Edifice, from the very Foundation, to the last Stone. And now, that your Highness may with more ease take a Review of the whole Fabric, I have thought convenient to subjoin here a kind of Platform thereof, or Looking-Glass, wherein it may be represented, as a greater City is in a lesser. This shall be King Ferdinand the Catholic, one of Your Royal Highnesses' Ancestors; in whose glorious Reign, all the Arts both of Peace and War flourished, and Accidents both of prosperous and adverse Fortune occurred. The Infancy of this Great King was ripe and vigorous, his Youth employed in Military Exercises; and what art and Industry could not perfect in him, Experience supplied. His very Leisure was Employment; and his Diversions, Attention of Mind. He was absolute Master of his Passions, following more the Dictates of Policy, than his own Natural inclinations. He owned his Grandeur to be from God only; and gloried in his own Actions, not those of his Ancestors. He looked on Sovereignty rather as a Charge than a Succession. He qu●e●ed his Realms by Diligence, and Personal Presence, raised his Monarchy by Valour and Prudence, ●stabllsh'd it by Religion and Justice, supported it by Love and Respect, embellished it with Arts and Sciences, enriched it by Trade and Husbandry, and eternised it by Maxims and Institutions truly Politic. He was a King as well of his Court as Kingdoms, and Master as well as Home as Abroad. He tempered his Liberality with Frugality, Affability with Authority, Modesty with Gravity, and Clemency with Justice. By punishing some few, he terrified many; and by rewarding others, he encouraged the Hopes of all. Personal Affronts he easily pardoned, but those which struck at the Royal Dignity he never forgave. The Injuries done to his Subjects he revenged as his own, behaving himself always as a Father to them. He valued his Glory more than his Dominion; but was neither puffed up by Prosperity, nor dejected by Adversity: In the one he fortified himself against the other; and when Fortune frowned, he used all his Industry to retrieve her Favour. He made use of Time, not Time of him; and though he submitted to Necessity, he made it subservient to his own Advantage. His Conduct rendered him both beloved and feared of all. He gave Audience with readiness; Hearing, that he might know; and ask Questions, for his more certain Information. He trusted not his Enemies, and was reserved even with his Friends. His Friendship was Conveniency; his Kindred, Reason of State; his Confidence vigilant; his Diffidence considerate; his Providence, Assurance; his Jealousy, Circumspection; his Malice, a Defence; and his Dissimulation, a Refuge. He deceived none, yet others were deceived by the Ambiguity of his Words and Treaties, which he knew how to manage with so much Artifice (when it was necessary to baffle Malice with Prudence) as to be able to extricate himself without violating the Public Faith. Neither Falsehood dared attack his Majesty, nor Flattery his Knowledge. He made his Ministers serviceable to him, without making them Favourites; and suffered himself to be counselled, not governed by them. What he could do himself, he committed not to others. He took Time for Consultation, but was very Expeditious in Execution. In his Resolutions the Effects were seen sooner than the Causes. He concealed his Designs from his Ambassadors, when he desired, that being deceived themselves, they should more effectually persuade others the contrary. He knew how to rule with his Queen, and obey his Son-in-Law. He imposed Taxes through Necessity, not out of Avarice and Luxury; and what he then took from the Church, he afterwards restored, respecting the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and maintaining the Regal. He kept no fixed Court, but, like the Sun, moved continually about the Orbs of his Realms. He managed Peace with Moderation and Integrity, and prosecuted War with Force and Stratagem, neither desiring the one, nor refusing the other. Whatsoever his Foot was fixed on, his Arm and Conduct joined in the Defecne thereof, increasing his Strength by the Spoils of his Enemies. He did as much by his Negotiations, as by his Arms, never committing to the Sword, what he could conquer by Address. he placed the Ostentation of his Grandeur and Pomp in the Bravery of his Battalions. He was always present, in time of War, within his Kingdoms. The same Orders which he gave, he observed himself; and made Leagues so as to remain Arbiter, not subject. He was neither exalted when Conqueror; nor when beaten, dispirited. He Signed Treaties of Peace under the Shield. In a word, He lived to all the World, and died to himself; yet always remaining, in the memory of. Men, as an absolute Pattern for Princes, and Immortalising himself in the Desire of his Subjects. THis naked Skull of Death, the dismal Sc●●e, Which now the simple Spider measures o'er WIth its slight Web; which baffled heretofore The nicest Subteilties of Humane Brain, Once wore a 〈◊〉, and triumphant stood, As Monarch of the 〈◊〉 of Peace and War: His Smiles gave Life; his Anger dire Despair; And all the World depended on its Nod. What oncee gave proudly Laws to War and Peace, Spiders and Ear-wigs do now possess. Why then this Pride, O Princes, since the Grave Makes no Distinction 'twixt the Base and Brave, Betwixt the mighty Prince and wretched Slave? On the Author and his Book, in Allusion to the EMBLEM. WHither so fast, vain Man? 'fore out of breath, Stop, and behold this lively Scene of Death. The Head thou seest was Great Saavedra's once, A greater Name no Rhetoric can pronounce. Here Piety with Policy were joined. Here Honour, Sense and Learning were combined False Machiavilian Notions to convince, And form at oncea Wise and Virtuous Prince. Where now, alas! Worms having eat it bare, The Death-watch Spiders spread their curious Hair, And with their Bowels nobly re-interr, Sceptres and Crowns here tumbled down you see; A trifling Lose to one so Great as He: But since this Work remains, the World may cry, Death, where's thy Sting? Grave, where's thy Victory? FINIS.