CURIA POLITIAE   depiction of the four virtues 
Justitia  
Prudentia  
Fortitudo  
Temperantia  
LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY in St Paul's Churchyard  
1654.    

Curia Politiae: OR, THE APOLOGIES OF SEVERAL PRINCES: Justifying to the WORLD Their most Eminent Actions, by the strength OF REASON, And the most Exact RULES OF POLICY.  
Written in FRENCH by the accurate Pen of MONSIEUR de SCUDERY, Governor of NOTRE DAME.  
And now faithfully Rendered into ENGLISH.  
With the FIGURES of many Emperors and Kings.  
LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley at the sign of the Prince's-Arms in Saint Paul's Churchyard, M. DC. LIU.   

TO His Most Excellent Majesty CHARLES By the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
SIR,  
THE Politics of these Illustrious Princes adventured to be seen in England in Your Royal Absence; having no splendour to Countenance them, but the beams of their own worth; nor any Patron to shelter them but true Honour and Renown: yet a good Success hath waited on them through some tempestuous years, wherein they have been entertained by many of Your Majesty's Subjects: who Amazed or satisfied with the Piercing and Transcendent Reasons of these Earthly Gods, have (Probably) better learned their duties towards their Sovereigns; and have found out a more even Path to guide them to Loyalty and true Obedience to Gods Anointed. Among these more Glorious Heroes, some have been Your Royal Ancestors and Predecessors, as King Henry the Seventh, King Henry the Eighth, and King James of Blessed Memory: Others have been either of Your Blood, or in Alliance and Amity with Your Predecessors. And King Lewis the Fourth of France, hath not only been an Example and Parallel of Your Troubles; but may prove a good Counsellor and Pilot to guide Your People's hearts to their Native Duties; and so more easily and joyfully to raise a degree to Elevate and Preserve Your Majesty in Your Illustrious Throne. These twenty Princely Orators; now speaking English (as they have already French) expect Your Gracious Patronage throughout all Your Majesty's Dominions; over which, that You may exceed all Your Ancestors with a most Glorious and Happy Reign, is the hearty Prayer of  
Your Majesty's Devoted Chaplain and Loyal Subject Edward Wolley. D. D.   

THE AUTHOR TO THE READER.  
IT is not one of the lest remarkable assurances of the sage Conduct of those, who Govern this Monarchy, to see how their high Prudence and incomparable Wisdom remove the Enemies of France so far from our Kingdom, that the Governors of the Frontiers have leisure to study and compose Books. It is in the fruition of this profound repose, wherein I enjoy, even in the midst of the Tumults of War, an opportunity to tender in some degree, my retiredness more profitable, by composing this Work, which I now expose to Public Censure and Approbation. I believe (Reader) though Fortune was not pleased to ordain me for the management of more sublime affairs; yet she gave me leave to see, that if she had pleased to call me, I might happily, have acquitted myself without dishonour or disgrace; and that he who caused Lewis the fourth to speak so nobly, and so many other Kings, might have been capable to serve Lewis the fourteenth, at lest, under their orders and directions, who council so successfully, if in stead of a Command in Remote extremities of the State, and most imbroiled borders and limits, Fortune had vouchsafed to call me to Court, and there appointed my employments. In effect, though naturally I had no Genius or disposition to noble enterprises, and had contracted from my birth an absolute stupidity; yet so many great Princes whom I have had the honour to attend, so many splendent Courts which I have seen, so many people, and so different in their Manners, Customs, and Laws, which I have visited, so many Armies, Wars, and various affairs, wherein I have been engaged, both voluntarily and under command; so many Grand Personages, with whom I have had society and friendship, so many remarkable events that I have observed, together with those precious relics of Prudence exhausted out of the Greeks and Romans. All this (I say) is sufficient to inform my judgement, and for Art and education to complete in me, what Nature could not. And I think (Reader) it were not possible for me to revive Kings to a quick and lively discourse, without some competent abilities in me: and I dare presume to believe, though my design appear full of confidence, yet it may be excused from being censured rash.  
I have than made choice of twenty Princes (out of universal History) and have selected the most eminent actions of their reigns for the subject of this discourse; endeavouring herein to dive and pierce into those reasons and causes which overruled them to their resolutions. In this I seem to be (in a kind) admitted to the Cabinet Council of these Princes (who are in their graves,) and by most probable conjectures, have hinted at those profound reasons which so directed them. Thus guided by the light of History, I have essayed to discover those secret and concealed mysteries of State, and so to remonstrate the events of Counsels and grand Enterprises, undertaken with so high deliberations. To this end, that if Princes and Monarches admit not of instruction rising from their inferiors; yet that they may not refuse it flowing from their equals. This being composed by some Politic reflections, which are as the muscles and nerves of the body, and resembling all the several parts, make up and discover (Reader) the aim and end of this Work.  
Now whether the Builder have the skill to make this high design practical, and so to 'cause this stately Piece admired and loved according to the beauty of the Model; it is for you (Reader) to judge; for it becomes no one to be Judge and Supreme in his own affairs.  
I have confined myself to these 7 or 8 last ages of Time in the election of these Princes, & those others, which may follow in the second part of this Work. The rather, because already so many learned Historians having traveled to Macedonia, have written so accurately and fully, that nothing is left that may farther relate the Grandeur and magnificence of Alexander the Great. So many exquisite Authors, (conversant in the affairs of the Persians' and Medes) have followed Cyrus to the Conquest of Asia, that nothing of rarity can be superadded: and so many learned Pens have written of Caesar, & commented on his Commentaries, that nothing can be found out to more illustrate those relations. It may be said of those renowned ages of Antiquity in the words of Solomon, That nothing is new under the Sun: and that they have been so often examined, that those rare and precious subjects are rendered now more familiar, and so lesle admired. As I than walk in a path lesle obvious to common footsteps, so am I restrained to more confined and choicer limits; wherefore I have not troubled their famous umbras, whom an innocent kind of Magic hath so often summoned from their Royal Tombs: but leaving those Princely Heroes to the repose of their sepultures, I have presumed to summon others from their retirements of obscurity, to present their Noblest Actions to the light.  
I am assured (Reader) their apparition will not affright you with their Presence, nor their voice daunt your soul: I conjure you than to hear, and to give a favourable audience to these illustrious dead Princes. This is a respect due to their high qualities, and which they exactly look for from those who are most rude and uncivil to Thrones, Sceptres, and Crowns.   

A CATALOGUE Of the several Princes discoursed of in this VOLUME.  
I 
THE Emperor Charles the Fifth, to his Royal Sisters, pag. 1  II 
Lewis the Fourth, King of France, to his revolted Subjects, 11  III 
Mathias Corvin King of Hungary, to the Ambassadors of the Republic of Venice, 20  IU. 
Mahomet the Second the Grand Signior, to his Janissaries, 33  V 
Ferdinando, King of Castille, to the Duke Nagera, 41  VI. 
Don Henry, King of Castille, to Count D'Alba Tormes, 50  VII. 
Don Sanche, King of Castille, to Count Garcia de Gabria, 60  VIII. 
Emanuel, King of Portugal, to John de Menesais, 67  IX. 
Charles the Ninth, King of France, to John de Monluc, 76  X. 
Don Ramir, King D'Oviedo, to the Grand Council of his Kingdom, 84  XI. 
James the First, King of England, to the Duke of Lenox pag. 91.  XII. 
Henry the seventh King of England, to Thomas Lord Stanley, p. 102  XIII. 
Soliman the Second, the Grand Signior to Rustan Bassa, 113  FOURTEEN. 
Scanderbag, King of Albania, to his Captains and Council of Officers, 122  XU. 
Henry the Third King of France, to Pibrac and Philip de Portes, 132  XVI. 
Henry the Eight, King of England, to Thomas Lord Cromwell Lord Chamberlain of England, 145  XVII. 
Pepin le ' Bref, King of France, to the Archbishop of Maience, 154  XVIII. 
Tamberlane, Emperor of Tartary, to Axalla his Lieutenant General, 163  XIX. 
Hugh Capet, King of France, to Frederick Count De Metz, 171  XX. 
Gustavus Adolphus, King of Swedeland, to Oxerstern his Lord Chancellor. 179    

A TABLE Of the several Subjects and Debates in this VOLUME.  
I 
WHether the Emperor did judiciously in a Voluntary surrender of the Empire?  II 
Whether a Prince aught to speak high and boldly to an Army and Subjects newly reconciled?  III 
Whether it be lawful to be perfidious by a false and fraudulent Example?  IV. 
Whether it be lawful to pry into, and censure the actions of Sovereign Princes?  V 
Whether all ways of Agrandising a man's self be lawful and commendable?  VI 
Whether it be expedient to force an Enemy to despair?  VII. 
Whether, health aught to be preferred above a Crown?  VIII. 
Whether the Public aught to be preferred above the private interest?  IX. 
Whether those who are in the Prince's suspicion, aught to be removed and distanced?  X. 
Whether it be consistent with Sovereignty to be divided and communicable.  XI. 
Whether Princes aught to remember and revenge injuries and affronts offered them before they ascended the Royal Throne?  XII. 
Whether it were better to embrace a Crown in the right of Conquest, or as lawful heir, or in the right of marriage of the Princess an Heretrix to the Crown?  XIII. 
Whether faith aught to be kept inviolably by Princes?  FOURTEEN. 
Whether a Prince may break his faith with another Prince who hath first violated his?  XU. 
Whether an elected King aught to acquit and leave those Subjects, who have made choice of him, and embrace another Crown more considerable?  XVI. 
Whether all Princelike actions aught not to be sacrificed, and to aim at true Glory and Renown?  XVII. 
Whether it be permitted to created himself a King?  XVIII. 
Whether it be not true Policy to humble the high and insolent, and to remit and pardon the submiss and prostrated Subjects?  XIX. 
Whether it be good for a Prince to have a chief Minister of State superintendent to all others?  XX. 
Whether Conquerors aught to expose themselves to the common and ordinary perils of War?    

Curia Politiae.  
IF the hearts of all men in general (as the Scriptures testify) are so unsearchable that none but God can found them out, or penetrate and discover the secrets thereof. Certainly the hearts of Princes are so profound Abysses, as all the subtlety of the People cannot sound or fathom: The hearts of Kings are in the hands of God. It is Gods own assurance, and he alone is able to discern and know them. As King's reign by him alone, so he alone knows by what Maxims he will have them rule. The distance is so far betwixt us and the Prima Mobilia, that their motions are indiscernible to us; they train and lead us on after them, but we neither know how nor why we follow them: And as they are infinitely above us, so if our curiosity should soar aloft to discover the ways and ends of their Revolutions, the most elevated spirits would found themselves infinitely low and short in their capacities.  
If God (as he names himself) be an invisible God, Princes who are the living Images of God, are in that attribute like unto him. The Israelites sometimes said, We have seen the living God, we shall dye and not live. It is little lesle dangerous to peep and pry into the secrets of Princes. If God be a consuming fire, and is concealed in the fiery flaming bush, the Majesty of Sovereigns hath a near resemblance to this inaccessible light, which never suffers itself entirely visible no more than God himself. And if the splendour of the Celestial Majesty commanded the Cherubims to cover their faces with their wings: the glory of terrestrial Sovereignty is so illustrious and bright, that it not only transcendeth, but diminisheth all inferior lights and luminations. The strongest sighted Eagles are too weak to dare to look steadfastly on these glorious Suns. These mortal Deities may than say (but in all humble reverence to the great King of Heaven,) I am what I am, without a farther discovery of themselves, and their Royal pleasure. And the derrogation is lesle, or none at all; seeing the holy Scriptures have admitted Kings to be styled Gods on Earth. The Fable of Prometheus teacheth little lesle, but that it is highly dangerous to desire to know the depth of Prince's thoughts, and so to have a will to resemble those most sublime People. Give me what you please, (said a sage Courtier to his Lord and Master) seeing you give me not leave to have a share in your secrets. Notwithstanding the great danger of tasting the forbidden fruit, there is a natural Curiosity in all men to know Good and Evil; which hath derived itself from the first man to all posterity. As for the concealments of secrets, they inflame the mind to a greater ardour of knowing them: And it is received as a common Maxim, In great enterprises, it is noble enough to dare to wish them. And the more Princes endeavour to conceal their thoughts, the more the people labour to divine them.  
Physic is not the sole Art, which may be termed, The Art or Mystery of Conjectures: Vulgar Policy hath no other Foundations, and worketh by no other Principles. Tiberius' thought fit to conceal himself amongst the Rocks of the Isle of Caprea, and to envelop his true resentment of affairs, under the veil of ambiguous terms: and out of these equivocal notions, Rome toiled to explicate his most enigmatical obscurities, and mysterious Oracles. When the Thunderbolt fell on Sejanus head, the most ignorant of all the people took the vanity to brag and boast, that they foresaw the tempest long before that accident arrived. And that Tiberius had not so much as a thought in his solitude, which they had not formerly divined in the Capitol, or foreseen at the foot of Mount Aventine: so true it is, that every one hath a strong opinion of his worth and great abilities, and boldly presumes to censure rashly the intentions of Princes. In conclusion, it may be said to this purpose, that a Kingdom hath as many Ministers of State, as men; and that all are assistants to the highest Counsels, and impart their opinions to the deliberations of Peace and War; and that the great Engine of Government hath not results so secret, but what are absolutely discovered; This is the infirmity and disease of all Countries and Ages; but if it was ever Epidemical and spreading over the earth, if ever Curiosity did exercise the Parts and Policy of the most refined Wits, or the lesle ingenuous, and provoked the whole world to admire and talk. It was doubtless than, when the Emperor Charles the Fifth voluntarily surrendered his Empire to his brother, and his Kingdom into the hands of his son.  
All men were amazed to see a soul so ambitious of true Renown, freely to renounce Glory and Granduer, to pass from a Throne to an Hermitage, and from the high quality of a puissant Sovereign, to the low Fortune of a Private Person. And as they stood at gaze, so each one desired to search into the intentions of this Prince, and to guests at those reasons which transported him to an Action so extraordinary. Now as sometimes the grave Sages please to intermix themselves with the common people, and in their condescensions permit themselves to be trod on in a crowd; let us presume to make our conjectures of him, who lives not in our Age, and whose action is above the reach of our knowledge. And let us observe this most Illustrious Prince (now in his solitude) speaking to the Queens his Royal Sisters, who were his companions in his voyage, when he passed out of Flanders into Spain, after this grand Action.  

 portrait of Charles V 
PROGENIES DIWM QVINTUS SIC CAROLVS ILLE IMPERII CAESAR LUMINA ET ORA TULIT AETAT. SVAE XXXI. ANN. M.D. XXXI.  
Imperium oceano: famam qui terminat astris.  Lombart Sculpt. londre.  
THE DISCOVERSE OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES THE FIFTH, TO THE QUEEN'S HIS DEAR SISTERS.  
I Doubt not but that at this instant the whole world is ready to Descant on that stupendious action I have undertaken; and that the greatest contemplators employ (at present) their deepest Policy, Morality, and Reason to divine and search out the causes of my resolutions. This action is of such an admirable and extraordinary nature, as may tender astonishment to the curiosity of the most profound and most capable understandings; In the undertaking whereof, and although I live in an Age wherein I have these more illustrious & great Personages to bear witness with me; Philip King of England; Maximilian King of Bohemia, Elinor Queen of France and Portugal, Mary Queen of Hungary, Emanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy, Christiana Daughter to the King of Denmark and Duchess of Lorraine: All the Knights of the Order of the golden Fleece, all the Grandees of Spain; all People of Eminent condition in Flanders, and an infinite number of other people; yet I may say, and my reason tells me, that I may well doubt, whether posterity can be persuaded to believe, what I have undertaken to effect. All Ages furnish us with too many examples of Usurpers of Empires and Crowns; and of Princes who have left their Sceptres: but in the universal history of times, it is most rare to hear of any, who voluntarily quitted Sovereignty without constraint: I shall only except the Emperor Dioclesian; and (perhaps) I shall have none to imitate me. The world sees that I have transferred to my Son, all the Kingdoms, Provinces, and Isles, of which I was Sovereign, both in the new, and old World, that I have dispatched the Prince of Aurange to my Brother Ferdinando King of the Romans, to present him with the Sceptre and Crown Imperial; I have (already) been observed to withdraw from a Royal Palace, and to have retired to a private house at Brussels, and thence to have descended to an humble Hermitage: But (it is possible) that thousands can never judge rightly, nor search directly into the motives of so great a change; If I had lost many famous Battles, If the Turks and Barbares had invaded the Provinces of the Empire; or had they all disloyally revolted, than might men have said or censured, that I had discreetly quitted, what I had not been able longer to protect and guard; and that I had done well to abandon voluntarily, that which might have been violently forced from me. But the whole earth knows, That since my age of sixteen years, (when first I bore a Sceptre) to the age of fifty six years (when at last I surrendered them all) my life and all my Adventures, were nothing else, but a Concatenation of victories and Triumphs, and a glorious continuation of most renowned successes; I have enjoyed forty years the Royalties & Kingdoms of my Father; which I have now conferred on my Son, and thirty six years the Majesty of the Empire, which I have surrendered to my Brother with such success and glory, that I dare say (without vanity) amongst the greatest Caesars, of all my predecessors, Charles the great only bears comparison with Charles the fifth. In effect, what Prince can be preferred before Charles, since Charles was preferred before Francis? This high Soul (whom glory inflamed to become my mortal Enemy; and whom the Renown of my victories so often amazed, aspired to the Empire as well as I; and left nothing unattempted that might make his way less difficult; he moved by all secret engines to gain intelligence, & make his party in Germany, he alarmed the towns along the River of Rhine, with the great numbers of his Forses and Armies, the more to terrify and dispirit the Prince's Electors; notwithstanding the Genius of Augustus was more prevalent than that of Anthony, although that of Anthony was more subtle than those of other Men, yet (maugre all despite of this illustrious Rival) I obtained the Empire to which he pretended, and gained the Throne with more honour, (as all Europe knows) than my competitor: This was not the sole advantage which fortune crowned me with in degrees above my mortal enemies; But on the contrary, she seemed willing that I should be borne in such an Age, that should chief serve for my renown; And the Triumphs of Charles, had not received their complete ornament, if this illustrious conquest had not attended his Royal Chariott. I know not (my dear sister) if it may not prove an error in my judgement, or a blemish to my wisdom to remember you (at this reencounter) of the imprisonment of your husband; first, because that he is not now alive, and than because he was my prisoner: yet the relation is a sweet temptation to a soul so ambitious of true glory, as that of mine; and to silence it, is not an ordinary difficulty. And now (to discourse the passages as they fall) to take Prisoner a King with his sword in his hand, in the midst of the field, the battle being all inveloped in blood and fire, the forces routed, and environed, the Colours torn, the Squadrons flying, and the main body in confusion; some dying, and others slain outright; such a King (I say) though entirely vanquished, is no less glorious than his conqueror. Permit me than (sweet Sister) to call to my memory that Battle of Pavia, as one of the most eminent Actions of all my Reign, and if you sadly call to mind that this Prince (whom Italy and Spain saw my Prisoner) was your husband; yet forget not (if you please) that I am also your Brother; But now to pass from Foreign to Domestic affairs, from Wars abroad to civil Dissensions, and so from Spain to Flanders; what honour did I not gain; when I did chastise the Revolted City of Gaunt, this Rebellion was so great, that the consequence might have been terrible, and yet to see this fire extinguished, before the flame grew higher, I was forced to have confidence in an Ancient Enemy newly reconciled; and enter into a Province of a Prince, whom I remitted out of Prison, and to take assurance from one whom I had forced to pay a Ransom: In a word, I was constrained to adventure the hazard of losing all, that by my bold endeavours I might preserve Flanders; no Policy (more suspicious than mine) could well overcome such scruples in this conjuncture when (during the time after deliberation) the Rebels found out ways to foment new Revolts, and to corroborated their unjust usurpation. As for me, I used all ways, and means; and as soon as my reason discovered, that I could not suffer the contempt of that Rebellious Town without great disgrace, and much dishonour, I commended Caesar and his Fortune to the mercy of the Wind and Waves; I slighted that which others thought I had cause to fear; I marched throughout all France Heroickly, and at last chastised this Popular City; and reduced her to her Devoirs. Truly Francis used generosity well beseeming him; (But I think I may say in this occasion) my courage well beseemed me. Now to return from Flanders into Spain, if we look toward Font-Arabia, what new Trophies hath not she discovered. This Siege cost me no more days, than many believed it would have expended years. And it fell out there, what Caesar once said (veni vidi vice) But (my most dear Sister) that which I relate to you alone, my wisdom obliges me to deny to all Europe: Your discretion hath merited this Confidence, and he who hath trusted you with his life, shall never fear to trust you with any secret. We tell you than that the gaining of Rome addeth a marvellous lustre to our renown, which others would endeavour to obscure. It is at her Capitol where Caesar's and the Emperors aught to Triumph, and it is just to make this imperious City (the Mistress of the World) to stoop to the power and puissance of her chief Lords and Masters But if virtue be scrupulous (in this conjunction) and that any thing seem too much to struggle with, or disturb her victorious magnificence; let us leave Rome, and turn our eyes towards Boloyn, which saw us receive the Imperial Crown from the Sovereign Bishop; and yet, if she can expect a further sacrifice to pacify and appease; and so to 'cause her utterly to forget the sacking of Rome; she may (if she please) follow us into Austria, where she shall see we have proved the Buckler of Christendom in repulsing the forces of invincible Solyman; who was the greatest Emperor of the Turks; she shall see us make head against our greatest Enemy, and to dam up that dangerous Torrent, which threatened the Ruin of all Germany, & (Possibly) of all Europe; but if the Lady Vertupl ease to march with me out of Europe into Africa, she may look on me there Grappling with the same Enemies; That is, the Mahometans, the greatest Foes to Christianity. Who hath not heard of the taking and sacking of Gouletta? and what Climate is so remote from the Coast of Barbary, as hath not talked of this grand Action; seeing that almost all Christians were spectators on the effects of this War; where I alone caused the Roman Eagle to fly in Triumph, in those places where she never appeared since the defeat of Hannibal, and the victory of Scipio? Who hath not understood of the flight of Cairadden Barbarossa, that famous, and formidable Pirate, who so enriched that abominable Town of Algiers, and made so many Slaves? he was the terror of all our Coasts, and kept all our Naval Force in subjection: he styled one of his Ships the Dragon of the sea; notwithstanding this Dragon flew before the Eagle: And if the Pirate lost not his Navy, his Life, nor his Liberty, yet he lost his Honour, which he aught to have prized above them all. This famous Thief fled from his mighty Wealth, and we had the honour to pursue him flying, who was the Tyrant of the Sea. Who hath not heard of the fame of the taking of Tunis, the most important, and capital City of that whole Kingdom? Have we not cause to hope (as the effect of so great Achievements) that Fez, and Morocco, shall have the same destiny? That Algiers itself shall fall within our power? And that all Assrick shall yield entirely to the fortune of our Victories? Yes (my dear Sisters) we have cause to hope, and the success had been infallible, according to expectation, if the Affairs of Europe had not stopped our progress in Barbary, and that we had not been constrained to return speedily to Sea. It is true, I changed the climate, and encountered with a new sort of Enemies, but lost not the lest point of good fortune; Victory followed me from Africa to Germany; and the Duke of Cleve found that I become speedily a Terrible Enemy; I defied him and all his Troops, took him and all his Towns: And if my Clemency had not equalised my Valour, I had buried him under the Ruins of his own Territories. Than the Error of Luther had infected Germany, and I could not less than with Fire and Faggot oppose the birth of that dangerous Monster. How many Towns did fortify themselves against our victorious Armies, which saw their own Walls thrown down, and demolished by the successful strength of our puissant Forces: Ulmes yielded first, Auspurgh followed quickly after; Halle was willing to imitate the one & the other; and above thirty Towns more submitted likewise: at last Strasbourg, with her famous Clock (of which all Europe talketh) remembers the hour of her surprise, and that of my Triumph. What shall I tell you of the Duke of Saxony, the dangerous head of that party, that violent Defender of the Impostures of Luther, who set all Germany in Arms, and all the Countries of the Empire in confusion? Did it not turn to his dishonour, and my glory, that God conducted Caesar and his fortune? Having so good, so great a Pilot, his Ship could not perish? Did not all Europe see the very foundation of this Heresy imprisoned within my power? and hath not that Prison clearly seen, that the Cause which I defended was that of Heaven, and that a Robbing of me, was a Robbing of God? and seeing that God will be for us, we may demand, Quis erit contra nos? Who dare be against us? Thus (my dear Sisters) I have had this particular fortune, that almost always those who dared to attaque my Person, or Forces, have not only lost the hopes of Conquering me, but even themselves, their Forces, their Armies, their Estates, and their Liberties. It is now that this very thought calls to memory the imprisonment of Francis le Grand, and his imprisonment, the great advantages which I obtained with those good successes which attended: I shall conclude with a Narration of my Successes, as the chiefest Honour to my greatest actions. Hedin did offer Sacrifice to my memory, and desired permission to be inserted in the Schedule of my Triumphs. Teroune being taken appears no little ornament; and many other Towns, which I subdued in France, humbly craved the same favours. But (most dear Ladies) I shall yet in this discourse mount higher than I have before. Than know that I caused Paris to tremble, whi●h alone ●s able to shake a Kingdom; Paris that vast and superbe City, which could (as ancient Rome) levy Armies in an instant; Paris (I say) which the whole Earth considers now, as the Abridgement of the World, and as the wonder of the Universe. After this (dear Ladies) I shall not dare to speak any thing, of what I have done in Europe and in Africa; But, (as a device and a well drawn intention presented to me) which fancied me to pass beyond Herculeses Pillars. Remember yet (if you please) that it was under my auspicious conduct and Authority that Perew was first discovered. This inexhaustible source of Gold and treasure, and this new World, the old World never knew; and of this mavellous mass of Richeses, my successors may more truly glory, than ever Pompey did, and raise Troops of Armed Men, stamping their feet upon the Earth as often as they please. Yes (my dear Ladies) it is this that will 'cause the Renown of Spline to be illustrious to all posterity, and tender her formidable to all the Earth. And to present you with an Epitome of my life since my age of seaventeen years, I have made nine voyages into Germany, six into Spain, seven into Italy, four into France, ten into the Low-countrieses, two into England, two into Africa, besides eleven times traversing the Main Ocean. What shall I say any more, I have made Wars, Truces, Peace and Alliances, equally honourable, And (except the Enterprise of Algiers, and the Siege of Marcelles) you shall find that my Reign was a continued prosperity; and that that ancient Captain, which the Greeks' styled the Towntaker, gained not so many as I But (perhaps you will say unto me) since all these affairs succeed so favourably, and that you appeared like a Star situated in the Heavens, attended with fortunate aspects, thereby enabled to Regulate your own destinies, wherefore will you abandon the Helm of that great vessel which you have so prosperously governed, transferring those great affairs to a young Pilot; who hath not so large experience as you? his high endeavours may be as great, or more, yet, 'tis possible, not so successful. OH (most honoured Sisters) it is the desire of immortal Glory that caused me to quit this transient splendour; and to live eternally in the memory of men, that I cease to Reign. It is true, that (to this instant) fortune hath been ever propitious to me, that she hath followed my Standard that she never was unconstant unto my party; Nay her favours surpassed my expectations, and seconded all my Ambitions: But I know well this is not always her nature, and I am equally persuaded that I aught not to be too confident; for having placed me upon the very highest step of glory (to which degree no man ascended before me) she hath withal elevated me so high; that on the view of the circumference where I stand, I am environed with precipices which are able to amaze the greatest courage. Though I walk securely, (accustomed to behold those dangers without fear;) yet one false step may 'cause all the glory of my renown to be dashed in pieces, and hazard all the travails of my whole life to be lost in an unfortunate moment. Yes (my dear Sisters) as I know the inconstancy of Fortune, so I understand the injustice and malice of men, and how they look on Conquerors: They would not that they should be sometime successful, but constantly and always; it is not by precedent noble actions, but by the last events that they censure and judge of the Grandeur of all former Erterprises; and when fortune forsakes them, renown takes leave with her, and reputation dies and follows not farther; some will say that mere chance gave them their advantages, and that their own imprudence destroyed all: and truly if Alexander himself, after he had gained the Battle of Granique, had lost that of Arbella, he had returned without honour into Macedonia, Although (effectively) he had been neither less wise nor valiant. Why should not I than fix a nail in the wheel of this inconstant Chariot; to stop her instability? and why should the World think it no danger to expose to loss such high renown obtained with so much industry? were it not better that I should quit the Company of this mutable Lady, than that she should (coily) forsake me? And that I should rather descend voluntarily from the Throne, than to expose myself to the hazard of a precipitious fall? A man aught not to flatter and deceive himself in an affair so important as this, my Throne is not more secure than that of Bajazet, and as for Tamburlaine, was not Barbary alone capable to confounded him and all his Power? There are fewer Crowns and Sceptres entire (in all the Earth) than those which lie bruised and broken under the feet of Fortune. This grand & sadobject may teach all Princes (who strike their Subjects with fear) to be daunted and tremble themselves. It is than with the strength of reason, and a consideration so high, that I arrive safely on shore, having hitherto sailed so fortunately, and so much the sooner; because I can be no greater than I am (or could) reasonably desire more; should I than vainly expose myself to Storms, Rocks, Sands, and Shipwreck itself? Besides, as Kings have not the immortality of the Gods (if a Christian may be admitted to use this Phrase) so they have not their Power: But (on the contrary) are subject to the most feeble casualties and all infirmities of other men. I am remembered by my diseases, which daily increase upon me, to take order for my Supreme and last affairs, for fear of being prevented, and to remit the Sceptre of Government (which I cannot longer well support) to the shoulders of a Prince more young and vigorous than I, and consequently, more capable to bear up so great a weight with all the Royal dignity of the Empire. The Soul and body (my dear Sisters) are so chained together, that the weakness of the one must needs communicate infirmity to the other, and than, when the constitution of the one is altered (it is very possible) that the operation of the other must admit a change: Judge than, after so many People, and so many Princes have listened to my voice, as to an Oracle; and followed my opinion as decrees of Heaven (if I had done well to have exposed my infirmities to the eyes of all the World?) Not, the pangs of the Gout are so sharp and picquant, that they force my Patience to sighs and Groans; It must needs be than greater wisdom that those cries shall Echo not where but in the desert, and where no person shall overhear them. Would Men, that I should do like Tiberius, who to preserve the shadow of his former Power, was obliged to disguise his misery in an Island, where he was confined by dispatching daily Warrants to Rome for the death of some Citizen, for no other end but that Rome might know Tiberius was still living? Not, this Barbarous proceeding becomes not a Christian, a Prince, nor a Man, and I hate to practise it. For that time that I have had my health, I conceive I have governed my Subjects in such a fashion, that none (except my Enemies) can be displeased that I either lived, or reigned. But seeing my strength fails me, I shall not farther prefer mine ambition above the safety of my Subjects. Other Princes leave their Crowns to their Children only at that instant when they die, that is, when they are not fit to wear the Diadem any longer. But as for me, I was never willing that Death should make this present to my Son; but rather, that he should receive, and hold this Blessing from me; and as I was a means to make him live, so (before I died) I would be a means to make him Reign, and thereby oblige him to me more entirely. Moreover (not to conceal any of my thoughts) I know well that most people of the Earth imitate the Injustice of the ancient people of Libya, who adored the Rising Sun, but regard not the Sunsetting. Yes (Royal Ladies) the flourishing age of Philip withdraws the Subject's hearts from the grey hairs of Charles; they would regard the latter years of my Reign as an unseasonable cloud which interposed the bright beams of this new star, and attend with impatience a thing which (rationally) they aught to fear; and if the more moderate party be pleased with their attendance; yet others indiscreet, are inflamed with their new desires; and will not spare to make unjust vows, to hasten a birth to their expectations. The humours of men, who ●●eat in an eternal change, and devil in a continued instability, never satisfied with the present condition of affairs, fancy new felicities in their imaginations of things to come. It may be said of the People, as of those who are sick, who think they shall receive a Refreshment by change of the Situation, or place where they lie; and, how good soe'er a Prince is, we may easily discern fewer sighs and groans at his Funerals, than cries, or acclamations of joy at the Coronation of his Successor. Than they fancy to themselves the Golden Age, and the innocency of former days, when their new Master gins to Reign; and six Months after (perhaps) regrett the death of the former Prince, repined, and murmur at him that is alive: David, who was according to Gods own heart, yet was not so in the eyes of Shim●i and Absalon: And who knows (in imitation of the latter) if the Malady of Rebellious spirits shall not prove contageous in the evil Counsels of Sycophants, and that Flatterers may not infect the Soul of Philip? He is well born, but young; he is my Son, but a Prince; and as I am not wiser than David, so (it is possible) he may prove not more obedient than Absalon. I know that men have observed his sad complaint in England of the condition of his Fortune, and I am not ignorant of what his Confederates have counselled to exasperated him, in regard the English would not entitle him their King, but the Husband of their Queen. (Madams) would men that I should hear that this young Lion had broken his Chains, and that his fury had enraged him to trouble the course of my prosperities? Have I not encountered enough with Foreign Wars, but that I must be embroiled in a Civil? And would they that I should commit myself to a condition more hateful than death? to be at dissension with my own Son, whom I love more than mine own life? Should I expose myself to the danger of a War, where the victory and the defeat would prove equally funeste, and direful to me? Where if I were conquered I must be vanquished by a Parricide? Or if I should prove the Conqueror, should be constrained to sacrifice mine own Son as an Oblation to the Empire? And so blot out the high crime of Treason with blood flowing from mine own veins? Not, not, Herod, and Charles follow not the same Maxims, if Herod caused his children to die, I love rather to 'cause mine to Reign: And as the innocency of Philip is like to that of those young Princes, I have been willing to provide that he should not be able to loose it. To this end, that I might preserve myself from imitating that unfortunate Politician, I believe that few Princes will copy out my example, as I have had much difficulty to found out any to imitate of former Ages. However Posterity will commend my design, when they shall understand how much my Son hath merited; I having done a thing so extraordinary. And I wish, with all my heart, that Philip may have children so wise and hopeful, that he may do for them, as I am about to do for him, and that he may voluntarily surrender his Empire without any constraint at all.  
All these reasons (honoured Sisters) are (as seems to me) forcible enough to oblige me to act as I have done. Yet (if without ostentation and vanity I shall discover the secret of my soul) I vow to you I am in part stripped from the Empire by a deep sense of Piety, and Devotion to Religion: For why? the rest of my life past hath been mixed in the Tumults of Armies, and with managery of War, where he who is styled Dominus exercituum hath not been so adored as he aught. And I cannot but know that he (from whom all their puissance springs) will demand an exact account of their Administration: And that they who have judged Nations and People, shall (at last) be judged themselves. Yes (Sisters) as I know how the ambition of Francis, and mine have troubled all Europe, and interrupted the repose of all Christendom; I fear, that this ardent desire of Renown, which hath so animated us both, will not prove a cause and ground sufficient and lawful before the undoubted Tribunal of the Justice of GOD: Seeing than, that the wisdom of men is but foolishness before him, their vanity can be no other than criminal abomination. I tell you, I have a fearful sense of the blood of so many Soldiers slain, of the outcries of so many people ruined, and of the flames of so many Towns burned, jest they should mount to the Throne of Heaven, and there cry for vengeance against me. But if that be true (which we must not doubt, since Truth itself speaks it) that the Righteous fall seven times a day, how often offendeth he who is not just at all? This reflection (my dear Sisters) hath caused me to look on Sceptres, Crowns, Kingdoms, and Empires, as common obstacles of my Salvavation; and made me resolve to loose them, to found out means to save my Soul. An old Captain of mine one day entreating my Pass, and Congè, told me that one aught to have some space and time betwixt the affairs of this life, and the day of death. This piercing word struck so deeply within my Soul, that it can never be blotted out: And since that fortunate hour, wherein that sage Captain admonished me, even to this instant, I have imitated his prudence; nor hath that pious Memento slipped out of my memory. Not (virtuous Ladies) it was not in a rude Tumult that I concluded this Grand action; I examined it a hundred times before I undertook it; and after that, I submitted my own blindness to the inspirations of Heaven. Yet if besides this so just cause of my Retreat, I may be permitted to add another reason, which shall be the last end of my discourse: I vow freely, that the death of Francis the first, seemed to say to Charles the fifth, that it was high time for him to cease to live, or at lest, longer to Reign; in effect it were not just that this great person should enjoy repose in his Tomb, and that I should continued still in trouble: Seeing that our travelis are alike, it is fit (in some respect) that our recompense should be proportionable; and as some illustrious People buried him when he was dead, I am content (in some sort) to bury myself alive. All the Earth cannot now afford an Enemy worthy of Charles, after the death of Francis, and the youth of Henry hath not the proportion of years to that age, to which I am reduced, he aught first to have made three hundred Sieges, and gained more than twenty Battles, before he be fit to enter the Lists equally with me: It were not just to expose lightly the Glory of an old Captain to the fortune of a young Soldier; I have too much to loose, and I see too little to gain, to prevent me from a game so hazardous, and I should not have less Testimony of imprudence than of courage. If I should longer be pertinaciously confident, the Siege of Metz hath cleared mine eyes, and makes me see perspicuously that fortune, like Ladies, loves to court beautiful youth. Let not than men think it strange, if I retire myself from her service, and commend my Son to her favour. In a word, Charles opposed Francis as long as he lived, and I leave Philip to grapple with Henry as long as he Reigns. It shall suffice for my renown, that I leave of to Reign than, when I have most absolute power, and hence all the World shall be in an amaze; shall dispute and doubt, which Act shall be more glorious, either to have Reigned so sovereignly, or acquitted the Empire so freely. Seeing therefore that the Empires of the chiefest Caesars were not more glorious than that of mine, it is fit that having excelled all others, I should at last conquer myself, quitting my Ambition with my Crowns, and Sceptres, and so with this new kind of Victory obtain an unheard-of glory, which all posterity shall not equalise, but with much difficulty. Let us go on than (most incomparable Ladies) let us go on to honour the Trees of my desert, and store my Wilderness of retirement, with the Monuments and glorious Trophies of so many Nations; and we will make the whole Earth confess, that he that had power to quit so many Crowns and Sceptres, was not unworthy to wear them.  

The Censure.  
CErtainly it is not less difficult to quit Crowns and Sceptres, than to gain and Conquer them: and those who say it is lawful to violate the Laws to gain a Sovereign Crown, had no regard of giving approbation to that Act which the Emperor Charles the fifth effected in this unparalleled example and Resolution. That wicked woman who caused her Chariot to wheel over the body of her own Father, to make her way more easy to his Throne, never thought of a voluntary resignation of a Crown as Charles did. An effect so stupendeous and extraordinary, that it surprises all the World: Many will give no credit to it, some admire it, others (without judgement) slight the Action as not worthy imitation; some attribute this Act to the Grandeur of his courage, others (if I durst say it) to his pusillanimity, His own Son (and so Strada doth assure us) could not abstain from a gallant and ingenious Raillery, for when one told him he had the hap of a good year when the Emperor his father surrendered his Crown, he replied that his Father might have another when to repent it. This sentence was a certain prognostic of the humour of Philip the second. And these different discourses of the Father and Son, makes it evident to the World that Philip would not appear of the temper of Charles; And that it should never be said of him, that antiquity related of a Noble Graecian, that, Tydides' was better than his Father. This subtle and cunning Politician resolved not to be so kind to Philip the third as his Father had been to him; who through the infirmities of age, and the Gout, and the thoughts of death, conceived himself obliged to surrender a Sceptre he bade born so long. Our Lewis the eleventh, likeed not a Maxim and resolution of this Nature; who, as long as he could retain his soul within his body, held fast all the marks of Royalty with Sovereign Power. It is true that he commended them (at the last moment of his death) to his Son, but he sent them in such a fashion, as a man may easily believe the Act was rather to taste his inclination, than to oblige his Son, and rather to discover the Daulphins' resentment, than to express his own paternal tenderness. A man may say that this Prince seemed to have a long time to live, because he desired to prolong his Reign, he used all endeavours to 'cause his miseries to dye, that men might know that he was yet alive, he fortified the Castles of Plessis, and Tours rather against death than any other Enemy; he experienced the choicest and rarest remedies to renew Old Age, and cure his Consumption: And if his Christianity had not sweetened the Asperity of Policy, it may be well believed, that he would have ordained when he was a dying, what once a great Politician appointed, that he would have showers of tears run plentifully at his Funerals, thereby (if it were possible) to 'cause the living to resent his power when he was in the grave. And now, considering all the precedent Affairs, I may be justly permitted to honour, and commend a Spaniard (if a Prince born in Flanders may bear that name) and dare venture to say, the action of the Emperor CHARLES the fifth, was Grand, Glorious, truly Noble, and Heroic: For he freely parted with that which the loss and ruin of ten bloody Battles could not force him to. He understood (at last) the vanities of those Grandeures which he had so much courted; and deprived Fortune of all power of robbing him of any thing, and as his Motto was, Plus ultra, so he concluded he had something to endeavour beyond his Empire, and earthy Kingdoms to look after: This great soul found out (at last) that the whole Earth was but as a point, or prick in comparison of Heaven: Without doubt the blessed Spirit which guides the hearts of Kings (and so a great King tells us) infused this generous Resolution. And though this Action have no example but that of Dioclesian (whom the Primitive Christians permitted not to be ranged amongst good Princes, yet we may confess and avow, it was a sublime, and high Act, worthy of greatest admiration, and most worthy of those happy times, when men said, Philosophi sunt Reges, & Reges Philosophantur. To conclude, it is not less rare to see a King become an humble Hermit, than to see a poor Gardiner advanced to be a King, as Abdolominus was, whom Alexander commanded to be crowned. Now as it is rare and admirable to see one surrender, and quit a Crown, as CHARLES the fifth, so it is no less to be admired to see one assume, and take it up, as one of our Kings did, who was LEWIS the fourth. His Father was dead in prison, his Subjects in rebellion, and (at the same time) he an Exile in England, but the success of time changed the fate of all affairs, and struck a deep sense into the Rebels thoughts, so that they (who so evil entreated ●he Father) called home the Son to elevate him to the Royal Throne. Behold here that gallant young Prince at the sea side, and in the view of those vessels wherein he sailed from Dover to Calais thus congratulating his subjects, before he accepted the present of his Sceptre.    

 portrait of King Louis IV 
Lewis the 4th. King of France.   
LEWIS THE FOURTH To his Revolted Subjects.  
BEfore I shall receive your Oath of Fidelity, which I may justly demand, and you aught dutifully to take, I shall let you know, you have recalled (this day) a Prince (who during his Exile) had nothing else to do, but to study how to Rule and Reign; and hereby I shall enforce you to believe that you shall not be able to make a Royal Throne a passage into my Father's Prison: And after you have presented me with a Crown, to dare to wish me so much ill, as once to think of Chains and Irons. I know well, that this discourse will surprise you, and that you did not believe when you presented me with a Sceptre, that I should not rather have received it with Thanks, than Reprehensions; but this act is extraordinary in its commencement, in its progress, and in its conclusion; and it is just that all circumstances should be proportionable. Let it than suffice you only to know, that if I be ignorant to what point Subjects are to pay their obeisance, yet I am not ignorant to what degree Sovereigns may extend their clemency: Notwithstanding there is this difference betwixt them, that the Subjects have no limits for the first, but Sovereigns have for the latter. The People are obliged to the Prince's wills, both by their Bir●h, and their Laws. They own them their goods, their lives, and their liberties; and their Princes own them nothing but Justice, which can hardly pardon Traitors. If these Truths, and Maxims had been equally understood, and followed by the late King my Sovereign, and you his People, affairs had not been in that sad condition as they now are. The State had not been reduced to such confusion; the Provinces had not been Cantonized; Germany had not been so full of Factions; Italy had not been so divided; all the Cities of the kingdom had not had so many Kings as they now have Governors; you had not been guilty of the crime of Treason, in elevating an Usurper to the Throne, the King my Father might still have Reigned, or (at lest) I might have received the Crown from his hands, and not from yours; his Tomb might have been bedewed with my tears, his Sceptre had not been profaned, his Hearse might have been covered with Trophies, and not with Chains. And (to speak all in a few words) you might have been happy and innocent. But as his Clemency, and your Rebellion were the sole causers of all these evils, so your Obedience, and my Justice, are the only means to make reparation. Consider a little (I pray you) (that you fall not back in the same estate wherein you were) in what Relation you now stand; and in what condition I am. First, you have violated all sorts of Rights in the person of your King, you have raised a War against him, you have assaulted him, and afterwards poisoned him; you have abused the confidence he had in you, you have detained him prisoner with as great Treason as Injustice, with as great insolency as cruelty: an injury which was never offered (hardly) to the person of an ordinary Herald. Thus you have violated, and impudently abused your King; you have detained him prisoner during a Treaty of Peace, for five years together led him from prison to prison; you have forced him not only to set by his Militia, and to depose his Crown; but you have constrained him with violence to transfer it into other hands than mine. To conclude; you put him to death, and you have reduced myself to a strict necessity, to search my safety in my flight, and to go and show my misery beyond the Seas. Yet this is not all, you have done one thing which never any did before; it hath been seen sometimes that the Grandees of a Kingdom have interposed themselves against a Tyranny, and have destroyed it; but 'twas never seen that they themselves elevated a Tyrant to the Throne as you have done: In these kind of crimes the Abettors may be said to be more criminal than he who hath received all the fruit: For if each one of you in particular had aspired to set the Crown upon his own head, you might have been more excusable, than to have snatched it from your lawful Prince to place it on the head of an Usurper. But you'll say to me, the Prince that bore it was not able to suppert it. To that I shall answer, As I have the honour to be his Son, and was his Subject, it belongeth not to me to determine what he could, or what he could not: seeing he was my Father, I aught not to presume to be his judge, and seeing he was my King, I aught not to be so impudent to censure, much less to condemn his actions; he being not obliged to tender an account to any, But God alone. Believe than, the same respect I have for his memory, you aught to have had for his person, he was your King as well as mine: seeing than that Kings ' are called the Fathers of the People; Their Subjects are obliged to have for them a true resentment of respect, which their very birth may infuse into them; Bsiedes as Sovereigns are the ●●ue Images of God, and that the splendour of their puissance is a beam and ray of his power; Subjects aught to have an equal submission to their Sovereign's wil When than you see a Comet appear, the Sun eclipsed, the Thunder bolt fall on innocent heads, when you see Floods drown whole Towns, by their inundation, and the Sea (passing his bounds, and swallowing whole Provinces in the bottom of the deep) devour them up; When you see an Earthquake make Kingdoms tremble, and 'cause horrid devastations of whole Countries; than (I say) it is permitted to the People to murmur? Do you not discern the contrary, how in these occurrences they redouble their vows & prayers, and that they are never more obedient to God, than at such a time, as if God had forsaken his providence of the Universe? and when it shall so hap, that Heaven (for the punishment of your sins) gives you a Prince under whose Reign policy and prudence are not well observed, during whose Government Forraign and Civil Wars devour all with cruel ravages; it belongeth not than to you to reprehend and condemn your Sovereign; for, is he feeble? than you aught to sustain him: is he unfortunate? you aught to bemoan him: is he wicked? you aught to look upon him as a scourge and chastisement sent from Heaven, and to wait with Patience for a remedy from that hand, which hath caused your evil. For when a Prince commands an Army, and giveth Battle; if it so hap that the Soldiers perform not their devoires and duty, that his squadrons yield, the main body be broken, and (in the end) after he hath done even miracles in his person, he be yet constrained to quit the field, and to retreat from his Enemies? ●s it not the Prince that loseth the Battle? Is it not the Prince that suffers the disgrace? Is it not the Prince that is reputed vanquished? And that bears the loss and infamy of the day? Notwithstanding, that by his own particular actions he hath merited to be conqueror? seeing it is thus, why will not you (in such conjunctions) bear with the infirmities, and misfortunes of your Princes, as well as they do with yours? Or (to speak something yet nearer to the quick) who do you not repair these disorders by your own more exact obedience? The Prince alone is obvious in a Battle to the infamy, Covardise and misfortnue of his whole Army, and you are thousands, who are obliged to strengthen the Authority and Honour of your King-which he cannot support with his single valour. Believe me, if all Subjects would be loyal, no Kingdom could be miserable: and if all Princes thought more of severity than of clemency, there would not be so many Subject's Rebels. Moreover if it were permitted to the Capricious people to take and give Crowns, when they fancied a change; I conceive there is not a Shepherd but might hope to be a King, and not a King but might be reduced to be a Shepherd; so unruly and uncertain are their floating Judgements. But (to speak the truth to you) these things aught not thus to pass: we are your Masters, and you aught not to become ours. It is not that I am ignorant that God disposeth of Sceptres and Crowns, as he pleaseth, and gives them as he listeth, and bestows them on, or takes them from whom he will, and what he always doth is without all injustice; sometimes permitting that the people shall elevate to the Throne, these who never pretended to such a high degree. But when such an accident happeneth, it is usually in favour to those extraordinary persons in whom Virtue hath impressed a Royal Chararacter so visible, that it were almost injustice not to admit them Kings. To conclude, that which precedes, and that which follows, aught to be sufficient to justify the effect, and it become Charles Martel, Pepin, and Charlemagne pvissantly to erect a Throne, which was not founded upon a line of right succession, yet even in this reencounter you well see the event to this present hath not authorised your design. The Engine of of this enterprise, hath been slain in battle; The Archbishop of Rheims preserved not his life, but three days after he had anointed the usurper. But it is not seasonable (to day) to exaggerate the injustice of your proceed; I am not willing to particularise other things, and I shall satisfy myself with telling you, in general, that Kings aught not to loose their Crowns, but with their lives, and that nothing can dispense Subjects from the respect, and loyalty, which they own to their Sovereigns, nor any pretence (Whatsoever) Authorise Treason and Rebellion. If sacred persons may notenjoy their particular privilege, (which is derived from none but God) they shallbe exposed, more than others, to all sorts of miseries; Their guards will appear to them instead of Enemies, their Thrones will rather seem a direful precipice than a place of honour, and safety; a King (of this kind) is no better than an illustrious slave, when he shall have as many Masters as Subjects. This first disorder will quickly 'cause a second, for, when the Nobles of a Kingdom fail in their duty to their Prince, their own Vassals, and Tenants will forfeit their feality to them, and than Rebellion communicated from the Grandees to the Commons, and so descending from one Soul to another, an universal confusion swells and devours all. Every one will command, and no person obey, and (in this resentment of Levelling equality) each person proves a slave to his own ambition, and no one, either rationally Command's himself or others. In effect, this is the most sad condition that a Kingdom can fall into, when there is no subjection, and where (for their punishment) the Prince hath not force to reduce the people to their obedience. For mine own part, when I consider myself to be the Son of a King, the successor of so many Kings, and yet, notwithstanding that I immediately succeed not my Father; This Idea imprints in me, a strange confusion as towards you, and an extreme grief as towards myself; for when I reflect how the same Subjects who inchained Charles in Fetters, and gave the Crown to Robert, placed Lewis on the Throne, the malice which they bore to the Father, may it not easily fall upon the Son? and may not they fear that the Son will revenge the outrages committed against the Father? but yet (may someone say,) those who have searched after you, and passed the Seas to present you with a Sceptre, they need not fear that the memory of their ancient injustice will oblige you to punish them; They have reason rather to believe, that this last submission should blot out the memory of the first disservice: It is certain, in the exact Rule of justice, no Noble Action aught to pass without his recompense: and it is really as true; That no Crime aught to escape without his punishment. After all these reasons, what aught you not to fear? and what not to hope? you have recalled me to the Throne, 'tis true, but if you had not, had you not been as Criminal against Lewis, as you had been against Charles? he who gives to another, that which he hath taken from him, restores without doubt that which he hath taken, but his restoration is not a free present, & he aught not to expect thanks for an Action of that nature. Not, it sufficeth if one punish not the first, without intending any recompense for the second. I may say also, that you understand not rightly all my present concernments; for why? because you have not left me still in exile, because you have rendered what justly appertained to me, Because you understood that I came to re-demand mine own, not with a powerful Army; and (being tired with your crimes and miseries) you believe you may probably disarm the fury of Heaven, by this Act of justice; Not, not, confided not in any of these pretences, for if I had not stronger considerations than these, I should commence my Reign with the punishment of your treasons, I should sand them to prison, who restrained the person of my Father, and expose them to the most cruel tortures, who contrived and caused his death, with the greatness of his misfortunes. Those black crimes are such which nothing can exterminate; Repentance and tears for common errors, where human frailty may pled excuse, and not for Traitors and Rebels, nor for those, who have destroyed ●hrones and Sceptres, inchained Kings, and created and protected Tyrants. Think not than, that by taking an Oath of fidelity (which i● your duty) that I am thereby engaged not to do what becomes a King. Not, I scorn a Throne where I should be a slave, and I had rather be obscured in Prison, as my Father was, than not to Reign as Sovereign. Those people with whom Loyalty is elective, forbear not to make their Kings absolute, because they could have no pretence of Justice to do otherwise: Judge than, if those who hold their Crowns from Heaven aught to acknowledge their subjects for their Masters, and whether they aught not rather to Punish, or Pardon, as best agreeth with their pleasure. In a word, I found it far more glorious to be a loyal Subject, than to be a King disobeyed. Prepare than yourselves to tender me all that obedience which you own me, and (without farther informing you whether you are to hope more for Clemency or Justice) resolve yourselves to an absolute submission. I know well some peevish Politicians will censure, that I act not as I aught in this conjuncture, and that I should reflect on former passages with some sweetness, and gratify you with Presents, to encourage you with future hopes, but I presume my Policy is more generous, and more secure than theirs; for if I had so persuaded you, perhaps you would have believed me to have been more fit to wear my Father's Irons than his Crown; and would have more suspected me of weakness and dissimulation; this excessive indulgence would give you more of fear, and me less of honour and estimation: I (being than so far from following such Maxims) tell you once more, that I declare myself to be your King. And (without farther capitulation with you) I ascend the Throne by the steps of mine own Authority as Sovereignly, as if not recalled by you at all. Hitherto I have let you know I am not ignorant how far the duty of Subjects aught to bend: But moreover I judge it fit to acquaint you to what degree Sovereign Clemency may extend itself; to this end, that by that resentment, you may reasonably know what to fear and what to hope. Know than, that although a Prince may justly punish Traitors, he may likewise pardon penitent offenders, principally than, when he discerns his pardon shall reclaim insolency to obedience, and fidelity: For, seeing Kings are the Fathers of the people, they aught not always to be too severe in Justice; and seeing that a Prince may afford grace and pardon to his enemies, he may without doubt show pity and mercy to his own Subjects: He cannot well punish them all, but must (in part) enfeeble himself; nor sluice out their blood without emptying his own veins; wherefore he aught to spare them as far as Reason and Justice can make the way passable. When than a particular accident grows up against a Prince, or State, it may suffice that the heads of some chief offenders be sacrificed to a reparation, and that by some severe examples others may be instructed with examplary terror. But seeing that the number of the offenders may prove infinite, and if all should be punished, a desolation of entire Provinces might succeed, and consequently more men be lost than 15 main Battles could devour, so that the piles of dead corpse should make mountains, and severe execution of revenge cause Rivers of blood: In such considerations (I say) it may be better to use a greater example of Clemency, than of Justice, and hazard something, rather than to loose the lives of so many miserable souls; and there cannot be a greater Victory than to vanquish ones own Passion in such dangerous conjunctures. Fear not than that I shall abuse my Authority, since if I should punish all who have offended, I should reduce my Kingdom to a forlorn Desert: For who is there among you that hath not failed of his duty? Some have done mischief, others have desired it, or at lest permitted it to be acted; some have assisted Robert, others have directly fought against their King; some have most perfidiously laid their hands upon their Anointed Lord, & committed a sacred person into Prison; and others have (at lest) forsaken him. The public good is the pretext of all things, but Rebellion alone is the Mother of that horrid Monster. The Nobles agitated (as they did) for their own interest, and the people by their madness, and unadvisedness, seconded their fury, and put in execution the intentions of the Parricides: Your Wives and your Children are not exempt from these crimes, seeing (without doubt) they made vows for their Parents offending, and prayers against their Prince. Whereas than I cannot punish you all, but that I must utterly exterterminate you; it resteth at my choice, whether I would become a King without Subjects, or to pardon you out of pure grace and bounty, and not by Obligation. It may be that during your lives you may repent you of your ancient crimes, and become as faithful as you have been disobedient. But (perhaps you will tell me) as to ourselves, we have repent formerly before we sent to you to come, and receive the Sceptre which belongs to you. 'Tis true, it may be as you have said, and that I have considered your Addresses to me were to make reparation of what formerly passed, and that with those hands you would advance to the Throne his Son whose Father you had barbarously removed. But (after all) whosoever can abandon the path of Virtue to make choice of that of Vice, can again embrace that occasion if presented. Wherhfore you own greater obligation to me than I can confidence to you; for had I not resolved to show Grace and Pardon, the great number of Nobles which the King of England, my Uncle, hath presented to me to attend my person, had not come without Soldiers; each one of these who encircle me have Troops at their command; and I would not have received my Father's Crown but in the head of a victorious Army, in the midst of a Field covered with dead, and dying men, bedewed with the blood of ten thousand Rebels; I would have been the Conqueror of my Kingdom, and not have mounted unto the Throne supported by the same hands who snatched it from my Father's head. But I call to mind I am your King, as you are also my Subjects, and in this relation I can love you yet, as guilty as you are; I can have pity for your errors, and kindness for your obstinacy; and I will not put myself into a condition of sadness after the Victory: I am than come to you without an Army, to receive what is mine. This Action (without doubt) is hardy, bold, and well deserveth glory; and is sufficiently obliging to demerit your acknowledgement in all degrees of fidelity. Before that you were criminous, the Divine and human right conjured you not to forsake your Prince; but this day a new obligation chaineth you to more strict obedience. It is not enough alone to be faithful, so to satisfy your duty; but it is your part to blot out the memory of what is past, and to justify what is present; you aught not to look on me merely as your King, but as a King of your own choice, as a King who hath pardoned you, as a King who confideth in you, who now is commending his person into your hands, and commits the very care of his life to your protection, next to Heaven: Study than to gratify such pressing endearments, and provoke not the wrath of Heaven upon your heads by new Rebellions. Those who have examined your by past actions, approve not (doubtless) that resolution that I have taken to return into Franc● as I have done; for (they will tell me) what confidence can you have in those who have had no regard to their lawful Sovereign? They pretend much to desire your presence, but their fears exceed their desires: And it is rather to secure your person, than to advance your Sceptre; that though you are this day recalled, yet as long as your youth continued, they suffered you to live in exile, and obeyed Robert; but he being dead (at present) and they seeing that you were in a condition to obtain by force that which they now offer, they seem to repent, not so much regarding your loss, as themselves. Behold the reasons which have here contested with my resolution, which (seeing they are not without some rational ground) I have not desisted to persuade myself, and in that double choice, whether to make a War with you, or confided in you, I have chose the latter as more glorious, and I love rather to hazard my person than the destruction of all my Kingdoms. Those who taught me the art to Reign, have well foreseen the Exigencies to which I am now reduced, and therefore without doubt they took so much care to advice me what I aught to do in justice, and what I might be allowed to do in Clemency; These two Virtues appear as contraries, but are not; they accord easily in the heart of a Prince. They mutually give place each one to the other in the Empire of his Soul, according to the divers occasions which are presented, for he aught always to abound in Clemency, and he aught not likewise to be ever too severe with the strict measure of justice. Mercy and justice are two excellent Virtues, but prudence aught to employ them both: And the Princes sole Will, aught to be the only rule to guide them. Having than conjured you to an equal confidence in me, as I have in you, let an Act of oblivion pass, and let us remember not more former crimes, unless it be to prevent relapses. Let us not look on the Tomb of Charles, but merely to bedew it with the tears of tender repentance: Not to make it an Altar whereupon to sacrifice his Enemies; let us Raze to the ground those horrid Cells which served for his imprisonment, thereby (if possible) to destroy the memory, and not to leave a mark or point to posterity of those black crimes; let us ascend the Throne with as much splendour as if it had never been profaned, and let us Reign (if possible) with more honour and tranquillity than the late King my Sovereign did. But do not think I shall be able to effect it without the aid and succours of my Subjects; deceive not yourselves, the valour and prudence of the Prince are not sufficient of themselves to make a Kingdom happy: The Subjects aught to contribute their proportions. The Nobles are to offer their loyal obedience, and the people to follow their good example, and both degrees aught to be united in virtue: for otherwise he who giveth Victory and Master's Fortune, will approve the virtue of the Prince in punishing the vice of the Subjects. Those who are valiant, do not always gain the Battle; and those who are wise, are not always fortunate: However let us place ourselves in such a capacity, that we may be successful, though we cannot merit it. See here what your Prince hath said unto you, who in Liew of punishing you, hath pardoned you; instead of fight with you, prepares to defend you; instead of being your Enemy, becomes your Conservator, and who by his own birth and your choice, is now your Lord, your Master, and your King. These two qualities permit me not to Capitulate farther with you: It sufficeth that I only add this; That I admit you to hope for clemency, whilst I Reign, as I wish you to fear always my justice, and beware that you put not yourselves in a condition to make trial of the second, or of losing the former.  

The Censure on LEWIS the Fourth.  
I Doubt not but many will censure that in this discourse I have confounded two great Virtues, and that I have mistaken generosity for prudence. Others will conclude this Action of our LEWIS the fourth, as savouring more of the fierceness and impetuosity of youth, than of the Sage and orderly conduct of a skilful politician. And they may seem to speak truly (if their examination of the passages be only superficial and slight) and the Objection appear equitable; And than (consequently) that I could not handsomely range this illustrious Prince amongst those who have exactly followed the Precepts and Rules of true policy, which is the Mistress that guideth Royal affairs with lest danger. What State-prudence (will some Politician object) counselled this young Monarch to speak to his Subjects so high, when he was so low? and having scarce got well on horseback, thus to salute his Subjects, who had their Arms in their hands? Rebels, Subjects, who had lately tumbled his Father from the Throne; who had torn the Crown from of his sacred head, changed his Sceptre into Chains, and his Palace into a Prison? might not this bold entrance to the Throne have rather provoked them to desperation than obedience? and raised a new tempest which could not be appeased, without much difficulty? might not this noise have served to awaken them to fresh jealousies and fears, which their own prudence should have taught them? Certainly this objection (at first view) seems invincible, that Lewis did not appear so discreet and judicious as his condition required: And that I was little lesle, who presumed to rank and reckon this Frince amongst those, who had exactly learned the Art of Reigning over a Kingdom. Notwithstanding, he failed not in his Kingly craft, and (if my reason deceive me not) I am not guilty of any mistake in this decision; for whosoever shall examine this great Action from the bottom, and weigh the Arguments maturely, will be convinced of this opinion, and neither condemn my judgement, nor the Resolution of Lewis in this eminent Action. The Counsels of Prudence prove different according to several conjunctures of occasions, and aught to change their countenances according to the present diversities, and important alterations of affairs. And, as hardy and bold resolutions are not always seasonable, so neither are timorous and fearful proceed ever wise and safe; That Politician who trembles, and is not confident; who dares do nothing generously and stoutly for fear he may prove too rash & inconsiderate, shall be seldom fortunate; he is too speculative a Contemplator, and proves rarely quick & active. And whiles he amuseth himself with curious considerations whether he should, or should not undertake the enterprise, whether he should speak or be silent, be an industrious actor, or a dull phlegmatic Spectator; The opportunity (by this time) may be well lost, the Stars change their situations, Aspects altar, and so the fatal moment whereon depended the good or ill success of a grand design slip clean away without advantage. That Philosopher (whom some censured as over-wise) found that his tedious doting on too much consideration brought forth no fruit, but folly; and that his most subtle conclusions, were no better than fancies and dreams of one newly awaked out of sleep. The Augurs telling an old Captain that the Pullet's would not eat; he quickly discerned the mystery, and answered, If they would not eat except they drank, they should have their fill, and so caused them to be fling into the Sea; at which summons he gave battle to his Enemies & gained the day. An old Soldier told his General, the Enemies were twenty-times more than they; but he replied gallantly; And for how many dost than accounted me? Another told his General that the Enemy darted Arrows like showers of Hail; he replied instantly, 'tis so much the better for us, we shall fight against empty quivers, and but shadows of men. The Policy of high borne Heroes, and low hearted Peasants is not the same. The Mariners dispute in one fashion aboard their Ships, and the Commanders and Soldiers after another in their Trenches. And as these persons are very distinct, and different in their qualities, so are they in their Counsels, and Agitations. Those who walk on dangerous Precipices, aught to march boldly, if they intent to pass securely. And in those Attempts, he who stays to measure the depth of peril in his way, either will prove so fearful as not to adventure; or else will be in great danger of a ruinous fall. To judge than of the Action of Lewis the fourth, a man aught to consider what this Prince preponderated, how his Father's gentleness and civility was his ruin: That he spoke to the same Rebels who had ravished his Father's Crown from his head, and deprived his person of his liberty: And that by the same capricious humour they recalled the Son who had destroyed the Father; and jest that might rankle and swell again, and so infect and destroy the Son as it had the Father, it concerned him than to let them know, that he came now to inherit his Father's Kingdom, and not his infirmities: That though first impressions may exchange, or obliterate ill humours, yet it is with great hazard and difficulty. Wherhfore it was more important to his purpose to strike deeper at the rootat first, to gain better advantages. If Lewis his feet had been seen to tremble when he was to ascend the throne, he must than have discovered a capacity to fall again. If he had received the crown with a dull and phlegmatic deportment, he had been rather made a King by his Lords and Masters than his Subjects; and he would have unfolded to his People the passion of cowardly fear, rather than have procured due regard from them. We may conclude than, that this Prince was wise, in being stout and gallant in this occasion; that his Policy was not indiscreet, and (coping with Soldiers, and men of Arms and Valour) his discourse was not improper, as containing nothing that might give the shock to Sovereign prudence; but rather on the contrary what well become the Grandeur, and Majesty of a King. Yet perhaps some will say unto me, such harsh and rigorous proceed have not always had the best success; if Caesar had well observed the predictions of his death, if he had better regarded his words, who answered him, That the Ideses of March could not pass, and were not yet come: If he had read the Note presented to him as he entered into the Senate, it is to be presumed he had not been stabbed. If the Duke of Guise instead of an haugty reply to what he found under his Napkin, had speedily taken post, and fled from Blois, he had not satisfied the State's General with his own Ruin, nor signed his death at Cayere with his own blood. All this is true, I must needs confess: But suppose it so happens once, it is not necessary that it prove so always: And it is more perilous to be stupidly silent, than to discourse heroickly, for such reasons chief which I formerly mentioned. He declared his courage, and his constancy: And Lewis did nothing in this conjuncture but what well become a truly noble, and wise Prince. Nor did this glorious action relish of any thing but what beseemed an Illustrious Hero, and a prudent Politician: OH, that Kings would more observantly regard the infusions and mo●ions of their tutelary Angels, who guard their Kingdoms, and not incline, nor listen to Parasites and Flatterers, who divert their good disposuions by the insinuations of perfidious, and pernicious Counsels. This truth found a great example in the person of MATHIAS CORVIN, that famous King of Hungary, whose name was Illustrious through all the earth, in so much that he ascended to such a height, that his renown cannot but be derived to posterity with much honour and glory. The Venetians were formerly in league with the Turks against the Hungarians: they aided them to the ruin of that Kingdom, and reduced that Country almost to a desolation. And having been the cause of the death of two of their Kings, of which the grand HUNNIADES, Father of MATHIAS was the last; yet notwithstanding (seeing themselves afterwards all in flames by the Turks their Allies, and ready to be consumed by a bloo●y War): They sent Ambassadors to Hungary, to implore succours from this famous MATHIAS CORVIN, who after he had afforded them an honourable Audience, answered them speedily after this sort.    

MATHIAS CORVIN To the Ambassadors of the Republic of VENICE.  
IF the Habits you wear, and the Language you speak, did not convince me that you were Venetians, I could hardly believe that you were Ambassadors sent from that Country. And if the Robes I carry, and my Accents did not clearly assure you that I am King of Hungary, I believe you would take me for some other; and that all that you have discoursed had not been addressed to me: For what pretence can you have to dream of the effect of your desire, and expectation, after so great an affront and injury, as we have received from you? And if ye had no just cause to hope (as without doubt, ye had not) why hath your Senate sent you on an Embassy so unprofitable? Truly the great reputation which your prudent conduct of Affairs hath gained you, seems strongly founded: And the flourishing estate of your Illustrious Republic, which hath been known through so many Ages to have preserved her glory, and grandeur, is an undoubted argument of your great abilities in such weighty matters. Notwithstanding I am obliged to let you know (on this occasion) that though you seem to abound in judgement, yet you seem to be but of a short and failing memory. Consider (I say) former passages, and the request you make this day: Is it possible that you should have entirely lost the remembrance of that miserable estate out of which this Kingdom is hardly as yet recovered? and that ignoble denial which your Republic made Uladislaus my Predecessor? The great Storm and Tempest which was raised at Constantinople, and designed to fall on Hungary, was taken notice of, and talked of in all Countries; and the formicable  portrait of Mathias Corvin 
Mathias Corvin King of Hungary  power of the Turks, as a swelling Inundation, threatened to overflow, and drown whole Provinces. The Turk armed Africa, a great part of Asia, and of Europe against us, and it appeared very probable that we should have been swallowed up under the numbers of those great Forces, so prodigious, and unequal to ours. Hungary having been as the Buckler to all Christendom, and an impregnable wall, which was continually battered, and dashed against, by the savage Waves of this unruly Torrent: This insatiable Usurper swore solemnly to rend this Buckler into shivers, and to level this Rampart to the ground, which had ever resisted the violence of his Inundations. In this mischievous conjuncture, the young, and valiant Vladislaus let slip no advantage that might fortify and strengthen his party to preserve them from perishing and ruin. And as he knew how, that besides the Interest in general, of all the Christians in this public affair, you had particular cause in respect of Friuli, which you were Lords of in the Main Continent, and the Isles which you possessed in the Archipelagus, he made and raised his Forces to greater strength and magnitude, to oblige you the rather to make a League with him, both Offensive, and Defensive against this irreconcilable Enemy. To this purpose he dispatched his Ambassadors to you to Venice, and by them represented to the Senate, what that Republic owed to the honour and name of Christians and put them in mind of the ancient Alliance and Amity betwixt the Crown of Hungary and that State. The Pope (as a common Father to the Christians) joined his importunities with our requests, and used all endeavours to persuade you to a thing in which you had (certainly) no less interest than we ourselves: And to the undertaking of which, Virtue, and Equity seemed naturally to oblige, and enjoin assistance. Notwithstanding the force of all persuasions, and endeavours, we prevailed not, but advised, and treated in vain, and you had the hard heartedness neither to listen to our Counsels, nor regard our Remonstrances, and so refused absolutely to aid us with those Succours, or Auxiliaries we desired, as necessary, and with which we had so much reason to hope to be supplied. The excuse which you alleged was, That it was neither fair, nor just to declare against a Prince who had not injured you; and that you were not obliged to that. Nay, your cruel policy was not contained in these terms and bounds, a bore Neutrality was not sufficient for you to secure your own safeties. Nor did it suffice you to be mere spectators of our miseries, but you were willing to augment them. If so be that you had neither declared for the one nor the other, probably your Forces might have given at lest a suspicion to the Turk, and possibly caused his Armies to have marched more slowly, in a design of such high importance. But instead of an act of such a nature, you made an infamous and horrid Alliance at that time, and utterly to remove away all suspicions and jealousies, that he might not dread your Forces, you let him see your fears, you signified to him, that we were not in hopes of assistance of any person. In brief, you (as much as in you lay) exposed us to their rage and fury, and to the eminent peril of all misfortunes, or (to speak freely) not only Hungary, but all Christendom, and your very selves also. Now to what a height of Miseries your forsaking us hath brought us, and what sad events this unfortunate War hath produced, which we alone were forced to encounter, You (Venetians) well kn●w, and all the earth is full of the reports of our miseries, though we (of all others) more sensibly found, and feel the sad effects; since the wounds which we received, yet bleed a fresh, and time hath not had days and years enough to obliterate the memory, nor to obumbrate and deface the representation and ghastly sight of those evil, and mischievous Conjunctures: It so happened than with forces so unequal, and through the inconsiderate Counsels of perfidious flatterers, that the brave, yet unfortunate Uladislaus lost two Battles on the other side of the River Danubius, where anin finite number of Soldiers and persons of great Condition were slain, or made slaves in the battle which was lost, in the plains of Varne, and after that in the Battle of Cosobe, in the Country of the Trebelliens. It fell out also that Valiant Vadalislaus lost his life fight magnanimously: And these two Plains were covered with the blood of Christians: At which time the whole Kingdom was filled with horror and confusion, many thousands were made poor Widows, which have sighed out their Prayers, and sent their cries to Heaven against you, in regard of the loss of their dear Husbands; thousands of Orphans cry for their Fathers, and Fathers for their slain Children. And it might have so fallen out, that all Christendom had been in hazard and danger to have been swallowed up, if the bounty and favour of God, (which much exceeded the horror of your crime) provoked with jealousy for the defence of his own Altars, for his own Glory, and for the protection of the name of Christian had not raised up the invincible Hunniades my Sovereign King and Father. But alas, these misfortunes which attended us with such horror and cruelty, were not alone; other sad effects and dangerous consequences succeeded in the midst of those great losses. I sustained the chiefest in mine own particular; so that the Honour of that Sceptre I bear, and that Crown I enjoy are not able to poise my grief with equal consolation of glory and renown. Shall I tell you? or am I able to speak? or be silent on this subject? The great and invincible Hunniades hath lost his own life by those glorious wounds which he received in that unhappy War, wherein you were ambitious spectators. He repelled the Turks a hundred times with his Victorious sword, but at last not able longer to resist the slashes of their Symetars, he died with those fatal strokes. Victory attended him a thousand times, but at length (alas!) she forsook her Champion. He was a long time a Rampart to Christianity, but in the end that Bulwark was leveled as strong as it appeared. He Combated, Vanquished, and Triumphed; yet after so many Conquests he was forced to submit to fortune. He met with a good hour to ascend a Throne, but that high step was but a stair to descend to an humble Tomb. He made himself a King with his nobleness and Valour, but he ceased to be a man by the unworthy Cowardice of those that forsook him. He obtained immortal honour, but (alas!) he came not to this immortality, But at his death. To conclude, Hungary lost her King, Christianity lost her Protector, Europe lost her most glorious Jewel, and Mathias (from whom you now implore assistance) lost his Sovereign and Father. Judge than, you Venetians (if you have not utterly lost the memory of my great losses, and your own in humanity) whither you have any cause to hope for succour from me as you now desire. Consider if you have not ground to believe that the blood of a Father (such a Father as Hunniades) be not more loud than you, and more persuasive than your eloquent Oration. Oh! if the Laws of Nations were not inviolable betwixt Princes, who make profession of Honour and Faith; If the persons of Ambassadors were not sacred amidst the most barbarous and least civilised people; The impudence which you have made appear in your discourse and requests, might justly hazard your safety; your fears might 'cause you to tremble, and make you despair of my Clemency, which finds much difficulty to withhold from revenge. But as you are Ambassadors, you are in a Sanctuary which covers your heads from the just rage of indignation: Yet since Vengeance belongs to God, who knows how and when to exercise it; And that there is none but he who punisheth the Children for the iniquity of their Fathers to the third Generation. Seeing also that time hath closed up that wound which you have thought to open, and that which is the end of all things, hath calmed my displeasure, and removed the Gall of my resentment, we will not raise those appeased Waves, but letting the Tempest and the winds sleep, we will examine without Rancour or Passion former passages, and so judge better of what you now desire, viewing with a disinteressed eye the injustice of mine own reproaches, and of your unworthy Actions. It is certain (and experience of all ages doth teach and show) That next to the immediate Power of Almighty God) this great and marvellous Frame of the Universe, knows no other motives to set and put all her rational desires into action, than those three Grand Engines of Jucundum, Honestum, and Utile. And how different soever men's intentions may be, it must necessarily follow that their thoughts tend to one of these three. Seeing than from the lowest to the highest condition of men, all do operate upon one of these Principles, and that no design hath its original from any other motive; seeing all degrees of men, and orders of Creatures, Rational or Irrational propose these as their chiefest ends, (as the Voluptuous design their pleasure, the ambitious their glory, the Covetous their treasure) Let us see by which of these three motives your merciless Republic could be obliged to such unnatural proceed towards us, and to be so full of inhumanity (in so great a danger) to refuse us. For the first; What appearance was there, that a people, Friends to Europe, a people civilised, and professing Christianity, could be so barbarous as to take pleasure in the desolation of our Provinces, and the ruin of our Towns? in the profaning of our Temples? the defeats of our Armies? and the murdering of our Soldiers? What? was prey and Pillage, Fire and sword, tears and blood, wounds and death, pleasant Objects for your diversions? Can you take delight in ugly and extravagant pleasure? in things capable to strike horror and pity in the most insensible Souls? the Mountains of men slain, and the Earth covered with wounded bodies, old men pulled by their beards and hair, and stabbed before their Children, Infants snatched from their mother's paps, and dashed against the walls, and mothers dragged by the hair, and so piercing the Heavens with their hideous cries; Virgins miserably exposed to the insolency of the Janissaries, and the blood of grand and brave Kings poured out to the last drop, The houses of God dishonoured, his Priests murdered, his Altars defaced, and all those sacred things in the hands of the profane and sacrilegious Turks? Can all this, and such like objects, yield you any pleasure, and content? and could you look on all this misery, not only with a dry eye, but with an eye ambitious of such cruelty? as pleased with such horrid objects, and deigning such miseries no compassion? Do not men speak of Nero as a Monster of Nature, and shame of Mankind, who could look on Rome on Fire without regret and grief? You have seen a Kingdom on Fire without the lest touch of Compassion. And shall not you pass under the censure of Monsters, as not worthy to behold the light, and fit to loose that blessing with as much grief as ignominy? Judge yourselves, did ever Christians see their fellow Christians perish and moulder into crumbs under the Infidel's Swords and Simeters, and become so perfectly inhuman, as to rejoice at their desolation? Did the Italians when they stormed the walls of the Lestrigoes', and the Cannibals, and (as it were) eat those Men-eaters (or at lest saw them torn, and rend in pieces) found any content in such objects of misery which they were forced to make? Not, not, as barbarous as you have been, and as extremely rigorous as we judge you, we shall not believe that men, that Venetians, that Christians could laugh at our Tears, bathe themselves in our blood, and rejoice at our disgrace. Those that are uncapable of committing such grand offences, cannot but think they may receive aid from others, and their innocency makes them judge of others by themselves; nothing being able to incline their judgements contrary to those natural inclinations upon which they are founded; we cannot believe than that it was jucundum quid, a delectable object which you proposed in refusing your assistance, and so exposing us to the barbarous Mahometans; it being fare from all appearance that you should conceive a thought, or find any pleasantness in things so contrary to humanity, and directly opposite to all that may pretend to give any joyful content or pleasant satisfaction. Seeing than, that Jucundum quid was not the object that united you, let us examine if it were hon●stum, honourable for you to act as you did; and if it were by this motive, that you would expose us as a prey to the rage of the Turks, and that you thrust all Hungary, and all Christendom on such a precipice of danger; and (if I may so say) within two fingers breadth of an universal ruin. Those who have most seriously examined the consistence of the true glory of Princes, having discussed the question so many several ways, and well observed the biasses of different interests, have all agreed in this, that it consists principally in this Maxim, To protect the more feeble, and to resist the more puissant. Yea it is in this alone, wherein consists true generosity. It is in this disinterested virtue, wherein Princes do find their greatest splendour. It is this unspotted reputation which they aught to endeavour all their life. A beam of true honour, and which they aught to prefer above that of their Sceptre and Crown. In effect, all their other actions (how glorious and beautiful soever they appear in the eyes of the world) may meet with an ill construction, and without this receive an inglorious interpretation. Conqueror's may be deemed to be ambitious, Peacemakers may be censured to be timid, severe Princes pass for cruel, Clement may be suspected to be feeble, Liberal accused to be prodigals, Provident accounted covetous, Valiant styled rash, and the Prudent lazy. The Majesty of Princes may be censured Pride, their Facility Baseness: If they are too grave, the people will not love them: If too familiar, their Subjects scorn them; If gay and glorious, they are reviled as incompassionate; if Melancholy, than nothing will oblige them; If Prudent, than too full of craft and subtlety; If Frank and Ingenious, than imprudent and indiscreet. In a word, all their thoughts, words, and actions are subject to receive an evil interpretation from the envy and malice of men. There is nothing than but the protection of the feeble (when it is offered) being free, and without private interest, which hath no cause for an Apology: And there is nothing more truly noble than this generous resistance, which (opposing over-powerfull enemies) is rewarded with general approbation: And in a design of this nature there needs no Reasons or Manifestoes to authorise the Armies of such illustrious Captains. The thing speaks itself, each oppressed soul implores aid from heaven upon Auxiliary Troops. And their high enterprises are not condemned of any person, not not of their very enemies. The public vogue of the people gives to such generous Princes the glorious titles of the Defenders of their Liberties, the Protectors of their Innocence, the Supporters of tottering Thrones, the Restorers of Estates, and the Scourge of Tyrants. Posterity preserves their names, and reuerences their memories, as things which virtue hath consecrated, and never aught to perish: The Marble is polished, and engraved to eternize their glory; Books and Histories (of all Nations) speak of them in their own Languages; Fathers tell their Children, and Children prattle, and after talk to their Posterity: And so by this immortal and glorious Tradition, the honour and reputation of virtuous Princes passeth from Age to Age, to eternize their Fame over all the World. And if ever any Senate found favourable opportunity, that of yours might have seasonably afforded us protection which we so earnestly demanded, and you so cruelly refused: We were weak, our Enemies were puissant; they were the Invaders, we the Defenders of our Rights; they would have usurped our Kingdom, we strove to defend our Country; they had no right in their pretensions, and we no injustice in our Defence: What shall I say more? They were Turks, and we Christians; they were ancient and natural Enemies, we your Friends, Allies, and Brothers: And above all (as I said before) they were strong and puissant, we weak and feeble; which argument was sufficient to have obtained your Protection, if you had been truly Noble, and had aspired to true glory. And what honour could you ever have obtained so great as that? to have opposed and suppressed vigorously this torrent, and to have extinguished the violence of Fire and Sword, which came to ravage two Empires, and ten Kingdoms? What a glory would it have been to you to have arrested their Force, and to have got Victories from that Monster who overthrew the Throne of Constantine the great, and extinguished the Race of the noble Paleologus? What Reputation had you not gained in revenging new Rome, and the Insolences of these Barbers? and what estimation had you not deserved in the support of our weak condition against so great an Enemy? To oppose those that do evil, and to defend those which suffer, is a Lesson which Nature itself inspires, and is taught without a Tutor. And (if Passions blind us not, nor disorder Nature's conduct) It is impossible to those who are nobly born, not to range themselves on the weaker side, and not to oppose the unjust Violence of oppressors. A natural instinct presseth us, compassion forceth us, reason leadeth us, and (as we apprehended in ourselves) such an Action of incompassion would seem very rude. And humanity directeth us, that we could not endure that ignobleness in an other. Certainly they are not men, but cold statues, and such as the frozen hearted Venetians, who stand still in such a Rencounter without motion and action: They deserve not the names of men, who can be insensible in such conjunctures; and he seems not a rational soul, nor scarce a mere Animal, but a senseless stone, who can refuse succour to the oppressed when they implore, and are in necessity. If it be a shame to refuse assistance when men are implored, and not to oppose the injustice of them who oppress; how much more shameful is it than, not only to see the feeble perish, not only to deny them succours, not only to resist their violence, who devour them, but rather to strengthen the oppressors, and (cowardly) to join themselves to them who were too strong alone? O (Venetians) there hath been too much of baseness and inhumanity in these ignoble proceed: and this action hath been very black and fowl, relishing of as little honour and honesty as delight and pleasure, unworthy to have engaged you in such an enterprise; which being utterly incapable to tender you any glory, will eternally cover you with the Clouds of Reproach and infamy. For if you were our Enemies, why did you not publicly declare and tell us, as the Turks did? and if you were our Friends, why did you join with the Barbers, and so aid them to ruin us? Not, Not, true honour was not the object of so base and black an Action, nor could true content or satisfaction be enjoyed in an enterprise so bloody and cruel. Seeing than that your undertake were neither founded on that which may be rightly judged Jucundum or Honestum, let us see if Utile, profit, and avarice hath obliged you to a cowardly acquitting of your Allies. When that Maxim proves true which is ever false: That Kings, Sovereign Princes and Republics, aught not absolutely to consider any thing but the repose of their own estates, and their particular utility: When (I say) natural equity, civil society, the Alliances of Crowns, the Conformity of Religions, Common interest, Glory and Honour, shall be valued as things indifferent: Yet you shall not find really the Utile you may pretend to in this unworthy Action, wherein you appeared. Is there any one who knows the principles of Policy, and of that art which teacheth Kings to reign? and understands not, that a powerful neighbour is ever terrible? That it is very advantageous, that Seas and Mountains separate their estates from ours; To that end, That both the one and the other may be as bounds to resist their avarice and ambition? and if a Prince less powerful than he, both in respect of the numbers of his Subjects, and in the extent of his Dominions, lie in the way as a guard to our Frontiers, and be situate in the midst of two Potentates as an eternal obstacle to the unjust Usurpation both of the one and the other; is there not a clearer possibility of security? Were it not much better for the Republic of Venice, that the Thrones of the Kings of Hungary shall not be touched or shaken, and that the Valour of those Princes shall be able to protect the Country: Than to see those Dominions environed with Janissaries, and the Colours of Mahomet's Crescents Flourishing amidst the standards of Saint Mark? Know you not that their very neighbourhood hath begot an eternal jealousy? And that jealousy of a Rival (so prevalent and too potent for us may possess us with fears? Do you not consider how that such an irreconcilable Enemy will never want pretexts to demand? And that success will daily feed new expectation; Finding fortune so favourable, our resistance so weak, and our loss so infinite? Will such accesses tempt a soul more moderate than such a one as lodgeth in a Mahometans breast? Do you not discern that the formidable power of the Ottomans is like unto a contagious disease, which is best prevented or healed at a distance? Can you Venetians believe that the Turks should prove better neighbours than the Christians? And that the Policy of the Alcoran is more persuasive than the Morals of the Gospel? Have you not experienced that ancient Friends make more firm Amity than new? And how that the body politic is like the body natural, in which every mutation proves dangerous? Do you not find that the ambition of Conquerors is like the Waves of the Vast Ocean, which is neither willingly limited with Banks nor Bottom? And that the ambition of Mahomet the second runs as a devouring Fire, which hastens to consume so many Empires, and so many Kingdoms? What security than can you have in the amity of a Prince of so haughty an humour? And what great advantage can you gain by this new Alliance, to engage you to such Obligations? Can you hope that this proud Turk can admit you to share in his Conquests? Can you pretend to expect a proportion in the spoils of Hungary? Do you not know that the Wars of Nations Civilised, are waged chief for the obtaining of Glory and true Renown? And how the Wars of Barbarous Nations are raised in a design of Pillage and Plunder? As the sole mark of their erterprises, and object of their Armies, who in their Conquests regard not the auxiliaries of their Victory? and those whose ambition is insatiable, find all too little to satisfy themselves, having no thoughts of contenting others? Who knows not that avarice as well as ambition, and Cruelty, arries on the Turks with a predominant inclination? that that Nation never acts by any other Principle? And who can be ignorant, but that your new Allies will (at length) leave you in the lurch? On the the other side, In the Condition wherein Hungary and Christendom than were, might not Mahomet the second easily discern that you joined your forces unto him out of a particular interest; And therein rather sought your own safety than his glory? That you left us, to preserve yourselves? And that you begged his amity, to avoid his wrath? that base fears made your progress, and not true Friendship or love? That (in truth, and purely) you only regarded your own advantage, and therefore made a shameful alliance, with one, whom you as much hated as feared? What Obligation can be strong in a matter of this nature? and what reason have you to hope for any thing under the pretence of such a favour? Moreover, when he shall observe how cruelly you have forsaken (and that in extremity) your ancient Allies, your neighbours, and your brethrens, connected to you by the Ligaments of the same Religion, Laws and Manners, what assurance can you fancy that Mahomet shall have in your promises, having seen you violate such sacred obligations? And what credit shall he give unto your words, having known you so notoriously to forfeit your Faith? We may add yet, if that which ratifieth treaties, renders alliances assured, and peace durable, is, That, treaties, Alliances, and Peace's, are equally advantageous to Kings, Sovereigns, Princes or Republics, Who make them because that equality is necessary, and reciprocal advantages oblige the one and the other to an exact observation of the Articles concluded betwixt them; What proportion than of equality can there be between the Republic of Venice and the Vast Empire of Turkey? What advantage can the Turks receive from your feeble Troops, who is a Conqueror attended with so many Million of Soldiers? what profit think you to gain from him who swallows Sceptres and Crowns as little morsels? Who depopulates more Kingdoms and Empires than you have Towns in your Dominions? Whose formidable Armies cover the largest Campanies, and traversing the mighty Plains, drink up whole Rivers where they are encamped? Is not this your alliance as the oblation of a shallow Brook to the Ocean, when you join your slender Troops to his mighty Armies? and is not this a signal error, to dream that your handful of Forces should be considerable amongst such infinite numbers? Can you believe that Mahomet should religiously observe Articles of confederation wherein he could find neither the increase of his profit or glory? To add nothing else from the dangerous example that you (Venetians) have given him; what alliances may not the Turk violate without all scruple? Is it possible that the history of the Turks is so utterly a stranger to you, that you know not how that impious and barbarous Nation make public profession of infidelity, and how they frame to themselves such maxims, that, it is lawful for them to break all Articles of what condition soever? to recede from any Oaths, and to violate Faith and all engagements? and to jeer at the Laws and rights of Nations? Have you never heard them call the Christians, Jaours, that is, Dogs? and from that injury raise an argument, and consequently conclude that they are not obliged to keep their words with dogs? Do they not barbarously break Faith and promises with those of their own Nation, as well as with their Enemies? How perfidious was Bajazet, who, after the death of his Father, sent to seek for Soloman his elder Brother, upon pretence of a desire to have him Crowned; And having abused the facility of that Prince, caused him inhumanely to be strangled, and so introduced a barbarous example into the Family of the Ottomans, which hath been but too often imitated since that horrid precedent? Orchan the second, Emperor of the Turks, feigned an argreement with some Princes of Asia, thereby more easily to delude some others; And after he had devoured his first Contractors, with less difficulty destroyed the others according to the Stratagems of his own devices. Did you never read (in the Roman History) the remarkable Emblem of the bundle of arrows? which bound up together were not easily broken, but taken asunder, each single arrow was frangible by the weakest arm? Have you been so little conversant in the terrestrial Globe, that ye knew not yourselves heretofore too near neighbours to that Prince on the Coast of the Archipelagus; But that you must likewise desire to border upon Friult and Dalmatia? the Fountains and the Rivers which divide themselves into lesser streams, are not much considerable: But united into one great body, they compose and make up an Ocean which may terrify the boldest adventurers. You may conclude, that if Christian Princes and Republics held a Faithful Correspondency and firm Union, both the one and the other might without doubt resist the Turkish Power, and stop the progress of his dangerous Conquests, with great facility: But when we see the Christians themselves divided, this potent Enemy may with more ease destroy them all, singling out each Kingdom or Republic apart. O, you Venetians, none of these just considerations have prevailed to persuade you, being transported with the Violence of particular Interests. The present condition of affairs was more Prevalent with you than to admit a Praevision of future dangers: and your Caecity was so great, that you have desperately cast yourselves into an Abyss; thinking thereby to avoid a precipice. Observe than the justice of God upon the heads of the offenders. They (on the grounds of falsehood & imprudence) Contriving vainly to preserve themselves from one peril, have cast themselves headlong into another; Their impious craft seducing them to deceive others, deluded themselves. Their subtle policy seemed to teach them perfectly the art of Government, when the events discovered the errors of their maxims. It is true than (as the Scripture witnesseth) that God insatuateth the wicked in their own designs, and disperseth them as a Cloud, and causeth them to Vanish as smoke. By all that I have said, it appears thereby, that Jucundum, Honestum, and Utile, were not the arguments which persuaded you to this Savage action. I may rightly conclude than, that by a mere inclination to an evil end, you were willing to destroy us, and have found a Malignant rejoicing in our sorrows without the Knowledge of that wherein consists true joy. Why was this evil undertaken by you; Unless you had been borne to do no good? But seeing this excuse is not sufficient for rational men, who act not as beasts, but according to reason and election of what they voluntarily choose, equally inclined to good or evil, vice, or Virtue: Are not we in a just expectation of a Vicissitude, and Change; that Vindicative Justice may recompense all your evils? We well understand that Martial Laws admit Letters of Reprisal; the most rigorous of the moralists, allow us to resist Invaders, to defend us from their Violence, and to repel their Forces; And if the Law of God ordained an eye for an eye, and life for life in the punishment of Crimes, aught not we imitate yourselves, seeing the day is changed, and affairs have a better presence? May not we now go and contract an alliance with Mahomet the second, and refuse to aid you, who denied succours first to us? Might not we join our Forces with his, giving him assistance with our Counsels and Soldiers, whereby we might empower him to ravage your Frontiers, defeat your Armies, storm your strongest Towns, enslave your Generals, chase you not only from the main Continent, but even from all the Isles you hold in the Archipelagus? This favourable Conjuncture may afford us an obligation to mix our Colours with his ensigns, and so magnanimously march against that superbe Town, and those aspiring Ramparts which obumbrate the Adriatic Sea, and command imperially all the adjacent shores. Yes (without doubt) we are obliged: and as far as human reason can reach to judge, in the fresh memory of your greater cruelty, you merit to be destroyed, and we revenged, and Venice deserves to be enslaved and chastised severely, as a spectacle to all ages to come, to teach all Republics not to refuse, so barbarously, and cowardly, their assistance to their ancient Allies. We might listen now to these sweet temptations, & chief to that to which the greatest souls are most inclined, Haughty and pleasant Revenge. The occasion is now favourable: And Fortune seems to answer us with plenary satisfaction: You have refused your succours, we may than justly deny ours: You have made Alliance with our Enemy, we may (as justly) do the like with yours: You joined your Troops with his, we may as equally join our Armies: You aided him to our defeat, we can aid him to your utter ruin: You thought you could destroy our Kingdom, we are assured we could make your Republic a desolation: You have been the cause of the sad death of two of our Kings, and we are able (if we please) to sacrifice upon their Tombs your Duke and Senators: You aided our Enemy to rout our Armies on the Plains of Var●ey and Cosola, we are able to demolish your high Walls, to burn your fair City, and to force you to fly into the same Rocks and Caves where your Ancestors did hid themselves to lie more secure from the violence of the Huns: Yes (Venetians) we can do this, nay in some sort we aught; but God is pleased to moderate our wills. That which you have done heretofore strikes us with such horror, that we cannot imitate you: If you can forget that we are men, yet we cannot forget that you are Christians. He who pleased to command us to love our enemies, cannot but approve us in pardoning our Allies, how criminous soever they have been. Seeing than (to make relation of affairs as they are) we have an opportunity of Revenge, what can be more Illustrious to the greatest spirits, than to see those who have offended them, reduced to a sharp necessity, and become humble Petitioners? This sufficeth (Venetians) and is enough to 'cause us to lay down our Arms, or rather to take them up, thereby to protect you against that enemy which now assaults you. We do not desire your blood to wash away your crimes, your tears shall serve to expiate. Those two great Princes which your rigour hastened to Heaven, and laid in their Tombs, will not condemn our Clemency, who, though they have lost their Terrestrial Crowns, yet parted with them to become glorious Martyrs; an honour more precious than all earthly glory: Who, as they are in the state of Immortality, have no thoughts of Revenge: And it cannot but agreed with their Celestial Judgement to be lest Vindicative in the way to Glory: They have poured out their blood, and lost their lives for the good of Religion, and will approve (without question) that we blot out the memory of our own misfortunes, as well as your Errors, in relation to the welfare of the same Religion. Seeing therefore these happy Saints have received that recompense which their services have purchased for them, and that they enjoy a felicity which shall never terminate, but be coaeternall with the memory of those grand actions they accomplished: since they have received within the Church Triumphant those glorious Palms which their achievements purchased in the Church Militant; and that they more perfectly know in God (where all things are known) the Justice of that Cause they defended: That they bless God every moment for the wounds which they received, and the death they suffered for so good a cause: And seeing that all good is communicable in its own nature, and that they cannot but concur in approbation to what we now shall do in our resolution of so holy and generous an ambition so suitable to Christianity: We shall not refuse to aid you with succours, as you now do desire, nor fail to support you in so just an enterprise. But, on the contrary, we are ready to pass with you over the Danube, nay to march before you to destroy the Turkish Territories, and we shall dispatch one of our Heralds to denounce a War against them, as soon as the Spring approacheth. We hope the issue will be successful, however we shall not fail of our duty, and we shall employ all our Forces, and all that depends on us to this purpose. But you must likewise for your part (all the same time) advance to Peloponesus to cause a diversion, and to amuse our enemies, being at the same instant at several places to be attempted. See (Venetians) what our Resolutions are for the Republic of Venice, in favour to that Senate because Christian, that is to say, to sacrifice the memory of our particular injuries for the good of the general affairs, and private losses for public safety.  

The Censure.  
THose who conclude that the greatest Victories are most glorious, resolve withal, That it is the hardest difficulty to command and conquer one's self. And when a favourable occasion is presented of sweet revenge: That passion tempteth a moderate soul, and shaketh the affections of the best temper. And if the means of revenge be so uncertain, and rare to be found, it is more incomparably difficult to refuse the occasion when it freely offer itself. It is in this rencontre when the Spaniard makes that prayer, Guarda me Dios de mi, God defend me from myself. And it is truly necessary; for if a soul be not guarded with the shield of Virtue: It must (without doubt) yield in such a dangerous combat. And if any particular obstacles prove more violent: How outrageous than are the passions of Princes! And those who fancy to themselves, that they can will nothing but what they aught? And when able to act what they will, being in power, are not they most apt to destroy and ruinated those who have provoked them? To restrain than the Thunderbolt from falling on the heads of the offenders, is something Divine, or (at lest) above ordinary human power. Execution belongs to the Hangman; but grace and pardon to the Gods. And certainly the Theory of this science is more facile than the Practice. Prince's seldom forget (in such affairs) that Justice is divided into two parts; and that part which is called Vindicative, is no whit less equitable than that other, because it seems less human. Those who say they would punish if they were not in choler, are as rare as the Phoenix; and History (in general) makes no mention more of the one, than the other; that is, it speaks little or nothing but of the first: For it is very difficult for the same person to be mild, and mighty; to be able to punish, and yet to pardon; to be in a capacity to revenge, and yet rather to relieve: It is very difficult, instead of destroying of an Enemy, to study, and adventure for his preservation. From all these arguments we rightly understand how perfectly that Prince was accomplished, how great his Virtue, how magnificent his Generosity, of whom we have spoken. Doubtless he understood not only the Philosophy of Aristotle, and Seneca, but likewise the Morals of Christianity, which (without all exception) are the most excellent and surest Foundations. He well knew that the King of Kings is called the God of Vengeance, who reserves that punishment (primely) to himself, as being only capable to tender it without passion, and to punish without interest. He understood that the sight of his Enemies, prostrate at his feet, was far more glorious than to see them in their Graves; and to lock on them weeping with their eyes, than weltering in their blood. That to have a power to revenge is as equally satisfactory as revenge itself. Certainly with what ever eye we view this grand action, we must conclude, that it was very Glorious; which was not as the Painter's Art, who by optical delusions, change the face of things according to the diversities of several Viewes. But on the contrary which way soever we look, this action was semper eadem, and most admirable: Yet if we look into the exact rules of Policy (without any consideration to the Maxims of Religion) according to those Principles, who doubts not, but that this Prince did ill, and that his Progress herein, was more generous than prudent? He was fully satisfied ●hat the Turks held not for his enemies only the Greeks', Hungarians, and Venetians; but likewise all Christians; and that he designed a public ruin to them all. This moved him to a generous Consideraration, and from former unkind passages to raise and accomplish future advantages; thereby avoiding to make himself a sad example to ruin his own Kingdoms, by endeavouring a revenge upon the Venetians. This great Prince acted as become him: In which noble work his wisdom and bounty equally proposed and obtained an immortal Commendation in the mouths of all men. There are who say that Valour operateth in the Soul, as the heat of the Sun in Plants and other Vegetables. For as the Sun exhaleth Poison from Hemlock and Aconite, and maketh who some remedies with the Virtues of other herbs; So doth Valour produce divers effects in different Souls. She makes the Lion generous, but the Tiger cruel. I conceive we may place Mahomet the second amongst the Savage Tigers both for his ferocity and rage; whose power wasted two Empires, and tw●nty Kingdoms, and consumed the proud infortunate City of Constantinople; with whose spoils, was presented unto him a beautiful unparallelled Lady: She used her choicest skill to please him, and he seemed to love and adore her. (For Tigers will love, though it last not) He treated this beauty with the variety of all delights. His courage was turned to sighs, his Valour enchanted with embraces, which inframed him day and night with inextinguishable sparks of love. At last, this insolent Conqueror was vanquished by his own slave, and was a Vassal to that lovely Greek: In the mean time his greedy Soldiers (fed with prey and Pillage) began to murmur at their Emperor's stupidity, and to revile him as an inglorious Commander. This Tiger (at last) awaked w●i● the taunts and scorns of the rude multitude, and his rage being newly incensed, (shall I be able to speak, much less to believe so horrid a Fact) he tore in pieces this innocent and unfortunate beauty, caused her head to be cut of with a Scimitar, whom he had adored as a Goddess, and to whom he had offered the Victim of his heart a hundred times, he become strangely cruel, and with his own hand struck of the head of her who had enamoured his heart. And, notwithstanding his love streamed betwixt her blood and tears; He than said, here (OH Soldiers) behold the subject of your discontents, made now your sacrifice in my displeasure.    

 portrait of Mahomet II 
MAHOMET the Great, who was the greatest scourge to Christendom of all the Turkish Emperors. He subdued Mentesia, wined Constantinople, overcame Craia, Subdued Pera, Peleponesus, and Castria, took Otrunto, and so in going against the Caramanian King, died. Anᵒ. 1483.   
MAHOMET THE SECOND, To his JANISSARIES.  
I Have ever believed, that through all the extents of my Empire, I have none to my Subjects but Slaves and Vassals; That I am the Sovereign Judge of the actions of all men, who live under my power: and that no person whatsoever dares to judge of me, The sacred Character, which distinguisheth Crowned heads from those of others, aught to be in violable in my person. It belongs not to them who are to obey, to dare to Command, nor is it for the People to intermeddle with their Lords, who by all Rights may dispose of their lives as they please; And if Sovereign Princes be their Masters and Commanders (which is a right unquestionable) they are not (in any Case) to be their Judges. These two qualities are utterly incompatible; It is than undeniably necessary that there must be either no Th●ones, or an alsolute obedience to them, without all dispute or reserves; otherwise, there will be neither Slaves nor Subjects, Tributaries nor Vassals; This were to usurp Sovereign authority over all Princes; to disgrace and dissolve the Power and splendour of Crowns, and Sceptres; To admit of as many Subjects as Kings, and as many Masters as men. Which disorder once permitted, a general confusion must speedily and inevitably succeed. But (to speak the truth without ostentation) I believe few Princes have better learned the Art of Government than myself. It is true, I could not always obstruct you from that insolency which once broke forth, saucily to censure and condemn my actions, after you had so many thousand times extolled and commended my erterprises, which heaped Glory on you. As for myself (I freely protest) I know no just cause for your rash temerity: For If you respect me as your lawful Prince, and as descended from the ancient Ottomans; What respects do ye not, by the bonds of nature, own me? And if you consider me as a Conqueror, and behold me amidst my Trophies, where I am attended with so many Sceptres and Crowns which I have obtained with so much illustrious fortitude and Gallantry; what veneration aught you not to pay me? Or if you look upon me as merely your Prince, whose inclination is rather to exactness of justice, than to any softness or mercy; And whose authority is laid in the Foundation, & tempered in the blood of those who have been nearest to me (though the Grandees of my Empire) what fear and reverence aught not to possess you? And having advanced so much plenty to your Provinces, having Conquered twelve Kingdoms, and two entire Empires, gained two and thirty Field Battles, and fought in person more than in an hundred reencounters; Having given such solemn examples of my justice, which hath ever appeared to be very near allied to Cruelty (Especially to those who would not know how unlimited our bounds were) After (I say) all these effects the splendour of my Actions, the Grandeur of my Triumphs, the acknowledgement of my Victories, the dread & fear of my Chastisements, could not all these restrain you from base and rude repine, but that you must needs carry seditious fire to my Seraglio? and after so many Wars, so many hazards, so much pain and travel, because mine eyes glanced upon a Beauty to murmur at my repose, enchanted with the sweet charms of her pleasant conversation? But as unjust and impudent as you are, see how after I have conquered others, I can as easily conquer myself: Behold the sad Victory that I here present; and by the Victor's tears guests at the difficulty which I met with grappling with such a soul-inchanting Enemy. You (cruel villains) know, that this fair and unfortunate person, without arms, and without offence, hath given me more trouble than the most potent Enemies. Not able to satisfy your rage with the removal of my affections, I have taken away her life, and with one blow of a Scimitar cut of her head to satisfy your unjust desires. To establish my Throne I have rended my heart from myself. Do you not think that this fair blood which I have spilt to gratify your thirsty lusts, shall (sometime or other) extract brackish tears from your eyes? Not, not, you shall not be discharged at so easy a rate. You will say (perhaps) you would have your Prince entirely without the affections of Love, and to aim at nothing but ambition: You wish for War, and you shall have enough; I shall lead you into such eminent dangers, that you shall see that he shall have honour that dares to follow me; where, if you be not Cowards, you shall satisfy with your blood for that which you have forced me to spill. I must sacrifice at lest a hundred crowned heads, if I shall proportion Oblations equal to what you have seen me offer; and I aught to offer up myself if I intent to expiate the fault of those who have constrained me to commit an action so barbarous. Yet seeing in sacrificing myself I might loose vengeance fit for you, it is necessary that I survive to punish you, to the end to make insolent Subjects know how to respect Princes with greater honour, and to teach Kings how to chastise barbarous vassals. Those who shall refuse to pay to their Sovereign's just Tributes, are more excusable than those who dare to censure their Actions, and to pass their judgement on their Sovereign's Government. It is a thing very natural to love and keep Gold, Pearls, and Diamonds, which enrich a Family, and serve for the conveniency of Life: But to ravish Majesty of her Glory, and explicate Royal Intentions with opprobrious Insolency, is a crime as far from pardon as excuse: It could bring no advantage to the offenders, and therefore the more irremissible. Should Kings dive and search into the crimes and errors of their Subjects, how ugly would they appear? Is there any one of you whom love, hatred, avarice, revenge, ambition, or envy, hath not transported to commit a hundred faults? which because they have not offended civil society, and have not been complained of to me, you have not so much as been reproached. And why than (unjust Censurers as you are) should I deign to answer before you (not for any crimes) For as towards you Kings cannot commit them. Yet (not being insensible of what is passed) What if I suffered myself to be caught with the most accomplished Beauty that ever was borne under Heaven? Trouble not yourselves at the occasion of this accident, that glance is over; you shall never more complain of my effeminate tenderness: As is was the first in your observation, it shall be the last in my passion. In the mean time learn from this lesson (sealed with innocent blood) that I have passed from one extremity to another; be instructed (by this fair Head separated from her body) that there is not one of you who may not fall by the same destiny: And by this high, and great example, learn to serve and fear those who can as easily destroy you. Of all the Crimes which Subjects can commit, that which you have perpetrated is (without doubt) more directly opposite to Sovereignty. To pass a censure, or to whisper sediticusly against the Actions of Princes, is a sin so notorious, as none but you durst presume to fancy. As for all other things which you might conceit against him, he can preserve himself. If you should attempt his life, his Guards and personal Valour might prevent your Treason and mischief; But from malicious tongues there is no protection. Yet know, the more envious you are towards your Prince, the more you you eternize his glory. And when your Prince (in his solitary thoughts) is most serious for your prosperity; it is than (usually) when you censure his careful retirements, laziness, or idleness. Not considering how much his active soul contributes towards your quiet, nor his care to your repose. Think not that the sacred Character of Princes (which distinguisheth them from their Vassals) consisteth merely in the magnificence of their attendance, the puissance of their Armies, and in the richeses of their Treasures. Not, it is not all this that compleateth the Majesty of Kings, nor do these royal occurrences only command your obedience, and make Kings to reign. But it is an honour and obedience seated in the very foundations of your souls, in which garb you aught to approach to their throne with adoration. And you are bound to believe (as toward yourselves) that your Prince cannot err as towards his vassals. This may teach you not to intermeddle with his actions, not to resist his Government, not to demand or Peace, or War, to will what he liketh, and to believe that his pleasure is not unjust. It is upon this Basis of Loyalty and obedience that the foundation of Majesty is built; and whereby it is solely preserved: Who ever fails in this original duty may easily fail in all others. It is the Commencement of all Seditions, the ground of all Revolts, the Platform of all Parricides, Rebellions, and Treasons. It is most important than for all Princes to keep their subjects strictly to their duty, which entertaineth a true tranquillity of their Estates: And makes them reign & live as Kings. The marvellous harmony which governeth the Universe, may serve as a rule to all Princes and people of the World: Since the beginning of all ages, the Rivers have glided quietly without retortion towards their Fountains. The Sea contains itself within its bounds, the Heavens are constant and infallible in their motions, the whole course of nature orderly obeys their primitive Commands, those streams which pass over the Gravel and Sand, are not envious at those which flow over the flowery Meadows. The serpents crawl on the Earth, without envy to the birds which fly in the air, each Creature continues satisfied in that degree to which it hath been first assigned by its Sovereign; quietly resolved by native obedience, to tender that honour to the Creator which is due: And I wish that all people would tender to their Princes (whom Heaven hath designed to be their Lords and Masters) that which is due to them from their Subjects as their birthright naturally obligeth them. Than (without dispute) they might be more happy in their qualities; And if the Prince be more virtuous, their obedience will but tender them more fortunate and glorious: If evil and wicked, the Subjects are bound the more to conceal and obscure his vices and errors, or (at lest,) so to compose themselves, as that they will not discern ●ny infirmities or imperfections in their Prince to his prejudice and dishonour. For as there is no virtue, but a vice attending, hath some resemblance to it which every moralist cannot suddenly distinguish: So is it with the Subject, they cannot discern what is exact Justice: Or that Vice which so much resembles it, which is Cruelty: They cannot conclude rightly whether their Prince be Prodigal or Liberal, whether he loveth Peace or feareth War, whether timorous or prudent, rash or Courageous, Provident or Covetous. And therefore Princes who every moment dispose of their lives, aught not to be subject to their judgement, nor submit to their Censure. Their business, is chief to study virtue, to practise Obedience, and to refer the Government to their Prince's pleasure; Commending themselves to Common Providence of succeeding Events. Murmurs and reprehensions of Vassals never reform Princes. And they who dare to use such improper addresses, are like those who throw stones up into the air, which fall on the heads of those which cast them; who, if they wound not themselves, yet are they in danger, or else they fall to no purpose. But (perhaps you will say to me) our Complaints, our Murmurs, our Cries have roused your Valour from being longer lulled and charmed with the embraces of love: And that you have not only quitted the object of your passion, destroyed and removed it, but likewise sacrificed that which we contended that you should forsake: at lest we have gained this advantage, that we have our desires and more than we expected. To all this I reply, that I have done as much as you say, but do you withal know the reason of this proceeding? It is to teach you with some terror, never to presume to censure any Actions again: For (I lie not) in this Conjecture you have most deceived yourselves, you believed that love had banished the thoughts of honour from my heart; That the wanton pleasures of peace had rob me of the desires of Glory in War; And that I had been so accustomed to prostrate my will to the beauty of a fair slave, that I had forgotten the art to Command and rule men; And when I lead the Damsel to the Scaffold, you (doubtless) conceived that I ascended thither to make an Apology as Captivated entirely by that fair Lady, and slain by the darts of her beautiful eyes. But understand once more, You are too low and ignorant to be my judges, and that it belongs to me to be yours. I doubt not but that you will (with much difficulty) digest the strangeness of this accident, and that now you acknowledge yourselves not to be my Judges, but witnesses to approve the Action which I have done in your presence. Some may presume in their thoughts to accounted this as barbarous, others will say that the fair blood which I have spilt, will blemish the brightness of mine honour: Some will conclude that by this Action I have gained more than by a Battle; And in others let thoughts be free. If I be not deceived, they dare not speak but what pleaseth me, or else they do but whisper very low. This example is high enough to strike a terror into those who have vapoured of their own insolency in murmuring against me, and to persuade all Kings, that It is better policy to tender themselves formidable, and to live more in their Subjects fear, than in their love. But if any one shall object, the severity of Justice is speedily transformed into Cruelty: I answer; It is much better to think too little, than too much of Clemency. I confess, Cruelty may make the Subjects miserable, but Clemency may make them criminal: A severe Prince banisheth Vice from his Estate: When the indulgent doth tolerate and authorise it, and makes it his usual recompense. It were better than that Subjects should complain of their Princes, than that they should be forced to complain of their Subjects. Murmur than (you Vassals) at my severity if you have cause. In the resolution I am in, your accusation will rather prove an honour than an injury. I have been severe to myself in taking away her life who was the chiefest satisfaction to my own. And I do not think that any Age (heretofore) can present us so rare an example. It is now our pleasure to resolve you that the Charms of love, and the thoughts of honour lodge not in my breast at the same instant; Concluding the repose of our present estate to be rendered more secure by so strange a precedent. If I had admitted this fair Greek to attend me in a March, and that her dalliances had separated me from the Counsels and dangers of War, than you might have murmured. If I had locked her within my Seraglio, the Jealousies of my Sultanaes' might have attempted her person, and your hands revenged their Jealousy. And if you had been her Executioners, I had still justified myself as Emperor and Conqueror of what I possess, though she were destroyed. But rather see this inevitable Fate and Tragedy acted by myself in person. I did believe it fare better that she should fall by such an illustrious hand, than to expose her (whom my soul so loved) to your profane rudeness. And as we read of some Fathers who have sacrificed their own children gloriously for the interest of their Country, I may do the like, and 'cause my Mistress to dye for my glory, and the Interest of mine own Empire, without suspicion of fear or ignominy. This act is nothing else but the cutting of the thread of her life, not the shortening of mine; the destroying of her beauty, not of myself; the closing up the splendour of her eyes, not the obscuring of mine own; and though I be rob of her for ever, yet am I not deprived of the variety of other pleasures. Now as Kings live not only to themselves, but must tender an account of their actions, not to their subjects, but to their Posterity, and Kings their Successors, (I hope) in sacrificing this object of my love, I have sufficiently testified, that all things aught to submit to true honour and renown: That this sole interest aught to supersede all others: And that no other consideration should be able to interpose in a soul truly Heroic. To bend towards the conclusion, A Prince who acts not with a noble resentment above all others, is not worthy of the quality of that high condition: And whosoever refuseth an occasion (fitly offered) merits not to have it. It is by so fair a temptation wherein you were so foully criminous, that I omitted not to listen to your murmur. Having than so cruelly commenced a War against myself, it becomes me to continued it against mine enemies with an equal valour; and it is your duty to repair your crime by their defeat; and so to merit your lives (which I give you) by taking away theirs, by pouring out their blood for sparing of yours; and that you expiate a pitiful death with an illustrious Victory. Pardon (sairslave) him who hath pardoned thine Enemies, our of mere consideration to his honour: I have been an Infidel to true renown for love of thee. I have abandoned the design of new Conquests, not revenged the hatred of mine Enemies, and retarded the desire of Victory: But this imperious Mistress of Heroic souls (whose Domination is so absolute) could not suffer thee longer to be her Rival. She demands from me my heart entirely, and I have not power to resist her: She hath possessed me from my infancy, and she will enjoy me to my end: I have forsaken thee, ('tis true) but 'tis for that, for which Alexander, the Caesars, and all Princely Heroes of Antiquity have searched to the d●a●h. Be contented than that I am rendered an Infidel to my promise for a moment, and that I found it not ill to be longer enchanted or imprisoned in thy beauty. 'tis true, thy life must be short, but thy Hearse shall be the more Magnific, and thy Memory more illustrious, when I shall make the spoils of Kingdoms pendants ●o thy Tomb: Come than (brave Soldiers) Come, let us March to grasp their Standards and Ensigns in our hands. And all those Trophies of Honour and Triumph which make Victories more bright and glorious in the people's eyes. You shall see that the Passions of love cannot 'cause me to forget the honour of War; But that I know still how to Command and fight: And I pray Heavens that you have not (for your part) forgot to follow and to obey me, having in so high a degree already forgot your duty. Know (Soldiers) that I caused not this fair Lady to dye, but as I found her a Cloud and Obstacle to the splendour of my name. Look to it than, that your Cowardice Eclipse not the beams of my honour: For if such an accident shall arrive, nothing shall be able to preserve you from my indignation, nor from the most exquisite punishments. I shall than recompense two horrid Crimes at one time; Consider than, and be not less hardy with your hands, than you have been saucy with your tongues. I know well (according to ordinary Custom) instead of threatening you, I should gently entreat you to the Wars, and suffer your affronts: But in this Conjuncture my Prudence is more fit and useful. For if you shall prove Cowards, my Enemies will punish you more severely than if you died in the Battle. And if you are brave Spirits, and gain the Field, you may expiate your Crimes, and obtain your Pardon. When one person offends, he is to be punished (without dispate) to terrify others from being Malefactors; but when Multitudes become criminous, it is wisdom to draw advantage from their strength, rather than to exterminate their persons. Those who have taken the boldness to rebel against their Prince being Sovereignly commanded, may prove stout and Valiant against his Enemies when there is a power above them to force their endeavours. Come than (Soldiers) come I pray let us march and fight. But as I have engaged in the word of your Emperor, I will fight with as much resolution as any private Soldier, and expose myself to equal danger. I shall pretend that you beaten the Enemy, and whilst I gain the Victory, you shall raise new Trophies to our Crown. Such a success may redeem your Crimes from the Gild of innocent blood which you have spilt, and recover you to that Innocency which you have lost: Such an act may appease the rage of your displeased Prince, and discharge you from that Odium, Infamy and Tortures, which your black Rebellion hath contracted upon you. You know well that I have confined my Clemency to limits of restraint, but my Justice never. Place not than your hopes in the former, but your Dread and Fear in the latter. Soldiers (who are generous) aught to fear nothing more than dishonour, and to hope for no other thing than Victory. You may yet avoid the one, and obtain the other: But you shall not be able to escape my revenge if you prove Cowards, not fail to meet with death if you be not Victorious.  

The Censure.  
I Shall 'cause this fair head to be cut of when I please, said the Cruel Emperor, to the Mistress of his affections, when he seemed violent in his Caresses and embraces; yet as barbarous as his expression was, there can be no Compare betwixt the verbal terror of a lust full Tyrant, and the savage action of this Tiger Mahomet; The language of the first was but like a flash of lightning, quickly over. But the wrath of the second was the destroying Thunderbolt. The first motions of the souls and hasty rash words slip often from us inconsiderately, and yet are notranked in the number of mortal sins: No not by the most severe and strictest Casuists. It is confessed, that a good man may have wicked thoughts, and yet those (quickly dying) grow not up to the shape of sins; though their Conceptions be abominable, yet in a second reflection the soul disliking them, and the will renouncing such sinful Cogitations, it may be fairly granted that sinful thoughts, and rash words suddenly repent, are very pardonable. There is no imagination so pure which our fantasies can present, but conceived in a tumult, as well have their pardon as imperfection: But within a soul, which radically preserves Innocency, abortive Cogitations vanish away as Clouds: They are as the Creatures Ephemeroy, which die the same day they are born: Or yet if they have any being, it is so exiguous, that it is scarce visible. But as for this Action of this Monster Mahomet, it was not of that nature; He completed his Villainy by acting what he had thought, and spoke: Circumstancing his Cruelty, with deiberation, making no use of time to repent or return from what he intended. What his imagination conceived, his understanding examined, and his will approved as good: Commanding his hand to commit the Crime, which that member could not have acted, but by the impetuous pleasure of the william. It was his disordered ambition that transformed the Emperor to become the Executioner; Love was not than the predominant passion, he submitted his soul to another affection more powerful and Tyrannic; And the fear of exposing his authority to a hazard, supplied him with courage to perpetrate that which I am hardly able to leave in History; So highly doth this Action (in my judgement) deserve to be concluded Barbarous and unnatural. Policy is a most necessary guide to Government; And it is than best, when regulated by the Maxims of Religion, whose sacred direction permits not power to transgress beyond the bounds of reason, truth and equity: Otherwise Policy is but like a keen sword in the hand of a furious Madman. The thoughts of a wise man (where Religion is wanting) grow up into horrid Crimes. And that which Philosophers and Legislators propose as an universal good, turns to evil, and proves a plague and punishment to particular persons. This Prince (of whom we have spoken) (if one so barbarous deserve so noble a name) caused it to be written upon his Tomb, That his design was to ruin Rhodes, and stately Italy. Let us not admire than, if one who designed that his ambition should live on his Sepulchre when he was dead, stuck not to take away that life which he feared might be an obstacle to his fatal ambition. Such proceed as these are much like to those of angry Lions, who usually strangle them whom they most caresse and court. Those than whom such Tyrant's love, aught to fear: for it is a question not easily decided, whether their love or hatred carry greater danger.  
Now from this act of horror let us turn our eyes to a spectacle worthy of Compassion, and from this ugly Monster (who dissembled Reluctancy upon the Scaffold) let us contemplate upon a King of better merit, and so divert our thoughts with more relations of varieties.  
FERDINANDO King of Castille, was so far from being austere and cruel to persons whom he affected, that he hated to be unjust to his very enemies. One of his Captains named Coral, having defrauded the King of Granada, and unworthily gained vast sums of money by the too much confidence which he had placed in his fidelity, FERDINAND his Master esteemed himself obliged in honour to requited the injury: And upon this score restored to the King of Granada divers places of his Dominions which he had formerly taken from him. And so soon as he understood how much the treachery of this Gentleman of Castille had abused the credulity of the Moorish King, he committed him to prison, he sent for that General (who commanded his Armies in the Frontiers of Granada) to the Court, and spoke unto him as followeth.    

FERDINANDO KING OF CASTILLE TO THE DUKE OF NAGERA.  
IF the inconsiderate zeal of Coral did not excuse (in some degree) as well as condemn; and if I did not judge of his Actions more by his intentions than by the unhandsome effect which followed, I should teach him by a punishment (as rigorous as just) not to trespass any more so rashly against the honour, reputation, and glory of his Prince, nor to transgress his orders, or exceed his Commission, whatsoever advantage his deluded reason persuaded him to believe, that he might do, or had power to effect. Seeing than that some shadow of good appears mixed with that which is evil, and his slight crime relished of some tincture of Virtue, and that Clemency is a Royal quality as well as Justice, towards which the dictate of my natural inclination is very pliable: I have resolved to pardon him, upon condition nevertheless; That you (Duke of Nagera, who in this case appear more just than either he or I, by detaining him prisoner, at the instant when he was culpable) shall make him know at his deliverance, that he hath at lest merited a perpetual imprisonment: That a hundred actions which a noble Spirit (as he was) might effect, can never countervail his failing: And that if I did not as well call to mind that I am the Father of my Subjects as their King, I should in his person imprint such a bloody and signal mark of my anger and displeasure, that all others who are inconsiderate should be terrified by his example, and become more wise, declaring to posterity, that I never consented to a thing so unworthy the Grandeur and Majesty of Kings. If this offendor (Noble Duke) had endeavoured to breed division in the breasts of Ferdinando, and Isabel, and to sow dissension and disorder in the Royal Family; if he had withdrawn my Subjects from their duty, raised Forces in our Provinces, and armed my people against me: I shall say yet further, had he held intelligence with the King of Granada, whom he abused, and had falsely sold him more Towns than hecheated him of by his treachery; had he filled our whole Kingdom with blood, horror, and confusion, (I shall yet mount a degree higher) If he had attempted the life of my Children, my Queen, and self, he had less offended me, and had been more pardonable than for that crime which I mention here: For in those affairs he had only troubled my repose, and shaken my power, but had not obscured my glory, or stained my reputation. I should have esteemed him unfortunate, but not so criminous; he should have appeared mine Enemy, not my Confident. But he offended with greater dishonour than in all these Circumstances: And if I had both lost my Crown and my life, my honour should have been still entertained (dearer to me than both) which he hazarded to ruin. O (Noble Duke) those who say that Princes love not Traitors, but their treasons, know not rightly the secret inclinations of Princes; nor the deformity of Treason, nor well understand what they say: However I well know that the heart of Ferdinando, is not capable of designs so base and Cowardly; And he can safely swear, that he equally detesteth the Traitor and the Treason. It is not because I am ignorant how for many ages, interested and Cowardly Politicians have established, or (at lest) endeavoured to settle as an infallible Maxim in the affairs of State; that it is permitted to sow ●he Fox skin to the Lion's Tail (that is) to unite Craft to power, with design to prospero equally from them both, as Fortune & occasion shall present. They will say, the Objects of all Kings is their Grandeur and Puissance, and that they aught not to lose any opportunity to enlarge their power, or forget any Circumstance which may serve their design. They may yet add, that it is pertinent to use any means that may facilitate their arrival to their ends; (It matters not by what Mediums obtained) That all paths which lead to the Sovereignty of a Throne are fair, and it little imports whether their Frontiers are guarded, or their limits planted in fair weather or foul, whether by Force of Arms, or snatched from others in the night by subtlety or craft; when the pretences have been Innocency, and the designs Ambition. In a word, such evil Judges of human actions, have confounded noble Conquerors with Robbers, Usurpation with just titles, Good actions with bad, glory with Infamy. Such Statesmen permit, that it is lawful to destroy, and to conceal the destroyer: They are not ashamed to allow that execrable Maxim, that nature hath made nothing in vain, nor created poisons without their end. See (Duke) the wicked rules and horrid Counsels of worldly Politicians; But these are not the guides that lead Ferdinando and Isabel: Who, before we conceive evil thoughts, or at lest, dash them not in pieces in their birth, pray with all our hearts to God that he would rather take away our Sceptre and our life. How great and magnificent soever a King may be (though a Conqueror) I hold a man of honour, and a Christian, of all persons most highly excellent. Innocency and true nobleness are things of most precious quality, and more full of Majesty than Robes of Purple or Crowns of Gold. The quiet and tranquillity which springs from a good Conscience, gives a sweet relish and satisfaction to the Soul, which no Throne of its own Virtue can afford: And whosoever is touched with a desire of true generosity and nobleness, can never meet with it, but in a participation and possession of a Candid and unspotted mind. If the indiscreet and ill advised Coral, instead of those prisoners which he made me return without Ransom had brought the King of Granada in fetters; If instead of the Silver which he stole from him, he had brought to me all the gold which Christopher Columbus of Genoa pretends to be within his Newfound World; If instead of those places which his Treason would have given me, he had effectively delivered to me the proud Castle of Halambra: If (I say) he had subdued unto me the whole Kingdom of Granada, surprised that great City which gave nomination to the whole Kingdom, chased all the Moors out of Spain, and driven those Monsters into Africa: If all these Great actions had not been done by lawful means; I should have disavowed them, as well as that which he hath unworthily effected; and have refused those Crowns and Kingdoms, as well as those Towns & that Treasure, which he so basely and Cowardly obtained: But perhaps (will some one say) that the Theology of Kings aught not to be so very scrupulous; For as their Condition is more eminent and high than others, so the Conduct of their affairs is the like: that what is prohibited to private subjects, is permitted to Sovereigns: And it matters not so much whether the design be lawful and honourable, provided it prove possible and profitable. Suppose we should yield, (as having suspended our reason) to such Maxims of so dangerous error: Doth not the Politician (in this Case) find perfidious utility, black and odious? And when that position (which is certainly ever false) shall prove true; that Princes never aught to Act, but for their particular interest: What advantage may I look for, or what good success may I attend? Nay, rather what evil doth not my reason persuade me to fear, and justly expect? Public Faith, the Laws of Nations, natural equity aught to be sacred, and inviolable Bonds, which in all ages and all Nations aught most religiously to be observed: These are as ancient as the World, and will not terminate but with it; And whosoever transgresseth these limits of justice, is not looked upon only as mischievous, but as monstrous; an Enemy to civil society, and a Common Perturbator of public peace. Such a one is a horror to Heaven and Earth, and each soul looks upon him as an impious and sacrilegious person, who deserves not the Element of Fire or Water; but being an odious offence to Nature, aught justly to have all creatures to fight against him. All People have certain Laws and Customs which they hold, as their particular proprieties, not like beasts intercommoning with each others; Those Laws of the Persians' are not those of the Turks, those of the Italians are not those of the French, those of the Spaniards are not those of the English; Nor those of Poland those of the Muscovites: So may it be said of all other Nations. In this variety each person may be observant to their own Laws without interruption to others, or infesting peace and repose of the universe; Nay without so much as a verbal Contradiction. But it cannot be said so of public Faith, of Jus Gentium, and natural equity; These are things that are universally reverenced of all people and all Countries: And by Consequence, those who violate them cannot expect but to be detested of all men in general. If I should than have approved the odious Action of Coral, my Faith, my Word, my Integrity may come to be slighted, or at lest suspected by all the Princes of the Earth. Which of my Allies, in Leagues of peace might not fear my perfidious undermine? And which of my Enemies (during War) would give Faith to my Paroll, or affy in my Treaties? My most genuine and freest proceed would undergo the suspicion of treachery and deceit; they would look upon my promises & engagements as baits to allure their Credulity; and listen to my propositions as Fables and lies: They would credit that all my discourse comprised under it a secret and malicious sense, they would strictly examine all my words, scorn every particular syllable, and after an exact and rigorous discussion of my thoughts, they would conclude, that they cannot be assured of any thing they pretend to; And for fear of exposing the grandeur and security of their estates to the hazard of Falsehood, they would resolve to trouble me eternally. All persons are either my superiors, more powerful than I, or my equals, or my inferiors: And amongst these three orders of men, not only my neighbours, but all Princes of the Universe are comprehended: And it is undoubtedly true that the first will resolve certainly rather to oppress me, than injudiciously to expose themselves to peril, and to be anticipated by me. In the choice of acting or suffering In justice, there are but few generous men that will choose the latter way. And although the purity of Christianity hath left us a precept of perfection, yet there are but few Christians, and rarely any Prince who is persuaded to obey that eternal truth, and to follow (upon any occasion) such disinterested Counsels. To speak than the truth of things (as they aught) there is no Prince who could, or aught to believe, if I had committed such infidelity, that my ruin had not been very necessary; or (for a general good) who would not think it a brave action to endeavour all his power to hasted my fatal moment? As for the second rank, of those who are equal in power with me, their perpetual observations of my infidelity hourly arming them, will never suffer me to be in any repose, nor make any League or accord with me. The lest alteration between their Subjects and mine will speedily be made a matter of State: The lest disorder which shall arise in the Commerce of Trade will be interpreted as an injury to the Sovereign: The lest Bank which shall be in dispute towards the Frontiers betwixt particulars, will Alarm all the Country into Commotions, as if I encroached upon their Provinces. And (in conclusion) it will fall out, that the hazard of a Battle may decide the differences, and that the good fortune of the Victorious, or ill of the Vanquished may bring ruin to both parties, and so calm their inquietudes, and all their misapprehensions. For the last sort, which are the weakest, though they appear most contemptible, they oftentimes prove most formidable. For as they know themselves to be in danger to loose all, so they deport themselves more cunningly crafty to defend themselves against the oppression they fear, or misdoubt: Hereupon they endeavour to sow the seeds of discord and division amongst the Subjects of an unfortunate Prince whom they fear; they incite the Malcontents, and quicken their capricious humours; they complain and murmur with seditious spirits, and interest them to their party for mutual assistance of each other: Than they decry the present Government, reproaching the Prince, as unjust and tyrannical, and so struggle to shake of the yoke of their obedience, and abandon his protection. And if Princes be too strong for these factious Boutefeus', than they gather, and assemble in Conventicles; first whispering their mischief in secret, and after break out into open Confederacies and Rebellions: In the end these unquiet, and turbulent spirits, (hurried away with giddy apprehensions) redouble their natural activity; and having a specious pretence for their enterprise, never cease, but change and tumble until they reduce all things into confusion and disorder. And having run into that extremity, engender (at length) such gross clouds and opinions upon the Prince, that he is judged criminal; and outrages daily increasing, the rude multitudes, like Thunderclaps, and Lightnings, threaten a terrible desolation. It is in vain in such an unfortunate conjuncture of evils to expect any succours from Neighbours; who (if not professed Enemies) rather become Newters than Parties, or Assistants. This perfidiousness strikes as well an odium, as a horror to all who observe it, and gaineth pity from no person: Nay, it is a condition which scarce procureth attention, much less compassion to the saddest complaints; and the most scrupulous persons seem satisfied, being spectators of the disgraces of a faithless Prince: Conceiving themselves to merit respects, if they augment not their misfortunes, and dishonour. This is not all, but how great soever their miseries be in a visible appearance, the acts of Injustice prepare other exquisite and certain evils. Princes are ordinarily the rules of their Subjects actions: And are as the Primum mobile to all their motions: Their great examples are imitated, and followed by the people; each one sees, observes, and strives to follow their Prince as their guide; Complacency commenceth this imitation, and a submissive habitude doth continued it. If the Prince be virtuous, the people are of that inclination: If wicked, and vicious, the Subjects are apt Scholars to such a bad lesson. And as the Throne is highly elevated above ordinary ranks and degrees, so are the Prince's errors least concealed, and (by consequence) the people speedily learn to imitate them, or study revenge against him. If it be so, than what fidelity or confidence can that Prince have in his Subjects, who wanteth fidelity himself? Will not such a faithless Governor, who fails to regard his own word, teach his people the same practice? And will the people believe that Rebellion can be a greater sin in them, than falseness can be in their Prince? Doth he think that by teaching of them that the Laws of Nations are not sacred and inviolable, he doth not likewise teach the way of dishonour, and disloyalty to Princes? Doth he believe (abusing the equity of Nature herself) that the people can have any respect for his injustice? May he not expect that his false and cowardly dealing wi●h his equals will persuade fear and hatred in his inferiors? In brief, if good Princes have so great a trouble to reign happily, how can evil Princes but expect to be destroyed with ignominy? When none of these accidents shall arrive, our neighbour Princes shall live without ambition, our Subjects without revolt, as having nothing to fear on earth, and shall stand in dread of nothing but him who rules in heaven; their love shall make them loyal, and their Prince's Justice secure. Do not I know that God hateth the faithless, and their infidelity? that oaths cannot be broke without a sin? And is not the right of Nations (in some divine Relation) near to heaven? Have not I learned, that I should not take the name of God in vain? And must we not than conclude, That in all Treaties which Princes make, their words and intentions are as common witnesses of their Treaties; whereby they warrant and establish engagements to each other? And shall not he who is Lord of Lords, and Lord of hosts, as he is full of power, be esteemed equally full of Justice? Can I believe he will approve the Injustice of any in the service of those Armies where he himself is General? And will authorise their perfideousness (who violate their promises) without Revenge? Aught we not (in reason) not only to fear, but to believe (as a thing infallible) that he will remit me to the power and fortune of mine Enemies, and hurl upon my head the vials of his wrath and indignation? And that he will (through mine own misery) tender me a sad spectacle of his justice for the enormity of such a Crime? O (my Lord Nagera) had I no other consideration but this alone, I could not but detest (as I have done) the unworthy action of Coral; and disavow his unjust proceed. Yet (it may be) Coral may say (as endeavouring to disguise and extenuate his fault, and in some kind to paint over the Ugliness of his infidelity) That had he dealt with generous Enemies, who had had a sacred reverence for their word and honour, he would have had more regard to his Faith: But knowing that (by many experiences) the Africa of our age is the same with that of the former, and that the Punic faith (sometimes so decried) is the same which the Moors observed to this day to deceive the credulity of other people; Yet their fraud and falseness is no example to any person of Honour. He could not believe himself to have erred in imitating them; But rather that in this he committed a high act of Justice in making use of the same weapon (of treachery) with which they so frequently (though unjustly) assail others to punish themselves. But in what School distinction could Coral learn, that it was not lawful to make choice of evil things for present advantages? If he who leads the way, throw himself voluntarily upon a Praecipe, can he oblige others to follow him? If the Moors have been perfidious, aught the Christians to be so too? Not, not, the Alcoran and the Evangile teach not the same Maxims. Jesus Christ and Mahomet have not commended to the World the same precepts. We are not than to act according to that Doctrine, which we detest as abominable, and which we believe to have sprung from Hell. These cowardly Actions, and infamous Treasons, aught to have imprinted a horror in Coral, and not to have engendered in his soul the imitation of a design so Criminous. He aught to have remembered that he was born in Spain, not in Morocco, and to have considered that he was a Christian, and not a Moor, he aught not to have forgotten the names of Ferdinando and Isabel, which certainly are to be distinguished from Abindarrais and Fatime; And that they detested to approve an action which their Religion did condemn, and directly shakes the Honour, renown, and Laws of Nations, and which (though the Moors perfidiously admit) all Christian Princes abhor. To speak truth, the Moor and Christian (in this conjuncture) have exchanged their Principles: Have not men seen the Frankness and ingenuity of the King of Granada in this whole proceeding? And can any eye be shut at the Treason and perfidiousness of Coral? I am astonished that Coral did not only not blush at his insolency, but that he died not for shame in the horror of his own confusion; which he had done, had he but had sense to consider that all the Earth must know, that a Moor was saithful, and that a Spaniard, a Gentleman, and a Christian had the baseness to become a Coward and a Cheat. But he hath not only deceived the King of Granada, but Ferdinando and Isabel also: He had the boldness, after he had abused the general; (And in that Action affronted you also who Command our Armies in the Frontiers,) to injure his Masters as impudently; And to engage them in his perfidious Acts and disgraceful carriage. For when he addressed to me to obtain power to treat with the King of Granada, he spoke not to me of any thing more than what your letters imported, mentioning no foul design at all. He only moved that he might have leave to treat upon the Ransom of some Prisoners, and the rendition of some places: And I was pleased to invest him with Conditional power, which he abused in deceiving that Prince. In the mean time, who could have believed a Subject should have attempted so rashly a matter of so high a nature, and without order and consent from his Master? Or rather who will not doubt but that I had the unworthiness of Concurrence, if I had not biased my Course another way, by disavowing and detesting what Coral did? Now if we have found that men have slain their own Sons for giving battle without order (although they were victorious over their Enemies) What severe punishment hath this undiscreet Commander merited, who did not only this action without my order, but hath committed a most horrid fact, which is not only covered with Infamy, but which he basely designed to obtrude on my Shoulders? (Sir) if I had in this action observed reason and justice, Clemency and pity would have found no place, and the offendor should have received the wages, and recompense of his deserts. And now who knows whither the restitution which I am about to give, will salve the breach, and fully make reparation to mine honour? or whither posterity will judge candidly of my intentions? or rather not conclude them culpable? And that these second resolutions are but the effects of some remorse or poling? and yet the glory of Ferdinando and Isabel is not of so little Fame, but that some Princes out of envy would be glad to taint and obscure it with so black and foul a cloud. Yet Cerrall may pled, those whom I deceived are Moores. I answer, those whom thou didst abuse, were Men better deserving than thyself; because they had Faith, and thou wert false. It matters not whether those we treat with wear a Hat, or a Turban, a Rapier, or a Scimitar, whether Christians or Infidels, whether they love or hate; The obligation of Faith is the chiefest Bond amongst persons of Honour: It is the very Ligament of Nature and all society. During peace, what Commerce without faith? and during War, what Capitulations without treaties? and without which men would be transformed into a condition worse than Tigers and Lions? besides, the petty subtle falsities and treacheries of private persons, are not compatible with the Grandeur and Nobleness of Princes. Such poor Artifices become not Kings and Sovereigns. Frugality in a Prince may be censured Avarice, and a vice, which in a subject may be justly commended as a piece of prudence, and a virtue. In a condition than so high, base and low thoughts are not to be admitted, nor any thing acted not beseeming the quality of a King. And I shall incomparably lose the best advantage, if I should but hazard that of mine honour; Which once forfeited, instead of a Triumphant Chair in the midst of glorious Armies, and famous Towns, I should obscure myself in forlorn deserts as unworthy to be in the view of the World, or for ever to see Sun. The lives of glorious Princes aught to be as unspotted as the purest Crystal, and mine is not to be defaced with the black stain of falsity: For 'tis certain, if a Prince lose his honour, that loss is irreparable for ever. The Crimes of private persons may be concealed in the obscurity of their quality, and buried in oblivion as well as their memory. But the actions of Princes whether good or bad survive to posterity. As Pilots observe the Rocks in the Sea, to avoid them, so do the people the evil actions of Princes. And as Fathers in the presence of their Children more severely punish their slaves to deter their offspring from their faults: So History immortalizeth the lives of monstrous Kings to prevent successors from their crimes. Their memory proves an execration to all the Earth: Those who never knew them, live to hate them: Those, whom they never offended, survive to prosecute them, & will not permit their ashes to sleep in quiet; which is a common Charity to all others, dead in their graves: They are deprived from all protection, living or dead, and their Carcases are insecure, and not sure to moulder quietly in their Tombs. Let them than who are resolved to set holy Temples on fire, and commit notorious crimes, that their infamous Acts may be longer lived, follow the examples of Coral, and approve, what his Consideration undertook. But as for Ferdinando and Isabel, who aim at glorious immortality, and abhor unworthy actions, they shall always detest and condemn Corals ignoble treachery. And they should as well condemn the offender as the crime, if his Valour did not pled for Grace for his imprudence, if Clemency were not a Virtue Royal as well as Justice, and did not (of the two) more incline to humanity. But seeing no Kings are so perfect, either in their Offices or persons; but have cause to address to Heaven for pardon for many offences: They are not to refuse others, humbly imploring favour and remission, nor be inexorable for what they pray themselves. They aught rather to apprehended by their own infirmities how to use grace and mercy towards others; And if Princes expect their Subjects should tolerate their errors and imperfections, there is a kind of a necessity for them to be propitious to their Subjects, or at lest to correct but gently, seeing they are the Fathers of the people. That Coral lives than, who is so unworthy, it is a reprieve only to tender him capable to endeavour a Reparation of his Crime, by better actions, and thereby to wash of the infamy of his perfidiousness: And (in some degree) he may justify and manifest to all the World the splendour and clearness of that honour and reputation of his King which he had so basely abused. Return than (Duke Nagera) to the Frontiers, where you commanded my Armies: make restitution to the King of Granada, of all those places surprised by perfidious Coral; satisfy him out of my own Treasury for the Ransom of all the Prisoners delivered, & command Coral to remain Prisoner till he have surrendered all the treasure he basely rob from the King of Granada. To this purpose dispatch a Trumpet with one of our Heralds to the King of Granada to make an Apology, and to excuse the insolent affronts of Coral, and to assure him (at the same instant) that I have no need of such ignoble means and ways to vanquish my Enemies; Nor shall such treacherous falsities be the degrees to my advantages. Fail not in your duty to our Commands: For I intent that all the Earth shall understand, that I scorn to steal, or use treachery to gain a Victory, or to increase my grandeur by dishonourable and ignoble means.  

The Censure.  
CErtainly this great action did well become Alexander the great, from whom Ferdinando borrowed the last words of this discourse. And I do not wonder that a Prince so high did so greatly value his honour; nor that his Conquests proved correspondent to his courage. The petty Artifices, and evil ways of unworthy Actors, may serve sometimes to enrich the projectors with more facility; and such sobs and cheats are more tolerable (if ever) in persons of mean fortunes, and base conditions, where the obscurity of their birth may conceal a part of their shame, and an extreme necessity place them below the cognisance of the Law: Both these qualities may frame excuse, and (in some kind) tolerate, if not authorise the injustice of their proceed. But for Princes, Kings, and Monarches, who have no other objects for their designs but true renown, these base, and ignoble actions in them cannot but be famed horrid and shameless crimes. Those Martial Laws which have warranted Heralds boldly to denouncea War, have decreed their persons to be sacred, and the same Laws do condemn Spies to death. Those Captains, who after the Battle embrace, and caresse their Enemy's prisoners, ordain exact punishment for them that keep not their Paroll. In a word, as the Lightning still precedes the Thunder, so Kings aught not basely to surprise their Enemies by perfidious Treachery unworthy their Grandeur. Those whom Fortune hath elevated to a Throne are so rich and powerful, that in their Wars they aught not to have any other end, or object, but honour, and reputation; and what valuation can they expect by a perfidious interest, or by a base, and ugly Artifice? It was the speech of an ordinary Officer to his King, I would use deceit if I were in thy place; and it was a Princely Answer, I might perhaps use it if I were in thy condition. The dark and lesser Stars as they are obscured with every Cloud, so their spots are not visible to every eye; but the lest Eclipse of the Sunue is discerned by all the Earth. It is so with Kings; as the ascent of their Throne is in the view of all the world, so are their perfections or errors equally visible; They cannot than be too careful of their Renown. And as true lovers are ever apt to be jealous: So Princes passionately amorous of true Glory, cannot be too scrupulous in its preservation. I know it is an Old Maxim, Give a flying Enemy a Golden Bridge; And that Philip of Macedon said, that no place was impregnable, where a Mule loaded with Gold can climb; And another Politician asserted, That Children were to be deluded with toys, and men with promifes. Yet I believe these Maxims are false, and fallible, and absolutely unworthy a noble mind or a prudent statesman. But since that Ferdinando hath searched to the bottom the arguments of this discourse, we shall not further engage in the dispute. And seeing we are at Castille, we intent to speak of another King of that Nation. Don Henry during the Civil War having blocked up a rebellious Fort, and the besieged having made a Sally, amongst others an Enemy Cavalier was taken Prisoner; who finding his wounds Mortal, prayed the Guards to give him leave to go speak with the King, that before his death he might discover a secret of Grand importance; The chief Officer granted his request, and in the presence of the King (before he expired his last) he related with much regrett and testimony of repentance, that he sallied out of the Town with express orders (as others) to kill the King; And according to their joint command, they generally engaged; Than secretly whispering, he named althose Grandees, to the King, who had consented and conspired to so evil a resolution; as soon as the relation was made, the Prisoner died. After which action Don Henry would never reveal to any one of his Confidents, those whom that Cavalier had accused. And this discourse is to justify a silence so extraordinary, which denied all importunities of his nearest friends and Counsellors to get discovered.    

DON HENRY TO THE Count of D'ALBA TORMES.  
I Know well (Noble Count) that the Subject whereon I am to discourse is not ordinary, but I am satisfied also (if Prudence and Policy abuse me not) that it is not unreasonable. In all the accidents of a King's Reign, it stands with his wisdom to consult and weigh those things he intends to undertake, whether they be Just, Profitable, and Glorious; which three Conditions are very necessary to Royal erterprises: and when these three qualities are first designed, it cannot be, but that the Cooperation of all three will be harmonious in the same end. justice and true renown tender joys full of Innocence, which voluptuous pleasure is a stranger unto; and clemency in those who know how to practise it as they aught, renders true delight, which revenge is ignorant of, how sweet soever it may appear to the imagination. Before I can examine the resentment of two objects so extremely contrary (which is the present task) I must present to your memory, That a Cavalier pricked with remorse of Conscience, desired to see me, and as he was dying, to discourse to me a design which he had to kill me, and to reveal their names who had employed him in that cruel Office, at which instant he could nominate no other Authors of his Crime, but mine own revolted Subjects: He sallied out of Valladolid with others, and was not of my Camp than, when he undertook this barbarous resolution. And it is with a well balanced consideration (as I shall show in the sequel of this discourse) what I have here undertaken: In the mean time let the spectators judge whether I have not discreetly managed my power, being equally effective to revenge or punish as Wisdom and Policy have advised me; or whether too much compassion hath not suborned me to Clemency, or a false representation of Glory hath not clouded my reason. First to consider the Affairs in general; it is confessed that Revenge is sweet, and carries with it a Character of Divinity, and that it is the most terrible Mark of the Power of Sovereigns: It is by that wherewith the Subject's hearts are possessed with fear and trembling; 'tis revenge that bridles Neighbour Princes, and confines them within their own limits: It is she that aweth the people to a continuation of peace; And (in effect) she makes Kings more formidable, to all other sorts of subordinate men. But we must admit (sometimes) of this distinction, that amongst Christian Princes it is enough to be of power to revenge those who prejudice the peace and welfare of a Kingdom; who for some reasons sometimes may better be punished: But to imagine that revenge is an act permitted on all occasions, is an erring Principle, which evil Princes have established, as resolving whom they cannot make to love, those they will enforce to fear: As often as the Thunder rattles over our heads, it strikes a terror; but it falls not on all the criminous, because the world is full of them: The Sun shines as well on the wicked as the good: God pardoneth more often than he punisheth; his Clemency spreadeth more universally than his Justice; which Attributes, though equal in perfection, are not equally and respectively executed on us. As for Revenge 'tis to be used as Physicians do Poisons, (that is) in violent, and dangerous Maladies, where every other remedy will be infective, and where necessity commandeth to force and drive away one evil by another. Revenge may be sometimes convenient, though not always. The destroyers of Cities, Provinces, and Kingdoms, who to destroy one enemy commit thousand innocent persons to the miseries of war, and care not for the prodigal effusion of blood to satisfy their rage, survive in History, but in an infamous Character. The innocent blood spilt dies their crime in a deep Tincture: And (in my opinion) such bloody Tyrants are not to be ranked with noble Princes. But Clemency makes not so great a noise; She casts a radiant beam of honour over them who practice so divine a Virtue: She covers their heads with a bright Ray of Splendour who are guided by her, whiles the Plotters and Actors of Revenge are inveloped in thick clouds of darkness and blood. The one engendereth a birth of Love, the other of Hatred; the one leaves you in tranquillity, the other moves you to perturbation; the one procures you thousands of faithful servants, and the other stirs up millions of secret enemies; the one intendeth the consolation of the miserable, and the other is ever busy in the invention of punishments. Revenge deviseth Fetters, Clemency considereth how to unloose them: The one practiseth the filling of Tombs and Graves, the other is recalling to life those who have merited the sentence of Death. To conclude than rationally this point; Revenge is not to be permitted to Kings, but when it serves infallibly for profit or glory: And that secret delight which is inseparable to those who study revenge (as to punish those who have offended them) is not considerable in the breast of a noble and Christian Prince. It is so than (if occasion rightly offer) that if neither profit, nor glory may be obtained, that the exercise of revenge may be prudently suspended: And Justice (where these considerations are) will be not less satisfied: For that which makes Revenge glorious, is than when a Prince hath in his power a proud and insolent Enemy, who being the head and chief of a Faction or Conspiracy, deserves severest punishment, whose example may teach all his party to tremble, and stand in awe, when they behold the most eminent and notorious Malefactor amongst them so disgracefully loose his head: And where Clemency may be interpreted fear or cowardice, there in the exact preservation of the majesty of a Crown, it is more prudence to incline to revenge than pity: For when one pardons, at that time, when it may be conjectured he dares not presume to punish; at such an instant Clemency may be looked on as an ambiguous Virtue: But when a Prince passeth an Act of Grace on such considerate circumstances as I have done, upon a poor Cavalier, full of mortal wounds, at the point of death, and already stretched on the Beer, who expiring the last minutes of his life, closeth them up with repentance, begging pardon for his traitorous design, and than naming the Authors, and Contrivers of the black conspiracy; it would not only have appeared a kind of cruelty, but likewise imprudence to have than augmented his torments which caused his remorse; and to have posted him to his Grave, who had not (possibly) but a few moments longer to breath: But I was so fare from hastening his death, that I should rather have endeavoured his continuance if the cure of his wounds had been as equally in my power as my disposition to pardon his offence: And certainly in his great extremities the grief for his crime against his Prince did more sadly affect him than the sharpness of his wounds. These reasons well weighed, no man can justly suspect that fear or weakness snatched this pardon from my hands, unless he will affirm, that it is a glory for a Prince to take revenge on a feeble, wounded, dying Penitentiary, weeping, and bleeding for his crimes. Difficulty and danger equally set forth the glory of revenge as well as War. And if Kings were obliged in policy to punish all indifferently who have offended them, (They being naturally for the most part vindicative) they should never want matter for their displeasure to work on, nor a plenary satisfaction to their cruelty, if inclined to such practices: For there are too many feeble Criminals in all estates, whose blood might he exhausted easily, and without danger (their lives or deaths being indifferently in the Prince's power) as to the repose and quiet of their Kingdom. Now if the punishment I might have inflicted on this poor snake could not be glorious, it could not have redounded to any advantage. I have formerly told you that this Cavalier sallied (as others) out of Valladolid, and that his evil enterprise was not form in our Camp; and consequently an example so severe and rigorous was not than necessary, either to keep secret Enemies in their Allegiance, or thereby to hinder the eruptions of their malice and rebellion: For they were public Enemies who were accused, and who employed him. And this is (Generous Count) the difference betwixt the one and the other (if my policy fail not) that the one kind is to be terrified with fear, and the other invited by the acts and grace of love. If a King receive intelligence that some notable plot is designed against his person, or his royal Throne: And that the things in agitation are not come to maturity and ripeness, but depend on some incertainties, so that his greatest Enemies appear loyal, as if his friends: And the Bishops and Ecclesiastics (being of the same complexion) have their hearts as equally divided as their Mitres (their opinions in general being dissentaneous) and not person having openly declared; In such a case an example of punishment and revenge may be seasonable, and necessary: For if a Prince be not sometimes active in revenge, his people will conclude him too timorous, or too indulgent; and thereby be encouraged to a Revolt, which his severity might have prevented. In occasions of this nature consideration aught to be had to this Maxim of Policy, That a seasonable act of Justice (and thereby an effusion of little blood) sometimes prevents an inundation of misery, and takes away the cause of ample pardons, and unlimited Clemency. But than when secret devices and concealed conspiracies break forth into public Revolts, and open Rebellions, and such desperate resolutions have armed the Subjects against their Prince: It is his business in such a case to know how to subdue Insolency with true honour, and to chastise them with the Sword, as well as how to pardon them. Revenging Justice is not always seasonable, public punishments are most fit and proper for the Battle; and when Rebels become vanquished prisoners, the surest second Conquest is effected on them by grace and pardon; thereby conquering as well those who never came into the field, as those who had the fortune to escape the edge of the sword. By this means some are reclaimed, others cheerfully invited to obedience; and the Consequence proves a double Victory. It is confessed, this Rule is not infallible; and that some are so obstinate and malicious, that neither pardon, nor punishment can regulate or subdue their passion: And as for Clemency, they are (for the most part) deaf towards her mild and courteous voice (engaged wilfully to their resolutions with some wicked party) but I know well that he who is not touched with a just apprehension of his own error or crime, will hardly be convinced by the terrors of fear; or, In the beginning of a Civil War, it is not wisdom to make all those desperate who are guilty: For what greater misery can hap to them, after they are once engaged in mischief, than to fall into the hands of a provoked Prince, whose severity will not harken to a submissive Repentance? This is the way to make them resolute even to the hazard of his own Army; since it often happens, that the fear of an approaching death makes men act things miraculous; and even more than can possibly be expected from human power. To rebate than the truth of things; Revenge consists not solely in the exercise of punishment; but to have power to revenge, and to be able to undertake it with facility; or (at lest) without danger, is undoubtedly the most noble and highest satisfaction in such occurrences: And there is often more content to see an enemy obliged to your sweetness, than to see him expire under the torments of a rigorous severity. This example than of my moderation which I have presented this day may be an occasion to disarm those who shall be most violent against me in the remainder of my life. It may be in this very hour (wherein I speak) some others may repent, and are consulting how to cast themselves at my feet: And all who have revolted, hearing of this act, may be touched with shame, or struck with confusion: But however if they are not yet made penitent and pliant, (I said before) how rigorous soever it may be, shakes none but feeble and fearful souls: But Clemency on the contrary is very affective on generous minds, more than on others. Virtues are generally linked in such a Concatenation, that what ever difference seems to appear amongst them, they are all united in building up the same pile, and they have (which I cannot describe) a secret union amongst them which causeth those who possess any one, to discern that they have an insensible cohabitation with all the rest. Thus the valiant Soldier admires Justice in the person of the Prince, the Magistrates honour Valour and Courage in the Commanders; all Noble minds, who have Heroic thoughts have a capacity and sense of a virtuous example. But you will tell me that which astonisheth us most in this your action, is not that you have pardoned a single Cavalier, a Prisoner wounded, ready to dye, and begging pardon; but that you are pleased to conceal the names of those who commended the Poniard to his hand that was to stab you, and suggested the design to attempt your life; since which time you have wrapped up that secrecy in such silence, that even all your faithfullest Subjects are entirely ignorant of those persons who were your chiefest Enemies. Some of you likewise may object; what moves you to be of their party, and so to act against yourself? Behold (noble Count) these are the consultations and thoughts which I read very legible in your countenances, and those conjectures I daily observe through the impatience wherewith you have attended me hitherto. But before I shall give you any more reasons which persuaded me to an action of this kind, know this, that I shall be the most faithful of all my Conspirators, and that in all my life I shall never discover to any one those who had designed my death. I know this proceeding may be as singular as the example; yet I cannot be dissuaded but that my intentions are rational; to examine which with more strictness we must seriously consider the interest of the Prince; that of his Children, that of the Families of the Conspirators, and that of the State in general. For the first, it is true that it is possible that Posterity may not know that there had been a conspiracy to destroy their King; and perhaps it were better if it were so. That History (which professeth to be impartial, faithful, and exact) it may think fit (without any scruple) to silence those actions which merit eternal oblivion; and whereby the memory of the Prince could receive no advantage: And yet it is not so, because it is not true, that wicked men conspire as well against virtuous Princes as against Tyrants. It may be further objected, that such a Record were for the shame of those who lived in that age, and were Subjects under that Reign; and it is doubtless more glorious for Kings to suffocate the bruit of Conspiracies, than to perpetuate them to Posterity. If this reason seem not strong enough to support my resolution, let us examine what utility may redound by the publication of that which hath been revealed. You are not ignorant (since we are before Valladolid, where reside the Archbishop of Toledo, Admiral Frederick, the Master of Alcantara, Count De Medellin, and the rest of those Confederates are met) That the Capital Conspirators are not in such a place where they can easily be taken; That they have their Swords in their hands; That they are in a most strong Town, and in the midst of a considerable Army, and by consequence in a condition insolently to deny, and outface those evil designs which I might publish, and to secure themselves against all attempts. If than (these consideratious first premised) I should condescend to particularise the Attempters of my life, how think you would such Enemies after be ever invited to a Treaty of Peace? Can you imagine after such a declaration they will ever have a confidence in me? Again, how resolutely, think you, they will now act? Or how do you suppose they aught to proceed to put in execution that which they shall know me to understand? Really, I think, they would have cause to make this use of such an action in me: Nor could they provide for their own security otherwise, than by adding one sin unto another. The ignominy and danger which such a Publication would throw upon them, and lay them open unto, could not possibly be increased: And being rendered thus desperate, can you believe they would not act further to save those lives, which for what they have already committed must certainly be lost. Not, not (Noble Count) these must necessarily be the events, and therefore I shall not repent my having been secret and faithful to my Enemies. Crimes voluntarily repent of, merit less of accusation, so sometimes shame directeth the offenders to the way to virtue, whose persons would never return if their faults were published. Therefore we are never to divulge a crime but what we are able (if God please) to punish. If Kings were to act as their Subjects, than undoubtedly a truth of this importance were not to be concealed or disguised, because the hatred of one particular person doth usually last with his life, and it may be that which he doth not effect at one time, he may execute at another. But it is not so with Princes. Malice ordinarily is not directed towards their persons, but their power. And conspiracies designed against them, are for the most part upon causes which continued not long upon equal foundations: For we see that Conspirators themselves (according to events) altar their intentions. Such politic Artists there are, who may attempt the life of the Prince; And yet a revolution of affairs may command them to hazard their own for his safety. As for obtaining their desires, they are sometime wearied with them, and they may chance to lose their evil intentions, because never published to the World; and an evil constellation being past, it may so prove the Prince to be no less in safety with criminal penitentiaries, than he hath been amongst his subjects who have been always faithful. Secrecy and dissimulation in such points and cases, is most considerable. For if I had accused the Conspirators by a Manifesto (whether they had the Grandees, Nobles, and Commons on their party, or not,) It is certain they might have answered (as 'tis natural) that they loved not to own and avow a wicked action; they might publish that this accusation (though never so true) was a Calumny to decry their party, and thereby tender my integrity suspected to the greatest part of Europe. Besides, after publication they might frame better disguises than before, and so with new intentions more ably delude, and gain their ends. But as things now are, I have understood their design by the single report of one who hath deciphered their intimate actions; and I am advised which way the wheel of their thoughts turned: which inspection they not discerning, I shall read within their hearts, and see the most concealed of their intentions, and destroy them (if I please) with great facility. I may than with prudence, silence their names, and attend, without danger, their repentance, but not without peril declare the criminals. Yet may some one say, do you not believe by their spies that the Conspirators know that one of their party hath conferred with you in secret, and than they cannot but imagine that it was to betray their designs, and consequently they conclude with themselves as much as if you had accused them openly? To that I answer, there is ever a notable difference betwixt ambiguity and certainty. Those who act not but with some doubt, do little more with precaution than if they had merely known nothing: And those who doubt not at all, may perhaps become faithful to my service by the sole consideration of an action so extraordinary. I know well that some men may censure that a piece of Artifice which in me is an effect of Prudence and Bounty: Policy in this case may be able to serve to two intentions entirely different (when I please) to one end, and to explicate the most clear & apparent actions as I shall judge fit. But as Kings aught not to attribute so much to common human prudence, as to secret assistances inspired to them from Heaven in the most emergent difficulties; I believe in the election of pardon, or punishment, secrecy, or discoveries, it is permitted indifferently to follow that way which my reason tells me is most noble, and generous, as neither thwarting with the rules of wisdom, nor opposing the means of safety. Now, if after the consideration of the Prince's interest it may prove necessary to advice of the good of his succession; It is most important to an estate, that he who is to ascend the Royal Throne aught to be free from all Malice, Passion, and Interest: And how can that be if the successor understand, that the Inheritors of the most illustrious houses of his Kingdom joined in Conspiracy to take away his Father's life? If he be a dutiful Son, and one who naturally honoured his Father, he cannot (but with difficulty) forbear to extinguish their memory; and if he be jealous and suspicious, he will more hardly confided in their persons. Therefore Kings never aught to espouse particular interests, and when they receive the Crown by their Father's death, it is best to bury in their Father's Tombs all their quarrels, their displeasure and revenge; and the Successor is to guard nothing more choicely in his heart, than a Paternal love to his Subjects. It is than most necessary (when it is possible) to conceal conspiracies from those who are to succeed, lest a preoccupant fear possess their spirits, and make them commit greater oversights in rendering those uncapable as to any office or employment, who though they have committed great Crimes, yet having repent, are more fit and able to exercise them than any others, and by this means perpetuating an Enmity between the Prince and his Subjects. Now as the relation is necessary between the one and the other, it is important as towards the Conspirators Families, that their Crimes be rather concealed than public, chief when they are so notorious, that they not only merit revenge, but spread an Infamy which deriveth a bitter taste to future posterity. Wherhfore ignominious blemishes are not to be unadvisedly branded or fixed on illustrious houses, because their race and lineage are the force and strength which supporteth Crowns. The Princes in this case aught to be tender of their Glory, as a beam of his own Majesty, and as to this purpose a prudent concealment of their crimes may tender more advantage than a rash discovery; for why, their faults were personal, and it may not prove sound Policy to make their crimes so immortal, as not to be forgotten in any Succession of ages. This were to tender them odious to the people, and to remove them from that popular respect, which being united to them, may be serviceable to the Prince.  
Again, as it may prove no good policy, so it may be questioned whether it be an act of justice to make the Conspirators issue bear a part of their Ancestors punishment for their delinquency; which proceed (unless Affairs of state judge them necessary) may prove very dangerous; For a King alone forms not a Kingdom, he is but the head of that great body; the Grandees (next under him) make up the more noble parts: There must than be great Caution of dishonouring and debasing too much, and too long those members, which, as the Arms and Shoulders immediately bear up the head. By all this it appears that whether we look on the safety of my person, the splendour of my Renown, the good of my Successor, or that of my Enemies, whether the advancement of Peace or of the State: We may easily judge and conclude it to be more Prudence to conceal what hath (in this case) been concealed, than to publish it to the World, in which respect I shall not easily change my resolution. If mine Enemies shall continued obstinate in their Crime, I shall not fail of other pretexts, whereby to punish them, if it so hap that they fall under my power. Their being in Rebellion is a Crime sufficient to take away their lives, with Justice, without a farther accusation of their being Parricides or Regicides: And if they be capable to correct themselves, I shall exceedingly rejoice to have extracted so fair an advantage out of their offence and my own silence. Moreover if they prove persons of such a condition and more noble quality, who have attempted my life, without doubt I have proceeded judiciously, as not having discovered my intentions to either pardon or punish: Seeing that as yet they are not in my power; if the Conspirators were men of the middle rank, it were than superfluous to divulge their names, whose persons are so obscure as scarce known, and if they were men of the lowest quality, it would reflect with too much dishonour on Royal Majesty, to descend to an exact discovery of such low shrubbs, who like Briers and Thorns have been bound up together in such a black Conspiracy. He who keepeth the hearts of Kings in his own hands, reserveth Lightning and Thunder in his own power, which he can let fall (when he pleaseth) to their destruction who shall oppress their Prince. It is meet to refer some parts of Justice, to the God of Vengeance, and not to presume on the exercise of all power he bestoweth on us. I say not this but with resolution, that if the authors of the Conspiracy were in my hands; I should severely chastise them, yet not for their particular injury to my person, but for their impardonable crime against the King of Castille, which punishment were not only requisite for the safety of myself, but likewise of my successors. So than, if they were in my present power, their punishments should be as notorious and remarkable as their Crime; But seeing I am the only person alive, who can accuse them, I shall forbear, and rather prevent (if I can) their evil designs: As for those who shall continued obdurate and obstinate, I shall be revenged on them otherwise, Taking pleasure to pardon those who do repent; And I value it not a little satisfaction to save and preserve the honour of so many great Families, and the lives of so many persons, rejoicing at the Conquests of my own affections in this Provocation which renders to me no small Victory.  
In all other occasions it is dangerous to have the Witness to be the Judge, but in this case it is most advantageous to my Enemies, that I alone can accuse them of their Crimes, which if known, my secret could neither preserve them nor me: I could not longer be Master of that particular, because the Laws would importune my Justice. But seeing heaven is pleased, that he who revealed their crime is already dead, I shall only be the Arbitrator of their Destiny, and convert my power to no other service than to afford means to amend, and reclaim them from their wicked course. It is true in this Conjuncture, that the Royal authority which I have in my hands leads me nearer to the Throne of God, who knows the most secret crimes of all hearts, but forbears publish them. He brands not the wicked with particular Marks, but leaves to their Malice locked up within the circle of their own hearts. And it often falls out, that his terrible Judgements which 'cause us to tremble here, foretell those great punishments which the wicked may for their reward expect hereafter. Some say, that secrecy is one of the most essential Attributes of the Divinity, and it is by it alone whereby it is presented more adorable, and more venerable with men. Do not admire than if I only be content to know my Enemies without their discovery; seeing I have learned this practice from God himself, who courteth us to his courtesies, as well as receives addresses from those who he draws unto him; and whom he is so far from punishing, that he promotes not so much as a particular accusation against them. Permit me than (most generous Count) permit me (I say) to leave the care of my revenge to him who best knows how to use it. If he please that my Enemies shall be converted out of shame, and self confusion, he can do it by ways unknown to us. And as he hath given me power to be silent, he can force them to speak, and accuse each other than when they least dream of it. Come on than, let us march and fight without accusing them. Let us not impede, nor dishonour the Victory at which we aim in discovering them to be Parricides: Let us act with Princely resolution, and not longer defer our power: Let us exercise our strength that we may have occasion to use our Clemency: And let us make the World see that it is far more glorious to conceal and conquer our secret adversaries, than barely to pardon our declared enemies.  

The Censure.  
IN the diversity of opinions of several judgements, when I consider this action of the King of Castille, I confess I agreed with him, and I acknowledge his Choice the better. There are some diseases which are not curable but by gentle remedies, which (as the Physicians say) will prove more dangerous with application of Corrosives. When the body hath an arm or leg putrified, the Chirurgeon may employ his knife, or sear with fire, or cut of the rotten member to preserve the rest; but when the whole falls into an indisposition, and that the more noble parts are infected, the Physician and Chirurgeon would not only be censured rash, but mad, if they should undertake to cure an infirmity or distemper above the force of Art and Nature, and which did almost require a Miracle to recover it. It is not good to force an Enemy into despair, if a man have not absolute power to destroy him. The extremity of peril (as this Prince said) causeth often the greatest Cowards to become desperately valiant. And many, who would willingly make a fair retreat from mischief, if they could assure themselves of security by being unknown, resolve to venture the worst of hazards if discovered. The Scripture counselleth, be ye wise as Serpents: and if this Counsel be necessary to any, it is principally to Kings; The Egyptians in their Hieroglyphics placed an eye on the top of their Sceptre, to represent Providence, and to advice Kings in that Royal Emblem: This eye always open, taught them that they could not too carefully regard what they intended to Act; The King of the Bees hath no sting (as the naturalists observe) which teacheth Princess not to be transported with the violence of their passions, and to meditate rather on Clemency, as more natural, than on rigour which nature declines. I know not whether those who presented justice with a Ribbon to blind her eyes have made a judicious piece: For my part I think the contrary, that she sees not too clear. I should rather have given her Argus eyes, than the blindness of Oedipus, or of Tiresias, if I had painted her; and in my opinion the Lynx aught not to see better than Kings, who hold the Sword of Justice in their hands: And for Princes to strike when they cannot see, and to weigh in the Scales and not discern how the Beam turns, are actions that can little satisfy, and relish not of any reason. I know Antiquity intended by this Ribbon, that Justice aught to be done without respect of persons, but it were bet●er to present her as a Goddess, whose sight nothing could obstruct, and whose knowledge might whisper into her hearers continually a caution to hinder unjust proceed. It is necessary than that Kings permit not themselves to be blinded with their passions: And they are naturally to weigh with the Scales of Judgement the things which they determine: And if their Sword be useful, it is no otherwise than as that of the Surgeons, they may rescind one member to save the rest, not destroy the whole to cut of a part. But as it is now true, that I may make use of that Figure which Rhetoricians call Transition, and pass from one subject to another, and so from Physicians and Surgeons to diseases and cures; We shall leave the discourse of DON HENRY, and visit a sick Prince who become his own Physician, DON SANCHE, though he never had his health after he came to the Throne of Castille (equally afflicted by the evils of Fortune, and nature) yet at length, deposed from his Throne by the Injustice of his enemies, he enjoyed healthful days. In this discourse we shall examine whether he gained or lost more by this strange vicissitude, and whether the condition of a private person in health, is preferable to a Throne attended with continual sickness.    

DON SANCHE TO COUNT GARCIA OF CABRA.  
I Acknowledge as well as you (most Generous Count) that this wanton Fortune, who hath removed me from a Kingdom, and restored my health (which I never enjoyed whilst I possessed the Crown) must as necessarily work extraordinary alterations in my soul, (Contraries never meeting but they effect something) And with as much reason as she hath raised wonder in yours: & a curiosity which (as I have observed) I shall rather satisfy than condemn. Will you than that I discover in what condition I find my soul after so strange an event? And whether the grief for what I have lost, sinks not deeper into my heart than the joy for the benefit that I have received by the exchange? It is certain (to speak the truth) that the Philosophy of the Stoics (which teacheth men to be without all Passion) is not sufficient to restrain all grief in such a stupendious alteration, as falling from a royal Throne to the low condition of a private person: Yet it is true that a descent from the highest degree of honour, and power is less ingrate, and unpleasant, and more tolerable to a rational mind, where the condition chief serveth for the recovery of health, which is a treasure so precious to be enjoyed with the lest disgust or regret, as being the chief comfort of man's life, and therefore most universally sought after. All the advantages of Fortune and Nature have not so general an estimation. We found some ambitious souls have aspired to, and usurped Crowns and Sceptres; others have refused these royal dignities, as places too precivitious, and too full of cares and troubles. Some torment themselves with the gain of richeses, hazarding their lives to fill their bags, which others (as more wise) do less regard and value. Glory with all its splendour is less regarded by persons devoted to piety; And some as seriously shun those glistering beams as others follow and adore them. In fine, Some look on a Throne as a high and dangerous Rock; on Richeses as a bait to Vice; on Glory as a disposition to pride, and vanity: Nay even Beauty (which seems to be a beam of Divinity itself) is looked on but as a great evil, when it is not accompanied with modesty and virtue. But for health, it is a Jewel which is of the highest price with Prince and people, with Philosophers and Fools; never was there yet any person found which did not put an infinite valuation on her above all concomitants of this life. We meet with one sort of Philosophers who had the impudence to affirm, that there was effectively no such thing as grief. But without doubt the same Phisopher when he lost his health, had his Principles shaken, and his content and joy were changed into grief and sadness In the mean time (to satisfy you more amply) you are not to consider me merely as a King, but as a private person to whom a birth and death is equally common with the meanest of my subjects; in which capacity our resentments are the same. It is true, in relation to our divine Character (which is inseparable from Royalty) we are fare above them. But in respect of God, and ourselves, we are sometimes their equals, and may be their inferiors. We participate with them of all the infirmities of life, and as we enjoy the same Sun and Elements in common, so we have not other Arms than they to guard us from human passions, and the debilities of Nature. Guards of faithful Subjects may defend their Prince from the Treason of a Parricide, but an Army of thirty thousand men cannot hinder the stroke of death, nor one fit of a Fever: Death will enter the stateliest and strongest Palace (without resistance) when she pleaseth; and the most beautiful, and magnificent glory cannot assuage the lest pain or anguish: Diadems, Purple, and Crowns are unserviceable ornaments to cure the diseases of the body: And I have found myself often in a Princely Palace, in a magnific Chamber, lying in a bed glittering all with gold, environed with the Grandees of my Kingdom, where all my attendance designed nothing else but my diversions and ease: When in the midst of all these seeming contents, I judged myself the most miserable of all men, envying the health of the meanest of my subjects: Death which I have often contemned in the midst of battles, in this condition looked grim and formidable: And when I could neither fight nor retreat, give battle, or resist the Enemy; I found that I was as well a man as a King; and (upon just consultation with myself) that it was very difficult to be a sick Patient, and a sound Politician, to govern the people, being personally weak, and in a great disorder; and not to be exceeding miserable when all pleasures had a bitter relish. Death (as terrible as she is) will command and make Kings and Subjects equal, her business being to level all alike. But in this case Kings are not only afflicted as other men being sick, but more unfortunate. The chiefest point than (in this condition) is to seek after health, which is interrupted by Secretaries, who interrupt every minute of repose, and persecute with multitude of affairs, as well as Physicians with prescriptions of various remedies. The deprivation of pleasure and augmentation of pain are equally tormenting. A sick Prince judgeth by the countenance of his Visitors the variety of all their humours, which rather increaseth than allayeth his passion; he readeth their desires in their faces. Some for their own ends fear his death, and others wish it: In this sad condition he is more unfortunate than any of his Subjects, as not enjoying any pleasure of a King. The higher he is advanced and elevated on the Throne, the greater must his desires be: The Crown seems too heavy, yet he cannot when he pleaseth quit that burden; the Sceptre too ponderous for his feeble hand, and his affairs permit him not honourably to part with what he cannot hold but painfully. In this quality he is willing to act, but cannot; to reign, but is made incapable. In these impossible contrarieties he can easily judge what is the greatest affliction can arrive to a King, and that is to be deprived of health. For imagine with yourselves to what a deplorable extremity is a Prince reduced, when a Counsellor shall tell him (being sick and sad with pain) that his Subjects have revolted, that his Neighbour Princes have in vaded his Territories, that his General hath lost the Battle, that many of his Towns have surrendered themselves to the Enemy, that a panic terror hath seized upon his people, that his Troops have disbanded for want of a chief Commander, that a puissant Army is on their march to besiege him, that his Allies keep not their faith, and that within a few days (before he could remove) he should hear the noise of the Canons playing before his Gates, that his Palace shall become his prison, and that notwithstanding his sickness gives him neither free choice of life or death, he shall yet fall into a lower extremity of misery, and be reduced to the power and pleasure of his enemy: Tell me (noble Garcia) if a Crown in such a condition be desirable; and Royalty (though never so magnificent) to be valued at such a rate and degree worthy of envy? All those who are ambitious to be Kings are not (doubtless) without the passion of desiring glory mixed with pleasure, but of what glory or pleasure is that Prince capable whose constant business is to support his infirmities? And who instead of the delights of a Crown cannot enjoy a moment of repose? If the Prince be evil, it is not possible but a remorse for his crimes must intermix with his Maladies to increase his torments: If he be good and virtuous, it is impossible but that he shall be afflicted, being incapable to act in his Kingly office for the repose and conservation of his people: At lest I know well, during this languishing condition, being on the Throne, nothing can be more insupportable than to understand that▪ that sickness is the infirmity of the State; and that I suffer not a single pain, but that the disease becomes contageous to all the subjects. It is true these griefs of body which daily obscure the light of my understanding, (if I may reason without prejudice to former passages) I confess freely are not only insupportable to myself, but to all my affairs, and it may be censured a fault, that finding myself unfit to Reign, I did not choose to govern by the assistance and nomination of my Successor: but the jealousy which ordinarily attendeth Sovereign authority, prevailed with me in my resolutions, not to nominate that to him, whom I feared as more worthy: I rather chose to support a Sceptre with a feeble and trembling hand, than admit of a Coadjutor, and to suffer that to be taken from me rather by violence, than to be eclipsed by a supper officious-assistant, who would convert my Sovereignty entirely to his own service and splendour. Lo (most noble Count) the crime for which I am culpable, and such a one as all Kings aught to avoid who are rendered uncapable to reign by their diseases, or who shall found themselves imperfect through their own infirmities: For a Prince (whom such evils do obstruct; or who through that lesser Talon which God hath given him for the conduct of the people, is not able to discharge that high office with honour) is responsible before God for all the evils which may hap through his defective Government, or at lest if he choose not an able Minister of State who may supply a remedy in these great failing: And it is for that reason (without doubt) that Princes are obliged, whether they be sick or well, of stronger or weaker judgements, to have ever near them faithful and wise Counsellors, to whom they may communicate a beam of their power, to that end that it may not fail. That if the Princes be weak, their judgement may support them, and if not, that they may refresh them, and so contribute some leisure for their repose, after their grand agitations, in such great concernment. God (whose Image are Kings) acts not always by his judgements, or those terrible means, which seem more directly and suddenly to fall from his hand: Those violent plagues which desolate whole Countries, come not every year; God employs not always his Thunderclaps, nor Famine, nor dreadful Earthquakes, which shake the foundation of the World: Such punishments (being very heavy) arrive but rarely. He serves himself sometimes with Princes, whom he commands to wage a War, against those whom he pleaseth to prove or punish; And than (when he pleaseth also) to be propitious to a people or Country, he doth not always show his mercy in causing Manna to rain on them, or manifest himself by miracles. He pleaseth himself sometimes to sand virtuous Princes, appointing them to be the distributors of his Blessings, as (on other occasions) he directs them to be the Executioners of his Justice. Let Princes therefore cease to be jealous of their Authority; And since God (without any obligation) is pleased to use them as his instruments, let them not scorn (especially since their own necessities and concernments oblige them to it) to make use of Faithful Ministers, who are the absolute foundation of Thrones and Kingdom. For those Princes who are so fortunate as to meet with them, (of this glorious quality) may defy Fortune and diseases, and not fear the confusion of their Kingdom, when they languish on their Couches. It is good for a King to resemble the Sun whose office is to enlighten all the universe; Yet this Noble employment (which the Creator hath given him) doth not make the illustrious Creature jealous of the beams and beauty of other stars, which in their several Spheres of their Activity distribute their light which they have received, as well, though not as bright as that great eye of the World. Yet is there a distinction to be allowed betwixt the chief Minister which the Prince chooseth, and another which aspireth to that trust (moved by his own ambitious desires) the first is like a fixed Star, the other as a blazing Comet, which at present, casteth a stupendious and marvelous light, but the flame borrowed from a wrong Source, is exstinguisht in a moment; On the contrary the fixed Star which is luminous, retains its splendour and brightness as long as the Original light shall impart his beams unto it. Things thus stated, one may say, that the Pomp and glory, which the Sun receives, when he is set, (when in the night we see the Heavens adorned with radiant Starts) the Prince, when the beams of his active power are obscured with sickness, enjoyeth; though he do not act in his own person, but by those to whom he hath communicated the Rays of his power; And in them he still retaineth his Grandeur and Honour: But alas, I considered not the depth of this Policy, until I had lost my Kingdom; And after I was rendered into a condition to be able to do nothing else, but examine myself whether I should be more happy in my health without a Crown, or else should continued a sick and languishing Prince. I am assured (Generous Count) by this discourse that you can easily judge, that the Crown which I wore was plaited with Thorns; And if I should grudge at my loss, it is not for the deprivation of those pleasures I have received. Yet if I had lost it after the defeat of a battle, if I had than met with this sad satisfaction, to make mine Enemies see (in my courageous defence) that I had deserved to wear it; And that though they gained the Victory, it was because they were more fortunate, and not more Valiant than I; some matter might have been found for my Consolation. But to have languished so long a time as you have known me, incapable of the pleasure of peace, and constrained to quit the War, because not able to be in the head of my Armies, and to see myself stripped of the Crown and Sceptre without a defensive power, to guard those Emblems of royalty; This consideration affecteth me with grief and pain unsupportable. If I were in an active condition, it may be some signal occasion might make me fortunate so far, as to provoke mine Enemy's valour by mine own, and to oblige them to ●orce me to hazard and lose my life gloriously. But the infirmities of my body have made me unfit to Reign, and almost to live: and nothing but a prodigious accident can recover my health after that I have lost all things that are dear to me. I shall now relate to you with what joy I have seen this civil War of my body to cease, which continued my grief for so long a time. It will not prove so easy for me to describe to you the regrett I had in the loss of mine estate, if you had not been an eye witness of what I suffered. Imagine than yourself, by those troubles I endured, what repose and tranquillity I now possess. Not but that I easily believe that the continuation of health may abate much of this high content and joy which I now feel; Nor that an accustomed subjection will not in time make me forget my being King. But really if I should be restored to the Crown with the attendance of my infirmity, I should not accept it; more valuing health without a Crown, than to be an infirm King unable to Reign. 'tis true, ambition is sweet, and that nothing is more difficult, than for a King to make his Subjects his Peers. But when I shall be as insensible as a Statue through the violence of my diseases; the interest of the people and Christian Policy would teach me to refuse that Crown which would as much prejudice them, as it would dishonour myself. The Ambitious may object, that it is a great loss, to be deprived of a Crown; But to that I answer, it is no great advantage to bear it without honour, and to have no Fruits, but distemper in such eminent dignity. They will say, that the torture of the body may be born up, by the satisfaction of the mind; But I answer to the contrary, that the purest contemplations of the Soul are troubled by the indisposition of the Body. There is a bond of nature which so strictly unites both parties, that nothing can divide their interest, and, if at any time there be any difference, there is much more from the indisposition of the body, than from the dissatisfaction of the mind. How many great and noble Souls have we seen so resolved, that the most violent oppositions could not shake into disorder, and their vexations so moderated, as not to distemper their health to an alteration? Many have lost their Children who have never changed their countenance, and good or bad Fortune hath not prevailed against their composure, because their reason was not disturbed. But as for Corporal pain, when it is such, as the Physician cannot ease nor cure with all his art; It must needs operate and have such an influence upon the soul, as fift give her not an absolute distemper, it will (at lest) shrewdly shake the Patient. Servitude, Poverty, and Infamy, are more tolerable; but for extremities of pain, they infallibly banish all pleasure and joy. Love, Ambition, Glory, can yield no peaceable satisfaction to a sick person; and though the Soul be the more noble part, yet in such violent fits, no other virtue hath its operation, but Patience. And how imperially soever the Soul may brag of her Superior excellency; There rests nothing to be acted (on such occasions) but what are the effects of that virtue. Corporal pain ariseth from a natural or accidental infirmity in man, but the vexations and anxieries of the mind, are voluntary, and merely depend on the william. Sovereignty not Royally managed, is a supreme disgrace, and to have a Sceptre which he cannot sway, is as if a Soldier wear a sword and cannot draw it. Policy which supporteth Kingdoms is but a bad Physician, and cates which attend them are not Remedies and applications for the recovery of health. Mortality is but a weak Comforter; And as for the Jewel of health, it is not so much prised as it aught; all other things are attended with some inquietude, as Richeses, Honour, power. Ambition is inflamed with new desires, love is attended with jealousy, care watcheth the Rich men's Gates, who have more vexation in their Possession than content and satisfaction; health alone is observed ordinarily with lest solicitude and observation. Yet to conclude (as one able to judge, out of a long languishing experience) I cannot but prefer health above a Sceptre, the one causing me ever to sweated or sigh, the other rendering me cheerful and pleasant, though never so low. Ask me not than (Noble Count) whether choice I better approve, seeing the Memory of those outcries passed, force me to praise God for a more comfortable alteration.  

The Censure.  
IT is an ancient Aphorism, that If a man did but know the weightynes of a Crown, he would not so much as take it up, though he found it in his way. If this opinion be true, even in those who merit well, and are in health; it is no less for Princes that are indisposed: As the gifts of Nature are more excellent than those of Fortune, so are they by every well regulated soul preferred before them; nor are the greatest advantages of a Crown to be put into the balance with the miseries that attend them. The Diadem, the Sceptre, the Crown, the Throne, are glorious objects which tickle, and sweetly please the imagination: But when the torments of the Gout, the Colic, and the extremities of other diseases, wholly possess the Patient, and are placed in opposition to those glorious and lighter Fancies, a healthful Slave is far more happy than a royal King. In the midst of such Grandeur, Princes seated in such a condition (though never so illustrious) are like Tantalus, who in their abundance are not admitted to taste of any thing that may yield them ease, or content: So that what should raise their felicity increaseth their punishment, being yet more miserable that they can command all things, but nothing to their proper use; when the pain they suffer mixeth gall and bitterness with all sweet appearances of their Sceptres. The Gout and Stone confute the Stoics, who deny all pain and passion: And I am of opinion, that a King (though never so magnificent,) is deprived of all earthly comforts or enjoyments, suffering under the extremities of a disease. I cannot but compare the condition of sick Princes to those direful Scaffolds which are richly covered with black Velvet, and (for greater state) have the splendour of Torches to conduct a Prince to his execution: This funeral pomp imprints some respect of his misfortune to all spectators, but they do not attenuate his miseries. It is thus with the magnificence of Princes, it seems to flourish, and causeth admiration, it attracteth reverence, but all this glory is not sufficient to tender him a happy man who is a sick King, though he were the Emperor of all the Universe. Grandeur can have no more than the effects of Dormant and Narcotic remedies: some intermissive moments of sleep may suspend, but cannot heal the violence of the disease, which will return, in its Course. How unfortunate than is a Prince who in great conjunctures of Affairs, hath scarce leisure to be sick, though he cannot meet with one minute wherein he is sensible of health; He bears a burden so great, that it would 'cause Atlas to yield, whilst he finds himself daily growing weak, and his spirits every minute decaying; His occasions call him to every part, but his diseases oblige him constantly to his bed, and whereas he aught to see and seek about to order and Command, instead of these royal employments, he is able to do nothing but complain. He is (in fine) in this condition, a mere object of pity or scorn; where he aught to appear awful and formidable; and therefore I conclude that Don Sanche had reason to prefer his health above his Crown, and to consolate himself in the loss of the one, by the consideration of the Importance of the other. A King aught to die standing on his feet, was the speech of a Royal Prince, and certainly if he aught to be found dying in this posture, much more aught he to appear so living; since that without health Kings are not easily obeyed, nor can their Reign be happy. We found some generals who have gained battles in their Litters: but I think we have not read of any Monarches who have reigned gloriously on their beds, unless it be those Beds of Justice, where Majesty, not Maladies appear. Kings in their Thrones are as that universal spirit which the Greeks called Endelechia. If their influence be not over all their Dominions, all goes ill, and if they be sick, all parts presently grow distempered. But let us leave now the Kings of Castille, and direct our discourse to a King of Portugal. It may be the ambitious will judge it not less a Paradox than that of DON SANCHE, and that they will believe him as sick in mind as the other was in body. But I conceive judicious persons will not be of their opinion; and that true policy will condemn their errors. Emanuel the first levied a most puissant Army, with a design to pass into Africa, where Victory seemed to attend him: When as being upon his march, and just ready to transport his Army over those straits which divide Spain & Mauritania; The Venetians dispatched Ambassadors to entreat succours from him as their Alley, against the Turk, who had now declared War against them. This generous Prince resolutely suspended his hopes of Conquest to assist his ancient Friends, suddenly altered his design, and sent his Army entirely to them, deferring his enterprise to Algiers to another season. See here the reasons which obliged this illustrious Prince to his resolution, and the true Motives of so glorious an action.    

EMANVELL TO JOHN DE MENESAIS.  
IAm not ignorant (Menesais) that the design of Conquests is as natural in Kings, as life itself in other men: Yet I likewise know that Glory aught not to be the only object of their sublime passion: And if they judge it as proper to secure and assist their Allies, as to created new subjects; Than the quality of Protectors is as honourable as the Titles of Conquerors. It is in this noble resentment that I have changed my resolution: And though I have engaged the greatest part of my Grandees into Arms, and covered the Sea with Ships, with a design to extend my Dominions over all Barbary: I am (this day) otherwise resolved to secure the Venetians, and not farther to intent my designed Conquests. But have you well examined the matter? (you may tell me in this occasion) It may be, the sad Complaints of your Allies have surprised your thoughts; whereas had you pursued your own inclinations, or followed the heat of your own ambitions; You had not than quitted your former design to take up another, which (probably) will not increase but diminish your subjects with a disadvantage as unprofitable as dangerous. Not (Menesais) I took not up this resolution in a tumult of passions, but have most seriously examined the reasons and enforcements to this alteration. And after a more solemn debate, I found that Justice, Generosity, Wisdom, and true Renown, have possessed my heart, and prevailed with me, in this persuasion, to invite me to act as I have undertaken. I do avow withal, that these mighty Forces, which I have raised (though very formidable) have not so elevated my hopes to new Conquests, as my desires inflame me to defend my Allies, though I might with greater ease have subdued the Barbers, than have protected the Christians. It is most true, the endeavour of Conquests is an honourable ambition, very active in the hearts of all high born and generous Princes. And as the first Kings began their Reigns, and enlarged their Domination by their Conquests, and have derived them on the People and Subjects There seems a kind of Noble Princelike necessity to oblige them to a Correspondency of their first honourable Commencements. So that (in some degrees both of wisdom and Policy) Princes are bound to expatiate the Grandeur of their Territories and Dominions; And it could not but reflect as an indignity, and some dishonour to Successors, to confine themselves within the limits of their Ancestors. The alterations, and signal changes (discernible in all Histories) seem to authorise what is here affirmed. And the successes of Ages (which have seen the ruins of so many Monarchies, and Empires) witness to these times, the great numbers of Conquerors which have appeared in all Ages; so that the Assyrians, the Persians', the Parthians, the Greeks, the Romans, advanced not their names, nor enlarged their Dominations but by Conquests; and (at last) were not destroyed but by the same means that they were established: The fall of one Empire ever giving occasion to the rise of another; whilst in the great conjuncture of all disorders, it may be said, that either Princes become Tyrants, and were oppressors, or Subjects become Rebels and traitorously oppressed their Sovereigns: And in all Ages past, the ambition of Conquests hath been the most violent passion in all minds which have aimed at Sovereignty. Subjects are of more confined qualities, limited with proportions amongst their neighbours, enslaved to Laws, and limited to some certain parcels, descending to them as their Father's heirs, to exceed which, were as much danger as Injustice. But Sovereigns are confined, and their usurpations more tolerable and innocent, because of their eminent and high degree above other men, and their proximity to supernal and celestial power. We declare than (noble Menesais) that it is not for petty considerations that we prefer the title of Protector above that of Conqueror. And though Princes are ranked as highest in quality, and so above all others; yet they are not (being Christians) so much to regard their ambition as Justice. As for titles, and even those which seem derived from the Prince's greatest virtues, the subjects challenge a communication of them; and they will dispute, that JUST is an Epithet as well belonging to a Magistrate as a royal Prince; that VALIANT belongs as well to a private Soldier as to the Emperor: All the virtues are as habitable, and as content to devil with the meanest Subject as the mightiest Monarch; and 'tis true, that all United cannot set forth the Majesty and splendour of a Sovereign; he who says one is Just, concludes not necessarily that he is a King, or that one who is Valiant must needs be a Monarch; but he who saith he is a Conqueror, concludes that title which can only belong to an illustrious Prince. The power of the Sword which protecteth or punisheth, is only reserved in their hands who are invested with supreme Authority; Subjects are not to transgress the Landmarks of their Neighbours; they are Slaves to Laws, and confined to the inheritance and patrimony of their Fathers; the Prince alone hath liberty (with innocency more excusable) to enlarge his Territories. This enterprise than is not grounded on slender considerations, that I suspend the possibility of the title of Conqueror to merit that of Protector; and though the great splendour of that high quality hath inflamed the Illustrious Heroes of antiquity, and lessened their dangers through their ambitious desires, yet a Christian Prince aught not so much to aim and attend on his ambition, as to incline to Justice: So than, that which was permitted to the Valour of Alexander, is here defended by the courage of Emanuel. Our Policy excludes not any other particular virtues from our souls, but so, that in all our enterprises we aught to be equitable, and severely to banish Injustice. Which Conclusion admitted, it was now much more proper to secure my Allies, than to endeavour a subjection of the Barbares: For as it is with all men in general, who live in a civil society, that a mutual interchange of good offices is necessary amongst them; so it is between Princes and States, and their Allies; a common Interest obligeth them to oppose the Enemies of their Allies, as well as their own; and not to suffer those with whom they have made an undoubted amity, to be devoured by the War, or to forsake them at the approach of danger and peril. You doubt not (Menesais) but after the complete Equipage of this mighty royal Navy, if I should have received advice, that some of my Neighbour Princes had invaded me, I should quickly have steered another course: And why than shall not the Interest of my Allies do the same thing, seeing that I am no less obliged to their defence than to my own? The sacred alliance which is amongst Princes cannot be violated without injury to the rights and Laws of Nations; and it were most unjust in me to expect succours from them to whom I did not intent any. Prince's aught not to promise' amity, and after to sorfeit their sacred words with fraud, and infidelity; and being able to relieve, they cannot (with honour) leave their friends to the fury of their enemies, and the haters of all Christianity. It is true, it is a great glory to conquer, but it is more honourable and necessary to keep a royal promise inviolable and sacred. It is no dishonour to attempt a Conquest, though it be not obtained: But a man can never violate his word and promise without the blemish of baseness and falsehood; an act so unworthy of a Prince, that he aught to detest it above all things. For if he fail in his Fidelity to his Allies; what doth he but teach his Subjects to be as false and fraudulent as himself? And I confess as Justice pleads with me for the Venetians; so Generosity and Nobleness prevails with me to accord to their humble requests: For (with your good favour) tell me with what resolution could our Army march to subdue strangers, if we had refused assistance where there was so great necessity of aid, and such eminent peril of the ruin of our friends? Should it be said, that I marched further from an Enemy into other parts, because he came nearer towards our Allies? Or that I durst not engage my Forces, as if those of the Enemies were too formidable? Am I a Neighbour at such distance that I cannot secure speedily in the access of their greatest calamities? Doth it concern me, that I endeavour to pillage Alcassarquiber because Bajazet intends to pillage Venice with his army? all these arguments are unworthy a Christian Prince, who aspires after the quality of Justice, as well as that of Conqueror. Noble minds are not only obliged to endeavour the Victories of Towns, Provinces, and Kingdoms, but they are likewise to gain the people's hearts, and thereby obtain an universal approbation, which will convert tumults to concord's, and raise glorious acclamations resounding to their honour who know to merit them. And what action do you imagine can be so capable to tender a Crown immortal, as that which relieves a Republic of Christians terrified with an army of more than one hundred thousand Turks? Upon all other occasions, when a Prince is engaged in War, he cannot expect honour and commendations from all the World: For as for those whom he invadeth, they will style him an Usurper, his neighbour Princes will censure his ambition, and rather be spectators of his successes, than be supplyers; and according to event they will speak in fear or flattery. But in such an action as this, no ill censure can succeed. Those who are interested will estimate us as their Liberators; other Kings will behold us far more eminent for our fortune, or more surpassant for our virtue and valour: & Bajazet himself (though an Enemy) cannot less esteem us. And truly to relieve the oppressed and feeble resistants, being our Allies, is a far more generous action, than to abase a puissant and formidable enemy. Is it not true (Menesais) that if in your journey you shall meet with one man assaulted by three or four, and that he should cry out for your assistance (though he were a stranger, and your business urgent) could you refuse to stay, or assist him? aught not the same nobleness of mind be in a King which is usual in every private person out of the rules of humanity, and natural compassion? Should I than leave mine Allies in their extremity to be a prey to the fury of an Enemy? This undertaking presents a double reward to the noble undertaker; the one is, sustentation of the feeble; the other is, the suppression of the mighty: And (if heaven please) he shall repel the one with as much shame, as gain of glory to his own endeavours. I may add moreover, that Justice and Generosity united, are the most Royal virtues, the surest supporters, and the wisest Counsellors of a King. Some other Rules of Policy may pretend to be the sole guides, as instructing them whether to make Peace or War, and to give orders to all their actions. It is confessed that Policy is the royal Science, and compasseth her ends in great undertake; but her Maxims are dangerous for them who have not righteous intentions. Policy is like love, which changeth her form according to their receptions who entertain her. She proves unjust in a jealous preoccupated spirit, she becomes furious in the violent, she appeareth base and cowardly in a person of less interest, but she is always reasonable in a noble & generous mind. In whatsoever dress she's found, she courteth her expedients, and flatters those with whom she consulteth to give a colour and varnish to her designs. Yet in this conjuncture of affairs she cannot dissuade me from aiding the Venetians, who, were they ruined, what advantage should I get, or what danger incur? I know well the Turks are so remote in distance, that I cannot rationally fear the enemy's Invasion can extend as far as my Kingdom. But it is the Interest of all Christian Princes to repel the Forces of the Turk, who is already too puissant over Christendom; and all Kings aught deeply to resent an opposition of the Grand Signors Forces, who is daily enriched with the spoils and plunder of Christians: His unlimited ambition aiming at the destruction of all Kingdoms, and aspiring to establish an universal Empire and Monarchy. It is not only for the Venetians sakes that mine armies shall march, but as I look on their Enemy as the Enemy of all the Christian world. If all Princes were so prudent as they aught to be, they would not think that the Venetians were first undertaken, because they were more hateful to the Turks than others, but it is to make a passage by them to further extensions, to leave no enemy in the rear to march after, and so to flank or offend. In this design than all other Christian Kings have their common Interest, though I (at present) be more active, and more ready in preparation than others. You know (Menesais) when Kings make great preparations for War, they alarm their neighbour Princes to arms, jest they should be surprised, jest the public Faith should not prove sufficiently puissant to assure and to remove all fears and jealousies. It being so than that all Christian Princes know how that Bajazet hath levied an army of 100000 men, why have they not armed themselves as well as he for their Conservation? If they can be so stupid as to be false to their Allies, or careless of their brethrens and Christians. In the mean time I shall oppose these numerous Forces, though I march alone: And by consequence I alone shall be charged with the success of this War: Who, had I refused, the Venetians might have been justly condemned by other Princes, who shadowing their excuses with pretences and accusations of their neighbours might say, had they been in the same posture as I, they would have done not less. Now as the event of War is ever ambiguous, if in stead of Conquering Barbary, I should miscarry in this enterprise, with what Clouds of shame shall I be obscured? From the Honour of a Conqueror I may be reduced to be a Prisoner. From the hopes of being a Protector I may be rendered a Captive, and instead of the Garland of Glory be rewarded with the brand of infamy; my Friends and mine Enemies might equally scorn me, because I provoked the one and the other, my discretion would be in question, preferring an uncertain before an assured path to true honour. For there is this infallible difference betwixt the designs of Conquest and assistance to Allies: The first cannot be glorious but with a victorious success of War, but the other of itself is natively honourable, and from thence springs a Fountain of reputation, though the event prove not so Fortunate. I know well that all who promise to be Protectors of their Allies, are not ever their Liberators in their necessity. But though their Allies be Vanquished, and those who strive to assist them, yet their misfortune is honourable, and that reward follows their memory, that they share of their danger only, not of their disgrace. And though the Allies and their assistants have a joint defeat, their miseries may deprive them of their lives or liberties; but they are still faithful friends, having gained a generous reputation in using their best and utmost endeavours. If than I prefer my March to Venice, before my voyage to Africa, I have not done less honourable; for if I should have been invaded by mine Enemies, of whom should I have expected succours in the like condition? Of what danger might this resolution have proved? If I had forsaken the Venetians, and exposed to the fury of the Turks, those who are a people that adore the same God with us; And at the feet of his Altars might pour out innocent imprecations against us for our refusal; What might my subjects think if I should not compassionate their Condition? Might not they object that if the interest of Religion did not oblige me to my duty, that they might shake of theirs out of the same respect? It might be that some of our Provinces possessed with Rebellion, might take example from myself, and neglect and forsake me as I might my Allies. Perhaps my design of Conquest of other Countries might prove the occasion of losing mine own Royal Inheritance, and the abandoning my Allies in their extremities, and a dishonourable violation of the laws of Nations, might raise a provocation in all neighbour Princes against my person; And (my absence removing their fears) might persuade them to invade a part of (if not all) my Kingdom. For when Kings do levy Armies, and intent to wage War, they always frame a pretence and reason for their martial Comportments, in which design common Policy never faileth, and where envy is the Counsellor, infinite malicious pretences are never wanting. This rightly considered, a sage prevision finds it better to commit a hundred things unprofitable, than to perpetrate one act injurious and offensive to an Equal. And 'tis true, the removal of an injurious pretence from a Prince, might occasion the diversion of an Army, which might have been levied against those who had not kept Faith with their Allies. All the great revolutions which have arrived in Kingdoms and Empires, have had but petty and small Commencements. And uncertain Policy hath no such grounded rules as to assure any security; For when she hath laboured most, and promised to warrant an estate from a puissant enemy, and that nothing without, or within, should trouble or shake the foundations of a Kingdom; we find from what little sparks mighty flames have thriven. Perhaps the love of a woman, or a subject of a mean quality made a favourite, or some sharp resentment, sometimes a misprision or mistake hath set division amongst the Nobles; that dissension hath generated hatred and envy, that envy hath introduced revolt, these revolts levied Arms, and made War, and that War destroyed the Kingdom. That is, than, true Policy, and infallible, when all things are foreseen, that need Prevention. But to speak clearly, such an impossibility can never arrive, and the profoundest Politician cannot prevent the Contingency of strange Events. In observation than to what hath been presupposed, I have judged it necessary to wave my Voyage into Barbary, and to march towards Venice: The undertaking of this latter enterprise presents no greater inconvenience than a deferring of our design for Africa for some farther time: and the entertaining of this occasion may happily secure my own Dominions from a Civil War, or foreign invasion. You see than that Generosity, Justice to my promise, and Policy hath obliged me to this election. And as for Renown and Glory which persuadeth the most impetuous passion, and is a most Sovereign Mistress with all great Princes, see how she yields, and gives way to my rational choice; Consenting that although I took up arms with a design of Conquest, she suffers, or rather inspires my resolution, to relieve and secure an oppressed People. Honour (my Menesais) is not only the Mistress of virtuous Men; But hath likewise a particular privilege to convert all things to their advantage, who serve her. Courage without Arms is utterly unserviceable, liberality without Richeses cannot be distinguished well from avarice; And all the virtues in their particular Consistencies have their singular objects to manifest their effects in those who are habituated with them: But true glory secures itself sufficient in all conditions. She is in an equal valuation, whether ●n the Throne or in a Prison; her Triumphs and her sufferings do both serve to her renown, wheresoever she is sought or found, she is lovely and honourable. And we must not imagine that only Conquerors possess her, and that Protectors have not their partage. The Romans, who are possessors alone of true renown, and which they distributed with so much equity to all that truly merited, bestowed no less honour to him who saved the life of one Citizen, than to him who took of the head of an irreconcilable Enemy: Let us not fear than after so noble an example, but that we may found as great honour in saving the Christians, as in the destroying the Barbarians, and that the action which we have undertaken is not less glorious, than that which we have deferred. The titles of Conquerors prove not always so pleasant and plausible as Princes may expect; For in the judgement of the people, the Conquerors, though never so moderate, are accounted usurpers. Besides that title is not to be obtained but with the subjugation of an entire Kingdom, which is attended with the difficulties of destroying Thrones, taking Sceptres, giving Crowns, besides the Soldier's courage, and the people's submission; The Historians penns must with acclamations and descriptions declare the Conqueror's merit to the World. But as for him whose designs are to be a Protector of his Allies, he hath the Reins in his own power, he dependeth on his own will, to attain his undoubted renown. He who is styled a Conqueror, perhaps may acquire the Epithets of hardy, valiant, and fortunate; But he who hath the name of a protector, enjoys not only these former qualities, but these are added that he is just, faithful to his Allies, noble and generous. Now if the difficulty of undertaking giveth addition to glory, in any enterprise; Than certainly the Contribution of relief in so eminent danger cannot but be an act of most transcendent honour. At present we only intent Preservation to the Venetians, and to encounter with a mighty Army of Turks, and we may possibly get this advantage, having first subdued our own ambition to vanquish this insolent Enemy, or at lest be able to impede the designs of his new Conquest. The honour which we shall gain, will be so clear and pure, as not to appear corrupted with the lest suspicion of self interest before the People's eyes. If we shall not tender the Turks Prisoners, we shall be happy in preserving our Allies from being their slaves; If we cannot beautify the sacred Altars, we shall repute ourselves blest if we can defend them from the Turkish fury; and equally please our ambition, and be fully satisfied, though we be not Conquerors in Africa, to be Protectors in Europe of the innocency and virtue of our Allies and our Religion. These are honours to which we may lawfully pretend; men in this noble endeavour are bound to acknowledge to us the means of their Preservation: Fathers will have their Children, and husbands their Wives protected in their Innocency and Modesty; our memory and fame will grow up with the little infants, who by this deliverance, will be taught to continued the honour of their liberator to posterity: and by a discharge from such evils still prove firmer Christians and more faithfully hate the sins and errors of Mahomet. As for Conquerors they gain glory, but never without effusion of much innocent blood, their Chariots of Triumph are a tended and thronged with those who are more miserable, than criminous; but in this design our Soldiers draw no blood, but from the veins of Infidels, and from those who are the Christians Enemies; and as for our honour in this action, it is as equally without spot as Competition. The joyful songs of innocent Mirth shall not be interrupted with the mixtures of sighs and tears; in our addresses of succour our princely compassion shall occasion public joys, and our endeavours break the Forces of those, who are violators of their Faith, and oppressors of the Christian People. Of all Wars the defensive is most just and glorious; And than chiefly where the successes is happy. That right which permits of a repulsion of force by force, is as ancient as the foundation of the World; Nature herself inspires it, the Laws permit it, the Casuists dispute it, but in conclusion, the best Divines authorise it, and that Maxim is infallible, that what is just, is honourable. How great a reputation must it prove than to subdue those mighty Armies which are prepared to fight, and vaunt of being victorious? The Turks have gathered innumerable Forces to this purpose, laid their design, advanced their march, with an infallible expectation, that they cannot fail in their enterprise: But if they prove to be subdued and disappointed, their retreat must be with great shame and Confusion.▪ 'tis true, the Events of War are very uncertain, and therefore shame aught not always pursue the Conquered; Yet it is ever more notorious and signal upon the invaders, when they are subdued than when the innocent Defenders are overcome. A strenuous defence though at last overpowred, is as honourable as those who subdue, and we found sometimes a place surrendered with as much reputation to those who have yielded as to those who have gained it, and after a long siege reduced vigilant and active Soldiers. O (Menesais) we find true glory in this War, (with what ever eye we behold the design) The cause is just, the Enemy so mighty, that though we fail to vanquish, yet we cannot fail of reputation; our endeavours (if we have the defeat) will take away all shame and dishonour, how than shall I desert these powerful reasons and considerations, which so mightily persuade me? If justice alone commanded me, I aught to undertake it for her sake; For Kings own that duty to all the World, as well as to their own subjects. Generosity is another promoter of this action in my Soul, which if I should not observe, I deserved not the name and title of a Prince. If I incline to Policy or secret Counsels of my persuaders; and if I submit to that inspiration which so inflameth mine own mind, the Beams of honour lead me to this relief, which no Princes could refuse but with an ill reflection to the royal Dignity: Justice, Generosity, Policy, and Renown, being the four wheels which carry my resolution; Seeing the first commands, the second encourageth, the third Counselleth, and the fourth inflameth; we cannot but submit to their united operations, believing we cannot fail, guided by their Conduct and Counsels. These are those Princely attendants which have honoured the Train of great Princes. justice's cannot err, Generosity cannot be dishonoured, nor Policy indiscreet, and as for Glory, her brightness leadeth and carrieth those splendent lights, which facilitate the way to all nobleness: She is a bright Torch that illuminateth the actions of Princes, she hateth vice, & makes her flve, the virtues are her followers, and all her Companions Noble. These attend her in peace and War. We are now in our March to Venice; and doubt not but to found her there; all other Beams grow dark, and are shadowed, when we are obscure in the Chambers of death; justice can bring us but to our Graves, Generosity serves us not longer than whilst we live, Policy than leaves us, and addresseth to our successor, Sovereignty maketh choice to place a Sceptre in other hands, the Crown is placed on another head, Majesty is than buried in ashes, and lieth in her Tomb; But Glory and renown flourisheth on the hearse, deriving foam to posterity, and so spreading over all the World: She recompenseth with usury the pains of former cares, and those who have sought her earnestly in the shortness of their days, she perpetuates their memory to all ages: Let us follow than this glorious star which directs our course now, not to Barbary but to Venice, where we shall be certainly honoured with the brightness of true glory and renown, whatever our successes prove.  

The Censure.  
THe example of noble EMANUEL (this illustrious Hero) may guide the resolutions of all Princes and Monarches who aspire to sublime immortality. This action of his was more glorious than his Throne, and more precious than the golden Sceptre which he bore: The Diadems of Imperial Crowns are not so sparkling as the Rays of this illustrious action: The Purple, and magnificent garment Princes wear, represent not perfect Majesty without their inclinations to imitate so great a Prince, who hath appeared in this not far short of Alexander or Caesar. The high reputation of Conquerors exceedeth not the generosity of an equitable and moderate Prince, who is as glorious in the relief of his Allies, as if mounted on the chair of the highest Triumphs. And sometimes to refuse such glorious offers doth not relish less of true renown, than eminently to Triumph. To preserve one's friends, is no less prudence and honour than to destroy the Enemy. And this is a Maxim as sage as sound. Rome (which this Prince observed) gave freely a Crown to him who preserved one Roman Citizen, and erected many Statues, and honoured him with many thousand Trophies. To him (I say) who honourably preserved the Republic, and defended his Allies by his generous actions, in preferring them above his proper Interest. This is advice fit for Princes, because those who seem to be above the Laws, easily believe they are not obliged by any; and it is good to intimate to them (from time to time) that they are men as well as Princes; and if their condition do exempt them from what they prescribe to others. Nothing can free them from the rule of humanity and natural equity: And we read that the Emperors of Rome had attendance and followers, whose business was to moderate their excess of pleasure, by the directions of Counsels; who if irritated and inflamed with provocation, yet upon second notions, the advice prudently digested, they become more discreet, and of a better temper. Some Princes have commanded that they should be daily remembered with that saying, Souviene toy que tu es mortel, lest they should forget it through the splendour of their state. 'Tis true, Kings are to be discoursed with most properly in soft and silken terms; and imperious language sounds not well in Sovereign's ears; the sweetness of persuasions are of greater force than boisterous speeches: Yet Thunder and Lightning is welcome when it changeth the corrupted air. In curing the desperate wounds of Princes, the Chirurgeon obscures the instrument of Iron which must open and heal, gives it a perfume which may be more pleasant, sugars and clarifies the remedy to make it more conducible, and less sharp and afflictive to the Patient. When Philosophers study Morality they find Virtue environed with Prickles and Thorns, scarce to be saluted without danger. But when they conduct virtue to Court, or would lead her into Princely Palaces, she is adorned with all variety of rich accoutrements to make her more lovely in the eyes of Majesty. It is this beauty of Virtue that enchanted this great King of Portugal to prefer Justum before Utile, and the preservation of his Allies and friends before the expectation of a Conquest. And for my own part were I to follow my natural inclinations, I should fill this whole Volumn with such examples as this. But the variety of Flowers is the beauty of a Garden, and the diversity of matter is the delectation of books; we shall pass now than from this most generous Prince the King of Portugal to the Duke of Anjou, (afterwards Henry the third) of France, who disgusted with Charles the ninth, his brother, had the Crown of Poland procured for him by those who designed his elongation and farther remove from Court. The subtle ways, and secrets of Princes are not revealed to all, and ordinary capacities could not pierce at the effects of so strange an action, that he should elevate his brother to that honour on whom he had such constant jealousies; see here his reasons and arguments to the Bishop of Valence in dispatching him to Poland.    

CHARLES THE NINTH, To JOHN DE MONLUC, Bishop of VALENCE.  
EXperience bringeth the most perfect instruction, and Philosophy and Policy (though they may vaunt and pretend) yet cannot lead to the right paths of Prudence without her conduct, by whose means they are chief beaten, and made plain: All things which have appearance of good, are not therefore eligible; but present affairs are first to be considered with circumstances which are already passed. Prudence is the companion of Experience; and an excellent guide under whose conduct we cannot easily err: But many who pretend to possess that great virtue (if really examined) have little acquaintance with her: Self-opinion being ordinarily the greatest cheat in the world. Old age, which aught to have her as an inseparable companion, walks often alone, and hath not Prudence for her familiar friend; whereas Youth many times is more forcunate in her society: It is not therefore long life which is solely blessed by gaining Experience; since there are many men, nay even Princes, whose whole lives are but a continued dream or slumber. They who portray Experience aught to have lived longer than one Age, seeing that all Kings and men in their longest duration continued but short moments of time. The years change, and seasons have their alterations, but Kings (surfeited with Peace and Luxury) let time pass without strictness of observation, to their office; and in an indulgent Reign of plenty and tranquillity, their abundance causeth them to swell with Pride and Ease, that they will hardly be examples of Justice, much lesle of Mercy. Luxuriant and wanton times cause Princes like iron to rust for want of use; but when an unexpected Enemy appears with terror, or a Civil War breaks forth and imbroyles a State; when the dissension of the Grandees endeavours to dissolve the ligaments of Government, and secret Machinations are discovered to produce general confusions; than Princes are forced to summon up their best abilities, and having mustered all faculties to their service, they are than unexpectedly drawn to several varieties, and strange hazards of necessitous undertake: Sometimes to dissimulate, and sergeant kindness where they hate most, and (on other occasions) to show rigour, and severity towards them whom they most love, and honour: at other times they command to imprisonment those Ministers and Favourites, whose company they chief honoured, and wish nothing more than their liberty. Such occurrences are the familiar attendances of Crowns, whereby Kings gain experience, and discern the transient accidents of their Reigns (which obligeth them to the rules of Policy and Prudence) the better to secure their Sovereignty. Histories, though they preserve a memory, and treasure up the Actions of Kings, yet they give not perfect instruction to them in their royal offices; New successes intervene in several Reigns, which daily require new Counsels and fresh designs. He who seeks for instruction solely in books, must not think to have his expectation satisfied by examining only the Reigns of such Princes who pass their times merely in peace & tranquillity. The Reign of Tiberius and his Ceurt of delicacies, may teach a Prince to consume Golden time in airy vanities, and wanton Luxury. But the Reign of Marcus Aurelius was in another temper, where ensigns (the Emblems of honour) were in highest request. The history of a soft and luxurious Prince, like a bed of sand to the pilot, is very dangerous, unless the example be avoided: But the lives of hardy and valiant Princes like Anchors if well fixed, may preserve a Royal Ship from Naufrage; the errors of Princes like Rocks in the Sea are to be observed in the Charte, that they may be the more securely avoided: But (above all these Theories & contemplations) experience is the chiefest Mistress, Virtue consisteth in action, and he raigne●b most prosperously, who by the observation of the evils passed, and the judgement of those that are present, doth prevent future mischiefs. To open my thoughts (Noble Prelate) to you I am but young, and have not seen more than a Quinquennium of my reign; I dare not presume to brag of my experience, yet I dare to say, I have seen those things, since I came to the Crown, which I reserve in my memory, and which make me doubt whether I have not outlived many of my Ancestors in the Kingly science. Certainly in the observation of what hath arrived both in Court and Kingdom (though I am but a young Prince, and of the age of twenty three, yet) I have recorded many Marvellous and strange occurrences in this short time, which have whetted my resolution and reason to a deportment of more vigorous activity in this dubious conjuncture of mine affairs. It may seem strange to you, and all the World, that I bestowed a Crown on one I have held in Jealousy, and great suspicion, who for his person was a Prince, my Subject and my Brother. And (it may be) you will tell me if you procure Crowns for him whom you suspect, what rewards will you bestow on those who are faithful? To this objection Policy makes her answer, hat there are conjunctures when it is more seasonable to prefer than punish, and to remove an Enemy to a degree of eminent honour, than to reward and recompense a Faithful friend. And your wisdom teacheth you, that all times are not proper for the same service. The merits of some aught to be in the Register, though not requited at present; and the dangers of others designs are considerable; And when revenge may prove perilous, as well as ineffectual; Fidelity is to be suborned (if possible) to prevent more terrible inconveniences. The fairest Flowers serve as well to conceal and hid the Asps and Serpents, as to beautify Chapplets and Crowns of Kings, and Princes are not obliged so much to regard beauty and richeses, as the hearts of those whom they rule and command. Great rewards are not always the testimony of love, but often the effect of Policy, and are not given so much to oblige to Respects, as to appease and remove from wrath and revenge. It was the Troyans' Counsel (though not received) Timeo Dana●● & d●na ferentes; let not than my liberality astonish your apprehension, which I shall endeavour to satisfy by many arguments. First I must let you know that all our Enemies are not to be treated after the same manner: Some may be contemned, others aught to be feared, some actions of Princes aught to be published to all the World, and others, to be concealed from all eyes. Sovereign Government admits as well ingeniously to dissimulate, as severely to punish. The Duke of Anjou is not one of the first rank, but a person more considerable than to be despised; he and his party is rather more formidable, and therefore the more to be suspected. If my private suspicion of him were publicly declared to the World, my condition might grow more dangerous, and he more puissant; because, he is so near to me in blood as a brother, and so related as visible heir of the Crown. Great wounds in the more noble parts endanger the body, and dissensions in the Royal Family are commonly more destructive and fa●all to the who●e line: Such discords would be invitations to the Subjects▪ to become more insolent to repair their private Fortunes with the ruins of Royalty. If Henry and Charles were divided, some would conceive in serving Charles they were subservient to Henry, and others following Henry, may be ambitious and violent to banish and abandon Charles. Fraternal discords as they are not honourable, so they are not safe. Charles was too near in blood for my severity, being my brother, who though naturally ambitious, might excite the subjects to sedition, they having too much proclivity to that crime; And an execution of punishment on one so near, as it might provoke a popular compassion, so it might probably occasion a general revolt which might shake the Foundations of my Monarchy. The Laws of Heaven as well as those of Policy conspire in the concealment of secrecies, lest that what is at present scarce an Embryo in the thought (breaking out into action by a discovery) prove an unruly Monster in the birth. What remains than, but that I should remove him to a mighty distance, whom I could not punish? and gratify him with a Foreign Crown, the better to secure mine own, and to use dissimulation where I durst not presume to chastise. But you may object, I understand you speak of Enemies and punishments suitable to their crimes; If so, I know not whom you intent, nor what is his crime whom you suspected; you may farther reply, that I aught to consider the Duke of Anjou is the Mounsieur of France, that he is your Brother, that he is young, that his inclinations are sweet and amiable, that he is General of your Armies, that he hath a great influence on the Queen your Mother; And that with his affability he insinuateth, and gaineth the hearts of all, who address unto him. These circumstances do justly engender, and beget great suspicions, and therefore rather may merit a Guard to secure him, than a Crown to oblige his haughty affections. To this I reply, 'tis true, the Duke of Anjou is my Brother, and so in that relation near the Throne; Ambition may more easily transport him to aspire to the Crown, and though his heart were so moderate and just, as not to suggest to him such ambitious inspirations; yet doubtless he hath a company of Counsellors and flatterers about him, too apt to inflame him in such desires, persuading with adulation, that if he were King, his Reign would restore the Golden Age; objecting, that this of mine was composed of nothing but Iron. Those who are born near to Crowns, are ●oo prove to think themselves abused by nature, who gave them not a more early birth to inherit the possession of Sovereignty; to which high pitch if they cannot ascend, they commonly fall desperate and melancholy. Alliance and blood are natural bonds strong enough to oblige private interest, but when their relations are near a Crown, those bonds usually grow feeble: And in the combat of ambition and nature, the more equitable party d●th not always prevail: You tell me, the Duke of Anjou is young; that is the age when passion is most predominant, and most easy to be persuaded by those who gilled over their own ambitions and self Interest, by pretending to aim at nothing but his good and advantage, who nevertheless though they should make him King, would be afterwards as active in deposing him, if it were in their power. Youth is an age where the acquisitions of ill habits are more facile than the infusions of good & virtuous dispositions; Yet it is a vigorous time which rendereth great advantage to those whom it serveth: It is the chiefest season to gain hearts, and to delude with hopes and loveliness. If my Brother were elder, I should less suspect his power, and more confided in his affections. As for his Inclination which may be sweet and amiable: Those qualities do tender him more formidable: With these shapes of affability and courtship, he will more easily suborn my subjects, and reign more pvissantly in their hearts by his complacency than by his gifts, his solicitations, or expense of treasure. The fierceness of my humour, and the sweetness of his comportment will 'cause those to love him who fear me, and gladly to forsake so severe a General, to follow, and obey so complacent, and courteous a Commander; and if there be occasion, I am not to doubt of their resolution to a Revolt, when they are possessed with some expectation, and hopes of him, as a fit Successor, and are so presently enchanted with his extreme civilities. As for that other quality, his being Lieutenant General of all my Armies, it is a relation and capacity wherein I may not lest suspect him: For than when he was but sixteen years of age, after the Battle of St. Denis, and the Constable of France slain, he was cheerfully received General to that victorious Army, with the unanimous applause of the greatest officers, who so joyfully submitting to him as their chief, being so young, and after the death of so noble and experienced a Commander, made me presently conclude that he was born to be fortunate, and great: And since his advancement to be General, do you not see how delightfully the Soldier's flock and follow after him? Do they not pursue all occasions to manifest their Valour for his honour, and daily thirst after the happy hours of his fortunate conduct? He hath (since his commands) not only beaten the Protestant's, made the Queen of Navarre to fly to Rochel, and forced the Cardinal Cha●illon to escape for his life to England; but he retreated with as much success as generosity from his dangers in Poytiers, where both the Armies were ready to quarter in the same place, and to fight, and so surprise a Victory. To conclude, during the continuance of this War while he was active for me, he was superactive by his successes for himself, by which means he made many Creatures for his own interest of ●he best rank of all my Subjects. The glorious day which he had at Bassack, where he made an eminent Prince his Prisoner, his success at Anbeterre and Muridan; The second battle which he gained, whereby he reduced many places in Poitou, Saintogne, and Angoulmois; and those other noble acquisitions even to the taking of Saint John de Angelo. All these circumstances have perswaded me to a suspicion, and to more stricter observations of his ways. These fortunate events might inflame his expectations to sublime thoughts of commanding all: And as sometimes the strength of force surmounts, and is prevalent above the Laws of Nature, and the rights of birth, his thoughts may be transported beyond those of a subject, he might conceit himself to have as good a Title to a great part of France, as Alexander had to Persia when he commanded there with his Army. And it is more than probable, his ambition will hardly admit of this difference, that the Macedonians, who affected great Alexander's Conquests, were his subjects: But the French who had compassed these illustious Achievements in the service of their General, were not his but my subjects whilst I lived and reigned. As to that relation, wherein you tell me that he ruleth the Queen my Mother as he pleaseth; To that I shall reply, 'tis true, the Queen my Mother hath great passion for my Brother, and it may be she is so indulgent in her love to him, that it tendeth much to my prejudice. The honour and respect which I own to her, (being her Son) and the quality of her Regency of France which she so bravely performed, commands me, that I dare not presume to examine severely that Article, though I apprehended (sometimes) that my Mother prefers my younger brother to more degrees of affection; yet I am to be pardoned if I be not silent in that point, nor easily raze it out of my memory. You know when the Duke of Anjou besieged St. John de Angelo, he met with more difficulty than he expected, and the affairs were so managed, that they rather threatened disgrace than honour. But the Queen my Mother fearing (in this occasion) lest this action should reflect with a disreputation upon my brother, and asperse with some disadvantage all his former Victories, commanded me to march and raise the Siege, by which accident I become liable to the dishonour of that unsuccesful attempt. I leave you than to judge, whether I may more rationally confided in him, or whether I aught not the more to suspect him, since he hath of his party not only the greatest of the Commanders and Captains, but even a Princess whose honour and justice are so equally admired. But (as I said) I must not screw up this string too high, nor examine this point too rigorously: For the Queen is my Mother, as well as she was Regent, and therefore of a higher degree, than to be treated as an ordinary subject; And whatsoever arrives, I shall be more glorious (let her use me as she please) in the effects of any of her designs; than if by a disrespective preparation I should presume openly to oppose her. But there is a mid way (which I choose to walk in) so even and inoffensive, as shall give her no pretence to complain, and yet shall remove all obstacles which can deprive me of her affection. The Courting and Carressing of the people, if free (possibly) from secret ambition, is not only tolerable but commendable; but when a young Prince is compliant and affable, and studies to win and please, those endeavours being employed to his equals, and inferiors as fellow subjects, with as much or more observation, than to his Sovereign, can it be that one of his Condition would make himself so much a slave to such persons, but upon design thereby to become their King? Certainly if this were not his aim, he would esteem it far more conducing to his advantages to court his Sovereign upon whom he depends; Than thus to fawn upon his Inferiors. Liberality, on such anoccasion is but a Mercenary virtue; her giving is rather a sowing in expectation of an Harvest, which may make a return with usury: And it is these hopes which makes her Prodigal, who, upon another score, would have given nothing. In the consultation than of all these considerations that the Duke of Anjou is my Brother, that he is young, and General of my Armies, that his inclinations are affable and sweet, that the Queen my Mother so highly favours him, and that he hath no other business but to gain the hearts of those who address to him; It were imprudence not to be jealous of him: Yet all these reasons and conjectures seem weak and feeble in comparison of what I shall farther add. The Queen is of that disposition, that she justifies all others before me, she authoriseth all to have suspicions on me; She discovers the most concealed secrets of my trust to the Duke of Anjou, and them of his faction; she accuseth and convinceth the clearest reasons, and will not admit of truth itself to oppose her pleasure. I have read in history that an old wise Rustic who confined his ambition within the Walls and Pallisadoes of his Garden, received a Crown from Alexander with some regrett, and show of Melancholy: And some Philosophers have not thought a Crown worthy the lifting up to their heads: But I never yet read that a young Prince, whose inclinations are wholly bend to Gallantry, and to pleasure (rather than towards morality) would receive a Crown with regret or discontent. When one presenteth me with the news of a Town surrendered, or a battle won; my presents were usually Chains of Gold to those who bring such happy tidings: And yet the Duke of Anjou hath scarce a common Civility for them, who bring him the assurance and tidings of a Crown and Kingdom; Notwithstanding that he is ambitious of being reputed the most civil and obligeant Prince of all the world: Nay when it was told him that Sigismond was dead, and consequently that he might aspire and pretend to the Crown of Poland, he discovered more tears in his eyes for the death of Sigismond, than if he had received the same news of me: what variety of thoughts than may not hourly suggest to me strange apprehensions? May I not think that he who receives such a Kingdom with regret, aims at one more glorious? And for what other reason can it be, that the Crown of Poland should be inconsiderable? I do not think he can easily compass the Crown of Spain, his friends are not so intelligent, as to abuse Philip the second to serve him and his design; as for the Crown of England, and that Illustrious Queen Elizabeth, that Kingdom is as equally impossible; For the Queen will not marry but dye a Virgin. What reason can there be than alleged, why my brother should refuse to be a King, unless he hoped and expects my death, which might prove his passage to a more glorious Throne? And although I discern not his way, it is most evident, his design is laid to this haughty pitch. That mighty faction which I have formerly mentioned, will treat and agitate profoundly for his black interest and criminal expectations. His name is great, being of the Royal Family, his party proportionable to their great occasions: He watcheth all advantages, he expects the first-fruits of his dangerous enterprise, and may pled no inclinations of his own, but my subjects aversion to serve me. To all this the Duke of Anjou presumes he is assured of the Queen's cordial wishes, and his extremity of hatred to the Protestant party will occasion a War, that War keep up his interest with the greatest Officers of the Army, and Grandees of the Kingdom, and these interests still increase his power. I cannot deny but those of whom I speak in their Qualities merit not a Kingdom, but though Fortune hath not given it them, their ambition thirsteth after it, who (without doubt) better deserve exile, or a prison, if it were seasonable to act such an execution. But as his power cannot be shaken without ruining the Queen, and endangering the peace of the whole Kingdom; I must not undertake what is impossible, knowing that my Brother hath the strongest places of France under his command; and those not ordinarily fortified, but reinforced with the affections of the people: It is necessary in this juncture to show him a fair path, and to invite him with the temptation of a Crown, to remove him from his popular Authority; and so to wean the people from their admiration of him to a more proper object.  
In this condition let Henry receive the Crown of Poland, and confined to so noble an Exile, act his royal part on that foundation. In his ascension to that Throne we shall better establish our own; and giving him Subjects, shall place guards about him, who shall assure us of his person, that he reigning more pvissantly in Poland, we may reign more gloriously in France, and with more tranquillity. There is (moreover) this advantage in this design, that though I arm mine enemy, yet there is no fear that his weapons can reach me, nor trouble my safety at such a distance. His Troops may be discovered, if he design any irruption; and if we have any War, it is not likely to be on the Frontiers of our Estates. Besides, this Exile is so remote, that his Creatures (left behind) dare not presume to murmur, their complaints being not able to reach their Patron, or (at lest) he not near enough to revenge, or defend their discontents. Things thus examined, I found no way better to discharge myself of this so near a danger; which if I had longer deferred, the wound might have been made too wide for any cure. Publicly to oppose by force those whose crime is secret, is a provocation of the people's hatred, and a levying of Forces for mine enemies: So to act for them who would destroy me, or my Kingdom, and to commence a War, which may not have an end in a short time, and which may be fatal, and destructive to the whole, as well as ruin to myself. To have immured this young Lion in a place where his fury might have prevailed with popular aid, had been a design too dangerous, and it is very difficult to found faithful guards when he who is imprisoned is in a condition to be proclaimed and declared a lawful King. Such a Fire as cannot be extinguished, is better to be dispersed. It is than most rational that the Duke of Anjou be made King of Poland, that I may be myself. Surely he will never have the boldness publicly to interpret that an unkindness which deserveth thanks. And as for those who serve him, they dare not interpose in that, which appears so advantageous to their Protector: As for the Queen herself, who is more subtle and prudent than not to dissemble at lest a feigned joy, for that addition of a Crown to her Son, though it may inwardly 'cause some reluctancy and grief. What can than oppose a design so judiciously and prudently consulted of? The greatest objections (pressed with severest violence) must needs be satisfied in the elevation of this young Prince to his Sceptre; No aggravations can seduce the People, but that this honour agreeth with his qualities, though never so noble. And as for you (Illustrious Prelate) consider how in this Act the Kingdom is delivered from a secret Usurper; your King is preserved from a dangerous and emulous Rival and brother. The roots of Rebellion are extirpated, peace is established throughout all France, and never did any person extract a more illustrious and innocent revenge from so deep an injury: It being certain, that this is the first time that revenge was satisfied by the Coronation of an Enemy.  

The Censure.  
AMbition hath her Jealousies as well as love, and the one is no l●sse violent than the other. Sovereign power is so delicate and tender, that all things which do approach near it, occasion inquietude, and that which doth but touch it, wounds it. The very shadow and slight imagination accuseth any thing as culpable, which apprehension hardly can be altered or appeased. So deep an impression, and so profoundly is jealousy ingraved in a Crown. The Greek Poets said, that Kings knew no kindred; to signify that blood and Proximity were not considerable with those who reigned sovereignly. And as soon as Kings are seated in the Throne of supreme Authority (as if in that degree they had a spiritual addition) they speedily become more jealous of their glory. The more nature and fortune hath obliged them; the more ambition disuniteth and raiseth suspicions in their thoughts. It is true of sovereignty, as it is of the heart of man, where all wounds are mortal. When Tiberius came to the Empire, Tacitus tells us that the Senate designed to oblige their new Prince, by conferring a glorious title of honour on his mother Livia, and styling her Mater Patriae: but this subtle and absolute Politician could not endure that title in his mother, but answered, that Honours in women are more properly to be moderated than augmented; And (as that famous Historian relates) that title procured her a Guard, which he appointed perpetually to attend (Augustus being dead) lest her Grandeur should lessen and diminish his; And if Livia caused his restlessness, what perturbations did Agrippina increase; the great acclamations of the Soldiers as she marched by the River of Rhine, wounded him on the Banks of Tiber. And those testimonies of affection which those legions bestowed on her engendered not only jealousy, but hatred in his heart. Now if this cruel passion so tormented him, that he was so enraged by a woman, what might not she have endeavoured to eternize the glory of her husband? he feared Germanicus (much more than the Barbers) he suspected him too near to him in Almany, & that he was not far enough from him in Asia; and Piso was not in suspicion alone as to 'cause his death. What should I say more? the children should have the same destiny with their Parents, and if the Priests dared to pray for themselves, though after their Emperor, Tiberius would take exception, make an ill interpretation of their Devotions, and quarrel with the Pontifical orders. Nay this Prince was so infinitely jealous of his Power, that he destroyed himself in the person of Sejanus: he could not endure the glory of any others, though after their Death: and as he opposed the honours tendered to his mother, when she was alive, he frowned at her funeral Pompes, and interrupted the kindness and profusion of the Senate when she was dead. Let us not than be astonished if Charles the 9th grew jealous at the virtues of his brother, being a passion to which all Princes are so subject, and who have as many examples to follow as Sovereigns, who hardly reign and rule without this passion, which is so common amongst Princes, that Crowns seem tempered as well with Jealousy as Glory. Yet there is no rule but will admit of some exception. Policy, like Janus, hath two faces. I shall now therefore present you with the example of a King, whose resentment was clean contrary to CHARLES the Ninth. DON RAMIR, King of Oviedo, was so far from suspicion, that he associated his brother in the Empire, caused him to sit with him in the Royal Throne, clad him in royal Purple, and imparted to him the joint fruition of his Crown and Sceptre; an Action so eminent, as well deserves our curiosity to discourse the Motives. We have heard the reasons of CHARLES the Ninth, who could not endure a Rival, or an equal. Let us new attend the discourse of DON RAMIR, who would not sit alone in the Royal Throne without the Company of his brother. And after examination of both let us judge whose reasons were most efficacious and sound.    

DON RAMIR TO THE ESTATES GENERAL OF HIS KINGDOM.  
I Doubt not but most Capacities will be rather apt to condemn my design and intentions of the Co-regency of my brother with me in the Throne, and will not be inclined to approve this unparallelled action. But it matters not, Multitudes and tumults are not fit juries to censure Kings, nor proper judges to sentence and condemn their pleasures. It sufficeth me if I satisfy men more rational, and the more eminent persons of my estate, and thereby convince their judgements with those reasons which have obliged me to an action so rare, as to communicate and make a partage of mine authority. Those who dive not deeply into the intentions of Heroic persons, (who whilst they lived, were so famous for their Achievements, and whose Renown is descended through so many ages to us) may have their eyes dazelled, and their reason startled at this great example; And may rashly conclude it as a matter against all rules of wisdom, to endeavour a communion in Government, where the Kingdom is but little, and therefore the Crown more unfit for any but one. For (they will say) was it impossible for Caesar and Pompey, who were two such mighty men, so great friends, so linked in Allies, to have contrived a Co-regnation? And do you think that it is possible to be effected by you? Those (I say) who were so incompatible, in the joint fruition of Sovereignty, that each one would rather adventure the loss of every drop of blood than to be singly supreme? If royal authority divided were for the assurance or advancement of any good, or (to speak more plainly) if it were a thing that were possible, what means had not been endeavoured for that resolution. Now as Caesar, and Pomp●y, rather abhorred than approved such a one: So Alexander the Great condemned a Rival in supreme Authority before those noble Heroes. And if such persons have refused, who dare adventure to be an example in so strange, and unprincely participation of Royalty? They will yet press further) Great Alexander was peaceable in his Kingdom of Macedonia; Darius was neither his neighbour, nor his enemy; yet notwithstanding to gain command throughout all the Universe, he put himself into a condition either to destroy the Persian power, or else (as one ambitious of more illustrious glory) to fall in that design. Thus Antiquity relates and venerates united Sovereign authority; so true it is that a divided power hath ever been the mother of disorders and misfortunes. Do we not remember (will some object) that the Founders of Rome were Brothers, and Twins? Yet those who had lain together in one womb could not sit quietly together in one Throne; and nothing could satisfy until the blood of the one was mingled in the Mortar, and laid in the Foundation of the Walls of that glorious City. Silla and Marius never were in peace, nor could they rest while their power was equal. The Triumvirate, a composition of three choicest men, could not continued long. And Anthony and Lepidus were forced to surrender to the fortune of Augustus: Marcus Aurelius (with all his Philosophy and Wisdom) found it an unsupportable burden to bear sail with the Factions of Lucius Verus, his Colleague in the Empire. Bassianus Caracalla was voluntarily a Fratricide (to reign alone) in the person of Geta. Balbinus and Pupienus, those grave, and sage Princes did adventure an equal perishing, aspiring to a superiority out of their ambitious spirits. Gallus and Volusianus were massacred by their Soldiers as a reward of their ambitious dissensions. Gallien●s creating Odena●e his Colleague hastened his own death, with the ruin of the Empire, the envy of Meonius determining his glory with his life. It is very possible that Dioclesian out of discontent to his fellow Consul, after so many Victories and Triumphs renounced his Empire to spend the rest of his days in solitude. To conclude, all examples of this kind easily demonstrate, that the admission of a companion in the Throne, is neither facile nor tolerable. These arguments may be objected against my resolution, but to answer; Examples do rather illustrate, than demonstrate, and rather persuade than convince reason. Fortune (who is active in most enterprises) causeth sometimes good successes to spring out of evil counsels, and ill successes oftentimes to be the events of good designs. Wherhfore, if we rightly examine whether a thing be good or ill, the thing itself is to be scanned, not the effects which follow, which ordinarily arrive not but through strange causes, for which there may be no merit for accusation. Besides, the apprehensions of Kings, Princes, and great persons, and their actions differing from others, deserve a more extraordinary respect. They are not always regulated by a Law, or necessitated to an example, otherwise they must forfeit their reason, and their authority must entirely be destroyed. If the Prince of Macedonia had failed to have been Master of the Universe, his design had been interpreted rash, and he too ambitious, as rather aiming to make himself glorious, than desiring the world's good, which he so much pretended. His ambition of Renown made him so active; and if the people found themselves happy under his domination; their Fortunes were the more to be esteemed, meeting with a Prince of such grand and noble inclinations. Yet I cannot but say that if that Illustrious Conqueror had admitted a co-regence to some eminent Kingdoms in his Sovereignty, he might better have preserved some virtues, which he lost, and not so vainly attempted some things which have spotted his memory and reputation. That stately Castle which he caused so rashly to be burnt at Persepolis; Those voluptuous and Asiatic luxuries which vitiated the noble Macedonians; the death of Cli●us and Parmenion, and some such other ignoble accidents possibly had not obscured the splendour of his glorious Reign. As to that discourse which concerned Caesar and Pompey, they did not in their ambition aim at what was better, but what was greater. Their envy, and emulation was so high, that in the contestation they seemed not to contend so much for the Sceptre, as to destroy each other; they had not spirits so moderated, as either jointly, or successively to reign and govern. And that which is said of Caesar and Pompey may be affirmed of Silla and Marius their Ancestors; for Romulus and Remus, who e'er knows how they were born, fostered, and educated, may easily judge, and have foreseen the ill fortune which arrived to them both, the one brother dying a violent death, and the other living a heinous Fratricide: For Augustus, Antonius, and Lepidus, seeing that they were joint Competitors for Sovereignty, they could not but be harrassed with unquiet perturbations: But as for Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus, though the Government was interrupted with some errors in their Consulship, yet it become not so unfortunate under those two, as under many other Princes. It is than neither unjust, nor impossible to admit of a companion, or assistant in Government. Marcus Aurelius did nothing without reason, he was prudent, discreet, and virtuous, to such a degree, that his example is sufficient to justify my resolution. Caracalla, Balbinus, Pupienus, and others, though they have differed in their judgements, yet have not contradicted my election and choice. And as for Dioclesian and Maximianus, there was no circumstance in their reign which yields not some assimulation to my purpose, their conversation was unanimous, they fought, vanquished, conquered, and triumphed alike: And if any difference did arise, it was so prudently smothered, as not to stir up any popular trouble, or ill resentment: And (for aught we know) when Dioclesian made choice of a private life, it was rather a voluntary election to retiredness, than any jealousy of Maximianus, or any injury from so faithful a Colleague. Besides, in this eminent, and great recession from the Crown, Maximian encountered with as much trouble as Dioclesian could with content and quiet. That which is said of these Primitive Emperors, may be said of others who ruled in Greece since Constantine the Great transferred the Empire: Valentinian associated his brother Valens, and afterwards his son Gratian, who in a succession continued the same Grace with Theodosius, and he to his children Arcadius and Honorius; and when Honorius reigned in chief alone, he nominated Constantius for his Colleague in the Empire. Thus Justinus made choice of Justinian his Nephew, and many others of Princely quality proposed this way as best for themselves, and subjects. Yet if all the Reigns of these several Princes were not so fortunate, the evil consequents and effects are not to reflect on my design. The same misfortunes have attended them who have governed Empires, solely, and without a companion, as it appears too evidently in the said Reigns of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian, and many others who have been as wicked as great. But as I said before, it is not by illustration or examples, but sense of reason that I shall support my undertake. Did I rely on the precedents of History, the Greeks can plentifully furnish me with examples both great and illustrious. In Sparta, where Morality and Policy seemed to have their birth, and whose rules may guide all others; the command was there legal and usual for two Kings to be of equal power. But because examples prove nothing, let us listen to reason which most justly challengeth obedience, and is the chiefest authority to govern Princely actions: And now let us see whether she doth not counsel me to place my brother with me in the throne, which rational men must needs confess an act of greatest Prudence, if it tend to the repose and safety of my people. To know this truth more exactly, we must consider, that Monarchy is obvious to many dangerous Concomitants; he who is highest in power, is not always fittest for the discharge of the greatest employments. Kings, though they are possessors of honour, they are not always friends to virtue, and often share in vice more deeply than any of their subjects. And they who find themselves ranked in that high condition, that they can do what they will, (it is to be feared) will not always do what they aught. The first motions of a provoked King, or of a Prince less virtuous aught to be feared, as much as lightning. His rage and wrath are equally terrible; he not sooner hates, but is on fire with indignation; he is no sooner displeased, but speedily punisheth all whom he suspecteth to displease him: Innocency cannot stop his fury, his executions are as swift as his thoughts, his passion is sometimes so violent, that it runneth headlong into a precipitation, where Reason is not admitted to pled, nor Justice administered, but Clemency utterly forgotten. 'Tis true, a Kingdom may be unfortunate where two Princes are equally vicious, but if the one have inclinations to virtue, they will prevent the errors and defaults of social mistakes: But it is rare in Nature to see two men (much lesle two Princes) of the same humours and tempers, yet some advantage may be extracted out of the diversity of their vices: If one be lazy and idle, it may restrain the choler, and impatience of the other; the coldness of the one may serve to correct the hot and passionate humour of his companion. And he who is too slow may equally be quickened by him who is superactive and vigorous: And why should not that noble emulation which inliveneth skilful Artists, and hath made great persons Competitors in Virtues, cause Kings and Princes more eminent in their Office and Government? From such an innocent Contestation may arise the secure result of peace to a Kingdom, greater Glory to the State, abundant plenty and happiness to the People. For when a King makes use of his Counsellors, which may be sage, faithful and wise, yet they are of no other use to him than books are to private subjects, he consults with them but when he pleaseth, admits no conference, but when he calleth, believeth as he liketh, and acteth nothing but what agreeth with his inclination, and perhaps no part of that which hath been presented in advice; But in this united Government, affairs are not so transacted. Great resolves aught to be at lest in the Consultations of two, and the very time of debate may contribute some more exact advantage: The diversity of their opinions and apprehensions may serve to produce a more perfect discussion: And these considerations (if they effect not a happy conclusion) they may at lest prevent a precipitation and ruin to the State, and to preserve the Kingdom from a Foreign invasion, or from the combustion and broils of Civil War, which are not easily quieted without general destructions. Weigh the conveniencies with the dangers of two equal in Government, the condition will be more secure, either in Peace or War. In a War the one may govern with Counsel, the other as General command the Army: The one in the Court derive Justice to the People, the other in the Camp order Martial affairs to the encouragement of the Soldier, and terror of the Enemy. It being very difficult in such a juncture of danger to preserve the Civil part from acts of high injustice, and the Marshal from a deep resentment of discontent. Seditions and Conspiracies are the common mothers of Civil Wars, which (like more Venomous and Putredinous Creatures generated farther from the Sun) have their birth, and are begotten in the absence of their Kings. Where, if the Beams of authority did shine, the Government would be more illustrious, and secure. Do we not see both in martial and civil Government, both in the Camp and Courts of justice, that there are officers and Ministers who in the absence of the chief Commanders and Magistrate, are invested with their authority? and why may it not be as just and reasonable, for a Prince, to have an associate on the Throne? not inferior to him, but his equal, to this end, as not only to advice and counsel, but likewise to be a sharer of his vast employments, and so thereby contribute an equal assistance to support the weight of the Crown and Sceptre. In this relation inferior People cannot serve but feebly, in respect of those who have the sacred Character. If you will say, subserviency in Authority may be equally useful; I answer, Delegation of power is potent in those who grant it, but more feeble and weak in those who receive it: Inferior creatures (subject to a change and Princely displeasure) have not that Gallantry and Nobleness of mind, as those who have the high and Divine marks of Sovereignty imprinted on them. Generals, and great officers of State, mind more their private interest than that of the Crown, and commonly study more to make themselves than their master great. But two Princes of equal interest in the same Crown, as two obedient Sons in one mother are only divided in their persons, but not in their desires; Their Glory is the same, their Throne, their Sceptre, their Crown, their People, their united interest: And consequently in this Community, they act with greater order, and proceed with greater Prudence, and enjoy not only those preeminencies which Monarchy is said to have above other Governments, but even those also which seem to tender an Aristocracy advantageous. The grand Presence of Sovereignty seems divided, but the Puissance is entire; They are as two great lights in the same Orb, where the authority is equal: The People though they have two Princes, yet they pay but one tribute, and if their judgements differ, the Government grows more secure, and the Princes and people in more safety by their dissenting harmony. This capacity renders a Kingdom more immortal, and admits not an Interregnum though one dye: Nor those Confusions which are very common at the inopine and sudden deaths of Princes. By this means a Civil War may be prevented; that power being communicated to my brother, which was derived to me from my Uncle, wh● might study an usurpation, and the Commotions of the Kingdom, if I had not imparted this Grace and Favour to him. And (if I mistake nor) in this action I shall gain this honour, that I shall easily be supposed able to overcome all other Passions after my having been victorious over ambition, which is so natural to princes. And who shall suspect me covetous after my having admitted my brother to the moiety of my Kingdom? Nor do I abandon those whom God hath committed to my charge; But contrariwise give them a second Protector, thereby endeavouring to provide the more for their safety. It may be objected that I am not so discreet, parting with a thing so puissant and precious as a Sceptre: Yet moderation merits Eulogies, as well as ambition. Humble Virtues are as commendable as aspiring and tumultuous honour, and to reign in peace with Justice, is as glorious as to Conquer triumphantly in War. It is fit for a Prince to have the Theory of Violence and severity, but not to practise it, if it be possible. In this condition, if the Moors shall invade us with their Forces, our Armies and theirs ready to join, the Enemy may be amazed to see two Crowned heads in the Front, and body of the Battalions, or the one in Counsel as the other in the Camp, and so conclude a Throne thus supported, is with more difficulty destroyed and subdued.  

The Censure.  
DON RAMIR hath used his strongest arguments for the pretences of his Brother's Co-regency and Coronation, but whatever this King's self persuasions were to him, his discourse may be justly censured a Paradox; And a wise man (in this resolution) would rather have been o●t of his Kingdom than of his Counsel. As for the Kings of Sparta which he proposeth for example, they were rather the chief of the Senate than Sovereign Princes. And as for the Lacedaemonian Ephori, who condemned one of their Kings to dye, it is well known that the King of Lacedaemon was but a painted and titular, not an absolute King; And as for DON RAMIR, he could never have established the ill custom of Sparta in the Kingdom of Spain, he might have so concladed if he had been a Prince, as high in resolution as birth. King's are not to degenerate by liberality to Communicate Sovereignty, and thereby to disgrace, if not to destroy Royalty itself. That great Prince who only aimed in all his Conquests, to get that he might give, satisfying himself with fresh hopes, still reserved his Crown entire. The beams of Sovereignty are not longer radiant than in the presence of the Sun; This Magnanimous Hero (ready to dye) kept his Crown on his Pillow, and being moved to whom he would commend his Sceptre, he answered to him who deserved, it best, when I am dead.  
And altheagh Arideus his Brother was in the head of his Army, yet at the point of death he would not name his Successor, to preserve his puissant Royalty more entire, to the last moment of his life. He said truly on another occasion, Ephestion was another Alexander; but understood thereby that Alexander had given him his heart, not his crown; that he made him his favourite, and not his equal. That great Prince, who wrote to Darius that the whole earth aught not to have two Masters, not more than the heavens two Suns, taught the world another resolution than what Don Ramir practised; and though he conquered Tyre, yet he would never suffer the Royal Robe of Purple to be communicated. This action of Ramir is (as Divines say) more admirable than imitable: for Royalty, like a Mathematical point aught to be indivisible, and that body that hath more than one head, aught not to be interpreted any other than a monster. Philosophy saith, omne bonum est sui diffusivum; but Fortune hath another Maxim clean contrary. The first speaks of intellectual goods, the second admits not, nor will suffer the community, and participation of Crowns; she will be rather offended to see such an illustrious condition in a dividend, and cannot endure that any shall be admitted to her glorious favours, holding them too precious to be rendered divisible and common. Pluralities of Caesar's can neither be good for Prince nor people, was a speech which the Philosopher Arius used to Augustus; when he alluded to a verse of Homer, than when after the death of Anthony and Cleopatra this Prince disputed with himself, whether it were better to put the young Caesar to death, or save his life. And if the amity of private persons aught to go not higher than the Altar, the grace and favours of Princes aught to go not higher than the Throne; although the Church sings, Ecce quam bonum & jucundum fratres habitare in unum, yet she intends the union of private persons, and not of Kings in their high degrees; of brothers who devil in a house together, and not of them who sit in Thrones: O how pleasant is this Feast? said a solitary churl to one of his humour, who did answer as bitterly, Yes, if thou wert not alive to enjoy it: That which this hater of mankind said of his Table, may be rightly said of Sovereignty, where a Prince can never sit at ease, or secure but when he sits alone. God made man after his own Image; and how can Kings be said to be his Image, but in taking care that they admit not any to resemble them. Royalty like Rivers, if divided, flow and fall into shallow streams, which either quickly frieze, or are speedily dried up. In this example, Don Ramir is like a Rock in the Sea, rather to be avoided by Princes than imitated; if any shall be so weak to permit their reason to be so deluded. Monarchy (as the Greek word hath the signification) is not separable, and the Scripture warranteth, that no one can well serve two Masters. Having now concluded of one too excessive in his bounty, let us treat of a Prince more judicious and wise; who though he graced his favourite with great honours, and liberal dignities, yet was more morally and divinely prudent. JAMES the First, King of England came to that Crown by the testament and death of Queen Elizabeth, those, who knew that her Majesty had put to death the Queen of Scots, his Mother, designed to oblige the King to revenge that injury, by punishing those who were the Ministers, and Counsellors of that violent and sad accident, and so to revenge the blood of Mary Queen of Scots with the blood of those Creatures who contrived her death. It is a subject so delicate and tender as not to be touched or decided without his great judgement and reason, whose Kingly examination could determine so weighty a difference: He was another Solomon, and exalted Reason and Philosophy with him to his Throne.    

 portrait of King James 
King's have their Periods; by Dame Nature's date, The poor man dies, so doth the Potentate; And though to the World's eye Kings seem completer, Their standing high, makes but their fall the greater. Vaughn 〈◊〉   
KING JAMES TO THE DUKE OF LENOX.  
IF I did not know (most noble, and faithful Cousin) that he, who in the Scriptures is called the God of vengeance, is also styled the God of Mercy; It might prove a piece of great difficulty to my reason what to resolve in this tickle point, and whether I were better to endeavour a general alteration of whatsoever Queen Elizabeth settled, who caused my Mother to be put to death; or to countenance and maintain those glorious actions, which were done by that Virgin Queen, who made me King of England. For as Sovereign's are the Images of Divinity (if the second Attribute corrects not the severity of the first) I were obliged certainly in duty to require blood for blood, and not ascend the Throne without resolving to 'cause those to ascend a Scaffold, and there to dye, through whose violent counsels she lost her head, from whom I received my breath. But as vindicative Justice is not ever necessary, let us examine curiously a circumstance which so equally concerns mine own glory, and my Kingdom's happiness. Let us consider whether I had better to punish, or pardon, whether the works of Injuries aught to harbour in Princes breasts; or whether they may not more prudently forget, than chastise them. It is not (I protest) otherwise, but as often as the Image and memory of the Queen my Mother is represented to my fancy, my thoughts are afflicted deeply, and I resent strongly, that no Christian, nor profane policy can permit me to live with honour, and without immortal infamy, if I 'cause not those to be put to death, who contrived and counselled to take away her life; (for when I recollect that a Sovereign Queen, the Daughter, Sister, and Wife of great Kings; whose Infancy was protected under the Crown of Scotland, whose riper years advanced her to the Crown of France, who bore Illustrious Diadems upon her head, whose hand swayed two glorious Sceptres, who in her Widowhood saw myself her Son a King: Consider (I say) a Princess, attended with so many heaps of glory, after she was constrained to fly from her own Kingdom, and was most ingloriously committed to prison, where extremity forced her to make her confinement her Asyle; where (after the languishing of twenty years) receiving no air but through some windows, and as if a prison had been weary of her company, not to go out but to ascend a Scaffold, and not to be discharged of her sufferings but by the hand of an Executioner; and than her head to be cut of ignominiously, which had borne two Royal Crowns, the representation of these circumstances are so terrible, that they obfuscate and trouble my reason, and tender me incapable to have any other thoughts but what are surprised with sad confusions, to behold such a doleful spectacle, which possessed all my apprehensions with terror and Amazement. Yes (my Lord) I see with weeping eyes this most unfortunate Queen, whose hair●s have grown white rather with grief and discontent than age, and that tears furrowed her beauty, and not her length of days: How funest and direful must my conceptions be, looking upon her prison all hanged with black, and funeral flames lighting her to the Chambers of death, where nothing presented any beauty or constancy but her Majesty attended with Patience, and the Virtue of a Divine Soul. The eyes of all the Spectators broke up, as fresh Fountains, overswelling with tears of sorrow; her very Enemies, if they did not weep, yet blushed for shame, or waxed pale for grief: The whole World felt an inundation and new flood of grief; sorrow, and sadness possessed all who considered of this unfortunate event, except herself encouraged by her innocency, supported by her Majesty; the Executioner himself (by his sad countenance and trembling hand) expressed the thoughts of his heart, his fears to strike, his willingness to save her. But in the end (Maugre all this universal compassion) her fair head fell to the ground, her scarlet blood trickled from her veins, and her pulses keeping no longer time, that beautiful Creature was rendered a dead Corpses. All these circumstances plead aloud in my breast for vengeance, and remove my resolutions utterly from the thoughts of pardon; The Queen my dear Mother had a soul so enured with afflictions, that she was not terrified at the approach of death, nor amazed with the horror of that punishment, which was ready to surprise her with so strong a violence, but even in that Agony expressed her maternal thoughts and care of me, her generous▪ kindness was such to me, that her bitter afflictions could not obstruct her tender affections to her Son. Not, not when she was ascending her infamous Scaffold, it becomes me than not to forget her ascending to my Throne. Grief did not seize upon her reason, though Death upon her Body, and it is fit than that joy should not now give a chock to mine; and though we could not hinder her death, we cannot do less than punish those that caused it. In all these recollections, I cannot make any reparation to her, her recovery being impossible; nor to myself, by the revolving over of those occurrencies, but cause new additions of grief and sorrow, which are most natural and proper for the passions of a Son: It is neither wisdom nor Religion to be too violent in any extremity. To proceed than to a more exact examination; the Royal and Prudent Queen Elizabeth may incur a censure in the World as less politic and wise, who permitted herself to be persuaded to so horrible an action: And as for this example, it is of too dangerous a Nature for Princely qualities to imitate; It is certain that the persons of Kings and Queens, like Temples and Altars, are more sacred, and all care is to be used that they be not demolished, not nor rudely touched; and a resolution to summon such to judgement agrees not with Royal persons, nor justice and reason. The Laws, which (without doubt) search out Rules for the order of all things, and admit no crime to pass without impunity, yet never found out nor ordered any Castigation or punishment for Royal persons. The Laws bear a respect to their Masters, and Legisla●ors in all Nations, and they are not to submit to their Severity; and although they command the rest of all the whole universe, yet (in their sense in this matter) they proclaim to all the World, that their being and dependency is of Kings, and that Sovereigns are not subordinate and dependant to them. It belongs to Princes to punish the Crimes of their People, and to none but God to punish the Crimes of Prince's. The Queen than though Noble, and in other things a most excellent Princess, was Enormous and irregular in these proceed, in which she forbore not to spill the blood of one of equal quality with herself, that cannot but perpetuate to her memory a black reputation, and the example is so exceedingly strange, that it findeth no precedent in any Antiquity. In effect, if Kings are to submit to ordinary justice, the Majesty of Thrones is dissolved, when they are forced to the Scaffold, their Sceptres are profaned, and Monarchy grows transformed into Anarchy, and if such a Rigorous progress be admitted, the foundations of royalty will be everted, Princes will be rob of the respects and duty of their people, and they deprived of their protection and be confounded; This would Eclipse the splendour of the most imperial Crowns, and destroy and magnificence of the most secured Thrones, Sceptres, and Robes of royalty be contemptible, and venerable Majesty be in no value or estimation, the sacred Character (which distinguisheth Crowns) would be defaced, and Kings would not only cease to retain their Royal Dignity, but surcease to be the Image of God. After all these considerations let us examine whether it be consistant with my renown to receive the Crown of England, and to make use of that Sovereign power to revenge these particular injuries: And whether that hand which gave me the Crown aught not to be respected in the person of her cruel Counsellors, who transported her to 'cause the Queen of Scots to dye. Those who judiciously consider affairs without partiality, and preoccupation, can judge, that Revenge only belongeth to God, and that the Acts of justice, not of vengeance belongs to Kings. Such judgements conclude that Princes can reward or punish, and refer the vindicative part to God himself, for Revenge (in what shape soever it appears,) doth not ordinarily spri●g or proceed, but from the motion of a violent passion, when reason is in troubles and deprived of liberty; Fury is a companion of Revenge, and throws down immoderate bounds, and limits; hatred exasperateth fury, and sets revenge in such an address as this, effects not only extreme injustice, but likewise most horrid cruelties It is most j●st than to transfer the revenge of injuries to God himself, who (free from passion) can punish without hat●ed or fury. If the case be so with all men in general, how prove may Princes prove to outrages? their passions do not like greater bodies turn with slower motions, but are as swift and terrible as lightning; they whose power is greater, their displeasure is too apt to grow more dangerous. yet (my Lord) perhaps you will tell me this discourse is rather a Moral than a Political argument. To that I answer, that with virtuous Princes, these two things, justice and mercy aught to be inseparable, and as twins to their mother's breasts, they are to be equally admitted to King's Counsels, where they may propose or dispute, but never directly oppose each other: principally when the Matter is important. 'tis true, Tyrants call but one of these to their resolute deliberations, but a Christian Prince must have the company of both in the dispensation of all their Royal Offices; be not you amazed than if I admit her who is more Sage and wise to speak first, before we admit the other, who, as we accounted, is more bold and hardy, and if on this subject I appeal to her, whose assistance I judge necessary to oppose the other: It is true, the noise of the second (who is more loud) is more commonly heard, but the advice of both is best, and more conformable to Christian Government; But seeing there is no matter which according to the fancy of the Artists may not be discoloured, and so the Complexion altered, what appearance (will some one say) presented itself to impress a resolution in the Kings of France and Spain to revenge the death of Mary Steward Queen of Scots, and can you who are a Son do less? what security can you fancy yourself to affy in those who were in the Counsels, and who drew up the process, and made themselves Peers to a Sovereign Queen, and than to pronounce a sentence of death against her? The names of Thomas Bromley Lord Chancellor, of William Burleigh Lord Treasurer, of Edward Earl of Oxford Lord Chamberlain, of George Earl of Salisbury Lord Martial of England, of Ambrose Earl of Warwick Master of the Ordnance, of Henry Earl of Derby, of George Earl of Cumberland, of Edward Earl of Rutland, of Henry Earl of Pembroke, of Henry Earl of Lincoln, and those others, these names (I say) do present not only horror to those who than effectively condemned the Dowager of France and Queen of Scots to death; but do derive the same to all those who shall bear those titles, with a black stain of in justice and dishonour. Think you that those who have been so severe and rigorous to the Mother, can ever be reduced to be loyal and obedient to her Son? at lest, do you believe that you can ever confided in them, or they in you, seeing that they have been so cruel to a Princess, & caused her imprisonment twenty years, who in all right, aught not to have been under their command? were they not over bold to lay their hands on my most dear Mother, when they considered that I her Son was lawful successor to that Crown? how might I give credit to their words or counsels, but rather expect their designs to ruin myself, my Queen and Children, who had been so barbarous to root up that Royal stock which bore me? may not I rather be jealous that those who had provided an Executioner for the Mother, would have found out a Regicide for me? and upon this juncto of Reasons, might not they fear my resolutions, thus in raged to exterminate them and their posterities? see (my Lord Duke) those reasons which oblige me to decry and destroy what ever Qu. Eliz. and her party did, in causing the death of my Royal Mother: from these arguments I can hardly resolve to maintain and countenance Qu. Elizabeth's actions, though she discovered her willingness to my Succession, to make me King of England. OH (my Lord) there is yet a secret within my soul which makes me conclude that it seems just that I should revenge the cruelty of these Barbarous Politicians, which motion if I did not restrain with more piety and greater prudence; the Reign of Henry the Eight, should not be more full of terror and confusion, than that of James the First, and England thereby see and feel more strange alterations than ever it had endured before. In this Resolution the Tomb of the Queen my Mother should be covered with the spoils of her, and my cruel Enemies; and revenge should be so full of blood as capable to inspire terror into all, who should be spectators of that action. This might be a means more securely to preserve the heads of all Kings from the conspiracy of such violent, and evil Counsellors. Though this policy (at first notion) might seem prevalent, ●nd most forcible to persuade my resolution, yet other successes have administered cause and reasons for other determinations. Seeing that very hand which signed the Warrant for my honoured Mother's death, signed the Declaration which caused me to be proclaimed King of England. And as to this particular, I am as well bound to acknowledge and reward so high a favour, as to revenge so high an injury. I am not ignorant how that in this solemn action, that Queen gave me no more than what was mine own by a just inheritance, and succession; and that by her Royal Testament she did no more than confirm what was declared to me by King Henry the eight; yet if this Princess had pleased, she might have declared that which might not have proved so advantageous to my expectations; she might have objected, that my dear Mother the Queen had not been of the Religion embraced in England, that though she were a Queen, yet she was a Stranger: And as for myself, that I was the Son of her whom she had caused to be destroyed: She might have caused her Father King Henry his Will to be canceled & annulled in Parliament, she might have made another, and so have made a Favourite, or (if she had pleased) her people her Heir: These difficulties might have obstructed my ascent, and passage to the Crown. Besides, in this Act, if she did not repair, and tender satisfaction for her cruel error, yet she manifested to all the world her resentment and detestation of what she had done, by recompensing her evil for good; and that having been circumvented by persons as unjust as wicked, she could elect, or follow better counsels; and if her jealousy and malice had so far transported her, as to 'cause her to put my Royal Mother to death, it was not through those passions, that she caused me her Son to be crowned. The ill humour of malice is not easily purged, nor quickly abandoned, it usually reacheth not only the person hated, but all coneomitants and relations near. Children and Kindred grow odious where a Parent is in detestation, and dislike; this infection reacheth often to those who are of a name; and (perhaps) stops not, but groweth epidemical, and produceth odium to a Nation. In the effects of this Queen's proceed I found other operations, the Queen expresseth no malice to my person, but rather on the contrary, studies my honour, and endeavours my Coronation: And from hence I may most rationally conclude, that some secret maxim, and policy of State put a resolution to that savage action; and consequently if any duty binds me to forget her memory who caused my Mother to dye, or being the Son of so great a Queen; yet in all the rules of gratitude and prudence, I am bound to honour and respect her Nobleness and great favours to me, whom she adopted her Son, and Successor to her Throne. But (may some one object) will it not be enough that you eternize not her memory by prejudicial manifestoes to her honour and reputation, that you destroy not her Tomb, and that you permit her Ashes to sleep quietly in repose, but that you must continued your Royal Authority in the hands of those Ministers which were her creatures, and let them still enjoy those high offices wherein they exercised such unheard of inhumanity, and in persons, who made no scruple to put his Mother to death, who was heir aparent to the Crown, and could not fail (if he survived) to be their sovereign? I confess (my Lord) this reason is very strong and sound, and the answer that I shall make is not less. I told you before she acknowledged me to be her heir, and adopted me her Son, so that if I should have revenged her actions with severity, I should most imprudently have presumed to have censured the errors and deviations of my greatest benefactor too bitterly, and like impious children, not only have hated the vices, but the person of so great a Queen: But good Children, though they may hate unjust proceed of their Parents, are not only to forbear to punish, but are obliged to cover and conceal their errors and infirmities; To distinguish perfectly betwixt the crimes and the offenders, who (though never so Culpable) yet they can hold them worthy of honour and admiration. We may weep than bitterly for the death of the Queen my Mother, and yet not proceed to an accusation, or be severe to Queen Elizabeth, since the one was my Mother by Nature and blood, & the other made me a Son by her election when she lived, and her Testament (when she died) left me a Crown. Adoption (in all ages) hath been received as an action not to be violated, but with great injustice, and venerable history (in her antiquity) accompanies truth with her examples, and boldly tells us, that we own an equal respect to those who have adopted, as really as to those who have given birth unto their Children. Adoption hath conveyed Crowns and Empires often to those who have been received and acknowledged by all the World in their Thrones and Sovereignty: and 'tis just to imagine that the choicest respect is ever due to the bounty of the Adopter. Parents who give us our Nativity, do not always leave us an inheritance, which perhaps fortune or ill events have deprived from them; but those who in their Election freely transfer their estates to us, their gift, as it is most admirable for its merit, so it aught to be more noble in acceptance, and consequently their voluntary choice may seem (if possible) to oblige us more, than our Natural Parents. When first we come into the World, our Parents cannot but incline with tender affection unto us; the cause of that passionate and tender quality is a secret and mystery concealed in our blood, and riseth from the inclinations of Nature, and yet that amity (how strong soever) seems not to differ much from the instinct of brutes, which naturally forceth their love and care towards their young ones. But in Adoption, there is another operation, there is an affection and choice, and that springs not rudely from sense, but from the strength of reasons, where the Agent strictly examines the object, before it fall in love with it, and dotes not with fancy, but with wisdom, before it orders gifts or settleth possessions. In effect I am very certain, if Queen Elizabeth had not believed that my Soul had been more inclined to generosity than revenge, she would not have commended her Sovereignty and Crown to me, she would not have acquitted all her favourites, and remitted her Sceptre to my hands: there would not have been wanting persons, neither within nor without the Kingdom, capable enough to support or defend a Sceptre. We may resolve than, if she have called me to the Throne, it was because she judged me worthy, because she believed it appertained to me, because she hoped I would tender respect to her memory, and never violate or break those bonds of love; and having regard to the Nobleness of her favours towards me, I might be more firmly obliged from all thoughts of Revenge, in a matter clean out of the reach of reparation; and to which, oblivion and silence prescribed the best remedies. Do not you believe (my Lord) if (at my coming to the Crown) I had filled the Prisons with the Grandees of the Kingdom, who were the chief Authors of my Mother's death, and had commended to the great Offices of the Kingdom such ignorant persons, who had had no employment or trust under Queen Elizabeth, think you not that such a sudden alteration would have caused a speedy general Confusion over all the Kingdom, and that at my first access to the Crown, I might seem to govern neither with safety nor honour? Should I have banished those bloody Councillors, all the secrets and mysteries of State might have been discovered to foreign Princes; some of them were Ministers, and employed under King Edward the Sixth, some under Queen Marry, & others under Qu. Elizabeth, who was too wise to discharge those whom she judged fit for continuance in such high employments, though they had been prime parties in other factions, and violent Enemies against her person and interest. Yet (may one object) she had no occasion to think on Revenge, for those who caused her Mother Anne Bullen to be put to death, and were Councillors and abettors of that act, they were dead long before Queen Elizabeth began to Reign. But I shall easily answer to that: her actions were chief employed for the conservations of herself, for during the Reign of her Sister Queen Mary, she being unjustly suspected to have been a conspirator with those who endeavoured to hinder the match with Spain; the Privy Council concluded that she deserved the same destiny as Jane of Suffolk, and was in danger to have lost her head; of which result in Council, the Lady Elizabeth not being ignorant, waited with patience her better fortune; and after coming to the Crown, she preserved in memory their names, who had been such desperate Councillors against her, and in process of time, she met with opportunities to revenge those particular injuries; but upon new and fresh pretences. We are not than to be less prudent than she, whose dangers are as great, and business as infinite: Besides, in this action of her adoption, she hath not only aimed at my renown, but likewise at the repose and welfare of the people, so that her example guideth me in the paths of policy, and not to provoke and anger the Hornets nests, when I may pass by quietly (without the lest murmuring) to my Crown. If than I should be superactive in such a dangerous design, in whose fidelity and strength might I confided? the number of the offenders is not so inconsiderable, as to persuade me to dream that I can destroy them in a moment; and as for relation to themselves, they are not only acquainted with all mysteries of State; but they are likewise active Ministers of state in the chiefest places of the Kingdom, wherein as they have gained much Treasure, so doubtless they have obtained the hearts of the people, whereby a greater difficulty would arise if I should contest rashly against such a party. Besides to commence a Reign with a Civil War, were to put the State and Kingdom in a capacity of desolation, and such a violent motion might invite the people to such a hatred of me, that they might be hardly or never reconciled. If I had resolved on this course, an hundred thousand Innocent persons might have perished in the design of a revenge of a few notorious Counsellors, this had been to undertake a great Evil for the bringing to effect a little good. If I should exterminate all, whom I neither can, nor aught to love, such a Revenge would produce but a feeble satisfaction. The blood oh Kings is to precious too be satisfied with the blood of Subjects, and all that I might do (in such a reencounter) might prove unworthy of a Royal Prince, who (as I said before) honoureth Virtue and Morality as well as Policy. The oblivion of injuries is an Act every way as noble as revenge: And in some cases more glorious, principally than when one forgets not an outrage which he dares not revenge, only because his wisdom judgeth it not fit. In this occasion, I aught seriously to consider that I do not only receive the Sceptre from the hands of a Woman, but from her who hath swayed it very gloriously, and hath reigned with honour, from a Lady who knew how to govern in peace, and vanquish in War, who could stop and prevent revolts as well as defend herself from foreigners: And could force her subjects and her neighbours to fear her if they did not love her; and was so fortunate as who triumphed over all who ever dared to oppose her. I leave you than to judge (my Lord Duke) if a Prince whom so illustrious a Queen called to the Throne, should begin his Reign by the destruction of all, which she had maturely established. If I should not give occasion to all men to believe, that the Kingdom would be speedily reduced to disorders, and confusion: And consequently nothing to be expected but Ruin and desolation. It is very important that the first Action of Princes should presage the symptoms of their Reign, and foretell their last conclusions. Wherhfore in the first step to a Throne, the Prince is obliged to depose and set apart all passion, and admit no company to that Royal seat but tru● Glory: The memory of what is passed is not so necessary as the consideration of what is present, and a provision of what is to come: In which high degree, it will be an addition of Renown to outstrip and surpass in virtues all who have preceded. The Prince (if he be wise) will prepare his desires not to revive the errors of his predecessors, nor to publish them, but to avoid them; and I could not but be guilty of injustice, if I should dare to declare myself absolute Judge of the Actions of Queen Elizabeth, who suffered her wisdom to harken to those Counsellors, whom she judged most able for her advice. Her Actions are not to be examined by any alive, but only God in his Tribunal: the same obligation which should have preserved her from causing the Queen of Scots to dye, forbiddeth me to intermeddle in the censure of her Royal proceed. So that if I honour her memory, it was because she was a Queen, if I cover and hid her errors, it is because she made me her Adopted Son, if I continued her creature in the employment of mine affairs, it is because the Kingdom's safety and repose requires it. As for private injuries, as they are commonly betwixt the subjects, they are less considerable with Princes. That famous Roman spoke not amiss. Who said, that Caesar's Erection of Pompey's Statues might better secure his own, and makes me apprehended (in this argument) that a confirmation of what Queen Elizabeth did, may better ratify what I shall establish during my Reign, and that respect which I tender to her memory, will be presented to my person, and that I shall act nothing tending towards her honour, but what shall reflect to mine advantage. The change of great Officers in a Kingdom is little less dangerous than the change of the Prince, which aught not to be without great and weighty considerations. Affairs of State aught not slightly to be managed, and if a maxim be resolved on, it is more safe to proceed than dishonourably to retreat. What Variety of dangers might I expose myself and Kingdom to, if I should think fit to banish those who under the Queen have been the chief supporters and Governors of the State? It was not now long since the Reformation of Religion, at which time particular Interests (under the shapes of devout pretences) promoted those terrible alterations; should I than think of dying Thames in blood, as my Ancestors had done not long before. I know, I cannot (with mine own honour) slain their reputation, but I may be defended if I only remember their errors the better to avoid them; let us than think it fit, not to harken to that bloody Policy which establisheth not Thrones, but with the ruin of those who aught to support it; Who pardon none with Clemency, but injustly condemn the lest appearances of evil, and in satisfaction to their own ambition, bear no respect to the highest quality of men, and reverence no sex, no laws, nor virtue herself: but (on the contrary) let us harken to that rational Policy which foundeth Thrones and Crowns in the preservation of the Grandees, which hath inclinations mercifully to pardon and condemn not to an extremity; who can honour a Royal person in her Tomb, who can reverence Laws and virtue to such a degree, that he hath respect for her memory, who would not be satisfied, but with the blood of his Mothers. I know some are of opinion, that a tempestuous commencement prepares a way to a more secure Reign, but in my judgement (on this occasion) that Policy is too desperate; for if I pardon all who have offended, it is impossible but some party should be affected with my generosity; and if I should punish all, I should inevitably multiply mine Enemies, in their Kindred, in their Friends, and their dependencies; who (on such a Provocative pretence) might raise an Army against me, which (in all probability) may prove not less valiant than that sacred bond of the Ancients, who being armed, marched with greatest violence to revenge the death of their Father, their Brothers, and their Friends. Yet you will answer me, things of greatest difficulty (being effected) tender the most absolute duty. To that I reply, if they be injust, they aught not so much as to be attempted. True glory doth not ever attend the most hardy enterprise, and matters of greatest difficulty. Moreover a Prince aught not to expose the lives of his subjects to the peril of death, whether it be in War or Peace, without great necessity, and prudent consultation; for their blood is the most precious and sole Jewel, of which he aught to have the most exactest care, and he had rather be sparing and thrifty of that choicest Treasure, than of all other of his Estate. For it is for that principally, for which he shall tender an account to him who gave him Sovereignty: Who permits him not (above all other restraints) to be abusive and prodigal of his subjects blood. From the considerations of these reasons, we incline to save the lives of our subjects, and (at our first coming to the Crown) rather chose to court our enemies with the favour of Clemency, than to correct them with the Rod of Justice. On these grounds we shall tender honour to the memory of Queen Elizabeth, & countermanding our natural affection with reason, and policy we will make the whole world confess that we are not unworthy to Reign & to enjoy our Princely Throne. Passing by than our Royal Mother's hearse, let us look up towards the Throne, to which the Queen of England hath prepared and facilitated our ascent; let us suspend that tenderness of Soul which might dissolve us with tears, and mind nothing more, but true nobleness and generosity, remembering, it belongeth to a Prince properly to pardon private injuries, and that it is a chief point of wisdom not to loose fair and fit occasions; for in an observation so seasonable the Estate and public good may be more highly advanced, and more solid Laws ordained for their preservation. In these resolutions we embrace and welcome our present condition, concluding, that the general repose of the Kingdom requires it, that mine own glory consents to it, and that my Soul is resolved to maintain, by a disinteressed virtue all that Queen Elizabeth established, who though she took away the life of my Mother, commended a Crown and Kingdom to me her Son.  

The Censure.  
IT is a question very problematical, and a controversy much disputed among Politicians, whether Clemency or Rigour be more necessary or profitable for Princes, and which of the two tender their Kingdom more peaceful and glorious. Both opinions want not strong desendors; since the World began, this question hath not received a full resolution: some affirm 'tis better to be loved than feared; others, that it is better to be feared than loved; each one (in the order of his contention) fortifies his opinions and arguments; Rigour pretends to carry more of Majesty, Clemency hath a beam of glory, which seemeth to shine with more humanity; the one says she rules more securely, the other that she reigns more honourably; both strive to bear away the Palm. A famous Politician feared not to say, that a Prince aught to puff at that infamy which seemeth to stain his reputation, because he was cruel; the reason is, because that quality renders his subjects more obedient. But (in my opinion) this is to set on fire the Temple of Diana. When Machiavelli broached this false proposition he prepared an infamous memory to himself, which his book still retains. In effect, if glory be certainly the proper object of renowned princes, how can they support infamy as a matter indifferent? And how can that Prince who Reigns without honour live a moment without danger? We cannot be ignorant of that ancient sentence, he who scorns his own life may easily become Master of another's; and what can provoke a man to be more violent and desperate, than the cruelty and injustice of him who commands in chief? Machiavelli (the malicious Florentine) stayed not at his first proposition, but he said, 'tis good for a Prince to be loved & feared; but seeing it is a thing impossible to enjoy both these passions at one time, in case either should fail, it is much better to be feared than loved. Why should that branded Politician make fear and love impossible and inseparable? could he be ignorant that all the virtues consist in a concatenation, and are linked together? Justice and Clemency are not incompatible though they seem (almost) contrary. Did he never read in the holy Scriptures, that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of Wisdom? Or would he conclude thence this abominable consequence, that because one was obliged to fear God, that therefore it was impossible to love him? did he pretend to teach the world policy, and instead thereof produce Atheism? Did he not know that there is as well a filial as a servile fear, which second (though it be without Love) yet the first walks with love hand in hand? This bewitching Spirit farther adds, Men love according to their own pleasure, but they fear according to the pleasure of their Prince, who if judicious and wise, aught to rely cheerfully on that strength which depends on himself, and not on that Transient humour which depends on the people. Where doth Machiavelli find that the Prince is not interessed to gain his people's love aswell as their fear? Are not graces and favours as well in his hands as the Sword of justice? and as for those who fear him, are they utterly uncapable of his honour and respect? It is an ancient precept, if thou wilt be beloved thou must be loving. This is natural, an innocent Magic and works infallibly as well betwixt Kings and subjects as private persons. He who maketh friendship his treasure may be liberal, when he pleaseth without danger of profusion. That Author was a gross flatterer and spoke little truth, who styled Hannibal's cruelty a virtue, for in the same Argument he concluded Clemency a vice. The holy Scriptures warrant that Abyssus Abyssum invocat, and the Moralists tell us, that vices are linked and chained together as well as virtues. To conclude than, this Judicious and wise King hath been the disciple of a better Master, and learned his Christian policy in a better Schooll; he well understood that golden saying of Antiquity, Ne quid nimis: and he had (doubtless) read in the French History, that it become not the King of France to revenge the quarrels of the Duke of Orleans, and likewise it consisted not with the wisdom of the King of England to revenge the quarrels of the Queen of Scots, and therefore this most learned and prudent Prince did proceed judiciously, and the felicity of his reign hath left an assured testimony of his wisdom to all the World. But seeing we are now in England, let us discourse of another famous King who reigned in that Throne: and examine another question as equally important and of as great curiosity to be determined: an example which hath no● any impression in histories of Antiquity Henry the seventh, who (before he came to the Crown) was styled Duke of Richmond, after he had been a long time banished and an exile, returned into England in the head of an Army: and gave battle to Richard the third, a Prince of the house of York, who had usurped the Crown, Henry having given an entire defeat slew the usurper, and made himself absolute Master of the Kingdom; being than at the point to enter into London (the Metropolis of the Kingdom) he discreetly deliberated how he should receive the Crown, whether as conqueror or lawful heir to the house of Lancaster, or as husband to Elizabeth, Sister and Daughter to the la●e King of England, over whom the Tyrant had usurped. See here his reasons, in preference of the second before the other two, to confirm a right of succession without prejudice to that of conqueror, or that Title of the Queen his wife.    

HENRY THE SEVENTH TO THOMAS STANLEY.  
IT is not enough for a Prince to know how to vanquish (faithful and loyal Stanley) but it is necessary for him to understand how to make use of his victory; The Battle which I have gained, must not so transport me with joy & exaltation, as to persuade me to a security in my present condition; but that I must think how to make my joys lasting and durable. I know well my Enemy is dead, his Army defeated, his Tyranny destroyed, the blood Royal revenged, that all England rejoiceth at my successes, and that the Soldiers, by their public and general acclamations, have proclaimed me King, that the Princess Elizabeth attendeth for my espousal, and that you (brave Stanley) have put that Crown upon my head which Richard Barhawarly usurped from his innocent young Nephew King Edward. Yet before I receive this Royal Honour, it becomes me to examine, by what title and right I may most judiciously entertain it. The Sceptre appertaineth to me in several and different rights, which may hereafter prove as different effects; therefore I judge it very proper to advice what choice may prove most necessary to mine advantage, and most glorious for my renown. In these different titles, I am not ignorant that neither the time nor the place are (at present) convenient for so confident a debate in a matter of so great importance; Being yet in the Camp after so bloody a battle, where I am environed with so many dead and dying Friends, and Enemies, where the outcry of some for their wounds, and the acclamations of others for victory, makes such strange confusion, where some are so elevated with joy and honour, others are tumultuously transported with the spoils, and prey of the field, where the Victors are so triumphant, and the subdued Enemies so afflicted and dispersed: I am not ignorant (I say) that it might become me rather to be Triumphant with my Army, or to think of my repose, (after so great a battle as hath been fought) than to amaze myself with reasons and arguments on this subject; but I know (most valiant Stanley) that Conquerors are never weary, and it may be said truly of me, that I fought not now singly for honour, as illustrious Romans have often done, whom nothing persuaded to the War but the design of a Noble reputation; Not, it was for the Throne and Crown of England that I dared and fought with Richard, who  portrait of Henry VII 
Titulum ne horresce novantis, Non rapit Imperium vis tua, sed recipit. Ausonius' de Severo.  now destroyed, it becomes me to lay firm and sure foundations for my future Reign, and Government: to effect which thing with judgement, I must examine how I aught to receive the Crown, whether Triumphantly as Conqueror, or pretending to espouse Elizabeth the Daughter and Sister of the late King of England, or else as Heir of the house of Lancaster, receiving the rights of that Royal Family with design of prejudice to that of York, because the Nobles of the Kingdom had been favourable to that house, whence Princess Elizabeth descended, and have condemned the Rights and title of that of Lancast●r in so many Parliaments. The first is a Title as hardy and bold as glorious, the second was facile to be effected, but the third and last is certainly the best, though it may appear more difficult and dangerous; but to consider these three apart, let us examine first if that right of Conqueror may not lay the foundation strong enough to bear up the Title and Crown of the King of England, without a dependency and Co-assistance of that of Marriage with Princess Elizabeth, or that of Inheritance and pretence to the right of descent to the house of Lancaster. I am well assured (generous Stanley) that if you shall demand my judgement and opinion in this difficulty (having found the Crown which Richard wore amongst the booty and spoils of the field, and having come to place it on my head) I am assured (I say) that you will conceive my judgement may conclude, that I have no reason nor occasion to dream of Elizabeth's Title, or to look so far as the house of Lancaster, nor to consider the blood of either house: but that I should receive the Crown as Conqueror, and the reward of Victory; and so presented from thy hands to him, who came to defeat and destroy the usurper Richard, and by this sole conquest could now as easily mount unto the Throne, as give the prey & spoils of the field to the Soldiers of my Army. In effect it may be said, that Force and power are the chiefest supporters of Monarchy, and foundation of Empires, these created the Grandeur of Republics, these founded Rome, and made her great and glorious, till (at last) she become Mistress of the World. And as these did put up, so they pulled down that glorious Empire; the same fate raised the Monarchies of the Assyrians, of the Medes and Persians', of the Parthians, and Grecians, and so many famous Governments, of Athens, Lacedaemon, and Thebes; and of many others, which have commanded and ruled, and ceased to Reign by the fortune and fate of force and power, which alone have raised and destroyed Kingdoms since the first Creation of the World. Power hath as well made legitimate Kings as barbarous usurpers, and the wheel of fortune could not turn to the Eversion of Crowns and Thrones without the conjunction of her assistance; and noble Titles, and the way to true Glory and renown, are commonly made by her: She looks not after Pedigrees, nor searches after the Genealogies of Princes, who Reigns within this Title; she hath no occasion of Manifestoes to delude a popular Credulity, and to deceive and amaze the Grandees of a Kingdom. It sufficeth her to say, I have vanquished, I have gained the battle, my Enemy is dead, his Throne belongs to me, and if the same force which made me vanquish, can maintain and support my power, I am King, I will reign gloriously. See (sage Stanley) what they will say, who be persuaded that force and power makes a Title to be just and right. It is true, that some small commencements of War have laid great foundations to future hopes, and powerful possessions of Sovereignty have drawn on securely popular faith, and dutiful submissions. And certainly (I think) before Religion set bounds to unlimited ambition of Princes, this kind of Right was not only practised and permitted, but seemed most secure and serviceable: and (as to myself) I have had this advantage, that I have chased from the Throne him who had usurped it by force, and not only so, but basely by treason, and the violent death of his Prince and his own nephews, and by such murders and execrable Crimes, that the very mentioning and remembrance thereof, may amaze with horror: and it seemeth to me more reasonable & possible that (these circumstances considered) a Conqueror having vanquished so bloody an usurper, might be well received as a legitimate Prince, and yet how glorious soever this title may seem, I judge it fit to renounce it on this occasion, rather than to hazard to lose that which I have now so fortunately and honourably gained. Who knows not but that those Soldiers who marched with me to Combat with the Tyrant might forsake me, if I (after the victory) become as horrid an oppressor as Richard. And who knows but that the Nobles and Grandees of the Kingdom might be as resolutely provoked against me as against the usurper, to a popular commotion and my Eternal troubles, if I took the Title, and than (as most necessary) subjected all things to the Conquerors william. The right of power belongeth to others as well as to me, and if I had not a Title more just, I should not have occasion to seek for one that is evil; which if (at present) it may serve me, might as well serve others in their turn. 'tis true to begin to reign with such resolution, might have the reputation of hardy and glorious; but such violence could not continued to any long duration of time; an entire age (at lest) might be required to corroborated (with all the arts of policy and power of Sword) a conquest of this kind, and in conclusion (before the people would be reduced to obey without murmuring) a Prince would be constrained either to quit his Throne or lose his life, and so cease to be a King or be alive, before he could reap & enjoy the first-fruits of his victories. Besides (as the affairs of England stood) the Title of Conqueror might have proved too terrible to the people, and too dangerous to the Prince, at that season, when (in all appearances) a quality more equitable was more requisite, and it was not fit than to administer the lest pretext to the people, that might exasperated their clamourous humour to decry their Princes marching towards, and not as yet securely seated in his Throne. It is always an ill conjuncture when a subject renders his obeisance to his Prince, not because he conceives it his duty, but because he dares do no otherwise; a Prince is never well served with such forced devoires, nor the subject well satisfied with such unpleasant Commands. Perhaps (Noble Stanley) you will tell me yet that there is another way whereby I may more safely ascend to the Throne, which policy doth not only teach me to be secure, but morality persuades me, is very heroic and noble; yes (faithful Stanley) I know well if I espouse Princess Elizabeth, I shall not need to set forth any declarations to manifest my Title and Right to the Crown, she being sister and daughter to the late Royal Kings; the people look upon her as the true and undoubted heir of the kingdom, And marrying her after my vanquishing of the Tyrant who slew her Brothers, and usurped the Crown from her, and swayed that Sceptre which belonged to her; I doubt not, but for this, I should be honoured as the Liberator of the Estate, and esteemed as Heroick and Generous; that all the People would extremely honour me, and that my moderation should be admired as most extraordinary, and infinitely valuable after such victorious successes. But, to speak truth, I should doubt extremely if I made choice of this way, whether I might be esteemed to have been as Prudent as I had been Fortunate, and whether I had not better have received my Crown from the hands of fortune in expectation of the continuance of her favours, rather than from the hands of a Woman; for (without doubt) it is a high degree of Fortune to be advanced to be a King, but I do not think it a thing so entirely desirable to be the husband of a Queen, and (in my present apprehensions) A Throne itself is less lovely, when I must approach unto it only as the chiefest subject of her whom I must espouse. In effect what obedience or loyalty may I expect from a people who should not acknowledge me for their Sovereign? what submission might I expect, or honour from those Nobles, who (were I dead) might have Capacity to be successor to my relation and place; what reverence might I expect from my Children, who (if my Queen should die) may become my Sovereign, and I their Subject? What (Noble Stanley) were it fit for me (having gained a Crown by my prowess and valour) to put myself in such a condition, that I might be forced to leave it? and if my Queen should dye, to wear a mourning weed instead of a Royal Diadem? If I should accept a Throne upon these terms, I might be forced to depend upon mine own Child's Wills and pleasure; Or (if I should have none) an other pretender might contest for my removal, and claim a right, and so I might be forced to obey whom I had commanded. Not, not, this choice could not manifest absolute power, nor could this borrowed fortune satisfy the Ambition of my Renown; this acceptation of Royal Authority might give me some splendour, but not tender me truly glorious, these streams seem to flow not from the Fountain of mine own, but another's sovereignty. King's aught to acknowledge none for their superiors but God. I do not conceive to be a husband and a subject to a Queen, are qualities compatible: In one relation the husband is to be the head, in the other the wife; and if the Queen intent to tender herself, and husband truly happy, it is necessary that he be her King, and so her Chief; without which relations their condition can neither have true honour nor true content, and without them a Court were worse than a Prison, and sovereignty as little lovely as servitude. Now if she love her husband, and that by a most rare virtue, she pleaseth to condescend so fare, as to be ruled, and Reign by him, the Subjects will presently murmur and cry out, the King's a Tyrant to his Queen, and she but his illustrious slave. Some will speak too boldly, others complain judiciously, and some prevail to persuade too far with insinuations and suggestions: When his Children shall grow up to age, they will not be free from flattering inspirations to incline them to jealousies and suspicions against their Father; some will dare to inform them that he invades and usurps the Crown, that if the Queen die, he will neglect and have no Paternal respects for them, and that therefore they rather aught to Court the People than honour their Father. These suspicions are too apt (ordinarily) to grow reciprocal, and are fixed too naturally near the Souls of such eminent persons. Difference in opinion breeds dissension in resolution, dissension draweth on aversion, and aversion changeth love to hatred, and hatred breeds revolts, and revolts proclaim open War; so that by these degrees, discontents thrive to be irreconcilable: The people fall into greater troubles, and the Kingdom is made more ready for greater ruins and confusions. Moreover do not you think, that whether the King have Children or not (if he be noble and generous) that he will prepare a party in his Kingdom to serve his affairs, on all occasions; & that whether his Queen be kind, sweet, & debonair in his society or not. Moreover, how conceive you a Kingdom should be governed without many errors in the conduct, when he must necessarily have his particular interest, besides the public, which cannot but evene and hap on many occasions? for in order to the preservation of his creatures, he will have cause sometimes to dissimulate in many things, somteimes he will be forced to recompense with rewards, those whose errors merit punishments, sometimes to punish them who deserve rather favours and rewards. These accidents will make him endeavour to embezzle the treasure of the State, and so make up Banks for private uses, or to make a War if there be cause. And as for peace, it can never be so perfectly established in a Kingdom, but a King must ever politicly suspect either an insurrection of a civil War at home, or an invasion from abroad. And do you (brave Stanley) but imagine in what a pitiful condition is a King, who is not prepared and provided for such contingences. He ceaseth not only to be a King, but loses his honour and reputation, as not worthy to rule. And of all the ways whereby Crowns and Kingdoms are lost, as this is most far from remedy; So it is the most weak and fare from pity. When a Prince (in a gallant resistance) loseth a pitched battle in the field; Fortune can force him to yield, and make him to fly to some Asyle; if the Cities and Towns of his Kingdom do revolt, and his subjects treacherously forsake him, he may without all dishonour seek for refuge, and search out for succour and supplies. And in his distress, though the splendour of his glory be obscured, it is not extinguished; Though his Magnificence and power be abated, yet it is not dissolved, nor so annihilated, but that he may be encouraged with hopes, and aided by his friends and Allies, and so make a just War, if he can obtain means. Those Princes from whom he implores succours, may more possibly contribute their supplies, either through the concernment of their own interests, or their generosity; and so though his misfortunes be great, yet his ruins are not absolutely desperate. But to acquit a Crown without more than one Combat, to loose a Throne without a stroke, is a misery as dishonourable as insupportable, and such a degree of baseness and lowness of spirit, as dwells not in my Soul. And what dishonours and disadvantages attend not a King of base, low and ignoble qualities? If he address to his neighbour Princes, they will hardly look on him as a Sovereign, or renowned person: If he presume to desire the aid of Auxiliaries and Soldiers, they will not only have pretences, but despise & scorn the Motion: if he continued in his Kingdom without Children, what support can he expect if one of his Children be King? how can he resolve and humble himself to give his Child obedience? For suppose the Queen his Consort shall (at her death) ordain by Testament, That her Husband whilst he liveth, shall conserve, and exercise his Sovereign power; with how many Nails and Thorns will his Crown be pierced; and how full of troubles his Reign; with what impatience will the Successor attend; and with what splendour and authority shall that Father rule, who sways by the will of a dead Wife; and (at not less) than at the pleasure, or permission of a living Son? And if casually he shall proceed to a second Marriage, with how many fancies and jealousies will his Son be agitated? and under this spetious pretence, to what strange designs will he with his creatures be transported? (Generous Stanley) to receive a Crown from the hands of an espoused Princess, were to put on a resolution to wait on her only to her Tomb, and than to leave the Throne when she leaves her life. And seeing that all Princesses (who are Sovereigns) have not the same resolutions for their Husbands as Isabel had for her Ferdinando: And it was not but with most incomparable virtue, that that most rare Princess parted with her power, yet all that she was able to do, was but a participation; and notwithstanding her affection was so great, and her virtues so supper excellent, yet where nothing could restrain her from a contestation with her Husband in her claims to her rights in the Kingdom of Leon's, she did it (doubtless) with the greatest Modesty imaginable; yet with so great security to her ends, as the breath of Ambition could inspire. For it is apparent thus in all their expeditions, issuing forth in the names of Ferdinando and Isabel; and their Subjects never spoke of them but plurally, the King's royal pleasure. A word insupportable, and not to be endured by so Princely a heart as I bear▪ Judge you than (I pray) if Isabel (whom History describes as a possessor of all virtues) could suppress with the greatest difficultyes, and strip her desires of Sovereignty; how may it be expected than from a Princess not so completely polished? What know I (if I become her Spouse) but she may look upon me with scorn, as she considers me a Subject to her Father and Brother? And who knows, but her elevated spirit may so use me as if I were her Subject? If I were now prisoner to the Duke of Britain, and Elizabeth were glorious on her Throne, and she had affections for me to redeem me out of Prison, and Crown me with her Royal favours, and put into my hands the Sceptre, it may be the closeness of my prison might oblige me to desire liberty, and my sad condition encourage me to receive the Crown of England from her hands; but seeing she hath no more share in this Crown, but that I can with more right give it than accept it; and that it is the proper reward of mine own valour; I being now a Conqueror; and that Elizabeth without me could not have enjoyed her liberty, much less have pretended to a Sovereignty: It is nobleness in me rather to offer, than receive Royal Grace from the hands of Princess Elizabeth; and this is all that I can possibly do, whereby the House of Lancaster (had it not right to the Crown of England) hath for ever endeared, and obliged the House of York; and in this act the world must conclude me to have been as exactly, and scrupulously obedient to the Princess for morality and civility, as to the maxims of Policy. Yet I inherit these generous rules which have gallant and noble resolutions, and which love rather to expose the hazard and loss of all, than not to gain all, and rather march undauntedly, than not satisfy the ambition of my renown. Rights and pretences to Crowns aught to be resolute principles never to be abandoned, all other pretensions (in subordinate affairs) are admitted to their dispensations for change and alterations. But to Renown, Sovereignty, and the Right to a Crown, the resolutions aught to be so unchangeable, as not to be shaken; and to yield, is an indignity and baseness fit for none of Princely birth; but is a quality more suitable for the most infamous and contemptible cowards. Now as to the third way; The title of the House of Lancaster, you will tell me (perhaps noble Stanley) this seems dangerous and difficile, that the Peers and Nobles of the Kingdom have condemned the pretences and rights of the Family of Lancaster, and that the Title of York hath a more popular preference in the spirits of the people; that the Kings of latter Reigns have gained their inclinations; so that I may pass under the censure, not of a lawful King, but an Usurper; such a suggestion may prove a provocation to the people, and so faction beget a War, and that may continued as long as I lived. To this I answer, as before; the Rules of Policy I now follow, are generous, and hardy; wherefore I must not be swayed by any consideration of peril; I must make my way through danger, and not suffer a diversion in so weighty a matter to my resolution. Think not, that I can easily persuade, nor prevail to turn the course of that Royal blood which runneth in my veins, or to renounce solemnly those rights to that Crown which I have conquered, as I must (doubtless) if I should refer myself to the grace and bounty of Princess Elizabeth, and should receive so Illustrious a Diadem from the hand of a woman: what reproach should I not receive from Posterity, if I should permit this spot to lie on the memory of my reputation? You will yet tell me, the right which I pretend hath been exploded, and condemned solemnly in Parliament. I answer; this condemnation savoured of as much misfortune as injustice; Great thiefs, and great power rob us of our royal right: And suppose their condemnation were just and equitable, the Rights of Conquerors are as equally Authentic; who if they have force, can justly cancel, and dissolve to nothing all former edicts and sentences of condemnation. He hath fought in vain who hath vanquished a Tyrant, and been a Liberator to the people from Tyranny, if he have not as equally freed himself from all oppression, and can thereby maintain his power to enjoy what he hath got. As for me, if I should not ascend a Throne but in the right of Elizabeth, I should only believe that I have changed my prison, and but gilded my chains: I can confess not less out of my internal repugnancy to this dependant authority. Believe me than in the Acceptance of the Crown of England, I shall receive it either as Conqueror, or as my right descending of the house of Lancaster, and not from the hands of Elizabeth; and if I admit her to the Throne, I shall place her on my right hand, as Alexander did Darius' Queen; and yet not than, until I shall have the peaceable possession of the Crown without the interruption of any of her pretences. Yet, in this resolution, I shall endeavour to spare the blood of my Subjects, for which I have reasons; for my Forefathers have been their Kings; and if the last Prince of that Illustrious House of Lancaster had not been too mild and gentle, and so more unfit to bear up the weight of so great a Sceptre, I should not now lie in necessity to search for reasons to palliate and authorise my present designs. But seeing what is passed cannot be recalled, that which is present must regulate that which is to come. I shall ascend than by the successive way, wherein though there may be more of danger, there may be less of injury. In this great action it is just that I forget not the people's interest as well as mine own, my Conquest shall serve me as to this end the more firmly to authorise the right of my Birth and descent. And as I am not ignorant how that the house of York hath prevailed with the whole Kingdom to an universal approbation of their title, and caused the Reigns of those Princes to be more peaceful while they ruled, more than their wisdom or policy could have prevailed: I intent not sooner to receive the Crown, but speedily to encircle Princess Elizabeth with me within the Line of that Royal Circumference. But still with this reserve and difference, that she shall receive that illustrious honour from my hands, and not I from hers. Wherhfore I shall take order that there shall be an interval & space of time, betwixt my Coronation & my espousals, that no person in my Kingdom may be ignorant with what right I ascend my Throne. In the mean time the people that dive not so deeply into the secrecies & mysteries of State, & are more easily satisfied with spetious pretences than solid reason; will more readily honour and applaud our actions, and less torment themselves with murmur or discontents; those who have affections and inclinations to the house of Lancaster will rejoice exceedingly at my advancement to the Crown; and those who still reserve their affections for the house of York cannot be better satisfied than to see the Lawful heir of that house to sit on the Throne with me; and if it should so chance that a civil War should rise, by any who should suggest that the Duke of Clarence was not dead, and that he had more right to the Crown than the Princess Elizabeth; I shall have this power to oppose such falss impostures, and this triple and different right to defend my Crown; and if I own it as Conqueror, as heir of the house of Lancaster, and unite the title of that of York, what power will be able to give a check to our Princely Resolutions. All the ways which policy can invent to acquire and compass great erterprises, are either by open and hostile forces, or by secret and subtle craft, or with plausible pretences to delude the people, or with reason and Arguments to persuade the Sages and Grandees of a Kingdom, these are the ordinary engines of Policy. The first is most absolute and least resisted, the second is persuasive, and effects what seems almost impossible, the third disarms the multitude, and the last raiseth divisions and makes parties among great ones, and prepares a disposition to hope for a victory of the Enemy: And fortune is so kind to us to concentre all these four advantages to my design. First as to force; I believe one cannot be more assured than having gained a Battle and defeated the enemy; and seeing the Tyrant himself could not longer support his usurpation, who (think you) dare be so bold as to design to be an usurper? To force I can join subtlety and craft, and what could there be better, than to intermingle so nearly, and yet to distinguish my right & title before I did marry my right to that of Elizabeth's, so to make my Authority as indivisible as independent by a deferring of my intentions for her espousals, until my affairs persuade me: And to this subtlety no pretences are wanting which may gain popular compliance and approbation; the People in this now fully satisfied, that I act not merely as Conqueror, nor take from any what appertains to them; In this proceeding they will not only be pleased, but seem to enjoy their chiefest desire. To these if stronger reasons be required, what can better remove all scruple from the greatest Statesmen or Grandees of the Kingdom (too inclinable for factions, especially in high Royal differences) than to see the union of the two houses of Lancaster and York? and thereby an extinction (by this alliance) of those ancient Quarrels which did descend with Ages, and might have lasted to a general divastation of the Kingdom. Besides all those considerations, I found (moreover) all the virtues satisfied by this harmonious conclusion; Generosity appeareth in my moderation, being so well tempered after so great a Victory: for seeing that after the Conquest of a Crown, I am so deliberate, it is an infallible mark that Pride and Presumption have not elevated me above myself: my Bounty and goodness, whereby I would preserve the people and Kingdom from the possibility of a Civil War, tender me more reasonable, as being careful of their good equally, as of my own. The Justice which I impartially intent to all, beginneth with Princess Elizabeth, born so near the Throne, and renders my Heroic mind so famous, as meriting to be approved by all the World: The boldness whereby I have vindicated the title of all my Ancestors to the Crown of England, will speak me honourable in the ears of generous persons, and that I shall be renowned by all those who have a haughty inclination to true Magnanimity. In effect, A desire to Reign and be a King, is a thing of itself so high and noble, that I believe there was never yet any Heroic spirit who was not surprised and inflamed (above all ordinary degrees) with desire of sovereignty; yea (I am fully persuaded) that one borne from a Royal Throne, though his birth be distant and in a great remotion, yet it is impossible, but his dependency (as a branch on that Royal stock) is reputed as the most sovereign glory and comfort of all his life, and I believe persons of Princely descent, the more they are oppressed, the more the Royal Character is imprinted in their spirits: and the more they are forced to resent of servitude, by so much the more they desire and thirst after domination and Sovereignty: And if the power of command be a natural and universal affection in all men, how supreme must their desires be, whose birth and education is so sublime? their thoughts cannot but be independent (if possible to others) and their wills would be legislative. Think not than strangely of me (brave Stanley) if intending my possession of the Crown of England, I chief prefer mine own right, without Admission of a partage, or the lest shadow of contestation for the title: Fortune honours me with it, as her present, yet I shall not accept it but as a fruit, growing on the stock of my Ancestors, and that my birth hath now received its right. Assist me than (I conjure thy fidelity) to fortify my reasons in a better resistance (if there shall be cause) of opposition: tell thy friends and my subjects, that I ascend the Throne, as their lawful Sovereign, and that I shall have more affection and tenderness for them, as being mine own people, than as if they were Elizabeth's; let the great ones know effectively, that I am their absolute master, and therefore have greater power, as to receive, so to expect their services: let my Soldiers know that I their King, am their General, and therefore, as I shall lead, they cannot but march with greater courage, and that their advantage is so much the more considerable, as not to be exposed to a Battle, but for such a Royal person, who will adventure with them, and bear them company in their Noble Actions. And let the Princess know that if I take the Crown, which her Fathers have born, my Ancestors have worn it as well as they; and in this quality her Grace may confess that I merit more gloriously to be her husband, and to let her see, that without Sceptre or Crown, she is as dear and precious to me. To conclude (gallant Stanley) proclaim to all the world (though I would claim the Crown as Conqueror) I have forborn it, though I might have accepted a Crown from the hands of a Princess, I refused it, and that I have rather chosen to hazard the Throne which I have Conquered, than not to possess it as a legitimate Prince, and the issue and Heir of the Royal house of Lancaster.  

The Censure.  
THis Prince is in the Records and Annals of the Kings of England accounted and honoured as one of the most famous and wisest Politicians as ever sat on that Throne. This is the observation of the Lord Chancellor Bacon; and as he elevated himself to the Royal Sovereignty, so he established it (in all human Conjecture) with greatest honour and security to himself and successors; Though he might have ascended highly by the effects of his Conquests (which usually are not moderated to any bounds) yet at that time, Fortune (if ever) making herself a slave to her favourite, he waveth that interest as his principal support; And though the title of this Princess Elizabeth might procure him popular applauses, and approbations; yet his reasons seem too strong to be subjected to that sp●cious dependant subordination: which quality though it may agreed with the Genius of a Subject, yet cannot be compatible & tolerable in the digestion of a victorious Conqueror. Where a Queen hath the sovereign right, and the King a title only by marriage, it is not he, but she that ruleth. Now if a Crown be not established, it hath not its perfect beauty: if a Sceptre be divided, it is not longer a Sceptre: if two sit on a Throne, it looseth its form, and is no longer a Throne. The Electors of the Empire, and those of Polony, entrench too deeply on the authority of their Masters: if a Prince see any interposition betwixt him and God, he cannot style himself Absolute: and if he have not Right to say, it is our will and pleasure, and declare (without farther Reason) and say, stat pro ratione voluntas; he carries but the shadow of a Sovereignty, he may wear the Crown, but others exercise the Royal Office. Now if this kind of Government be not so noble, than to hold a Crown by the Right or favour of a wife is neither so safe nor so honourable. The Electors are styled subjects, and all Commissions and Edicts are signed in the Prince's name, but it is not so where the wife is supreme. The Sun which divideth the radiant beams to the universe in his course, comprehendeth all splendent lustre in his own glorious body, and when that is set, no brightness at all appears, but what is (in its absence) communicated to some lesser Stars to preserve the World from utter darkness and obscurity. Thus, this wise Prince did judge of Sovereignty, which though it communicate glorious rays, yet they are Originally united in one illustrious body, and those lesser lights, which as the Moon and Stars radiate with more Glimmering and Dusky Brightness, they have no native, but mutuations and borrowed light. A quality utterly inconsistent with a generous and renowned Soul, and which agrees not with the Nature of Sovereignty. If this Prince had held his Crown by the title of Elizabeth, he must have depended on the will and pleasure of his Wife; and never been able to sway and command absolutely. It is our will and pleasure. As the Crown of England was an absolute Monarchy, so it had now a King who scorned to loose the lest circumstance or Punctilio that might grace the splendour and brightness of Majesty. And as for the Complication and Acts of Grace to gratify his people, he rather admitted and used such pleasant Popular baits, out of Policy and deeper design to prevent all storms, or to calm them if they should rise, than to diminish or extenuate the Grandeur of Majesty. Those condescensions (Kings know well) are great Artifices of their own making, which when the fish is caught they understand, & know how to unrovel & break the nets to their own advantage. The Scripture teacheth that the woman is to be subject to the man, and not the man to the woman. Had not this divine rule given liberty and dispensation to this Prince's action and choice, Policy (a more liberal, and free dispenser of her counsels) would not stick at the discouragement of such Resolutions which endeavour to grasp at supreme Authority. The example of Ferdinando and Isabel demonstrate that Masculine Nobleness subjected to Feminine fancies, and their mutable pleasures is neither so satisfactory, so honourable, nor so safe. And that other example of Philip the second, who married Mary Queen of England, manifesteth, that such a conjunction with an expectation of Sovereignty's as concomitant, proveth but a more fine Golden chain to bind faster (at pleasure) Royal ambition; for so was that Prince deluded and abused in his expectation, who instead of Sovereign commands had only the honour of a Title, joined in Commissions and Coins, but had not the power to exercise the Royal office. It is apparent than, a Sceptre is only fit for one, and not two hands, and that a Crown (being circular inform) is only proper for one Sovereign head. The two famous Queens of Naples have taught all the world the dangers of pretending to hold Crowns by Female rights: And this Prince was a person too sage and prudent to expose his Royal advantages to such casual alterations, having made so noble a Conquest, he holdeth still fast his sword in his hand, and espouseth Elizabeth with all her rights and possibilities, and wisely chooseth and declareth none but his own title, keeping those others as great Soldiers do their Reserves at distance, rather to terrify, than to fight, unless there be great occasion. In this action this King, whatever he pretended of Grace to Elizabeth, and so to be a great Moralist, herein hath left to the world this testimony; That he was acquainted with the deepest and most profound ways of Policy; and therefore did more prudently make his election, and so pitch his resolution, rather to reign by his own, than the pretence or right of any other. Now if from an action of such famous valour and prudence, we altar our discourse to another as eminent for fidelity; here is an example in the person of an Infidel Prince, which is most remarkable. Soliman the second (that Prince who was the glory of the Ottoman Family) promised to John, King of Hungary, to establish his Empire, to which purpose Soliman was earnest, constant, and faithful to his resolution: But the War being somewhat unfortunate, or less successful, and having lost the lives of an hundred thousand men, the Bassawes, and Turkish Commanders would have interrupted, and prevented the said King's investment, and Inauguration unto the Kingdom of Hungary, though Soliman had made his royal promise: But see here Soliman's discourse and reasons which caused that generous Monarch to keep his faith and resolution, and to crown gloriously John in the famous Town of Bude.    

 portrait of Solyman 
SOLYMAN the most Magnificent Emperor of the Turks. He won the I'll Rhodes and divers Lands in the Mediterranean sea, overan Hungary, conquered Babylon and the Countries of Mesopotamia: Taken Strigonium, and won Alba Regalis, and at the siege of Sigeth died, in Anno: 1567.   
SOLIMAN TO RUSTAN BASSA.  
THE Counsel which you give me might have been approved by Mahomet the second, but not by Soliman; that Prince who kept not his word with the Emperor David Comineus, and his Children, who caused the death of Prince Bosnie, and Methelin, contrary to his promises; pursued those Maxims which agreed not with Soliman. 'Tis true, he was certainly a great Conqueror, and the twelve Kingdoms which he subdued, and thereby united the two Empires, merit much to his honour, and free his actions from being censured with too much rigour and severity; and by what means he reigned so pvissantly. And as to my own particular (because I enjoyed his Conquests) it may lesle become me to insult over his errors, or to rail at his proceed against the rules of exact Justice; yet seeing truth and fidelity to my word and unspotted honour are the marks I chief aim at, I shall not judge it irrational nor injust to say that Mahomet's forfeiting of his word and promise hath stained the beauty of his Reputation, & if he had been more sacred in observation of his word and promise with his enemies, he had not gained lesle true glory than his conquests have rendered to his name. I am not ignorant that Mahomet hath not been the sole example of my Predecessors, who have falsified their Faith without the lest scruple, and that many Politicians yield and persuade, that it is lawful to deceive those whom they can delude, and that fraud and fowrbs are commendable and innocent instruments; and as for sincerity, it is not laudable, much lesle necessary, but when advantageous and convenient. The Christians (as well as the Turks) (who seem to be obliged by the bonds of Religion, and upon pains of hell) permit these rules and maxims amongst them very ordinarily, and have not kept their public Faith inviolable, to compass and effect their particular aims and designs; and yet some of the Ottoman Princes have been most exact and strict in keeping of their word. Thus the magnificent Selim (of famous memory) though naturally haughty and ambitious, was most punctual in his Conditions and Articles with the Citizens of Damascus, who surrendering their Town, he saved their lives, and preserved their goods from pillage and plunder; nay he was so exact to every circumstance, that although his numerous forces had encamped, and lay round about that vast Town, wherein the prey and wealth was infinite, and might have largely enriched the whole army, yet Selim permitted not any one soldier to commit the lest insolence, nor so much as to gather a handful of fruit or herbs out of the stately and luxuriant Gardens which lay round about the walls. And dost thou know (Rustan) what advantage succeeded this exact curiosity of his fidelity and Paroll? The inhabitants of Damascus gave more by a peaceable surrender, and the Emperor received more than he and his Army could have gotten, if they had pillaged the Town; for by this example of the Emperor's exact law of his word, the towns of Barute, of Sidon, of Tripoli, of Ptolomais, and (speedily after) those of Syria submitted, and surrendered on the faith and credit of the Emperor's word; by this means a great hardship of War, and an expensive, and vast charge was saved, and the lives of many thousands preserved from death. But you may tell me (Rustan) the chief means to enlarge Territoryes, or to confirm, or assure Conquests, to destroy Enemies, to invade Towns, to subdue Provinces, and Kingdoms, is it not by conjoining fraud and deceit with force and Arms? and by pretending faith, but not intending to keep it? are not Towns surrendered, the Gates of Castles and Forts opened to spetious and smooth delusions? Whereby great and potent Adversaries have committed themselves (in person) to their Enemies? what need we search farther than into the Histories of the first founders of the Ottoman family, as well as into the life of the valiant Orchan, who succeeded them; we shall found that if they had not as well used artificial delusions, fraud and falsehood; they had not so frequently surprised Towns, subdued Provinces, nor Conquered Kingdoms, nor laid such strong foundations to that Empire, which I now possess, and which appears in its present condition to foretell her happy fruition of her victories to as great glory and duration as the Romans extended theirs. Do you not than think that too strict and punctual observation to your faith, & word, may be an obstacle to your agrandizing and future establishment of your Empire? To all these I answer, I am of the contrary opinion, as believing that an honourable Regard of ones word, and a conservation of his faith solemnly and publicly given, is the best way and means to begin, to enlarge, or to establish a Sovereignty. When I call to mind than, and examine my faith and promise' made to King John, and my Engagement to use my best endeavours to establish him in his Throne, Judge you if I be not obliged to keep my word inviolable: For which all Mortals are strictly bound if they resolve not to forget humanity and honour, and true renown. And if so severe a tye be morally imprinted on the Souls of all men, how particularly are Princes, who are in degrees of honour, as far transcendent to their subjects, as the lesser Stars are inferior to the lustre of the Sun. For in the observation of their Royal Parole, the People's happiness, and the Sovereign's glory chief consisteth. To confirm this argument, and so to know more exactly the sacredness of promises; you may consider that the Religions of all kind which ever were or shall be, have never restrained, nor ever shall oblige the people, but by this way. Heaven itself is witness by the constancy of her motions to what I say. In effect, what disorder and confusion would succeed to any estate, if men shall declare to make open profession, that they did not regard what they did say, or promise'? what would be the disorder, and how irregular the society in every particular party? what inconveniency and a general disturbance to all commerce? and what union and agreement can be expected or hoped for amongst the people, which is the very foundation, and frameth a Solidity to the station, and continuance of Empires? It is through faith in promises that amity and friendship are preserved, that all Artisans and labourers work with so much curiosity and pains: this causeth the Mariners to embark, and so boldly to adventure their lives at Sea, encourageth the Soldiers to be so hardy and valiant in the Wars: And without this, it would be impossible to govern either in peace or War. So than the keeping of faith inviolate, conduceth much to the rule and government of all the universe, and is as necessary to human society, as a foundation is to a stately and magnificent structure. Without this incomparable bond, all society would be dissolved into confusion, laws be despised and scorned, Fathers would not have any Reverence from their Children, nor Children any kindness from their Parents, friends would grow perfidious, Commanders would trample on their Soldiers, and they as insolently injure or forsake their Commanders, Subjects would have no assurance in their Princes, nor Princes any respect or honour from their Subjects. You see than (Rustan) that a constant observation to ones faith and parole, is not only honourable but necessary; and without which it were impossible but to go into most irreparable misfortunes. Moreover this quality is the more noble, because no creature is capable to effectuate in this kind but only rational, and the incomparable creature man; as for other qualities they may be Acquired by Habits, or possessed by Temperaments and natural Instincts, as appears in the very Bruits. We found fidelity in Dogs, love in the Turtles, violent inclinations of tenderness in the Male and Female creatures towards their young ones; the Lions have their generosity and boldness, the Serpents their prudence, the Elephant their wit and memory, and the little Aunts their providence in their Oeconomie; but as for the observation of faith and promises, those are actions only belonging to Man, by which he becometh Master of another's will, as well as of his own, so that in these occasions it may be well said, that there is a necessity as indispenceable to keep one's word, as to obey a Law before a promise made; this caution is ever to be used, that no man exceed the real and absolute limits of his own power, not to engage his faith in any thing evil in itself, or injurious to another. These limitations first proposed, faith is obligatory, and binding, and no retractation to be admitted, which in itself cannot be lesle than base and dishonourable. These considerations concern persons of all degrees; and as for Kings, they are not free from the obligation of their Parole more than the meanest of their Subjects: For if they make a promise to their equals, and fail in it, their equals may force and compel them to a performance; and if to their Inferiors, justice and honour obliges them to be exact to their own will and pleasure, which once engaged is not longer free, but hath a tye and obligation on it, which they have imposed and framed to themselves. There cannot be than (with justice and honour) a failing in Faith, nor any fair evasion; the very possibility which Princes have in their own power not to oblige themselves to any promise, foretells their facility to observation, which they cannot (but against their own reason) disannul and dispense withal. Nay if a Prince shall condescend to a resolution and solemn promise, to depose his Crown, I cannot but judge it more glorious for him to keep his word, than to hold his Sceptre. Fundamental Laws (though in themselves sacred and inviolable) yet aught not to be in so great a veneration with a Prince as observation to his own word: For it may so arrive in the revolution of Ages, that Policy may permit and persuade to change, and altar those first ordinances, which have founded and supported a Monarchy; but as for the word of a King, it aught to be inchangeable; otherwise, levity, and falsehood will so spot his reputation, that he will hardly ever obliterate the stain of Infamy; and what fidelity, or loyalty can be expected from Subjects to be paid to him, who is not noble and faithful to himself? If you object (Rustan) that the King is less obliged because he is so transcendent above them. I answer; a Prince is free before he pleaseth to promise'; but if he shall fail afterwards to gratify his humour, or ambition, or to give way to his own passions, he will provoke not only his people's hatred, but (if possible) their revenge; whom though they do not command, do expect that he should obey the dictates of his own will; and if this intercourse should fail, how should the Prince confided in his people, or they in him? If I should design a noble recompense to my Bashaws and Janissaries, in case they should effect some noble and grand enterprise, might I not give a dangerous check to my commands and power, if I should start from my word, and so they fail in their reward? If I were engaged with mine Army before a Town, and resolved to subdue it, and encouraged my Soldiers to storm and take it, and gave them promise' of the prey, and pillage, and than did not prove noble and faithful, and did not recompense them, having adventured their lives in the assault, and breach with such violence and mettle to get the Victory; might not such infidelity not only loose mine honour, but provoke a mutiny, and hazard the loss of mine own Army? Again, if the Inhabitants of a Town should agreed voluntarily to submit, without other conditions, but the saving of their lives, and after I had received the Keys of their Ports, & the Gates were open, than I should suffer them to fall by the Edge of the sword; would not such an Act obscure the honour of a sovereign Prince? and force the remainder and survivant party to fight & dispute to the last drop of their bloods? and might not such unworthiness cause mine own Soldiers to turn Cowards, or to make them turn their swords against their own Prince? would not such Actions as these increase the valour of the Enemy, 'cause them to redouble their Guards, and inspire them with new designs, to deceive with falsehood him whom they could neither subdue nor believe? were not such a Prince endangered to be censured as the firebrand of his Age, and as well born to be the Enemy of his neighbours, and the odium of his own subjects, as well as of his Enemies? and as for Princes, if they as well consider their interest as their honour, they are not only obliged for their advantage, to whom they have promised, but likewise for their own ends: And it is a great dispute, whether it be of greater importance to keep faith with friends or enemies; and the most subtle Politicians do conclude, that in a case of absolute necessity, a breach with friends is more tolerable than with enemies, whose eyes are most acute and exact, to observe every scruple of conditions or Articles covenanted to them: For when our Allies, our friends, and our subjects do affy in us, they do no more than their duties and devoires; of which if they failed their neglect were injury, and consequently their trust in us augmenteth our glory, and equitably obligeth us to keep our faith with them: but when it arriveth that our professed Enemies place their assurance in our parole, this is an infallible mark of that estimation which they have of our virtue not of our power: And this conception worketh for our glory, and testifieth so much for our generosity, that (I dare boldly say) if it be injustice and baseness to forfeit one's parole to his friend: It is an act of more horrid ignobleness mixed with perfidiousness and impudence, not to keep faith with an Enemy. I cannot than with my honour let this opportunity escape, which fortune now presenteth, but I must observe that which I have promised to this distressed Prince; to him (I say) who hath not forgotten, what ruin and ravages our armies have committed in his Kingdom. He it is who confideth in us, and hath chosen him who was the greatest Enemy to this Kingdom to be the Protector of his Crown. We cannot delude his hopes (Rustan) nor with any honour recede from our promise. I know well that some rules of Policy oppose my design. If I should make use of them, and if I should permit an interruption, many considerations will arise, and you may tell me (first) that John engaged me to this War, and that the fates, which go verns all things, have produced sad and black effects to both parties, since I have taken the Forts of Bude and those of Altemberg, that other of Komar●, of Wissegrade, and all other along the Danube: My Army have pillaged all Syria, and made an infinite number of slaves, and have so terrified the Emperor Ferdinando, that he durst not presume, with his Army once to face my force; & after all these successes I am at last triumphant in the Town of Bude, ready to invest and re-enthrone John King of Hungary; and if that siege of Vienna, and the extremity of the winter have caused me to loose an hundred thousand men, I might seem to complain rather of this Prince than to tender to him his Kingdom, and honour him with his Crown. This may agreed best with your sense: but it is true, I cannot submit to your Judgement. If instead of one, I had lost two hundred thousand men, I should not have desisted from my intentions, out of mere consideration to my faith and promise. I never suffered my profit and advantage to be competitors, or comparative with my glory and renown. And when I shall fail to be a strict observer of my faith, I cannot judge myself worthy of respect or honour. Of all the ways of Conquest these are most sure, which are effected with lest violence. In making a King my Tributary and Vassal, I created a more illustrious slave to be as faithful and obedient, as if imprisoned with fettered Chains: The recognition of distresses relieved, oblige a Prince more powerfully than the strictest servitude: And those Tributes which are paid to a King by a voluntary contribution, do more enrich his treasure, than those which are exacted. For you cannot be ignorant how that in a Country newly Conquered, Garrisons are to be established in the principal Forts and Towns; besides, it is to be provided that an Army be ready to march, on all occasions, to be ready to oppose all resistance that may arise, and yet this care and providence is to be exercised, to see that the people be not utterly destroyed as well as subdued from the power of Revolts: Policy teaching that they have not too much liberty, lest they grow insolent, nor too severe a servitude, lest they grow desperate; a mixture of gentleness with rigour is necessary in lawful Royalty, but more absolutely inseparable from the foundation of new Conquests. Moreover, in the establishment of a Tributary Prince, more sweetness and indulgence is tolerable, because he is substituted to all care, charge and pains, and such a Conquest is as well without inquietude as danger. If I had intended otherwise, I must have fought many battles, besieged many Towns, and (besides a hazard not to have obtained what I now enjoy) I might have lost honour and reputation. Moreover my violation of faith with this Prince, might have united and provoked other Princes to levy forces, and march unanimously against me: And what Grace or honour might that Emperor expect, but rather a general detestation from all, who deserved to be branded with ignominy and reproach, for being perfidious and false? will not both Princes and Subjects act to save their lives, to defend their Country, preserve their liberties, and revenge their Prince from a faithless and perfidious person? But you will tell me (Rustan) after so many battles, and so many signal Advantages, what need I fear, and what might I not hope for? Not, not, Fortune is too mutable a Lady to be confided in: We are not to abuse her favours, nor scorn her liberality, nor to depend on the Constancy of her graces, who is so changeable at her pleasure. She who hath given us all these Victories, hath power to deprive us of them, and as often as I think, what great obstacles stood in the way, to oppose the mighty success of valiant Scanderbag, and Mahomet, and many of my Ancestors; I cannot prudently be over confident in my own Armies, my Enemy's weakness, nor my own valour. For it is possible, that the greatest Conquerors may be vanquished, and consequently, nothing is to be hazarded highly. The fortunes which attended Amurath and Bajazet, may also wait on me, and another Castriot or Tamerlaines may arise to prevail over me. Let us not than abuse our Enemies in the forfeiting of faith, nor thereby occasion all the world to oppose and hate us, which they may do without injustice, and than the fates produce strange and wonderful effects. Marcellus stopped the Progress of Hannibal, when he was highly engaged; Camillus preserved his Country, when it was feared he would have destroyed it. Besides all these reasons, the Senate and Republic of Rome affords us examples of admitting Kings to be Tributaries, Slaves, and Vassals. And if true Renown be so exceedingly glorious in the subjection of the Common People; how superexcellent, and most illustrious is a command over Kings and Princes? Thus Antonius marched with two and twenty Princes, (as his Royal attendance) into Alexandria. This infallible ensign of honour declares to all the world, that the Romans made not always their Enemies their Slaves, but gave them liberty to wear their Crowns, to make their Royal Equipage more glorious. It is one of the greatest secrets of Policy, so to temper and manage affairs, as to make our enemies serviceable to us. And no advantage can be higher, than to make them fight for us, who fought against us. And as for this Kingdom of Hungary, which is now divided by the Factions of John and Ferdinando, it would be (doubtless) united against me, if I should be perfidious to that party, which I am engaged to: And so that whole Country become mine enemies, which (on these terms) are reduced to be my vassals: By this action I shall either augment my Sovereignty; or, if the division continues, more enfeeble the adverse party. Prince's aught deeply to consider before they engage their faith; but if they value their honour, they are obliged to perform their promise, though it succeed with the greatest loss. This obligation bindeth more essentially; because it is a vow not made to Subjects, but to a Prince by one in distress; he who renders himself my Vassal, and hath trusted to my word for the safety of his person. And should my falsehood make my advantage in a Prince's necessity, who relies on my fidelity, and flies to me for succour? When the Emperor Ferdinando (who is an enemy formidable enough) desired my Alliance, I publicly both refused and scorned his Amity: And it had not become me now to have admitted this Prince to the secrecy of my promise and resolutions, if I had not first exactly examined how far I might condescend and adventure for his protection. Not, not (Rustan) I should rather choose to loose my life, than to forefeite my Parole, which I shall preserve so inviolable, that I shall Crown King John with mine own hands, that all posterity may learn from me that it is a necessary obligation (equally concerning the people's good, as well as the Prince's glory) to keep and guard their promises, without any fraud or violation. It is by this indivisible chain that the universal society of Mankind subsisteth in that union which enableth so many divers Nations to treat and commerce so unanimously in their affairs. This is that sacred bond which causeth voluntarily the arms of so many thousands (though enemies) peacefully to be laid down. This is that solemn assurance which persuadeth and secureth peace after bloody Wars. If men should not have a regard and observation to their Parroll, justice, which is the foundation of all virtues, would found no place for her feet to stand in all the world; and if she failed, all other virtues would loose their grace and beauty; Justice itself would loose her denomination, and be styled rigour, or severity; Clemency would be reputed too much indulgent levity. Liberality would be censured prodigality; and Valour (if not successful) would be accounted rashness, or too much confidence. And it is true, though virtues consist in moderation, yet when the action is not seasonable, they seem to wear the habits of vice. But as for fidelity to ones Paroll, it admits of no various explications, but aught to be exactly observed, at all times, in all places, and with all persons; and as to mine own resolutions (being a Sovereign Prince) I shall not be false, but faithful to all, whether Kings or Shepherds; nor fail in that (which seems most difficult) to keep my Parole with mine Enemy. This Law is properly mine own, because voluntary; therefore to be obeyed without all repugnancy. It is in this resolution wherein my reason is so mightily convinced, that I reverence the sanctity of public Faith; to violate which becomes not men, much less Kings. And as for myself, to be false to my Faith I am incapable.  

The Censure.  
SEe here the noble and generous resolutions of a Prince (who reverencing the Alcoran, and only adoring the lies and fictions of Mahomet) appears a very gallant and illustrious soul, exceeding many Christian Princes for his fidelity to his Parole and promise. Divinity gives us leave to acknowledge, that those high degrees of honour and felicity, which accompanied this great Prince, were as a temporal recompense wherewith God was pleased to requited him, and so make more renowned his Moral virtues. O that this Emperor (though a Turk) had been alive to shame that dangerous Politian, who (though a Christian) had the impudence to writ and publish to the world; That wise Princes aught not to observe their promises but when they tend to their utility and advantages. Who would believe that one who wears a Turban, should be more moral than he who bears a Christian Crown? The same Author says; If all men were honest, that precept were not necessary; but because many are false and wicked, it is therefore more tolerable, and for that reason, that they regard not their Faith, Princes are not obliged to theirs; who can never want specious pretences for their failing. This Position is as wicked as that other; and his warrant (though from the Scripture) is not Logical; it is true, David saith, all men are liars; but the Politician cannot conclude thence a dispensation for fraud and infidelity; one man judgeth of another by his words or actions, but God alone judgeth of the hearts. The Counsel of dissimulation, if it be consistent with Policy, agrees not at all with Theological truth: And is not the being (as well as the appearing) to be honest and just, requisite and necessary in a Prince? Or have the Reigns of all good and virtuous Princes been miserable and unfortunate? Or is there no other means to prevent miseries and ill, but by the practice of a lesson (in itself) so damnable? Is there no other way to uphold Crowns, and Monarchies but by such black, and damnable Maxims of State? Another rule follows as dangerous, (as those which went before) which is, that it is not necessary for Princes really to be what they seem, nor to keep Faith in any thing, but what serves their turn. O what horror these Principles contain in them? Let this dangerous Florentine poison the World as far as he can with his infectious Principles; yet I dare to say, his Maxims are as empty and voided of reason as Religion. Fidelity is essential to any illustrious Prince, without which, he can neither reign happily nor gloriously: and 'tis certain, frequent dissimulations, and infidelity in Princes to their Paroles, make sudden troubles, or admit but of short reigns; Therefore they aught to be kept inviolable and with more sacred reverence, though compacted with the greatest Enemies. For Princes are at liberty, before they promise', but once engaged, aught to be subservient to their dictates, and desires of their own wills: And who ever faileth to keep his faith, looseth his honour and common honesty. And a being not obliged by the rules of Religion, giveth a Check to all Rights, both human and divine. But I see a great Champion, and an illustrious Commander contradicting this proposition, and urgeth that no rule is so general, but admitteth of some exception. Great Scanderbag gained so famous a reputation in the World, that he merits not to be condemned before his reasons be heard, and his noble Actions rightly considered. John Castriot his Father being dead, and his Children being hostages in the hands of Amurath the Turkish Emperor; this Barbarous Prince imprisoned them, thereby the better to secure the Kingdom of Albania to himself. Now as the rare valour of George Castriot, (whom the Turks called Scanderbag) was infinitely necessary, he omitted not the lest occasion, which might advantage his particular interest, and therefore feigned a willingness and resolution to surrender the Kingdom to Amurath, with privy design more exactly to sound and bottom his intentions: And (at length) meeting with a fit opportunity, when the Turks gave battle to the Christians, he quitted the Turkish Armies, and faceing about charged fiercely with the Christians against the Turks, and having given them many desperate overthrows, he recovered his estate (at last) and the Throne of his Father. Amurath enraged with Choler and despatched one of his Janissaries (Chaoux) to reproach Great Scanderbag, for his falseness to his Parole and promise, and to charge him with his infidelity: See here this famous Commanders Apology, and reasons to justify his actions to all the World: And that it is not dishonourable nor inglorious, to break promise with those who keep not Faith, but are perfidious.    

 portrait of Scanderbeg 
GEORGE CASTRIOT, otherwise called Scanderbag Prince of Epirus, Scourge of the Turks. He slew Fera Bassa with his own hand, Chief Commander of Amurath's army, Overran the country of Madedonia, Overthrew the Turks army consisting of 40000, still remaining victor in many battles by his valour and policy   
SCANDERBAG TO HIS COUNCIL OF OFFICERS AND COMMANDERS.  
THE Ambassador of Amurath (having reproached me in the behalf of the Emperor his Master) hath dared to charge my reputation, with the ugly crimes of Perfidiousness, and Treasons: which scandals and accusations my Soul scorns and abhors; If all men in the World should not be as equally guilty of those errois, as myself; And seeing Alexander the Great loved not glory itself, but with scrupulous Curiosity, and he bravely affirmed, that he inwardly abhorred, to steal a Victory, by surprising it in obscurity or the night: I presume I may be admitted to conclude, that I hate the thoughts, to have stolen that glory away, which I possess, had I not acquired it by noble and illustrious means. Be you than my Judges in this point, (although my Officers and Subjects) examine my actions with the greatest rigour, that the severity of Justice, or the brightness of true generosity can exact or require, and be not partial (for so I conjure you) whether or not, those may forfeit the glory of their valour and faith justly, who have been provoked by actions of infidelity from others? and whether this reciprocal retaliation, may not be honourably supported and grounded on the Basis and Foundation of reason. I know well, that public Faith aught to be placed and ranked with the most choice, and sacred things; but not to be sincere nor to keep Faith with him, who hath first violated that sacred bond, is not only lawful but commendable, and an Action which seems guided with reason, and justice. This is the chiefest argument of my discourse, which cannot but honourably patronise, what I shall maintain and defend. The Laws of Nations (which doubtless) approach nearest to Nature and Reason, have not ordaine● punishment to him, who kills an Enemy when he assaults and would assasinate, but they permit repulsion of Force by ●●●ce. And is it not as equally just to punish and revenge those (who pretending to protect innocency) have actually designed to ruin and destroy? Is not a defence and preservation lawful, when Faith is first violated, and nothing but mischief intended? Is power therefore just, because 'tis great? or may men do mischief equitably, because they are able? and may not a self defence, or the destruction of a perfidious Enemy be as equally tolerated? And (if we should now pass from particular quarrels to open and public Wars) is it not most true, and that either in hostile invasions, or intestine broils, that one party is more criminous and unjust than the other; and so the first invader or disturber of peace? To make more particular instance, seeing that Amurath hath invaded the Kingdom of his Ally, surprised his Towns, suborned his Subjects, pillaged his Country, and hath received the Prince and his Children Hostages, and afterwards broken and violated his Faith; are not these Provocations too horrid and insufferable; and can they justly expect any recompense, but of wrath and revenge, if a power offended, be rendered capable to make such a requital? On these considerations, the world cannot but discharge me, from the guilt of being either perfidious or traitorous. He who first violateth his Faith, and is an invader of the Princely Sovereignty of his Neighbour, authorizeth his Enemy to all endeavours, to make his highest revenges on him. And he who before was criminous, and therefore punished, becometh innocent and just; And that which the Enemy calleth treason, is a sage conduct of affairs; that which he termeth Cruelty, becomes a natural and just defence. So than, that which is permitted by the Laws of Nations to private persons, and which injuries and bitter extremities have necessitated, cannot but be allowed to my just and rational defence. To this purpose, I cannot but look on Amurath as my particular enemy, causing the death of my Brothers whom he barbarously poisoned, and so as the public and common enemy of my estate, which he had most unjustly usurped. And if (in my own person) I have most miraculously escaped, doubtless my comportment, guarded me more securely: For I respected him ceremoniously as a great Prince, preventing his suspicions with my prudence; and if I have learned to forfeit my Parole, I received that direction from the infidelity and falsehood of Amurath; by which means I have found a way open to revenge the death of my Brothers by slaying his Bassaws; and have requited the ruins of my Country, with the defeats of his armies. Yet if you will make a clearer inspection, and dive more deep to search the reasons of my proceed, I must put you in mind how ancient Macedonia (that famous City) was assaulted by this puissant enemy; that Albania (formerly but a Province) endured many of his violences, as other neighbouring and vicine Territories. At length King john my Father (tired with the continuance of the War, and touched compassionately for the miseries of his people) resolved to tender himself tributary to his Empire, and to this purpose he committed his children hostages, hoping, that when my Father died; this cruel Monster would have sent one of his Sons to have been his Successor to have reigned over his Subjects: But (OH just heavens) at that very time when I was fight for him, & exposing my life for his service in the achievements of his glory & renown, the King my Father dying, he dispatched Sebalick (his creature) with troops of Horse & Foot to seize on the noble City of Croy, & all the rest of the chief Towns of Albania; at which time he exiled the Queen my Mother to a poor pittance & corner of the world, without respect unto her person, who as she was a Queen, so she was the Daughter of the King of Triballieus; & if he spared my person (in this juncture of affairs) it was not through any affection or resentment to humanity, or Justice, but only for that reason, because he conceived he might make great advantage by my conduct and employment in his Wars and service: Which if I had pleased to quit, he might (happily) have lost a considerable part of his Army. And hitherto, what hath Scanderbag done against Amurath? Or rather what offices of love doth not Amurath own to Scanderbag? hath his fidelity in any proportion been equal to mine? How could I not (if I had thought fit) have refused his first employments, and continued my repose within his Court? Hostages are more noble than to be treated as Slaves: And if I had not been encouraged by the generosity of mine own spirit, I would not have exposed my life or honour for his service: And seeing that (at that time) he punctually kept conditions, agreed on by the King my Father, I had cause to hope that he would continued a succession to his fidelity. Grounded on this confidence, I resolved to gratify his Commands with my choicest endeavours, expecting that when that Prince should die, to whom I was successor, I might his ascend throne, and so by double obligations, he might be more firmly bound to keep his Faith and Parole. It was this apprehension that invited me to take the charge of Sangiac, and without being so much as a Mahometan, I forbore not to appear a rigid Turk. In the first troubles of Asia, I commanded a party of five hundred men, with so good success, that the very reputation of that service rendered me capable to be made General of his second Army, wherewith I effected marvellous advantages to the Empire. You cannot but remember how Amurath received, or rather slighted me at Andrinople, than, after so famous a Victory I reconducted his Army, without the loss of more than two hundred men, when the spoils of the enemies appeared so great, that they amazed Amurath, as well as other spectators, to behold so great richeses, so many slaves, such a number of Flags, Ensigns, and bruised and battered Arms recovered from the Enemies; than the multitudes could not be restrained from calling me the Restaurator of his Empire. Besides this (it may be) you will remember in what fashion I preserved the honour of that Nation, when that audacious and fierce Scythian presented a defiance to the Sultan, to that end that one of his Court Champions might have accepted the Challenge, and when no other person was found inclinable and resolute, I undertook the Combat; and if I had not vanquished the insolent and furious Scythian by my magnanimity, and valour, the disgrace and shame would have much reflected on the Emperor. At the same time I hazarded my life to all other adventures and dangers. At the taking of Nicomedia and of Prusia, I was as active and bold as the meanest and desperatest Soldier: And when I thought of that prodigious action of Alexander the Great in the City of Oxidraques, I leapt on the walls of the Town, and thence descended with equal courage, and though I dare not say I had the valour of that famous Hero (of whom I speak) and though I may be censured over rash and bold, yet my confidence, and temerity were not without equal success: For (without vain glory) I was than the chief and sole cause of surprising that Town; and since than (may I speak it without ostentation) what eminent things have I not done in Europe against the Christians, as well as in Greece and Hungary? Wherein I have been a fortunate instrument, if not of vanquishing the Christians, yet of defending the Turks against their powerful Armies. Do all these actions merit neglect, or (much lesle) perfidious infidelity? Or hath my fidelity been so great, and my valour so successful, as to cause Amurath to be perfidious to his promises? Hath he no other reward (after his solemn engagements and promises) but to usurp the Kingdom of my Father, to exile the Queen my Mother, to poison my Brothers, and likewise to design me to be an Illustrious slave? And not to suffer me longer to live; than I might serve his advantages, and by the conduct of Wars be able to defeat his enemies, and establish his Throne? Do you believe (after such Treaties as these) that I can commit any act of Injustice in failing of my faith to one who so basely and barbarously abused our royal Family? Yet (perhaps) you will tell me, that Falsehood is a thing so detestable, as not to be excused, much less justified. If that rule and maxim be general, and admits no exception, the Military art must loose great part of itself. Than there will be not farther use of Stratagems, nor Ambuscadoes; than Towns should never be surprised, nor the Enemies interrupted with Alarms; than there would be no Combats in the night, nor any occasion of Spies; we needed not feign Retreats to engage an Enemy to fight, but it would be necessary to number the Forces of both parties, to make the combats equal; and Judges would be expedient in the Camp as well as at a Combat of Barriers, or Tourneys; to see that the Sun were not more splendent in the eyes of the one, than of the other: Admit this absurdity and evil consequences, there would be no need of Generals in Armies, but the valour of the vigorous and hardy Soldiers would be sufficient to dispute and gain the Field, than the extraordinary prudence, and judicious experience of the greatest Commanders would be useless and impertinent. Another objection may arise, that these circumstances of War, are not only tolerable but just, and necessary, against declared enemies. To that I answer, Public contracts betwixt Crowns are more sacred and inviolable than agreements betwixt private persons. And when an Emperor treateth with a Prince, and keepeth not his Parole, he forceth him to be his Enemy, and dareth him to the height of revenge by his perfidious actions, which are not only resented by myself, but appear clearly to all the world how much I have been injured, and abused by Amurath; for when my Father died, and Amurath had exiled the Queen (my mother) and had poisoned my Brothers, in a feigned manner, pretending to Generosity, he seemed inclinable to offer me the Crown of Albania with a reserved intention, if I accepted of it, to seize upon my person, or to put me to death. These injust provocations as they summoned quickly my apprehensions, so they justify me not to be criminal: And as for those reproaches of perfidiousness and Treason, they reflect fully on him who was so barbarous and false. As for my comportments (ever since I came to his Court) did the misfortunes of my condition any whit lessen, or abate my courage? Might I not think after so many actions of valour and gallantry, that my thoughts prompted me to more high, and sublime successes? Aught he not to have thought when he first usurped the Kingdom of my Father, and put my Brothers to death, that he than effectively declared a War, and disengaged my fidelity, which I might have owed him in the Quality of an Hostage; and that all these actions authorised my endeavours to revenge? Can not he understand that one whose ambition was so ●●gh as to aspire to Sovereignty, and be a King, had that passion which is so violent in all generous persons? But chief than when they are assured of a lawful right to a Crown? Can he not foresee that it was impossible for me to be faithful, or a friend to one who usurped my Kingdom? All wars have not their Commencements from the proclamation of the Herald's mouths. A single action of hostility may engage an Army. It is not in open War as in private Combats. In these latter we challenge, and defy our Enemy; he accepteth the defiance and answereth the challenge. But as for public Enemies they make a Parley, and treat if they please; and Combats and Cessations of Arms, are actions equally voluntary Generals of Armies are ever masters of their wills regulated to no bounds nor circumstances, but what serves these advantages. On these considerations Amurath might not think it strange (after his Usurpation and Murder) if I should attend all advantages, and become his open enemy. As for preparations of war (when Princes are in low condition) they are not always visible. And when one is reduced to a deplorable condition, the designs are only in the head, but no ingenious person can sleep sound, or rest securely, injured and removed from Sovereignty. And though I was in the power of mine enemy, without an Army, without a Soldier, without intelligence from any of mine own Subjects, out of mine own Country, without a person that I might confided or trust in, and without any resistance to so great a design, as I harboured in my bosom (excepting the hopes of heaven, and mine own valour) yet, if Amurath had well observed my actions, he might have easily discerned, that I cherished some great reserves within my soul. He might have seen the violence of my desires in a daily aspiring after glory and renown, and he might have read (by the symptoms of my heart) plainly in my countenance, that I was not capable to renounce my right to the Throne, nor be contented to be a slave all my life, though never so glorious, That love and friendship which I made with the Officers and Soldiers of the Army, declared that I designed some noble enterprise for myself, and perceiving that I was not an unactive Coward, it was impossible, but that he should dream of my endeavours to revenge his Injuries. Let him than not blame any but himself, if his policy hath been anticipated, nor reproach me as perfidious, for my desertion; of him 'twas his fault and injury, no crime of mine. For first, he aught to have been in preparation to prevent all danger: And as for myself, I did nothing but what become an open and noble Enemy. It was doubtless just in me how to consult, to re-conquer Amurath's Usurpation, and by what way and means I might attain to the King my Father's Throne. If I had discovered my discontents to his unjust proceed, I had been in that moment made a Prisoner, and either strangled or poisoned the same day. If I had resolved to sand to my Subjects, and to the Inhabitants of Croye to require their assistance, my designs might have been discovered, and my Subjects thereby made more miserable, and possibly less useful, or else, from being Subjects (by this means) might have been terrified into enemies. Now to have an absolute confidence in the love of the Mahometan soldiers, (with which they courted my person) was a thing of great danger in appearance; and to have debauched the Grand Signors guards, and with them to have marched to the Christian Princes, to implore their aid and succours, was an attempt too curious and perilous to be effected, and if I had prevailed with them, it is uncertain, whether the Princes would have been willing or able to commence a War of so great importance, and to expose their lives and Estates, to hazard, to recover mine: And if they had been resolute, the event might have been very doubtful against so formidable an Enemy. I would than in this great juncture of misfortunes, propose a resolution to myself, to be the sole Artisan of my successes; And if I surprised Amurath, and converted his Forces to my service: I have not justly merited reproach and blame, but rather deserved honour and renown. Seeing that I have not done any thing but by the rules of Justice, nor enterprised any design but what Amurath might expect, if ever able to recompense his injuries. The great Cheat, and usurpation wherewith he affronted me in the eyes of all the World, prepared me to study revenge equal (if possible) to his Cruelty, falseness and Usurpations, only with this difference, when Amurath basely forfeited his Faith with me, he violated all rights of honour and justice; And what I have done, was on equal retortion to his merit, to which I was obliged, as bound by nature to revenge the death of my Brothers, the liberty of my Country, mine own glory: and of God also, who is Justice itself: And had I no other consideration, but this last within my thoughts, may not I urge and assert (noble Captains) that God was my Conductor in this action of revenge? Wherhfore to have been faithful to this Tyrant, (to whom I was not a Subject,) would not have only Corroded my Conscience, but dishonoured that religion I profess. And should not I answer for my Subjects, if I suffered them to be alured to the errors of Mahumatism? And shall not I be culpable, and guilty of the demolition of all those Altars. which the Turks have destroyed, and as criminous as if I had built those Mosques, wherewith the Turks have filled those Towns which belong to me? If I had longer served Amurath, should I not have made my own subjects greater Slaves, and so have contributed more assistance to the Turks; farther to destroy those who adored the God of my Fathers? Think you that the Lord of Hosts could endure, that he who had been favoured with such extraordinary good successes, in warlike affairs, should not employ his best skill and strength against these infidels? and by adventures to make themselves Martyrs, if not Conquerors? O not, the chief est duty keeps us strictly in our fidelity to our Altars. Besides I am clearly absolved from his reproaches, in the judgement of all the World: As for Amurath he had no rules of Conscience, nor Religion to oblige his promises, but he could dispense with all relations, though never so sacred. But these obligations did not rest on me, for I was brought an infant to his Court and he was engaged to my Father; which Conditions, did not (with his succession) derive themselves on me. Now if after all those remarkable services, before and since the death of my brothers, and those memorable victories, which he gained, through my Counsels and valour in the reconquest of Russia, without much effusion of his soldier's blood; if he were not touched with honour, nor guided by reason: am I to be blamed if I exercise Justice to myself, which he would not design to tender me? or could I longer serve that Prince, who after so many eminent Achievements of his Wars, complotted all ways and means for my destrushion? Which to have undertaken publicly, might seem too dangerous, because he knew I had gained much affection with the Soldiers; And as for my imprisonment I was too well beloved and guarded, to be so surprised, and my previsions were more diligent than to be suddenly entrapped; having than possibility to kill me neither by sword nor poison, he contrived a third way, wherein he aimed to dispatch me more honourably. Not long after our last return from victory, he proclaimed a summons to all the Noble Heroes of his Empire, to attend his Court, where he made preparations for martial exercises and famous Tourneys: at ●hich solemn meeting, he hoped that in the divers Combats wherein (possibly) I might make reencounter, I might receive a foil dishonourably, or fall fatally. (Brave Captains) I vow to Heaven, this Treason is not in the number of any that can be excused, and serveth my turn to be justly more active in revenge: When I discerned the depth of this perfidions action, as I was dispatched with the Army into Hungary: I took my resolutions not long to fight for mine Enemy Amurath, and began to think of fight for myself; I resolved over my thoughts the power and interest of a General, and what it was to march before, and command an Army: These Cogitations reflected on me with shame to myself, who had so long a time been faithful to an infidel: I began to have a horror, and to be dissuaded from drenching my hands in Christians blood: In my march, I approached near to valiant Huniades, who was a Commander in that Army, and he inspired into my ears, what shame possessed his soul, marching under the Turkish Standard. These discontents quickened my resolutions; and when I found my opportunity, I quitted the Infantry, and withdrew from that Army: This is that which Amurath calls Treason; but 'twas a just reward for a mortal Enemy, whom (I acknowledge) I served not longer, and whom I found would prove eternally faithless and ingrate. After the defeat, I retreated into my own Kingdom; you received me honourably, assisted me courageously, to chase and destroy the Common Enemies. And was there any blackness in this action? Did I contrive to take away the life of Amurath ignobly? or by such base ways and means as he did mine? Did I invade his Empire as heusurped my Kingdom? May it not be rather said to the contrary, that revenge was never taken more gently, and more justly. And since I have made the Conquest of my Kingdom, if I have continued the War, or refused the Treaties of peace from Amurath; it is not because I love not peace, but because I cannot found fidelity in that Prince, with whom I am to treat; And that his ends are not honourable, but to disarm an Enemy, whom he feared, and so to surprise (if possible) his Credulity, who is not to be easily taken by spetious pretences. Do not I than rather deserve the reputation of being faithful, than perfidious? who so clearly manifest truth to my Enemy? and yet (to judge a little more exactly of this proceeding) recall into your memory (valiant Captains) I conjure you, all those circumstances of my Comportment, when I was in the head of the Armies of Amurath, adventuring my life to enlarge his Conquests, and to advance his glory: had not you most friendly rebuked me in secret, and murmured against me, and (not diving into the bottom of my heart) doubted whether I deserved to have been the Son of so excellent a Prince, and concluded that I had abandoned Christianity utterly; that the love of my Country was extinguished, and rooted out of my Soul, and consequently, that I was not affected with any sense of true nobleness, and honour? And yet in your very repine, you made Apologies for my actions, better than I knew how to make for self: For you concluded that I had no other way to manifest myself more clearly the Son of the King my Father, than by those heroic actions, which I pursued in my employment. The world will confess, that men are not equally obliged to be as faithful to perfidious Enemies as to faithful Friends, to those who exercise artifice, and and fraud, as to those who love sincerity. It is doubtless great unworthiness and baseness to forfeit faith, and break Parole by malice, perfidiousness or mercenary interest; but to be unfaithful to a Traitor, to an Usurper, to a Murderer, and to quit his service for the recovery of a Crown and Kingdom, for the interest of a Country, and preservation of Christianity, if this desertion may be censured perfidiousness by Amurath, in my sense, and in reason it rather deserves Eulogies and Panegyrics than injuries and reproaches. And if it be true, that Fortunate usurpers advanced to eminent qualities, and attended with successes, in time become acknowledged as legitimate Princes: Is it not more reasonable and true, that that Prince (to whom a Crown doth effectually appertain) deserves the highest honour, who conquers and forceth it from his hands, who hath most unjustly, and tyrannously usurped it? And are not all means used for the recovery allowed? and as for the act, doth it not rather merit the opinion of glory and renown, than the accusation of a crime? Not, not, the observation of ones Parole ha●h as well its bounds and limitations as all other things. The interest of ones Country and Religion are principal, and high concernments, and admit of dispensations in some degrees. We read, that Rome hath been preserved, when Fathers have preferred her honour and safety before the lives of their own children: But (some may say) this was unnatural and a cruel act, yet the wise Romans not only permitted, but commended those Patriots who reverenced their Country with so great estimation above their Children; and that which seemed cruelty, and inhumanity in private relations, appeared as a laudable sacrifice when it served (in this high obligation) to defend or protect one's Country. It is certainly true, that those generous Fathers have with great zeal and deep affection, most stoutly fought for the preservation of their children, their liberties, lives, and honours (on other occasions) and have not spared to hazard the last drop of their blood. But where the consideration of ones Country is in competition with love to children, the public interest hath ever prevailed most powerfully, and affection to children is lesle vigorous, and Fathers are encouraged to see their children die, when it is for the service of the Republic, with lesle sorrow, and regret; and such actions merit lesle of blame, and more of glory. Now if Fathers are pardonable, exposing their children to death, how tolerable is it for me to violate my Parole, for the redemption, and preservation of my Country? Yet you will tell me, that a Pagan example doth not necessarily produce a conclusion for a Christian: But if Heathens have thus proceeded for the defence of their Country, what may not Christians do for the interest of their Religion? which bond is so sacred, as it aught to be the end and aim of all their best endeavours: Besides what is fit to regulate the Sovereign actions of Princes, but only Religion, which confineth rules to their Policy, and aught ever to sit Precedent in their Counsels. On these Principles, we repent not of our pretences to fidelity, having endured so long a servitude to obtain so good an end; And we believe and resolve, that it is no dishonour nor injustice to be unfaithful to an infidel Prince, who hath given the occasion by the violation of his Faith and Parole. Come on (brave Soldiers) than, let us march, without remorse, and let us vanquish and destroy this common Enemy of Christianity, and use all craft and art, as well as force of Arms. Let us not be so scrupulous as Alexander the great (that invincible Conqueror) we are not assured of his Fortune, nor of his Valour, and we know certainly, that we have not his retinue and train: let us use all stratagems for our advantage, and be as active in the night as in the day; and if we vanquish, the Sun will gloriously show us the effects of our Conquests; and if we be worsted in our nocturnal and more secret attempts. the darkness will give an umbrage, and obscure our shame and Cowardice; as well as hid our misfortunes. To conclude (Generous Captains) we are resolved to vanquish and effect our resolutions, and to attain our Conquests; we must be heroic in our actions, daunted with no opposition, nor neglecting any occasion of advantage. Wherhfore prepare yourselves to be practical in the military science, that you may be as successful as valiant. For we are but feeble and few, and the enemies puissant, and numerous, and if we do not surprise them as well as fight them, their vast multitudes will suppress our Valour and Courage. Thus (valiant Captains) you see that our designs are innocent and generous; and that infidelity itself to a perfidious Tyrant (being well managed) may gain immortal honour and glory.  

The Censure.  
THE reason of Scanderbag appear powerful and strong, yet amongst them all there will be a general debility; if religion had not been his warrant and justification for his actions. This Prince (through his incomparable valour) attempted many thousand glorious actions, and effected wonders, to the amazement of that age wherein he lived: he defeated Armies, which for their vast multitudes could scarce be numbered; He dammed up that great Torrent which stopped not, till it had ravaged the moiety and greater part of the World; he caused one Emperor to die with shame, grief, and dishonour; He forced Mahomet the second (who was the Conqueror of so many Empires and Kingdoms) to testify, by that excessive joy, which he conceived of his death the extraordinary fear he had of him during his life. And (not to flatter truth) this great General Scanderbag, was (doubtless) the greatest Hero of these latter ages. Yet (not to speak partially) had not the interest of Religion been considerable, all the glory of his latter actions, could not have excused the violation of his Parole. For to face about and join with the Enemy, in a Battle to feign a flight for fear as being too weak, and to defeat those Troops that he commanded, to serve the Enemy, are Circumstances so odious that they had need of all the importance and Arguments of Christianity to help them to pled for aspecious pretence, and to Apologise. I know well Saint Augustine made his retractations, and that repentance of former crimes, is a most essential part to Religion. I well remember that a Cannon of the Counsel of Constance (where John Hus and Hierome of Prague were burnt.) dischargeth Faith, and obligeth it not to be kept with Heretics; and thence some frame the argu-ments, that if Faith is not to be kept with them, much less with infidels. But ●as this Cannon savoureth not of Orthodox Truth, so it is not generally obliging, nor Catholic and Christian doctrine (secundum fundamenta) The Question was in that Council concerning the Passport of Princes given to Heretics, and whether they could protect them in their addresses and returns from Synods and Counsels; where it seems Faction and not truth concludeth in the negative, asserting, that particular Passports and Conducts oblige none to keep faith but those who grant the Passports, and not the Counsels, which consent not, and had a separated power of permission. It is true, if this Cannon were received as a Conclusion of an Oecume nick, General Council, than on all occasions a man might violate his Parole and faith to Infidels, but this question is rather Theological than Moral, and Political. If this were true on the pretence of Heresy, or Infidelity, no Faith would be kept, and so (consequently) human society and divine truth would be utterly destroyed. Now as for Morality and Policy, they conclude, the Faith and Parole of Princes aught to be inviolable and sacred, which if abused reflects ever upon the violators, with the consequences of irreparable shame, or incomparable peril. By virtue of this argument, the action of Scanderbag is more liable to censure: And if at present this Prince had drawn his sword against France in the Kingdom of Naples, in favour of the King of Arragon, and wore a Read Scarf to distinguish his resolutions against the white ones of France; and 'tis so, that the Wars were yet continued betwixt both Nations, it might be concluded from Scanderbegs own example, that it were lawful to be treacherous, and it were no error to insist on those arguments which he used for his own purpose: But now from Albania let us pass to the Kingdom of Polony, and there see Henry the third of France on that Throne of Polony, where we shall meet with a question very curious for its examination, and most important to be determined. This Prince (being secretly advertized of the death of CHARLES the Ninth his Brother) consulteth with his Ministers and chiefest Confidents, Whether he aught to prefer (in his election) a peaceable, and quiet Kingdom before a Kingdom full of Wars and Tumults, and humble and obedient Subjects, before Subjects revolted. And whether it were just to deprive Polony of his presence, and to return to France, which he had so voluntarily abandoned. This is the subject of the discourse, which this eloquent and ingenious Prince reasoneth as it followeth.    

HENRY THE THIRD TO PIBRACK AND PHILIP, DESPOTES.  
THose who only judge by outward appearances, and by the external pomp which dazelleth Vulgar eyes, believe not that there can be any difficulty in the choice and election of Crowns, and imagine nothing more easy than to part with one Sceptre to receive another, and to descend from one Throne to mount to another more glorious; concluding, that the change of Diadems for others more illustrious, is very acceptable; and that Sovereignty is agreeable with generous minds, but chief than when the Domination is enlarged. Yet you shall find it most certain, that it is more facile for a Prisoner and Slave to make choice of his Irons (though all punishments are naturally unwelcome) than for Kings to make an Election of different, and several Crowns. The Slaves know that the lightest chains are always the lest incommodious: But it is hard to determine whether the most illustrious, and splendent Crowns, and the most elevated, and sublime Thrones are most desirable. As Royal Crowns may invite, so those sparkling Diadems aught not to dazzle the eyes of those who aspire after them. Sceptres are as well ponderous and weighty, as majestic and glorious: The Thrones of Kings are seated in high elevations, and those who ascend them aught to be sure that their Foundations are well laid, and the stairs and degrees firm whereby they mount them. Now in the examination of these occurrences, it becometh me to consider by what right I am King of Polony, and what Rights I have to the Crown of France. To this end, that I may precisely determine to which of my Subjects I own my presence, and to which of these Kingdoms I may more properly bestow my assiduous and daily care; this being the most principle motive that should oblige my resolutions justly to afford them my presence, and the chiefest cause that may endear their loyalty and obedience to their Prince. As for my Subjects of Polony, I must confess they have freely chosen me their King, and voluntarily submitted to my Domination; and (not to silence their bounty) have presented me with that Crown. My Birthright hath done the same thing to me, and Princes elevated to Sovereignty, own nothing to their Subjects, but hold their Sceptres only from God. Subjects have the birth of Subordination and Servitude, and Princes are of absolute Sovereignty▪ As for the Suffrages of the people in the election of a King, they are bonds and chains of their absolute obedience, riveted by their tongues in the acclamations which they cannot justly violate and break. And nothing else but expressions and unanimous submissions to that power whom some more eminent qualities & nobleness hath set them above them; who though eligible by their consent, yet cannot be deposed or deserted without the horrid crimes of Rebellion and Treason. But I have not any cause to be jealous of my Subjects unworthiness or disloyalty; for I am King in Polony not only by legitimate election, but in a continued approbation, being well assured, that there passeth not a day wherein I have not the constant Vows, Prayers, and hearty Devotions of the people, supplicating the Heavens for a continuation of my prosperity, and have a daily assurance, and ratification of their first Election by constancy of their public Exultations. So that I reign as well in my Subjects hearts as in the Kingdom of Polony. They fear me reverently because they love me; they obey me dutifully, because I am Master of their affections; they strive to enlarge my Domination, and to strike a terror into others, to make my Reign the more secure, and to present an impossibility to all endeavours, to give a check to the present authority, peace, plenty, and tranquillity. My Reign seems so solidly established, that no accident can shake the Foundation of so well-grounded a Sovereignty. What than can a Prince desire more than the fruition of a glorious Crown, attended with the Fidelity of dutiful, and most loyal Subjects? What Authority more pleasant than to be beloved of those whom we command? And to have no other thoughts nor care for Justice, but in considerations how to recompense faithful Subjects, and dutiful Servants; and to Reign so prosperously, as to have no cause to exercise the Royal virtue of Clemency; but towards persons more unfortunate than criminous? The ordinary means of establishing Peace is by the Ravages of War, and the effusion of much blood; but that which is bought by others at so hard a price, cost not my Subjects a tear since the first day of my Election to the Crown. And they are so united Fraternally amongst themselves, that they are equally linked in the common interest of their Prince's breast. And as the Scripture saith, that God holdeth in his hands the hearts of Kings, so may I say (but still with reverence) that the hearts of my Subjects are in the hands of myself, their Prince.  
All these reasons (first alleged) how can I with wisdom quit my Kingdom of Polony? And if ugly Ingratitude be so monstrous a crime even amongst private persons, how detestable and odious should it appear in the eyes of a Prince? who is in that sublime degree, and so fare above others, as not only obliged to gratify and recompense Civilities, but to heap honours and multiply Favours freely on persons capable of Princely bounty and Generosity. To abandon than those subjects, who so freely chose me their King, and that Kingdom which is so abundant in peace, and plenty, cannot but affect my thoughts with much trouble, and perplexity. And on the other side, to resolve to adventure to wear that Crown, whose splendour is so much obscured, where the Kingdom is so much divided, where those who recall me, fear me more than love me, or if they seem to love me, do it more for their own ends than my service: And (Farther) where there are to be found as many Rebels as Subjects, and a civil War devouring the very heart of the Country, where in that great body no one part is entirely sound, or free from the Epidemic disease of the State. These considerations may retard and deter my resolutions from going to France. Besides the Provinces of Poitou, Normandy, Dauphine and Languedock are in arms against me: Great seditions shines, and heresies are insolently spread, and have generally infected the Kingdom of France, and (perhaps) I may be forced to the endeavours of a new Conquest, before I may hope for a quiet and peaceable possession of the Kingdom; and that (usually) I should be forced to make my entrance into the most Famous Towns of France, rather by the breaches which the Cannons might make, than by the Gates of the Towns, loyally lying open. And so, to march triumphantly, attended with such joyful acclamations as usually accompany Princes in their fresh addresses, and entrances to their Crowns. Imagine you what a strange and unwelcome alteration would that be, to quit a Kingdom wherein all the Subjects are in repose, and humble and affectionate towards their Prince, and to march into another, where the fields are overstrewed with dead corpses, where the greatest part of the people deserve rather the severest Punition, than pardon, or the grace of Clemency, as having offended, (and that irrepentantly) the just authority of all divine and human rights. Might I not better constitute the Queen my Mother Regent of France, and appoint my Lieutenant General for the Conduct of my Martial affairs? For I must confess, though I am obliged to France for my Birth and life: Yet I own and hold my Sceptre from Polony: It is in the life and blood of illustrious ●ap●t, whereby I may claim the Crown of France; but it is the Frank and voluntary bounty of my Subjects hearts, whereby I hold the Sceptre of Polony; And how shall I equally gratify the rights and merits which both Crowns may challenge from me? If I go into France with hopes to terminate that War, I may very probably raise a War in Polony, where peace is so well established; And may it be lawful to attempt an uncertain good with an assurance certainly to 'cause some dangerous evil? (In this weighty concernment) aught I not as well to reflect on my subjects, as on myself, and in both relations, look up to Heaven to be better guided? If I consider the love of my Subjects of Polony, I must acknowledge they presented me with that Crown: Yet I must not blaspheme, It is God alone that raiseth and pulleth down from the Throne, and he maketh the elective as well as the hereditary Kings. All Sovereignty and Crowns absolutely depend on his pleasure, and authority. And it is a Law indispensable, that all Crowns own their Homage and duty to the King of Kings. As for the people who honour Kings with their acclamations, they do no more in the Ceremony of inauguration, than to proclaim their own obliga●ions to obedience: But it is God who giveth the Sovereignty of Kingdoms, who appoints his terrestrial vicegerents, and Ministers after his Celestial Pattern, to exercise justice and mercy. It is he to whom alone Kings own account, and it is an inseparable Comitant to the Royal Office, to secure the pressing necessities of the subject impartially, without the distinction of People or qualities, or injury to the rules of Justice In these considerations, it is evident to all the World, that whether I hold the Crown of Polony or the Crown of France, the tenure is chief and solely from God. And as for the People of both Kingdoms, they swell with equal affections in my heart: And whether I continued in Polony, or advance towards France, I am to be as a common Father, and Parent to the Country, and without respects of either repose in peace, or hazard in War, it is my duty to regard what is most just and equitable; and as to either Kingdom what may be more commodious, and more glorious. Let us see than (I beseech you) whether it be more reasonable to quit a Kingdom where my presence is necessary, to prevent a War, or to go to another, where it may be very doubtful, whether my person may recover and establish a peace. It is not permitted to effect any evil, though with a good end, much less in attempt of so uncertain an assurance. Those famous Acts which great and hardy spirits attempt, in usurpations of Empires and Kingdoms, are not less criminous before God, than the more common horrid crimes are amongst men. And is it not as great an injury to rob a King from a Kingdom, as a Kingdom from a King? It hath arrived and fallen out sometimes, that Soldiers have forsaken their Captains, and Captains their Generals, and Generals their Princes and Masters, because they have been either base or false; But for a generous and prudent Prince to have quitted his Faithful Subjects, and to make a choice of others, of whose fidelity he hath had no experience, but rather danger, whether they would prove dutiful and loyal, is an accident, which (perhaps) hath never happened, unless in this example of my person. Notwithstanding the tenderness and equity, which causeth a Father to leave his Children, who are not in danger to make haste and run to deliver those that are in eminent peril, encourageth my resolutions, in this Conjuncture, and invites me to leave them, now being more prosperous and happy, and more able to secure others who are very miserable. When the Sea is calm, every ordinary Pilot doth presume to work at the Helm, or guide the ship: but when the Sea is rough, and the Waves wanton and furious; the most skilful Seaman observes the Compass, and steers the Course. It is he who chief grapples with the tempest, when all the company (with trembling eyes and ears) attend his Counsels, and his motions: It is he on whom they depend to preserve the Ship from Rocks, and protect the Vessel from the fury of the Rolling Waves, and (at last) to bring them safely to the Port, and Harbour. Do not you than so much admire, if you hear me prefer War before Peace, and rather expose myself to troubles, than to perpetuate that tranquillity, which I do now enjoy. Polony is furnished with many Noble Personages, who can easily preserve her in that good Estate, wherein the Kingdom is now established: But Fair France now is rich in nothing but broils and troubles, which are (at present) so highly inflamed, as probably not to be extinguished without the approach of my person. A Prince is a star in himself so glorious, that it oftentimes obscures by the beams of Majesty (though arising a far of) those l●sser and feeble lights, which (in his absence) shine bright in the People's eyes, and grow conspicuous before some eminent deluded Grandees: But when that petty splendour vanisheth, their credit and reputation (which hath shone in the night of tumults and divisions) diminisheth also. And than Revolts and Seditions commonly shadow themselves under the Umbrage of more just protection, and (recovered out of the clouds of Treason) submit to the brightness of true Majesty, confiding there to find the Rays of Clemency. You see than my resolutions are not unreasonable, and that a Prince in equity is not only obliged to live where he can have most honour, ease, and plenty, but where he may still increase his renown, and more gloriously exercise his royal dignity. And whereas it may be objected, that Polony may fall into the miseries of War, and so consequently some evils attend that Kingdom, by reason of my motions, and advance towards France; I answer, the General of an Army, who hath given and gained a Battle, is not responsible (by Martial discipline) for the loss of three or four thousand men slain in that reencounter; and the Cries of the Widows and Orphans (on this occasion) cannot hinder the Trophies and Triumphs of Victory and Joy, nor extinguish the Bonfires of Exultation. Where (on the contrary) a private Captain having rashly, or imprudently exposed his Company to great danger, and to no purpose, and without order) hath sometimes been sentenced not only to loose his place, but also his life. Thus 'tis true, the lest circumstance of dishonour and imprudence changeth the face of things. Now in Politic affairs it is sufficient if the design be reasonable, though the effects succeed not; the chief Commander, though failing in the enterprise, is free from blame: Good Counsels, and good Intentions (though honest) are not always fortunate; and we are not to judge of the actions of Princes by successes and usual events.  
Notwithstanding I shall further add, that my removing to the Crown of France may contribute greater advantage and safety to the State of Polony: For think you not that the Neighbour Princes will continued their power with more moderation, or be in more fear, when they shall understand that he who was King of Poland shall become absolute Master of the first, and greatest Kingdom in Christendom? And that he and his Allies may be therefore more formidable to all the Princes in the earth? Alexander the Great commanded Subjects (though remote and distanced) in the farthest parts. The Senators of Rome, who never budged out of that Royal City, made entire Provinces to tremble, which were not nearer the Capitol than Cracovia is to Paris. If that great Conqueror Alexander quitted the pleasant situation or Macedonia for the great richeses and glory of Persia, we may conclude than that Dangers are companions of honour, and agreed with illustrious minds. On this account I may be permitted to leave Polony, to go and reign in France. But you will tell me, the Macedonians murmured when Alexander resolved to leave them, and advanced toward Persia. I answer, Alexander aimed at the glory of that Empire, who was a stranger and no Persian; but I have a more natural right to the Crown of France, which is not only an apparent, and casual Interest, to ground my expectations and designs, in the Government of that Illustrious Kingdom. Wherhfore the Polanders and French united in one Crown, are to be incorporated in the mutual relations of aid and assistance. I cannot but esteem it a degree of Inhumanity to abandon those, who presented me with a Royal Crown; and therefore I have a contestation in my soul, how to deport myself in an equal dispensation of Sovereignty and favour to both Kingdoms. It is not valour alone that causeth Princes to be renowned, but bounty, sweetness, gratitude, and moderation. Virtues which make no great noise, but like deep streams glide smoothly and gently, gain the Subjects hearts, makes the Sovereign more glorious, his Government more acceptable, and his renown more immortal: And the Historians have not been less industrious in the description of the passages of Granica, and the Battle of Arbella, than of the great Armies of the Macedonian Conqueror over the numberless Forces of Darius.  
These things being so, why may I not expect the reward of Honour? being so generous as not to resolve absolutely to quit those who love me; and still reserve so much Equity and Justice due to them for their Election of me to be their King, that I may not force them to repent of their Royal Favour: And if I be so bounded in my moderation as rather to make choice of hardship and trouble with hopes of doing better service, than of dalliance (in the abundance of delicious plenty) where the Princes and Nobles are as fortunate and happy as they can wish themselves; On this ground I make my resolution to advance towards those parts, where true glory leads and conducts me, and every step of my march (even from the first motion) shall be with design of equal honour to Polony and France; towards which we shall not make more haste to search out the delicacies and pleasures of that Kingdom, but proposing a Method and course of Moderation, resolve to expose ourself to the fury of a Civil War, with hopes to recover an established Peace in that distempered and divided State. He who is resolute to leave repose to found out trouble, the design of his actions being just, he must needs be attended, with honour and glory, and in these occasions acting for the preservation of Religion, and restauration of defaced Altars, fight with ardour and zeal, cannot but be famous; if he destroy that great Monster, which (at present) threatens the ruin and desolation of France.  
It is not than mine own will that induceth me to leave my Subjects, but a supernal, and heavenly interest that chief snatcheth me from them: And Moral Generosity is obliged to give place, and yield to Divine Policy: And since (to speak rationally) my Birth hath made me a King, as to this latter respect, I cannot with Justice and Honour quit the Privileges of my Birthright, and being advanced to so glorious a Crown, I am not only obliged to Reign, but to rule with Justice, and so to support that great lustre, and glory which is derived on me from my Predecessors. As for the quality of Elected Kings, the Successors are not obliged to preserve the honour of those who ruled before them; but Princes who come to their Crowns by Inheritance, have Kings their Fathers, as well as their Predecessors; and being naturally descended from them, they are not only to endeavour to be glorious, but likewise engaged to support the splendour and renown of their Ancestors. And the Sceptre of France hath been borne up by so many famous Princes, that as it were ignominious in me to refuse so glorious a Birthright, so it were ignoble not to endeavour by a signal emulation, to imitate (if not exceed) the chiefest Virtues of those Illustrious Princes; which if I should not undertake, my neglect would prove an inglorious declaration to all the world, that I tacitly renounced a Royal Right and Sceptre, and was unworthy or unable to wear so splendent a Crown and Diadem, and had not in me the Valour and Virtues of mine Ancestors: I must part, part (I say) my dear Friends) though with great grief and reluctancy from those who have received us with so great joy, and whose hearts are overwhelmed with sorrow, at our preparations to leave them. O Heavens! what an unparallelled conjuncture am I fall'n into? I speak of my departure from Poland, but do not well know how to find out the way and means, being so environed with the affections of so many thousands, from whose vigilant love I can scarce withdraw myself. My consultations are only with myself, and you my Friends; and I am well assured that he who had so universal a consent, and general acclamations, when he was crowned, shall not have one vote or voice to quit his Crown: If he shall refer his resolution to the public deliberation of the people. I can easily (if I will) stir up all the Kingdom of Polony into Arms, and engage them not to permit my departure. So that I can say, I am free, and yet a Prisoner, and that which seems more cruel, I cannot complain of my Guards, which have so great passion to obey my commands, that (on the contrary) I am obliged to love them. And now (after all this conflict, and debate, I must resolve to leave them, and that for ever: And yet (which is more cruel) without giving them notice, or so much as saying, adieu my Subjects, my Friends. Whoever read of an accident so strangely tempered as this of mine is? I am grateful, and thankful in my soul to the Polanders for their favours, and yet I must appear to them, and all the world, uncivil and monstrous.  
Fortune, in this occasion, seems to overthrew, and beaten down all her former favours, and hath rather impoverished, than enriched me. I could rather wish that she bade never presented me with the Crown of Polony, than so to have snatched, and ravished me from thence. But (after all this) I know that Kings neither live, nor Reign for themselves, there is a fatal Law and Decree, which guideth them as well as inferior private persons; and they are as well bound up to the rules of obedience, as Subjects to their Prince's wills and pleasures. Policy doth often oppose Religion, but the latter aught to be the chiefest Counsellor of a King. Justice and Clemency require things, which seem entirely different; the love of peace, and ambition of true Renown familiarly oppose one another: to be a King, and in that Royal Quality more illustrious, is certainly to be something above an ordinary person. Be not you than startled at the diversity of my reasons, or difficulty of my resolutions in this point. The paths which lead Princes to supremacy, are not so directly beaten, as that they may not err, and deviate from the right way; than principally when the affairs are sublime, important, and extraordinary.  
Examples in Antiquity demonstrate the truth in this case, for to be a King by election, and to be a King by birth, and to be beloved of the first Subjects; and misapprehended and prejudicated (for the most part) by others, to leave those who are experimentally faithful, and to address to others who are tumultuous, insolent, and uncivil: to abandon the delights of peace, and to make choice of the affairs of War; not to be able to quit the faithful without grief, nor to relieve and succours others without certain infamy and danger: To conclude, to be constrained to fly from a Kingdom, for fear of being forced to reign Sovereignly: These are such different varieties of concernments, as human prudence rarely or never consulted with before: and in which, the deepest policy will prove too shallow, to sound the bottom, and make a resolution, what to choose or leave. But in the extremity and straight, my own reason, and thoughts of true honour, must be our guides, what course to steer, and no other Pilots (how skilful soever) can be useful to me in this nick of so great importances. I doubt not but that my return into France may endanger to change, & alienate the affection of my subjects in Poland (perhaps) into the quality of as great hatred as it was of kindness. For it is the course and effect of love once irritated, to turn into fury. But if this misfortune should attend me, I shall (at last) gain this advantage, that posterity may better judge of the sweetness and temper of my domination, and Reign by their resentment: and, that election and choice that they made of me, wherein they might (possibly) have been abused. But my heart hath been utterly incapable of unworthiness, or unthankfulness to loyal and faithful Subjects. See (noble friends) the reasons of my resolutions in the election of an object so extremely rare, which have persuaded me to withdraw from the Polish Court, and to address towards France. I have nothing more to add, but only that I am a Prince, whom a Crown which nature hath prepared for me, cannot so absolutely comfort and encourage, as the loss of another, which Fortune, and my own merits presented to me, doth afflict and trouble me.  

The Censure.  
THE fancy and device of Henry the third, was two Crowns in an Escutcheon, representing that of France, and that of Polony: And this was the Soul and life of the Motto: The last I look for in Heaven. But he that invented this device, did not think to have made so sudden a change, nor so speedily to have received the last, which his own invention and Mo●to seemed to foretell, and Prophesy. On these and such like occasions, we may cry out with St. Paul, O, the depth of the richeses of the wisdom and knowledge of God, whose judgements are incomprehensible, and his ways passed finding out? Who is he that knoweth the thoughts of the Lord, and who hath been his Counsellor? Who could have said to Henry de Valois, when he acquitted his Crown of Polony to return into France, that in the ascent to his new Throne, he should find so sudden a degree, of descent to his Tomb: and that his entertainment of that Sceptre, should prove a speedy means to the loss of his life, by so violent and so unusual a death; And even than, (when his designs and Ambitions lead him to have his head crowned with a glorious Diadem) he should lose the sight and brightness of the Sun. The Prophet and foreteller of such infallible tru●h, should have had neither Faith nor Favour for his reward. 'Tis true, he removed from a Climate, where Ice, and Snow, and thick Fogs devil eternally, and returned to another air, which is more temperate, and pleasant, and the diversity of seasons equally regulated. Whence man may see how the great Creator of the Universe hath made all things with weight, number, and measure. In Polony this Prince encountered with extremity and sharpness of cold: and here in France he become reproached by his own Mother, who formerly so doted and Idolised her Son: he acquitted the rough and savage Polanders, and returned to a Country, where he met with less civilities: he succeeded a King, who was not much loved, whose reign was violent in Civil Broils. This Prince saw (whilst he was Duke of Anjou) how he was the People's Darling, and the Kingdom's delight. And therefore his reason might persuade him to return, where (probably) those Flames of affection could not (as yet) be extinguished. So that his Management (upon this occasion) seemeth to be most judicious, and his choice equitable, and both these were confirmed to him, by the testimonies of glory, and triumph, which did meet him, and attend on him on the Frontiers of France, and seemed to promise' to him a prosperous Reign, accompanied with much Felicity. But, (o the vanity of all Earthly Contentations) this temperate Climate, and fair Kingdom, found no entertainment for her King, but outrages, and tempestuous broils: The Queen his Mother (who so passionately loved the Duke of Anjou) had no kindness for him when he was King of France. The People civilised at some seasons, at his approach, become more barbarous than Scythians: they endeavoured to asperse his honour, and assaulted his life, and (at last) forced him from his Throne, to which he never made (after his misfortune) a re-ascent: his Reign was almost as bloody as that of his Predecessors: before his death he discerned himself the object of the People's scorn, and odium, whom formerly they had so hugged in their affections, and extolled with admiration: and after a grappling with many mischievous reencounters, he was unfortunately assassinated by an abominable Monster, a Jacobin Friar. Kings by this example may learn to humble themselves before the Throne of the great King of Kings; who elevateth them to their Royal dignities. That God which foundeth, establisheth, and preserveth Empires, can shake their foundations, dissipate their forces, and destroy their strength at his pleasure; and no earthly power is so firm and puissant, but he can as easily break to shivers as a Potter's Vessel. A Royal Sceptre is but a Reed in comparison of that Iron Rodriguez wherewith God chastizeth: And when Kings are thrust out of God's Providence, Grasshoppers, and Frogs, shall prove enemies too formidable for their resistance: And there is nothing so feeble, amongst all the creatures but shall be strong enough (when God is displeased) to ruinated and destroy them. Let not than great ones affy in their subtlety, nor trust in uncertain Richeses, nor in the numbers of Forces and Armies. These are things so fare from securing Princes, that they do not only fail them, but serve to pull down their authority. These attendants are of a mortal, and mutable condition, and no security is to be sought, or settled but in God alone, who is unchangeable. And to this purpose the Morals of the Evangile are better for Princes than the profoundest rules of Aristotle, and the deepest Politicians; and the dependency of a blessing from heaven transcendeth all Princely experience, or human Counsel. He who takes care for the Birds of the air, forgets not Princes; but when they first offend and forget their Maker, their ruin is (probably) not far of. To conclude, this name of Henry the third of France transfers me to another of that name, Henry the eighth of England, who found himself much streightened what to resolve; for having elevated Anne Bullen to the Throne, and having repudiated Katherine, he found himself constrained to put her to death for her Falsehood, and Incontinency: he seemed to struggle with many difficulties, which gave a check to his resolutions, but overruled by these reasons following, he caused the Lady to die, whom he professed to have loved more dearly than his own Soul.    

 portrait of Henry VIII 
The mighty and most magnificent Prince, Henry the eight, king of England, France, and Ireland. defender of the faith etc He reigned 37. years, and 10 months, died at the age of 57 years. & lieth burie● at Windsor.  F 〈…〉 D 〈…〉 Scu 〈…〉 
Are to be Sold by William Peake   
HENRY the VIII TO THOMAS CROMWELL Lord High Chamberlain of ENGLAND.  
AS I was Averse from their Counsels, and yielded to my passion, when I resolved to advance Anne Bullen to my Throne, so I aught not more to be attentive to their Importunities, who endeavoured to persuade me not to sacrifice to my revenge, this oblation which I caused Crowned. For it is expedient that this victim expiate her crime and mine: it being certain that I have been not lesle culpable in too much loving and honouring her, than she hath been false and unworthy towards me. The nature of her crime is of such deformity, that it is not capable of the beams of Clemency. I am well assured that Agustus Caesar, who made this virtue to appear so illustrious towards the latter end of his reign, repent of nothing more, but that he had elected the punishment of Exile for the correction of the evil inclination of his daughter Julia, and had not been more severe to so notorious a crime: which is most odious in any of that sex, but more intolerable and impardonable in a Queen than any others. If I were permitted to give that sin a name, I should be much troubled how to describe it; it is so black and foul. Had Anne no other umbrage to have shadowed her, and prevented her from that shameless choice, modesty (the common protection of that sex) might have guarded her chastity: and she might have been persuaded, that purity, and a spotless conversation would have proved the greatest ornament and beauty to her; without which, beauty itself becomes but an object of scorn and aversion, a lose and impudent garb provoking rather an odium and detestation, than love and admiration: And as Ladies have nothing else to observe and attend more than virtue and modesty, and what may best and most grace their Conversation; seeing their thoughts are not cumbered with the conduct of Armies, the charge of the Magistracy, nor the hard study of Learning and Policy: their whole duty aught to be entirely employed in a modest and virtuous comportment. It is that which renders them most amiable and lovely, and continues daily a Creation of new Charms, to honour and adore their beauty.  
But besides this general reason, there are many others, which justify her actions to have been most detestable: She was not only of that sex, to whom Chastity and Modesty is a Virtue necessary and essential, but above these degrees; she was a Queen, wife to a famous King; a Prince, who passionately loved her, and so honoured her as to put a Crown upon her head; towards which, had not her Prince's favour invited her she durst not have presumed to have lifted up her eyes, A Throne is a place of Majesty, so highly elevated, that as on the Sun, it is not to be looked on by a Subject, but with stupor and admiration; and a Crime approaching towards it, is not to be endured. That place is sacred, and not to be profaned; so base, so foul an attempt to come near so illustrious a presence, cannot, aught not to be excused. Kings in their greatest weakness may not digest so foul an injury: There are always some pretences at hand to shadow and cover faults and errors. If Princes be debonair, they are flattered as peaceful and gentle; if weak, as kind and indulgent; if cruel, they are accounted more severe and jealous of their Authority; if they have the Art to rule and reign, they are esteemed subtle; to have much of the Fox, and to be prudent. Thus Kings in their authority are attended with Apologies, and their Power brings to them fair glosses for all their actions: But if a Queen loose her honour and reputation, there is no cure for such a wound, there is nothing to be said more, but that she deserves to be removed from the Throne and cast into her Tomb; where her crimes and infamy may be buried with her: which were the more notorious in her, because she was advanced from so low a Quality, to be so great a Princess: And having stained her honour, nothing can be able to expiate her offence, but the streams of her own blood. The love of her Prince was not passionate to an ordinary degree, but to a kind of Idolatry; and consequently, her modesty should have respected the majesty of the Throne. And if the quality of her husband had not been sufficient to have obliged her to Virtue, and Fidelity; the abundance of his ardent affection might have charmed her to mutual tenderness: And if this passion could not prove predominant in her soul; the relations of her husband, her servant, and her King, who had courted her with a Crown, might have inveloped entirely, and swallowed up her ambition. And should not all these Engagements have merited her acknowledgements; and preserved her from defiling the Royal Bed, and so to dishonour herself and disoblige her Prince? Not, all these obligations were too feeble for this inconstant and immodest wretch. This woman advanced to be a Queen, though the Sovereign mistress of my soul whom I crowned gloriously with mine own hands, become an Infidel to my favours, and her own faith; and fell so low, that she lodged within the Cabinet of her heart, those unworthy persons, who deserve not to be named, but as to make up an Aggravation in their mutual offences. She (I say) who knew well with what Contestations I wrestled to obtain her Coronation, and saw to what dangers and scorn I exposed myself for the love of her: Neither considered the Laws of God nor man; slighted the peace and prosperity of my Kingdom, regarded not the repose of my People, but stained her own honour, and my content and Glory. Although I repudiated Queen Katherine, who was a virtuous and Immaculate Lady; and caused her Death by this second marriage, whereby I drew upon me the rage and envy of the Emperor, irritated the Pope, and seemed to scorn the Alliance with the Crown of France, proposed to me by the Cardinal of York, my Creature and Favourite, whom I disobliged and provoked to desert my service; by whose Ministry and conduct, I so mightily prospered: Though the exigency of Affairs transported my passion, and obscured my reason; so that I become A disturber of Religion, Sacrilegious, violent, and cruel to my Subjects; and grew so resolved as to serve mine own lusts and Inclinations, causing a violent change; wherewith transported, I cruelly put to death one of the chiefest of all my Subjects, the Lord Chancellor Sir Thomas More; and to prostrate all things in my kingdom to the pleasure of myself and Mistress; and therefore renouncing Justice and paternal tenderness, preferred Elizabeth daughter of Anne Bullen, before Marry the daughter of Queen Katherine; And so carrying on my designs in a tempest of Passion, I removed all things out of the way that might seem to resist and oppose my expectations: I punished some with exile, others with imprisonment, and some with death: Yet after all these Circumstances and pledges of my love, this base and ingrate person razed me out of her affection; forgot the debt she owed me, and which she aught to have paid to her own honour, and violently forced me (which neither honour nor reason could resist) to 'cause that head cut of which I had formerly crowned. But (OH heavens) can King Henry possibly consent, that she, whom he conducted to the Throne, should ascend a Scaffold to loose her head? And that she who kept my heart sovereignly in her power, should submit and lay down the greatest Beauty in my Kingdom to be struck of by the hand of an Executioner? O not, these my thoughts are terrible, the way forlorn, though the crimes are odious; the person is lovely whom I once so honoured; and cannot be sentenced to die, but with much regret. It will be a sad spectacle to see her bathed in her own blood whom I have so tenderly embraced; will it not be sufficient to imprison her person, who hath so wantonly abused her liberty? May not her life in a Prison afflict her, and better teach her the difference which she enjoyed in the liberty and honour of a Throne? Will not her remorse for her faults be to her as bitter as death, and prove a Correction severe enough? 'Tis true, this use may be made of her alteration: But shall I let slip or suffer to dye my former Princely resolutions? Not, I know too well, that offended honour grows implacable; her satisfactions are impossible, she must perish, my Injuries must have revenge; and her death must prepare my better repose, when she shall cease to be alive. Time will raze her Image out of my memory, and than I shall be more free from the passions of love and fear. Besides, the resolutions which I take, are not only the effects of revenge, but rules and reasons of Policy: For there are a sort of enemies, who either aught not to be accused, or if they be, they are not to be pardoned: And prudent Princes are obliged to consider, whether those whom they pardon can be ever able to hurt and offend them. Policy teacheth them to depend more securely on their own power, than on a penitent offenders promise'. And may I, in this case, regard the desires of Anne Bullen, and so dissimulate her crime, and let her pass unpunished? Or having accused and imprisoned this offendor, were it not greater policy to destroy her? When I so much doted, and adored her, she might have found opportunity to have been malicious or desperate, to have used Poniard or Poison to my person: Perhaps she may make an escape out of Prison, and (with her Partisans) levy Arms against me in some part of my kingdom. But you will tell me that Anne is committed to an inaccessible Tower, where the Guards are as faithful and courageous as vigilant, that she is rather hated than loved of my Subjects; who never had the lest approbation, but rather odium and scorn for her marriage, and therefore (probably) she may be lesle dangerous and offensive. Yet the Tower where she is committed, though strong, may be too weak to keep her: As for the guards, they may be suborned and corrupted. The Artifice and Enchantments of a woman, and she a Queen, and miserable, and unfortunate, are temptations too apt to provoke her to all malicious inventions, and hardly to be resisted in her sex (too inclinable to mischief and revenge:) Besides, Compassion operateth on the most obdurate hearts; And Female tears, like soft drops (constantly distilling) will in time work into tempers as hard as stones. And (I believe) it is far more easy to guard securely the wildest Tigers and most Savage Lions, than a fair and beautiful Lady: These fierce creatures are safe if their Cages and Dens be strongly traversed with iron bars, strong doors, and locks: But a Beauty, the more she is loaded with chains, the more she moveth her Keepers and Guards to compassion: Her tears (in her affliction) her groans and sighs will prove not lesle possible to corrupt and inchant her Jailers, than the greatest rewards and recompenses: and therefore her hopes will be fresh every day to gain her enlargement, if not from my clemency, yet from her corruptible and compassionate Guards. Besides, since her advance to the Throne, she hath had golden opportunities to heap up vast sums of treasure; which (perhaps) she hath secretly prepared to supply her misfortunes, in case they should assault her. And 'tis true, Keys made of gold do often open iron gates; and it is to be suspected that beams of beauty, attended with sad complaints of injury, sighs and tears, promises and presents, may open strong doors, intoxicate vigilant Soldiers, and by female craft and subtle devises, Anne may procure her liberty, and so gain more opportunity to endeavour mischief, and raise future troubles. I know well that my people love her not, and if she could escape her Prison, she could not but with much difficulty found any succour or Azile, yet my jealousy and reason tells me, that if the people have no kindness for her, the Grandees of my Kingdom would be glad to countenance and engage in a Faction with her. And I do not think it possible, that if this perfidious and ingrate soul should address to any part of my kingdom, but that she might endanger the most faithful of my subjects either to compassion or copartnership in some new and disloyal design against me: my reign hath not been so free and calm from troubles, but that a little breath of potent malice and discontent might quickly stir up the Waves and Billows of violent Commotions. And if this fair Beauty should prostrate herself to the most loyal Governor within any Forts of my Kingdom; when he should see a Queen at his feet, with tears in her eyes, blub bearing Beauty itself, and a heart ready to break with discontent; breathing out nothing but sighs and groans, he could not possibly but be apt to believe, and than tenderly to relieve a distressed Lady; The same force and sweetness enchanting his heart, which bewitched mine. From this tenderness, kindness and respect would spring; and from that, ardent desires to serve her: And than Hope and Ambition, the two wings that support new aspire, might transform loyalty to observation of Anne: And this error (not resisted) nor weighed in the balance of Reason) may change a loyal Subject of Henry the eighth, into a Vassal and Slave of Anne Bullen. The confusions and ruins of Kingdoms arrive not always through the ambition of Neighbour-Princes, or through the hatred or division of the People; Fond love and violent passions have their share often in great disorders; And they who extinguish not the sparks of these fi●es (if the flames grow high) are apt to put Kingdoms into as great Combustion, as the most formidable Invasions. We resolve than to take a course with this enemy; and disarming her, tender her incapable not to offend us. The suborning of my Guards, and seducing my Subjects, is not only the disservice that she may prove capable to effect: for who knows (if I suffer her to live) but that in process of time, I may grow so feeble, as to dote on that beauty, which I so much admired, and be enamoured with her; and admitting her discourse, be charmed with her Syrenian voice? And yielding a delightfulness to her company, be so transported with affection, as to forget all her Injuries and Treason, which never appeared in her countenance nor deceitful looks. She is still fair and lovely; and though she hath lost her prosperity, hath guarded her beauty: and my heart hath been so long subject to her Laws, that she may have a possibility to be as great a Tyrant over me as ever; and than (in that condition) what revenge might not her malice execute? Judge than (my Lord) how great would be my shame, and how odious my infamy; what my People would say, and how bitterly murmur: certainly excusing her as innocent, and condemning myself as most Tyrannical and unjust. If I should admit of such a vicissitude, and suffer Anne to be admitted to my company, and to return to the Throne. Not, (my Lord) we resolve not to expose royal Majesty to any such unworthy hazard and adventure. That which I permitted and approved in my first grace and favour, is an example warranted by many Illustrious Princes, and not excepted against by the most scrupulous and most virtuous Moralists. The Emperor Theodosius courted Athenais to his royal Throne, who was the daughter of an humble and grave Philosopher: This was not the first time when Beauty was crowned by the hands of Love and Fortune; yet the same Theodosius, upon a mere suspicion and slight conjecture, made no difficulty to put Paulina his wife to death, whom he had loved so passionately, and to exile the Empress notwithstanding the appearance of her Innocency. It is so true that Purity and Chastity are so absolutely necessary in Princes. If Theodosius than thus proceeded with his Athenais: What? may I not justify my severest displeasure against Ann Bullen, being one whose crime is notorious; and those who were her Partisans now imprisoned equally guilty? Whose crimes were as friendless as foul; and could not found an Intercessor for Clemency; much lesle Orators and Advocates to pled for their Justification. Let us not forget than (in this reencounter) how there aught to be no tenderness for odious offenders; and that the glory of a State aught to be the principal aim and end of Royal Actions. If this injurious and unworthy Queen had made a Faction, and publicly raised a party against me in my Kingdom, or had attempted my person openly, her crime might have been more pardonable: I might have looked upon her as a person of greater spirit, and therefore lesle capable to brook the conceit of an injury; and possibly her reconciliation might have been more safe and glorious: All subjects who make revolts (either seduced or being fomenters) are not always exterminated. Those who adventure in Conspiracies and (in their black designs) aim at taking away the life of the Prince, do not always perish; there are reasons why (in some Conjunctures) crimes are winked at, and dissimulated, and sometimes pardoned as well as punished. But as for the ugliness of this offence, it hath not only injured the Prince, but profaned his Throne, dishonoured Royalty, violated Divine and Human Laws, and by her Incest and Adultery, she hath so corrupted the Fountain that the streams will glide with nothing but shame and sin from age to age, to the last posterity. This is an evil which cannot be tolerated, an Ulcer so incurable, that nothing but her life and blood (which caused it) can satisfy: all other remedies are unserviceable, and not to be administered. In this occurrence it is aequitable that I be Judge and Accuser in the same thing: and 'tis as absolutely necessary that I abandon pity and forget all former affection; and close mine eyes from the rays of that Beauty, and my ears from that Harmonious voice which so mightily had enchanted me. It is for this reason that I resolve not to look on that lovely object, whose crimes had so soiled her former purity, that I shall raze her memory out of my heart: and (at lest) by that means cause, that posterity shall not continued my shame and her offence. By all these reasons we may easily judge that the life of this unthankful creature, could neither be for my content nor honour. Besides these, there is a principal respect due to my People; which is not of an inconsiderate consequence: their importunities are for a Successor, a King: they fear (if I die) that they shall have a Queen to reign over them: and (notwithstanding) their ardent desires for a Prince of Wales) I believe they are not passionate to have that Prince the son of Anne Bullen. This is another consideration of such Importance, as I cannot but take care to remove this invincible obstacle, intending so much the public felicity of the People: so that it is impartially necessary that she perish to prepare a way to the People's greater good, and the King's greater glory. There is this advantage more in this design, that little or no trouble will survive to revenge her death. As for those who opposed her marriage, they will not rank themselves in Arms to fight her quarrel; and seeing Death is accustomed to disarm Beauty, that of Anne Bullen can do no more than a beam of the Sun when it is ready to set, shine a while, and be not more seen. In such a dress She and her Beauty will go together to the Grave, and there be buried in oblivion and dust. But what shall I say? I cannot but be assured that her Memory and Image will be much in my Fancy and Presence, though she be absent, and interred in obscurity. May I not than fear, lest I should repent the Sentence, and sorrow for the Execution? The Policy of Herod was not lesle fortified than mine, and his heart not lesle tender; his fancy was wounded, which represented unto him his Mariam, who was lesle criminal than her, of whom I have so justly complained. Notwithstanding he repent of her death, he wept, he grieved; his Fancy was ever followed with her Image; he lost all content and repose, and (at last) submitted to wish, that Death had fallen on him which he executed upon her. I may than justly fear the exposing of myself to such a continued torment of my Fancy and Imagination; and not rashly pronounce that sentence (which executed) is irrevokable. And yet there is a great difference and distinction betwixt the proceed of this Politician and myself: Mariam was not only his wife, but his Sovereign and Queen; and though he were her love and husband, yet he was her subject, and a Tyrant, and (consequently) he aught to have had more regard and remorse, and not to have acted but with greater Wisdom, and more sage precaution: but (on the contrary) I am a King, her Love, and a husband enraged and abused, by one who was my Subject, and to whom I gave a Crown: finding than my spirit not capable to digest so great affronts, I will banish the suspicions of fear; and being a King (though a Husband) I shall take heed that I fall not into such a base and ignoble repentance. Not, not, my soul is now free from the irregular passion of Love, and will not admit those false delusions to trouble my Fancy: Her crime hath destroyed her innocency, and her offence will more probably appear before my memory, than her Beauty so foully stained. I shall look upon her (as I aught) without prejudice to Justice and Glory; and therefore conclude, that it is necessary she die; yet if I should deprive her of the Crown without the retrenchment of her head, and so tender her into her first condition, it may be that Love which I had once for her, might pled for the continuance of her life; but as she is a Crowned Queen, and Mother to my Daughter Elizabeth, I cannot safely depose her from the Throne, but I must force her to her Tomb; and when she descends from the one, she must not stop till she fall into her Grave. I doubt not but posterity will be divided in their judgement in the examination of this Action: some will say that Henry was cruel, others that he was stout and generous; but after the variety of Censures, it is certain that Kings must act as Glory counsel them; which aught to be far above, and out of the reach of Fear and Scandal. It appears than to all the world that it was not by a violent precipitation, which hatred might suggest that I have proceeded to this resolution; Jealousy did not so enrage me as to have recourse to Poison, or a Poniard; so to have dispatched this infamous Woman by mine own hand: not, if she die, the Laws do judge her, and her own crime condemn her; and if I have contributed any thing to her fall, it is a progress without injustice or reproach; seeing that I was so passionate for her, as to choose her Mistress of my Heart, there to serve her; and in that affection my heart commanded my hand to set a Crown upon her head. These circumstances (doubtless) do declare and manifest Anne more culpable to all the World. But my first and last actions were not grounded on the same intentions; I proposed the Crown (which I bestowed upon her) should have made her glorious, not infamous; and should have inspired into her the apprehensions of a Queen, and not have rendered her a person odious and abominable: but seeing I am deceived in my Conjectures, it is just that I be punished for my error, which her beauty caused me to fall into. Clemency (on this occasion) is a virtue too indulgent, and not to be used, unless Justice were to be extruded out of doors; and pity, in this case, were to disarm and disgrace Royal Authority. 'Tis true, Severity is terrible, but Indulgence and an inclination to Clemency more dangerous: when a Prince is injured, and great Estates may be destroyed by either, unseasonably practised, and (as we see) how the most gentle Rivers do very great mischief when they overflow their bounds, as well as impetuous and violent Torrents: So (in like manner) excessive Clemency may be as offensive as the severest Cruelty. As I am not than in this action justly to be accused of too much fondness, so, nor of too much fury: for if Anne Bullen had not changed, I had been the same as I was in my espousals, and when I solemnised her Coronation with so much honour and joy; and if she had not fallen to be disloyal, she should not have found her Grave so suddenly. Now as to the two Virtues, Justice and Clemency; the first most firmly supporteth the King's Throne, and without it the Royal Authority is shaked to nothing in an instant, and she is most essential to support the Crown and Sceptre: Clemency may be sometimes called to the Council, but the presence of Justice is more absolutely necessary. In this Act than (my Lord) admire not if I proceed as the glory and renown of a King requires, as the Laws ordain; and with that resolution which my passion and reason cannot be admitted to pled against. It must be so than, that this miserable wretch cannot be exempted from the punishment she hath merited; she must not longer have any harbour in my heart, there being no person or Argument to intercede for her defence; her most detestable Brother hath shamefully confessed his horrid crime, his companions are become his Accusers, her own conscience convinceth her, my great favours aggravate her reproaches, the memory of her prosperity doth torment her, the fear of her punishment doth 'cause her to tremble, the representation of her fault (so shameless and unparallelled) covers her with confusion: what remains than, but to bring her to Execution, where she may make (if possible) reparation to mine honour: where let the ungrateful wretch have an ignominious death, and die with such disadvantage, as to have no monument in my memory, but what she has with all the World, Scorn and Hatred: let her blood deface those Characters of Love, which were so profoundly engraved in my soul, and (forgetting all her dalliances of Love and Beauty) let us sacrifice her and them to our Honour and Renown.  

The CENSURE.  
AS for this particular Action towards Anne Bullen, it meeteth with double Censures; as well of those who approve, as those who condemn and dislike the Action. As to the Parallel betwixt this Prince and Herod, and so betwixt Mariam and Anne Bullen, it seems not so just and reasonable; for Herod was not as Henry, a King by birth, but by Mariamnes means and favours; and as for the two Queens, Mariam was innocent and virtuous, but Anne criminous and guilty. And therefore this violent Prince was lesle unjust (though severe) because Majesty was so offended. The Royal Bed aught to be kept as sacred and inviolable as the Imperial Throne; and of the two, the first is to be attended with stricter and more vigilant Guards: as for the Sceptre, it may be wrested and forced out of the Prince's hand without dishonour; and it may be recovered again with advantage of greater renown: but the the Royal Bed once stained, doth not only enrage the Prince, but the People; and that injury spreadeth to a poison, which can found no Antidote: and it staineth Majesty so deeply, as the Spot never to be washed out. Therefore the Romans concluded, that it was not only necessary for Caesar's Queen to be chaste and innocent, but free from Calumny and all Censure, and above the reach of Scandal, which is an inseparable companion of Suspicion. And if Julius Caesar repudiated his Queen on a bore jealousy, how intolerable is reproach and infamous scandal? much more odious than, is the crime of looseness and incontinency; The only Spot that stuck on Augustus his Successor (when he was mounted far out of the reach of the cruel decrees of the Triumvirate) 'twas that he espoused Livia, being she was great with child, and after she was divorced from Drucius Nero her husband, from thence sprang that tart ralliarie amongst the Romans, That all those whom Fortune favours, may have such successes as to have children within three months after marriage. Tiberius' his adopted son and Successor to the Empire, was more sensible of his honour; who repudiated Julia, Augustus' daughter, banished her from Rome; and having branded her name with the mark of eternal infamy, condemned her to dye an exile, and there to bury her crime and shame. This Grand Politician well understood that all injuries to Princes are intolerable, but crimes of such infamy and dishonour, are to be punished with the most seasonable and severest revenge: and that the lest favour or mitigation to offences of this nature, are as impardonable, as odious and dangerous. There is nothing so much obscureth the Sun, as when it is eclipsed by the Moon: and the disgrace is as great as the discontent, when a Queen is false to her Lord and Sovereign. Besides, the dangers are imminent, and consequences very fatal. The extravagant marriage of Caligula manifesteth this to all the world; who having espoused Cesonia, his Court was speedily corrupted with great disorders, which introduced and brought in shameful consequences in the Government of the Empire: but if impudency ever swelled to an excess and outcry, and that vice met with equal stupid patience to tolerate it, if not to give it countenance; it was when that immodest and vicious Messalina was the espouse and wife of dull and ignoble Claudius; during whose reign, her deportment was as lascivious and vile, as he was unworthy and altogether base. And History only takes notice of them as horrid disgraces to the times they lived in. And this was not all, Messalina dared to quit Claudius and married another, which high affront the Emperor endured: but after a long and prodigious insensibility, he awaked at last, and put Messalina to death; and so terminated her life and her dishonour. If Marcus Aurelius the Philosopher were more uxorious and kind to his wife Faustina (though she was a most irregular and extravagant woman) it is to be thought that his Philosophy was too much Stoical; and such dull stupidity become not an Emperor, who had the Domination of the World. We may than conclude, that Henry the Eight did not act against the maxims of Policy, Justice, or Reason in punishing this infamous offender, and if he gave occasion to the world to blame him for his six marriages; and by reason of his outrages towards Churchmen, and great troubles in the change of Religion; yet in this lawful revenge▪ as well as in many other Acts of famous memory) he merits the testimony of honour and renown; and seeing that for his book against Luther, the Pope honoured him with the glorious title of Defensor Fidei: It is an argument that the Actions of great Kings, are not to be censured with rashness and precipitation: for they are as some eminent Stars which move in such a Sphere, as all the world do not perceive; and as their condition is separated and transcendent to others, so these visible Earthly Gods have their reasons and resolutions apart. Such another was that famous Prince Pepin King of France, who hath been censured and condemned, and his means and ways reputed as unjust, and utterly unlawful to the Throne, and his reign an Usurpation: but if we will listen to the reasons which he spoke for his defence, and as an Apology for the great change of affairs; we may (perhaps) altar our judgements, and not prejudicated Princely actions. Let us than leave the discourse of Henry the Eighth of England, and hear what Pepin pleadeth for his justification, who took the Crown of France from of the head of the last of the race of Clovis the Grand, and place that Royal Diadem on his own head.    

King PEPIN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF MAIENEE.  
THE Acclamations of the People were so general and loud; than, when you anointed me and gave me the Crown as a present from the States and Grandees of the Kingdom, that those Echoes of joy and exulation resounded throughout all Europe, and all parts of the Earth are well satisfied that Childrick (being not longer able to support the Royal Sceptre) I was impetuously constrained to take it into my hands, and forced with a kind of violence, to endeavour the preservation of that Glorious and Royal Throne; and not to suffer it to fall with shame and infamy. And yet (perhaps) many thousands are not satisfied with those Motives and Reasons which pressed me to those high resolutions: and it is a debate judiciously to be examined, Whether I was rather to accept, or refuse the Supreme and Sovereign power of this Kingdom; the action not merely reflecting upon myself, but likewise with the effects of much good or evil on the people; and so consequently, with glory or dishonour redundant to myself in those mighty undertake. In this Conjuncture, a Prince aught to be furnished with all advantages of Prudence as well as of Valour and Resolution. Those who only judge of content by the external appearance of glistering objects, ambitiously and rashly reach at any thing that appeareth Glorious; but an Imperial Diadem is not to be accepted, but by such great Heroes whose virtues can more illustrate a glorious Crown. We see that Infants and ignorant persons cannot gather the blushing Roses without danger of pricking their fingers with those little Thorns; which like natural Guards, wait on those scarlet flowers. As for me (whose Ancestors have employed their lives to support the Throne, whereon I am seated) I am not ignorant how that all their endeavours were entirely devoted for the preservation of the self same Crown. And I cannot but confess, that I am obliged to be as diligent and active, and so most strictly to examine my abilities in managing the high affairs of a Kingdom, in which I shall not leave out any Circumstance that may tender myself more capable, or the Throne more honourable. 'Tis true; I am not so fortunate as Augustus, who had the friendship and council of Maecenas and Agrippa, to advice in the danger of my weighty occasions: And yet I shall not fail to examine up, and search into every corner of my soul, to present my condition more fit for so Princely an Office; and balance all reasons judiciously, which may either persuade me to, or remove my thoughts from the acceptance of the Royal Robe; and I shall severely scan all probable disputes, that my judgement and reason may gain the greater victory: and if I have received the Crown, I doubt not but I shall make it appear that my Virtues have merited much, as well as my birth; and it is not an Addition to be slighted, that in receiving of the Diadem, I have had so long and so serious a contestation with mine own soul. You know well, the solemn days of Triumph are better Registered, than easily to slip out of memory; and you were than my Remembrancer, that I should declare my resentment and reasons, why I embraced the Crown; that the people as well as myself, might more clearly understand why I become their Sovereign, and they my Subjects. To satisfy this great curiosity (I confess) when I look upon the height of the Royal condition and quality of a King, I beheld it as those who have in their view a dangerous precipice; and I did not lightly and ambitiously so much aspire to more transcendent Eminency; but likewise prudently consider the varieties of dangers of so high a place: and when I held the Scales of both Honour and Danger in my hands, and poised them both together; I discerned so many troubles and cares, travels, hardships, wars, and so many secret discontents following Royalty at her heels, that through mine own contestations and debates, without farther disputes, I found it most rational to repulse the motion and proposition of the Supreme Dignity, and beheld it as an enemy to my private repose, and no friend (probably) to my future Glory. But in a second reflection (the first notions being corrected by the latter) when I considered that what was proposed, aimed at the conservation of a mighty Monarchy, I could not but admit my reason to farther consultation, resolving if any misfortune should arrive through my faults and errors, I should be only responsible to the great Governor of all the Universe; who requires from none an account, but of those Talents that he bestows upon them, and in this trust I resolved not to fail. I began than more closely and attentively to pursue those great affairs; but in this Commencement, I considered with myself, as my Grandfather Pepin, and illustrious Charles my Father, consulted with themselves: The first would never be persuaded to entertain the thoughts of Sovereignty; and the second did refuse it with the title of King; and would not accept of it but to be styled The French Prince: these times and symptoms seemed to presage an alteration; and yet there was no appearance that the Subjects were willing to change their Master. Besides, for many years the Throne was not enjoyed but by Princes of more incapable and weaker judgements to reign and govern: so that from the reign of Dagobert the first, whose justice valour, and piety, were more considerable; the Clovises, the Clotairs, the Childericks, the Theodoricks', and the Childeberts', and Dagobert himself the second, rendered the State into such pitiful conditions, that if the Mayor of the Palace had not been found more capable to rule and govern, it had not been, but that the Kingdom had fallen oftener than once into the hands of Foreigners, Strangers, or Enemies. Notwithstanding Pepin was contented to serve his Master, and to obscure and support his infirmities. It may be there are some who would say, that this service was for self advantage, and to lay the foundations of his own Royal Family; but what could he do otherwise, but as a good and faithful Subject, causing Justice and Piety to flourish; and so to attribute the Renown to his Prince during his reign. But a continuation of this service was impossible; neither would the People be satisfied, where the Prince was so dull, and such errors and dishonour in the Government. It was by my means that the Duke of Fryze (that Pagan) was vanquished; and afterwards obliged to be baptised, and become Christian: that the Bishop of Utrecht was reestablished, whom Ebroin had chased from his Episcopal Chair; and that the Almains (on both sides the Rhein) who levied their Forces against the Crown of France, were subdued: and what endeavours were not used to keep the Monarchy from an utter desolation; and to restore it to its Pristine Splendour and Honor. And if Pepin (in all these actions) did not propose and fancy Royalty in the success of so many achievements; he were ingrate as well to his fortunes as to his virtues. Charles Martel was not so confined, who (what ever he did) conceived he merited, and expected honour both from Prince and People. And yet whilst these affairs were in action the ways and means were facile and easy to him to have mounted the Throne. And 'tis true that incomparable Valour accompanied with Prudence, Justice, Generosity, Clemency, Moderation, Piety, and good Success, may boldly attempt any thing: Notwithstanding some may say, that he drove a nail into the Wheel of Fortune; and (maugre the Infirmity of Dagobert, C●ilprick, and Chiderice, (under whom he served) or (to speak more properly) under whom he reigned) he made than a scruple to entertain and take a Sceptre out of their hands, from whom God himself had seemed to snatch it; having given them over to their vices and irregularities: which introduced all vileness into the Kingdom, and therefore threatened a fatal desolation. I do solemnly profess the two examples of my Grandfather and my Father had almost prevailed with me, to make me resolve to die, and lay my fortune at Childricks' feet, though I saw the Throne in an apparent ruin; and if I had not been charmed from those thoughts by the importunity and universal suffrages of the people, I had certainly perished, and been buried under the Ruins of that Throne. The injuries which I must act to my lawful Prince (though he were never so weak, and therefore lesle reverenced by his Subjects) did torment my thoughts, and I could not but conjecture that the end might be as miserable, as the way and means unjust and injurious; and if I attempted to ascend the Throne by the Deposing of my lawful Prince, I should not be of better reputation with the people, than an Usurper: and it is a vulgar conclusion, He who is an Usurper to his Master, cannot but be a Tyrant to his Subjects. Besides, the people will than censure that all the services of Pepin my Grandfather, and Charles my Father, were nothing else but politic Arts and means to undermine the Crown; and so more easily to derive it on their posterity. These thoughts allayed the heat of my ambition, and retarded that violence which hurrieth most men's desires in the obtaining of Sovereign power. Besides, if I assume the Title of King, may not those hands who lift me up, pull me lower than ever I was? may they not dispute against my merits and qualities as not agreeing with Princely dignity? or may they not be outrageous, and charge me with ignobleness and ingratitude, and murmur at all rewards, as not proportionable to their demerits and service? if so many admirable qualities are necessary for a legitimate and lawful Prince, what abilities can tender a Subject fit to reign? As for those who were my equals in condition and merit, though they have carried me on their shoulders and lifted me to the Crown, they cannot but speedily repent, unless they therefore elevated me to so high a precipice, that my fall might be more certain, more sudden, and more dangerous: and who have been born and lived with me under the same Prince, and same Laws, (the Subjects common birthright) how can they submit that I should be their Supreme and Head, who have been my superiors or companions? may not such an ambition slain the reputation of all my former services with dishonour and infidelity? and that instead of concealing or supporting the infirmities of Childrick, I intended nothing but a direct establishment of Tyranny in Pepin. Besides all this, will not these courses give a special advantage to neighbour Princes for Invasions, and raise immortal Factions with the Grandees of this Kingdom; and would not this way foment and cherish a foreign and a civil War? and did I not by these actions provoke the whole world to an odium of me, and to device conjurations against my life, honour, and posterity? I am not ignorant that many Sages (mentioned in Antiquity) have refused royal Crowns. And when I come to consider myself, if I receive the Sceptre, I cannot but loose the fidelity of my choicest friends, because they are not now my equals, and of friends they must be rendered flatterers, and slaves to my Fortunes; and if I shall expose myself to be seduced by their cunning Artifice, who inveigle and environ Kings with their smooth Arguments, and so be corrupted to admit injuries and injustice: I shall but prepare every one whom I should command, to curse me with their Tongues, or strike me with their hands. Moreover seeing Princes are subject to all errors and misfortunes in Government, I may loose my reputation, and be branded with the vices of cruelty and violence; or else be accused and thought guilty of rashness, ignorance, and imprudence. These consequences cannot but provoke great numbers of secret, as well as public enemies; and ('tis often seen) that discontents can unite all parties in the destruction of an object generally hated. These reasons may deter my resolutions from the acceptance of a Crown; which high degree is too apt, not only to raise many enemies, but to created their rage and envy to be implacable: and if subjects interpret the greatest bounty of their Prince but a debt or (perhaps) a reward too little to satisfy their expectation: how insatiable will the Subjects be in their demands from such a Prince, whom they have advanced from their own condition? They commonly conclude that Kings are but the great Treasurers of their Kingdoms, and therefore are obliged to largeness and bounty; and 'tis usual that a denial or a repulse (in the lest or greatest matter) provoketh bitter murmur or public outrages. Nay, they conclude that Kings are obliged (by Divine Right) to give all that they possess, and as the Ocean receiving her vast Tributes from the Inland Rivers, returneth the waters by secret passages, which break up in boiling Fountains and pearling Springs; so they argue, Princes who receive the public Tributes of the People, are but trusted to preserve them until they be to be refunded and more abundantly paid back again. In this similitude it is observable, that although the Sea do give leave that some few Fountains do break up, and so water some places of the earth, yet she is unthankful as to the general; and leaveth many vast parts, for want of moisture, to be altogether sterile and barren: and thus Princes, though they may oblige some friends and favourites with the Dew and drops of their bounty; yet the many thousands of the people not relishing of their liberality, rather become their enemies than humble and obliged Subjects. In this argument what froward apprehensions will possess the People, who are too resolute to interpret a right of all things in themselves; and that their Prince, as the Sea, is obliged to return the waters more clear and sweet, which his vast power hath imbittered and rendered lesle pleasant and more unwholesome. And although I have alleged so many reasons for my refusal of a Crown; yet these which follow, appear more of force, farther to dissuade my Resolutions: for as I am not a King, so neither am I the son of one; which I conceive as the greatest obstacle in this design: I know that I have some drops of Royal blood streaming in my veins; and (though far remote) can claim a relation of kindred to Clovis the Grand: and though I may not be so near in blood, yet I am not so remote from his virtues and merit as Childerick: which consideration doth a little more suppress all scruple and niceness. But how can I dare to approve the acclamations of the People, in that which I fear and dislike in myself? my Ambition is to thin a cover to disguise and veil the Truth itself; and my inquietude (in this contestation) as it is restless in my breast, so it is unexpressible in my language; And on one side, I see a Throne staggering and ready to fall; a feeble and vicious Prince, who through his Vices and weakness hath shaken the foundations of a Royal Kingdom: I see the People generally in Commotions, and the more Courageous already armed; and in their jealousies and indignation. I saw their eyes chief fixed and directed towards me, and all their Motions point towards myself as the Centre of Royalty, and they were great with expectation for a Sovereign and King, worthy of their obedience and so glorious a Diadem. In this Conjuncture I cannot but observe the Symptoms of a mighty change; and in those apprehensions, I must not be injurious to my own fortunes: And (on the other side) I feel equitable intentions towards the People in the motions of mine own soul, concurring with their desires in my advance. And if in this great expectation I still supported the Debillities of my Master, I was not certain whether the people would longer suffer me to serve under his name: which consideration (if not prevented) as it might prove a certain ruin to Childrick; might (probably) hazard mine own Person, and the Kingdom's Peace. Seeing than the disorders of his life, and his Affairs were so irregular, and caused the Grandees to grow into Factions, and the Commons to murmur; and both resolved to quit and change their Master; I cannot found, but for the Kingdom's happiness (as well as for mine own renown) to use my utmost endeavours to govern so great a Kingdom; and so to preserve it from desolation. If we look upon the whole Universe, all Countries and Kingdoms make up but one great body, and every particular Member is obliged to aid and assist the whole. It is thus in any one Royal Kingdom; all the Subjects are unanimously engaged to preserve the common good: and the Members cannot but be in confusion, and sick, if the Head be unsound; and if we consider those enormous vices of those two Princes, to whom my Grandfather Pepin, and Charles my Father did such eminent services; and what were the virtues of Charles and Pepin: it cannot but be confessed that our family hath most highly merited, both from King and People: and though the Descent, and right in blood aught to be inviolable, and not to be interrupted; yet the vices and inability of Kings, may as well determine their reigns, as desolate and dissolve their Kingdoms: and the King of Kings who first advanced Princes to reign, can, when he pleaseth set a period to their successors. And as to myself, I am so well satisfied with the favour of fortune, that as Subjects aught not to aspire to Crowns; so it agrees with my honour not to refuse such a Dignity. The vanity may be as well in him who Stoically scorneth the splendour of Glory, as in him who ambitiously gapeth after it. And History telleth us, that those who did not accept Alexander's Presents, were as deeply accused of Pride, as (if they had received them) they might have been taxed with Avarice. Seeing than that I am premonished by the prevision of an universal desolation, that I am encouraged by the popular acclamations of the Subjects, that the people desire it, and the Kingdom is in a necessity and exigency; I cannot but wrestle with some considerable Rights, and embrace the Sovereignty, which is so sweet a Bait to human Ambition; and where the necessity is so absolute, I rather resolve (though with some injustice) to ascend the Throne, than see the Kingdom perish. And when I call to mind how this Monarchy was founded by the valour and courage of Pharamont, so much augmented by Meroijee, and rendered so formidable by Clovis the Grand; and after so many incomparable Princes, now ready to be ruined, and to fall into the barbarous hands of Saracens and Pagans': I am not longer amazed at my own boldness, nor can I pled against my own ambition, if I take upon me to be the Sovereign. And if Childrick must loose it, no Subject can be fit than Pepin to wear the Crown of France; whose Ancestors (as well as himself) have so successfully served their Princes, and so affectionately gained the People's hearts. But I must yet examine, and have a scrutiny in the corner of mine own heart; whether I, who have been so faithful and good a subject, may not prove a Tyrannous and insufferable King; and so may not be suspected of injury and injustice to all the People, who have undermined and been so unworthy to my own Prince. To this I answer, The Prince aught to be as transcendent in worth above others, as he is in place and degree; and to strip himself of all predominant passions, to love the People's good above his own; to do nothing injust, and not so much as to desire his own renown, but by the noble ascents of virtue: Kings aught to take pains and travail to make their Subjects repose more secure and sweet, to undertake the dangers of War; but with no other end, but better to establish and settle a peace; and to employ that peace, not in Riot and Luxury; but for a more exact course of Equity and Justice; and thereby to 'cause the kingdom to flourish, and virtues to shine and be triumphant. Likewise it is the office of Kings to try before they trust, lest flatterers creep into great employments, and endanger the Ruin of Prince and People; their power must not countenance them to be severe; nor their Plenty to be too indulgent, secure, and too much inclined to clemency. The desires of a Throne aught to be principally for the People's good, and with no other design, but for the Prince's honour and renown; which as the Sun, should sand light and heat communicatively over all his Domination. And he who is invested with Majesty, aught to have none but clear and innocent intentions, and a soul, not byassed with sinister and ignoble ends; but with honourable inclinations to chastise the wicked, and to prefer and recompense virtuous and meritorious persons. For he whose Sovereignty sets him above the Laws, aught to have a soul more sublime and spiritual, than to be tainted with the gross Leeses and feculencie of low and base things, as having wisdom and courage to confirm those bonds of human Society, and so not to fear or violate those rules of peace & justice, which his own power hath form or submitted unto. And as the Prince is to live above the reach of envy and fear, so is he not to prostitute his royal condition to Sycophants and flatterers, who are a kind of poisonous flies, which will 'cause the sweetest odours and ointments quickly to stink; and if I now discern (as being near the Throne) the breath of so much subtle poison; what Arts and Craft will not be undertaken to deceive and delude, with golden language of Treachery and dissimulation, when I have the royal Sceptre in my hand? As to this instant, I never met with any person, who dared to say to me; Accept not of the Crown. And if all persons have been so compliant before my advancement to the Throne, how officious and obsequious will they appear, when I have the Sceptre in my hands?  
In the debate of these affairs, I meet with many invincible objections to dissuade and discourage my resolutions; but fortune and my own ambition have put wings to my expectations, and kindled such a fire in my heart, as I cannot extinguish; and therefore I resolve to hazard my life, honour, and repose and abandoning fear, and suspicion of dangers or dishonour, determine to accept the Crown, and wear the royal Robes; so to commend myself and successes to the favours of fortune: Those who are in the peril of naufrage, and to be shipwrackt in these tempestuous times, will be well pleased if by working at the helm, I preserve them from perishing in the angry waves: and if I be not so happy as to deliver them from danger, they will honour me for my adventures and endeavours. And if it so hap and fall out, that my reign be more prosperous, than the irregular Government of Childerick, I shall be esteemed more innocent as well as more renowned; and those who have been my equals, will more contentedly become my humble and loyal Subjects; as for Competitors and Rivals in my fortune (if any) as I am able to step a degree before them, so I shall be more enabled (in that quality) to kerb their insolency, or chastise their discontents: though the action be not justifiable, yet successful events may tender it noble and honourable in the reputation of the world; and if the posterity of Pepin degenerate, grow effeminate, foolish and base, yet Pepin will be commended for his high attempts; and the weakness and misgovernment of Childerick and his Ancestors, will be a step to mount Pepin's honour to a higher estimation in all the Universe. It is true, I see not such Princely endowments in Charles my son, as to merit to wear a Crown, (though his natural parts are tolerable) and it will prove a greater task for Charles to follow Pepin, than for Pepin to follow Childerick; but who knows whether Pepin may not so deeply plant the foundations of respect in his subjects hearts, as not only to reign himself, but to make fair way for Charles to be his successor; and if he improve not himself by his virtues and merits, nor cannot win their suffrages; it is not inglorious for Pepin to be a King, though his son succeed him not: and yet I doubt not but to be able to remove that difficulty; for when I found myself to grow old or indisposed, I shall surrender the Crown to Charles, and his possession of so royal a fortune will (probably) raise him strength and forces to support his Soveraingty; and when I am not fit to march in the field, I shall become his Councillor for the better conduct of his great affairs; and now if by deposing an unworthy and luxurious Prince, I be ranked amongst the usurpers of Crowns, the dishonour is the lesle, because the Kingdom required an alteration, and I cannot but reign with more security and lesle hatred. And if I have ascended by an usurpation, yet it was effected without a war, or violence, or causing a desolation to the Kingdom: And if Pharamont founded the Monarchy, and Meroije enlarged the domination, and Clovis demolished the Idol Altars; yet I shall be renowned for the protection of justice, innocency and virtue, and for the abandoning of the destructive vices of a luxurious Court and Kingdom. I propose these glorious designs to myself, which cannot but make my renown as immortal as that of the Caesar's, when the subjects shall confess, that Pepin doth not only reign but gloriously, and that he is not so much feared as loved; and that he did not ambitiously mount himself, but that the people passionately carried and lifted him up to the throne of Childericke; and that it was not Pepin that made himself a King, but that the weakness of unworthy Princes, the misgovernment & miseries of their reign, the services of Pepin's Ancestors, the suffrages of the People, together with Pippins own virtues, and the will of Heaven, set the Crown on Pippins head: see (Sage Prelate) what were Pippins thoughts before he held the Royal Sceptre, what were his resolutions when he sat on the Throne, and what he would have the world to think of him, when he had descended to his Tomb.  

The CENSURE.  
How strong soever the Arguments, and reasons of Pepin may appear, yet the effects of his intentions will prove better warrants for his actions, than his allegations & discourse for to get a Crown, to which none aught to dare to aspire▪ but he who is a man after Gods own heart; as it was David's case, in deposing of wicked Saul The Privileges of a royal birth are attended with somany difficulties, that who soever overcomes them cannot but be more than an extraordinary person. 'tis true, the people are mutable and given to change, and voluntarily to seek new Masters, their judgement is not so profound, as to foresee what they usually loose by those alterations; a capricious angry wantonness quickly armeth them against their ancient Kings, but commonly they fight for others and not for themselves; and under the pretence of gaining greater privileges, like Flies in the Spider's web, are more entangled: and as for Princes, who have surreptitiously gained the Crown of others, it is impossible but that they must have as great dangers in the enjoyment of them, as they had difficulties in ascending to them; for a Royal Sceptre is only supported by his hand, who measureth the earth, and weigheth the mountains in the Scales, without whose Providence a certain ruin is inevitable. New Princes cannot but disoblige new subjects, whether they are of the civil or martial garb and order; the Soldiers are necessary to watch and guard to keep out fear and dangers; and their humours are generally very insolent, and not satisfied with common rewards, and therefore will be apt to murmur and grow mutinous; the civil part of the people will cry out as oppressed with new taxations, which are the necessary consequences of war, and therefore will incline to be seditious. Thus new dominations bring along with them the train of miserable and provocative effects. A great Politician said (long since) that a Prince usurping a Throne, maketh all whom he injureth to be his enemies, and he is hardly able to preserve an amity even with those who have advanced him to the Throne, because their expectation is insatiable; and as for to use violent remedies, it is impossible where his suspicions are so many, and his obligations so great. Subjects are apt to frown and murmur to see him who was once their equal, so highly elevated above them; and (although superiority have been the commencement of Monarchies long since, and are of a Divine foundation) yet to interrupt or suppress a royal lineage, cannot be undertaken without the fear of as much danger as dishonour: And whereas Pepin and Hugh Capet (being so highly born, and so great Generals) were so hardy and bold; It is to be conjectured, that they had rather an inspiration than ambition, whereby to follow the decrees of Heaven; and so free from common vanity, they rather referred themselves to divine providence, than to an undiscreet desire to reign. The Royal Throne is so far above the fortune of a private person, that he who admitteth that ambitious indiscreet design to be predominant in his soul, doth but gripe at Thrones, walk on a precipice, strives against the stream; and although he sail with the breath of fortune, and more violently for the present, yet his obstacles are so many and so certain, that the foundations of a Crown exceeds Hercules' labours, and under whose weight the greatest Hero is apt to lie down, and to be ground to powder. Atilla, who was styled the Rod of God, as bad he was, may teach us that all Power comes from God, and that it continueth no longer than he pleaseth. The Assyrians, Persians', Greeks, Parthians, and Romans have reigned, and their vicissitudes instruct us, that he who never changeth, causeth an alteration of all things else according to his pleasure; and these great mutations arrive for reasons unrevealed to us, and that God alone forseeth all things who is invisible; let us than adore, on such occasions, whom we cannot comprehend: and seeing that we guide not the Helm of the great vessel of providence, let us adore and honour him who ruleth all things: It is he who putteth the mighty from their seat, and exalteth the humble and meek. Thus alterations succeed in Empires and Kingdoms; and we may conclude that greater bodies (when God is pleased to permit it) have their revolutions and changes, as well as the lest and smallest Creatures. Now the discourse changeth to Tamberlane the Emperor of the Tartars, who so tormented and ill treated Bajazet; which History acquainteth us with a more visible certainty of this truth, That God will have the proud humbled, and the humble exalted.    

 portrait of Tamerlane 
TAMERLANE Emperor of Tartary called the wrath of God and terror of the World, He overthrew and took prisoner BAJAZET Great Emperor of the Turks, shutting him up in an Iron Cage: His Army consisting of 100000. men. He also Conquered Mesepotamia, Babylon, with the Kingdom of Persia. He died 1402   
TAMBERLANE EMPEROR OF THE TARTARS, TO AXALLA HIS LIEUT. GENERAL.  
YOU have effected such noble Achievements under my Standard Royal, or (to speak ingeniously) I have gained so much by your proper valour, that I cannot but be much amazed, that you who have been so great an instrument of my Glory, and so free a sharer in all my successes and triumphs, have not been so friendly as to take notice of me in my proceed; and so to tax me of lesle judgement, who have sometimes been so extremely severe and rigorous, and sometimes so excessively merciful and indulgent. You might justly demand from me, what reasons persuaded me to imprison Bajazet within an iron Cage; and (at that time) to be so gentle to his sons, as not to inchain nor confine them, but to give them their Liberty, and treat an Emperor as a common Slave; notwithstanding I so frankly remitted all those Prisoners and Slaves which I took at Caramania. I answer, (Axalla) you have been my General, my Companion, and my Friend; yet you have not so deeply sounded and fathomed the bottom of my heart, as to pry into the secrets of all my Counsels and Resolves: and therefore your admiration may be the greater, not discerning the cause and reasons of such contrarieties, which (upon several circumstances) forced me to such extremities, and either to be v●olently severe, or most abundantly merciful. It is true you may wonder that I treated a Captive Prince with as much rigour, as if he had been the meanest Vassal; (and, you may say) that the Conqueror is obliged to respect the qualities of his Prisoners; and so aught to use personages of highest condition, though enemies) with honour and civility. I answer, I have not (in this occasion) acted with Capricious levity, nor malicious cruelty: as for my clemency and severity, they are not certain rules of my prudence and policy; I regard neither hatred nor pity to my actions; Reason alone is my guide, which teacheth me to give punishment, pardon, or promotion, as I shall judge fit. And Reason alone which caused me to chain and imprison Bajazet, directed me to set the Prisoners and Slaves at Liberty. But perhaps you will say those that are born in a Country where there is little learning, are lesle civil, and have not much veneration any where, and their policy is but rude and savage; which though it inviteth them to approve their own actions, and that which their passion doth inspire: but such proceed relish neither of honour nor equity. I must confess (Axalla) that part of Europe (where you were bred) hath a great advantage for education in relation to those colder Climates; for Genoa is in Italy, and Italy is (at this day) what Greece was in ancient times, the Mother of Sciences, and Fountain of Learning: yet it is true, that I am not altogether ignorant of the Royal Science which teacheth Princes to reign with Justice, or to punish without Cruelty, and to pardon without weakness and fear; and so to act the one or the other, as it shall tend more to mine advantage, or mine honour. Policy (without doubt) is a thing which may be learned from books, but Experience is a more certain Mistress, and teacheth her Scholars more effectually. Now to persuade you to believe what I say, as a matter not falling out by mere chance, but by serious and laborious studies; I must put you in mind that this insolent and proud Prince Bajazet, was sometimes called the Shepherd, by a tart Ralliarie; because of those abundant of flocks of sheep which he fed in his Country, a condition not agreeing with the royalty of his birth. Yes (Axalla) you cannot but remember, how at the age of fifteen, the King of Sachatay my Father, gave me a Kingdom to govern; and when I was but sixteen, I undertoke the management of the Wars against the Muscovites; who when they were ranged in Battalions, were forced to yield, and I slew no lesle than forty thousand of mine enemies: and that memorable day reduced them to be my tributaries. After that, you know how the grave Cham of Tartary mine Uncle, caused me to espouse his daughter, and thought me not unworthy to be his Successor: notwithstanding in my absence ambitious Calix aspired to the Empire; and knowing me (to be at such a distance) levied Arms, and drew into his parties the people of Catay; but after this injury, I had the good fortune to vanquish this enemy, and take him Prisoner; and in conclusion, resolving that his crimes should not be unrevenged, I drenched his rebellion in his blood, and caused him to loose his head, thus to fix more securely the Crown upon mine own: and I resolved than not to pardon, jest I should have lost myself. (Axalla) you are not ignorant when I waged War against the King of China, how at last I made myself Master of that long and prodigious Wall, which the Chinaists had erected to separate themselves insocially from the Tartars: how I forced the Towns of Paquinfow, of Paquinohu, of Teauchenoy, and of Pannihu; and that I gave him three great battles and lost none. In the last battle I made him my Prisoner, and in this success finding that the practice of generosity would not be dangerous; I made a notable example of my Clemency, and restored to him his Kingdom, and his Liberty; contenting myself with a moderate tribute, as a testimony and memory to my victories. Since this effect (most generous Axalla, whom I equally honour as myself) you know that it was through your prayers and Counsels, that I condescended to grant those succours and auxiliaries to the Emperor of Greece, to enable him to resist the injust invasion of cruel Bajazet, from that Prince (I say) who gloried in the renunciation of all humanity, and concluded that Sovereignty was given to Kings for no other end, but to practise the highest injustice and cruelty, without all impunity; who was as well pleased to sluice out the blood of the Mahometans, as the Christians, and loved more to see Innocence suffer, than to punish Vice: Whose ambition was such, as not limited with any bounds, of either Reason, Religion, Alliance with neighbours, or any other sort of human Rights; and whose cruelty was so implacable, as not satisfied with revenge and blood, though it were of his own brothers, or dearest friends. This (Axalla) is that enemy which you counselled me to encounter, and to give protection to the Emperor of the Greeks; you aided me in the fight, when I vanquished and made him prisoner; but I profess solemnly, you were not of my Counsel to have him fettered and bound in chains; you were privy to that secret, when the Greek Emperor (of whom I spoke and relieved on your interest) conceiving himself obliged to my protection, sent to me the offer of his Empire, how that I refused it. You know at the same time, when I imprisoned Bajazet, I delivered and set free Desp●te de Servia, without so much as ransom, whom I took in the same Battle; and how I treated the children of Bajazet with kindness and honour, and that the Mahometans and Christians were equally satisfied in me, as to their present condition. Besides all this, you remember how I revenged myself on the Sultan of Egypt, who assisted Bajazet, and having almost entirely conquered the Ottoman Empire, how I took in Damascus, Damietta, Alexandria, Grand Cairo, and the most considerable places of his Estate; and having been victorious in two Royal Battles, I forced him and his scattered Troops to fly, resolving to give him neither Truce nor Peace, nor a Cessation of Arms: you cannot likewise but remember that Arabia Felix, and a part of Africa, having voluntarily submitted to me as I marched, how I treated them with all sweetness possible, and how the Persians' resisting, I combated with them, beat, and subdued them; and having conquered the insolent numbers of that Grand Empire, I subjugated to my power all the Glanture, and all the Tampestan; and having mastered the great Town of Tauris, I placed you my Lieutenant General there, as my Vice Roy in those parts; (and to your greater astonishment yet) passing by the Ardevel, on my return to Semarcant with an infinite number of Slaves of Caramania, and of all the vicine Nations; you cannot but recall to your thoughts how that Cheqsapy, a person of great virtue (whom I honoured with a visit) begging liberty for all his Slaves, I accorded without repugnancy, consenting with much joy, conceiving it just not to refuse his request, who was so noble to ask so much for others, and so little or nothing for himself. After all this experience of War, Conquest, and Success; you cannot (faithful Axalla) but conclude that I have gained the Art and Science how to reign and rule; and that my reasons are valid and strong for the variety of my different Conduct in such great Affairs; and if I have pardoned humble Slaves, and punished a most superb and insolent Emperor, I have learned this way of Policy in the head of my Army, and from the impetuosity of mine enemies, that it is most proper for Majesty to humble the proud, and pardon the submiss. This practice is not only necessary in the times of War, but in the times of Peace; a Rule to be observed at all times and all places. Lawful Princes aught to regard this qualification; and as for Usurpers, they cannot reign without it, this being a means to stop the rage of Civil Wars, and more promptly to conclude foreign Invasions. By this way Justice will flourish and resist a greater inundation of popular vices; and this will make Kings as well feared as loved. Yes (noble Axalla) the just mixture of sweetness and severity is the secret, which renders Royalty more formidable and lesle hateful: for a Prince who always is inexorable, imprinteth nothing but fear and terror into his Subjects: and he who is too meek and mild, doth with pardons and familiarity more easily provoke disloyalty and disobedience. Wherhfore a prudent Prince with these two qualities, will keep the world in suspense, and make them always serve his present purpose, without rashly falling into either extremity. It is not fit that any person who is proud should not be corrected by the chastisements of Royal Power; and those who are penitent and cordially humbled, should not be cherished with the hopes of a gracious remission. In this case Kings aught to imitate Thunderbolts, which pass by humble shrubs, but shatter audacious and proud Oaks, whose high tops aspire to touch the Clouds. The Lion could not have merited that glorious quality as to be styled the King of Beasts, but because he exerciseth his fury against the most insolent creatures: he sooner passes by the feeble and gentle Lamb, than the force and fierceness of Bulls, and the rage of Tigers. Those Princes who would conserve their Estates in better security, cannot found a more certain way than by their circumspection towards the Grandees of their Kingdom, and to see that they approach not so near to the Throne, as to have but one step more to ascend, and so to mount to Majesty. A wise King will always keep as great a distance between him and his Lords, as they are to make between them and the people, if they intent to preserve their honour: if the Prince intent a super-elevation to any of his Subjects, his foresight of their humility aught to be the first step to their advancement; or if they be too superb and haughty, their pride is to be punished with severity and vindicative justice, that their disgrace might teach them more humble obedience. Now if this Maxim be necessary for a Prince, who is contented with the inheritance of his Ancestors, and there to govern his Subjects in Tranquillity; it is much more important to him who desires to enlarge his Territories, and is ambitious to add Victories, Triumphs, and Conquests to the Achievements of his Ancestors. For if a Prince in Battalions kill the General, he is in great possibility to be Conqueror; and it arrives very rarely that fortune admitteth these to triumph, whose General and Head she hath suffered to be taken away: Thus if a Prince assault the Capital City of a Kingdom, and chance to become Master; all inferior Towns (probably) tender themselves with greater facility. It is than most certainly true, that it tendeth to greatest advantage to encounter with objects of greatest difficulty. When an Army marcheth through an Enemy's Country, It stays not before every Town and Village of lesle importance, but rather advanceth to such a place that may be worthy, or recompense a siege: and when the taking in of one Town may be an occasion to reduce an hundred. That which I said before of War and Justice in general, I may now say of the reputation of Princes in particular: it is from the head, the highest and most noble part whereon the fortune, felicity, and glory of Kings depends. It may be if I had not taken of the head of Calix seasonably, who insolently revolted against me; that sole Traitor might have proved an invincible obstacle to my designs. It might have fallen out than, that I might not have been King of Sachetay, nor have commanded the Tarters, nor have defeated Bazajet; I might possibly not have vanquished so great a part of Egypt, nor so mightily have subdued Persia; and if I had not been successful in the Protection of the Graecian Emperor (perhaps) I might have been a vassal to him whom I have confined to his Chains. Do not admire than (brave Axalla) if I do not pardon the insolency of Bajazet; my severity in this grand example, cannot but make my Conquest more glorious and renowned: you know that this Prince was not only in the view of all the earth, but likewise in his Reign was the terror of all the universe; what a noise than shall his chains make to all the world? what security and advantage may not all men hope to themselves, by the imprisonment of this horrid Monster? Those whom he so ill treated under his tirumphant and victorious Banners, will account themselves eternally obliged to me, that I have chastised their enemy and taken revenge on him, from whom they had received so many evils: those who are yet mine enemies, will cease to be severe in their designs against me, lest they draw that upon their own heads, which Bajazet contracted on his, by his unparallelled cruelties: To conclude, I am well assured, if I should admit the suffrages of all men into deliberation with me, I should find that none would pled for his ease or a relaxation, but rather an augmentation of his shame and punishment, and to dispatch away his life with the most exquisite tortures. (Besides) in the abasing of the proud, two considerable effects succeed; the one in causing a small number of criminous persons to suffer, proveth the means to preserve infinite multitudes; who either cease to be malicious, or prevent themselves to be offenders. A second advantage is, that in the remission of an injury, to those who humbly repent, much glory is gained without any danger: for as in the multitudes of men, greater numbers are more fearful than hardy and audacious; so many thousand mouths will be quickly open to praise the clemency of the Prince; when perhaps one or some few malicious discontents, will murmur and repined against his severity: to give you an example, these great numbers of slaves, whom I have set at liberty, and who are now on their return to their several Provinces, are go to gain me the hearts of their fellow Citizens, and so to establish my conquests by their promulgations of my celmency; where (on the contrary) Bajazet alone, being more unfortunate, will scarce have any companion to join with him in complaints: thus consequently, I have not acted against reason, when I commanded the Prison gates to be set wide open for the Slaves of Caramania; and (at the same time) commanded stronger Bars of Iron to confine and Cage up Bajazet: the insolency of a revolted subject is ever insupportable, the same is as equally difficult in a proud enemy, who hath his arms in his hand; but if that insolency be exorbitant in a vanquished enemy, he deserveth the highest punition; if it be not permitted for one in Triumph to vapour and insult over those, whom he hath surmounted; how intolerable than think you is the violent precosity of a Prisoner of war, who holds his life from him who hath made him his Captive, which he can take away at his pleasure. Not, not, (Axalla) constancy of courage, and insolency of pride are not the same things; It may well become prisoners of war, to carry their Irons with nobleness of mind, and not to loose their hearts, though they have lost the victory: Martial discipline never permitted a lessening of that respect, which the Captive oweth the Conqueror, and to retort upon him with reproach and injury is a higher crime; a Conqueror may justly reflect upon himself seated in the Chair of Majesty and Triumph, whilst Captives and Prisoners are to follow the royal Train with humble looks, and misfortunate Comportments: so that it is not allowed for any Captive (though never so great) to act as did insolent Bajazet; whose Pride was as vainly elevated, as his fortune miserably abased. The King of China, whom I read mitted to his Crown and Kingdom, acted nothing (after his misfortunes) unworthy of his royal condition: as he was not base, he was not proud and insolent; when he treated with Tamberlane, he spoke with boldness and generosity, yet not fiercely, or impudently without respect, he did nothing unlike a King, nor any thing that exceeded the fortune of his present quality; therefore I had reason to treat him otherwise than Bajazet: and I am to be more honoured, if I have been indulgent to the one, and not to the other. What do you think, would not this Tiger have attempted in his rage, if he should have been loosed from his Chains? he would certainly first have adventured to have torn him in pieces who gave him his liberty (if he had power) and railing equally against all men (would, if he were able) become the public Enemy of the Universe: He would tell the world his Subjects had betrayed him, that his Soldiers had forsaken him, that his Enemies had evilly treated him: thus resuming his Sceptre in rage and malice, he would have designed a desolation to all the earth, or (at lest) would have sought the means. (Not, not, Axalla) he who will not be a good Prince (shall being a Captive) whether he will or not, become a real Slave, without hopes to return to a Throne of Majesty: of which cruelty hath rendered him unworthy, and made him more fit to carry Chains and Irons. Clemency, on this occasion, might introduce too many dangers, and the interest of so many people concerned, is not inconsiderately to be passed over. Severity to Bajazet is more necessary than royal Civility, to make Bazajet to see the ugliness of his own vices (and if possible) to 'cause an alteration in his savage humours. Besides, who may not expect Pardon, if Bajazet should escape with any grace or lenity; he who is the curse and execration of all the world (and who, though vanquished) speaks and acts such things as are able to inflame the most calm and gentle soul with rage and fury. As for the slaves I pardoned, they were not capital, but subordinate enemies, engaged in a party who were against me; perhaps those men in their private condition quietly disposed, and unwilling and incapable voluntarily to offend; and consequently such persons were proper objects for a Prince's Clemency: such an action as this carries along with it the presence of splendour and honour; nay there is a kind of equity which pleadeth pardon for those who humbly beg for Clemency, and policy is not against the proceed, if it foresee not peril and danger in the consequence. The true bounds which are to be given to clemency or severity, are to be measured and examined by the rule of justice; and she is to be observed how far she suffers the one or the other to appear: some crimes are so horrid, as justice will not allow them to pass unpunished; as she will not admit virtues to be deprived of their reward and recompense. Now in this consideration, we aught to judge whether Clemency may be of more disadvantage, or severity more serviceable; so discerning whether to employ and exercise the one or the other, thus guided to undertake nothing but for the public interest or sovereign glory. The chiefest mark and note of majesty is, the loyal submission of subjects, and the highest mark of victory is, the humble prostration of the vanquished, who do not only cast down their arms, but their lives and liberties at the Conquerors feet; whereas on the contrary, those who oppose the divine Character of Princes in their Sovereignty, are born up with the excess of Pride and Arrogancy: and that provocation is more intolerable which springeth from the insolency of a Captive, than from the defiance of an enemy. Be not than longer astonished (Axalla) if you have observed me, sometimes so gracious, and at other times so severe; but be persuaded that I have ever been guided by the hand of Reason, I have pardoned where I could, and not prejudiced the advancement of my Conquests; I have been inflexible, and not to be moved, when I foresaw that my Clemency might not only prove unjust, but dangerous; either as to the people's good, or to my own designs. It is an observation in Nature, that she opposeth those things that do resist her, and gently yields to those things which courteously offer place; so than from the simple motions of nature we cannot but accord to that which is here asserted. Join than with me (Axalla in this Conclusion, and say, That whoever considereth the person of Bajazet, that than cruelty herself ceased to be cruelty; and that it is true that his humour was insupportable, bloody, insolent, and unnatural, and therefore merited lest compassion; it was than a judicious resolution to detain him within bars of iron, whom reason could not persuade nor be predominant with. To these resolutions, let us perpetuate a continuation, so not think it irrational to pardon cheerfully those who humbly submit to our power, and to punish with severity those whom neither misfortunes, nor captivity can reduce to a submission. Let not our pardons be granted out of fear and feebleness, and let not our chastisements be provoked through preoccupation and hatred. Thus to wind up the clew of this discourse, let us resolve neither to pardon nor punish, but when reason shall conduct us for the ends of the people's greater good, or the Princes more illustrious renown.  

The CENSURE.  
ANger is a passion which reigneth too much in every breast, but principally most with Kings, who are so high that they aught to be above those storms and tempests which are condensed and form in the middle Region of the air; as Princes surmount all others in their titles, so they aught to transcend them in their virtues, so to be lesle transported with the heat of passion. He who invented the fable of Minerva, who broke her Pipe or Ho-boy, when she saw her visage in the Crystal Fountain; doth tell us that beholding her cheeks puffed and swelled, (which caused her deformity and ugliness) prudently broke that instrument which disfigured her beauty, and so changed her countenance. This pretty Story represents that great change and alteration which untamed passion transmitteth suddenly into the soul, which if she be wise) she presently abandoneth, and on the sight of the deformity, avoideth or suppresseth more carefully. In effect, those people who caused their children to look on their slaves, when they were debauched and drunken, to imprint into them the horror of that ugly vice, did likewise 'cause them to look on their slaves in their rage and choler, to make them apprehended more perfectly the deformities of passion, and so to 'cause in them a greater caution and detestation of such vicious infirmity. Such a humour consistent of Sulphur and Salt peter, becomes not a prudent soul; nor is to converse with a sage and rational Man. Xerxes who threatened to set bounds to the Sea, and levelly the Mountains (if they did not facilitate a passage to his Army) appeared to all the World more ridiculous than formidable in the extravagancy of his passion. Hypocrates (the Prince of Physicians) saith, That it is a signal token of a great Malady to see the countenance much altered; and to this purpose Plutarch used these words, that before a man go out of the Bath he aught to behold himself in a glass; if he blush at his nakedness when he hath parted with his clothes; how aught he to be ashamed at his passions, when he hath parted with his reason. But after all these virtues and vices though they have some near resemblances, are not to be rudely mixed in confusion. Those who are valiant are not to be esteemed rash, nor those who are liberal profuse and prodigal, nor those who are severe utterly unjust and cruel. We read that Nemesis and Adrastia were as well Deities as Jupiter, and that necessity as well required Goddesses of revenge, as of power and patronage; it is true, that Justice as well as Clemency is a Divine Attribute; and that the one as well as the other is necessary for Kings, who present on earth the Image of God.  
When Alexander asked Porus his generous Prisoner how he would treat him, if Alexander could be unfortunate: Porus answered he would treat him like a King. Thus did Tamberlane yield to the shining Sun, when no blustering Tempest could bend his inclinations. It is true, as Sophocles saith in his Tragedy of Antigone, That Reason and Understanding hardly devil with men in misery, or at lest bears not company so much with them in their misfortunes; for though men be sage and stout in their prosperity, yet adversity is able to diminish and weaken their best abilities. It is Seneca, who speaketh in his Epistles, that he is a perfect good man whom no accident ca● tender evil. And the same Author saith in his Book De Ira, That Virtue aught never to have recourse to Vice. In his second Book De Clementia, That a Wise man aught always to act as intending the common good of all men. And from all these instances we may conclude, that (on several occasions) to punish and to pardon are equally necessary. A Prince is to proceed in his great affairs as a skilful Musician with his different Notes; which (according to the Air) he changeth at pleasure, high or low, to briefs, longs, or flats, providing that all alterations intent to effect better harmony, and a sweeter composure in the Government of the Estate: thus the proceed of Tamberlane are more justifiable, and the severe punishments he inflicted on Bajazet were chastisements becoming his insolency, who so imprudently and outrageously provoked so triumphant a Conqueror. Hence we learn that the examples of extreme severity and clemency may in their seasons be equally important in the affairs of Princes. She who in the Scripture is styled fair as the Moon, and bright as the Sun, is immediately termed terrible as an Army with Banners. Words which instruct Kings to have always the two Royal Supporters of Clemency and Justice to bear up their Throne; these great virtues are not to be abused with Passion, but to be guided by reason in all their actions. And now we are from Tartary returned to France, where we may see Hugh Capet, who after he had abrogated the office of the Mayor of the Palace, constituted the high trust and dignity of the Constable of France, which is a degree that so nearly approacheth to Sovereignty itself. Here follow the reasons of his resolutions in a matter of so high concernment. This Hugh was the first and chief of the third race of the Kings of France.    

HUGH CAPET TO FREDERICK COUNT OF METS.  
I Do not doubt but that the high design, I have in hand, doth much astonish you, and that after my discharge of the Mayor of the Palace (which office I have suppressed) yet thought it not fit to confer that place on my son, thereby to remove all pretention and expectation from the Grandees of my Kingdom, in the management and disposal of my affairs, that I have created the Authority and Office of the Constable of France; which is a degree and quality wherein a Subject seems to approach exceeding close and near to Sovereignty itself. Perhaps some may say, that in the Creation of this Supreme Officer, my hand is tired, and that I am not longer able to sway and support my Royal Sceptre; or that my elevation to the Throne hath so ravished my sense and reason with the splendour of Majesty, that I cannot rule without some immediate assistance; and that because I judged the Majors of the Palace (in their office) to be lesle glorious to their Prince; therefore I caused a suppression of that more intolerable Authority, which so much usurped over the royal quality of some of my Ancestors in their weaker abilities, who did precede famous Pepin; and in which office I gained so much honour and power under Lewis the fifth. But this suppression of the Mayor of the Palace did not utterly remove my thoughts from all approbation of one to be advanced to more signal and high trust: For as the virtues of the Subjects are great advancers of virtues and worth in their Prince; so are the wisdom and parts of a prudent Councillor or chief Minister of State, of an absolute necessity for the more glorious transaction of the illustrious affairs of Kings. From these considerations, I wish that the Kings of France may not be without an eternal Competitor, whose abilities may heighten and advance their Prince to more glorious endeavours; thereby to incline the Revolution of their Crown towards their children, or (if they should be incapable) towards themselves. This Emulation in a Subject (springing from nothing but true renown) cannot but make the Prince and the Royal Family more industrious and diligent, the better to execute the Royal Function: and though I created an Office and Order of an high and great trust, yet I doubt not, but with good success; and presume that hand of Providence which hath established this Throne (although sometimes possessed by personages of greater weakness) will still continued his protection, maugre the malice of all enemies whomsoever. Now to satisfy the world that I act not without reason, I must let you know that Royalty (which is the first and Primum Mobile in an Estate or Kingdom) aught to be fortified and coroborated with some vicine and near assistance; into which the Prince may infuse and impart his pleasure and power: and that effected, there may succeed an activity and influence to 'cause a communication to all inferior and subordinate orbs and motions to facilitate the Government of greater affairs. An eminent person or Prince of quality nearly approaching to the condition of his Sovereign, is so necessary, as without the Counsels and assistance of a chief Minister of State it is almost impossible to enjoy or see a prosperous Reign in the Negotiations of so great a kingdom. The glorious body of the bright Sun cannot (at the same instant) communicate his beams, and be radiant to all cantons and corners of the earth; and if the Sun did not participate his lumination to the inferior Stars, the Semicircle and Moiety of the World would ever be enveloped in obscurity and darkness. Thus it is not possible for a Prince to Regulate and honourably Govern his Estate without a communication of his power, being as the Sun, to radiate and shine over all the parts of his Kingdom at the same time. And as it is with God, so it is with Princes, who bear his Image; the Divine power doth operate by second and subordinate causes in the Government of the Universe; where so many different concurrences do meet, and a Kingdom (being a vast Body) where so many varieties of dissenting affairs do convene. A Prince cannot effectually operate in them all without a participation of his trust and power to some noble and faithful assistant. Besides, a Prince is to the Body Politic and Kingdom, what the Soul is in the Body Natural; and the chief Minister of State, is to be as the most noble, chiefest part and organ to convey his Princes royal pleasure with more ease and honour into all the inferior parts and members. Thus whosoever observes accurately, and considers judiciously the office and obligations of supreme Power, must rationally conclude, that Kings are not only above their subjects in honour and dignity, but in their pains and cares: not only conducting their affairs, but protecting their persons, directing their people how to enrich themselves; governing and guarding their lives and fortunes from foreign as well as from unnatural and civil wars. It belongeth to the Princes care to pardon as well as to punish; to see that Piety and Peace may prospero, and that Justice flourish. The lest of these duties is (almost) a burden too insupportable for the shoulders of any one, (though never so well qualified.) Therefore for a more happy tranquillity, public welfare and repose, such a creature is absolutely necessary, in whose person his Prince may confided; who transferring a great share of weighty affairs to his transaction and abilities, the Prince may rule with more honour, and the people enjoy more public advantages. But as a chief Minister may be serviceable to the State, so it infinitely concerneth the Prince to be discreet and most judicious in his choice: the most noble and sagest of the Subjects best meriteth to be elevated and called to his Royal Dignity and Trust. For it is certain the Prince very plainly presageth the success and prosperity of his affairs and Government, by his election and choice of his chief Councillor and Minister of State: who, if of greater worth, virtue, and illustrious qualities, doth more dignify his Master, and better gratify and content his Subjects. But this care is ever to be used, that the Prince preserve his distance, jest his Ministers grow too insolent, which might endanger to lessen the splendour of Majesty, or occasion injury and injustice towards the people. 'Twas for this reason why I resolved to remove and discharge the Office of the Mayor of the Palace, who (commonly) so much entrenched and encroached on the Privileges belonging to Royalty. Now in the creation of this Order of a Constable of France, I intent nothing else but an Office of Conveniency; which may prove of great use to the Prince and to the Kingdom: and if the Mayor of the Palace had lived under Princes, who had been able to rule according to the high privileges of Sovereignty, that Office might (to this day) have been more toierable; but the Prince's infirmities having given way to them to grow insolent, and too much to usurp on Majesty, their discharge and a constitution of a new Order of Constable is more proper and agreeable; which place is not inalterable, his Being depending on his Prince's pleasure. Yet it is sound Policy rather not to elevate to high places, than after a Commission sealed for trust and honour, to disgrace and remove. Wherhfore the Prince is not to choose his prime Minister of State in a tumult of passion, or according to the common delusions of popular vogues and suffrages: but after a serious consultation with his own Reason, having first glanced at the commendations and advice of his best and ablest Councillors. It is true, those who by eminency of their birth are born near to the Throne, being of Royal alliance and blood, having their education proportioned accordingly to tender them more illustrious and capable, may expect before others (who are not their Peers, neither in worth or birth) the honour of this high privilege: but if their virtues be answerable to their birth, equity is bound to pled for their dignities and merits. Such a condition is more preferable, because their persons and estates are so nearly twisted in the interest of the Crown, that they must necessarily flourish with it, or else fall, and so be buried under the same misfortunate and fatal Ruins. And (to confess truth impartially) it were a kind of injury, where birth and worth meet, that such persons should not be graced with the greatest Trust, the chiefest Honour, and highest qualities; nay, to exclude such illustrious Capacities, were not only a discouragement to their Noble People, but to Virtue and Majesty itself, which requireth the service and attendance of the greatest magnificence. Yet this great concernment aught to be of such importance and care that the Prince take notice, how it is more absolutely necessary that the person honour more his place and office with his virtues and abilities, than his place honour him. Therefore an impartial judicious choice is most chief to be used; and if those of more noble birth and extraction (degenerating from the virtues of their Ancestors, and utterly voided of their great abilities) are incapable, and merit not so near a relation to Sovereignty: the Prince may make his choice where a more virtuous ability and a more noble capacity primely appeareth amongst others of his Subjects. For as the King hath his privilege to choose at his pleasure amongst so many thousands of his people; so each one of them, who is ingenious and virtuous is capable of his Prince's Election and favour. Now as for the persons whom the Prince advanceth to so high employment, they are as Rivers whose Channels are deep and profound, whose Banks are distanced and large, to that end that the fierce Torrents, falling and streaming down, they may not 'cause an inundation, and so a destruction and sterility; but gently watering the fields, may 'cause them to be more fruitful and luxuriant: for it is most commodious if great Rivers swell and make their banks and borders full, all the excess in the Current is to fructify the Country where the stream runs, than (at last) to empty itself with greater fullness into the vast and mighty Ocean. Thus the chief Minister is like a pleasant stream to enrich the State, and in the end, to flow more abundantly with advantages and prosperous returns to Majesty. Yet if it so fall out that the Prince be so unfortunate in his choice, that he whom he employeth be not of a fit capacity, he may justly fear those disasters in Government, which are ordinary in the course of Nature; and that confusion in the State, which an inundation causeth in the Country when the Banks are broken down; where, if the breaches cannot speedily be repaired, an inevitable danger may succeed to the whole Kingdom. On the contrary, if the chief Counsellor be fortunate in his conduct of affairs, and that this employment falleth into the hands of an Heroic and Noble soul; a person in whom prudence and all the virtues eminently appear, and who hath gained the true Maxims of Policy by a long experience, and whose ambition is inflamed entirely for his Master's service and the people's welfare; in such a condition the Prince may be confident of his own and of his people's safety. Than heaping honours upon his Creature, he may daily communicate to him greater power. In effect, if celestial providence had not removed from the Throne the latter Kings, who were leg itimate in their birth; but unworthy to descend from Charlemagne by their ignoble qualities, I might yet have been there subject: and what authority soever, and charge, to be Mayor of the Palace, and to be Count of Paris, Prince of France, together with the merits of Hugh Le Grand my Father gave me, I should never have adventured to ascend the Throne if the right heir to the crown had not descended thence, and if Charles of Lorain had not by his actions renounced that right to which he might have pretended. All these Circumstances accompanied with the universal suffrages of the people and puissant Sovereignty united, hath invited me to accept what I could not honourably refuse and resist. Let not Princes fear than to impart and communicate their Authority, but when it is evident, and they apprehended it may tend to their dishonour and disadvantage. Princes are subject to error as well as other men, and therefore not without their fears and jealousies. Now it is impossible but that a Prince conferring his trust into the hands of such eminent persons; their chiefest business will be to respect their Masters, to observe their Laws, and to reduce or continued their people to their obedience. Now as Kings are the Images of God, so the chief Ministers of State are the Images of their Princes; we must not think than that the honour bestowed on them is a derogation or diminution of their Sovereignty. Not, rather the more highly the chief Counsellor is dignified, the more the Prince himself is honoured. For as Antiquity reverenceth the Oracles, and those who were injurious to them affronted the Gods; so the same veneration and respect aught the Subjects attribute to him, who is so highly trusted as well for their own as their Prince's service. These mutual respects are the Nerves of the State wherewith the Prince move●● the whole body of the Kingdom with greater facility. And as the General of an Army disperseth his Orders and discovereth his design to a faithful Officer, (selected from the rest) for a more prosperous march and conduct to the Army: so doth a Prince intimate his directions (perhaps) but by a Whisper) to his Minister, whereby he moveth all the parts of the Kingdom in a course clean contrary to common and general expectations. Therefore such an Officer is necessary, that the Prince may not only be eased and disburdened of so great a charge, and thereby be able to refresh and solace himself, but likewise Policy teacheth him to prepare a shelter betwixt him and the outrageous tempests of the people's envy and reproaches, who act in that sort, that if the Prince be indulgent to any one person, they become an eternal enemy to such near approaches to Royalty; and the Minister of State receiving the beams of Authority from his Prince, aught to be like the Moon, thought lesle luminous yet ever splendent in one degree or other; and though by his motions he casually eclipse the splendour of the Sun, as to the eye of the people, yet as towards his Prince he is still to reflect with honour, and his orb is speedily to move to a more luminous satisfaction of the World: And when it so happeneth that a King enjoyeth such an extraordinary person, who knoweth as equally to obey his Prince, as to command his people: the loss of ten Battles aught to be lesle considerable than of one so eminent and so incomparable a creature. This Office of the Constable I have constituted as an aid and secure to myself; and that of the Marshals of France, as Assistants to the Constable. And if Princes be so injudicious and resolute, as in so great a Kingdom not to admit a Minister of State, but wrestle alone with those vast employments, they will found those different affairs which follow the Sovereignty, as the shadow doth the body, will infinitely oppress the Prince's soul; who if he mind his own honour and the people's repose, a defatigation and dispiritedness will accompany that oppression; and that will produce vexation and melancholy, which is provoked ordinarily into choler; and that commonly prepares high acts of injustice: therefore to keep up the vigour of the Prince in an equal proportion, the prudence and fidelity of a chief Minister of State is incomparably necessary. Sovereign Princes are like the Captains and chief Commanders in the Galleys, where the service of the Pilot is of the chiefest importance to guide the course; it is his office to foresee the tempests, to discover the winds, to avoid the shelves and rocks; and they rarely or never govern the Helm, but when the Pilot is disobedient, or a necessity forceth: they (at pleasure) observe the Cart, though neither furl the Sails, handle the Ropes, nor tug at an Oar: it is enough for the Captains to give their orders, to reserve themselves for their more noble functions, which are to fight and vanquish the enemies: yet in necessity the Captain aught to be capable to exercise any place in all the Vessel; either of a skilful Pilot, or a private Seaman. Thus as an exact Pilot, the chief Minister of State is to be prudent and active, either in the quiet and calms, or storms and tempests, when they arise in the State. If God would have Kings made so perfect and absolute as that they should need no assistance or Councillor, than they had been more by their birth than men; they might have penetrated their Subjects hearts, and been incapable of being deceived: but seeing it hath pleased the Divine Power to make them equal in their infirmities to the meanest of their Subjects, they have great reason to fortify their disabilities by addition of the most rational helps and assistances: now as some objects, so the affairs of Kingdoms may be better seen by a multiplied Light. I know well that History (which passeth for the best and most impartial Describer of the Universe) teacheth Kings something; that more obscurely and imperfectly in comparison of effective experience. I may add also that Customs, Manners, and Kingdoms, change as well as times. The Macedonians are not now those noble persons, who fought under Philip and Alexander the Great; the Romans of our age are grown more soft and delicate, and are not such who lived under Romulus and Numa Pompillius; the French themselves, though hot and fiery, have left that hardship and fierceness which they had under the reign of Pharamont and Meroije, under Clodion and Clovis, their courage was than formidable to all Nations. Princes born in the Purple Chamber of Royalty, usually travail into other Countries by their Maps and Charts; and seldom march into other Territories, but with puissant Armies to enlarge their Conquests and Dominions. It is than most advantageous to a Prince to have a confidence in some eminent person who may satisfy his curiosity with truth, and can experimentally describe by his travails, the Kingdoms and Countries of his Enemies, it being almost impossible to make his advantages without the advice of those who have seen those places with their own eyes. And whereas Princes by reason of their superabundant affairs cannot be so contemplative, nor so much converse with Books; and that Prudence is much gained with travail and conversation with strangers: a learned Counsellor of Estate may in his discourse be used as a walking Library. Besides, Splendour, Pomp, and Pleasure, deprive a King of a great part of his life; so that it may be said in some kind, 'Tis necessary for a Prince to have some others to live for him; to advice him on all occasions, and to instruct him in those things which his interrupted condition permits him not to understand. And who think you is so fit to report to his Prince those bold truths and free expressions, which it is necessary he should understand, but he to whom he hath given Commission, and in whom he hath placed his confidence. There are many angry truths, which Kings aught to know, and yet are not to be related to them, but seasonably, and by a skilful and learned faithful Counsellor; who having first digested the dangers, may direct his Master to avoid the extremities. For the same relations reported from an ignorant or an injudicious mouth may occasion great distempers, and many evils: so that a faithful Minister completely qualified with all virtues, is the chiefest guard to the person of his Prince. When I look on the Court, I see it full of flatterrers and male contents; some endeavouring to raise dissensions, others labouring to corrupt with sycophancy and adulation: therefore in consideration of those two different dangers and inconveniences; addresses are rather to be applied first to the chief Minister, than to the Prince; who as he is a guard, so he is a buckler and spy to all intentions that may surprise the King; and these obligations endear his fidelity to his Master together with his own fortune, his life, and honour. Now as touching myself, these Reasons have been my Directors, and I desire my Successors may practise that which I have given them in example. The Laws shall be my guide and rules, and the Constable and Marshals of France, on whom I have conferred the Military affairs, shall force and command them to an observation. It is by them whereby I shall support my Throne, whereunto I am ascended; and it is by this discourse which I have made, whereby I shall prevent my Successors from an evil explication of my resolutions; and that they may believe that my suppression of the Mayor of the Palace, was to make them more absolute in the Regal Office, I wish my Successors may reign with full Authority; but I desire also that they debar not themselves from the prudence of a faithful Councillor. I would not have them slaves to their chief Minister, and yet I advice them to submit to Experience and Reason; and having found sage, moderate, faithful, and virtuous servants, that they love them, recompense, and protect them, and that they measure their friendshid, favours, and bounty, with their virtue, excellency, and perfection of their services.  

THE CENSURE.  
KING'S are Gods, so saith the Scripture; but they are such Gods, of whom Homer and Ovid speaks, who are subject to anger, fear, hatred, love, and all human Passions. As happy as Kingdoms and Princes may be, they are content to observe the Latin Proverb, which teacheth them, that two eyes see more than one; and therefore commit not their affairs absolutely to the dictates of their own will, matters of weight: Regal and high affairs require counsel and assistance; which if King's refuse and scorn their condition grows desperate and dangerous. All Wisdom cometh from above, saith Ecclesiasticus, and 'tis for this reason why Kings aught not to be ashamed of their consultations, meeting with so many difficulties. The nobleness of birth renders Kings illustrious and worthy of great esteem, and most sublime admiration: and it is true, Where the King is, there is the Court, though it be but in a Cottage. But seeing they are men as well as Kings, Monarches were unreasonable if they refused Council and advice: S. Paul teacheth that Princes are to be obeyed though evil and wicked; yet he never taught, That Princes aught not to harken to the wisdom of the aged, to those who have more experience than they. It is their duty to do right to the Meanest as well as to the Mightiest. This is an instruction given to all the Grand Masters of the earth. And how shall Princes obey the Commandments of heaven if they be ignorant of what is right, and will not hear their Counsels who can advice them? Plato saith in the second Book of his Republic, That it is a high injustice to appear Righteous, and not really to be so. He addeth farther, He is equally injust who taketh Council from none but himself; as Lewis the Eleventh of France, who wedded himself resolutely to his own opinion. Alexander the Great, who was so noble in his resolutions, that in the Olimpyan Games he would contest and exercise with none but Kings, yet he refused not to consult with Aristotle, who was no King, but a sage Philosopher. The sublimity of his condition did not make him scorn or disdain the wisdom of his Council. Solomon saith, In the multitude of Councillors consisteth safety. And that which he taught he practised; first choosing able and faithful Counsellors, and than depending on their fidelity. Wisdom establisheth a firm foundation (saith the infallible Oracle) and to have such an assurance, faithful Counsellors are to be embraced. And though the danger may be great, when a Councillor proves unable or unfaithful; yet it is greater prudence to adventure such a danger, than to walk headlong in a certain path of ruin and destruction. It is true, Princes unfortunately, sometimes meet with such false and perfidious Counsellors as Sejanus; but there are to be found likewise upright and judicious Mordeca's, Agrippa's, Maecenas', and Bellisarius, that is, such incomparable Worthies, who having no single and private Interest, regard nothing above their Master's glory and his Kingdoms good. Such men as these are fit to sit at the Council Tables with Kings; of whom it may be candidly said, as the Oracle did of Lycurgus, (though by the mouth of a Sorcerer) that such as he were beloved of the Gods, and were rather (indeed) Gods than Men: and as for Princes, their ruin is never more certain and near, than when they despise wholesome Council. Therefore the Wise man said, Rebuke the wise and he will give thee thanks. Now as the Prince is to harken to his faithful Minister; so is he to premeditate and guard his lips, that they utter no perverse or indiscreet thing before the Prince; but by wisdom to show himself worthy to stand before Kings, and to approve his worth in so high a trust; and so a skilful Pilot in so dangerous a Navigation and Voyage. It is requisite his Theory be great but that his Practice exceed that. He is to keep himself within the bounds of awful obedience to his Prince, to understand that the Supreme power of Kings is not limited, their anger is as the roaring of a Lion, and their Sovereignty is as the heart of man, where every wound is mortal It is with Sovereignty as with the Ark of the Covenant, which none aught to presume to touch, though it were to support it. Having now seen the reasons of Hugh Capet and his election of a Constable of France, let us travail more Northerly, and look on a famous Hero, that formidable Conqueror, whom we may style as that Turkish Emperor Gulderum, that is, the Lightning from Heaven; who when he had passed over the Baltic Sea, and set his feet in Germany being in the head of his Army; he commonly exposed himself to the dangers of a private Soldier, not considering his quality of being a King, but (when he had occasion) to show his Royal Grace and Mercy to his humbled and vanquished Enemies. And therefore his sage and faithful Chancellor presumed to take the liberty to reprehend his Majesty. See here follow the reasons of this Lion-like courageous Prince, to authorise and justify his Gallantry and hardship in what he usually attempted.    

 portrait of Gustavus Adolphus 
The Most Illustrious Puissant, and Victorious Prince, GUSTAWS ADOLPHUS, by the grace of GOD, King of the Swethens, Goths, and Vandals, great Prince of Finland. Duke of Esthonia & Carelia, Lord of Ingria etc  Tho: Cecil sculp.  
Gustavus Adolphus TO HIS GREAT CHANCELLOR OXERSTERN.  
IF the Counsels which you have given me for a safer guard to myself, had not been as dangerous, as my enemies to my renown and honour; I could have so much valued your wisdom and fidelity, as to have harkened to your Policy and Advice; but my honour was more precious to me than the consideration of my Estate and life, and more nearly toucheth my heart. Wherhfore I think it fit to satisfy your curiosity (in matters so highly important:) I presume the valour of Kings is not a quality to be confined or locked up within the narrow bounds of any limits; much lesle within the prescriptions which your Policy persuadeth. It is absolutely defended (as an infallible rule) that Kings (if they intent a victory or Conquest) are to appear in the front and head of the Battle. You well know it is most difficult in all the Course of Nature, to establish one certain and infallible rule. The same circumstances are not commonly used to the same events, but distinct and different means often compass the same ends. One Ship may come safely to the Harbour by the Tide, and another as prosperously (though against the Tide) by a good gale of wind. As all Kings are not alike, neither in their persons, nor Kingdoms; so their interests leave them to the choice and exercises of several actions and undertake. There are many Circumstances most materially considerable in them, as their age, their humour, their inclination. And it is to be observed that the people are of one temper, and the Soldiers of another; those love to loiter and shelter themselves in Plenty and Peace; these delight to hear the sound of Trumpet and Drums, and are more ambitious of honour than of richeses. To these observations a particular regard must be used to the affairs of War, to the nature of the Enemy, and to the designs of Conquest and Victory. And according to the variety of those objects in these several circumstances; the life of man (in order to those ends he aims at) is to be more or lesle valued. To this purpose a King is to consider, whether it may not be as necessary (on some occasions) to appear (as well) a valiant and stout Soldier, as a great Commander and General. But not to stay you any longer from the more substantial Reasons, I hope you will yield rationally, that Valour is a quality, as essential to a King, as either Justice or Prudence; and that (in some degrees) it is more advantageous and serviceable to the People, than to the Prince, who chief gains honour and renown; but as for other Conveniences, they are as equally communicable to the Subjects (who freely share in them) as to the Sovereign. It is true, Policy and Prudence may effect Victories with lesle danger, and without effusion of blood; and those Conquests may be both glorious and commodious: yet I shall speak freely and without fear, although Justice and Prudence are chief preservers of a State in peace, yet the Valour and fortitude of the Prince is as equally considerable; and contributeth not the lest share of advantage to the prosperity of a Kingdom. Nay, more valour chief giveth the life, success, and fortune, and with magnanimity and courage the noblest minds do ever keep company; 'tis this virtue which maketh the greatest spirits and Worthies most remarkable; she (above all others) advanceth Kings and Princes. It is by her renown that Kingdoms and Empires are constituted and form; and whereby Conquerors all Illustrious Heroes are reputed worthy to merit Crowns and Diadems: for if we examine the ways and motions of these latter ages; we shall found that men who never were disciplined in the Rules of Morality and Policy, out of an instinct and direction from Nature, judged none worthy to command, but those whom they conceived most daring and valiant. So true it is, that valour is a quality most essential to Royalty, and consequently those who are not endowed with this great virtue, are utterly unworthy and incapable of Crowns and Sceptres. If Kings were only obliged to be their Subjects Lords and Masters, Prudence and Justice might be solely requisite to such relations of Government; but their royal office obligeth them farther to adventure for their defence, not only by their Commands, but in their People. And it is through this noble quality that they gain the glorious titles of victorious Conquerors, and to be styled the Protectors and Liberators of the People. It was in favour to this more eminent virtue, that the ancient Romans (who were such equal dispensators of Glory) conferred honours, and gave triumphs to those, who by their illustrious Achievements had merited such high renown. But you will tell me, all men confess valour to be a great ornament and Princely requisite in a Sovereign: but it is rendered lesle useful if not limited with moderation and guided with discreet restraints. To answer, I shall not peremptorily make a contradiction; yet I shall boldly affirm, that all the virtues when idle and lesle active, either cease to be virtues, or (at lest) appear not so to be. What where Clemency if she never snatched a sacrifice from the Altar of Justice? and what were Justice if she remitted all her victims to Clemency? There is than a kind of necessity which generally obligeth them to a Consistency in action; and each particular is to act according to its Nature; and to manifest itself to the people, as that virtue which is most eminent in the Prince, and chief seated in his natural inclinations. Now if the Prince discerneth that his Subjects do more honour him, his Soldiers grow daily more valiant, and his Enemies more fear him; it cannot but be necessary, that he make proofs of his courage to increase the subjects loyalty and the Soldier's valour, that the Enemies may be possessed with more terror and fear, and the Estate be established in a greater security. Besides, where nature hath imprinted this noble heat and ardour of spirit, it is proper to augment and inflame this natural spark, by an exercise and frequency of noble actions; and he who passeth his days without peril, is too rash or vain▪ glorious, if he brag much of his courage. It is not enough for a Prince to hear the noise of the Cannons, and to see the smoke and flashes of fire from the Ramparts and Battalians: but valour leadeth a gallant spirit within the midst of the flaming clouds, and mingleth him boldly with the enemy's troops; where he can look on death without fear, and seeks glory when he scorns the world: and so walking betwixt the living and the dead, gathers Laurels and Trophies with his own hands, which he hath besprinkled with the sweat and blood of his irreconcilable Enemies. If this noble boldness were not admitted to a Prince, his own Army might as well doubt as the Enemies themselves of the Prince's valour; and the Soldiers and Officers might justly challenge to themselves the victory which crowneth Kings. This high quality is not only necessary for a Prince in the Theory and Speculation, but likewise in the Practice: some other virtuous are commendable, but this not only so, but essential in a Prince. Justice and Prudence may be inspired by the advice of faithful Counsellors, but valour must lodge in the Prince's heart, which giveth life and motion (as the most noble part) to all the other Members. And how can a Prince who feeleth not in himself the height of vigour and courage manage his affairs in either Peace or Wars? First if he live in the softness of Plenty, and a peaceful Estate, how apt will such a Prince be to be opposed and affronted by the injustice and insolency of his own Subjects? how will his neighbour Princes and Estates domineer and encroach on his Royal Rights and Privileges? and it he fall into the tempest and broils of a Civil War, or an invasion from foreign Enemies; how will he be able to preserve his own honour, or his subject's Rights and Liberties? and what noble spirit will freely adventure his life in his service, who dare not as freely hazard his own? or how can he be capable of Generous Council, who hath not courage nor valour to put it in execution? and how dare that person think himself worthy of the Title of King, who hath not a heart to fight (if fortune should oblige him) in a single Duel with his equal) for the honour and preservation of his Crown? By this time (I think) I may impartially conclude, that valour is the most Princely and most Royal ornament, and hath the precedency (on the Throne) above all other virtues, which without this could not tender any person fit to wear a glorious Crown. In all great Battles she alone hath made the Conquerors most illustrious and fortunate. You cannot than (noble Chancellor) but acknowledge that as this virtue is necessary and glorious for the Prince: so it is of chiefest advantage for the People's good and universal happiness. Now this foundation laid, let us see how this quality is to be used; and whether to be unactive and out of all employment; So proposing to forget no circumstance that may justify our courage in these actions, which I have or shall undertake in exposing my life to the most eminent perils of War. It is most certain, that if it aught (at any time) to shine more eminently in a Prince, it should be at the Commencement of his life, of his reign, and of his conquests: this is the chiefest instance, when a Prince makes the lustre of his Crown to shine, and when he imprinteth the marks of honour in the hearts of his friends and enemies; his courage amazing the one, and animating the others: Whoever hath a hand valiant enough to serve gloriously with his Sword, need not fear or doubt but that he may sway the Grandeur of a Sceptre; and to this purpose (on all occasions) a Noble Prince is obliged to give solemn testimonies of his valour. As for all other virtues, they cannot appear so eminently in him: Justice and Clemency may flow from his invisible orders; but valour is immediately transcient from his person. Experience maketh grand Politicians and great Captains; but they can never gain the reputation of valour without their own personal appearance. This is a way to honour, to which an illiterate and private Soldier may be admitted to climb. And how shall a Prince tender himself commendable to his Subjects, or formidable to his Enemies; who is not furnished with this glorious quality? Kingly affairs admit not always leisure to books, nor solitary hours of study and contemplation. His office is ever to be active, and valour is a Native quality which increaseth with exercise. This is a gift of nature, and falls from the hand of Heaven, and is embodied in the life of man; so consequently, being a natural inclination, instructeth that Prince so qualified, that he employ the virtue thereof for the good of his Estate, and the glory of his Renown. If Nature had intended otherwise, Prudence or Justice might have been a more early quality than Valour; but we see the contrary, and the youngest Infants sooner learn to show their courage, than to express the vigour of any other virtues. The order which is established in all the Universe is too just to be contradicted; and men can never do more judiciously than by following the rules of natural and primitive intentions. Agriculture (how fertile and fruitful soever it improves) expects not the flower before the blossom, nor the fruit before the flower. The skilful Gardner endeavours to hasten the maturity of his first-fruits; but not to change or disorder their Nature. Those who approach near the Thrones of Princes, aught not to presume to infuse the Rules of Prudence into their Prince's ears, before they have given him firm assurances of their courage; Crowns though they are to be attended with Counsellors, yet not with Cowards: and Princes make their best advantage, when (following the direction of Nature) their Valour is first discerned and most illustrious in them. The suspicion of not being courageous, may disanimate the stoutest Subjects, and encourage the basest and lowest Enemies. And if Valour alone effecteth such noble enterprises, what will not the prudently Courageous be able to achieve? In effect, that noble report which dilateth itself at the Commencement of a Prince's reign, is marvellous important to all the concernments of his life. As for renown, she will take more pleasure in proclaiming of his valour, than of his bounty; and flying round the world, will more divulge and blazon his honour, and the effects of his courage, than those of his Prudence and Justice. History will charge herself voluntarily with the memory of his Victories which he hath gained over his Enemies, and make them to shadow his errors (if any) and the infirmities of his passion. The rest of his virtues clad in a more silent robe, or leapt up in private Panegyrics will shine as they are shadowed from the Pencils of private persons. But as for all the circumstances of his valour, they shall swell in Volumes of universal History. His other qualities may be contented to be confined to the borders of his own Dominions and Countries: but his valour will constantly travail over all the Universe. His friends and his enemies will both talk; these out of love, those out of fear; both will speak his honour, and so immortalize the glory of a valiant Prince: so that no person shall be able to detract or derogate from his renown. In the Conduct of War, much is (oft-times) attributed to the experience of the General, or to the Result of Council: but no dimunition can rob a valiant spirit of his honour. Aristotle added something to the Glory of Alexander, by the infusion of sweetness and moderation, as Plutarch did in that kind, in that of Trajan; but neither the one nor the other inspired their valour and generosity. All the Tracts which were ever written, cannot present the gifts of fortitude. Heaven and Nature concur in the plantation of that quality in the hearts of men. The Battle of D'Issus, and that of Arbella, were so much Alexander's; and that of Daces so much Trajan's, that the Combats and the Victories were their own entirely: where no person durst presume to claim a share or part in those honourable enterprises. It was (without doubt) that the Illustrious Macedonian (on this sole occasion) would not admit that Ephestian should be named with Alexander in that action; it being certain that Valour is the only Mistress, of which all noble Heroes are tender and jealous. Now if it be advantageous to a Prince to be valiant being young, it is much more rational to be courageous when he is first a King. As for myself, If I had not rendered my reign more memorable by my first actions against the Polanders and the Muscovites, it might well have been that I should not have caused (at this present) the Empire, and all Germany to tremble: but on the contrary (perhaps) I might have seen all mine own Territories invaded, or myself forced to a shameful exile, or confined to a base imprisonment. It is certain that the most important actions of a King (in all his life) are those when he first mounteth towards his Throne; & than when he declares a War against a formidable and puissant Enemy. And yet not to leave the interest of that noble Subject (of which we speak) when conjunctures grow dangerous, and innovations threaten a change of Government; the Prince is than to be most vigorous, and to fortify his designs with his courage. In the suspicion of great revolutions, terror and fear are excellent means to keep the world close to their duty; and on the contrary, timidity, slow and dull consultations do but prepare and promote Revolts, and encourage factions & seditions. For though valour do not always act with her sword in her hand; yet she hath a constant influence and continued operation over all the people. She enters into the Counsels as well as Prudence, and though Prudence give advice, it is valour that receiveth and acteth the bold and hardy resolutions; and she is the chiefest cause that inclineth Princes to clemency. If Jul. Caesar had not been truly valiant, he could not have pardoned his greatest enemies. As for Fear it suffers not those to live whom true Valour scorns, great and terrible Murders had followed in the battles of Pharsalia. If that great Emperor had not scorned death, he would have caused slain the greatest number of the Romans. Augustus forbore his proscriptions and Massacres on the Triumvirats only on this ground, being certain that his valour & courage did so transcend, that it could 'cause his inclinations to mercy. It was this that preserved Cinna from perishing, when his conspiracies had trained him to such perils, and Livia so much solicited against him for his ruin. All noble Heroes have done nothing worthy, their memory wherein their valour hath not been most prevalent in their persuasions & resolutions As for Cowards they dare not resolve whether to punish or pardon, but in a suspense; fearing the complices or the conspirators, they lesle incline to pardon: & cruelty being their natural inclination, their fears increase only, and they desire to ruin all; provided that that desolation might tender security and repose to themselves. This Passion doth worse become Kings, whom if the Subjects once discern to be timorous, they speedily grow insolent & probably 'cause their Sceptre to fall out of their trembling hands. But on the contrary a Prince should rather endeavour not only to be terrible in the apprehension of his own Subjects, but he is to make his courage to appear formidable to all the earth, especially than when he sits upon a Throne. At that time this glorious quality imprinteth his respect with his Grandees and Nobles, and disperseth an awful submission in the hearts of his people; and thus his courage commanding both the one and the other, Peace and public Tranquillity proveth the result and consequence. Will a Prince pardon a great and eminent person, let him do it frankly without any regard to the suspicion of his Train or Party, and look on him as an object of his mercy, not of his fear. And when he resolves to punish a potent and eminent offender, let him effect it with equal courage, and let his valour surmount all opposition and repugnancy: let him as little fear death by the hand of an assassinate, as from the Army of an Enemy. He hath true repose of spirit who preserveth his reason entire, and neither lies down nor riseth up in fear: For Valour makes him vigilant and suspicious, not base and timorous. In this condition, whether he hath Peace or War, his Valour will make him worthy to be a King, and to be attended with honour. There is a time when young and tender age tolerates a Prince if he be not prudent and politic (that virtue is not gained but with riper years, and some experience:) but it is a great imperfection (if not a vice) for a Prince even from his Cradle, not to manifest the seeds of valour. It must be than confessed clearly, that no occasion must be omitted that may manifest the beauty of this incomparable virtue, which is so precious at all seasons. And if a Prince may be permitted at any time to take of the edge, and so suspend the splendour of his courage; it is principally than, when he hath achieved his conquests; than, when he reapeth the full harvest of his victories; but in his attempts he is to be as hardy and terrible as a Lion, that by a fortunate beginning he may make his passage easy and facile to his greatest future enterprises, and so to be rendered formidable and victorious: it is not only necessary to fight by Commission, but in person, as well to encourage their own Armies, as terrify and amaze the Enemies. By such a Gallant deportment the Reputation of a Prince will march far before the Prince himself, and proclaim farther the glory of such a General, than the sound of Drums or Trumpets. His lustre will be seen farther than his Ensigns and Banners; and so the very terror of his great and noble Name will batter the Walls, and open the gates of the strongest Forts and greatest Towns. As for those quiet and sleepy Princes, who have no other thoughts, but for their own defence; and no other ambition but to guard their own Dominions from the Invasion of their Enemies; a lesser proportion of this noble quality may serve such thrifty persons: yet this high virtue, if planted in breasts of Sovereign Power, aught not to be confined to such narrow bounds; for if there be no occasion to enlarge their Domination, there cannot be wanting some excellent and honourable motive to exercise their courage in relieving of some Noble Princes enduring an oppression or usurpation. But as for such who after the example of Alexander the Great, mind Heroick and Noble enterprises; they think it glorious to quit their own Countries, preferring danger before a Bed of Down, and the glory of the Camp before the delicacies of the Court: they can seat Majesty as high in strange Countries as well as in their own; and created and elevate a Throne with a few clods and earthy turfs, and make that as terrible as covered all over with gold. Such noble and magnanimous spirits adventure to seek Death abroad, and resolve either to gain glory and an Empire, or to scorn Danger and trample Death under foot. Such invincible minds as these, are more active and courageous, they shake of dull and drowsy humours, kiss their Sword as their Mistress, look on Fame as their Herald and servant, and expect honour as their reward. These Martial Heroes abandoning fear will adventure their own persons (which are above and far more precious than all things else) to gain what they aim at, and those who will be superabundantly and tediously wise, are seldom more fortunate or more illustrious than what their birth and their Father's valour hath made them. Besides these Arguments, if I shall consider the three ages of Man, his youth, his manhood, and his old age; the season wherein I have chief exercised courage is most suitable and proper, which is equally distanced from the infirmities of the one, and the debilities of the other. When the strength of body accompanied the vigour of the mind, at which conjuncture it were a thing more irrational, and a kind of an affront and abuse to Nature, not to be than more sprightful and active; and consequently more ambitious of an immortal and a glorious name. If Experience be so perfect a guide in great and famous enterprises, aught I not than to do now as I have already, so often having so well succeeded? you know how that when I was but seventeen years of age; I was constrained (on the same day) to take my Sceptre with one hand, and my Sword in the other, and so forced to defend my Crown: how I was (at those years) invaded by the Danes, Polanders, and Muscovites; and while these Wars continued I found it most agreeable with my honour as well as with my affairs to be with the first in the field, and with the last at the retreat. I believe you cannot forget those eminent effects which I accomplished in all these several Countries, and with what precipitation and honourable danger I have been (oft-times seen) to pass the Frontiers of Denmark, to those of Muscovie, and from those of Muscovie to those of Polony: and if I had on those occasions so much need, I have (at present) equal invitation to the greatest activity of my personal valour. For as the design is more high and noble, so aught all circumstances which aim at it. Besides some permission is due to my natural inclinations, that I may regulate my conduct according (to my prevision and foresight) with better successes. And if I should continued with the main body of my Army I might (probably) not only endanger and hazard myself, but all. Not, it is more proper that I go myself and view the countenance and squadrons of my Enemies, if I intent to vanquish them. I shall thereby put more life and resolution into my own Soldiers; and when they fight I shall the more ably discern how to take a more perfect advantage on the Enemy's forces, or feebleness, with whom I am to combat. And as I have considered what is most necessary in Order to mine own interest, so I am to discern the inclinations of the People and Soldiers who follow me. All Climates produce not the same tempers, and my Soldiers being of a more Northerly birth and education, expect a more vigorous and active example for their conduct. Not but that they are valiant, stout, and hardy; yet withal, they like the adventures better, when their Commanders are in the Vanguard, and the General in the Front of the Battle: and it were great shame and imprudence, not to be forward where one noble Example may so elevate their courage and resolution. The coldness of the Climate hath some communication with their Nature, which being warmed and throughly inflamed by their Prince's valour, the Soldiers scorn Death and Danger, and grow as ambitious of vanquishing the Enemies, as the Prince himself; and if their courage be not somewhat quickened and advanced by some eminent and notable action of their Prince, it may fall out that they may fail in their duty; and the Prince may (possibly) loose his honour, with his life, and all that is dear unto him. To these reasons I may farther add, that Prince who finds himself not at the head of an Army, consistent of an hundred thousand men, but only commands a lesser number of Troops and Regiments, in case his Soldiers march slowly, and advance fearfully; such a Prince aught to be able roundly to tell his timorous and daunted Soldiers, that his Royal Person is as considerable as the vast numbers of the Enemy's forces; otherwise he had done more discreetly not to have commenced a War, but rather lived securely in peace. And it is also as true when a Prince taketh a view of his Army, and examineth his Magazines of Ammunition, he aught at the same time to consult with his own heart, and not so much depend on the numbers of his Soldiers, or the strength and terror of his Engines, as on his own courage and magnanimity. Moreover, if we consider well who our Enemies are, we shall find they are the very same, who fought so stoutly, and caused so many Roman Legions to perish and fall. Yes, they are the very same People with whose force and power Grand Arminius (that noble Captain) did so many things. Most, or all other Nations are clean changed from those Martial and Warlike humours, wherewith they were so illustrious for their hostility. Rome is not now what it was in Julius Caesar's reign, but is grown more effeminate and delicate. Or if it still continued glorious, it is more for the Arts and Sciences which flourish best in Peace, than for the exercise of War; and more honoureth (at present) the Rules of Mercury, than of Mars. The noble Macedonians are grown dispirited and servile slaves; and the Empire of Greece, is not what it was under the reign of Philip and Alexander the Great, but they lead the lives of humble Vassals, contented with servitude and besotted ignorance. But Germany is still the same, the People as courageous and warlike as in the times of the Romans; as able and resolute for resistance, and so successful with their valour as never entirely subdued and conquered by that mighty Empire. That very place where Varrus lost his life as well as the Battle, continues still peopled with as many stout and brave minds as it was, when it opposed all the Roman Forces. There is only this difference, that our Arms and undertake are more justifiable than theirs; and therefore if we intent to vanquish them we must take the same course which they used who conquered the World, committing ourselves and fortunes voluntarily to Providence; and courageously exposing ourselves (without all fear) with hopes to attain that glorious end, at which our valour aimeth. It is for the liberties of all Germany, that we have taken up our Arms; it is for the repose and safety of our Friends and Allies, it is for a just revenge upon our Enemies, and true glory and renown, that we desire victory: and consequently, such great Achievements must be attended with all diligent and noble Circumstances that may procure and facilitate our Conquests. To this purpose (if there be occafior) I must not refuse to be General of the Army, Martial of the field, Mayor General, an ordinary Captain, Engineer, Cannoneer, or a private Soldier, as well as a King; and thus according to the diversions of my affairs, I am to proceed and act as an experienced and forward Prince, who know my own business as well or better than any who fight or follow me. Those who conclude that a Prince is the life and soul of his Army, are surely of my judgement, and resolve where the undertake are so great and illustrious, the way cannot but be dangerous, and therefore requires greater courage as well as policy. The soul (we know) est tota in toto, as the Philosopher saith, and so must the Prince be in every part of his Army, giving life and operation to every member; so causing the feet to march, the hands to fight, the ears to harken, the eyes to watch, and all parts to perform their several duties: have you not observed with what order and courage my Soldiers have followed me, when I have marched in the head of my army; specially than, when I lead them towards the very mouth of danger: And think you that if they lead me and I followed them, that they would have advanced with equal courage? Not, not, I know that one stroke with my Sword strikes the Enemy as deep as a thousand of others of lower quality: And What doth not shame, example, emulation, hope of honour, expectation of Reward, and recompense from the hands of a King. What (I say) doth not such means effect and operate? This Intuition and care moveth effectually every particular person in the Army, and causeth each one to do his duty impartially; so that some may rudely interpret that temerity which proveth greatest prudence: but (perhaps) you may tell me; if the Enemy understand that I am daringly in the head of my Army, they will aim at none so much, as at myself; and therefore multiply their volleys against me: to that I answer, It is no small degree of honour to be such an object of terror, and such a noble mark, which scorneth the enemy's forces, though never so numerous. Besides, my Soldiers who see my valour, cannot but be so ambitious of my preservation, as to guard me with the wishes of their hearts, as well as defend me with the stoutness of their hands; and whatever shall succeed, the presence of majesty cannot but make them fight like Lions, when they see their Prince engaged, and compassed about with equal danger; as for mine Enemies, such courageous On-sets would make them faint and fly, or gallantly force their Pikes and Swords to fall from their hands. Now as my presence will inspire courage into those of my Army, so it will dispoil and strip the Enemy of that noble quality, and so force them to submit to our invincible spirit and courage: where, if I should proceed lesle generously, I might probably rather give encouragement, than gain so many conquests of mine Enemy. I know the way to honour is full of difficulties, but it is true, as rich mines lie deep and dangerous; beautiful Lyllies grow in the midst of Thorns; so is it with true Renown and Glory. I am not Ignorant, that death ofttimes attends and arrests as familiarly the greatest Generals and Princes, as the meanest Soldiers; but such a death is most honourable, and the Echo thereof resoundeth to all the Corners of the Earth. As for mine own resolution and humour, I had rather loose the battle, where I have the honour to fight myself, than to gain a battle where I have not fought with mine own hands. Cease than (noble Chancellor) to set any farther limits, and to confine my courage with any bounds, leave me to the vigour and activity of this noble virtue, which so much animateth all the faculties of my soul. Our Troops are feeble, our Enemies strong, our designs great, the eyes of all the earth observe our Motion, and superintend our Actions; it becomes not us than, to be slow or short in any part of our duty; let us fight courageously, let us fall upon our Enemies like a violent Torrent, with thunder and lightning; and not like a gentle River move slowly and timerously; our pretensions are not ordinary, therefore our actions must be generous: Let us march through all Germany, and manifest our courage through every part of it; and if it shall so arrive, that our valour be recompensed with a direful sad unfortunate conclusion, we doubt not, but that our death will be glorious, and our name immortal; and if we do not perfect our Conquests, the world cannot (in justice) but rank us in the number and order of the most illustrious Conquerors.  

THE CENSURE.  
MUch veneration and honour is due to the memory of this great Prince, he is to be looked on as a most noble Hero, and invincible Worthy, as the marvel and wonder of his age: yet it is true, that Sovereign Princes having such eminent fortunes, and so many great affairs merely attending their persons; it doth most infinitely concern them, for the general good of their subjects and Soldiers, to be careful and preservative of themselves. That famous, but sad day, wherein the King was slain, hath verified (but too cruelly) this truth, when this Prince lost his life, by the violence and Ardour of his own opinion; when his valour marched so forwardly in the Van. Though fortune had ofttimes presented him with successes and victories, yet she is not always constant in her friendship. It is to be feared he was too much assured of the continuation of her favours, and it may be he depended too little on prudence, and too much on the Roman Proverb; which said, that Destiny doth all; or on Predestination, which (as some say) order and determines both means and ends, which is the Doctrine of the Calvinists and the Turks. Though it is rather true, that every one is the Artist of his own fortune. Philosophy tells us as well as Poetry, that sapiens dominabitur astris; a wise man is able to resist the influence of the Stars; which though they incline, yet do not force nor constrain the disposition. This King, though a most illustrious Prince for his valour, condescended very low, and appeared too excessively courageous in the office of a common Trooper: the head and the hand have two different functions; fortune is not always propitious, nor doth she make every Conqueror her darling, as she did Alexander: that which she did for him in the Town of Oxidragues, and on many re-encounters, are not examples to others to adventure on Alexander's dangers, or to hope for his successes; for her favours to him may rather be accounted Prodigies and Wonders, than common degrees of fortunes courtesies. Homer who was so judicious in his Epithets, and knew how properly to place them throughout his Illiads, commonly gives that of Sage or Prudent to Agamemnon; but that of Brave or Valiant to Achilles: to note the difference, which in the conduct of Armies, aught to be betwixt a royal Prince and a private person. It is true, that a bed of honour is as glorious and acceptable to a noble Prince, as a throne of Ivory or Gold, and to dye Triumphantly and win the battle, is to live eternally in the memory of men. As for this Prince, if he did not (before he died) confine his valour to greater moderation, it was rather to be imputed his misfortune, than his error; for having enjoyed so many glorious first-fruits of his dangers, his victories and his triumphs; why might he not still have presumed on the same success? all the world did favour him with Apologies; nay, gave him the testimony of honour and commendations, when he sostoutly assaulted the Isle of Rugen, and at that great attempt gave so grand a reputation to his Armies, that he seemed to have effected impossibilities. Now if that course which was so fortunate in so many re-encounters, was not so successful at the fatal battle of Lutzen: let the whole Earth confess it was not great Gustavus want of conduct but of fortune: he had already conquered above Ten Provinces, and subdued Three hundred Towns: why might not this day have given him leave to survive his Enemies, and to have enjoyed the Triumphs of his victories? but in some kind it may be said of Wars, as 'tis of Plays: Old Gamesters think it not fit to hazard, and adventure all they have gained at one stake. But seeing things past can not be revoked; let us not farther trouble this immortal Hero, nor interrupt the repose of his Glorious Sepulchre. The great worth of this unparallelled Prince is out of the reach of envy, and (probably) of imitation. His name is too bright and glorious to be spotted with derogation, and 'tis fit for none to approach near his Ashes, but such who bedew their eyes with tears, and force an amazedness on their souls with sighs, for the loss of so great a Champion: whose Trophies are so illustrious, and magnificent, that whoever considers his great Achievements, may not only have an abundance of satisfaction for his curiosity, but be astonished with admiration.    
FINIS.   

Tuesday 6. December, 1653. At the Council of State at Whitehal.  
ORDERED,  
That Mr. Thurloe be appointed by the Council, to assign such persons as he shall think fit, to print the Book, entitled, CURIA POLITIAE; and that no other Person whatsoever do presume to print the same without leave first had from Mr. Thurloe, for the doing thereof.  
JOHN THURLOE▪ Secr '   

I Do appoint Humphrey Moseley to print this Book, and that none else do print the same.  
John Thurloe. 13 December. 1653.