THE ANTIQUITIES OF PALMYRA.  
Containing the HISTORY OF THE CITY, and its EMPERORS, From its Foundation to the Present Time.  
WITH An APPENDIX of Critical Observations on the Names, Religion, and Government of the Country.  
AND A COMMENTARY on the Inscriptions lately found there.  
LONDON, Printed for S. Smith and B. Walford, Printers to the Royal Sociey, at the Princes-Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1696.   

 blazon or coat of arms 
MUNIFICENTIA REGIA. 1715  
GEORGIUS D. G. MAG. BR. FR. ET. HIB. REX F.D.    

SOCIETATI REGIAE  
In Collegio Greshamensi  
Supremo Numini, & Laboranti Naturae  
Horas utilissimè impendenti,  
Verae Philosophiae instauratrici,  
Mathematum, & politioris Litteraturae  
Arbitrae, & Sequestrae,  
Eruditi orbis Delicijs,  
Quam ambierunt Princip●um Maximi,  
Venerantur, quotquot Musis litarunt  
Farraginem hanc  
RERUM PALMYRENARUM  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exaratam  
Summo, quo decet, cultu, & observantiâ  
Lubens merito more majorum,  
D.D.D.C.Q.  
AB. SELLERUS.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE Learned World having been for some years in expectation of a Description of the Antiquities of Palmyra from some accurate Traveller, whose Curiosity might prompt him to visit those Deserts, that he might enrich Europe with the Rarities of that remote Province of the East, of which the World had had but a very obscure, if any, account; some worthy English Merchants, pursuant to the Dictates of that nobler Genius, that actuates the generous Members of the Levant Company, overlookt all the Difficulties and Hazards, that accompany such an Enterprise, and attempted the Discovery. And though the first Essay was not crowned with so good Success, as it deserved, through the Treachery and Baseness of the Arab Prince, who at that time governed the Country; the second Voyage was performed to the great Satisfaction of Mankind, and 'tis to their Munificence, that we own those Journals, which the Royal Society hath lately published. Nor is this the only Instance, wherein those eminent Merchants have been Benefactors to the Commonwealth of Letters; their Company consisting of Men of good Birth, and gentile Education, of liberal Fortunes, and as large Minds; and may their Success in their worldly Affairs be suited to their great Deserts, may they always flourish, and always be in a capacity to do worthy Actions.  
To the jealous Arabs the Undertaking seemed ridiculous, that prudent Men should contract a great Expense only to transcribe a few imperfect Inscriptions, and take a view of old Ruins, and perhaps there are some Censors who live nearer than the Deserts of Tadhmur, who are of the same opinion; but the Men of Judgement in all Ages have entertained different Sentiments, and Providence seems to have been particularly concerned in the Preservation of many Fragments of Antique Literature. When 
L. 2. p. 121.  Strabo treats of Olynthus, and other Cities of Greece, which had been utterly destroyed before his time, insomuch as whosoever travelled those parts, might justly question whither ever those places had been inhabited; he subjoins, that the Curious and Inquisitive were pleased to visit those Ruins, being desirous to see the Theatres, where so many noble Actions had been performed, and to pay Homage to the Ashes of those Illustrious Persons, who lay there buried: (And what a Spirit of Emulation does it raise in every generous Soul to prompt him to sublime Actions, when he views the Tombs, or hears the Story of the Heroes of former Ages?) And in the days of 
In Charont.  Lucian, when many Cities had been swallowed up of Earthquakes, or buried in the Sea, tho' Rivers themselves had been lost, and absorbed, that they never more appeared, yet the Tomb of Inachus was preserved at Argos, a Memorial of the Achievements of that first King of the Morea.  
Neither Strabo, nor Mela, take any notice of Palmyra, nor (which is more to be admired) many of the Arabian Geographers, neither Alferganus, nor the Geographer commonly called the Nubian, neither Nasser Eddin nor Vlug Beig, set out by our Learned Mr. Greaves; its Situation was very remote from both Rome and Athens, in the midst of vast Deserts, which deterred the curious Traveller; and its Empire, and Glory were so short-lived, that we cannot expect a large Description of its State and Fortunes from the ancient Writers. But such Memorials, as either they, or the later Historians have afforded, I have taken care to digest into method, and to offer them to the present Age. Had we Domninus the Historian of Antioch, who lived in the Neighbourhood, or Philostratus of Athens, or Nicostratus of Trebizond, who wrote the History of those times, particularly the Affairs of the East, it would have been no difficult Province to have given a more perfect account of that Country; or had we but that one Oration of the most accurate Longinus, which he wrote in praise of Odaenathus, that no doubt would have furnished a sufficient stock of Materials toward the writing the Life of that Great Man; but these are Blessings lost to the World, and, I fear, past retrieving.  
It may look like a bold, and daring Undertaking, to adventure to build a Large Structure with so few Materials; but I have been as careful in my accounts, as I was qualified to be, and according to my Understanding have confined myself to the strict Rules of Truth, and exactly followed my Vouchers, (whom for that reason I have cited in the Margin;) for he, who pretends to write History without Authorities, may be said to be Author of a Romance, or a Collector of Dreams, but can never be allowed to be a good Historian. And if I have been, as I take it for granted, mistaken in any of my Conjectures, (as I have frequently taken that liberty, but no where, that I know of, without some grounds for my so doing) it is no wonder, and will be easily pardoned, when 'tis considered, that even the Historians of that Country, and of the early Ages, knew not all the particulars of the Palmyrene Affairs; that Theodorit himself the Bishop of Cyrus in Cyrrhestica, a Neighbouring Province, in less than two hundred years after the Reign of Odaenathus, is so mistaken, as to affirm, that Zenobia was constituted the Toparch of Syria, and Phoenicia by the Persians, after they had routed the Romans, and that he, who digs in a dark Mine, may be allowed a little failure in his Work; and I shall thank any Learned Man, who shall correct my Errors, and set the History in a better light.  
I have dealt with my Reader, as I love to be treated myself, having been always pleased with a full account of whatever is material on any subject, when profestly handled; and I have given my Authorities in the Margin, not to make a show of much acquaintance with Books, but to inform the Reader that I have not imposed on him, and to direct him where he may satisfy himself, if he doubts. I have used the words Palmyra and Tadhmur promiscuously, because, though the new name, whither imposed by a Conqueror, or given for any other reason, prevailed among the Greeks and Romans, yet the old Syriac name kept its Interest among the Natives, and has at this day recovered an entire Possession, as some other neighbouring Cities in that Country have done: So Caesarea in Palestine is at present called, as of old, Paneas; and Petra in Arabia, is now named Bosra, to omit other Instances. For, as 
Lib. 14. c. 8. Seleucus Nicator urbes construxit multis opibus firmas, & viribus, quarum ad praesens plereque licet Graecis nominibus appellentur, quae iisdem ad arbitrium imposita sunt conditoris, primogenita tamen nomina non amittunt, quae ex Assyriâ linguâ institutores veteres indiderunt.  Ammianus Marcellinus has well observed, When Seleucus Nicator rebuilt many old Cities in Syria, (among whom we may reckon Palmyra) and gave them Strength and Riches, tho' many of them are still called by the Greek Names, which their Founder Seleucus gave them; yet they did at the same time among the Natives retain their old Syrian Appellations, which their first Founders imposed. (Hence came it, that the new name of Adrianople given to Palmyra, was in a little time worn out; and tho' the Greeks called the Island of Corsica 
Diod. Sic. l. 5. p. 205.  Cyrnus, the Natives still maintained the Interest of the true name, and it continues to this day; 
Steph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and tho' Heraclea was for a while called Plistarchia, in time it asserted its ancient Right, and was called as formerly, Heraclea.) And I hearty wish, that the Learned Men, who have visited those Oriental Countries had furnished themselves with Instruments, and spent some time in taking the exact Longitudes and Latitudes of the several Cities.  
In the Chronological Accounts, I have followed the commonly received Epochas, and accordingly fixed my Series of Times, without entering into an overnice Examination of particular Disputes in Chronology, which was not so consonant to my present Subject, having fixed the year of the Creation according to the Computation of our most Learned Archbishop Usher. I have freely used the names of the Heathen Gods, (tho' for the most part with a distinguishing Epithet;) and besides, the necessity of my Subject, which obliged me to it, I might plead the usual practice in other Languages, that the Fathers did the same; and some of the ancient Christians, who went larger lengths than I ever durst, witness that Epitaph in Gruter 
1050. , (Jovis optimi maximi beneficio hic in spe resurrectionis quiescit;) nor can I be persuaded, that such Studies are disagreeable to my Profession, (if any passage of that kind appears in the History, I here renounce it, and may it be, as if it had never been said or written) while the Learned Synesius hath published the Life of Typhon, and Osiris, St. Ambrose, (as 'tis said) and Palladius, the History of the Brachmanes, and Nonnus, besides his Paraphrase upon St. John, was the Author of the Dionysiaca. Tho', after all, I must profess, I expect to be treated rudely by some sour Critics; but having no private design in these Papers, I shall please myself to be corrected by a Man of Sense and Temper, and for the rest of the Tribe, they are beneath Consideration; it must be acknowledged, that a Treatise of this kind aught to have been written in the Learned Language, (as probably it may be hereafter;) but it was requisite to publish the Commentary in the same Language with the Text, and that the Journals having been set forth in English, the History ought to be written in the same Tongue; and had not a good part of my Papers, when finished, been unhappily lost past retrieving, my Genius also nauseating the Drudgery of doing the same thing over again, I might perhaps have managed the Subject with more Accuracy. 
P. 258.  I have affirmed, that the Satur's and Jupiter's of the Heathens were born after the days of Job and of Joshua, and herein I have followed the Fathers, particularly Theophilus of Antioch, (an excellent Chronologist, and who by that unanswerable Argument hath ruined all that was then said for the Eternity of the World, and of the Heathen Gods) who in one place of his excellent Work against Autolycus, (which for this reason is justly styled by Lactantius, liber de temporibus) affirms, 
L. 2. p. 58.  that Saturn, Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto, were much younger than the Creation; in a second, 
L. 3. p. 258.  that Jupiter was much younger than Moses, and the Law; but more expressly in a third, 
P. 282.  that Cronus and Belus, i. e. Saturn, as Thallus says in his History, lived but 322 years before the Trojan War; whereas Moses lived 630 years before that famous Epocha. And the Chronologer Petavius proves, that when Saturn fled into Italy, driven out by his Son Jupiter, Ehud was then a Judge in Israel, about the year 1330 before Christ; and that from the time of Janus, to whom Saturn fled, to Aeneas, the whole was not 200 years.  
The Arabic Authors, as well as the common People of the Country, are to this day possessed with the Opinion, that Tadmur was built by Solomon, and that by the help of Spirits, as was also Baalbec, (says Benjamin Tudelensis) the superstitious Jews and Arabs thinking it impossible that Art should perfect a stupendous Building without the assistance of a familiar. If the City were destroyed by Nabuchadnezzar, before he laid siege to Jerusalem, as John Malela expressly affirms, and in this account we may give him Credit, because he was of that Country, and may be presumed, not to be ignorant of the Affairs of Syria) than it is not improbable, that Seleucus Nicator, the Founder of the Syrian Empire, rebuilt Tadhmur, as he did many other Cities; and that then, in honour to him, and compliance with both their Benefactor and Conqueror; they dated their public Writings from the first year of his Empire, the aera Seleucidarum, as it is commonly styled. The Situation of the City fitted it for a public Mart, and the Cities Alalis, Sura, 
Ptol. l. 5. c. 15.  and Alamata, being parts of Palmyrene, and built on the Banks of the Euphrates, may be presumed the Ports, where they brought their Goods, either exported, or imported on that noble River, the Cities being subject to the Republic. Of what Bigness, and Capacity for carriage the River that did run by its Walls was, we know not, it having been many years since absorbed. That there ran a River there in Ptolemy's time, the Geogragrapher affirms expressly, that many other Rivers have been lost in Earthquakes, to which the Eastern Regions are very subject, no Man doubts; and some which yet continue to run, are soon buried: 
L. 1. c. 13.  Mela avers, that a great River arises near Corycus in Cilicia; and having made a great noise, is immediately swallowed, and disappears; and the River that runs by Aleppo, is in a few hours afterward buried in the Sands.  
When the Romans began to enlarge their Conquests in Syria, I question not but Palmyra was under the Jurisdiction of the Arabs; for when Pompey the Great, after the Death of the famous Mithradates, marched against Aretas the King of the Arabs, (Appian calls him King of the Nabataean Arabs) ann. V C. 690. ante Christum 63. his Kingdom reached from the River Euphrates to the Red Sea, says Dio, 
L. 36.  (in which compass Palmyra must be included;) this Aretas was doubtless one of the Al-Hariths of the Arabians, who were Kings of Gessan, and in later Ages Lords of Taahmur. After which time, I believe, it acknowledged the Roman Power, but was governed by its own Laws, having under its immediate Jurisdiction, besides the three Cities on the River already mentioned, twelve more in the Inland of Syria. When Trajan made his glorious Expedition into Persia, I conjecture, Palmyra was a Sufferer in the common Calamity of that Country, for Pliny says it was sometime in the Roman, at others in the Parthian Interest, or else it would not have needed Hadrian's assistance to rebuild, and beautify it; while other Cities tasted of Trajan's Bounty, for from Trajan's Expedition (in the 8th year of his Reign, of Christ 105.) the Inhabitants of Bozra and Petra, dated their Writings, says the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle: 
L. 3. p. 105.  and Zosimus affirms, that at Zaragardia, not far from the Euphrates on the Persian side, in his time there stood a noble Throne built of stone, which the Natives called Trajan's Throne; erected, I doubt not, in memory of his illustrious Achievements in that Country. But whatever Palmyra might have suffered under Trajan, was repaired by his Successor, who gave the City his own name, and they in Gratitude made Vows for his Recovery; not in the last, the 19th of his Reign, as through haste is said, 
F. 35, 36.  (he reigned almost 22 years;) but in the seventeenth, from which Sickness he recovered to die afterwards in greater torment, (and this I mention here, that I may correct the Mistake in the History:) To this City Septimius Severus may also be presumed a Benefactor, (to whom before his famous Expedition against the Parthians, 
Sparta. vit. Septim. p. 67.  when he routed Niger, with whom the Arabs, Parthians, and the Inhabitants of Adiabene, joined their Forces) the Republic gave their assistance against the Allies of the Empire, and adopted his name into their most eminent Families; after which time, till the Reign of Zenobia, I take them to have been in confederacy with, and subject to the Emperors; for they assisted both Alexander Severus and Gordian, in their Expeditions into the East against the Persians, as the Inscriptions testify; only it looks probable, that upon the Captivity of Valerian, the Senate for a while dissembled their Interests, and acknowledged the Power of Sapores. In the Battle at Immae, where Zenobia was routed, S. Hierom affirms, that Pompeianus the Frank settled at Antioch, but the Family was unquestionably fixed in that Country long before; 
Capitol. Marcus.  for when Marcus the Philosopher undertook the Germane War, he married his Daughter to Claudius Pompeianus, who was of Antioch. This also I mention to correct another Mistake. After the Captivity of Zenobia, the City was a Spectacle of pity; but being a necessary Frontier, was repaired, and in Dioclesian's time was the Seat of the Governor of the Province. In the days of Constantius, the Inhabitants were noted, as now, for great Robbers, 
P. 8.  says the old Geographer, set out by Gothofred, and governed by Women; but that I take for granted is an Error, as if, when Zenobia had begun to wield a Sceptre, none but her own Sex in that Country durst pretend to command. 
Malel. part 2. p. 39  Theodosius the Great divided Libanesia from the Sea-coast of Phoenicia, and made it a distinct Province, Emesa being the Metropolis, under whose Jurisdiction Palmyra was put, and so continued, when the Followers of Mahomet had made themselves Masters of that Country, and for many Centuries after; for in Abulfedas' time, above 1300 after Christ, Tadhmur acknowledged Hems, (Emesa) its Metropolis, and probably it was so after his time. In the Reign of the same Theodosius, (if 
P. 28. ed. Gron.  Ethicus, or whoever goes under that name, lived in those days) or before (for St. Jerome is said to have translated him) Palmyra is reckoned among the famous Towns of the East; as it is also by 
P. 8.  Julius Honorius, who lived before Theodoric; for Cassiodore mentions him, (Palmira damascus, read Palmyra, Damascus) and the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicon among the famous Cities of the fourth Climate, reckons Palmyra, with Apamea, Emesa, etc. in Caele Syria. In Justinian's time it became the Residence of the Governor of the East, and subject to the Constantinopolitan Empire, but 'tis probable did not continue long in that State; for about the year of Christ 640. when Heraclius was Emperor, Jabalah the Son of Al Iham was King of Gassan, and Lord of Tadhmur, (perhaps a Tributary to Heraclius) who being overcome by Omar the Caliph, one of Mahomet's Successors; submitted, and turned Mahometan; but, repenting, he afterward went to Constantinople, 
Pococ. not. in Specim. hist. Ar. p. 77, 136.  and became a Christian; and at this time, I believe, Mahometanism settled itself at Tadhmur, the Tribe of Gassan being before those days Christian.  
I shall not particularly undertake to demonstrate the Usefulness of Coins and Inscriptions, the Learned World hath been already fully convinced of that truth; how many difficult, and obscure Passages in Chronology have been set in their due light, how many Series of Kings have been regularly deduced, what Rites and Customs both sacred and civil have been by those helps discovered, needs no further proof; though were there nothing, else at Palmyra to be seen, but the noble Ruins of the Temples and Palaces, built according to the best and boldest Rules of the ancient Architecture, I should think a Journey thither on that Errand alone worth the Undertaking. And though the oldest of the Palmyrene Inscriptions is a hundred years younger than our blessed Saviour's Incarnation (as I have made appear in the Commentary) yet they are not so contemptible as some have imagined, but afford us some Memorials of those times, which no where else occur. And by the same Argument, (the use of the Greek Ε, which appears not till about Domitian's time) by which I postpone the oldest Inscription at Tadhmur a hundred years, may we prove the Spuriousness of that Table preserved at Rome, which is reported to contain the very Title, which by Pilat's Order was affixed to the Cross of our Lord, for therein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written with the same sort of Ε.  
It must be confessed, that in the Palmyrene Inscriptions are some peculiar words, which occur not in the Lexica, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.) of which sort there are more in other old Marbles; nor is it any wonder, that in a remote part of Syria, where a different Language was spoken, 
Pric. in Apul. Apolog. p. 67. De foedere Hierapytniorum, & Priansens. sciunt doctiores usquequo huc progredi licet, scripta hoc genus non intra Lexicorum septa coercenda: satisque de Interpretis fide, ac judicio constare, qui sciet, ubi legem sequi, ubi dare oporteat.  the Greek should not be so pure, as at Athens; and in such cases a Critic is left to his own Judgement: nor is it a Disreputation to his Fidelity, or acumen, if he happen to wander, where he has no Guide.  
The Usefulness of the Journals and History will never be controverted, when 'tis considered, that they give us the account of a Country, hardly before known to the present Age, and of many Rites and Cermonies, which the European World counts ridiculous, but will appear very ancient and defensible; for no Nation under Heaven hath been so tenacious of old Usages, as the Orientals. Of which I shall give a few instances.  
That the Arabs should suspect the Europeans, that in those Ruins, among so many Sepulchers, they should seek for Treasures, is no wonder to me, since it was very usual under the Foundations of all magnificent Structures to bury great Sums of Money, probably that the Coin, when the Building was ruinous, might discover the Founder, Talismans' also being set up in several places to direct the curious Enquirer. Thus 
Jamblic. ap. Phot. cod. 94.  Rhodanes found a great quantity of Gold by the Directions of a Pillar, upon which was portrayed a Lion; and a like Story is related in the Life of Aesop: And in David's Tomb, Josephus says, the Highpriest Hyrcanus found a vast Treasure; but the Author of the 
P. 364.  Alexandrian Chronicle avers, that it was Hezekiah, who first opened the Tomb to show the Riches of his Ancestors to the King of Babylon's Ambassadors, and that for profaning the Ashes of his Fathers, God devoted his Posterity to Captivity.  
That they should account a young Camel dressed a noble Feast, will cease to be a Subject of wonder or diversion, when we remember, that Custom is the Judge of good or corpse Meats, that every Nation, even in the civilised parts of Europe, differ in their Notions of preferable Dishes, and that a Treat of the best things the Country affords aught to be reckoned a Feast. To which we may add, that their Ancestors lived on the same fare; that 
L. 16. p. 767.  Strabo calls the Arabs of his time Camel-eaters; that 
Adu. Jovin. l. 2. c. 6.  St. Jerome avers, that the Arabs and Saracens, and all other the barbarous Inhabitants of the Desert, lived upon the Milk and Flesh of their Camels, (and so says Abulfarajus) that both 
Hist. anim. l. 6. c. 26.  Aristotle and 
11. 41.  Pliny reckon the Flesh, and the Milk of Camels, not only among the wholesome, but among delicious Meats; and that 
In Clio.  Herodotus affirms, that the Persians of quality on their Birth-days, (which was a solemn Festival among them) among other Dishes, treated their Friends with a whole Ox, and a whole Camel dressed; that 
Apud. Athen. l. 4.  Antiphanes says, that a Camel served up hot was a Feast for a King; and that the Emperor 
Lamprid. p. 108.  Elagabalus (who was a Native of that part of Syria, where the Emir, who treated the English Merchants, lived) in imitation of Apicius (who was no contemptible Judge of luxurious Eating, having spent a fair Estate in the Gratifications of his Palate, and being since his Death quoted as an Author for all the Varieties of the old Cookery) used to eat the feet of Camels, as an extraordinary Dish; and when he would appear magnificent, caused to be brought in at Supper entire Camels for the Service of his Friends.  
Pilaw (or Rice) is another Dish among the Arabs, as also among the Persians, Indians and Turks, and so it was of old, says 
Lib. 15.  Strabo. The Arabs of this Age live as their Ancestors, who wandered up and down with their Families, and cattle, and fixed for a while, wherever they found Water for themselves, and Grass, for their Herds; their Tents are now, as of old, made of Camel's Hair, (the Camel is in truth the most useful of Animals to them; the Flesh is their Meat, the Milk their Drink, their Tents are made of their Hair, their Carriage is upon Camels, and their Riches a numerous Herd of them) they marry as many Wives as they are able to maintain; 
Am. Marcellin. l. 23. c. 6.  generally hate Drunkenness, and avoid it as the Plague; never make Water standing, nor ease nature, but in a place of great Privacy; and those, who are military Men, sit armed at the Table, and never put off their Scimitars till they go to bed; all which Customs Ammianus observed were practised among the old Inhabitants of those Countries. They measure their Journeys, not by leagues or miles, but by hours and days, as the old Syrians did; impaleing is a Punishment usual to this day, and the Criminal is forced to carry his Stake to the place of Execution, as the Person to be crucified anciently carried his Cross. The Custom of putting the whole Family to Death for the Offence of the Chief of it, (of notorious and heinous, as the Murder of their Prince, or the like) is not quite difused to this day in Persia; and as Valerian, and others were flayed alive, so was Marc Antonio Bragadini, the Venetian Governor of Famagusta, tortured by the Turks, when Cyprus was taken; his Skin being salted and stuffed, according to the old Persian Method. And as the same Valerian, clad in his Royal Purple, with his Back lifted Sapores into the Saddle; so was Bajazet forced to assist Tamerlane, when he mounted. The Men of Condition used of old to ride with a Banner, and so they continue to do to this day. A Present of one or more Changes of Raiment was a Mark of Favour among the Egyptians, Jews and Syrians, as long since as the days of the Patriarch Joseph; and the Habit (the Calaat) sent by the Grand Signior, or the King of Persia, to any Subject or Foreigner, is now one of the highest Instances of Royal Bounty.  
In the Monuments of their Dead the Persians of former Ages placed Magis to keep the Tomb; 
Arrian. l. 6. expedit. Alex. p. 144  and in this present Age the Mahometans give a Maintenance to a greater or less number of Moullah's, who read the Law in the Mosques, and take care of the Sepulchers, where their Princes are interred. And as of old they hired their Women Mourners to make a solemn Lamentation at Funerals, so now the Jewish Women are hired for the same purpose. I shall add no more, but that at Aleppo, (as my worthy Friend Mr. Aaron Goodyear informs me, to whom I profess myself indebted for many useful Notices) in the Month of June the Women go to the River, and with solemn Sorrow bewail Tammuz, and afterward make themselves very merry; which is no other, than the practice of one of the oldest Superstitions in the World, of which I shall treat at large.  
The Heathen Mythologists affirm, 
Apollodor. Bibliot. l. 3. c. 13.  that Cinyras the Assyrian founded the City of Paphos in the Island of Cyprus; where, having married the Daughter of the King of that Country, he begat Oxyporus and Adonis; that Adonis was very beautiful, and beloved by Venus, when an Infant, who, that he might be bred carefully, sent him to Proserpina to be educated; but when she came to demand him, Proserpina refused to deliver her Charge; whereupon the Controversy was decided by Jupiter, that the Youth should stay a third part of the year with Proserpina, another third with Venus, and the remainder should be at his own Disposal. But Adonis being pleased with the Charms of Beauty, chose to spend two thirds of his time with Venus, who passionately loved him; for which reason Diana being displeased with him, sent a wild Boar to assault him, by whose Teeth he fell a Sacrifice to her Indignation. 
Vid. Cyril. in Is. l. 2. tem. 3. p. 274.  But others tell the Story differently, that Cinyras lay with his own Daughter Myrrah, on whom he begat Adonis; but, being ashamed of his Incest, exposed the Infant on the top of the Mountains, where the Nymphs nursed and kept him, till he grew a most beautiful Youth, spending most of his time in his Sports; at which Age Venus seeing him, sell violently in love with him, and chose him her Gallant; that this created Jealousy in Mars, who turned himself into the shape of a wild Boar, and slew him; which, when Venus heard of, she gave herself up to the extravagant Sallies of an ungovernable Grief, and at last resolved to follow him into the Shades to demand him there; but Proserpina refusing to deliver him, they comprimised the Affair, that he should be half the year in the inferior World, and the other half in this; upon which Venus returned very joyful, and having informed her Followers of the Agreement, they instituted a solemn Festival, which was continued to be celebrated with all the Demonstrations of public Exultation.  
This Story, 
Plutarc. de Isid. & Osirid.  with a little Variation, the Egyptian Writers (from whom the asiatics derived most of their Superstitious Rites and Observances) tell us, under the name of Osiris, whom Typhon nailed up in a Chest, (or Coffin) which he threw into the Nile, that it might be swallowed up of the Sea; that Isis, as soon as she heard of it, immediately went upon the search of Osiris, enquiring of all she met, till at last some Children informed her, what Typhon had done; whereupon, taking Anubis with her, she sailed down the River, and through the Ocean, till she came to Byblus in Syria, where she found the Ark (or coffin) resting upon a Sprig of Heath, which she carried with her into the Ship, and so returned to Egypt, and there hide the Coffin at Butis, where her Son Orus was nursed; that Typhon hunting in those parts by the Light of the Moon, which was then at full, found the Coffin, and cutting the Body into fourteen pieces scattered it up and down in several places; whereupon Isis hearing of the Fact, sailed up and down the Marches in a Boat of Reeds, till she had gathered up the scattered Limbs, which she buried in divers places, to prevent any further Attempts of Typhon, and to create Osiris' greater honour. In the Egyptian Month Athyr, they say, Osiris was slain; and on the seventeenth of their Month Tybi, Isis returned from Byblus, having spent almost two Months in the search. From this Original came the practice of the Egyptian Priests, who upon the first of those Anniverssaries pretended, that the Body of Osiris was hid in their Temples, where, no one knew, whereupon they lamented him, as if that had been the very day, wherein he was murdered by Typhon; they shaved, and made bald their Heads, 
V Herodot. Euterp. Jul. Firmic. Lucian. de Deâ Syr. Cyril. & Procop. in Isai. 18. etc.  (the Custom of such, as were in the deepest Mourning) they thumped their Breasts, they wandered up and down the Streets making heavy Lamentations, (in imitation of the Mournings, and Peregrinations of Isis;) and if there happened to be any of the Inhabitants of Caria at that time in Egypt, they slashed their Faces with Knives and Lancets, (as the Priests of Baal used to do, when their Idol would not answer them;) they cut their Arms, and very often made Incisions into the Wounds of the last year, not quite healed: And after they had done this for some time, (Plutarch says, for 4 days) they pretended to find the Body, which they had been so earnestly looking for; and on the nineteenth day of the Month Athyr, when it was night the Priests made their Procession to the River with an Ark of Gold covered with the holy Stole; upon which, as soon as they had poured Water, the Bystanders cried out, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) we have found him, let us turn our Lamentations into Joy: After this they returned and made merry, treating themselves with Cakes, whereon they stamped the Figure of a Sea-horse, i. e. Typhon; and at the same time they wrote an Epistle to the Women of Byblus, that Adonis was found, (for he, whom the Egyptians called Osiris, the Phaenicians and Syrians named Thammuz, says St. Jerome, and Adonis, says Cyril and Procopius;) this Epistle they put into an Earthen Pot, say the abovenamed Fathers, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lucian calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) the Jews say, 'twas an Ark, or little Ship made of Reeds or Paper, which, after the performance of some (probably Magical) Rites, they sealed and committed to the Waves, and of its own accord in seven days time it was carried by the Winds to Byblus, but never to any other place on the Sea-coast of Phoenicia: And when the Women of that City received it, they put an end to their Lamentations, and begun their joyful Festival with Dances, and solemn Feasting. As the precise time of the beginning the Festival at Byblus commenced from the hour, in which they received the Epistle from Egypt; so the exact time to begin the Mourning was fixed, says Lucian, by another extraordinary Circumstance; the River Adonis at that season, from its rise on the side of Mount Libanus, to its fall into the Sea, being all bloody, the Sea itself also for a considerable space being discoloured with the same, (the Natives believing that at that time Adonis was actually slain on the Mountain, and that his Blood altered the Colour both of the River and the Ocean) though one of the more inquisitive Byblians told Lucian, that the bloody face of the Waters proceeded from a reddish sort of Earth, which the strong Winds, that at that time used to blow, brought down into the River, and gave the Streams their Tincture. At this time the Woman began their Mourning, (having first offered the Sacrifices of the Dead to Adonis, as the Egyptians used to do) and shaved their Heads, (which, whoever refused to do, was by way of Penance obliged for a whole day to prostitute herself to all Strangers, and whatever she got, was to be spent in a Sacrifice to Venus) their Lamentations, says 
L. 19  Ammianus Marcellinus being as extravagant, as those of a Mother for an only Son.  
The Epistles sent from Alexandria to give notice, that Osiris or Adonis was found, are mentioned, say the Fathers, by the Prophet Isaiah, 18.2. woe to the Land that sends their Ambassadors by the Sea in Vessels of Bulrushes upon the water; or, as the Septuagint more pertinently, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and the mournful Solemnity by the Prophet Ezekiel, 8.14. who among the abominable Idolatries of the People of the Jews, mentions the women's weeping for Thammûz: 
Cyril. in Is. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; ità & Procop. in loc. & Theodorit, in Ezek. 8. Hieron. ib. Stephan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Procop. ubi supr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  For from Egypt the Superstition spread itself over all the neighbouring Countries, over Phoenicia, Syria, and Cyprus; who challenged the mock Deity for their own; nor did the peculiar People of God, the Israelites, escape the Infection, but they also fell into the same Madness.  
The old Arabian Zabii, says Ben Maimon, affirm, that in that night in which Thammùz was slain, all the Idols that were in the World, met at Babylon in the Temple of the Sun, who related to them what had befallen Thammûz; whereupon the Images wept, and lamented all night, and the next Morning every one of them flew back to his old station: From whence, says he, came the Custom of Mourning early in the Morning over Thammûz, in the Month called by his name: the Month Thammûz, says St. Jerome, answers to our June; and the Jewish Astronomers call the Sun's entrance into Cancer, Thekupha Thammuz, the Revolution or Period of Thammuz. The whole Feast was called by the Greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Death of the mock God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Search after him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the findhim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Festivals having a place in the old Calendar; 
Gruter, 138, 139.  in which we find Isid. Aavigium, not Lavatio, as Vrsinus reads it, but navigium, as it ought to be read; and in another Month Heurisis. 
V Macrob. Saturnal. l. 1. c. 21.  The whole had its Mythological Moral; for by Adonis, Osiris, and Thammuz, was meant the Sun, who when the Summer Solstice was past, moving backward toward the South, seemed to have deprived the Northern Hemisphere of his Presence, and Influences.  

L. 2. c. 4. l. 4. c. 14.  Julius Pollux says, that the Inhabitants of Phoenicia called Adonis, Gingras, probably from the name of a Pipe, made of the Bone of a Goose-leg, which they used in his Solemnity, which made a very melancholy, and sorrowful Music; and they had a Dance called by the same name in remembrance of the first Inventor of Husbandry, who died in the Summertime, as he was hunting, and who is honoured yearly with a mournful Song by the Farmers of the Country, (who at that time used to sow their Wheat and Barley in the Fields near the Cities, says the Scholiast on Therocritus) accompanied by as doleful Instrumental Music. The Custom still in use at Aleppo of frequenting the River at this Festival, I presume had its Original also in Egypt, where the Inhabitants paid a peculiar Veneration to the Waters of Nilus, as St. Athanasius, who was born there, affirms; and Lactantius adds, that they worshipped the River yearly, because there Isis begun her search of Osiris.  
That all this Pomp was older than the Jewish Captivity, the holy Writ avers; it lasted to the days of Plutarch, and the Astronomer Ptolomee, who mention it; (as do almost all the old Apologists for Christianity:) Julius Pollux enumerates the Ceremonies of the Mourning in the Reign of Commodus; and Lucian avers, that he saw one of those little Arks that brought the Letter from Alexandria floating into the Harbour, while he was at Byblus; the practice continued in Egypt, when Cyril was Patriarch there, about the year 440 after Christ, and in Phoenicia in the times of Procopius of Gaza, who lived above a 100 years after Cyril; and to this day is in use at Aleppo, as my honoured Friend informs me, and probably in some other Cities of that Country.  
I thought it necessary to make this Digression, which is not disagreeable to my Subject; and if the Reader (whom I earnestly desire to correct the Errata, before he gins the Book) find any advantage by the Undertaking, I shall not think my time ill employed.   

The CONTENTS of the several Chapters in the History.  

Chap. 1. THE Building of Tadmur by Solomon, Page 3.  
Chap. 2. The Situation, Product, and Inhabitants, p. 6.  
Chap. 3. The Commerce, and Riches of the City, p. 11.  
Chap. 4. The Civil Government of the City from Solmon 's time, p. 16.  
Chap. 5. The Religion, and Ecclesiastical Government, p. 19  
Chap. 6. It's several Fortunes from its Foundation to Alexander the Great, p. 24.  
Chap. 7. It's State under the Kings of Syria to Augustus, p. 26.  
Chap. 8. It's Condition from the Reign of Augustus to Hadrian, p. 28.  
Chap. 9 The State of the City under Hadrian, p. 33.  
Chap. 10. It's several Fortunes from Hadrian to Gallienus, p. 38.  
Chap. 11. The Life and Athievements of Odenathus, p. 42.  
Chap. 12. The State of the Roman Empire at that time, with a Continuation of the Acts of Odenathus, p. 47.  
Chap. 13. The Folly and Stupidity of Gallienus, with the Victory of Odenathus over the Persians, p. 53.  
Chap. 14. The Victory of Odenathus over Quietus and Balista, p. 60.  
Chap. 15. The Murder of Odenathus, the short Reign of Maeonius, with his Character, p. 66.  
Chap. 16. The Death of the Emperor Valerian, p. 70.  
Chap. 17. The Original, and Birth of Zenobia, p. 76.  
Chap. 18. Her Learning, Magnificence, and Virtues, p. 80.  
Chap. 19 The Religion of Zenobia, p. 85.  
Chap. 20. Her Courage and Bravery, p. 89.  
Chap. 21. Her illustrious Atchivements, Victory over Heraclian, and Conquest of Egypt, p. 94.  
Chap. 22. The Reign of Aurelian, the Battle of Imma, p. 100  
Chap. 23. The fatal Battle of Emesa, the Siege of Palmyra, p. 105.  
Chap. 24. Palmyra taken, Zenobia made a Prisoner, p. 111.  
Chap. 25. Zenobia 's Ministers slain, and among them Longinus, p. 115.  
Chap. 26. The Rebellion of the Palmyrenians, the City destroyed by Aurelian, p. 117.  
Chap. 27. The History of Firmius, Zenobia 's Confederate, p. 121.  
Chap. 28. The Account of Zenobia, till Aurelian 's triumph, p. 124.  
Chap. 29. The triumph of Aurelian over Zenobia and Tetricus, p. 127.  
Chap. 30. The History of Zenobia after the triumph till her Death, with an Account of her Family, p. 133.  
Chap. 31. The Murder of Aurelian, p. 136.  
Chap. 32. The State of Palmyra under Dioclesian, p. 140.  
Chap. 33. The History of Palmyra from the Reign of Honorius to Justinian, p. 150.  
Chap. 34. The State of Palmyra from Justinian to the present Age, p. 153.   

In the Appendix.  
THE Inscriptions, p. 163.  
Chap. 1. Of the names Tadmur and Palmyra, p. 175.  
Chap. 2. Of the names of the Inhabitants, p. 187.  
Chap. 3. Of the public Officers, p. 197.  
Chap. 4. Of their Idolatry and Superstition, p. 241.  
Chap. 5. An Account of Vaballathus, p. 272.  
Chap. 6. The History of Longinus, p. 287.  
Chap. 7. The Commentary on the Inscriptions, p. 295.    

 view of Palmyra 
A View of the Ruins of Palmyra alias Tadmor, taken on the Southern Side.    

THE HISTORY OF Palmyra.  
HISTORIES of Remote Countries, and Strange Revolutions, have been always entertained with Respect: And the pleasure of Seeing at so great a Distance, and Hearing of dismal Catastrophe's, wherein we have no other immediate share, but that of Wonder and Pity, is not to be reckoned among the meanest Satisfactions of a Wise Man's Life; since every Turn of Providence in a Foreign Nation, every new Scene of Prosperity or Adversity is a Lesson to the rest of the World: And the best Rules of Behaviour both for a public and private Capacity, are deducible from such remarkable Occurrences.  
And among all the great Revolutions that have called for the Astonishment and Commiseration of Mankind, the several Fortunes of Palmyra are not the least remarkable; a Country far distant from our Region, distinguished by Nature from the rest of the World by a separate Situation; and an Empire, that in the space of Ten Years overran all the East, baffled the Forces of the Persians, subdued Egypt, and made all Asia to the Hellespont tremble; But in a few Months afterward was stripped of all its Grandeur, and by degrees reduced to the lowest state of Poverty, as it is this day. Of this Country I intent to treat, of its Founder, and Antiquity; its Situation, and Plenty; its Government Ecclesiastical and Civil; and its several Fortunes and Conditions, as far as my Reading will assist me, till some more able Critic shall undertake the Task; and I shall begin with such an Account of the Place as the Ancients furnish us with.  

CHAP. I.  
WHen Solomon had finished his stupendious Temple at Jerusalem (which better deserved to be reckoned among the World's Wonders, than that at Ephesus,) and the Noble Palace which he built for himself, 
1 King. 9.10, 18. 2 Chron. 8.3, 4.  in the Twentieth Year of his Reign he made War against Hamath-Zobah, which had been subdued by David, but revolted; and having conquered it, he built Tadmor in the Wilderness, the Upper and Nether Bethhoron, Baalath, and all the Store-Cities, which he strongly fortified with Walls, and Gates, and Bars; they being his Frontier Towns, and the Limits of his vast Empire: 
2 Chron. 9.26.  For he reigned over all the Kings from the River (Euphrates) to the Land of the Philistines, and to the Border of Egypt. 
1 King. 4.24.  From Tiphsac even to Azzah: i. e. from Gaza to Thapsachus, which Was one of the Passes over the Euphrates.  
The Arabic Translator of 2 Chron. 8.3. implies, that Tadmor was a City before Solomon's time, and that he only re-edified it; that it was a Metropolis of old, as it was in the latter times, and had many Towns under its Jurisdiction: nor is it altogether improbable, those Parts of the World near the Place where the Ark rested after the Deluge ceased, being first peopled. The Arabic Historian 
* Verse Poc. p. 53.  Abulfarajus, says, That Solomon, in the Twenty fourth Year of his Reign, having destroyed the City of Antioch, built seven Cities in its stead, of which Tadmor was one. But the Fabulous Historian of Antioch, 
† Par. 1. p. 185. & Par. 2. p. 152.  John Matela, averrs, That the Foundations of Palmyra were laid in the same place in which David slew Goliath, and cut off his Head with his own Sword; and that King Solomon, in Memory of this great Victory, built a Noble City there, and, from the Fate of the Giant, called it Palmyra. While 
‖ Antiq. l. 8. c. 2.  Josephus thus informs us, That Solomon, after he had built Gazara, which Pharaoh, having taken it from the Philistines, gave to his Daughter, not far from it built two Cities, Betachora, and Baleth, with other Places, to which he might retire for his Pleasure, that he might enjoy a temperate Air, excellent Fruits, and pleasant Streams: From whence he passed into the Desert above Syria, and making himself Master of it, laid the Foundations of a great City (which 
* Hier. in Ezek. 47.  he beautified with extraordinary Buildings) two Days Journey from the Upper Syria, and one from Euphrates, but from Babylon six Days Journey. And the reason why he built this City so far from the inhabited Places of Syria, was, that in the Upper Parts there was no Water, but in that Place only there were Fountains and Wells (as it appears by the Peutinger Tables, that near it stood the Centum Putei.) 
(a) Concerning the Names Tadhmur, and Palmyra, consult the Appendix.  When therefore he had built the City, and fenced it with strong Walls, he named it Tadmor, as it is now called by the Syrians, while the Greeks call it Palmyra.   

CHAP. II.  
FRom its Founder and Name, I shall proceed to consider its Situation and Plenty. As to its Situation, from the Description that Josephus gives of it, it is plain, that, though it stood in a Desert Country, it was a very Fertile Spot of Ground, the Air being very moderate and healthy: For when 
* Epist. ad Porph.  Longinus invites his Friend Porphyry thither, he encourages him to undertake the Journey, upon two Accounts; first, That they might renew their old Friendship; secondly, That he might recover his broken Health, by the excellency of the Air of Palmyra.  

† Lib. 8. p. 205.  Ptolemy places it East from Alexanandria; (in the same Climate with Antioch, Seleucia, Hierapolis, Emesa, and other Cities of Alexandria, says the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicon,) 
Chron. Alex. p. 82.  in the Longit. of 71 deg. 30 min. and the Latit. of 34 deg. the Longest Day being there above 14 Hours.  
The first Inhabitants of Tadmur, I conjecture, were the Sons of Abraham by Keturah; for they are said to be sent by their Father into the East, Gen. 25.6. i e. into the East from Jerusalem, and the Land of Canaan, into the Deserts of Arabia, and the Countries bordering on the Euphrates, whose Inhabitants are called, in Holy Writ, The Children of the East; and were, for that reason also, called Saracens, that is, Orientals, or Easterlings, (as our most Learned Pocock affirms.) Now the Saracens are said by 
* Lib. 23. cap. ult.  Amm. Marcellinus, to be the Arabes Scenitae (though Pliny and Ptolemy distinguish them) to whom the Palmyrenians were conterminous, if not the same; and for this reason, I doubt not, but Odenathus, in all the latter Writers, is called the King of the Saracens; though Zenobia, in her Letter to Aurelian, distinguishes the Saracens from her Subjects, reckoning the Saracens among her Foreign Troops and Auxiliaries. In the Ecclesiaslick Notitia, it is accounted a part of Phoenicia Libanesia. And Porphyry, treating of Longinus' Inviting him to Palmyra, says, He undertook to persuade him to leave Sicily, and to travel into Phoenicia. Others make it a part of Arabia; but 'tis commonly reputed by Ptolemy, and others, a part of Syria, as Phoenicia is another part of that large Country: though Zenobia, in her Letter abovementioned, distinguishes the Palmyrenians from the Syrians, (as 
* L. 1. p. 40.  Zosimus also does.  
That it stood in a Wilderness, besides the Holy Writ, and Josephus, 
* Nat. Hist. tom. 1. l. 1. §. 21. p. 583. ad Paris  Pliny,.. who was Contemporary with the Jewish Historian, agrees, who thus describes it: Palmyra is a City eminent in its Situation, in the riches of its Soil, and its pleasant Streams, being surrounded on every side with a vast Desert of Sand: It seems to have been separated from the rest of the World, and did preseve its Liberty in a private Condition between the two Mighty Empires, the Roman and Parthian; and as soon as any War happens to break out, it is equally their care to engage it on their side, and in their Interest: It is distant from Seleucia on the Tigris 337 Miles; from the neighbouring Shore of Syria, or the Mediterranean, 203; and from Damascus 176. The same Author, in other places also, mentions the Solitudes of Palmyra; beyond which, on one hand, is Stelendena (a Country not so much as named by other Writers;) on the other side, they reached home to Emesa; and to the Westward, as far as Petra in Arabia Felix, from whence to the Persian Gulf, it was all Desert.  
It was distant from the Euphrates a Day's Journey, says 
* Vbi sup.  Josephus: Not far from that Noble River, says 
† Lib. 5. Bell. Civ. p. 676.  Appian, (for as soon as Marc. Antony threatened the Sack of the City, the Inhabitants immediately transported all their Goods beyond the River, the Banks of which they defended with their Archers, and so leaving the Town empty, baffled the Design, and deceived the Expectations of the Roman Troops,) but situate by a River that run by its Walls, whose Name Ptolemy either knew not, or omitted. But other Geographers call it Palmyra, 
Domin. Marius Niger, Maginus, etc.  affirming, that it had its Rise in the Palmyrene Mountains, ran through the Country, and at last emptied itself into the Euphrates, though now there are no footsteps of its course left: Nor is it a wonder, that a small River should be swallowed up in a long tract of Time, of such vast quantities of Sand.  
When Solomon built it, he gave it all the Advantages of Strength and Security that the Rules of Fortification in that Age allowed of; and it continued so as long as it was a Frontier Garrison, fenced with strong Walls, and an advantageous Situation; but better guarded by a brave Garrison, the Militia of Palmyra being esteemed very stout. Their Archers were excellent Marks-men, says 
* Vbi sup.  Appian, and their Horsemen well armed with heavy Armour, and very secure, (the Army of Zenobia, saith the Historian, consisting of Anchers, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 44.  and Horsemen armed Cap-a-pé,) who, notwithstanding the weight of their Arms, were much better Horsemen than the Romans; and such a 
‖ Zonar. tom. 2. p. 237.  Value did they set upon their Horses, that no greater Affront or Disgrace could be offered to a Palmyrenian, than to take his Horse from him. Nor did the Romans disdain their Assistance; for in their Militia with the Assyrians and Moors, the Inhabitants of Palmyrene and Osroene were mustered.   

CHAP. III.  
PALMTRA was the Metropolis of the Province, and gave it its Name, being a Place of great Antiquity, and great Trade; Rich, says Pliny, in the Fertility of its Soil, but much more so by its Commerce; for it had not only the Advantage of its own Commodities, but was the Thoroughfare of all the Merchants that lived beyond it toward the Mediterranean, who traded to Forath, and Charax, and other Ports on the Persian Gulf, if I rightly understand 
* Nat. Hist. l. 6. §. 32. p. 722.  Pliny, who says, that at Petra in Arabia the two Ways met, both of those who came through Palmyra (probably from Antioch, Seleucia in Pisidia, Laodicea, and other conterminous Places,) and of those also who came from Gaza, travelling towards the Gulf, it being impossible, but the Caravans, who made that their constant Road both to and from Persia, must help to enrich the Stages where they Baited.  
But this was not all its Happiness; its Inhabitants were great Merchants, says 
* Vbi sup.  Appian. And Marc. Antony thought the Plunder of this City a sufficient Recompense for all the Fatigues and Hardships which his Horse endured in that Country, during the Persian War, tho' he failed of his Attempt: They had formed themselves into a Company, under a Precedent and Governor of their own. (An East-India Trade cannot well be carried on by a single Person, though he were one of the Merchants of Tyre, who were Companions of Princes.) For I find in one of the Inscriptions, 
Pag. 99  that Septimius Orodes was honoured with an Illustrious Testimonial from 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word that appears in no Author, that I know of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Etym. M. p. 474.) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Id. ib.) Those Governors of the Affairs of Trade were called at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Etym. M. & Harpocrat. v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) Their Number, says Aristotle, was Ten: Their Business, to Oversee the Ports, and to take care of the Corn that was brought thither; for which purpose they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and it was reckoned among the most Honourable Benefactions, to build such a Granary. Philostrat. Vit. Polemon. Smyrnae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Precedents, or Chiefs of the Merchants. And I doubt not, but they carried the Manufactures, and other Commodities of Asia, down the Euphrates to Balsora, or perhaps no farther than Vologesia, 
Vid. Append.  and brought from Persia the Merchandizes of India and Arabia, and so furnished the Romans with Spices, and Silks, and other rich Goods: For though they are said to lie far from the Sea, and without the advantage of the River (which must be retracted, since it anciently had the assistance of a River, though it is since lost in the Sands,) yet it must be acknowledged, they were not far from the Euphrates, a Noble and Navigable River, and had the conveniency of their Camels and Dromedaries, by which sort of Carriage all the Riches of the East were formerly brought into Europe by Caravans, before the Cape of Good-Hope was discovered.  
But Palmyra had its own Product, Salt, with which the Inhabitants now drive a trade; and Dates, the Fruits of their Palm-Trees, which were not only great Delicacies at Rome, and elsewhere, 
Plut. Sympos. 8. qu. 4.  (for Nicolaus Damascenus thought the Dates of Syria a fit Present for Augustus, and Phoenicia hath its Name from its 
(a) The Country being called Palmifera, and the Palmtree placed commonly on the reverse of their Coins: For which reason, I believe, that the Tree in the Palmyrene Marble, that stands between Alaghelus and Malachbelus, is not a Pine, as Gruter and Monsieur Spon affirm, but a Palmtree ill graved.  Palm-Trees, but was of the same Use to the asiatics, that the Cocoa is to the Indians, if we may believe 
* Lib. 16. p. 746.  Strabo, who affirms, that the Country about Euphrates produces great quantities of Barley, but that the want of all other things was supplied by their Palm-Trees; that that single Tree afforded the Inhabitants both Wine and Vinegar, Honey and Meal; and out of it they wove their clothes: The Shells serve the Smiths for Fire; and when you have soaked the Shells in Water, you may feed your Cattle, your Oxen and Sheep with them: And 'tis reported, that there is a Persic Poem, which enumerates Three hundred and sixty Uses (one for every Day of the old Year) of the Palmtree. 
† Id. p. 778.  In some Places of Arabia they are perfumed: And those in 
‖ Plut. ubi sup.  Syria, as they are most Beautiful to the Eye, so they are of a most delicious Taste to the Palate.  
And the Ruins of its pompous Buildings yet standing, erected before it became the Seat of the Eastern Empire, are a further and undeniable Demonstration, that, notwithstanding its unhappy Situation in the Confines of two such Potent and Contentious Neighbours, as the Romans and the Parthians, it was once a very Flourishing and Wealthy Place, though now it looks like the Residence of Beggary and Famine.   

CHAP. IU.  
THE Government of Palmyra comes next to be considered, both in Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs. And first, in Civil Affairs.  
As long as it was in the hands of Solomon, I question not but it was governed, as the rest of his Provinces were, by such Lieutenants as himself appointed (the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whom 
* Ant. l. 8. c. 2.  Josephus mentions) under Rehoboam, I take it for granted, it revolted with the rest of Syria, when Rezin became King of Damascus: but whether it submitted to the Power of Rezin, or formed itself into a Commonwealth, as it was afterwards, or what its Government was till the days of Augustus, we have no Records. In his time, probably, it was governed by a Prince, or Toparch; almost every Town in Parthia, and the neighbouring Syria, upon the Death of Julius Caesar, or rather after the fatal Overthrow of Crassus, 
Appian l. 5. Bell. Civil. p. 671.  being seized upon by some Tyrant, the Parthians supporting porting them in their Usurpations, having been invited by those Roytelets to their Assistance. But supposing that it had fallen under one of those petty Princes, in Pliny's time it recovered its old Form of Government; for he affirms, that in his days Palmyra was (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sui Juris) neither subject to the Romans, nor the Parthians, as F. Harduin well interprets the words (privatâ sort) of the Natural Historian. And 
* Vopisc Aurel,  Aurelian, in his Letter to Zenobia, when he requires her to surrender herself, promises, that the Inhabitants of the Country should be governed by their own Laws. And of this the Inscriptions are an unquestionable Evidence, wherein 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Senate and People of Palmyra are frequently said to have erected Monuments to those Illustrious Persons who had deserved well of the Republic. And Septimius Odaenathus, and Septimius Aeranes his Son, are said to be Men of the Senatorian Dignity; and Rupilius Orodes, both a Senator, and of the Council of State.  
In the Reign of Antoninus Caracalla it was a Roman Colony, as appears by the Coins: But under Odaenathus and his Sons it became the Seat of the Oriental Empire, conquered all Egypt, and forced a great part of the Roman Empire to acknowledge its Jurisdiction, being possessed of all the East as far as Ancyra, and in a fair way to possess all Bythynia, as far as Chalcedon, had not the Natives taken Arms in behalf of Aurelian: But it is now under an Arab Prince, Nominated by, and Tributary to the Ottoman Port.   

CHAP. V.  
THE Religion of Palmyra, when it was subject to King Solomon, was, I question not, Jewish; but how long they retained Circumcision among them, after God in his just Judgement had confined Rehoboam's Kingdom to narrower Limits, I know not: This is very plain, that very many of the Proper Names of the Inhabitants in after Ages are Jewish, and Zenobia herself (who by her Name appears to have been a Syrian, and probably of Tadhmur, for there her Father lived when she lost her Empire, though she derived herself Originally from Cleopatra Queen of Egypt) was a Jewess. And 'tis not altogether unlikely, that Longinus, in Complaisance to the Religion of his Mistress, in his admirable Treatise of the Sublime, speaks so honourably of Moses and his Writings: And if we may credit Benjamin Tudelensis, even in his time there were Two thousand professed Jews Inhabitants of that City. In process of time, I doubt not but they blended the Jewish Rites with those of the Gentiles, (as the new Inhabitants of Samaria did, after the Natives had been transported by Shalmanezer,) till at last Paganism prevailed.  
After Christianity was planted in the World, and St. Thaddeus had preached the Gospel by our Blessed Saviour's own Order at Edessa; I believe, that Holy Religion soon spread itself into the Neighbourhood, even to Tadhmur, tho' Paganism was not quite dispossessed; as appears by the Inscriptions to their Country Gods, Alagbelus, and M. Malachbelus, Jaribolus, Venus Aphacitis, and others, who all had at Palmyra their Temples, Priests, and Services. It was very early an Episcopal See, if not an Archiepiscopal, because it was the Metropolis of a Country: but in the Subscriptions of the ancient Councils, or the Notitiae of the Church, we have very little or no mention of its Prelates. Marinus, Bishop of Palmyra, is said to have subscribed the Canons of the First General Council at Niece; and in the Sixth Act of that at Chalcedon, John Bishop of Palmyra being absent, made his Subscription by the Hand of the Archbishop of Damascus; At which time (as from its being ruined by Aurelian), it held the rank of a poor Bishopric, and was under the Metropolitan of Damascus: But in the Notitia collected by Leo the Wise, Edessa is the Metropolis of Phoenicia Libanesia, in the Patriarchate of Antioch, whose Suffragans were the Bishops of Laodicea, Palmyra, etc. by which it appears, that in Leo's time, Ann. Dom. 900. it was still a Bishopric; and when it lost that Honour, I cannot determine.  
In the Roman Martyrology of Baronius, on the 15th of June is celebrated the Memory of the Saints Lybia and Leonis, who were Sisters; and of Eutropia, a Girl of Twelve Years old, all of Palmyra, who by divers Torments obtained the Crown of Martyrdom. It is true, there is no mention of these Brave Women in the Old Roman Martyrology, as Rosweyd accounts it, nor in Ado of Vienna, but the Acts of St. Febronia, who suffered under Dioclesian at Sibapolis (perhaps Scythopolis, 
V Mart. Jun. 25.  or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in Syria, mention them, as Persons who suffered in the same cruel Persecution. It is plain, from the Inscriptions found at Tadhmur, that Dioclesian had been in that Country; and from the Church-Historians, that he raised a violent Persecution in Syria: And that which gave Rise to it, was in all likelihood that which Eusebius observes, that, a little while after the Christians of Nicodemia had felt the Fury of the Emperor, several Confederacies were formed in Melitene, and other Parts of Syria, to seize the Empire, and to dethrone Dioclesian. Now, in every Insurrection or Tumult, the Christians were sure to suffer, as the Authors of Sedition, though they were the most Peaceable and Loyal Men in the World, both by Principle and Practice.  
Thus Christianity subsisted in those days of Persecution, when the Number of Martyrs increased the Number of Confessors: But than Peace and Plenty were, by the Bounty of the Great Constantine and his Successors made the Church's Patrimony. I question not but the Followers of our Blessed Saviour, at Palmyra, had their share of the Prosperity which their Brethren enjoyed; till the Viciousness of the Christian Morals, and the execrable Opinions and Heresies that debauched the Faith of the Orientals, subjected those once Famous Churches to the Mahometan Yoke: For as soon as Syria submitted to the Power, and acknowledged the Dominion of the Successors of that False Prophet, I presume, Palmyra was by degrees reduced to the mean Condition in which it now is; for perhaps, no one City hath run so many risks of different Fortune, as Palmyra, though it hath hitherto preserved its ancient Name and Situation; while, of Ctesiphon and Persepolis, Niniveh and Babylon, with many other Cities in that part of Asia, it may be averred, what the Psalmist says of Sodom, and the other Cities which God destroyed, their Memorial is perished with them.   

CHAP. VI  
IT is a very difficult Task, to give a just and clear Account of the several Fates of Ancient Kingdoms and Governments, especially when Nature hath seemed to please itself, by placing them in a remote Situation, and at a distance both of Place and Communication from other Nations: And this is the case of Tadhmur, which was repaired, if not built by Solomon, a Great, a Wise, and a Victorious Prince, who beautified it with whatever might afford it Strength and Ornament; lost, I take it for granted, in a little time after, under his Son Rehoboam, when, through his Folly, and God's just Judgement, the greatest part of his Territories revolted from him. I conjecture, that as long as the Kingdom of Damascus kept up its Grandeur, so long Palmyra was in Peace, either under those Kings, or under the Conduct of its own Senate: 
2 King. 23.29.  But when Pharaoh Necoh went up against the King of Assyria to the River Euphrates, and made himself Master of all Syria, I doubt not but it was for a while subject to him, till Nabuchadnezzar conquered all those Country's home to the Gates of Pelusium, now Damiata. The 
* Jo. Males. par. 2. pag. 152.  Fabulous Historian of Antioch would have the World believe, that when Nabuchadnezzar intended to Besiege Jerusalem, it was in the hands of the Jews, who had Manned it with a very stout Garrison; and that Victorious Prince, not thinking fit to leave a Place so well fortified behind him, sat down before it; and when he had taken it, burned it, and then besieged and took Jerusalem.  
After this, it continued tributary to the Princes of the Babylonish and Persian Empires, though perhaps governed by a Senate of its own Citizens; and in the same State it remained under the Successors of the Great Alexander (the Kings of Syria) being united by Seleucus, I doubt not, to the rest of his Territories; whence, in like manner, as the other Cities under his Government, it received the Use of the Syrian Epocha, the Aera Antiochena, Dhilcarnain, or Seleucidarum, and the Names of the Macedonian Months, which the Inscriptions undeniably prove.   

CHAP. VII.  
SYRIA (says 
* Bell. Civ. l. 5. p. 676.  Appian) was governed by the Posterity of Selencus Nicator, to the days of Antiochus Pius, and his Son: but when Pompey the Great conquered it, and made it a Province, it was governed by a Roman Precedent: The first who bore that Office, was Scaurus; and after him, though not immediately, Gabinius. Gabinius was succeeded by Crassus, who being slain by the Parthians left his Government to Bibulus. But whether, in all this space of time, while the Roman Eagle hovered over the East, Palmyra was a Sharer in in the Common Calamity, and felt the Talons of that Bird of Prey, we have no Accounts.  
After the Death of Julius Caesar, every City submitted to a Prince of their own; the Parthians affording them their Assistance, having, upon the Invitation of those Tyrants, penetrated Syria. This incensed Marc Antony, who expelled the Usurpers, exacted heavy Taxes from other Cities, and attempted Palmyra. For when Cleopatra, who waited on him in Cilicia, was returned home, Antony, who had given himself up to her Embraces, and, to the loss of his Honour, obeyed all her Dictates, commanded his Horse to Plunder Palmyra, upon the light and trifling pretext, that by reason of their Situation in the Confines of the Romans and Parthians, the Palmyrenians were firm to neither Interest, but minded their own Profit, and, the Increase of their Trade and Merchandise; but in truth, that he might pay his Soldiers with the Spoils of that wealthy City.  
The Inhabitants of Palmyra being ware of the Invasion, carried all their rich Movables to the other side of the River, the Banks of which they lined with their Archers. Upon which, Antony's Troops finding the City empty of Inhabitants, and of the Riches they so eagerly coveted, having lost their labour, returned to their Camp. This Invasion occasioned the next Parthian War, many of the petty Princes of Syria flying for Shelter to the Parthians, while Marc Antony, having been so scandalously foiled, stayed no longer in Syria to settle Affairs, and quiet Disturbances, but hastened into Egypt to attend Cleopatra, to whom he had entirely devoted himself and his Fortunes.   

CHAP. VIII.  
IN this state of Freedom, Ease and Plenty, it continued under Augustus; and the succeeding Emperors governed by their own Officers and Laws, as Pliny expressly averrs, till the Reign of Trajan, when, I conjecture, it fell into the same Common Calamity with Edessa, Nisibis, 
Dio Cass. Traj.  and other Frontier Towns of the East (whose fate it is commonly to be harassed on both sides;) for Trajan having, in his Sixth Consulate, declared War against the Armenians and Parthians, upon the pretext, That the King of Armenia had received his Crown from the King of Persia, whereas he ought to have taken it from the hands of the Roman Emperor; but in truth, stimulated by his desire of Vainglory, made an Expedition into the East, reduced Armenia, and settled the Government of that Country; took Nisibis and Batnae, and was honoured by the Senate with the Name of Parthicus, added to his other Titles. After which, he wintered at Antioch, where he, by an extraordinary Providence, and with much difficulty, escaped perishing in that great Earthquake which had almost ruind that Noble City. After this, he returned into the East, past the Euphrates, subdued all Adiabene, Arbela, and Gaugamela, and came to Babylon; the Parthians being unable to oppose him, having been much weakened by their Civil Dissensions. Then he passed the Tigris, and went to Ctesiphon, and thence pursued his Conquests to the Ocean, where he declared, That if he had been as young as Alexander, he would have followed the Example of that Illustrious Prince, and have sailed into India. But while he was thus amusing himself with his vain Ambitious Thoughts, the Provinces which he had subdued revolted, and seized and murdered the Roman Garrisons. Whereupon, Trajan commanded Lusius and Maximus to chastise the Rebels, and to reduce the Cities to Terms of Duty and Obedience. In this Expedition Maximus was slain in Battle; but Lusius recovered Nisibis, took Edessa, as he did also Seleucia, and other Places, by his Lieutenant-Generals: Whereupon, to prevent their future Revolt, Trajan gave the Parthians a King, and settled the Estate of the East (as 
* In Aurelian.  Vopiscus calls that Country, because, in respect of Rome, the Sun seemed to rise in Parthia,) and this the Coins confirm, which mention the reducing of Armenia and Mesopotamia under the Power and Jurisdiction of the Romans in this Emperor's Reign.  
At this time, 'tis probable, Palmyra was much ruined; for otherwise it would not have wanted the favourable Assistance of Trajan's Successor, who may be justly reckoned their Second Founder. Hadrian was a magnificent Prince, and a great Builder (and for that reason called the Wall-Flower, a great number of eminent Edifices owing their Being and Beauty to his Liberality:) He it was who built the Fora at Nicodemia and Nice, 
Chron. Alex. p. 598.  the Four Highways, and that part of the Wall that looks toward Bythinia: At Cyzicum he built the Temple, and floared it with Marble: And in many other Places he either erected New, or repaired the Old Buildings, both Sacred and Civil. And in almost every City of his vast Empire, he left some Marks of his Magnificence. 
* Hadrian.  Dio Cassius affirming, that he generously assisted all the Towns that were subject to his Empire, or confederate with it, of which he visited more than any of his Predecessors, a great part of his Reign being employed in more than one Progress through those spacious Territories: some Cities he adorned with Aqueducts, others with safe Ports; upon some he bestowed a Donative of Corn, or Public Buildings; upon others, Money or Privileges. 
† Jo. Malel. par. 1. pag. 363, 364.  At Antioch he repaired what had been destroyed by that terrible and furious Earthquake that in Trajan's time had almost buried that noble City in its own Ruins; as he did the Temple at Cyzicum, which in his own Reign had been destroyed by another Earthquake, and made it one of the World's Wonders for Architecture and Beauty, bestowing great Privileges upon the poor undone Inhabitants, which was the noblest Charity: He also re-erected the Colossus at Rhodes, which had been many years before thrown down by an Earthquake. Above all, he was a great Benefactor to the City of Athens, toward which he always expressed a peculiar Regard; as in Requital, they called him, while alive, Adrianus Olympius in their Coins and Inscriptions; as he was in several other Cities, after his death, Deified, especially in Syria; for to speak the Truth, and to be doing Good, were, in the esteem even of the Heathen World, most Godlike Qualities.   

CHAP. IX.  
BUT the Liberality of this Munificent Emperor was not confined to Greece, or the adjacent Parts of Asia; the remoter Cities of Syria, who had suffered so deeply during the War which Trajan made in the East, were not excluded from their share in his Bounty: For he had been a 
* Sparta. Hadr.  Lieutenant-General in that Expedition, and had seen the dismal Effects of War, and Military Rage and Rapine; and upon the Death of Trajan, had made a Peace with the Parthians (envious of the Glory of his Predecessor, says Sextus Rufus, very maliciously,) having removed the King, whom Trajan had set over them, and withdrawn the Roman Armies out of all the Countries beyond the Euphrates; and because he was not ambitious to have his Name inscribed on all his Public Buildings, as it was customary, he gave it to the Cities which he new built or beautified, among whom we must reckon Palmyra, 
† Steph. de urb.  which, after he had repaired its Ruins, he called Hadrianople; and (with the leave of Father Harduin, perhaps the Coin in the King of France's Treasury, and in Monsieur Patin, p. 203. with this Incription, ΑΔΡΙΑΝ— ΜΗΤΡΟΡΟΛΙϹ) may be ascribed not to Hadrianople in Thrace, nor that other City in Cyrenaica of the same Name, but to Palmyra, which was a Mother-City, as appears by the 
* Pag. 99  Inscriptions, and by Ptolemy, who not only reckons it among the Metropoles of Coelesyria, but makes it the Capital of the Province of Palmyrene, which had its Denomination from it. And it is not unfitly represented by a Woman sitting on a Hill: For Tadmor is enclosed on three sides with long ridges of Mountains, the Castle being built on one of them, which commands the Entrance into the City: And to this City I would ascribe the Coin of Caracalla, in Monsieur Patin, p. 302. with the Figure of an Archer almost Naked on the reverse, his Thin Habit implying the Heats; and his Arms, the Militia of his Country; the Sagittarii of Palmyrene being Famous in History.  
This City, I doubt not, but Adrian visited, when, in the Sixth Year of his Empire, he made his Progress into the East, and received the Homage of all the Kings and Toparches, whose Territories lay in those Parts. And this his Expedition, I understand to be meant in the Inscriptions. In which Expedition, 
Pag. 105.  Malech Agrippa, the Son of Jaraius, was the second time the Secretary of the City; and when that Prince happened to draw near his end, and the Palmyrenians were in fear of losing their Patron, their Neighbours of the City Tieve, three Days Journey from Tadmor towards the Euphrates (probably the Oriza of Ptolemy, as the Learned Mr. Halley conjectures) and a City of Paelmyrene, as Ptolemy reckons it, made their Vows for his Recovery, (as appears by the Inscription:) 
Pag. 109.  For in the Last Year, the Nineteenth of his Reign, (not the Seventh, as the Aera of Seleucidae is mistaken in the First Account,) Agathangelus of Abila, 
Vid. Append.  the Decapolitan, built an Arch, or Cupola, in the Temple of Jupiter, and erected a Bed of State (or Pulvinar, usually dedicated to the Heathen Deities) to Jupiter the Thunderer, for the Health of the Emperor Adrian his Lord; who languished a long time before he died, 
Sparta. Hadr.  and suffered such Agonies of Pain, that he would fain have persuaded his Servant, who attended him, to have run him through; and when that Persuasive would not prevail, would either have stabbed or poisoned himself. So difficult was it for this Great Emperor to breathe his last.  
But when Aurelius Antoninus had prevailed with the Senate to have him Deified, and appointed him the Honours properly given to the Gods, with a College of Priests, and Attendants to do the Service of the Temples erected to him at Puteoli, and elsewhere, (which Societies continued to the Reign of 
† Gruter. CCCCVII. 1, 2. CIOIX. 9  Septimius Severus at Rome; but how long in the Cities of the East, I know not,) and had instituted Public Games in his Name, (from which Gratitude to his Patron, the Historian says. Aurelius had the Name of Pius given him.)  
The Cities of the East, in Imitation of Italy, had their Sodales Hadrianales also (and Temples, questionless, erected to his Memory) of which Samosata is an undemiable Instance, where L. 
Grut. ubi sup.  Fabius M. F. Gal. Cilo, Praefect of the City, was a Fellow of the College of Priests deputed to the Service of the Deified Emperor Adrian; particularly Palmyra, who gratefully commemorated her Second Founder allowed of his Consecration, built him a Temple, and devoted some of her Inhabitants to the Service thereof, as appears by the Inscription in Gruter; 
Vid. Append.  and by another among those lately published, where he is called Adrian the God; and I am apt to believe, that the little Temple mentioned in the Journal, 
Pag. 104, 105.  was erected to his Memory, as well as to Jupiter. 
Such Societies were erected in most Cities of the Empire, to one or other of their deceased, but deified Princes, called Collegia Sacerdot alia by Lampridius, in the Life of Commodus, p. 50. and they had, according to their Rank and Dignity, their several Vexilla, or Banners, to distinguish them, called Vexilla Collegiorum, & Signa Templorum, by Trebellius Pollio, in the Life of Gallienus, p. 178. For as the Heathen Mock-Deities had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so their Emperors, when advanced to that Honour, had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with all the Pomp and Ceremony that accompanied the Service of their Gods. (Vid. Gruter.)    

CHAP. X.  
THE City having been repaired, we may justly suppose, that by the Advantages of its Situation and Trade, and the continuance of a long Peace with the Parthians, not often interrupted, (except in the War which Septimius Severus made against them, when he took both Ctesiphon and Babylon, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 4.  and reduced all Arabia, having maucht through that Arabia where the Scenitae pitched their Tents, in which Country Tadmur lay,) it arrived to its ancient Glory, when the Emperor Antoninus Caracalla honoured it with the Privileges of a 
* Ulpian. l. 1. de Censib.  Roman Colony Juris Italici (for there was a difference between Colonies, all were not Juris Italici, as Palmyra was,) Colonia Palmyra it is styled in the 
† Goltz. Thes. pag. 151.  Coins of that Emperor, a Metropolis and a Colony, in the Inscriptions; probably in Honour of his Mother, whom he afterward made his Wife, Julia Domna, who was of this Country; but whether of Emisa (as several Authors affirm) or Palnoyra, or some third City, I am not certain: A Native of Syria we know she was, for so says 
* Spartian. Septim. p. 65.  Spartianus; and Oppian her Contemporary, calls her, the 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Oppian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 4.   Assurian Venus, and a Moon that was never Eclipsed, or in her Wain. The same Poet, in the same place, mentioning the Destruction of the Parthians, and the Taking of Ctesiphon (as the Coins do mention the 
† Mezob. p. 295.  Victoria Parthica of that Prince) as do also the Historians; in which Expedition, I doubt not but the Palmyrenians, in Gratitude, Declared for his Interest.  
This Honour and Privilege of a Roman Colony, Palmyra kept, in the Reign of Alexander Severus (for under him, the great Lawyer Ulpian flourished) and assisted him with their Forces in his Expedition into the East, in the Fisth Year of his Reign, (of which Undertaking. 
‖ Vit. Al. Severi. pag. 131, 133, 134.  Lampridius gives so august a Character; though Herodian upon this, as upon all other occasions, lessons, and would obscure the Achievements of that excellent Prince. In this Expedition, 
* Journal, p. 97.  Aurelius Zenobius being, as I conjecture, the Commander of the Forces of the Republic of Palmyra, attended, and was an unwearied Assistant to Rutilius Crispinus, the Roman General, 
Vid. Append.  and discharged the Offices of a Man of Conduct and Courage against the Persians, and deserved the most ample Testimonials of his Bravery and Prudence.  
But Palmyra never arrived to such an illustrious pitch of Glory, as it did under Odenathus and his Sons, who established it the Seat of the Eastern Empire, and beautified and strengthened it accordingly; and for a few Years it afforded as remarkable Transactions of War and State, as any other part of the World can boast of, in so short a space of Time: And therefore I shall give myself the liberty to treat more largely of these Affairs, and to deduce the Series of the History of the Imperial Family of Palmyra, as far as the Ancients afford us light, and shall leave the judicious Reader to his choice, what Memoirs he will give most credit to,   coinage  coin 
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having taken care in every Paragraph to produce my Vouchers; while I bemoan hearty the loss of Vranius his (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Arabic History, in the Second of which Books he treated of Palmyra; as also of Domninus of Antioch, whom Malela commonly follows; and of Philostratus of Athens, the Historiographer, who lived under Aurelian, and wrote the Transactions of his own Time: but particularly I regret the want of that Oration which Longinus made in Praise of Odenathus, and called by his Name, of which Libanius makes mention in his Epistles, which would questionless have given a more ample History of that Illustrious Prince, than all the jejune Narratives of the Roman Historians. But since we must follow the Light that is given us, I shall first begin with Odenathus, then treat of Zenobia, and their Children.   

CHAP. XI.  
ODENATHUS (says 
* Lib. 7. cap. 22.  Orosius) was a Man of mean Birth and Original, (Odenathus Quidam, as he styles him:) A Man of Palmyra (says 
† Vbi Infr.  Zonara's:) Of no Reputation, and unknown (says 
‖ Lib. 4.134.  Agathias,) till he made his Name Famous by his Conquests over the Persians, and other eminent Achievements, which give him an extraordinary Character in the ancient Historians. 
* Breviar.  Sextus Rufus says, that he was a Decurio of Palmyra; which being a word of large signification, may in that Author, I think, be rendered a Procurator, or Senator: And so he is styled in the 
† Pag. 88 Ibid. P. 99  Inscriptions, if he be the same Person, Septimius Odethus, the Most Illustrious Senator, the Son of Airanes Nephew of Vaballathus; of which Order also his Son Septimius Airanes was. And 
‖ L. 1. p. 36.  Zosimus says expressly, that his Ancestors were Men of Honour and Condition, having been in past Ages ennobled by the neighbouring Kings. 
* Pag. 382.  Georgius Syncellus calls him a great Soldier, and probably he was the General of the Forces of the Commonwealth of Palmyra: A Prince (says 
* Pag. 192.  Pollio) accomplished in the Art Military, and from his Youth a great Hunter, (Hunting being in those days, according to the most ancient Practice, the Recreation and Exercise of the most Eminent Persons, a Sport that bred them to great Hardiness and Resolution, and much Experience in War,) he bestowed his leisure hours in destroying Lions, Leopards, Bears, and other Beasts of Prey, inuring himself to bear the Fatigues of Labour, to endure the Hardships of Heat, and Showers, and the other Toils incident to a Woodman's Life; and by these Methods brought himself to a Habit of enduring the scorching Beams of the Sun, and the annoyance of the Dust, in his Wars with the Persians.  
The later Greeks frequently style him the King of the Saracens, of the Barbarous Saracens, as if he had been a Phylarchus of some part of Arabia: 
† Lib. 23. cap. ult.  Ammianus averring, that those who were anciently called Arabes Scenitae, were afterwards called Saracens, (but herein he differs from both Pliny and Ptolemy:) A Name (says Scaliger) never used by any Author before Ptolemy; whereas Pliny, who lived at least fifty Years before that excellent Astronomer, expressly mentions them. Now the Saracens, over whom Odenathus and Zenobia reigned, had been of old, says Procopius Confederate with the Romans.  
And as the Quality of this Mighty Prince hath been mistaken, so have his Actions been wrongfully represented: Orosius affirming, that he formed an Army of the Boors of Syria, and with those Rustics overcame the Persians; and so says Sextus Rufus. But they confound two Stories, if we may credit 
* Par. 1. p. 391, etc.  Malela; for he affirms, that when Sapores had overrun all Syria, and had taken, plundered and burnt Antioch (which happened in the 314th. Year of the Aera Antiochena, the 12th. of the Reigns of Valerian and Gallienus,) he afterward ravaged all the East to Emesa, a City of Phoenicia Libanesia, carrying with him, whither soever he went, Fire and Sword, and all the Instruments of Cruelty: but when he came to Emesa, Sampsigeramus the Priest of Venus, having collected a hasty Army of the Countrymen of that Province, placed himself in the Head of them in his Priestly Habit; which created him Respect from all who saw him, particularly from the King of Persia, to whom he said he was sent an Empassador: Upon which, while the King was discoursing him, one of the Boors threw a Stone from his Sling, and hitting Sapores in the Forehead, slew him; whereupon the Army believing that the Romans were falling on their Camp, left all their Booty, and fled, Sampsigeramus pursuing them; and that while the scattered Persians were making their escape, Enathus a Confederate of the Romans, the King of the Barbarous Saracens, and Lord of that part of Arabia, met them upon the Borders, and destroyed the remainders of that scattered Army, as Domninus the Chronologer of Antioch affirms, to whom Malela gives credit; while Philostratus the Historian (as the same Malela confesses) who lived a Contemporary with those Princes, gives a different Account; That after Sapores had made such great Devastations in Syria, had ravaged Cilicia and burned all her eminent Cities, (Domninus says, the King went not in Person, but sent Spates his General with an Army to commit those Outrages,) as he was returning through Cappadocia into Persia, Enathus the King of the Saracens came forth to meet him, and pay the Respects of a Confederate, and at length slew him. But to set the History in its true Light, it will be requisite to take a short View of the State of the Empire at that time.   

CHAP. XII.  
THE Roman Interest in the East having been sinking for some years after the Death of Gordianus, under his Successor Philip, who was also his Murderer, as also under Decius, Gallus, and Aemilianus; Valerian, and his Son Gallienus, were chosen to wear the Purple; the Persians in the mean time ravaging the East, as the Scythians overran and pillaged the rest of the Empire.  
This Devastation continued for some years, till at last Valerian marched against the Scythians, who had taken Chalcedon, burned the City of Nice, and pillaged and set fire to the famous Temple of Diana at Ephesus; and after that, he attempted to drive the Persians out of their New Conquests, Anno Christi, 260, but very unfortunately; for having engaged his Troops in those vast Deserts, where the Rays of the Sun were very fervent, and few places afforded Water sufficient for an Army, and Forage and Provisions must be brought from a great distance, Valerian sent Ambassadors to Sapores, 
Eclogae Legat. Petii Patricii, p. 29.  loaden with Gold, to buy a Peace: But the cruel and crafty Monarch knowing the necessitous Condition of the Roman Army, and being incensed, that Valerian, in his Letters, had not treated him with all the Pompous Titles which the Persians Kings used to assume to themselves, detained the Ambassadors for a while in Prison, till he had gotten all his Forces in a readiness to March, and then dismissed them, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 32.  with this Answer, That if Valerian would give him a Meeting, they would agree upon Articles among themselves, that should be for the Common Good of both Empires. To this Meeting, Valerian, pressed by the Necessity of his Affairs, very imprudently assented: but as he was pursuing his Journey, accompanied only with a few Attendants, he was seized on by the Persian Soldiers, and made a Prisoner; Sapores using him with all rigour and contempt, setting his Foot on his Neck every time he mounted his Horse, till after some years he flayed him, and so put an end to his miserable Life.  
In this Expedition, Odenathus, (who, during the Reigns of Decius, Trebonianus, Gallus, and Volusianus, while the Persians had seized and pillaged Mesopotamia, Syria, and the adjacent Provinces, had probably joined himself to to the Conquering Party, and acknowledged the Jurisdiction of the Persians, not being able, alone, and unassisted, to oppose so great a Power,) seeing the Roman Emperor engaged in Person in the Head of a puissant Army for the recovery of the East, and knowing that his Ancestors had received many signal Favours from the Emperors, Predecessors to Valerian, was easily persuaded to declare for the Roman Interest. But when Valerian was taken Captive, Odenathus bethought himself, and endeavoured to make his Peace, having found the Persian Monarch so much Superior to the Roman. Whereupon, being convinced of the necessity he was under to smooth the Mind of that haughty Prince, he formed an Embassy, loaded several Camels with most noble Presents, especially of such things which Persia did not produce, and sent them to Sapores with the most submissive Letters, affirming, That in the whole War he had not been an Enemy to that Great King. But the proud Persian commanded his Servants to throw the Presents into the River, and tearing the Letters, he trampled them under his Feet, expressing himself in an angry Tone to this purpose, Who is this insolent Man, and from whence, that he dares write his Letters to his Liege Lord and Sovereign? If he intends to alleviate his Punishment, let him come hither with his Hands tied behind his Back, fall at my Feet, and beg my Pardon; but if he refuses, let him know, that I will destroy him and his Family, and ruin his Country.  
What effect this sharp Answer had upon the Prince of Palmyra, we want Information; but I doubt not, he dissembled his Resentment, made the best Terms he could for himself, and waited an Opportunity to revenge the Injury; which, in a few years offered itself, when Gallienus gave him his Commission to insult the Persians.  
To support the Opinion, That Odenathus was was an Ally, if not a Subject of the Persians, before Valerian attempted the recovery of the East out of their hands, Trebellius Pollio affirms, That when Cyriades pretended to the Empire, he robbed his Father of a vast Sum of Silver and Gold, and with it fled to the Persians; and having insinuated himself into the Affections of Sapores, and entered into a Confederacy with him, incited him to make War upon the Romans, after he had engaged Odenathus in the same Design; that he took Antioch and Caesarea, and made himself, either by downright Force, or the Terror of his Arms, Lord of the East; whereupon he assumed the Title of Augustus: But when Valerian came into the East, he was slain by his Soldiers. This Alliance he made with the King of Persia (says 
* Tom. 3. pag. 25.  Tristan) in the First or Second Year of Valerian, in the Fourth (says Mezzobarba,) and he reigned at least two years, say the 
† Goltz. Thesaur. p. 72.  Coins. But Salmasius will not allow, that Odenathus was concerned in this Attempt upon Syria; but Odomastes (perhaps Oromastes) whom he supposes a General, or a Tributary Prince to the Persian; though it is not altogether improbable, but the Prince of Palmyra might be engaged in this Design, not only because in League with the Persian, but also, because being an Ambitious, Politic and Warlike Prince, he was willing to enlarge his Limits, and to take the Advantage of the distracted Estate of the Roman Empire at that time, to make Additions to his own Territories. But when Valerian was marching into the East, and Cyriades was slain, than he bethought himself, and in good time changed his Party, and declared for the Romans: Which enraged Sapores, and gave occasion to him to upbraid Odenathus, when Valerian was made Prisoner, with his Apostasy from his Duty.   

CHAP. XIII.  
THE Wings of the Roman Eagle having been thus deplumed, and the Glory of the Empire eclipsed, while Valerian wore the Chains, and daily suffered the Insolences of the King of Persia, it might have been with Justice expected that Gallienus should have exerted his utmost Powers to release his Father, and set his Country and Subjects free. But instead of applying himself to such becoming Undertake, which would have given new Life to his People, and new Laurels to himself, (who had in the beginning of his Reign behaved himself like a Man of Courage and Conduct,) he gave himself up to all manner of Voluptuousness, and permitted the Commonwealth to be shipwrackt, inasmuch as he not only neglected to make an attempt for his Father's Release, (while, by the Barbarians, the neighbouring Princes, who were Confederate with the Persians, Sapores was solicited with all earnestness to set him at liberty, and to make a 
* Aurel. Victor. Caess. p. 155.  Peace, of which the Letters still extant in Trebellius Pollio are an undeniable Demonstration; while also the Bactrians, Iberians, Albanians, and Tauroscythae, wrote to the Roman Generals, promising their Assistance to redeem him out of an ignominious Slavery,) but suffered the Goths, A.D. 261. say the Fasti Idatiani; but Cassiodore says, Anno 263. to overrun all Thrace, Macedon, and Achaia, with the neighbouring Provinces, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 34.  one Party of them ravaging Illyricum, and pillaging all its Cities, another invading Italy, and marching to the very Gates of Rome, while the Parthians made their Inroads into. Mesopotamia, and the Syrian Banditti harassed the East, 
* Aug. Ep. 80.  insomuch as the Considerate part of Mankind thought the World near its End, (and the sad Effects of those Eruptions were visible, in the Ruins of many a Noble City and Country, almost Two hundred Years after, both in the East and West, says 
† Lib. 7. cap. 22.  Orosius,) while every bold Pretender durst set up his Title to the Empire in the West, who could defend his Usurpation with his Sword; his Father Valerian languishing all the while under a severe Captivity, 
Treb. Pol. p. 175.  till his Age and his Afflictions had covered him with Grey Hairs.  
When the Affairs of the Empire were in this perplexed estate, 
Eutrop. l. 9 §. 10. Treb. Pol. p. 178, 179.  and their Interest at the lowest ebb, Gallienus having deserted the Care of the Republic, sauntred away his Time idly, or spent it ridiculously in the Company of Rope-dancers and Stage-players, and laughed at the loss of many a fertile and rich Province; while Posthumus maintained its Grandeur in the West, and preserved Gallia; and Odenathus in the East attacked and subdued the Persians. For when that senseless Emperor saw himself so miserably oppressed on all hands, awakened by the Outcries of his People, he for a little while roused himself out of his Lethargy, and looked about him; and seeing all at stake, requested Odenathus, 
Zosim. l. 1. pag. 36. Zonar. T. 2. p. 235, 237.  the Governor-General, or Praetor, of Palmyrene, and Confederate of the Romans, (the Prince of that Country, says Trebellius Pollio,) to drive the Persians out of the Roman Territories: Odenathus considered, that if he did not interpose, it would be impossible but that Sapores would in a small time, under so negligent a Prince as Gallienus, have made himself Master of the World, and that his own Native Country must necessarily have been made an Appendage of that Empire; and for this reason, as well as to revenge the Affront offered him in the 'Slight put on his Ambassadors, he joined his Forces to the remains of the Roman Army, who still continued to support the Reputation of that August Empire in the East: And in this difficult Undertaking he behaved himself with so much Address, and such an extraordinary Courage, that he humbled the Pride of the Greatest of the Eastern Monarches in the midst of all his Glory and Triumphs: For he first fell upon the Persian General, and having routed him, recovered Nisibis and Mesopotamia out of the Hands of the Invaders; then attacked the King of Persia with a Success suitable to his Bravery; 
Philostr. ap. Malel. par. 1. p. 393. & Zonar. Tom. 2. p. 237. Agath. l. 4. p. 134.  for as Sapores was returning home, loaden with the Spoils of Syria and Cilicia, Odenathus came out to meet him, as one of his Allies; but under that pretext he deluded him, having way-layed him as he passed through Euphratesia (called of old Commagene, says Procopius; Augusto-Euphratesia, by Theodorit a Bishop of that Country,) so straightened him, that being to march through a Valley whose Ways were too steep and rugged for his Carriages, he slew all his Prisoners, and threw them into the Hollows, and by that means passed over his heavy Baggage. After this, he fought and routed the Army of the Persians, and made so great a slaughter of their Troops, that 
* Delegationib. p. 45.  Peter the Historian, a Man of the Senatorian Dignity, and Ambassador to Chosroes King of Persia, affirms, That when Sapores had past the Euphrates with the remains of his shattered Army, his Soldiers thinking themselves secure, by their station on the other side of the River, embraced one another with unexpressible Transports: After which, Sapores sent to the Garrison at Edessa, promising them to give them all the Money which he had plundered in Syria, if they would not molest him in his March, but suffer him quietly to hasten Home through their Territory; subjoyning, that he did not offer them this great Sum, as if he were afraid of them, but that he might make the more speed into Persia, to celebrate a great Festival that he was near, not being willing to be hindered in his Design. To this the Garrison consented, received the Money, and gave him leave to pass by the City unmolested.  
By this Victory, Odenathus not only preserved the Roman Territories in the East, and defended the Limits, but recovered several Cities which the Persians had usurped, and made his Inroads as far as Ctesiphon, the Royal Seat of those Eastern Princes, obliging them to quit their other Conquests, to defend their Wives and Children. In this Expedition also he made himself Master of the Treasures of that Great Monarch; and of what those Kings held more valuable and more precious than all their Wealth, his Concubines; and at the same time he took many of the Nobility Prisoners. This was so Meritorious an Action, that the 
* Trib. Pol. p. 192.  Roman Historian confesses, That without this Interposition, the Interest of the Empire had been entirely sunk in the East: And withal, he informs us, That Odenathus assumed the Name of King, before he raised his Army, (though the Greek Writers allow him to have only been declared General of the East, an Honorary Trust conferred on none but Persons of the best Condition and Qualifications,) that his Wife Zenobia, his eldest Son Herod, and his two younger Sons Herennianus and Timolaus, acpanyed him, when (Anno Christi, 246.) he fought and routed that Potent Monarch, and recovered the Territories that he had usurped on this side the River.  
To reward these brave Services, 
Treb. Pol. p. 180.  Gallienus declared him Augustus, and his Copart'ner in the Empire, (so that the Historians with great injustice reckon Odenathus and his Son Herodian among the Tyrants, as if they had been Usurpers, who ought to have been inserted into the Catalogue of the Lawful Emperors,) and commanded Money to be stamped in his Name, the reverse of which represented the Captive Persians following his Triumphant Chariot: The Senate, the City, and all the People of Rome, being wonderfully pleased with the Performance.  
This Declaration of Gallienus entitled Odenathus to the Possession of the East, while his illustrious Achievements proved him worthy of the Purple: And accordingly, upon his return from Ctesiphon, he assumed the Habit and Style, and Declared his Son Herodes his Copart'ner in the Empire, and Princeps Juventutis; as, besides the Historians, the Coins do fully declare.   

CHAP. XIV.  
Odenathus having thus atoned for the Negligence of Gallienus, supported the sinking Fortune of that August Empire, and preserved his own Native Country in its own Quiet and Freedom, and behaved himself with so dextrous an Address, and such an extraordinary Courage, that he humbled the Pride of the Greatest of the Eastern Monarches, and acquired a great Reputation to his Arms; and having spent some time in settling his new Conquests, (though he failed of his main Enterprise of releasing Valerian, who was, upon this Irruption of the Palmyrenians, slain by Sapores,) at the Request of Gallienus, 
Treb. Pol. p. 192. Zonar. T. 2. p. 237.  he undertook to suppress Macrianus, who had, in Opposition to Gallienus, Declared himself Emperor in Phoenicia, (though Eusebius avers, that himself did not assume the Purple, but that he made his Sons Emperors.) and was acknowledged by the Roman Army under his Command. But Macrianus having baffled the Scythians, 
Zonar. Syncel. p. 382. Treb. Pol. p. 176.  and driven them out of Achaia, was retired with his Eldest Son, of his own Name, into Illyricum, where, in a pitched Battle, they were both slain by Aureolus, another of the Pretenders to the Empire: But Macrianus had left Quietus the Younger of his Sons in the East, with the Title of Augustus, under the Conduct of Balista an Experienced General. Balista was the Praefectus Praetorio to the Emperor Valerian, a Captain of rare Capacity, and singular Courage, of great Wisdom and Foresight, and as great Resolution and Bravery; he was General of the Horse under Macrianus in the East. And when Macrianus that Country, he, with Quietus the Second Son of Macrianus, managed the War with so much Courage and good Fortune, that while he attacked Sapores on one hand, and Odenathus on the other, they drove him to take shelter in the Deserts of Persia; upon which Victory they assumed the Title of Emperors, which engaged Gallienus against them: Therefore Odenathus marched and fought them at Emesa, where Balista fell by the Sword of Odenathus, Quietus by the Hands of the Citizens of Emesa, says Zonaras; while Trebellius Pollio in one place affirms, 
Pag. 116.  That after the Army was routed, the Soldiers seized both Quietus and Balista, and delivered them to Odenathus, who slew them: 
Pag. 194.  but in another place he says, That the common report was (sew Writers accounting for Balista's Actions, after he was Declared Emperor, while they treat more largely of his Performances, while he was Praefectus Praetorio of the East) that he was slain by a Private Sentinel of Odenathus' Army, as he was sleeping in his Tent: but in a third place he affirms, 
Pag. 176.  That the Army of Quietus, instigated by Balista, slew the young Prince, and having thrown his Body over the Walls of Emesa, immediately surrendered: Others (as he says) affirming, 
Pag. 193.  That Odenathus having slain Quietus, gave Balista his Life; but that Balista, not daring to trust either Gallienus, Aureolus, or Odenathus, assumed the Imperial Purple. Nor does the Report want Authors, that he was slain at Daphne, near Antioch, at a Farm which he had purchased, where helived a private life: while very many others aver, That having Declared himself Emperor, he was murdered by those whom Aureolus sent to apprehend Quietus, whom he demanded as part of his Plunder, having slain his Father, and Elder Brother. The Accounts even of those Times being so various, it cannot be expected that the Writers of the present Age should better adjust the History, while we are obliged to the Information of the Coins, 
Goltz. Thes. p. 72.  that Balista reigned Three Years at least, and that his Name was Servius Anicius (or Sergius Anicetus) Balista. Whatever his Fate was, as to his Titles, he was an Illustrious Person, happy in his Undertake, and had a singular Faculty in providing his Army with Provisions and Necessaries; and so well versed in Politics, that Valerian acknowledged, that he had learned the Rules of Government from Balista, and that he was one of the most Provident and most Experienced Generals of the Age. But whether he was that Callistus whom Zonaras affirms to have been chosen by the Roman Troops their General, after the Captivity of Valerian, and who, when he saw the Persians carelessly wand'ring up and down, as if they had no more Enemies to conquer, fell upon them, and routed them, I will not determine, though it be highly probable, the Names being very like (Callistus, and Balistas,) and the exploits seem to be the same. But in this one Circumstance Zonaras is mistaken, who attributes the Taking the Baggage and Concubines of Sapores to Callistus, which was the Achievement of Odenathus.  
When Odenathus had thus completed the Conquest of the East, and wrested it out of the Hands both of the Roman Rebels, and the Persian Usurpers, 
* Treb. Pol. p. 176, 179.  he gave an exact Narrative of all his Proceed to Gallienus, and sent him the Persian Nobility, whom he had taken Prisoners: And that besotted Prince had the confidence to triumph at Rome, for the Victories which Odenathus got in Euphratesia.  
Immediately upon this, 
Sincel ubi sup.  Odenathus being a Captain of indefatigable Courage, and great Expedition, engaged himself in the Expulsion of the Goths, who made their Eruptions into Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Galatia, and threatened the East. But having marched through Cappadocia to Heraclea of Pontus, the Scythians, terrified with the Name of the Illustrious General, retired; but as he was preparing to pursue them, he was most unfortunately and most barbarously murdered. 
Treb. Pol. p. 184.  The Anger of God against the Roman Commonwealth being most visibly seen; because, after Valerian was slain, he would not reserve Odenathus for its Preservation.   

CHAP. XV.  
THE Manner of Odenathus his Death is differently related, tho' the Historians agree in the main. 
* Vbi supr.  Malela, 
(a) The Paragraph in Malela is so confused, and is such a Jumble of the Actions of Gallienus, Odenathus and Aurelian, that I cannot but profess, I should rather attribute the Mistakes to the Transeriber or Interpolator, than to the Author, though so great a Fabler.  after his fabulous wont, affirms, That he was slain by Gallienus. 
† L. 1. p. 36.  Zosimus, That while he was at Emisa, celebrating either his own, or some Friend's Birthday, he was by Treachery murdered. But the generality of Writers assert, That Odenathus, with his Son Herodes, were slain as they were about to pursue the Scythians, who fled before them: That the Parricide who made the Assassination, was his Kinsman, his Brother's Son, Moeonius; whom Syncellus calls Odaenathus (probably according to the Mode of that Time and Country, Moeonius Odaenathus:) and that he, for a few days after, assumed the Title of Emperor, (as appears by the Coins,) but that he was suddenly dispatched by those very Soldiers who had been wheadled to clothe him with the Imperial Purple. So fell the most Unjust of Men to his Relations, the most Disloyal Traitor to his Prince, the most Ungrateful Villain to his Benefactor, and the most Profligate of Wretches.  
Maeonius was induced to imbrue his Hands in the Blood of his King, 
Pol. p. 192, 193. Cuspin. Caes. p. 74.  his Relation, and his Friend; instigated (say some) by Zenobia, who, to dispatch a Son-in-Law, that hindered her Children from succeeding to the Empire of the East, (for Herodes, or Herodian, was the Son of Odenathus by a former Wife,) was content at the same time to see her Husband stabbed. But more probably he committed the execrable Murder, being instigated by the most malicious of Tempers, and an abominable mixture of Envy and Ambition; this prompted him to destroy one of the best of Emperors, upon the pretext, that his Son Herod was a Man of extraordinary Softness and Delicacy, (as Men who are naturally Kind and Good-natured, are apt to be Effeminate. Voluptuous and Amorous,) and because his Father had given him all the King of Persia's Concubines, all his Treasures, and all the Gems taken in the War: Or rather, upon an old Grudge; 
Zonar. T. 2. p. 237.  for the fierce Young Man accompanying his Uncle in his Manly Exercise of Hunting, presumed, the first of the Company, to throw his Javelin at the Wild Beast that was roused; and being reproved for it by his Uncle, that Honour being reserved for the most Eminent Person of the Hunt) in contempt of the Reprimand, persisted to gratify his own Humour, and committed the same Crime a second and a third time: Whereupon, Odenathus ordered him to be dismounted, and his Horse taken from him, (which was the greatest Affront that could be offered to a Man of Quality in that country.) Upon this, the hot Spark could not forbear exprespressing his Resentments, and threatening Revenge. Whereupon he was confined: but in a little time, at the Intercession of Herodes, Odenathus set him at liberty. But the Pardon was as uneasily digested as the Affront, (the injured Person may be inclined to remit the Offence; but he who does the Wrong, never forgives;) for he watched his Opportunity, and imbrued his Hands in the Blood of both his King, and his Advocate.  
Thus fell that Great Prince and his Eldest Son, both Emperors, after Odenathus had Reigned Four Years, (and Herodes at least Three, as the Coins expressly prove; it being probable, that Odenathus wore the Purple some time after Gallienus declared him Emperor, before he assumed Herodes to be his Copartner in his Government,) leaving his Crown and Sceptre by Right to his Grandson Vaballathus, 
Vid. Append.  but in the Possession of, and de Facto to Zenobia, and her Sons Herennianus and Timolaus.   

CHAP. XVI.  
O Denathus was murdered the same Year that Gallienus was slain, but some time before him. For, Anno Christi 260, Valerian was taken, in the Sixth Year of his Reign; after which, the Persians managed the Affairs of the East according to their own Will and Pleasure. Valerian's Son, and his Copart'ner in the Empire, Gallienus, being lost in the mazes of his Vices, and so devoted to his Pleasures, that his Name was not so much as mentioned in the Army, who seemed to have forgotten him, as entirely as he had forgotten himself, and all Princely Qualifications; for he rejoiced at his Father's Captivity, which clad all Rome in Mourning, and covered every Wise Man with Tears; and diverted himself with stageplays, 
Treb. Pol. p. 176, 182.  Horse-races, and the Combats of the Gladiators; in making himself Beds of Roses to wallow in, in the Summertime; and Beds of Melons, to gratify his Palate in the Winter; in building Castles of Apples, and other Fruits, and exercising his noble Courage in attacking them; in finding out Methods how to Preserve Grapes Sound and Untainted three Years, and Wines always in the Must, Figs always Green, and Apples Ripe in every Month in the Year; as if he had been born a Slave to his Belly and his Pleasures. He spent all his time in Riot and Luxury, in Wine and Women; never would drink, but out of a Golden Bowl (despising Glass, because common and cheap,) and every time changed his Wine: his Concubines sat at the same Table with him; and at the next Table to him, his Buffoons, Parasites and Jesters. His clothes were foreign, and different from the Habit of the Roman Princes his Predecessors; his Hair powdered with Gold, and his Head crowned with Rays; while his most intimate Privy-Counsellers were the Roman Ladies. And in this dissolute Course he lived till the Year of Christ, 264. when Odenathus undertook and revenged the Quarrel, and baffled and put to flight the formidable Host, In which Year, it is very probable, the Persian King, enraged at his loss of Honour, Spoils, and Conquered Territories, put Valerian to Death. Anno 268, Odenathus was murdered, and the same year Gallienus was slain. For thus the 
* Treb. Pol. p. 184.  Historian states his Accounts of Time: Whereas Valerian and his Son reigned Fifteen Years, in the Sixth Valerian was taken Prisoner by the Persians; after which, Gallienus reigned Nine Years, some say Ten: For its certain, that he celebrated his Decennalia at Rome; and after that, overcame the Goths, made a Peace with Odenathus, an Agreement with Aureolus, and overcame Posthumus and Lollianus.— After which, he was slain near Milan, by the Hand of Cerronius (or Cecropius) the General of the Dalmatian Troops.  
What the Quarrel was between Gallienus and Odenathus, and upon what Reasons, no Historian, that I know of, gives any Account: but perhaps the Coins hint it; for in those of Gallienus, Anno Christi 266, a year and more before Odenathus was murdered, there often occurs Pax Augg. Concordia Augg. (with two Right Hands joined.) 'Tis true, Mezzobarba understands the Inscriptions, of the Union between Gallienus and the junior Valerian; but besides that Valerian was not Emperor till the next year after those Coins were stamped, Anno Christi 267, as Mezzobarba himself confesses, we never read of any Dispute between them; for the Younger Valerian was a Prince of excellent Temper and Modesty; but a Quarrel there was between Odenathus and Gallienus (as Trebellius Pollio says expressly.) Much less can I interpret the Coins to have relation to Valerian the Father, as Monsieur Patin does; for long before this year, Valerian was a Prisoner in Persia, and probably murdered.  
It must be confessed, that there is great variety of Opinions concerning the Age of Valerian; and that it is very difficult to adjust the precise time of his Death, which happened at so great a distance from Rome, and in a Country at open War with the Emperor, which precluded all Communication. But I shall endeavour to fix the Time. 
* Tom. 3. pag. 1.  Monsieur Tristan says expressly, That Valerian was born An. V.C. 937. Anno Christi 185; and that he was murdered an. aet. 75, Christi 260, the very year in which he was made a Prisoner. But the whole Assertion is precarious, and built upon the wrong Supposition, That he lived but 75 years, and was flayed the very year in which he was taken.  
Signior Mezzobarba affirms, that he was slain an. aet. 77. but fixes no year either from the Building of Rome, or from our Blessed Saviour's Birth. The Writers of the Imperial History of those Times say only in general, that he lived to a great Age in the state of Captivity: While the Writer of the Chronicon, commonly called the Alexandrian, allows him to have lived but 61 years; but expressly affirms, that he reigned 14 years, and that he was put to death by the Persians when Claudius and Paternus were Consuls, Anno Christi 268/9.  
Most of the Old Fasti aver, that Valerian and Gallienus reigned 15 years; and so does Trebellius Pollio; and that Valerian was taken by the Persians, Gallieno 7. & Sabinillo Coss. Anno Christi 266. (as Idatius declares.)  
Among all which Writers, there is great Variety, but little Truth; while its plain to me, that Valerian was alive when Odenathus first took Arms for his Release (and so could not be put to Death the same year in which he was taken.) 
Pag. 179.  Trebellius Pollio expressly affirming, that Odenathus exerted his utmost Vigour; and attended to nothing else but that Valerian might recover his Liberty. And the same Author as expressly avers, 
Pag. 184.  that Valerian was dead before Odenathus was murdered: The Anger of God (as he says) appearing visibly against the Roman Commonwealth, in that after Valerian was slain, he would not suffer Odenathus to live. I am therefore of the Opinion of the learned Monsieur Patin, 
Pag. 405.  that as soon as Sapores had experimented, to his cost, the Bravery and Conduct of the King of Palmyra, and understood that his Design was to restore the Captive Valerian to his Liberty, from an ignominious Slavery; then his Rage transported him to that barbarous and inhuman Act of Cruelty, A. C. 264; and if we may credit the Coin in Goltzius, he was Deified after his Death. 
Thesaur. p. 70.  But enough of this Digression; let us return to Zenobia.   

CHAP. XVII.  
SEptimia Zenobia (for so she was called, and for the knowledge of her first Name we are wholly obliged to the Coins) being thus left by her Husband the Empress of the East, (for as she followed him in all his Wars, so she accompanied him in his Expedition against the Goths, when he was assassinated at Heraclea,) and acknowledged to be so by the Army (after they had dispatched her Ephemerous Competitor Maeonius, a Man of the losest Manners, profuse Luxury, and an ungovernable Temper) managed that vast Empire with a Bravery and Conduct truly Heroic, and above her Sex; and by the Assistance of the wise Ministers and Generals Odenathus left her, kept up the Reputation of her Government, and advanced it. She was Prudent and Fair, Learned and Stout; as rigorous as a Tyrant, to those who were perverse and obstinate; but humane and kind to all who were ready to live under Laws and Discipline. She surpassed even her Husband, who was one of the most Illustrious Personages in the World, in Courage, Magnanimity, and every generous Quality. In a word, she was an addroit Accomplished Lady, who had all the transcendent Qualities that would create her the Esteem of the World, and render her worthy the Noblest Throne upon Earth, being of High Birth, Extraordinary Accomplishments, and the Greatest Performances.  
Her Original was Noble, 
Treb. Pol. p. 196, 198, 200.  and the best Blood of the Egyptian Kings flowed in her Veins; for she derived herself from the Family of the Ptolemy's, and from Cleopatra; and had a great Regard for the last Queen of Egypt, whom with Dido and Semiramis she celebrated, as the Heroines of their several Ages; Zenobia particularly proposing to herself the Imitation of all Cleopatra's Illustrious Qualifications, while she avoided those Vices that eclipsed her Glory. Her Mother's Name we are ignorant of, but her Father was Achilleus (Zozimus calls him Antiochus) whom the Palmyrenians chose to be their Prince, 
Vopisc. p. 219.  when they took Arms against Aurelian. To him, Zosimus says, that Aurelian gave his Life and Liberty, after he had made him his Prisoner. Nor is it the most unpardonable Conjectures, to imagine that he was the Father of Lucius Epidius Achilleus, who twenty years afterthe Sack of Palmyra, being made Governor of Egypt, took upon him the Imperial Purple, and maintained his Pretensions for six years at the least, as the Coins expressly inform us; and at last, after he had been besieged eight Months in Alexandrid, was overcome by Dioclesian and Galerius, and put to death.  
Her Beauty was as Illustrious as her Birth, 
Id. p. 192.  but Manly and August, not Soft and Effeminate; Cornelius Capitolinus affirming, that she was the Handsomest of all the Eastern Ladies, (though Syria were famous for Beauties, more than one of the Roman Empresses owing their Birth to that Country:) Her Face was of a Brownish colour, 
Pag. 199.  (and 'tis no wonder that she appeared so at Rome, who in Palmyrene had been inur'd to march in the Head of her Army, on foot, several miles at a time, where the Rays of the Sun were so servant and so troublesome.) Her Eyes Black and Sparkling, her Mien Divine, her Charms irresistible; her Teeth of such an extraordinary Whiteness, that some Men thought them Pearls: Her Voice Clear and Masculine: And all her Shapes Regular and Lovely.  
And with her Beauty, she had Youth and Vigour; for after her Captivity, she was married at Rome, and there had Children by a Man of the Senatorian Dignity.  
But all the Symmetry of her Face, and the Beauties of her Mien, were not fit to stand in competition with the more ravishing Accomplishments of her Mind.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
HEr Ancestor Cleopatra was a Lady of great Wit, 
Plut. M. Anton. p. 1698. & pass. edit. Steph.  and many Languages; so that she seldom made use of an Interpreter, but herself answered all Foreigners that petitioned her in their own Languages, Aethiopians, Troglodytes, Jews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes and Parthians; whereas her Predecessors hardly understood the Speech of their own Country, the Greek and the Coptick; and all this variety was recommended by a charming Delivery; her Words flowing with a delicate Sweetness, intermixed with a becoming Raillery: The several Languages which she spoke, were like the several Notes of a well-tuned Lute; every thing that she said, was harmonious, and gave a new pleasure to all who heard her. And in this Qualification 
* Pol. p. 199.  Zenobia strove to imitate that Great Lady; she had some knowledge of the Latin Tongue, but out of Modesty used it not: but she spoke Greek, and the Language of Egypt, in perfection: And so well skilled was she in the Alexandrian and Oriental Histories, that she is said to have written an Epitome of them; and she was also acquainted with as much of the Roman Affairs, as were treated of in Greek. And though she understood other Tongues more accurately than the Latin, and thought it not worth her while to be a Critic in it; yet she commanded her Sons to enure themselves to the Language of Rome, rather than that of Greece, (which they spoke but seldom, and with some difficulty,) designing them probably, in her ambitious Thoughts, for the Government of that proud City, as she had already declared them Emperors; to which end she had provided herself of a pompous Chariot, in which she intended to have made her triumphant Entry into the Capital of the World, as a Conqueror; while it happened that she was carried in the same Chariot a Captive into that haughty City. 
Vopis●   
And as she was very Learned herself, so she became a declared Patroness of Arts, and a Favourer of Scholars. Longinus (the best Critic of the Age he lived in, and perhaps of any Age, and a Philosopher of unquestionable Reputation) fixed his Residence at the Court of this Heroic Empress, was admitted to a share in our Councils, taught her Greek, and was probably made the Governor of her Sons: And, could Longinus have persuaded Porphyry, whom by Letter he earnestly invited to Palmyra (with the Queen's Allowance, I doubt not) that admirable Platonist had tasted of her Bounty, as did Paulus of Samosata, and other Votaries of Learning in that Age.  

* Id. p. 198. Sec. Satrectionem.  Her Magnificence went an equipage with her Learning and her Charms. From the Coins it appears, that she took the Name of Augusta, managing the Empire not only in her Son's Name (as the Historian says) but in her own: And while Gallienus was sauntring in Rome among Fiddlers and Players, she kept the State of a Persian Monarch; and to perpetuate her Memory, she built a City on the Banks of the River Euphrates, toward the West, five Miles from the Castle of Mambri, nearer to the Roman Territories, but three Days Journey from Circesium, which she called by her own Name, Zenobia; which, 
Proeop. Pers. l. 2. c. 5. p. 97. & de Aedific. l. 2. c. 8. p. 42, 43.  when in after Ages it fell into decay, was repaired, fortified and beautified by Justinian; and the Place where the Emperor Aurelian gave her a House at Tivoli, thought itself happy to change its old Name for that of this magnificent Princess.  
Her Court was pompous, her Grandeur eminent, she was adored like the Eastern Kings, and her Treats were as splendid as any of those made by the Roman Emperors. She usually wore the Royal Robe, and a Diadem; but when she made a Speech to her Army, she put on a Helmet, and appeared like a second Pallas. Her Cimar was of Purple trimmed round the Edges with rich Gems, and clasped in the middle with a large sparkling Diamond, instead of a Button; her Arm being often bare.  
At her Feasts she was served in Gold Plate, enchased with Precious-stones, after the manner of Cleopatra; and chose to be attended rather by elderly Eunuches, than Women. And the part she bore in the Triumph of Aurelian (than which Rome never saw any thing more Pompous) though it demonstrated her great Misfortune, yet was suited to her magnificent Temper; for she was loaded with Gems of the greatest Magnitude and Value, probably the Spoils of her own Cabinet; which, though she were a Lady of a vigorous Constitution, much incommoded her, during the Cavalcade. Her Feet and Hands were chained with Golden Fetters; and her Necklace was a massy Gold Chain, the end of which was held up by a Persian Buffoon.  
She was Chaste to a Miracle, (and in this she differed from her Ancestor the Queen of Egypt, whose Lewdness blemished her other Accomplishments,) inasmuch as she never enjoyed her Husband's Company, but for the sake of Children; and as soon as she found she had Conceived, she retired, according to the Custom of the Jews, of whom 
* P●●ag. l. 2. c. 12.  Clemens of Alexandria gives the same Character.  
And in the midst of all her Plenty, her Temperance was admirable, being always sober; though sometimes she used to drink with her Captains, to ingratiate herself to them; and at other times, with the Armenians and Persians, the better to dive into their Secrets.  
Upon all Occasions she was very Liberal, and yet managed her Largesses with great Prudence; and took more care of her Revenues, than most Monarches usually do: And this appeared by the vast Sums found in her Coffers, when she fell into the Hands of Aurelian.   

CHAP. XIX.  
ZEnobia's Religion was at first Pagan; 
Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 802. Gr.  but she forsook the Heathen Polytheism, and became a Jewess, by whose Persuasions, I know not, (for Philastrius was certainly in a Dream, when he averred, That Paulus of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch, being a Judaizing Christian, and a Teacher of the Necessity of Circumcision, and other Mosaical Rites, persuaded her to turn Jew: Nor can I acquit Monsieur Tristan of Inadvertency, 
Tom. 3. p. 203.  when he quotes Photius, That Odenathus also quitted the Idolatry in which he had been bred, and turned Jew probably upon the Persuasions of his Wife; and that there is reason to believe, that both of them were converted by Paulus of Samosata to Christianity; for all that he says, is without Authority, and groundless.) But notwithstanding her Religion, she behaved herself with great Temper and Meekness towards the Christians her Subjects, neither endeavouring to compel their Consciences, nor to seize their Churches. She was a Hater of Persecution, though she were a New Convert, (and such Persons are generally very warm, and acted by an extraordinary Zeal,) and though she was of a Religion whose Proselytes have always been Haters of all who differ from them in Principles; for 
* Epist. ad Solitar.  St. Athanasius says, That she was so Just to the Christians, as not to convert their Churches into Synagogues.  
It is the common Opinion, 
Niceph. l. 6. c. 27.  that she was in a fair way to have embraced Christianity, if she had fallen into good Hands; that Paulus of Samosata, the Patriarch of Antioch, undertook the Province, and took great pains therein, (Zenobia being an excellent Disputant, and admirably skilled in Controversy,) but having unhappily fallen into the Heresy of Artemon, he infused into her Mind very mean Notions of our Blessed Saviour, That he was a mere Man, and not of the same Nature with God the Father; and that this occasioned his Deposition, and probably the loss of his designed Disciple. But it is almost indisputably certain, that all this fair Story is built on a Mistake of the words of Theodorit, who only says, That Paulus fell into the Heresy of Artemon; 
Lib. 2. de Haerisib. n. Paulus.  and affirmed, That our Saviour was only a mere Man; by this means designing to ingratiate himself with, and to flatter Zenobia, 
Vid. Vales. in Euseb. l. 7. c. 30.  who was a Jewess, and so would not allow Jesus to be God.  
It is plain from the Ecclesiastic Historian, that she had a great regard for Paul, that she made him her Ducenarius, or Procurator at Antioch; and that he affected rather to be called by that Title, than that of Bishop, being a haughty Man, and a Lover of Secular Grandeur; but for his Heresy, and his vain and disallowable Morals, he was condemned by a Synod at Antioch, 
Euseb. l. 7. c. 28, 29.  Anno Christi 166, and the 12th. Year of Gallienus, in which year Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria died: But the proud Patriarch, supported by his powerful Patroness, despised the Determination of the Synod. Whereupon, the Catholic Prelates, after Aurelian, the declared Enemy of Zenobia, had assumed the Purple, called a Second Synod, deposed the Heretic, and filled the See with Domnus, Son of his Predecessor Demetrianus: But though Condemned by two Synods, the Heretic maintained his pretended Title to his Jurisdiction, and kept the Possession of his Episcopal Palace and Revenues, though his Throne were possessed by a more Orthodox Prelate. Whereupon, the Synod appealed to Aurelian, who ordered Paul to be Ejected by the Secular Power. So well affected was that Emperor towards the Christian Church at that time, tho' afterwards he changed his Behaviour. And it is not the most groundless of Conjectures, that Aurelian was so ready to serve the Orthodox against the Heretic; because Paul was a Favourite and Dependant of Zenobia his Enemy, while the Catholics were his Friends, and good Subjects.   

CHAP. XX.  
AND now, having accounted for her Religion, I shall adventure to describe her Course of Life, and Practices. She used herself to all sorts of becoming Manly Exercise; and showed, upon all Occasions, a Hardiness above that of her soft Sex. She often road on Horseback, commonly in a Chariot, seldom was carried in a Chair, 
Treb. Pol. p. 192.  and very frequently marched three or four miles on foot in the Head of her Army, having inur'd herself to bear the Fatigues of War, the Scorching of the Sun, and the parched Sands of the Deserts: For her Education was like that of her Husband's; and in the opinion of some very good Judges, the Wife was the braver of the two; the most Courageous, as well as the Fairest of her Sex. She often armed her Head with a Casque, and as often assisted at her Councils of War; and such an esteem she had of true Magnanmity, that she told Aurelian, That she accounted Gallienus and Aureolus Milksops, but she esteemed him qualified to make an Emperor of the World; because he was a Stout and Adventurous General. She accompanied Odenathus in all his Expeditions, and was with him when he so successfully attempted the Persians.  
The Persians, it must be confessed, used to carry their Wives with them into the Field, but rather for Show and Magnificence, that they might enjoy the pleasure of seeing a fierce Battle fought, and be exempt from all the Hazards of it; but Zenobia went into the Field as a great General, and had her share in the Dangers of the Engagement.  
And this part of her August Character her Enemy Aurelian gave her: 
1b. p. 198.  For when it was objected to him, That he made a mighty bustle about a Trifle, when he triumphed over an unfortunate Woman:— He told the Senate, That they knew not the Accomplishments of that Great Lady; That she was Prudent and Politic in her Councils, and Constant to her Resolutions; That she had an entire and undisputed Power over her Army; was very Liberal, when Necessity required; and very Sharp, when Severity was requisite; That it was by her Conduct, that Odenathus overcame the Persians, put Sapores to flight, and marched to the Walls of Ctesiphon; That she made all the East, and all Egypt tremble, when neither the Arabs, nor the Saracens, nor the Armenians could affright them; and and that he gave her her Life, upon the prospect that such an extraordinary Heroine, who could preserve and manage the vast Empire of the East for herself and Children, would be of great Advantage to the Commonwealth, and teach the Romans the Rules of Conduct and Government.  
To make good this Character, and to let the World see how well the Delicate Sex might be accomplished for Rule and Dominion, she told the Emperor, That if she had succeeded in her Attempt, she designed to have constituted Victoria, the Wife of Victorinus, another brave Lady of that Age (who had made more than one Emperor, and took to herself the Title of Augusta, and is styled in the Coins and Historians, Mater Castrorum) her Companion in the Royal Dignity, and between them they would have divided the Empire of the World.  
The only Fault which I find her charged with (except her Fear, when she fell into the Hands of Aurelian, which prompted her to discover all her Friends and Assistants to that cruel Prince, who presently murdered them, for in this she fell beneath the Great Cleopatra,) was her dislike of her Son-in-Law Herodes, whom Odenathus had begotten on a former Wife, and that she consented to his murder, that the Empire might devolve on her own Sons, Herennianus and Timolaus. But this is reported by only one Historian; and I cannot believe, that to rid her hands of a Son-in-Law, she would consent to the Parricide of her Husband, whom she loved so dearly, and who so well deserved it; for they both fell at the same time, and by the same Hand. But Diamonds have their Flaws; and the richest Metals, some Alloy.  
I have thus endeavoured to set this Heroine in a true Light; for it would not have been just, to treat a Princess of such rare Endowments both of Mind and Body (who was the Ornament of her Sex, and the Wonder of the Age she lived in, reverenced over all the East, and admired even at Rome by her bitterest Adversaries) with a meager and jejune Character, though the best Descriptions, even of the ancient Writers, fall below her Merit. And now I shall proceed to a more particular Account of her Achievements.   

CHAP. XXI.  
ODenathus and Herodian being slain, 
Treb. Pol. p. 180, 197.  Zenobia, during the Minority of her two Sons (who were left very young) Herennianus and Timolaus, whom she declared Principes Juventutis & Augusti, took upon her the Empire, (Monsieur Patin says, 
* Pag. 430.  That Gallienus gave her the Title of Empress, but without Proof: but whether it was given her, or she assumed it, Theodorit and Nicephorus Callisti are much mistaken, who call her only the Toparch of the Country, and affirm, that she owed her Dominion and Territory to the Persians, who having overcome the Romans, gave her the Government of Syria and Phoenicia,) and she managed it not like a Woman, nor only better than Gallienus, but with more Courage and better Conduct than many famous Emperors, and gave Gallienus a Specimen of her Abilities, in a few Months after she had undertaken to wield her Sceptre. For when the News of Odenathus' Murder was brought to Rome, the Emperor, who had some Courage (for he was an odd mixture of Softness and Hardiness) made Preparations of War, though very late, against the Persians, to revenge his Father's ignominious and barbarous Death; and to this end, sent an Army under Heraclianus the Praefectus Praetorio, a famous General, and a true Lover of his Country, into the East. But Zenobia, jealous of his Design, and resolved neither to dethrone her Sons, nor to divest herself of the Imperial Purple, and acknowledge the Roman Authority, met him upon the Borders of Persia, fought him, and routed and destroyed his whole Army. This General Heraclian, 
* Caess. p. 74.  Cuspinian calls Herodian, by a great Mistake, affirming, that he was the Governor of Gallia (Dux Galliae;) and that he was opposed by Zenobia, because he made the Expedition into Persia without her Order.  
Heraclianus, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 37. Treb. Pol. p. 181.  upon his return from this unfortunate Expedition, where his Honour had been sacrificed, and his Life with great difficulty saved, having assisted in the driving the Scythians or Goths out of Greece, entered into a Conspiracy with Claudius, the next Man in Dignity and Employment to the Emperor; and having engaged Cecropius, the General of the Dalmatian Forces, in the Design, they by his Hand slew Gallienus, (this Cecropius, The General of the Dalmatians, 
Tom. 3. p. 177.  Monsieur Tristan believes to be the same Cecrops the Moor, whom 
* L. 1. p. 35.  Zosimus affirms to have assumed the Empire, when Gallienus returned from Germany to Rome, to drive the Scythians out of Italy; and that he was called the Moor, because made Governor of Mauritania by Claudius: Whereas Zosimus affirms, that the other Disturbers of that Reign of Gallienus, Cecrops, Antoninus, and the like, were brought to condign Punishment by him, only Aurelius survived: And if so, Cecropius in Zosimus could not be the same who murdered Gallienus,) and by a general Consent Claudius was declared Emperor, who (as Aurelian in his Letters declares) suffered Zenobia to Reign quietly, 
Treb. Pol. p. 199.  while he was busied in the Gothick War. And in this he acted very politicly, that that Warlike Lady preserving the Boundaries of the Eastern Empire free from Disturbance, he might the more securely accomplish his other Designs; and in this Resolution he persisted, 
Pol. p. 204.  though the Senate, when he was elected, cried out five times, O Emperor Claudius, deliver us from the Palmyrenians: And again seven times, O Emperor Claudius, rescue us from Zenobia and Victorina. For he was forced to acknowledge in his Letters, That as Tetricus had made himself Master of all France and Spain; so the Queen of Palmyra, to their shame be it spoken, was possessed of all their Archers.  
While the Forces of the Empire were employed by Claudius, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 39, 40. Pollio, ubi sup.  in the First Year of his Reign (Anno Christi 270, Antiochianus and Orphitus being Consuls) to compel the Scythians to repass the Danube, and to return to their own Country, (for they had ravaged Asia and Achaia, Acarnania, Boeotia, Thessaly, and the adjacent Countries,) Zenobia sent her Troops into Egypt, to reduce that fertile Country under her Jurisdiction; the Inhabitants of that rich Province having, upon the News of the Death of Gallienus, unanimously acknowledged and taken the Oath of Allegiance to Claudius, though he were absent. This Zenobia resented, as an Injury offered to her own Title, and the Succession of her Sons, it being usual for the Junior Augustus, upon the Death of the Elder, to claim the Possession of the whole Empire: Or else she took this occasion to assert her Pretensions to that Kingdom; for she derived her Pedigree from the Family of the Ptolemy's, and particularly from Cleopatra the last Queen of that Country, whom the Romans had by force dispossessed.  
To make this Conquest, she sent her General Zabdas into Egypt (where a Party of the Natives, under Timagenes (Pollio calls him Timogenes) had already declared for her Interest, and supported her Claim) who with a powerful Army of Seventy thousand Men, made up of Palmyrenians, Syrians and Barbarians, fought Fifty thousand Egyptians, and after a very sharp Engagement (in which the Militia of Palmyra continued the Fight with unwearied Obstinacy and Pertinaciousness) got the Victory: After which, having left Five thousand of his Soldiers behind him to keep the Country in awe, he returned to Palmyra.  
While this Invasion was made, Probus, whom the Emperor Claudius had declared the Praefect of Egypt, was, according to Command, scouring the neighbouring Seas of the Pirates, who, in those times of Disorder, much infested the bottom of the straits: But as soon as he heard the fatal News, that during his Absence, Egypt had been subdued; he returned with all speed, forming an Army of what Forces he had with him, and such other of the Natives as were content to List themselves for the Service, and to throw off the Yoke of the Palmyrenians, which they hated; and making an Attempt upon the Guards whom Zabdas had left to preserve his New Conquest in Obedience, he drove them out of the Country.  
Upon the Report of this Revolution, Zabdas returned; but Probus having in the mean time strengthened his Troops with Recruits from Lybia, and the remoter Parts of Egypt, attacked the Enemy, got the Victory, and drove the Men of Palmyra a second time out of that Country.  
In pursuit of this Victory, Probus possessed himself of a Hill near Babylon (the Egyptian City of that Name) that he might preclude Zabdas from retiring into Syria. But Timagenes, who exactly knew all the Country, with Two thousand Palmyrenians got to the top of the Hill, unknown to the Egyptians, and falling upon them unexpectedly, cut them all off. Which when their General saw, he, not willing to outlive his Honour, fell on his own Sword.   

CHAP. XXII.  
EGyt being thus reduced under the Power of Zenobia, the remainder of the Barbarians, who outlived the Battle fought between Claudius and the Goths, at Naissus, secured themselves within a Tabor of their Wagons, and so made their Retreat: A violent Pestilence at the same time raging in both Camps; in which Contagion, Claudius, one of the most Accomplished of the Roman Princes, breathed his last. To him Quintillus his Brother succeeded; but hearing that Aurelian was chosen Emperor, he ordered his Physicians to cut his Veins, and so expired.  
Aurelian having baffled the Scythians, and subdued all the Pretenders to the Government, having built the Walls of Rome, and settled the Civil State of that City (which took up the two first Years of his Reign) undertook an Expedition into the East, to reduce Palmyra, which at that time had brought under its Jurisdiction all Egypt, and all the East, home to Ancyra the Metropolis of Galatia; and would have extended its Conquests over Bythinia to the Gates of Chalcedon, if the Inhabitants, having been made acquainted with the Resolutions of Aurelian, had not emancipated themselves from that Yoke.  
Aurelian did not march directly into the East, 
Vopisc. p. 216.  but secured the Provinces through which he went, being forced to fight many Battles by the way, before he reached Syria. For in Illyricum and Thrace he overthrew the remainders of the Goths, and slew Five thousand of them, with their Commander Cannabas. After which, he marched through Byzantium into Bythinia, which had declared for his Interests; took Tyana, which was betrayed to him by Heraclammon, but spared the City, for the sake of the Philosopher Apollonius, who was born there, while he ordered the Traitor to be executed; all the other Cities between Tyana and Antioch rendering themselves.  
Near Antioch, Zenobia had fixed her station, in the Head of a numerous Army advantageously posted. But Aurelian was a Prince of Undaunted Courage, a Bold Spirit, and Dextrous Address; and prepared himself, as became a Prudent General, for a Battle: And observing, that the Strength of Zenobia's Forces consisted in her Horsemen, (who were armed Cap-a-pée, and better understood Horsemanship than the Roman Troops) he posted his Foot beyond the River Orontes, in a separate Body, and commanded his Horse not to engage the Palmyrenians while their Body was fresh and lusty; but when they charged, to retire, and dissemble a Flight, till the extreme Heat of the Wether, and the Weight of their heavy Arms had tired them, and forced them to desist from the Pursuit. The due Observation of this Order got the Victory: For when the Romans, by this manner of Fight, had satigued the Palmyrenian Troops, and tired their Horses, than they charged them with the utmost Vigour, and as they fell from their Horses, or their Horses sunk under them, trod them under their feet. The Slaughter was various; some were slain with the Sword, others stifled with the fall of their own Horses upon them, a third sort trampled to death by the Roman Troops, while the scattered remainders of that great Army fled to Antioch.  
This Battle was fought (says 
* Chron. ex vers. Hier.  Eusebius) in the second Year of the 250th. Olympiad, Anno Christi 273, at 
(a) apud Timas. Hier. (lege apud Imas, an easy Mistake of the Copyist for aput Imas.) apud Imas, in Sextus Rufus, and Eutropius. In Ptolemy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Georgius Syncellus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In St. Hier. Vit. Malchi, Imma.— It was a Town of Seleucis, between Gindarus and Gephyra, says Ptolemy. And Hier. says, that the Desert of Chalcis is situate between Imma and Emesa to the South.  Imma, not far from Antioch, and in the Engagement Pompeianus the Frank (whose Family thereupon settled at Antioch, and was in being in St. Jerom's time, his dear Friend Euagrius being of that House and Lineage) did the Emperor extraordinary Service, and behaved himself with great Bravery. And it was this Battle, or rather the Shadow of a Battle, says 
* L. 7. c. 23.  Orosius, for Zenobia was rather frighted than beaten into Submission) that put that Great Princess into the Hands of the Romans, and decided the Controversy (say Eutropius, and Aurelius Victor.) But they are both mistaken; for Zenobia lost her Empire in a much sharper Engagement at Emesa, where her Forces were entirely routed: Of which more in the next Chapter.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
ZAbdas the General of Zenobia's Army, 
Zosim. p. 45.  a Commander of great Experience, and (till then) as great Success, fearing lest the People of Antioch, upon the report of the loss of the Battle, should have fallen upon and insulted the remains of his Conquered Troops, having found a Man who somewhat resembled Aurelian, clad him in such Habit as that Prince used to wear when he fought, leading him through the Streets of that large City in Triumph, as if he had gotten the Victory, and made the Emperor his Prisoner.  
By this Stratagem Zabdas imposed upon the Citizens of Antioch, and amuzed them the remaining part of that Day, till the Night coming on, he retired with Zenobia to Emesa: And thus he deluded the Antiochians, who otherwise would have much incommoded his Retreat, and escaped being surprised and ruined by Aurelian; for the Emperor had recalled his Foot from the other side of the Orontes, with an Intention, the next day, to have failen upon the relics of the Palmyrenian Army on every side: But his Design was frustrated by the flight of Zenobia; whereupon he altered his Intentions, and entered Antioch, being received by the Citizens with all the Marks of Zeal for his Service; and was so well pleased with the Testimonies of their Repentance and Submission, that he published an Indemnity to the Inhabitants, and recalled those who had fled out of fear of being punished for adhering to the Interests of the Queen of Palmyra.  
At this time Aurelian was informed, that a Party of the Palmyrenians had posted themselves advantageously on a Hill that overlooked Daphne, the famous Suburb of Antioch, in confidence that the Steepness of the Place would secure them from all the Attacks of the Romans. But the Emperor commanded his Infantry to draw themselves into their Close Order, and to cover themselves with their Shields, so to bear off the Darts and Stones that their Adversaries might hurl down upon them: And by this method they got an easy Victory, and put all their Enemies to flight; whom the Romans pursued so closely, that some were forced to throw themselves off from the Precipices, and so were torn in pieces, while the remainder perished by the Swords of the Victors.  
After this, the Cities of Apamea, Larissa and Arethusa opened their Gates, and submitted to the Conqueror, receiving him with all the Marks of Honour and Respect. But Aurelian understanding that the Army of Zenobia, and her Allies, being no less than Seventy thousand Men, were encamped in the Plain before Emesa, immediately moved towards them, and encamped with his Dalmatian, Mysian and Pannonian Horse, with the Legions of Noricum and Rhaetia, and with his Praetorian Bands, who were all select Troops, and tried Men, in view of the Enemy. Besides these Regiments, Aurelian had in his Army several Troops of Moorish Horse, of the Militia of Asia, from Tyana, and from Mesopotamia, Syria, Phenicia, and Palestine, all choice Men.  
When the Armies engaged, the Roman Horse took care not to be enclosed by the Palmyrenians, who were superior to them in number, and galled them very severely, breaking and disordering their Ranks. But as they were about to turn their backs, the Roman Foot charged the Enemy's Troops so briskly, that they soon put them to flight. Upon this followed a bloody slaughter, the Jews falling on with their Clubs and Maces, which made a thundering and unusual Noise upon the Armour of Brass and Iron in which the Palmyrenians charged: The whole Country was covered with the Carcases of Men and Horses, while the few that escaped, fled to the City.  
Zenobia being extremely grieved, as she ought, at her Defeat, deliberated what she should do; and it was unanimously in Council agreed, That she should desert Emesa (the Inhabitants of the City being her Enemies, and wishing well to the Romans) and betake herself to Palmyra, where being more secure, she might consult at leisure how to repair her lost Fortunes. This Advice she immediately complied with, and fled to Palmyra.  
The News of her flight being brought to Aurelian, he entered Emesa in Triumph, covered with the Trophies of a noble Victory, and was received by the Citizens with all the Marks of Joy, and according to the Deserts of an Invincible Hero. At Emesa he seized the Treasures of Zenobia, which, by reason of her precipitate haste, she was forced to leave behind her, and then with all imaginable speed moved toward Palmyra. In his March, 
Vopisc. p. 218.  the Syrian Banditti much infested his Camp; for they had, 
Victor. p. 155.  during the Disturbances of the Empire, made themselves very formidable, their Troops being numerous, their Horse's fleet to admiration, and the Deserts favouring their retreat with their Prey; inasmuch as at this time it was Proverbial at Rome, That none but Women and Thiefs governed the East.  
When Aurelian had quitted himself of these troublesome Attendants, he formed the Siege of Palmyra, straightly beleaguing the City, and fortifying his Camp with Castles, while the neighbouring Nations furnished him with all sorts of Provisions. The Besieged, in the mean time, being possessed with a vain Opinion, That their City was Impregnable, derided the Attempts of the Romans, as if they must be forced, in a few days, to raise their Siege, for want of Necessaries; while the City was well provided with all the requisites of War, the Garrison numerous and brave, and engaged to fight, not, as before, for Glory and Conquest, but for their Wives and Children, and their own Liberties, their All being at stake: For it was beyond the reach of Fancy to imagine (says Aurelian, in his Letter to Mucapores) what vast quantities of Arms and Military Stores were in that City; that no part of the Wall was without two or three Engines to throw Darts, and other Instruments of Mischief, into the Enemy's Camp; that with some of their Machine's they threw Fire among their Tents; and that the Garrison behaved themselves with so much Resolution, that Aurelian having been wounded with an Arrow, had like to have breathed his last under the Walls of Palmyra.   

CHAP. XXIV.  
THis Resolution of the Besieged, joined to the many Fatigues the Emperor was obliged to undergo, made him almost quite weary of his Design: Whereupon he wrote to Zenobia, requiring her to surrender the Place, and promising her and her Confederates, that they should be allowed to live in great Plenty and Security, in such a part of the Empire as the Senate should appoint, upon Condition, that all her Treasure and Arms, her Horses and Camels, should be given up to the Romans; after which, Palmyra should be permitted to be a Free Commonwealth, as it had been in past Ages. But the haughty Queen kept up her Courage, though her Fortunes were sunk, and returned the Emperor this Answer:  
Zenobia the Queen of the East, To the Emperor Aurelian.  
NO Man ever yet, except yourself, durst demand of me, what your Letters require. Whatsoever is to be achieved in War, must be gotten by Courage and Resolution. You command me to surrender myself and Empire; but you have forgotten, that Cleopatra chose rather to die by her own Hand, than to lessen and outlive her Grandeur. I am not destitute of Assistance; I daily expect Succours from the Persians: The Saracens and Armenians are in my Interests; and the very Freebooters of my Country have already insulted and baffled your Army. When these Auxiliary Troops arrive, which I look for from all Quarters, you will abate of your imperious Demands, though you now require me to yield, as if you had already gotten an entire Conquest, and had made yourself Lord of all the East.  
This Epistle inflamed Aurelian, and put him upon doing all that a wise and brave General ought to have attempted, to reduce the City; he intercepted the Persian Succours, and debauched the Saracens and Armenians, whom he corrupted by Money, and bought off, till they deserted, according to the Custom of those fickle and changeable Nations, who are true only to their own Interests, and pay their Homage and Services to that Prince who bids most for them.  
When the Garrison heard that all their Relief was cut off, and saw the Emperor bent to carry on his Attacks with the utmost vigour, being also much pressed with the want of Necessaries, they determined to send their Queen over the Euphrates into Persia, to beg the Assistance of that great King; and to this end, they did set Zenobia on a female Camel, which sort of Creatures run swifter than any Horse, (others say, on a swift Dromedary,) and conveyed her out of the City.  
Aurelian, vexed hearty that his Enemy had made her escape, dispatched his Light-Horse to overtake her, who seized on her as she was just embarked, endeavouring to reach the farther side of the Euphrates, and brought her back to the Roman Camp with mighty Joy and Triumph.  
In the mean time, the Garrison was divided in their Sentiments, one Party of them resolving to maintain the Town to the last Man, and to the last drop of their Blood; while others were determined to supplicate the Emperor's Pardon, and to surrender. And this last Opinion prevailed; whereupon, Aurelian having given his Promise, that they should be indemnifyed for whatever was past, they opened their Gates, and begged the Conqueror's Mercy, who received them with all Kindness, and took care they should not suffer any damage.   

CHAP. XXV.  
THus was that proud City, emulous of the Glory of Old Rome, reduced under the Power of Aurelian, who having possessed himself of all the Treasure and rich Movables of it, returned to Emesa, and there sat in Judgement on Zenobia and her Accomplices. For the Army were ready to mutiny, and petitioned, that she that had been the cause of all their Hardships, should be Executed. But Aurelian, who had a grand Esteem for her Courage, and other Heroical Qualifications, and who could not have forgotten the Merits of her Husband Odenathus, and his great Services, who supported the sinking Empire in the East, and preserved it from utter Ruin, thought it beneath the Courage of a brave Man to murder a Woman, one of so rare Endowments, and who had for some years worn the Sacred Purple, in cold blood; and being convinced, that it would more contribute to his Glory, to carry her in Triumph to Rome, than to put her to Death in the East, he preserved her from the Rage of the incensed Soldiers; and to satisfy the Mutinous, sharply expostulated with her the Reasons of her Obstinacy, and caused all those to be slain who had engaged her to take up Arms against Aurelian. This occasioned the Execution of many eminent Persons, among whom the most learned Longinus met his Fate with great Resolution; and to the last, he bore his Sufferings with a Philosophical Courage, and was so far from being affrighted with the Shadows of the Grave, that he comforted his Friends who bemoaned his Destiny, and convinced them, that if this lower World be but one large Prison, he is the happiest Man who is soon discharged and set at liberty.   

CHAP. XXVI.  
THe Affairs of the East having thus been adjusted, 
Vopisc. p. 219.  and the Country left without Disturbance, 
Zosim. l. 1, p. 55:  Aurelian determined to return into Europe; but before he could reach Rome, while he was passing through Rhodopa, a Province of Thrace, the Inhabitants of Palmyra, who could not content themselves with their meaner Circumstances (the loss of their Empire being a continual Affliction) resolved to betake themselves to their Arms, to recover their ancient Grandeur. In pursuit of this Design, they fell upon Sandario, and the Six hundred Archers whom the Emperor had left there in Garrison, and putting them to the Sword, chose Achilleus (the Father of their Captive Queen Zenobia) their Prince. But as soon as the Emperor heard of the Revolt, being a General of unwearied Diligence and Dispatch, he immediately marched back into Asia, and utterly destroyed that unhappy City.  
This part of the Story Zosimus tells somewhat differently; That the Men of Palmyra, instigated by Apsaeus, who had in former times been a busy Agitator among them, attempted to persuade Marcellieus (T. Nonnius Marcellinus, I suppose, who afterwards was Consul in Year of the Emperor Tacitus, Anno Christi 275,) whom Aurelian had constituted his Governor of Mesopotamia, and the Praefectus Praetorio of the East, to take upon him the Empire. He put them off from day to day; and under the pretext of considering so weighty an Affair, before he determined his Resolutions, gained time till he had certified Aurelian of the Revolt; but at last he positively refused to take the Purple. Whereupon they chose Antiochus their King, and armed themselves in his defence.  
Upon the News that Marcellinus sent, the Emperor doubled his March, and in a short time came to Antioch; the Inhabitants, who were busied about their Sports, in seeing the Horse-races, being surprised at his coming; from whence he immediately sped to Palmyra, which without fight he took, and razed, giving Antiochus his Life and Liberty, accounting him beneath his Anger.  
In the Sack of the City, the Soldiers were surfeited with Blood and Rapine (as Aurelian, in his Letters to Cejonius Bassus, relates) sparing neither Age, Sex nor Quality, involving Women and Children, Old and Young, the Nobility and the Boors in the same common Ruin, till there was hardly left a Man to inhabit the City, or to manure the Ground.  
Such a Revenge satiated even the fierce Temper of Aurelian, inasmuch as he he wrote to Cejonius Bassus (or rather Cerronius, according to the old Copies, probably the same Cerronius, the General of the Dalmatian Troops, who slew Gallienus, whom, I conjecture, Aurelian left the Governor of Palmyrene) to put a period to the Carnage, and to spare the poor remains of that unfortunate City, enjoining him expressly to build the Temple of the Sun (which had been sacked and rifled by the Soldiers of the Third Legion) as magnificently as it had been in times past (and by the Ruins of it extant at this 
Vid. Append.  day, it appears to have been a stupendous Building) to the repairing this noble Structure he enjoined him to expend 300 Pound weight of Gold, which he found in the Coffers of Zenobia, besides 1800 Pound weight of Silver, which was raised from the sale of the People's Goods, together with the Crown Jewels, all which he ordered to be sold, to make Money to beautify the Temple, while himself promises to write to the Senate to send a Priest from Rome to Dedicate it.  
After this, Aurelian returns into Europe without any disturbance, carrying the unhappy Zenobia his Prisoner with him to Rome, till she became one of the Ornaments of his Triumph; whither I shall follow her, to complete her Story, when I have briefly considered the Fortunes of her Associate Firmius.   

CHAP. XVII.  
WHen Aurelian had put to death all Zenobia's Councillors, Military Officers, and Associates, and destroyed the City, Marcus Firmius (as the Coins style him, while the Historians call him Firmus) one of the Confederates of the Captive Princess, took upon him the Title of Emperor, 
* Vopis. p. 242.  and endeavoured to revenge her Quarrel: He was born at Seleucia, and bred up to all manner of robust Exercises, Nature having fitted him with a Gigantic Body qualified for such Undertake; his Stature was tall to a Prodigy; and his Limbs so firm, that supporting himself only with his Hands, he could endure the Smiths, when they had laid an Anvil on his bare Breast, to smite on it with their Sledges: And proportionable to his Strength was his Stomach, for he used to eat an Ostrich at a Meal; and could swallow at a sitting, though his usual Drink was Water, as much Wine as two Buckets would hold: He had also amast vast Wealth, having often sent his Ships to trade in the East-Indies, which returned loaden with all sort of rich Goods, and among other Rarities, two Elephants Teeth of ten Foot long: And of the Products of Egypt, he had in his Warehouse as much Paper and Glue as would maintain an Army. 
Vid. Salmas. in loc.  And, that he might keep a Port suitable to his Station, to his Riches, and his Dignity, he built him a noble and pompous Palace at Alexandria.  
Firmius having thus filled his Coffers, and provided all things necessary to maintain the Interest he resolved to engage in, declared himself a Friend and Confederate to Zenobia, (nor is it altogether improbable that Zenobia constituted him, being a Man of extraordinary Strength and Courage, and Master of a great Estate, her Governor over Egypt, when Zabdas had conquered it,) and when that Illustrious Queen fell into her Misfortunes, he entered into a League with the Blemmyoe and Saracens, and then declared himself Emperor (as the Coins expressly prove, tho' Aurelian, according to the Custom of that Age, which styled all Tyrants and Usurpers Thiefs, will not allow him a better Title than that of the Egyptian Robber, and though Vopiscus says that he declared Egypt a Free State, refusing to assume the Ensigns of Royalty) and having recollected the scattered Forces of Zenobia's Army, undertook to support the improsperous Cause, and to defend Alexandria.  
But no Power could resist the Genius of Aurelian; for after the return of that great Man from Carrae, Firmius fell a Victor to the Conqueror, and some say, became his own Executioner. But Aurelian himself affirms, that after he had routed his Army, he besieged him in Alexandria, and having taken the City by Storm, he severely chastised the Citizens for their Sedition, but Crucify'd their Ephemerous Emperor (for he did not reign a full Year) which was the usual Punishment to which Thiefs were Condemned.  
From Egypt the fierce and indefatigable Emperor marched his Troops toward the West, vexed and angry that Tetricus still maintained his Pretensions to the Purple in France; but upon his approach, Tetricus, who could no longer endure nor digest the Insolence of his Legions, gave up his Army to Aurelian, who having thus quieted the Affairs of both the East and West, returned to Rome with his Captives, which City he resolved to enter in State, as the Lord of the Universe.   

CHAP. XXVIII.  
THe Affairs of Zenobia, after she fell into the Hands of Aurelian, are differently related. 
* L. 1. p. 55.  Zosimus avers, that the Victorious Emperor carried her, her Son, and all her Accomplices with him towards Rome, and that it was reported, that she either died of some Disease, or that refusing all manner of Sustenance, she starved herself; and that the rest of the Captives, except her Son, were Shipwrecked, and drowned in the straits, between Chalcedon and Byzantium. 
† Pay. 2. p. 397.  Malela says, that Aurelian caused her to ride on a Dromedary, and carried her with him through all the East, till he came to Antioch, where for three Days he exposed her to the sight of the People, loaden with Fetters, who had often seen her in the height of her Glory; after which, he transported her to Rome, where, after she had acted her part among the Princes of the conquered Provinces, he caused her to be Beheaded. But 
* Tom. 2. p. 240.  Zonaras talks doubtfully, his Authors from whom he derived his Notices differing in their Accounts; some affirming, that the Victor used her with the greatest Clemency, and married her at Rome to a Man of Quality, (Syncellus says he was a Senator,) others, that she died by the way, oppressed with grief for the loss of her Empire, and that Aurelian himself married one of her Daughters, and disposed of the others for Wives to the most Illustrious of the Romans.  
But in the Memoirs of the Western Affairs, we are rather to be guided by the Writers of that Country, who may be presumed to have been better acquainted with what was done in their own Country, than those who lived at a great distance in the East. And they all agree, 
Hier. Chron. Eutrop. Treb. Pol. etc.  that Zenobia survived all her Misfortunes, that Aurelian gave her her Life for her own sake, and for the Merits of Odenathus, and that she lived very happily in Italy, after she, having been devested of the Empire of the East, had made her Figure in the Triumph of Aurelian; and I shall account for the Pomp of it, which the Historian says was Specious and Magnificent, because that was the last of the Imperial Triumphs, which was made according to the ancient manner. Though it must be confessed, that Onuphrius Panvinius says, that the last Triumph was that of Belisarius, who, by the Order of the Emperor Justinian, was allowed to make his Entry into the City of Constantinople in a Triumphant Chariot, drawn by four Horses a breast, after he had recovered Africa out of the hands of the Vandals, and made Gelimer their King his Prisoner; and that his Scholiast Joachim Maderus affirms, that Heraclius, Johannes Commenus, and Manuel his Son, had their several Triumphs: But these have no relation to Rome, but to Constantinople. And of the Triumph of Belisarius, Procopius says expressly, 
Vandal. l. 2. c. 9 p. 255. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  that it was not according to the ancient method, but that he began his Procession at his own House, from whence he marched on foot to the Hippodrome, and from thence to the Imperial Throne; and withal he avers, that for near Six hundred Years before Belisarius, the Honour of the Triumph was not given to any other, since the days of Titus and Trajan, and those other great Emperors who had conquered the Barbarians; among whom, I suppose, he includes Aurelian.   

CHAP. XXIX.  
THe Triumphal Pomp was always very August: 
Vopisc. p. 220. & Onufr. de Triumph. p. 140.  The whole Senate marched in their several Ranks toward the Capitol, being followed by the Trumpets of War, who sounding a Charge, introduced the Representations of the several Countries that had been subdued, and the Cities that had been taken, done in exquisite Imagery and Picture: After these followed the Riches of the Conquered Provinces, vast quantities of Gold and Silver, and noble Gems, Crowns and Royal Robes, and the other Ornaments of Royalty and Grandeur, intermixed with the Arms that were peculiar to the Regions that had been reduced under the Roman Power: These were succeeded, among others, by a long Train of Sacrifices, and Priests attending that Service, all clad in rich Garments of Silk and Purple, interwove with Gold: Then came the Chariots of the unfortunate Princes, with a long train of their faithful Subjects, who, to show their Fidelity, were content to follow the adverse Fortune of their Sovereigns.  
When Aurelian made his Entry into that superb City, there were three Royal Chariots very remarkable: The first belonged to the Hero Odenathus, (while alive) richly adorned with Gold, and Silver, and Precious-Stones, which gave it a peculiar Lustre. The second, no less glorious than the first, was a Present made by the King of Persia to the Great Aurelian, (who also presented him with a Purple Robe, of so beautiful a die, dipped in the Indies, that nothing of the Imperial Wardrobe, or the Cabinets of the Roman Ladies, was comparable to it.) The third, was the Chariot which Zenobia had caused to be made for herself, in hopes to have entered Rome in Triumph, after she had reduced that proud City. 'Tis true, she made her entry into Rome in the same Chariot; but she road in it a Captive, not a Queen.  
These Chariots were followed by a fourth, which (as it was reported) did once belong to the King of the Goths, drawn by four Stag's abreast, in which Aurelian (clad in the famous Purple abovementioned, which he afterwards dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus, and which after Ages looked on with Admiration) was drawn to the Capitol, where he sacrificed the Stags, according to a Vow made to Jupiter, when he took the Chariot. In the head of these Chariots marched twenty Elephants; of Lybian Lions, 
Vid. Salmas. in Vopisc. pag. 371.  Leopards and Panthers, as also of those of Palestine, two hundred; which, after the Triumph was ended, Aurelian bestowed on his private Friends, that he might lessen the Public Expense. These were sollowed by four Tigers, by several Camelopardali, Elks, and other strange Beasts, each in their orders.  
Part of this Pomp consisted of eight hundred pair of Gladiators destined to the Entertainment of the People, and of an infinite number of Captives; for, besides the Barbarous Nations of the Blemmyes, the Inhabitants of Axumis, and of Arabia the Happy; the Indians, Bactrians, Iberians, Saracens and Persians; and after them, the Goths, the Alans, the Roxolans, the Sarmatians, Franks, Suevians, Vandals and Germans, with their Hands bound behind their Backs, preceded the Imperial Chariot. Among these, the principal Men of Palmyra, as many as had outlived the Calamity of their Country, and the Rebels of Egypt, had their station. But the most remarkable of the Captives were ten Masculine Women, who, habited in men's clothes, had done extraordinary Service to the Gothick General; these few being all that survived of the Amazonian Race, who sought against the Romans; and in the Head of every Nation, was carried the Name of the Country to which they belonged.  
Amidst this numerous train of Priscners, Tetricus made a peculiar Figure; he was habited A-la-mode de France, where he had been Emperor, in a Scarlet Cloak, under which he wore a light Gold-coloured Coat, and a pair of French Breeches; with him was his Son, whom Tetricus had declared Emperor in France. After him followed Zenobia, decked to the greatest advantage, but loaden with her Golden Chains, whose weight was supported by her Attendants. The Crown of every conquered City, distinguished by an eminent Inscription, was carried before every Nation. After them followed the People of Rome, the Banners of the several Colleges, and the Ensigns of every Regiment, with the Cuirassiers, followed by the rest of the Army. And after these the Senators marched (but not so brisk and merry as otherwise they would have been on such a Solemnity, because Tetricus, who was a Member of that August Body, was led a Captive in the Triumph.) It was late ere the Cavalcade reached the Capitol, but Night before the Emperor returned to the Palace.  
On the following Days the common People were solaced with the sight of stageplays, Horse-races, Hunt, the Duels of the Gladiators, and mock Sea-fights. And among other the Pleasantries of that merry time, it is not to be forgotten, that Aurelian, before he made his Expedition into the East, promised the Romans, that if he returned a Conqueror, he would give a Crown of two Pound weight to every Citizen, which they expected would be of no worse Metal than Gold: But the Emperor being neither able nor willing, presented each of them with a fine Wheaten Loaf in shape of a Crown, and of the same weight, and one of these he bestowed on every Commoner, every year, as long as he lived.   

CHAP. XXX.  
WHen this Ceremony was over, Aurelian gave both Tetricus and Zenobia their Lives, constituting Tetricus 
(a) The Correctors of any part of a Roman Province were reckoned in Honour equal to the Men of Consular Dignity. 
Guther de Offic. Dom. Aug. l. 1. c. 7. p. 25, 26. & p. 237.  There were two Correctors of Italy (as the Notitia says) the one of Apulia and Calabria, the other of Lucania, and the Brutii; the Correctors being reckoned among the Friends of the Emperor, among the Viri Clarissimi, and Spectabiles, and set to stand on a level with the Precedents of Provinces.  Corrector of Lucania, (Trebellius Pollio says, of all Italy,) and settling Zenobia at Rome, where she lived in much Plenty and Honour to a great Age, maintaining the Port of a Roman Matron, by the Estate which the Emperor possessed her of in Tivoli, not far from the Emperor Adrian's Palace, and the Place which is called Conchae (or Concae;) and so well she behaved herself in her new Habitation, that the Place of her Residence was called Zenobia, from the illustrious Inhabitant.  
The precise Situation of this Zenobia (the Villa of this excellent Princess) is to this day under dispute: 
Cons. del Ré de l'Antichità Tiburtine, par. 2. c. 5.  Fulvio Cardoli says, that the Ruins of the Villa Zenobia are to be seen in that Place that is called Colle di Santo Stephano, which is situate near the Palace of Adrian. But Del Ré avers, that Conchae is near the Lake Della Solforata, called the Baths; that the Plain is to this day called the Plain of Conche; and, that the noble Marbles to be seen there, are a demonstration that he was not mistaken in the Situation. The Baths being built (says the learned Andrea Bacci) by Agrippa, for the use of such as would frequent them; that three hundred years after their first Foundation, the Place was deputed for the Habitation of Zenobia; and, that the Cardinal Hyppolito of Ferrara found there a Jewel of Gold, an Antique Vessel of Silver, and other Ornaments belonging to the Ladies of those early times, with an Inscription, that in that Place one of the Daughters of Zenobia was buried. From all which, viz. from the Name Conche, still remaining, from the Antique Fabrics standing thereabouts, and from what was found there, it may be gathered, that the Villa Zenobia could not be far off.  
Some Authors affirm, that Zenobia's Sons, Herennianus and Timolaus, were slain by Aurelian's Order, (Greatness is seldom unaccompanied with Jealousy; and a Rival Prince never thinks his Title secure, till his Competitor is in his Grave;) but others say, that they tasted of the Emperor's Clemency, and died at Rome natural Deaths, the very year in which they were brought thither, Ann. Chr. 273, 
Pag. 385.  (says Mezzobarba;) while Vaballathus having been led in Triumph with his Mother Zenobia, spent the remainder of his life in a private station. But whence that learned Man had these Notices, I profess I know not. This we are sure of, that in the Reign of Constantine the Great, her Posterity were reckoned among the Nobility of Rome, so says Trebellius Pollio expressly: In the Reign of Valens the same Family continued in great Reputation, says Eutropius: And St. Jerom witnesss the same thing for the times of Honorius. And Cardinal Baronius imagines, that Zenobius the Bishop of Florence, St. Ambrose's Contemporary, was one of the Descendants of this famous Empress; but I suppose he built his Conjecture on no other Foundation, but the Likeness of the Names.  
Such was the Fate of this illustrious Lady; such the Destiny of Palmyra, the Metropolis of her Empire, under Aurelian; 
L. 5. p. 53.  a Catastrophe, if we may credit the Heathen Historian Zosimus (who was a great Bigot for Paganism) foretold by Oracles, 
Vid. Append.  and confirmed by more than one sad Omen, which determined the period of that short-lived Empire.   

CHAP. XXXI.  
Aurelian having thus subdued all his Adversaries, 
Aurel. Vit. etc.  and established his own and the Empires Quiet, lived after this in an extraordinary Pomp and Splendour: He was the first of the Roman Emperors who habited himself in Cloth of Gold, the first who wore Gems on his clothes, and in his Shoes, and put on a Diadem, (the Coin in Oeselius describing him encircled with a Diadem different from, and more rich than those of his Predecessors:) He valued himself, as the Recoverer of the Empire both in the East and West, as the Restorer of the World to its desired Peace and Tranquillity, and as one who was born a God, 
Deus & Dominus Natus, on the reverse of one of his Coins in Mezzobarba, p. 407.  and the Lord of the Universe. He was undoubtedly an eminent Prince, though born of mean Parents, comparable to the Alexanders, and the Julius Caesar's of former Ages, if he had not sullied the Lustre of his Virtues by his Excessive Cruelties, of which the Carnage at the Sack of Palmyra is a severe Instance. And so valuable did he account that Victory, that, to preserve the Memory of it (according to the Practice of the Roraan Emperors) he added to his Imperial Titles, among many others, that of the Palmyrenian, as appears by an old Inscription consecrated to his Honour in the Fifth Year of his Reign, in 
* Thesaur. p. 274.  Goltzius, (i. e. the last, says Petavius and Tristan, though the old 
† Ibid.  Coins (and their Authority is to me unquestionable) expressly mention the Sixth Year of his Reign; and with them agrees the 
‖ Pag. 637.  Chronicon, commonly called the Alexandrian,) which is worth the preserving, because in very few Inscriptions the mention of Palmyra occurs:  
MAGNO AUGUSTO PRINCIPI MAX. IMP. FORTISSIMO, CONSERVATORI ORBIS, L. DOMITIO AURELIANO P. F. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POT. V P. P. COS. III. PROCOS. GOTH. MAX. PALMYR. MAX. GER. MAX.  
ORDO BRIXIANORUM.  

‖ Or, To the Great Augustus.  To the Great and August, the most Illustrious of Princes, the Bravest of Emperors, the Preserver of the World, Lucius Domitius Aurelianus, Pious and Happy, the Chief Priest, in the Fifth Year of his Tribunitian Power, the Father of his Country, Consul the Third time, Proconsul, the most Glorious Conqueror of the Goths, the Palmyrenians and Germans,  
The Brescians dedicate this Inscription.  
His Cruelty was the cause of his Death; for his Secretary Eros (or Mnestheus, as Vopiscus calls him) having been threatened by Aurelian, and fearing his fierce Temper, thought it adviseable to prevent his own Death, by imbruing his Hands in the Blood of his Master, whom, by the help of his Accomplices in the Treason, and by the Hand of Mucapores, he slew, as he was taking the Air, attended with but a thin Guard, while the Camp lay at the New Castle (Coenophrium) a Mansion between Heraclea and Byzantium, in the Road, toward Persia, against which Aurelian was marching his Army, 
Cuspin. Caes. p. 79.  to revenge himself upon that Nation, for assisting Zenobia in the former War against the Romans.  
Thus Aurelian made his Exit, in the 
* Chron. Alex. p. 637.  Seventy fifth Year of his Age; and after his Death, was honoured, as the more deserving Princes usually were, with a Deification, as both the Historians and the Coins declare.   

CHAP. XXXII.  
BUt though Palmyra was thus ruined by the Commands of Aurelian, I cannot think it was wholly razed, it not being consonant to the Wisdom of that August Government to slight so strong a Garrison upon the Borders; for this would have been the same, as to invite the Persians to a new Invasion; but that the Emperor, who gave a particular Order to rebuild, beautify and endow the noble Temple of the Sun, that had been plundered and destroyed by the insolent Soldiers, did also take care, that the City should be put in a posture of defence, so as it might obstruct the Eruptions of the Enemy, and that to that end he constituted Cerronius Bassus the Governor of that Province; though I doubt not, but it lost the Privileges of a Roman Colony, of a Metropolis, and in all probability of a Free City, and was only left in the condition of a Garrison, or Praesidium. For as it was usual to advance a Praesidium, or Fort, to the Honour of a City, as Bosra in Arabia was promoted by the Emperor Severus; so, on the contrary, a City often lost its Franchises, when it turned Rebel to the Emperor. In this condition I suppose it to have been, when Dioclesian and Maximinian wore the Imperial Purple, Hierocles at that time being the Praefect of the Province, as appears by the only Latin Inscription that hath been as yet found at Palmyra; the Pillar being erected to the Honour of the abovenamed Emperors, 
Vid. Append.  and of Constantius and Galerius Maximianus the Caesars, who had most happily founded Castra.  
Now, that we may know when Castra was founded, it will be necessary to consider the State of the Empire at that time. Dioclesian having been opposed by many Competitors, was particularly rivalled by Achilleus in Egypt; 
Eutrop. brev. Idat. Chron.  against him therefore he marched in Person, besieged him in Alexandria, and at last slew him. After this, he went into Mesopotamia, and there making a halt, sent Galerius, Ann. Chr. 296, against Narses King of Persia. Galerius rashly engaging the Persians, between Callinicus and Carrae, with a very small Force, was routed, and beaten back to the Camp of Dioclesian; who, when he met him, treated him with so much scorn, that he made him run in his Purple Robe some Miles by his Chariot-side, like a Footman, before he vouchsafed to speak to him. But in a little time after this, Ann. Chr. 297, upon Galerius his important Solicitations, he furnished him with Recruits from Illyricum and Maesia, and commanded him to retrieve the Honour he had lost in the first Engagement, and accordingly he behaved himself with so much Bravery in the second Battle (in which with 25000 Men he broke into the Enemy's Camp) that he routed the Persians, beat them out of Armenia Major, where they had posted themselves, took the Tents and Baggage of Narses, and a great Booty, made his Wives, his Sisters, and Children, (his Daughters, says Rufus Festus,) with a great part of the Persian Nobility, Prisoners, drove the King to fly for shelter to the remotest Solitudes of his Dominions, and acquitted the Romans from the ignominy of the Captivity of Valerian.  
Narses being reduced to so great extremity by this last Blow, 
P. Patric. excerpt. p. 26.  that had almost determined the period of his Empire, chose Appharban, one of the most trusty and most beloved of his Courtiers (his Praefectus Praetorio, as the Historian, using the Style of his own Country, calls him) his Chief Minister, a Man of Address, and happy Application, to be his Ambassador to Galerius; who having obtained leave to deliver his Message, thus accosted this victorious Prince; That all Mankind knew, that the two Empires of Rome and Persia, were two great Luminaries, which, like the two Eyes in the Body, were to receive Lustre, Beauty and Help one from the other; that it was unnatural, when they endeavoured to extinguish each other; that to destroy, and bring to desolation, could not be reckoned among the illustrious Achievements, but must be accounted an effect of Madness and Folly; that only meaner Spirits delighted in the Ruin of their Enemies; that Narseus was not to be reckoned a weak Prince, because he was unfortunate, but that Galerius being the greatest of Monarches, the Conquest of Narseus, who was in no one noble Qualification inferior to any of his Predecessors, was referved by the Destinies for him. And that he further had it in his Commission to assure him, That though his Master had a just Title to his Dominions, yet he threw himself upon the Mercy and Clemency of the Romans; that he would not offer any Terms to Galerius, but would be content with whatever Articles he would please to allow him, desiring him to return him his Wives and his Children; that this Humanity would entitle him to a nobler Conquest, than his victorious Arms; and, that his generous Usage of his Family already had been such, that he professed his inability to pay him his Acknowledgements as he deserved.— (For the King's Wives and Children had been treated with all sort of handsome Usage; and the Nobility who had been made Prisoners of War, except their restraint, found no difference between their Captivity and Freedom, between the Enemy's Camp and their own Palaces; that not only not Insults were made on their Persons, no Injuries offered them, but their Entertainment was liberal, and suited to their Quality.) To this the Persian Ambassador subjoined, That the State of Mankind was very mutable, and subject to great Alterations,  
Upon this Galerius seemed to be in a heat, and answered, That it was not well done of the Persians, to desire their Adversaries to consider the Instabilty of Humane Affairs; because, whenever they were blessed with Success, themselves were the most insolent of Conquerors, and added new Afflictions, by their opprobrious Usage to those who who were before most heavily oppressed: putting them in mind of their inhuman Carriage toward the unfortunate Emperor Valerian, to whom they showed neither Justice nor Moderation; for after you had circumvented him, and made him your Prisoner, you kept him in Chains, till he had languished out many years in durance, and without any regard to his extreme Age, or his Sacred Character, you used him with scorn, and at last put him to a cruel and dishonourable Death: And whereas the Rage of the most violent and wicked Men uses to be appeased, when their Adversaries are dead, your Malice outlived the Object of it; and though his Body was mortal, you resolved to treat it with a Tyranny that endeavoured to make itself immortal; for having flayed that great Prince alive, you salted and preserved his Skin, as a lasting Memorial of your Treachery, and insatiable Cruelty: This last thing, he assured the Ambassador he mentioned, not that he resolved to follow so ignominious a Precedent, but to convince the Persians that they could not have any Pretensions to that Humane Usage which they petitioned for; and that he was satisfied, that their Argument from the Inconstancy of Humane Affairs, never made any impression on their Minds in the days of their Prosperity; while he was resolved to tread in the steps and to imitate the nobler Practices of his Predecessors, who were accustomed to suppress the Stubborn and Obstinate, but to comfort and support the Penitent.— And having thus spoken, he commanded the Ambassador to return to his Master, and to represent to him the Clemency of the Romans, of whose Courage he had lately met with an unquestionable Demonstration, bidding him to expect in a short time the return of the Prisoners, according to his Desires.  
Having dismissed the Persian Ambassador, the Triumphant Galerius returned into Mesopotamia to Dioclesian, covered with Laurels, and the Trophies of an entire Victory, and was received with the testimonies of the greatest Honour, as he justly deserved. At Nisibis, Galerius met the Emperor, without whose Consent himself, being only Caesar at that time, could not confirm a Peace, and having made Dioclesian acquainted with the Particulars, consulted with him what Articles they should propose to the Persian Monarch. 
P. Patric. Excerp. p. 29. 30.  When they had adjusted the Affair, they sent Sicorius Probus, the Emperor's Secretary, into Persia, with the Terms of Agreement. The King treated the Ambassador with all Civility; but, pretending some hindrance or other, carried him with him from place to place, till he came to Asprudis, a River of Media, where the scattered remains of his routed Army, having rallyed, and embodied themselves, pitched their Tents; there he granted the Ambassador all the Demands of his Master the Emperor, except that the Place of Meeting should be Nisibis: Upon which the Persian Monarch's Wife and Children were restored him, and the Captive Nobility had their Liberty.  
At this time Castra was founded by Dioclesian, says 
* Lib. 23. cap. 5.  Ammianus Marcellinus, (and 
† Par. 2. p. 17.  Johannes Malela,) which he calls Cercusium; Malela, Circisium; but the Subscriptions of the Chalcedon Council, Castro-Circon, by a complication of both Names. For the Eruptions of the Persians into the Roman Territories on the side of the Euphrates were so destructive to those Provinces, that the 
‖ Procop. Persic. l. 2. c. 5. p. 97. & de Aedific. l. 2. c. 3. p. 42.  Emperors saw it very necessary to build several Cities and Castles upon the Banks of that River, to secure their Borders, particularly in that large and barren Desert that lies between Euphratesia and the Persian Limits; in that Solitude Dioclesian erected three Castles built of unbaked Bricks, of which number Mambri was one, which was situate five miles below Zenobia; but Circesium stood three days Journey lower than Zenobia, and as far from Palmyra, being the last and remotest Castle that the Romans had on their Confines, a little below Thapsacus; it was built very neat, and very strong, on the confluence of the Euphrates, and the Abora (or Chaborras, as it is called in Ptolemy) two noble Rivers, which wash the Walls of the City, being situated on the farther side of the Euphrates, in that very Angle which the two Rivers make when they meet: Besides the Ramparts of the Castle, it was defended by a long Wall, which extended itself for some miles on the sides of both the Rivers, and was built in the figure of a Triangle. In times past it was a mean place, and not tenable; but Dioclesian fenced it with high Walls and Towers, when in the Confines of the Barbarians he fixed the Limits of the Roman Empire, lest the Persians should by that Pass invade Syria, as they had in times passed often done, to the great detriment of the Provinces, paricularly under 
* Ammian. ubi supr.  Gallienus, when they marched their Army over this Ford, and sacked and burned Antioch. In 
† Malel. par. 2. p. 17.  the Reign of Julian the Apostate it was garrisoned with 6000 Men: and in the 13th. Year of 
‖ Precop. ubi supr.  Justinian, when Chosroes brought his Forces thither, with a design that way to invade the Empire, he durst not attempt it. After which time, how long it continued in the hands of the Emperors of the East, I know not. By all which it appears, that Castra was founded Anno Christi 27 8/9. and that at that time Hierocles was Governor of Palmyra.   

CHAP. XXXIII.  
IN the Reign of Honorius, Palmyra continued a Roman Garrison, the Town being then under the Inspection of the Dux Phoeniciae, as the Notitiae, collected probably in that Emperor's Reign, affirm; commanded by a Colonel, or Praefect of the first Illyrian Legion, which was left there in Garrison. And in this state it was when Stephen the Grammarian of Constantinople published his Work concerning the Cities; for he calls it expressly a Castle of Syria (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) as Hermolaus his Epitomator, who dedicated his Breviate to the Emperor Justinian informs us. But though the Civil Privileges of the City were infringed, it retained the Honour of an Episcopal See; this fell not under the cognizance of the Pagan Emperors, and for that reason was not fortified; the Church being careful to preserve her Rights, when the City honoured with the Episcopal Jurisdiction, had lost here's.  
Justinian having determined, in the First Year of his Reign, Ann. Chr. 52⅞. to make War upon the Persians, resolved to rebuild Palmyra, says Procopius, who thus describes it: 
Procop. de Aedific. l. 2. c. 11. p. 50. & l. 5. c. 1. p. 95.  That there was a City of Phoenicia, near Mount Libanus, called Palmyra, built of old in a Country that had no Neighbours but such as were at a great distance, but most commodiously situated to observe the movements of the Saracens, the Enemies of the Romans, having been built on purpose to prevent the Eruptions of those Barbarians into the Roman Territories. This City having been for a long time deserted, Justinian strengthened with extraordinary Fortifications, bringing Water to the Place for the support of a strong Garrison which he fixed there. (And to Justinian I am inclined to attribute the building the Castle of Palmyra, 
Vid. Journal p. 84, 85, 103.  rather than to a Prince of the Druses, who never, that we read of, enlarged their Territories as far as Tadmur; as also, that noble Aqueduct seems to be of his Foundation, which runs underground in a direct passage five miles, and is covered all the way with an Arch of bastard-Marble, and a Path on both sides the Channel, large enough for two Persons to walk a breast in, with Ventiducts at every twenty yard's distance, being built for the supply of the Garrison with Water.) This was done (says 
* Chronogr. p. 148.  Theophanes) in the First Year of Justinian, after the Death of his Uncle Justin, the Emperor having given Commission to Patricius the Armenian, the Governor of the East, to see the Work done effectually, having furnished him with Money to that purpose, commanding also the Governor of the East to make that Place the Seat of his constant Residence, and to preserve the Churches from the Sacrilegious Saracens.  
Eight Years after this, 
Procop. Bel. Pers. l. 2. c. 1. p. 88  when Belisarius had reduced Italy under the Obedience of the Emperor, Ann. Chr. 535, Chosroes King of Persia concerted his Affairs with Alamundarus one of the Arabian Princes, that he should invade Arethas another of the Saracen Kings, but in the Roman Interest, upon the pretext, that Arethas detained from him a little Region called Strata, that lies to the South of the City Palmyra, but barren of all things being burnt with the fervent Sun, so that it produces neither Trees nor Fruits, and is destined only to the feeding of a few Cattle. 
Id. c. 5. p. 97.  Whereupon Chosroes made an Inroad into the Roman Territories, marched his Army three days by the Banks of the River Euphrates, till he came to Zenobia, the Foundation of the Queen of Palmyrene; but finding the Region uninhabited, and destitute of all Necessaries, the City also refusing to surrender, when required to do so, he retired to Sura, another City upon the Euphrates.   

CHAP. XXXIV.  
ABout a hundred Years after the repairing of Palmyra by Justinian, it pleased God to permit Mahomet, an obscure Arab, to scourge the Eastern Churches for their Heresies, and their lose Manners; and to lay the Foundations of an Empire, which, with the Religion called Mahometan, hath prevailed over a great part of the known World, and in a very few years after the first appearance of that false Prophet, established its Jurisdiction in Tadmur, where it prevails to this day.  
In the Year of Christ, 
Elmacin. l. 1. c. 1.  623. the Second of the Hegira, Chosroes the Second, the King of Persia, commanded all the Churches in Syria and Mesopotamia to be destroyed, carrying away with him all the Gold and Silver, with all the Ornaments of those Holy Places, even to the very Marble, into his own Country. It is probable, that Tadmur was not exempt from this dreadful Persecution: But whatever its Fate was under Chosroes, it is unquestionable, that a few years afterwards it fell into the Hands of the Mahometans, who, Anno Christi 638, Hegirae 16, having taken the Capital City of the Persians, and routed Izdigerdes their last King, and seized his Empire (the Constantinopolitan Princes not concerning themselves, as they ought, to prevent these sudden and large Conquests) may be presumed to have made Palmyra their own. After which time, I believe, the Fortifications were permitted to run to decay, it being no longer a Frontier, since Persia was in their hands on one side of it, and Arabia on the other: And then also, I conjecture, it ceased to be a Mart, the Mahometans being in constant Hostility with the Christians; so that the Caravans not being able to travel safely, the Trade with the Persian Gulf was diverted and lost; of which beneficial Commerce the City being deprived, and situate in a desert Country, soon fell into Poverty and Ruin.  
In the Year 659, the 39th. 
Elmac. l. 1. c. 5.  of the Mahometan Computation, when Muavias' the Son of Abusofianus, with his Army of Syrians, marched against Alis the Fifth of Mahomet's Successors, he sent Dahacus with 3000 Men to plunder Iraca, after which they fell into the Province of Higiaza, and having murdered all the Arabs they met with, loaded themselves with their Spoils. Whereupon Alis sent against him his General Hagjar the Son of Adis, with 4000 Men, who folfowed them as far as Tadmur within the District of Emesa (for so it was reckoned at that time) where they had a sharp Engagement, in which Dahacus was routed. And by this it is very plain, that Tadmur came very early into the hands of the Successors of Mahomet.  
Anno Christi 746, 
Id. l. 1. c. 21.  of the Hegira 127, the People of Emesa, at that time the Metropolis of the Country, rebelled against Merwan the Caliph, who came against the Town with a strong Force, and besieged it: Whereupon the Inhabitants supplicated his Pardon, promised Obedience, and opened their Gates. But when the Caliph had entered the City in the Head of 300 Men, the Citizens betook themselves to their Arms, and slew all the Soldiers, Merwan himself hardly escaping through the Gate that leads to Tadmur, (the old Roman Road lay from Emesa to Apamea, and thence to Palmyra, but the direct Road lay through the Desert, without touching at Apamea;) and when Suleiman the Son of Hisjam, being created Caliph, in opposition to Merwan, by the Men of Basra, was overthrown in Battle, he retired, first to Emesa, which he fortified; but being a second time beaten, he fled to Tadmur, leaving his Brother Saidus his Lieutenant in Emesa. From which Passages it appears to me credible, that Tadmur was then a Place of little Trade or Interest, but a Sanctuary for the Unfortunate, for Banditti, and Freebooters, who fled thither, and found a secure retreat, being protected by the advantageous Situation of the Town, which for several Days Journey was on every side surrounded with wild and uninhabited Solitudes.  
And if I might be allowed a bold Conjecture, how the River that ran by Palmyra, in Ptolemy's time, and which Marius Niger says emptied itself into the Euphrates, happened so to be lost, that now there remain no footsteps of it; I would affirm, 
Elmacin, l. 2. c. 11.  that it was buried in that terrible Earthquake that happened in those Countries, Anno Christi 859, of the Hegira 245, which ruin'd many a noble City, threw down the Palace at Bagdat, did great damage to Carrae, Emesa, Damascus, Edessa, Laodicea, and all along the Coast of Syria: for at this time, the Arabic Historian avers, that a River vanished (nor is it unusual in such most violent Concussions) being swallowed up of the Earth, that no Man ever could discover what new Channel it had found under ground. At this time, 'tis highly probable, Tadmur did not escape, when all the neighbouring Cities were harassed, and then the River might be absorbed. Nor does Justinian's bringing Water to Tadmur, for the service of his Garrison, contradict this Opinion, because a River may be for other uses, and yet not fit for Drink, many other of the Springs in those Countries being brackish and sulphurous.  
About the Year of Christ 1172, 
Itiner. p. 57, 58.  Benjamin Tudelensis the Jew, among other Parts of the East which he visited in his Travels, touched at Tadmur, and he informs us (though he is mistaken in the exact distances of Places) that from Baalbeck (or Baalath) built by Solomon in the Valley of Libanus, to Tadmur in the Desert, was four Days Journey; that Solomon built it of large Stones, and fenced it with a strong Wall; that it was built in a Desert far from any Inhabitants; and that in his time there were in the City 2000 stout Jews, who waged War with the Christians, and with the Arabs the Subjects of Sultan Noraldin, but were ready to assist their Neighbours the Ishmaelites. From which Passage it appears, that in Benjamin's time, the Eastern Jews, a Race of known Wanderers, had nested in Tadmur, deserted probably by the Arabs, and that they lived by Rapine and Inroads.  
When the Caliphs' of Babylon began to lose their Empire, I question not but Tadmur became subject to the Mamalukes; and upon the fall of their Empire, to the Grand Signior, under whose Jurisdiction they now live, though governed by a Prince of their own, and by the Usage of our English Merchants, when Melham was their Emir, it is put past all doubt that they have not forgotten, to this day, the Custom of their Ancestors, of robbing all that fall into their hands; for which Rapines, and their other ill management, their Emirs are frequently deposed, and sometimes strangled by the Ottoman Port; so Melham, who robbed the English Merchants, was in some time after surprised by the Bassa of Aleppo, and put to death. Hassine, his Successor, was, Anno 1693, deposed, and one Dor substituted the Emir of those Arabs.  
Thus I have, according to the best of my Understanding, given the History of Palmyra, from its first Foundation, to the present Age: And by this Account we may learn, that Cities, as well as their Inhabitants, have their Infancy and Youth, their Riper Years, and their ●●ecrepit Days; that nothing can resist the Insults of Time, and the Barbarity of Ungovernable Conquerors; and that it is impossible to erect a Monument to our Memory, that shall be lasting, but a noble Series of Virtuous and Brave Actions, that they only rescue from Oblivion, and give Immortality, when Marbles shall Moulder into Dust, and the World itself shall be no more.   
FINIS.   

THE APPENDIX: OR, Critical Observations Upon the Names of Palmyra and Tadmur; AND THE INHABITANTS, Their Offices and Religion.  
Together with an Account of Vaballathus and Longinus: AND A Commentary on the Inscriptions.   

Inscriptiones Palmyrenae.  

I. Sepulchralia.  
I. 1. ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΤΑΡΦΕωΝΟϹ ΕΚΤΙϹΕΝ ΕΞΙΔΙωΝ ϹΕΠΤΙΜΙΟϹ ΟΔΑΙΝΑΘΟϹ Ο ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟϹ ϹΥΝΚΛΗΤ [ΙΚΟϹ] ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑϹωΡΟΥ ΑΥΤωΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙϹ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΙωΝΟΙϹ ΕΙϹ ΤΟ ΠΑΝ-ΤΕΛΕϹ ΑΙωΝΙΟΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΝ.  
II. 2. ΜΑΡΘΕΙΝ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΠΑΔΗΤΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥΤΟΥ ϹΥΜωΝΟΥ ϹΟΡΑΙΧΟϹ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΡ ΑΥΤΗϹ ΜΝΗΜΗϹ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΔΥϹΤΡω ΤΟΥ ςΥ ΕΤΟΥϹ.  
III. 3. ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΕΚΤΙϹΑΝ ΕΚΑΒΗΛΕϹ ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟϹ ϹΟΧΑΕΙϹ ΜΑΛΧϹϹ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΟΥ ΑΥΤω ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙϹ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΔΙΥ ΜΗΝΟϹ ΣΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ.  
iv 4. ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΑΙωΝΙΟΝ ΓΕΡΑϹ ωΚΟΔΟΜΗϹΕΝ ΓΙΧΟϹ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΙΛΚΙΑΛϹΙϹΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑ ........ ΟΥ ΕΙϹΤΕ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΥϹ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΓΟΝΟΥϹ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΔΙΤ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΞΑΝΔΙΚω.   

II. Elogia Honoraria.  
I. Publica ex decreto Senatûs. 5. ΗΒΟΥΑΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟϹ ΑΛΙΛΑΜΕΝΑ ΡΑΝΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΘΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΡΑΤΕΡΑ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥϹΕΒΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΡΗΙΛΟΡΑΤΡΙΔΑϹ Κ [ΑΙ] ΡΑΝΤΙ ΤΡΟΡω [ΕΥ] ϹΕΙΜωϹ ΑΡΕϹΑΝΤΑϹ ΤΗΡΑΤΡΙΔΙΚΑΙ ΡΑΤΡΙΟΙϹ ΘΕΟΙϹ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΝΥ Λ ΜΗΝΟϹ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ.  
II. 6. Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟϹ ΒΑΡΕΙΧΕΙΝ ΑΜΡΙϹΑΜϹΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΙΑΡΙΒωΛΕΟΥϹ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΝ ΥΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥϹΕΒΕΙϹ ΚΑΙ ΡΗΙΛΟΡΑΤΡΙΔΑϹ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΧΑΡΙΝ ....  
III. 7. Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟϹ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝ ΖΗΝΟΒΙΟΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΖΑΒΔΙΛΑΝ ΔΙϹΜΑΛΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑϹϹΟΥΜΟΥ ϹΤΡΑΤΗΓΗϹΑΝΤ'Α ΕΝ ΕΡΙΔΗΜΙΑ ΘΕΟΥ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΡΗΡΕΤΗϹΑΝΤΑ ΡΑΡΟΥϹΙΑ ΔΙΗΝΕΚΕΙ ΡΟΥΤΙΛΛΙΟΥ ΚΡΙϹΡΕΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΗΓΗϹΑΜΕΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΡΙΔΗΜΗϹΑϹΑΙϹ ΟΥΗΞΙΛΛΑΤΙΟϹΙΝ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗϹΑΝΤΑΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΟΙΚΟΝΙϹωΝΑ ΡΗΕΙΔΗϹΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤωΝ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΛωϹ ΡΟΛΕΙΤΕΥϹΑΜΕΝΟΝ ωϹ ΔΙΑ ΤΑΥΤΑ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΡΟ ΘΕΟΥ ΙΑΡΙΒωΛΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΡΟ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΥ ....... ΤΟΥ ΕΞΟΧωΤΑΤΟΥ ΕΡΑΡΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΥ ΡΡΑΙΤωΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΗϹ ΡΑΤΡΙΔΟϹ ΤΟΝ ΡΗΙΛΟΡΑΤΡΙΝ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΔΝΡΗ.  
iv 8. Η ΒΟΥΛ [Η ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗ] ΜΟϹ ϹΕΡΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙϹΤΟΝ Ε [ΡΙΤΡΟΡΟΝ Ϲ] ΕΒΑϹΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝ [ΑΡΙΟΝ] .... ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗϹ ΜΗΤ [ΟΚΟΛω] ΝΕΙΑϹΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΚΟΚΟΜΙϹΑ [ΝΤΑ Τ] ΑϹ ϹΥΝΟΔΙΑΣ ΕΞ ΙΔΙωΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΡΟ ΙωΝ ΑΡΧΕΜΡΟΡωΝΚΑΙ ΛΑΜΡΡωϹ ϹΤΡΑΤΗΓΗϹΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΑΓΟΡΑΜΟΜΗϹΑΝΤΑ ΤΗϹ ΑΥΤΗϹ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛωΝΕΙΑϹ ΚΑΙ ΡΛΕΙϹΤΑ ΟΙΚΟΘΕΝ ΑΝΑΛωϹΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙΑΡΕϹΑΝΤΑ ΤΗΤΕ ΑΥΤΗ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ ΤωΔΗΜω ΚΑΙ ΝΥΝΕΙ ΛΑΜΡΡωϹ ϹΥΜΡΟϹΙΑΡΧΟΝ ΤωΝ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟϹ ΒΗΛΟΥ ΙΕ [Ρ] ωΝ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤ ............ ΞΑΝΔΙΚω.   

II. Elogia Honoraria privata.  
I. 9 ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΑΙΟΝ ΖΕΒΕΙΔΑΝ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΖΕΒΕΙΔΟΥ ....... ΑϹΤΗωΡΟΒΑΙΔΑΙΟΙ ϹΥΝ Α [Υ] Τω ΚΑΤΕΛΤΗΟΝΤΕϹ ΕϹ ΟΛΟΓΕϹΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΡΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕϹΤΗϹΑΝ ΑΡΕϹΑΝΤΑ ΑΥΤΟΙϹ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΞΑΝΔΙΚω ΤΟΥ ΗΝΡΗ ΕΤΟΥϹ ....  
II. 10. ϹΕΡΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡωΔΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙϹΤΟΝ ΕΡΙΤΡΟΡΟΝ ϹΕΒΑϹΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑΙ 
(a) In another Copy, taken by Mr. Goodyear, ΑΡ .. ΑΡΗΤΗΝ: in a third, ΑΡΛΡΗΤΗΝ.  ΑΡΟΑΡΕΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟϹ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟϹ 
(b) ϹΑΝΜΗϹ ΚΑϹϹΙΑΝΟΙ ΤΟΥ Μ.. ΛΕΝΑΙΟΥ: in a third, ΤΟΥ ΤΟΥΜΛΕ●ΟΥ.  ΕΑΛΜΗϹ ΚΑϹϹΙΑΝΟΥ ΥΟΥ Μ [Ε] ΛΕΝΑΙΟΥ ΙΡΡΕΥϹ 
(c) ΡΟΥΜΑωΝ.  ΡωΜΑΙωΝ ΤΟΝ 
(d) ΡΗΙΜΟΝ.  ΡΗΙΛΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΡΡΟϹΤΑΤΗΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΗΟΡΗ .. ΜΗΝΕΙ ΞΑΝΔΙΚω.  
III. 11. ϹΕΒΤΙΜ [ΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡωΔΗΝ] ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑ [ΤΙϹΤΟΝ ΕΡΙΤΡΟ] ΡΟΝ ϹΕΒΑϹ [ΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚ] ΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑ [Ι ΑΡΟΑΡΕ] ΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΤΗ ΑΥ [ΡΗΛΙ] ΟϹ Ε [ΑΛΜΗϹ] ΡΥΙΛϹΟϹ Μ [ΕΛΕΝΑΙ] ΟϹ ΜΑΛωΧΑ ΝΑϹϹΟΥΜΟ [Υ] Ο ΚΡΑΤΙϹΤΟϹ ΤΟΝ [ΡΗΙΛΟΝ]. ΚΑΙ ΡΡΟϹΤΑΤΗΝ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ .... [ΜΗΝΕΙ Ξ] ΑΝΔΙΚω.  
iv 12. ϹΕΡΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΟΔΑΙΝΛΤΗϹΥ ΤΟΝ ΛΑΜΡΡΟΤΑΤΟΝ ϹΥΝΚΛΥΙΚΟΝ.  
V 13. ΕΞΑ ...... ΝΤωΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙ .... ΡΗΛΙΟΔωΡ ..... ϹΤΡΑΤΙωΤΗϹ ΛΕ ...... ΚΗϹ ΤωΝ ΡΑΤΡωΝ ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΚΑΙ ΕΥΧΑΡΙϹΤΙΑϹ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΓΞΡΗ.  
VI 14. ... ΥΡΙΛΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡωΔΗΝ [ϹΥΝΚΛ] ΗΤΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΝ ΡΑΛΜΥΡΗΝΟΝ ΒΗΛΑ ΚΑΒΟϹΑΡϹΑ ΤΟΝ ΡΗΙ [ΛΟΝ] ΤΕΙΜΗϹ ΧΑΡΙΝ Ε ΤΟΥϹ ΟΡΗ.  
VII. 15. ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΡΡΑΝ ΙΑΡΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΡΑΑΙΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΔ ΓΕΝΟΜΕΝΟΝ ΤΟ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΝ ΕΡΙΔΗΜΙ [Α] ΤΗΕΟΥ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΥ ΑΛΙΜΜΑ ΡΑΡΑϹΧΟΤΑ ΞΕΝΟΙϹ ΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΡΟΛΕΙΤΑ [ΙϹ.]  
ΕΝΗ ... Ν ΥΡΗΡΕΤΗϹΑΝΤΑ ΤΗΤ ......... ●●ΤΕΥΜΑ ΤΟΥ ........ ΥΡΟ ... ΕΚΑΙ ...... ΤΟΝ ΝΑΟΝ ΤΟΝ .... ΔΙΟϹ .... ΝΤωΤ ......  
VIII. Arsoffae in Monasterio Maronitarum. 16. † ΕΡΙ ΕΕΡΓΕ ΕΡΙΕΚo. ΤΕ ΕΥΝΓΕΝ ΜΑΡωΝΙΕ ΤΕ ΧωΡΕΡΙΕΚo.  
III. Anathemata. 17. ΔΙΙ ΥΡΣΙϹΤω ΜΕΓΙϹΤω ΚΑΙ ΕΡΗΚΟω ΒωΛΑΝΟϹ ΖΗΝΟΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΘΑ ΕΡΙΜΕΛΕΤΗϹΟΗ ΑΙΡΕΘΕΙϹ ΕΡΗΚΑϹ ΡΗΓΗϹ ΥΡΟ ΙΑΡΙΒωΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΤΟΝ Βω [ΜΟΝ] ΕΞ ΙΔΙωΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΔΟΥ ΜΗΝΟϹ ΥΡΕΡΒΕΡΕΤΑΙΟΥ Κ.  
iv VOTA. Tievae. 18. ΔΙΙ ΜΕΓΙϹΤω ΚΕΡΑΥΝΙω ΥΡΕΡ ϹωΤΗΡΙΑϹ ΤΡΑ. ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΥ ϹΕΒ .... ΤΟΥ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΑΓΑΤΗΑΝΓΕΛΟϹ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟϹ ΤΗϹ ΔΕΚΑΡΟΛΕΟϹ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΜΑΡΑΝ ωΚΟΔΟΜΗϹΕΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΚΛΙΝΗ .... ΕΞ ΙΔΙωΝ ΑΝΕΤΗΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥϹ ΕΜΥ ΜΗΝΟϹ ΛωΟΥ.  
V Imperatorum Memoriae. 19 ........ es Orbis & Propagatores Generis Humani, D. D. N. N. Diocletianus ......... ssimi Impp. & Constantius, & Maximianus Nobb. Caes. Castra feliciter condiderunt.  
....... ntes Ossiano Hieroclete V.P. Praes. Provinciae D. N. M. O. eorum.  

Briadenae.  
ΑΡΗΙΕΡωΘΗ ΑΑΙ ΛΙΝΔΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΜΡΗ ΕΤΟΥϹ  
ΔΙΑ ΜΑΤΕΡΝΟΥ Κ [ΑΙ Ρ] ΑΡΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΙΚΟΥ ΚΝΕΤΜΝ.  
— Υ— Ν   

Andrenae.  
I. ΙΕΥΞΑΜΕΝΟϹ ΕΓω ΙωΑΝΝΗϹ ΕΡΕΤΥΧΑ— ΚΑΙ ΕΥΧΑΡΙϹΤωΝ Τω Θω ΡΡΟϹ— ΕΝΙΚΑ ΥΡΕΡ ΤωΝ ΑΜΑΡΤΙωΝ ΜΟΝ.  
II. Ad Portam Australem. ΑΥΤΗ Η ΡΥΛΗ ΤΔ ΚΥΡ .. ΔΙΚΑΙΟΙ ΕΙΕΕΛΕΥΕΟΝΤΑΙ ΕΝ ΑΥΓΗ.  
III. Ad Portam Occidentalem. Χ ΘΜΓ Γ  
IU. ΥΡΙΟΝ ΡΟΝ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ.  
V ΙΑΥΤΙ ... ΛΙΚΑ ...  
VI .. ΡΙΟϹ ΤωΝ Δ●ΥΝΑΜΕ ... ΗΜωΝΑΝ ΤΙΛΗΜΡΙ ΘΕΟΕ ΙΑΚω ΒΤ.  
VII. ΑΥΞΙΤωΝ.  
VIII. + ΕΛ ✚ ΕΕΚΙ.  
IX. ΕΛΙΕ.  
X. ΖψΗ.     

THE APPENDIX.  
HAving finished my primary Task, I shall apply myself to some other Considerations of a similar nature; which I was unwilling to interweave with the thread of the History, that the Discourse might appear uniform, and all of a piece: I have therefore reserved for this Appendix such Critical Observations as I had made upon the Names of the Place, and of the Inhabitants, with the Honorary Offices which the Men of Eminence bore in the City: To which I have added an Account of their Idolatry; with a short separate History of Vaballathus and Longinus, two Great Men of Palmyra; intending to conclude the Dissertations with some Remarks upon the Inscriptions found among the Ruins of this once Illustrious City.  

CHAP. I. Of the Names Tadmur, and Palmyra.  
THE preceding History having given an Account of the Foundation of Palmyra, I shall in this Chapter account for the Names which were given it, in the Syriac Language Tadmur, but in the Greek Palmyra, (says Josephus.)  
And first of Tadmur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Hebrew, 2 Chron. 8.34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Septuagint. Or as the Alexandrian Copy, much nearer to the Original, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The F. Harduin therefore very ineptly, in his Notes on Pliny, calls it Theudemer; and Josephus as inartificially, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It must be confessed, that St. Hierom, in Ezek. 47. (and he is followed by Monsieur Spon, and others) affirms, that Thamar in the Prophet, who is stating the Limits of Judaea to the South, is no other than Tadmur; High verò terminus plagae australis; h. e. meridianae, incipit à Thamar, quae urbs in solitudine est, quam & Solomon miris operibus instruxit, & hodiè Palmyra nuncupatur, Hebreóque sermone Thamar dicitur, quae in linguâ nostrâ Palma sonat: And I was once enclinable to have corrected the Translation of the Septuagint from the Hebrew; and instead of what we now read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to have read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. from Thamar, the City of Palm-Trees, or Palmyra: But I have since altered my Opinion, because Thamar is expressly said to be the Border of Judaea to the South, whereas Palmyra lies near directly East from Jerusalem, and am apt to believe that St. Hierom was deceived by the like signification of the words; Tamar in Hebrew (not Tadmur) signifying a Palmtree, while Palmyra is not allowed to be of a Roman, but Greek Original; and if so, cannot be derived from Palma, a pure Latin word; and that the Septuagint read the Text aright, Theman being toward the South of Judaea, Theman, says the Targum of Jonathan, i. e. Jericho, a Town (says Eusebius de Locis Hebr.) 15 Miles distant from Petra in Arabia, and is, in the Old Testament, often put for the whole Country South of Judaea; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Septuagint being not far distant from it, as Strabo (l. 16. p. 259.) affirms, That Petra is the Metropolis of Arabia Nabataea; That the Country round it is Desert, especially towards Judaea; That it is situate three or four Days Journey from Jericho, and five from the Palmetum, or City of Palm-Trees, as I would render it.  
I was also once of the Opinion, that Palmyra had its Denomination from the Palm-Trees, as St. Jerom says expressly, though Tadmur be not a word of that signification, (but seems to me to be derived rather from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implying its admirable and stupendous Situation, probably because a fertile Spot of Ground in the midst of a vast Desert.) But because Josephus seems to determine it to be of Greek Original, I cannot think it derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Egyptian Deity; for what had the Gods of Egypt to do near the Banks of Euphrates? nor from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a King or Father; but from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies a Persian Shield; or Parma, as the Latins render it, (Hesych. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Glossar. Vet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) For the Palmyrenians were near Neighbours to the Persians, while at a great distance from either Rome or Egypt, and from them with whom they maintained a continual Commerce, might receive the Name of their City, which very well agrees to a strong Frontier Town, built for the defence of the Borders; and this exactly quadrates with the Arabic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Damar, Praesidium. And we may as well derive Palmyrene from a Persic Original, as the neighbouring Province Osrhoene (the two Provinces being often confounded, for Photius Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. styles Zenobia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Queen of Osrhoene,) which was without any dispute so denominated from Osroes (or Chosroes) the King of that Country, 
Procop. l. 1. Pers. c. 17. p. 49.  and a Confederate of the Persians, who gave his Name to Edessa, and the Territory round it. For I cannot be of the mind of Malela, though he seems, by his often mentioning it, 
Par. 1. p. 182. Par. 2. p. 153.  to be fond of his Etymology, that it was called Palmyra, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it was the Place where Goliath received his Fate at the Hands of King David; though the Humour of giving Names to Cities or Countries, from such Fabulous Encounters, hath not been altogether disused; for says Damascius (apud Phod. Cot. 242.) some affirmed, that his Native City, Damascus, was so called from Ascus, a Giant whom Jupiter there overcame, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) And, I fear, some of our Historians, zealous for the Honour of Brute, will be found guilty of the same Crime.  
But though I cannot believe the Fiction of David's slaying Goliath at Palmyra, yet it is very probable, that that stout and victorious Prince might have extended his Empire as far as Palmyra, 
Bechart. Spanhem. Hist. Job. & Hyde Not. in Abr. Peritzol. p. 60.  when he invaded Hadadezer King of Soba, (2 Sam. 8.3. 1 Chron. 18.3.) the Euphrates being the Eastern Limit of Syria Sobah (from beyond which River Hadadezer brought his Auxiliaries, i. e. from Mesopotamia, 2 Sam. 10.16. there called Syria beyond the River,) as Damascus was the Western: And Palmyra is said, 2 Chron. 8.3, 4. to be situated in Hamath Soba, or Syria Soba; and the two Cities of Arabia the Desert, Sabe and Barathena in Ptolemy, seem to be Soba and Berothai, Cities of the Sabeans, mentioned in the Sacred Writings.  
Castaldus and Ortelius affirm that Palmyra is now called Amegara; but Sanson says it is called Faid, as do Nicolosius in his Hercules Siculus, 
Par. 3. P. 263.  and others; whereas it still retains its old Denomination Tadhmur, as it always did among the Syrians and Arabs. 
L. 2. p. 72.  The old Geographer of Ravenna reckons it among the Cities of Caele-Syria, (for so I will adventure to correct that Author, Syria Cilensin Comagenis, which Monsieur Porcheron reads Syria Seleucis, but it should be read Syria Cele in Comagenis,) but calls it Malmiora, which the Editor says is mistaken for Palmyra, and with him I agree. Tho' perhaps Tamira in the same Author may be set for Tadmira (as Hepolis for Heliopolis) for that Geographer lived in the 7th Century, 
Ib.  when that City having fallen into the Hands of the Arabs, had recovered its ancient Syriack, or Arabic Name.  
I have in the History affirmed, from the Authority of 
* Lib. 1. Censibus.  Ulpian, that Caracalla made Palmyra a Colony Juris Italici; but if I might be allowed a Conjecture, I could think, that Septimius Severus made it a Colony, as he did several other Cities in that Country, Rhesaina, Tyrus, Laodicea, Nisibis, and Singara, which from his Name were styled in the Coins Septimia Rhesaina, Colonia Septimia Tyrus, Septimia Colonia Laodicea, Septimia Colonia Nisibis, (or as it is always in the Coins, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) but that his Son Caracalla gave it the Privileges of an Italian City, as Ulpian affirms; for it seems to me past all doubt, from the frequent use of the Names Septimius, and Septimia, by the Inhabitants of Palmyra, who gave it as a Praenomen to the People of both Sexes, of the best Families and Condition, that the Citizens of Tadmur had a very reverend regard for the Emperor Septimius Severus; but we want Coins to determine this Question.  
In an Inscription, about the Year 296. 
Pag. 99 Journal.  (for I am willing to supply the Date from the former Inscription, pag. 98. because they both treat of the same Person) Tadmur is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were the Mother of other Colonies, says the Editor, (a word that occurs not in any Author) which was a very honourable appellation, 
Thucyd. l. 1. § 25. p. 15. Ed. Ox. cum Scholar  the Colonies being obliged 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to Honour their Mother City, and to give it the Preference the Law had appointed; but the word should be divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Palmyra being both a Metropolis and a Colony, as were several other Cities in Syria, as appears from the Coins. Colonia Damascus Metropolis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zephyrus Metropolis Colonia. Tyrus Metropolis Colonia.  
Now, though to be a Roman Colony, was a great Honour, and entitled the City to great Privileges; yet it must be acknowledged that it left the City deprived of its former unlimited Liberty: for in time past it was governed by its own Statutes; 
Agel. lib. 16. c. 13. Harduin. Antirrhet. p. 37, 52.  but when made a Colony, was under the Roman Jurisdiction, paid Submission to their Laws, and Tribute to the Emperors, from which it was before exempt; and if a Frontier Town, as Palmyra was, it admitted of a Roman Garrison (the First Legion of the Illyrians being posted there) with the Liberty reserved to the Citizens, that they were to be Listed as Romans into their Legions, not as Auxiliaries.  
In the Ecclesiastic Notitia, Palmyra was at first a Metropolitan, as long as it was the Chief City of the Province, i. e. till its Destruction by Aurelian. At the Division of the Empire by Constantine the Great, it was a Suffragan See under the Archbishop of Damascus, who, in the Sixth Act of the Council held at Chalcedon, thus subscribes for the Bishops of his Province, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. From whence also it appears that that Church was Orthodox in those days; and that Palmyra was the first of the Suffragans to that Metropolitan; but afterward it became subject to the Metropolitan of Edessa, as appears by the Notitia of the Emperor Leo; since which time it hath no longer a place in the Ecclesiastical Account, Christianity having been, for some Ages, totally banished from Palmyrene  
Whether the Merchants, who Travelled from Syria to Seleucia, 
Strab. lib. 16. p. 747.  and Babylon, through the Country of the Arabes Scenitae, through the Malii, and their Deserts, and Ferried over the Euphrates near Anthemusia in Mesopotamia, a City Situate near the river Aborrhas, took Palmyra in their way, I cannot determine; nor whether Alexander the Great marched his Army through or by that City, when having left Egypt, and past through Phoenicia to Thapsacus, he carried his Troops over the Euphrates; since none of the Writers of the Achievements of that Miraculous Prince take any notice of Palmyra; tho' it be to me unquestionable, that Palmyra submitted to that irresistible Conqueror, as did many other Cities, of whom the Historians make not any mention.  
The Situation of the City, as to its Longitude and Latitude, is differently accounted for by the Writers of the Country, the Arabs (as the very Learned Dr. Hyde informs me) Ishmael Abulfeda, 
Geograph. M.S.  the Prince of Hamah. i e. of that part of Syria, wherein Tadmur was Situate, (who was Born in the Year 672. of the Mahometan Aera, and constituted the Lord of the Country in the Year 710. of the same Computation) confesses, that his Countrymen, who make it part of Arabia, are not agreed, three several Authors placing it in different degrees.  

The first fixes it in Long. 67.40. Lat. 34.00.  
The second in Long. 67. 40. Lat. 30.00.  
The third in Long. 64.00. Lat. 33.50.   
But Calcashendi, 
T●n. 1. p. 321.  another Arabian Author, gives this Account out of other Writers, as the Excellent Master of the Oriental Languages, Dr. Hyde Translates him— As for the Territory of Tadmur— the Author of the Book Al Tarîph says, it is Situate between the Two Villages and Rahba, and is reckoned to be in Arabia, in the fourth of the Seven Climes: The Author of the Book of Longitudes says, its Longitude is 62 degrees, and its Latitude 34 degrees. The Lord of Hamath (i e. Abulpheda) says, it belongs to the Territory of Hems (i. e. Emesa) on the East-side of it, and that most of its Soil is saltish; that in it there is a sort of sour Plant called Nagjel, and also Olives. There are likewise very great, and Ancient Ruins, consisting of Pillars, and Rocks, and a Castle with a Wall. The Author of the Book, called, All Raud Almîtar says, that it was Originally an Ancient City, which the Spirits Built for Solomon, with extraordinary Fortifications. It was called Tadmur from Tadmur the Daughter of Hassân, whose Sepulchre is there, and Solomon did Inhabit it after her. The Author of the Book Al-Azîzi saith, that between Tadmur and Damascus are 59 Miles; between Tadmur and Rahba 102 Miles. The Lord of Hamath says, it is from Hem's about three Stations. The only difference in the Accounts is in this, that the Longitude of Palmyra in words at length, out of the Book of Longitudes, is 62. which in Abulpheda's Geography is 67. where it is expressed in Letters; which must be attributed to the Carelessness of the Transcribers.  
I was a little surprised, when reading All Edrisi (commonly, but wrongly, called the Nubian Geographer) I found a Tademyr in Spain, which comprehended the Kingdoms of Murcia and Tarragon, and was inclined to believe that the Caliph sent a Colony from the Syrian Tadmur (as well as from the other Cities of his vast Dominions) to People Spain, when he had conquered it, who from their own Native City gave the Name to that part of Spain: But my Learned and much honoured Friend Dr. Bernard, has informed me, that the Spanish Tademir may be derived, as to Name, and no otherwise, from the Syrian Tadmor, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Tadmera, Mescella Populi, from a mixture of several Nations inhabiting there; as Tidal, in Holy Writ, is called the King of the Nations; and Galilee styled Galilee of the Gentiles.  
The Arabs of this Age say, that in ancient time Solomon Ebn el Doud (or the Son of David) built a City in that Place, which being destroyed, was re-edifyed by a strange People; and the present Inhabitants pretend to show you the top of a Mountain where one of Solomon's Concubines lies buried, as if that Great King had fixed his Court there, having destined it to his Retirement and Pleasures, as Josephus seems to affirm.   

CHAP. II. Of the Names of the Palmyrenians.  
FRom the Names of the City, I shall proceed to consider the Names of the Inhabitants, and I question not, but as their first Language was Hebrew, or Syriack, so the People had Syriack, or Hebrew Names. This wants no further Confirmation, the Inscriptions put it past all doubt, Odenathus, Airanes, Vaballathus, Mocimus, Orodes, Zabdas, Matthas, Jaribolus, etc. being all pure Syriack; and had the Curiosity of our English Travellers directed them to have transcribed the Syriack Inscriptions, as well as the Greek, at Tadmur; I doubt not, but as we might from them have retrieved the old Syriack Alphabet, so we also might have been enabled to correct more than one Mistake either of the Graver, or Transcriber (as I shall unquestionably demonstrate there are such) in the Names of the People of that famous City. This Method, I doubt not, the Palmyrenians made use of, that their public Monuments, as long as they continued, might preserve the knowledge of their ancient Native Language; and I hope some attempt will be made to recover at least the understanding of their Letters: For Monsieur Petit's Specimen, in Spon's Miscellanies, is all Dream; and that Learned Man, if he had been in Earnest, would doubtless have given us his Alphabet, and the Inscriptions accordingly reduced into the Hebrew, or some other known Character. 'Tis true, he says they are the Phaenician (probably the same with the old Syriack) Letters, (for Gruter's Opinion, that they are Arabic, is not to be defended,) but I refer the Reader to Antony Gallandius' Confutation of Mr. Petit, in the same Miscellanies.  
After the Romans had extended their Empire into the remoter Parts of Syria; the Men of Palmyra, agreeable to the Practice of the other Nations of the East, assumed to themselves a Prae-Nomen, the Custom of having Two Names having been taken up by the Greeks and Syrians about the Times of Trajan; and this seems to be confirmed by the Sepulchral Inscriptions at Tadmur, 
N. 3, 4.  the most ancient of which were erected under Trajan, where the Names of Elabelus, Mannaeus, Soraechus, Malchus, Vaballathus, Gichus, Mocimus, stand alone, without any Prae-nomina; but in the Inscriptions of Aftertimes, Septimius, Rupilius, Julius Aurelius, frequently occur, which being Roman, were prefixed to their Syriack Names, (as some of them had two Syriack Names, the last having probably been givent to those who were adopted into other Families, as Phanius Mocimus, qui & Airanes, Julius Aurelius Zenobius qui & Zabdilas—) the Fore-Name Septimius was in very frequent use at Tadmur, probably in Honour of Septimius Severus the Emperor, their Benefactor: The First of their Emperors was Septimius Odenathus; their only Empress, Septimia Zenobia; their Great Men, Septimius Orodes, and Septimius Airanes. Now, the Prae-Nomen being either Greek or Roman, the second the proper Syriack Name of the Person, was postponed to that, which was assumed, ex. gr. Septimius Zenobius, Longinus Cassimus, Julius Aurelius Zenobius, Alexander Capadetus, Julius Aurelius Ealmes (if it should not rather be read Palms, for he is said to be a Roman, and a Gentleman of one of their Troops: Now, Palma is a known Name among the Romans; Palma, the Consul and the Lieutenant-General to Trajan, in his Parthian Expedition, is very famous, who being of a contrary Faction to Adrian, 
Sparta. Hadr. p. 2, 4.  was slain at Terracina, by the Order of the Senate.) And for this reason, I cannot agree with the Learned Mr. Halley, correcting the Coins of Vaballathus, and reading Airanes for Hermeias; for it's plain, that in those Names the first is Greek, or Latin, the latter Syriack; which also confirms me in my Opinion, that Vaballathus was the Son of Herodes (or Herodianus) and that the Father's Name was Athenas Herodes; of which more hereafter.  
It is also observable, that the Palmyrenians, like their Neighbours the Arabs, with their own Names gave their Pedigree, reckoning up their Ancestors, many times, to their Great-Grand-Father: This the Saracenic History puts out of all dispute as to the Arabs; and the Inscriptions, as to the Inhabitants of Tadmur.  
Now to show that the Names are of Syriack or Hebrew Extraction, as the prae Nomina of Greek or Latin, is an easy Undertaking. Jaribolus, or Jariboleus, is Jerubbaal (Gideon's Name;) Bareiches is Barachias, Baruchus, 
Tom. 3. Mon. Graec. p. 346.  or Barachus, (of which Name were Baruch the Prophet Jeremy's Scribe; and a Bishop, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Borochus the Judge in Jamblichus) Ouorodes is Orodes, and Herod; Soraechus, Saruch, Nahar's Father, Gen. 11. and in Jamblicus' 
* Apud. Phot. Cod. 94.  Babylonicks, Soraechus, the Son of Soraechus the Publican, makes a considerable Figure; Simon is purely Hebrew; Vaballathus is Balathus with the Arabic Praefix; Bal, Belus, Bolathus, and Balathus, the same Name in Damascius; Ballatha is the Name of a Syrian City, in Ptolemy; and Sanballat (i. e. the Prince Ballathus) appears, in Holy Writ, the Governor of Mesopotamia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Nehem. 2.9. and Vaballathus, in Vopiscus, is called Balbatus, for Ballathus. 
Euseb. l. 7. c. 30.  Bolanus was one of the Bishops, who, in the Synod of Antioch, condemned Paulus of Samosata. Matthas' among the Men, and Martha among the Women, are also Hebrew; Matthas, Matthat, Matthan, Mattathas; Airanes, Aarones'; Jaraius, Jair; Elabelus is Elbelus, or the God Bel— sometimes Alagbelus, Alagabalus, corruptly Heliogabalus. Mannaeus is the same Name with Manoah, 
Judg. 13.2.  or, as the LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Manahath, 1 Chron. 1.40. Zenobius was a common Name among the Phaenicians and Syrians. 
* L. 8. c. 13.  Eusebius mentions two Martyrs of that Name, who suffered in the Dioclesian Persecution, the one an admirable Physician, the other a Presbyter of the Church of Sidon. Against Zenobius of Emesa, 
Phot. ●od. 228.  Ephremius. the Patriarch of Antioch wrote a Learned Treatise. And Zenobius a Bishop of Cilicia was Martyred in the same Persecution, with his Wife, and his Sister Zenobia, says Simeon Metaphrastes; and the Wife of Basiliscus the Emperor was also called Zenobia. Malech, Malchus, and Malchion (of which Name was an Eminent 
* Id. l. 7. c. 29.  Presbyter of Antioch, who opposed Paulus of Samosata the Heretical Patriarch of that See) are from the same Original; as is Malechus Podosaces, who was the Prince (or Phylarchus) of the Arabians, 
Am. Marcel. l. 24.  in the times of the Emperor Julian; and Melham, the Name of the late Prince of Tadmur, who treated the English Merchants with so much Injustice. Zebeidas Zabdas, and Zabdilas, are the same; of which Name were Zabdas' Bishop of Jerusalem after Hymenaeus, and Zabdi (Josh. 7.3.) while the ignorant Transcribers of the Historian Vopiscus have turned Zenobia's General Zabdas into a Woman, (Vopisc. p. 217. contra Zenobiam, & Zabam ejus Sociam.) Samsus, Samson, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the LXX. are of the same Original; and from thence is Sampsa (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Esdr. 4.8. and Samsaiceramus one of the Princes of Syria under Pompey, another of that Name, being the Priest of Venus under Gallienus; and Sampsa a City in Arabia, says Stephanus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Epiphan. Haer. 53. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in the same Stephanus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Odaenathus is also of a Syrian Family; of which Name was a Philosopher, the Scholar of the Junior Plutarch, says Suidas out of Damascius (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) who ought to be remembered, 
Vid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  if only for that one excellent Sentence of his, That it is very difficult, and next to impossible, for Men either to think or speak of God, as He is. John Malela always calls the Emperor Enathus; and he, being of Antioch, may have been presumed to have understood the Language, Names and Manners of his own Country, 
De Martyrib. Palaest. p. 333.  Syria. And Eusebius, among the Martyrs of Palestine, who suffered in the Dioclesian Persecution, reckons Ennathas a Woman of Scythopolis. And I have been inclined to believe, that Enathus and Ignatius were the same Name (Ignatius only better turned to please the Ear of the Greeks and Romans,) and that, in Honour of Odaenathus, Gallienus assumed the Name, who, in two rare Coins in Monsieur 
* Pag. 413.  Patin, and as rare an Inscription in 
† In H. A. Script. p. 509.  Fulvius Vrsinus, is styled Publius Licinius Ignatius Gallienus; or as F. Harduin, p. 330. from another Coin, Egnatius.  
As to the Name Mocimus, I have been under suspense, whether I should correct the Books from the Monuments, or believe that the Transcriber of the Inscriptions might mistake a K for an N, which letters are not of a very different make, and turn and read Monimus for Mocimus. 
* Apud Julian. Orat. IU. p. 281.  Jamblichus, who was born at Chalcis, not far from Edessa, says, that Monimus was the Mercury of the People of Edessa: And 
† Apud Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Damascius, in the Life of Isidore the Philosopher, says that Jamblichus derived himself from Monimus and Sampsaiceramus, the Roytelets of Syria; 
V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and the Critics have corrected Stephanus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But since the Name occurs so often in the Inscriptions at Palmyra, and is always written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I am inclined to think that that was the right reading, and ought not to be altered, and that from thence Jamblichus and others are to be corrected.  
Nor is it to be omitted, that the Palmyrenians, as well as other Nations, gave the Names of their Gods to their Princes, and Illustrious Persons, as appears by the frequent use of Jaribolus, Mocimus, Vaballathus, Elabelus, and Sampsaiceramus, among them; as of Adonijah, and Elijah, etc. among the Jews; of Belshazzar, and Nabuchadnezzar, among the Babylonians; of Mithrobarzanes, and Mithradates, among the Persians; of Taautus, Serapion, Heracles, Heraclammon, Ammonius, Isidorus, Psammatosiris, Orus, Orion, etc. among the Egyptians; of Cronius, Posidonius, Hephestion, Dionysius, Apollo's, among the Greeks; of Ithobalus, and Abibalus, among the Yyrians; of Annibal, Asdr●bal, and Maherbal, among the Carthaginians; of Saturninus, Jovianus, Martius, Mercurialis, and Venerius, among the Romans. And in like manner the Custom prevailed over the Northern, and other Nations, as might easily be proved.   

CHAP. III. Of their Public Offices.  
FRom the Names of the Inhabitants, I proceed to consider the several Officers that managed the Affairs of the Commonwealth; for the Senate, in whose hands the Government was, and to whom was the Dernier Resort, constituted several Officers for the due Administration of the Duties of Religion and Justice.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And because the Eastern Nations were much addicted to Idleness, and great Lovers of Diversion (few of the Turks, Arabs or Persians of the present Age being enclinable to hard labour, most of their time being spent in smoking Tobacco, and drinking Coffee,) insomuch that they too often preferred their voluptuous Satisfactions (for they spent thirty Nights together in continued Revellings) to their Safety; 
Maleld. 1. p. 313.  (for when Sapores, after he had made Valerian his Prisoner, sacked the City of Antioch, they were so intent and busied in seeing the Actors of a Farce, 
Ammian. l. 3. c. 5.  that till one of their Mimics, turning him round, told them with astonishment, that the Swords of the Persians were at their Throats, they saw nothing of their Danger: 
Zosim. lib. up. 55.  And when the Emperor Aurelian returned the second time to Palmyra, he surprised the same Antiochians, so intent upon the sight of their Horseraces, that when they thought him in Thrace, he was in their Marketplace.) I will first treat of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Aedilis, the Rich and Eminent Person, who furnished the Money for their Public Spectacles, and was at the Charge of the Plays, 
Vid. Malel. l. 9 p. 290. L. 12. p. 272, 273.  though they had great Bequests often made to this purpose, and sometimes the Expense was defrayed out of the Public Treasury; (for that they had such an Officer at Tadmur, the Inscriptions put out of all dispute.) Their Original Office, it is true, was like that of our 
(a) Harpocrat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So the Etymolog. M. Hesyc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Glossar. vet. Aedilis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aed●●at, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aedilicius, Aedilis. Ariemid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 2. c. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Dio, in his History, always uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Aedilis.  Clerks of the Market (if not at first deputed to inspect the Temples, and their Revenues, and to file the Records,) where they enquired into whatever was bought or sold, and regulated the Prices; and their number at Athens (says Aristotle, in his Book of that Commonwealth, cited by Harpocration) was Twenty, Five in the Pireaeus, and Fifteen in the City. But that which made them most acceptable to the Common People, was their Secundary Employment, to entertain the Citizens with whatever might contribute to their Diversion, upon their own Pocket; and perhaps it often happened, 
Ludos facere Aedilem Cic. l. 1. de Orat. argentum ad ludos commodare. l. 28. D. de auro, argento, etc. aediles plebis ludorum maximè gratiâ creatos. Vid. Gronou. Observe. l. 4. c. 21.  that the same Persons who furnished the Expense, was the Precedent, and Judge of the Games (both the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) who, if the whole Province met (the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was from the Name of the Country called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And therefore Ruffinus, in his Version of the Martyrdom of St. Polycarp, renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Eusebius' Greek by Munerarius, the Person who managed the Expense of the Spectacula, very properly.  
This Generosity made so deep and lasting an Impression upon the Populace, who are generally led by Appearances, 
Reinesii-Inscript. class. 6. n. cxxi.  and satisfied with Show, that they often erected Monuments to the Memory of their Benefactors, for thiS very reason. So the City of Taenarium (in the Gulf of Sparta) celebrated the Glory of Tiberius Claudius Charito, in this noble Inscription:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hoc est. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Subaudi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The City of the Taenarians have honoured Tiberius Claudius Charito, their most excellent Citizen, for his great Prudence, and his unspeakable Magnificence, when he was the Aedile (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of their City. This Monument was erected by the Order and Decree of the Senate.  

●●d. Gro●vii memor. Cosson. ●. 146.  In like manner Claudius Paulinus was rewarded by the Senate and People of Smyrna (for I conjecture that the Marble found in that City belongs to it) with a noble Monument erected to the Memory of his Daughter; because he he had been the General of their Horse, one of the chief of their Council, their Aedilis, and Questor, and Precedent of their Senate 
(a) Hesychius gives another sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. V Not. in par. 1. marm. Oxon. p. 106.  (which last was the highest Civil Honour he could attain to; 
Plin. Panegyric.  for even at Rome the Consul presided in the Senate, when the Emperor was present, if the Emperor himself was not Consul.) Thus the City of Antioch erected a Marble Statue in Daphne to Artabanus, one of their Citizens, 
Malel. par. 1. lib. 12. p. 381.  who was the first syriarcha who presided over the Olympic Games celebrated in that City in the Reign of the Emperor Commodus, with this Inscription, To the eternal memory of Artaban.  
And thus the Senate and People of Palmyra, among the other Achievements of Jullus Aurelius Zenobius, and of Septimius Orodes, celebrated them, that they had magnificently and splendidly discharged this Office; particularly Zenobius, that he managed that Province, when he undertook it, with an extraordinary Liberality. For they distinguished between what was done at the expense of the Public, and came out of the Treasury, and what was expended by the Officer out of his own Coffers; and themselves took care, if the Commonwealth did not, to record this Circumstance; 
Transact. p. 99, 103, 109.  so Bolanus is said to have built an Altar, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at his own charge; and Agathangelus, to have erected a Canopy, and a Bed of State, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Vid. pag. 105.  And so Septimius is said to have supplied the Company (or Caravans of Travellers) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Mareades, 
Malel. par. 1. p. 390.  who had been one of the Magistrates of Antioch, was, in the Reign of Gallienus, by the Vote of the whole Senate and People, ejected out of the Government; because, whatever Party he was obliged to provide for in the Public Horseraces, he not only refused to lay out any Money of his own, but cheated the Public of what was destined by the City to those Diversions, (the Emperors afterwards Enacting, That whosoever was appointed to inspect the Ludi Circenses, 
L. 10. tit. 31. §. 20.  which was the Office of the Duumviri, and alienated or diverted to another use any part of the Revenue destined to that Service, should be obliged to refund.) This Disgrace occasioned his flying to Sapores the King of Persia, in those dissolute Times, to whom he gave an Account of the unhappy State of his Native Country, and the Carelessness of the Inhabitants, which occasioned the ruin of that noble City, as is already mentioned, the Traitor himself being sacrificed by that very Prince whom he had invited into Syria, to the angry Manes of his abused Country; Beheaded (says Malela,) Burnt alive (says 
* Vbi sup.  Ammianus Marcellinus.) And 
† Oeconomic. c. 4.  Xenophon, introducing Socrates instructing Critobulus as to what would be expected from a Man of his Figure and Fortune at Athens, after he had informed him, that he must very frequently be at the charge of noble Sacrifices, and magnificent Entertainments and Feasts, he adds, That it would be expected from him, that he would be obliged to keep Horses for the Public Races (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) and if he should ever refuse so to treat the Citizens, they would punish him as severely as if he had robbed their Houses. So passionately were the People of those Ages and Countries addicted to the Spectacula, and so much did they think them their due.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Senators of Palmyra were Men of Eminence and Condition, and the most Honourable Members of the Republic, and therefore are styled in the Inscriptions (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Most Illustrious: But of those Senators, some, I conjecture, were a standing Council of State, (as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were at Athens, and in most Commonwealths, some similar Court;) for Rupilius Orodes is said to be both a Senator and a Counsellor (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) So that as the 
* V Marm. Oxon. n. 46.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were distinguished at Athens, so at Palmyra the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had their Distinctions. For as the Romans had their Senate, so other Cities had theirs; their Court of Aldermen, who governed the People (their Duumviri representing the Consuls.) of which Senators some were Eminent and Principal for Authority and Influence; and such, probably, were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Palmyra, Men who had borne the Office of the Duumvirate, and for that reason were not only of the Senatorian, 
Memor. Cosson. Marm. 2. p. 140.  but Consular Dignity, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is worded in another Inscription.)  
The Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it must be confessed, is commonly given to every Member of that Court; so the old Glossary. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Decurio, Curialis; called Decuriones, because whenever the Colonies, or Municipia, were established, and the Government of those Cities first instituted, the Decurio (like our Alderman of the Ward) had his particular Province appointed, and his Number of Persons, whom he inspected (Nonius Marcel. Decuriones à numero, cui praeerant, dicebantur,) but the whole Order, or aggregate Body, governed all the Inhabitants, and are therefore called, in the Laws, and ancient Histories, Decuriones Civitatum, Municipiorum, & Coloniarum. 
L. 6. Epist. ad Sept.  Great care (says Tully) was used in the choice of such Governors, the Names of the Candidates being, before the Election, proposed to the People, that they might make their just Exceptions, if they had any, against the Person. When any Public Business was to be done, the Senators were solemnly summoned to the Court; 
Vid. Not. in Cod. l. 10. T. 31. n. 1.  for out of their Body the Duumviri were chosen (who were to be nominated three Months before they entered upon their Province;) as also the Aediles, (and in some Places the Dictator's and Praetor's,) the Court being obliged to give immediate Notice to every Officer, if absent, whom they had elected: The Inspection of the Treasury was committed to them; they were entrusted with the Management and Disposal of all Bequests, and of the Public Money; they were to take care that the Granaries should always be full, that the City might not want Bread: They imposed and levied Taxes: In short, the whole Management of the Commonwealth was in their hands.  
It must be granted, that the Discharge of the Office was very expensive, and they were accountable for whatever Public Money should be embezzled or misapplied, 
Vid. B. Brisso. l. 4. Select. Antiquit.  and were encumbered with a troublesome Province; for the Senator was not to leave the City, to go to the Court, either upon the Public, or his own private Affairs, without leave from the Precedent of the Province: They were prohibited the applying themselves to a Military Employment; and if any Man scrupled to serve his Country, after he was chosen, the Law compelled him for two Years together to do the Office of a Duumvir (unless the Court exempted him, or he had the consent of the Citizens to excuse him;) nor would flying to a Monastery give a Protection; a Religious House was not then a Sanctuary to screen a Man from Civil Employments. And therefore in the 
* Nou. 46.  Novels of the Emperor Leo (after whose Reign the word doth not occur in the Laws, nor is it to be found in the Basilica) the Office of the Ducurio is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Employment very burdensome and grievous, and probably, the Person, when chosen, was obliged to give to the Public Treasury a Sum of Money; it being mentioned 
† Grut. 475.3.  as a great Honour done to Titius Chresimus, that for the Merits of his Father, the Senate admitted him into their Society gratuitously, Ob merita Patris honorem Decurinatûs gratuitum decrevit Ordo Decurionum.  
But as the Office was thus molested (inasmuch as it was sometimes inflicted as a Punishment for some Offences) so their Privileges were very great, and their Station very honourable; they were exempt from all extraordinary Employments, and from enduring the Torture; were not to be condemned to the Mines, not to be Burnt alive, thrown to the Wild Beasts, Crucified, or Beheaded, (but if Criminal, were Imprisoned, and Fettered, till the Emperor had declared his Pleasure, and determined their Fate,) and the Honour was derived to the Family, to the Fathers and the Children of the Senators, who were by this means ennobled; the Men of Worth were capable of being chosen Members of the Court at Fifteen; and if any of them arrived to the Age of Seventy, or proved the Father of Twelve Children, he was excused from the Fatigue, while he enjoyed all the Privileges of a Senator; nor could he be compelled to go out of the Province, unless in cases of most urgent necessity. Their Body was styled Ordo Decurionum; the Roll in which their Edicts were entered, Album Decurionum; their Habits distinctive and ornamental (Decurionalibus Vestimentis Ornatus;) 
Grut. p. 372.7.  their Houses were supplied with Water upon the Public Charge (ut Aquae digitus in Domo ejus flueret, commodisque Publicis, 
Id. 475.3.  ac si decurio frueretur;) and they were capable of the greatest Bequests, above Fifteen hundred Pound having been given by C. Torasius, 
Grut. p. 279.3.  to furnish out the Expense of a great Supper, annually provided on the Birthday of his Son, for the Ducuriones of the City, and for a Largess in Money to the Poor. And if any generous Person, when dying, left Legacies to the People, they were entrusted with the Disposal, (as appears by the Inscriptions D. F. D. I. P. h. e. Decurionum fide dividenda in publicum.) And if the Emperor resolved to express his Indignation against any People, he denied them the Privilege of being ruled by a Senate of their own Inhabitants, and left their Lives and Fortunes to the Discretion and Integrity of their Governor, who was a Foreigner. 
Dio. l. 51. p. 451.  So Augustus punished the proud City of Alexandria; for when he had conquered Egypt, he constituted Cornelius Gallus their Governor, but would not permit any Citizen a share in Public Affairs, while he allowed other Cities their Privileges, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) and in this state they continued till Septimius Severus gave them (the Jus buleutarum) the liberty to be governed by their own Citizens; 
Spartian. Severus, p. 70.  and his Son Antoninus put them into the capacity of being chosen Senators at Rome, which, I conjecture, was one of the Privileges of the Decuriones in the Colonies.  
That this Title was very Honourable in the Colony of Palmyra, appears from Sextus Rufus, who calls Odenathus, before he assumed the Purple, by the Name of Decurio Palmyrenus, which Trebellius Pollio explains by Princeps Civitatis; for the Senators were the principal Men of the Cities where they resided.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In Imitation of the Roman Methods of Government, the Palmyrenians had also their Procuratores Ducenarii; of which Order was Septimius Orodes, under Odenathus; and Paulus of Samosata, the Patriarch of Antioch, under Zenobia. The Original of the Office is to be deduced from the Times of Augustus, who, 
Sneton. August. n. 32.  for the better and more regular government of his Subjects to the three Courts of Judicature, which had been formerly erected, added a fourth, styled Decuria Ducenariorum of an inferior Order, the Judges whereof, at their first Institution, were appointed to determine Causes of less moment, but were in process of time advanced to a nobler Jurisdiction; they were commonly Men of Quality, of the Equestrian Dignity, though sometimes Liberti, (but in those days the Emperor's Freedmen made no contemptible Figure in the Commonwealth,) the Custom, before the Reign of Augustus, was, 
Dio. l. 53. p. 506.  that every Officer furnished the Expense of his Employment without any Charge to the Public, but that wise and munificent Prince considering the Temptations such Officers, who were no way provided for out of the Exchequer, were exposed to, appointed every one his Salary: And from hence the Ducenarii had their Name, and not from their collecting the Tribute of the Provinces, and the Sums which they exacted (the Ducentesima) though that was a part of their Business, as of the Proconsul, where he presided, but from the Pension, which by the Imperial Constitution was to be paid them (which Capitolinus calls Ducenum H. S. stipendium, as the Law mentions the Procuratores Centenarii and Sexagenarii for the same reason.) For this Dio avers expressly, whatever some learned Men affirm to the contrary, 
Vbi sup. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Salary being proportioned to the Quality of the Person and his Employment; the Sum being limited as well as the Office: For the Procurator was not permitted to levy Soldiers, nor to raise larger Taxes upon the Provincials, than were appointed by the Emperor, or Senate; he was obligede to resign, whenever required; and not to lingerin the Province after his time was expired, but to return to Rome in three Months.  
In a few Years their Authority was enlarged, became great and illustrious; 
Tacit. Annal. 12.  Claudius obliged the Senate to enact it, That whatever was determined by the Emperor's Procurator, should be looked on as valid, as if himself had decided the Controversy in Person. And when the Senate had Past it as an Act, 
L. 1. D. de Offic. Proc. Caes.  it was reckoned among the Laws of the Empire. The Office was seldom bestowed on a private Person, unless of extraordinary Merit, but upon a Man of Eminence, and a Favourite of the Emperor's: 
Id. Vit, Agric.  He was impowered to inspect all Public Affairs; but the proper Business of the Procurator, was to oversee the Public Revenue; his Office in the Province entitling him to the same Charge that the Praefecti Aerarii (the Lords of the Treasury) had at Rome; and it was a step to the Senatorian Dignity, as that was many times to the Imperial; 
Capitolin. Pertinax, p. 54.  for Pertinax was the Procurator Ducenarius in Dacia, before he assumed the Purple. Their Title was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as appears by the Inscription, and by Holy Writ, (for Festus is, Act. 26.25. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) They had their Guards to protect them (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) says 
* E. H. 7.30.  Eusebius, their Retinue was great, and their Attendance numerous; sometimes they represented the Precedents of the Provinces (Procurator Caesaris Vice Praesidis Provinciae fungetur, says the Law; and the old Inscriptions 
† Grut. p. 376.  Procur. August. & Proleg. Provinciae Rhetiae, & Vindelic.) At other times both Offices were united; for 
‖ Id. p. 487. 6.  P. Vibius was both Procurator and Praeses of Sardinia: And whenever the Precedent resided in the Province, the Procurator was his Assessor in the Courts of Judicature, and had an equal Vote in the Determination of such Causes as were brought before them. This Power of making inspection into all Matters, often encouraged them to be very troublesome, (insomuch that the Emperor Constanstine the Great thought fit to restrain their Power, and regulate their Exactions;) and they were of old more particularly guilty of molesting the Primitive Christians, whom they persecuted with extreme Severity, compelling the weaker sort to Blaspheme, or Compound, while they caused the resolute Confessors to be tortured to Death. This the Novatian Commentary in 
* Apud. Phot. Cod. 182. pag. 214.  Eulogius demonstrates, that in the Persecution begun by Decius and Valerian, Perennius the Ducenarius, by Order of the Emperors, pursued the Christians at Rome, and in the neighbouring Countries, with the greatest severity, murdering some, and compelling others to commit Idolatry. About which time, St. Cyprian informs us, 
Ep. 170. Edit. Oxon.  that Martialis and Basilides, two Spanish Bishops, had appeared before the Procurator Ducenarius, and had taken out Libels of Security from him; that they had sacrificed to Idols. And that which supported Paulus of Samosata, Patriarch of Antioch, against the Catholic Church, which had in a Synod solemnly condemned him, was, 
Euseb. 7.10.  his Authority of Procurator to Zenobia his Patroness; upon which he valued himself, for it supported his Pride and Grandeur, and therefore chose rather to be called by the Name of Ducenarius, than Bishop, (and accordingly he kept up the state of a Civil Officer, and Minister of Justice, had his Tribunal, and a Sublime Throne, together with his Secretum, (Secretarium, or Auditorium) Court of Judicatory, in the innermost part of the Praetorium, separated from the rest of the Hall by Rails and Curtains, that being the Place where the Chief Magistrate used to sit, when he took cognizance of Criminal Causes.) And in an old Inscription, 
Grut. 346.1.  Q. Aelius Januarius is said to have been the Procurator of Osroene, and Syria Caele.  
But this was not the sole signification of the word Ducenarius; for by it sometimes was meant, 
L. 2. c. 8.  one who commanded Two Hundred Men (so says Vegetius) as the Centenarius did One Hundred. And thus 
* Ad Parumach.  St. Jerom musters the Officers of a Regiment, Post Tribunum Primicerius, deinde Senator, Ducenarius, Biarchus, Circitor, Eques. So the old Glossary, Ducenarius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dux Ducenarius, in 
† Thes. p. 102.  Goltzius. Vir Ducenarius, as Salmasius reads the old Inscription in 
‖ P. 457. 8.  Gruter. Tribunus Militaris Legionis Tertiae Italicae; not Ducenarius Tribuni, as Scaliger says in the excellent Index to that laborious and useful Work; though perhaps the imperfect words of the Inscription may be supplied, and read Procurator Ducenarius, Tribunus, etc. They are called Protectores Ducenarii in another Inscription; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Grut. p. 531. 2.  Commanders of Two Companies of the Life-guards, who of old, as among us, were treated with the Title of Colonels, and accordingly respected and paid: The difference of Title between these Military Ducenarii and the Procurators consisting in this, that the Office of the former was styled Dignitas Ducentena, of the later Dignitas Ducenaria.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Among other Officers of Note and Figure at Palmyra, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Secretary of the Senate and People, was very eminent; and among others who had been chosen to that Honour, Malech Agrippa is remarkable in the Inscriptions, who a second time managed that Office, when Alexander the Emperor came into Syria.  
The Secretaries or Scribes at Rome were very numerous, being divided into their several Classes or Decuriae, 
Tacit. Annal. l. 13.  their Office obliging them to attend upon the respective Magistrate, to whom they did belong, whether he were the Praetor, Aedile, Quaestor, General of the Fleet, or the High Priest (or the Wardens of the Port at Athens,) for every one of these had his Scriba; the Employment was very honourable, (for the Secretary was very little inferior to the Chief Magistrate, either in Dignity or Authority, being often of the First Rank of the Nobility,) 
Orat. 8. in Verr.  so says Tully, Scribarum Ordo est honestus— quod eorum hominum fidei tabulae publicae, periculaque Magistratuum commitantur. He was Elected into the Office, says Julius Pollux. 
Vbi infr.  And Aristotle, in his Account of the Commonwealth of Athens, affirms, that he was the Keeper of the Public Records (and Tully says the same) enroled all the Decrees of the Senate, and was an Assessor in the Courts of Judicature. And therefore Suidas is mistaken, when he avers, that they had no other Employment, than to Writ, 
Jul. Pol. l. 8. c. 8, 9, 11.  and Read, or Publish the Orders of the Senate: There were Three 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Athens, of whom the First kept all the Public Writings, the Letters and Decrees of the City, and he was chosen out of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Council: To the Second, the keeping of all the Laws was entrusted, and he also was nominated by the Council: But the Third was the Secratary of the People, chosen by the Commons, and he it was who read all the Writings of the People, says the Scholiast of Thucydides, or rather read all the Public Orders both to the Senate and People: His Method of Proceeding is thus stated by Ammonius, 
In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Grammateus having several Orders of Council in his Hand, which he was to publish to the People; he began with the first, and read the Name of the Person who proposed the Decree, his Father's Name, and the Name of the Tribe or People to which he belonged, and then published the Decree itself; after which, he proceeded to the second, and third, till he had published them all.  
The Name of the Secretary was always inserted into every Decree, together with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Precedent of of the Senate for the time being, or the Praetor. Thus the Inscription at Agrigentum (Gergento) in Sicily, 
Grut. 401.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And very often his Name had the precedence in the Decree, as appears by several Instances; 
* Andocyd. de Myster.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
† Thucyd. l. 3. v. V Cl. Not. in Marm. Ox. 46.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in the Coins, the Name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as of a public eminent Officer, from whose Year of Government the People made their Computation, is frequently inserted, particularly in those of the Cities of Caria, where, I suppose, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the Chief Magistrate. One of the Coins of Mylasa is said to be stamped 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (and Hybreas the Orator governed the City, says 
‖ Lib. 14. p. 659.  Strabo.) So the Coin of the Magnesians, upon the Maeander, in the Reign of Maximinus, was stamped 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And another of the Ephestans, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when Ariston was their Secretary. And so Honourable was the Office, 
Act. 19  and so Great the Authority at Ephesus, that when the whole City was in an Uproar, and all the People of Asia fermented into a violent Tumult, (for it is highly probable, that the Insult was made upon St. Paul, when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Community of Asia, were met to celebrate their Public Games,) he, by his single Authority and Command, dismissed and dispersed the riotous Assembly.  
And I conjecture, that it was one reason why the same Person was not long continued in this Office, to prevent any mischievous Innovations which might be made in the Republic by an Officer who had so great a Trust, and had it in his Power to make himself very Popular. For it was a Law at Athens, 
V Petit. de legib. Attic.  That no Man should be twice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under the same Magistracy: Though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Person might be chosen a second time, under new Magistrates, as appears by the Palmyrene Inscription; for though some Places of Trust were, by special Favour, and upon great Merit, given for Life, some of their High Priests being constituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet, though Sigonius affirms the contrary, even the High Priesthood itself was limited, and probably Annual in many Places. So 
* Grut. 448.1.  Papirius Alexander is said to be High Priest the second time (though in the same Inscription he is called the Priest of Bacchus for his Life.) And in a Coin of the Magnesians, near Sipylus, Apphianus is said to be Praetor and High Priest the second time. So several Cities were constituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the second and third time. And T. Fl. Taeanus (Gruter calls him Aelianus) is said to have been the thirteenth time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Cleogenes, in the Decree of the Senate and People of Athens, 
Petit. ubi sup. p. 232.  is said to have been the first time Secretary (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) as Malech Agrippa managed that Province a second time at Palmyra. Nor was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always a Civil Officer, or Minister of State, but sometimes an Ecclesiastic, and Minister of Religion; for the High Priest had always ways his Secretary; to which Office no Man was at first admitted, but he who was of the Patrician Dignity. Thus Cl. Paulinus, 
V Gronou. Memor. Cosson. p. 146. Marm. 22.  in a curious Inscription lately brought from the Levant, is styled the General of the Horse, the Prutanis, Aedilis, Quaestor, Precedent of the Senate, Precedent of the Gymnasium (or Gymnasiarch,) Master of the Ordnance (or Armoury,) the Custos Rotulorum, and Secretary of the Olympic Games. Where we may observe, that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were distinct Offices, the one a Civil, the other a Sacred Employment: But that the first also was very Honourable; for in another Inscription brought from the same Place, T. Fl. 
Marm. Ox. 116.  Onesimus Paternianus, is styled the Master of the Ordnance, the Guardian of the Temple of the Nemeses, the General of their Horse, the Keeper of their Records, the First 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) the Aedile, the Quaestor of the City, and honoured with many other great Offices: as also, 
Grut. p. 219.  that he was chosen by Vote; that he was to take into his Custody the Tables wherein the Laws were written; that he was obliged to preserve the Originals of all the Leagues, and to keep in a strong Box all the Books belonging to his Office, and the Public Affairs; and when he shall be required by the Community, he shall bring them into the Senate-House; and whenever the Society shall choose another (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Custos Rotulorum, he shall deliver up his Trust.  
But in process of time, no Layman was permitted to be Secretary to the High Priest, he was always chosen out of the inferior Sacred Orders, and in the old Inseriptions is styled Scriba, à Libris Pontificalibus, who transcribed and preserved all the Ritual, and other Books, that belonged to the High Priest's Office, and many times he managed the Revenues of the Sacerdotal College, being the Treasurer of the Temple. So Q. Ingenuus Maximianus was Scriba Publicus Pontif. 
Grut. 306.7.  & Curator Aerarii, the Keeper of the Records of the Temple, (and Public Treaties and Leagues, besides the Deeds of private Families, were for the most part deposited in Temples.) And the Treasurer; so Nehemiah made Shelemiah the Priest, and Zadock the Scribe, and the Levite Pedaiah, Treasurers of the Temple (Nehem. 13.13.) And Ingenuus is styled Scriba Publicus, because the High Priest had besides him (as I conjecture) another private Secretary for his own Affairs. So Livius Theona is said to be ab Epistolis Graecis, 
Id. 587.6.  Scriba, à Libris Pontificalibus. Such Public Scribes belonging to the High-Priests, were those probably of whom we read in the Sacred Writings, the Chief Priests and the Scribes being commonly joined together, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mat. 26.3. Mar. 10.33. a very honourable Station, for God is said to imprint Glory on the Face of the Scribe, Ecclus. 10.5.) and they continued in Employment among the Jews, when the High-priesthood ceased, 600 Years after our Saviour's time; for when Gregentius introduces the eminent Jews, 
Disput. cum Herbano Judg.  who attended their Champion Herbanus to the Disputation about Religion, at Tephra, he reckons up a multitude of Scribes, and Pharisees, and Lawyers, who were present at the Debate of the Controversy, they being the most illustrious Persons of the Nation; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Among the chief Ministers at Antioch (a City with which Palmyra had a great Commerce) the Secretary of the Olympic Games was habited, 
Malel. l. 12. P. 377.  and worshipped as a God; for when Commodus the Emperor had confirmed the Bequest of Sosibius to the People of Antioch, that every Fifth Year they might, for Forty five Days together, celebrate the Olympic Games, the next Officer to the Alytarches (who was the Precedent of the Assembly, and made Laws for the good and decent Management of those Sports) was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who represented Apollo; he was chosen by the Senate and People, clad, all the time the Solemnity lasted, in a White Garment, his Head adorned with a Crown of pure Gold shaped like the Leaves of Laurel, and was worshipped as if he had been Apollo. This Officer, if the Olympic Games were peculiar to Antioch in the East, as to Elis in Greece, (so says the learned Commentator on the Oxford Marbles, though the abovecited Inscription in Honour of Paulinus persuades me to believe that the Games were also celebrated at Smyrna,) was also peculiar to that City. But the rest of Asia had their other Games in Honour of the Emperors (which were celebrated by the (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) Communities of Asia, Galatia, Bythinia, etc. wherein the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had a principal share. This Office, perhaps, was discharged by Malech Agrippa at Palmyra, in the Games celebrated in Honour of Alexander the Emperor, when he came into that part of Syria, in the (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) general Meeting of the Inhabitants of that Province.  
At Alexandria, one Order of their Priests were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (and among them, probably, he who was of more eminent Worth and Station was styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scribarum Primus, as among the Lictors, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was Lictorum Princeps,) of whose extraordinary Sobriety, Continency, and other Virtues, together with their love of Solitude and Abstinences, Cheraemon the Stoic (who was of the same Order, say Theodorit and Tzetzes, 
Ap. Porph, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 4.  though Strabo speak slightly of him) gives a large Account. And St. Clemens of Alexandria describes their Habit; 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That the Sacred Scribe had Wings on his Head (like a Mercury;) that he carried a Book in his Hand, and a Pot, or Vessel, (for so I render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not Regulam, as the Interpreter: For who carries Ink in a Rule? Ink must be carried in a Vial, or Pot. So Hesych. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as I would correct the learned Grammarian. Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in which was Ink, and a Pen, to write with: His Provence was to be acquainted with, and to know exactly the Hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, to understand Cosmography and Geography, the Motions of the Sun and Moon, with the Influences of the Seven Planets, the Chorography of Egypt, the Description of the River Nilus, the Use of the several Vessels and Instruments employed in Holy Offices, the state of all Consecrated Places, the several kinds of Measures, and whatever else was necessary for the accomplishing their Sacred Studies. For in Egypt the Priests were obliged to make themselves Masters of the Thirty six Books of Hermes, which contained their Sacred Philosophy, treating of Religion and Nature, (the other Six Books of his Works being Medicinal,) among whom the Prophet (the Chief Priest, or Praefect of the the Temple) was bound to learn Ten for his part (called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Sacerdotal Books) wherein Hermes treated of the Laws, and the Gods, and the whole Discipline of the Priesthood; the Chanter (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Cheraemon calls them) with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
L. 1. Hieroglyph.  being obliged to learn the rest. And Orus Apollo says, that he who would describe an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hieroglyphic, aught to represent him by Ink, a Sieve, and a Reed: Of the Reed the Egyptians made their Pens, so that Ink, and a Reed, denoted his Profession; the Sieve (which also was made of the Reed, or Bulrush) his Condition and Quality, that he was well provided for, and had leisure to study, those who want Bread being compelled to apply themselves to Mechanical Trades. And the same Author informs us, they were Judges of Life and Death, not that they pronounced the Sentence of Condemnation upon Criminals, or granted Pardons or Reprieves; but that in times of Sickness, they determined whether the Patient should live or die: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which is, I doubt not, an Egptian word, nor does it occur in any Lexicon, only in Hesychius I find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had a Sacred Book, which they called Ambres (probably a Medicinal Treatise, one of the six Books of Hermes, which he wrote upon that Subject) by the Inspection of which, they judged whether the sick Person would either die, or recover. So much for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
It is unquestionable, that the Heathens treated their Mock-Deities (and they did so in smitation of what the True God himself commanded the Jews under the Mosaical Constitutions) as great Princes use to be served. The Temple was the Palace of the God, the Priests his Servants; he had every Day his Sacrifices, (and the Heathen Notion was, That the Deity lived upon the Steams and Blood of those Oblations, as the True God is said to smell a sweet-smelling savour.) The Temple was nobly furnished with whatever might serve for Pomp or Use, with Tables (on which the Meat-Offerings and Drink-Offerings were presented,) with Pulvinaria and Lectisternia; with Beds, and Pillows of State, whereon he might rest himself, (for they believed him Personally present in the Place that was consecrated to his Honour, as the True God dwelled in the Sanctum Sanctorum) and whatever other Utensils were requisite: And on the Days of High Solemnity, the People were entertained at the Expense of the Idol (tho' themselves paid for it, part of their own Sacrifices being deputed to that use) with Music, and a splendid Feast, particularly on the Anniversary Festival of the Dedication of the Temple; and a Master of the Feast was constituted to see all things managed with decorum, and in good Order. This Officer, probably, is called, in the Sacred Writings, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Palmyrene Inscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Symposiarch, in the Sacrifices of Jupiter Belus; which Office was discharged by Septimius Orodes. Varro calls the Symposiarch, Modimperator; Arrian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch, sometimes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at other times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Place (as well as the Entertainment) was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesyc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Seats, or Couches, whereon the Guests were placed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So the old Glossary. Lectus Genialis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) 
L. 6. c. 1.  Jubius Pollux says the Symposiarch was the Curator, the Director and Governor of the Feast; (the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Aristophanes,) and that he was chosen either by Lot, or by Vote; by Lot, says 
* In Epict. l. 1. c. 25.  Arrian. Plutarch, in a Treatise written on purpose on this Subject with great accuracy, as if he had been forming a Statue of Wax, how a Symposiarch ought to behave himself, says, 
† Quaest, Conviv. l. 1. Probl. 4.  That in his time the Practice was grown into disuse, (I suppose he means in Private Feasts; for in Solemn Festivals, I question not but it was preserved,) and that he and his Friends would endeavour to restore it; That the King (so he calls the Symposiarch) was crowned, after he had been chosen by the common Consent of the Company; That his Province was, to make and impose the Laws of Drinking; That he ought to be a Man of Skill in that Exercise, and a Man of Prudence, to consider that he governed his Friends, (That a Tyrannical Administration would misbecome such a Prince,) and so to order the distribution of the Wine according to every Man's capacity, that no one in the Company might prove troublesome in his Drink, and so to mix Water with every Glass, that every Man might be able to bear it: By which Method they did wind up every Man's Humour to such a peg, that the dissonant Tempers, as Discords in Music make Harmony, might promote the Mirth and Good Humour of the Company. He blames some Men, who turned the Room into a Court of Justice, a School, or a Playhouse, introducing Orators with their Declamations, Music and Dancers, all which he dislikes. He distinguishes between Private and Public Feasts; between what was Sacred, and what not; and censures Alcibiades and Theodorus, that they managed the Private Feast of Polytion, as if it had been an Entertainment at a Solemn Sacrifice; for they had their Torchbearers, and Ecclesiastical Officers who explained the Mysteries (Hierophantae,) whereas nothing should be said or done in such a Meeting, but what is agreeable to the Design; That a strict decorum ought to be observed in such Meetings; That a Man with a hoarse Voice ought not to be commanded to sing, nor a lame Man to dance, nor an old Fellow to comb his Bald Head; That the Institution was serious, tho' the Management pleasant and jocular; and that a Reward was given to him who should entertain the Company with any thing that was new and diverting, provided it were comely and honest. Thus Plutarch.  
That all the Company obeyed the Master of the Feast, is plain from that passage in Arrian, 
Vbi sup.  who says, That in the Saturnalia the King was chosen by Lot; That he commanded every one in Company, and ordered him his Business. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) etc. Drink you, and do you fill, while the third Man sings; Go you home, you have your Doses, and come you in:— And every Man obeys, lest he should disturb the Mirth of the Company. The Rule of Drinking was stated and known, every Man according to his capacity, the Symposiarch being Judge, and every wise Man as much as he pleased. So when the King of Persia made his Feast to his Subjects (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the LXX. render it) they all drank according to Law, so say our Translators; but the LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not according to the Rules which were usually prescribed by the Master of the Feast, every Man drank what himself pleased. And when Agesilaus the Great, 
Plut. Apophth. Laconic.  being chosen the Symposiarch, was asked by the Servant who filled the Wine, what quantity of Liquor he should give to every Man? If there be much Wine (says he) give every Man as much as he desires; if but a little, divide it equal. And I question not but these Rules of Drinking were observed in Solemn, Public and Religious Festivals, as well as in Private Entertainments, since much of the Pagan Religion consisted in good Eating and Drinking, and other Methods of Jollity.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Nor were the Senate of Palmyra only concerned for the immediate Rites of their own City, but they chose out of their Men of Condition, one or more to inspect the Places in their Neighbourhood, dedicated to their Religious Worship. So Bolanus the Son of Zenobius, the Nephew of Airanes, who was the Son of Mocimus, the Grandson of Matthas, was the Curator of the Fountain dedicated to Venus, at Nacle (or Naclis) a City that was situate between Heliopolis (the Syrian Heliopolis) and Biblus, under Jaribolus, who being one of their (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Country Gods, was the Precedent of the Place. Of Jaribolus I shall treat hereafter; at present, of the Overseer or Guardian of the Fountain. The Curators (that is the true Roman Name) were those who probably superintended the Repairs of the Fountain, collected and improved the Revenues, and made Provision for the great Crowds who came thither to consult the Oracle, or visited the Place, out of (mistaken) Devotion, at the solemn times appointed: They were the Aeditui Fontium, or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
There were several sorts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Ancients, who had their Denomination from their Concerns: The Overseer of the Appian way (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) occurs in Gruter, 
P. 495.2.  (and the People of Spain were for a while very eager Disputants for the Honour of a new Saint, whose Tomb they had found, called St. Viar, through their mistake of a broken Inscription, of which only these Fragments remained, S. VIAR, i.e. Curatores Viarum.) So the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the Overseers of their Games, says Julius Pollux. 
L. 3. c. 30.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Princes are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Preservers of the Rights of Religion, and of their Subjects. The Curators of the Imperial Palaces and Revenues were Men of the Senatorian, and sometimes of the Consular Dignity, 
Lib. 5.  says Agathias: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And the Wardens of the Port at Athens are styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Harpocration, who inspected the Ships, that bought Corn into the Port, and took care that the City might not want Bread. They were, says 
* Lib. 6. p. 411.  Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Assistants to the Demarchus at Athens, Copartners with him in his Government, and Judges of Causes: But now, says he, from one part of their Business, they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Guardians of Holy Places. The Trust was thought too great for any single Person. At Athens the number was Five, 
Aristot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apud Harpocrat.  the Precedent (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) with Four Assessors, who were chosen by the People, two out of the Citizens in general, the third out of the Eumolpidae, the fourth out of the Ceryces (the Descendants from Eumolpus and Ceryx.) In the Panathenaea & Dionysia their number was increased to Ten, one out of every Tribe; but their Business was only the oversight of the Games (the Wrestle, 
Pollux. l. 8. c. 9, V c. 8.  Horse-races, and Music:) And when the greater Mysteries were celebrated, Ten inferior Priests (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) were added to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Assistants in Sacrificing.  
But though the Number at Athens, of their Curators of their Mysteries and Sacred Places, were but Four; at Nacle, its plain, they were more, from the Inscription, Eight at the least, and how many more we know not. At Ancyra in Galatia, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a Person of great Honour, from whose Office they commonly dated their Inscriptions, the Senate and People erecting a Monument to the Honour of Fulvius Rusticus Aemilianus their Benefactor, 
V Maym. I. in Memor. Cosson. p. 140.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when Menotesbius Alexander was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (so I am inclined to render it, not that he only took care of the Inscription.) 
Marm. 3. p. 141.  Another Inscription was set up to the Honour of T. Fl. Taeanus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (when Agesilaus Secundus was Phylarchus, so they called the Commander of the Horse of every Tribe, who was a Lieutenant-General to the General of the Horse, says Harpocration,) Flavius Asclepius and Aurelius Asclepius (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) being Curators, for there were more than One at Ancyra; and sometimes the same Person was both the Phylarchus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Marm. 4. p. 142.  Another Inscription to the Honour of the same Taeanus being erected (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) when Posthumius and Antonius Antoninus were both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But this I propose only as a Conjecture, and shall be glad to be corrected, if mistaken.    

CHAP. IU. Of their Idolatry and Superstition.  
I Shall not undertake to fix the Epocha of the Original of Idolatry, nor determine what Creature on this side the Highest Heaven, which is the Throne of the Great Creator of the World, was the first Object of Superstitious Worship; but I have great reason to believe, that when Religious Adoration was first transferred from the True God, it was given to the Heavenly Bodies, to the Sun and Moon, they being the most illustrious Visible part of the Creation, and for aught that any Man, the oldest in the World, could remember or know (further than Revelation gave him infallible Instruction) might be, as they have continued Unchangeable and Incorruptible in their Nature, so Eternal in their Duration, they having been made and fixed in their glorious Spheres, before the first Man's Breath was breathed into his Nostrils from Above: Whereas the older Heathens knew the Pedigree, and the times of the several Births of their Satur's and Jupiter's, and the whole Race of Gods derived from them; their first Books of Heathen Divinity being written upon the Subject of the Theogony, or the Generation of their Gods.  
But besides the Antiquity of their Original, their Usefulness and Beneficence to the World was another Encouragement to the Worship of the Sun and Moon; (and if we examine the late Pretensions of Polytheism, we shall find, that in a great part it proceeded from this Belief, That such and such Persons having been Benefactors to the World in many useful Inventions, they were for those Reasons, after their deaths, Deified and adored.) For what greater Blessings were the Heathens sensible of, than what the Sun, and, in a less degree, the Moon bestowed, who not only distinguished the Seasons of the Year (the variety of which are necessary to the Productions of the Earth, and the growth of Animals) and regulated the Computations of Time, but gave to all Creatures Health and Vigour, and the Preservatives of Life; Light, the first Blessing the World ever saw, and the truest Emblem of the Divinity; and Heat, and genial Warmth, to cherish and Promote the Ease of Mankind, which also produced all things necessary for Life, formed Minerals in the Bowels of the Earth, and regulated the Motions of the Sea.  
And when some of the most ancient of the Eastern Sages, finding some Discords in Nature, which they could not reconcile, agreed to assert two First Principles of Good and Evil, yet they chose the Sun to represent Both (as a common Agent in both their Names;) because when the Sun was in their Horizon, they were Partakers of its Light, and its Heat; but when it retired, they were covered with Darkness (unless supplied by the Moon) because his Influences gave Life, and promoted the Generation of Animals, but his Absence introduced Corruption and Death. And to preserve the remembrance, since the Sun was not always in view, the Orientals maintained an Unexstinguisht Fire to represent it (nothing here below coming so near to the Image of that great Light, as Fire.) Nor did those Sages believe those glorious Planets to be mere Machine's fixed to their Orbs, but, as the Platonists talked of Intelligences, who moved those great Bodies, so they thought them the Residences of the Divinity (the Sensible Sun to be the Seat of the Intellectual Sun.) And so the Manichees, who had their two first Principles from the Persian Magis, averred, that our Blessed Saviour dwelled in the Sun: And therefore they, contrary to the Christians of those early Ages, who constantly and at all times adored toward the East, directed their Worship toward the Sun, in what part soever of the Heavens he was, believing that to be the Tabernacle fixed for our Blessed Lord, in which he lived and moved. And among the Egyptians (between whom and the Persians, or Chaldeans, there was a Dispute for Seniority in the Schools of ancient Learning) they had a Tradition, That the first Books of Religious Worship were given to them by a Hawk, who brought them to the Priests of Egypt from the Sun, whose Bird the Hawk was, and by which they represented that noble Planet; as they did also Venus, says Horapollo.  
And its unquestionable to me, that Baal, 
V Seld de Diis Syris.  Moloch, Milchom, Rimmon, Chemosh, Chiun, Nisroch, Nergal, and several other Deities mentioned in the Sacred Writings; as also Saturn, Jupiter, Hercules, Osiris, Belus, Apollo, Mithras, Marnas, etc. were no other than the Sun: as Astarte, Urania, Isis, Milytta, Alilath, Cybele, Juno, Lucina, Diana, and Venus, were no other than the Moon. The Phaenicians called the Sun, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says Philo Byblius) The only God of Heaven, who hears all men's Prayers, and inspects all their Wants, says Orpheus, (and from Orpheus the Pythagoreans, as from Pythagoras the Platonists, and other Greeks, received their Knowledge of the Gods, says 
* In Plat. Timaeum, p. 289.  Proclus, out of Pythagoras himself; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉). The King, says Julian (i e. Moloch) the Governor of all Things. And the Moon is called the Queen of Heaven, in Holy Writ; and the Mother of the World, in Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Plutarch. For though the Heathen Deities were worshipped differently in different Countries, and under different Names, they had all relation to the same thing, says Artemidorus, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 1. c. 9 p. 14.  (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) And this I shall briefly prove.  
That the Sun is described under that variety of Names, is plain from the ancient Writers and Inscriptions: Saturn was the Sun, says 
* Ad Autolic. l. 3. p. 282.  Theophilus; (the Orientals worshipped Saturn, whom they called Bel, or Baal; and these Orientals were the Phaenicians and Syrians, says Damascius, in the Life of Isidorus, 
† Apud Phot. Cod. ●42.  who called Saturn, El, Bel, and Bolathus; and no Man doubts but Bel was the Sun:) And so was Jupiter in the Esteem of the same Syrians, says 
‖ Saturn. l. 1. c. 23.  Macrobius; Assyrii quoque Solem sub nomine Jovis, quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nominant, maximis ceremoniis celebrant in civitate, quae Heliopolis nuncupatur; (who, in the Palmyrene Inscriptions, is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) And Herodotus says, the Persians called the whole Circle of the Heavens, i. e. the Course of the Sun, Jupiter. And from the Coins we learn, that the Ancients had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. the Sun; as well as their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Moon. 
* Par. 1. p. 20.  Malela informs us, That Mars was Baal; That the Assyrians erected a Pillar at first to Mars, whom in the days of Justinian they continued to worship, calling him, in the Persian Tongue, the God Baal, i. e. Mars the Warlike. (Though Jamblichus avers, that Azizus, i. e. Mars, among the Syrians, was but one of the Assessors, or Attendants of the Sun.) No Man doubts but that Apollo was the Sun; (and as it was customary to hang up Tables of extraordinary Cures, with the Method of Cure, in the Temple of Aesculapius at Coos; so was it usual, at Heliopolis, to do so in the Temple of the Sun: For 
† C. 121.  Nicolaus Myrepsus says, that the Medicine called Climax Hermaicus was transcribed from the Original preserved in the Temple of the Sun at Heliopolis, written in the Cilician Characters.) And so was Adonis, says 
‖ Satur. l. 1. c. 21.  Macrobius, (Adonim solemn esse non dubitabitur, inspectâ religione Assyriorum, apud quos Veneris Architidis, & Adonis maxima olim veneratio viguit, quam nunc Phaenices tenent) worshipped both by the Syrians and Phaenicians. Now Adonis, among the Phaenicians, signifies a Lord, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesychius; i. e. Adonai, among the Jews; among the Syrians, Moloch; but by the Egyptians, Tammuz. Mercury (the Syrian Mocimus, in Jamblichus) was one of the Attendants of the Sun; and so was Hercules; as Mnevis and Apis were sacred to the Sun and Moon in Egypt, and Anubis was reckoned of his Guard, 
In Plat. Polit. p. 417.  (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Proclus;) as the Baetuli in Syria were reckoned his Assistants, says Damascius: And such, I suppose, were Jaribolus, and Malachbelus, and Alagbelus (or Elabelus, as it is written in the Inscriptions) at Palmyra: not the Summer and Winter Sun, as Mr. Selden; nor the Sun and Moon, as Mr. Halley; but Dii Patrii, or Penates, Assistants to the Sun. For the Sun was reputed the King of Heaven, surrounded with numerous Guards, and a Crowd of Attendants, (called, in Holy Writ, the Host of Heaven,) the Signs of the Zodiac were reckoned his Assessors; and the Planets, his Lictors, his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Mace-bearers, says our very learned Selden, out of the Ancients; and 'tis considerable, that most of his Names among the Orientals, were rather expressive of his Dignity, than his Nature, as Baal, Moloch, Mithras, Marnas, Adonis, and the like, which are all Titles of Honour and Authority.  
And if Jupiter Thalassius were the Heathen Neptune, than Neptune was the Sun; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesychius; He was worshipped at Sidon: And 'tis well known, that the Sun was the God of the Sidonians. And Nonnus, in his Dionysiaca, 
Lib. 11.  says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That he was called Belus by the Syrians (the Inhabitants of Euphrates, at Palmyra, and thereabout,) Ammon in Lybia, Apis in Egypt, Saturn among the Arabs; but among the Assyrians, Jupiter, Nor was Pluto a different Deity, says the Emperor Julian, whose excellent Oration in Praise of the Sun is well worth reading, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
That Sarapis also was the Sun, is plain from what is already said, and from the old Inscription in 
* XXII. 10, 11.  Gruter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And 
† Par. 2. p. 46.  Malela says, that Theodosius caused to be shut up at Alexandria (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Temple of Serapis the Sun. That the Persian Mithras was the same Deity, no Man doubts. 
Oeconom. c. 8.  Xenophon, who had been in that Country, says that they swore by Mithras the Sun. And the ancient Inscription in 
‖ XXXIII. 9  Gruter is dedicated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And whereas Damascius says, that at Heliopolis, the Image of Gennaeus, in the Temple of Jupiter, was worshipped in the Figure of a Lion erect; what does it represent, but the Mithrae Leones, of which Tertullian treats? so was Bel. Seru. in Aen. 1. Linguâ Punica Bal dicitur apud Assyrios autem Bel— & Saturnus, & Sol. And Zosimus says, 
L. 1. p. 56.  that when Aurelian had built a noble Temple at Rome to the Honour of the Sun, he placed in it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Images of the Sun, who was Belus, which he had brought with him from Palmyra: This Bel was the same with the Deus Belenus of the Germans, and the Abellio of the ancient Gauls, and accordingly they offered Humane Sacrifices to him: Hominem optimam, & gratissimam Diis victimam, says 
* L. 3. c. 2.  Mela of the old gaul's. Thus was Moloch worshipped among the Jews, Edomites, and others, who sacrificed their Children to the Idol. The same Oblation did the Africans make to Saturn; and Elagabalus the Emperor, to his Country God Alagbaal his Namesake, says 
† In Pseud. Anton. l. 5.  Herodian.  
That Osiris, Omphis, and Nilus, were different Names of the same glorious Luminary, our learned Mr. Selden hath undeniably proved. And so was Orus, says Horapollo, 
L. 1. Hierogl.  (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) In short, Julian says, that all the several Names of the Heathen Gods were expressive in a different manner of the Glory of the Sun; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor did the Arabs, in the time of Alexander the Great, worship any other Gods but the Heaven, i. e. the Sun and Bacchus, says 
* L. 7. de Expedit. Alex.  Arrian, [or rather Bacchus and Urania, as Herodotus, and Celsus in Origen, affirm, i. e. the Sun, and the Moon; for Bacchus was no other than 
* Auson. Epigr. 29.  Osiris, and Adonis,] the Island of Nosala, and some other whole Countries, being dedicated to his Service. In Palestine they devoted Horses and Chariots to his Honour, to denote the Swiftness of his Motion, 1 King. 23. and they worshipped him toward the East, the Rising-Sun, Ezek. 8. turning their Backs upon the Sanctum Sanctorum, which was toward the West. His Festival was celebrated with great Pomp, says Julian; his Birthday was celerated on the 25th. of December, says the old Calendar, and his Day of the Week, at Antioch, was dedicated, in their highest Solemnities, to the noblest Exercises, the Horse-races, says Malela. And when the Heathens swore with the greatest gravity, 
Marm. Oxon. 1.  they called him to witness the Truth of what they said; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is published,) I swear by Jupiter, the Earth, the Sun, and the other Gods. And this I mention, that I may take leave to mention another such Correction in 
† Edit. Ox. p. 7.  Aristeas; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. (not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) for if so, it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The Moon was reputed the Sister and Wife of the Sun, as Juno was of Jupiter; and the same with Venus, says Philochorus, in Macrobius. Now, Venus was a very comprehensive Name among the Ancients, says 
* Tetrabib. l. 1.  Ptolemy, The Syrians worship Venus, as the Mother of the Gods, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) calling her by several Names in several Countries. And Plutarch affirms, 
In Crass.  that the Goddess of Hierapolis was by some called Venus; by others, Juno; by a third sort, Nature, that gave Beginning and Seeds to all Things: By the Assyrians, Arabs, and Persians, she was adored under the Name of Urania, says 
† Lib. 3.  Herodotus: And in Africa, says 
‖ Apologet.  Tertullian. And 
⸫ Lib. 6. Met.  Apuleius calls her Dea Caelestis magna Jovis germana, & conjux. And so says Plotinus, (Urania was Venus and Juno, the Wife and Sister of Jupiter.) And she is called by 
⸫ Lib. 5.  Herodotus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Governess of the Stars, i. e. the Queen of Heaven. (And for this reason the Egyptians accounted it absurd to call Heaven, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by a word of the Masculine Gender; they styling it Urania, because the Moon governs all Things.) And therefore Elagabalus the Emperor being himself called by the Name of the Sun, called his Wife Urania, as if they had been the Sun and Moon. 
* de Deâ Syr.  Lucian says, that the Syrians at Byblos (the next Town to Hierapolis, for this reason, in the Coins, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Sacred Byblus) worshipped Venus and Adonis with great Solemnity, and that the Phaenician Astarte was the Moon, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Procopius, in 2 King. 17.) she being adored in Syria under that Name, in the days of 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 1. c. 9 p. 14.  Artemidorus, i.e. under the Antonines, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) And the abovementioned Lucian says, that the Juno at Hierapolis (the Goddess of Syria) was of all Shapes, but still the same Goddess; she was in some Features like Minerva; in others, like Venus, the Moon, Rhea, Diana, Nemesis, and the Destinies. 
Vbi sup  Macrobius. says, that the Syrians worshipped Adonis (i e. the Sun,) and Venus Architis (i e. the Moon.) Some Critics read the word Adargidis, others, Dercitidis; but Mr. Selden, Aphaciditis. And it must be acknowledged, that Venus was solemnly worshipped at Aphaca, a Place not far from Hierapolis; and so probably was she at Arca, a City in Syria, not far from Aphaca, and near both Hierapolis and Byblus, the Place where Alexander Severus was born, says 
* P. 114, 118.  Lampridius (who in one place calls it Vrbs Arcena; in another, Arca Caesarea) one of the Inland 
† Ptol. l. 5. c. 15.  Cities of Phoenicia. So that I think the words in Macrobius need not correction: for as from Aphaca is derived Aphacitis; so from Arca, Arcitis. Venus' being the known Deity of all that Country, 
‖ De C. D. l. 4. c. 10.  St. Austin wonders why the Heathens should account Vesta and Venus the same, while the one was the Goddess of Chastity, the other the Patroness of Lewdness: But his Admiration would have ceased, had he considered, that the same Mock-Divinity was represented under those different Names. That Isis, Lucina, Diana, Hecate, etc. were the Moon, is proved by Mr. Selden: And though Athens were Minerva's own City (and she the Patroness of Modesty,) yet Theseus their Founder commanded the Citizens to worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says 
* Attic. p. 20.  Pausanias, the same, I suppose, with Pallas. The Pythagoreans sacrificed to Venus (i e. the Moon) on the Sixth Day of their Week, i. e. Friday, says 
* Vit. Pythag. l. 1. c. 28.  Jamblichus; a Day sacred also among the Arabs (being dedicated to their Urania) long before Mahometanism prevailed among them. And lest the Moon should be treated with an inferior Worship, and appear without Attendants, the Ancients offered Immortal Fire to Her, as well as to the Sun, says Julian, and gave her a Paredrus, or Companion; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hesychius; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sors Lunae, says Mr. Selden; 
Satur. l. 1. c. 19  but Macrobius says, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Moon herself.  
And it is to be observed, that the Ancients allowed not of Sexes among their Gods; or rather, thought every God of both: Hence Orpheus calls the Moon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so is Bacchus styled, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And Calvus the old Poet, in Macrobius, Pollentémque Deum Venerem.  
And the Deus Lunus was famous in the East, worshipped at Carrae in Mesopotamia (on whose Coins a Cock is stamped, be-because he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says 
* Vit. Pyth. l. 1. c. 18. & l. 2. c. 21.  Jamblichus in the esteem of the Pythagoreans, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sacred to the Sun and Moon,) at Ancyra in Galatia, at Antioch in Pisidia, at Nisa in Caria, at Gaba in Galilee, at Juliopolis in Bythinia, at Magnesia in Asia, at Saettae in Lydia, and at Sibiduda in Phrygia Salutaris, as the Coins in F. Harduin expressly declare.  
It is highly probable, that the Worship of the Sun was the Religion of the Chaldeans, in Abraham's time, when God rescued that learned and devout Patriarch from the Prejudices of his Education, and the Persecutions of his Adversaries; (and if the Sacred Rites of the Chaldeans had their Original in Egypt, and were thence transplanted into the East, the Idolatry begun much earlier:) But this we are sure of, that the first Account that is given us of Idolatry, in the oldest Book in the World, the oldest, at least, that is come to the hands of the Men of the later Ages (the Book of Job, which, I may presume, was penned before the History of the Creation itself) is that of the Worship of the Sun and Moon, of 
* Job 31.26, 27.  worshipping the Sun in his splendour, and the Moon walking in her brightness, long before any of the Heathen Satur's or Jupiter's could enter their claim, they all having been born long after Job's time. And the Form of Adoration there mentioned is very ancient (Kissing the Hand, and paying Obeisance,) which is naturally rendered by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Adoratio, among the Greeks and Latins. And when the Jews turned Idolaters, they are said, Judg. 10. to worship Baalim and Ashteroth, that is, in the Punic Language, says St. Augustine, the Jupiter's and Juno's of the Heathen World; by which he cannot mean other than the Sun and Moon: For Jupiter and Juno, in the Age just after Joshua, were not then in Embryo; and when the Gentiles of succeeding Ages, the latter School of the Platenists (who were great Admirers of the Orphick and Pythagorean Rites) ashamed of the Accounts which the old Poets gave of their Gods, turned all the Story of Homer and Hesiod into Mythology; they still continued the Worship of those glorious Planets. With what Pomp and Ceremony of Eloquence doth Julian the Apostate Emperor treat of this Subject, in his Hymn written in Praise of the Sun, styling him, the King of all the World, the Most Divine Prince, and the Common Father of Mankind, (Aurelian calls him a Deity that he was sure of, Deus certus Sol.) and, that all things, from one end of the World to the other, were governed by his Providence; affirming, that for his own part, he had from a Youth a great regard for him; and that at Constantinople they kept an Annual Feast, and offered Sacrifices to his Honour. Nor does he forget the Moon, who was solemnly worshipped at Athens after his time: For 
* N. 11,  Marinus, in the Life of Proclus, informs us, that when Lachares and Syrianus, upon the first appearance of the Moon, did adore the Goddess (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) that Proclus retiring a little way from them, put off his Shoes (another Custom and Rite of Religious Worship, as old at least as Moses, when he conversed with God in the Bush, continued by the Platonists, in compliance with the Rule of Pythagoras, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he who would sacrifice, aught to discalceate,) and then saluted, i. e. adored the Deity, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) 
L. 4. p. 245.  And when Zosimus the Pagan Historian studiously aggravates the Severity of the Edict of Theodosius, who destroyed all the Heathen Temples and Images, he subjoins, that it was very dangerous for any Man, at that time, to assert the Rights of Paganism, to affirm that the Heathen Deities were Gods, or so much as to look up to Heaven, and to worship the Sun and the Moon (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) And at this day, among those poor Savages who inhabit the remotest part of Earth, in Greenland, and other Parts of the North, if they have any Religious Ceremonies, any Object of Worship, they bow down to the Rising-Sun, and acknowledge its Divinity: As in like manner the old Scythians, 
L. 3. c. 5.  with whom one continued Night, as in Greenland, lasted half the Year, worshipped Apollo, says Mela. Nor could the Christians easily be weaned from this Custom at Rome, a long time after Christianity had prevailed there; for many of them, in the days of Pope Leo the Great, 
Ser. 7. de Nativitat. Christi.  when they came into the Church of St. Peter, as they went up the Steps that led to the Altar, turning themselves about, bowed their Heads, and worshipped the Rising-Sun.  
This Worship was objected to the Jews, in the days of the first Roman Emperor's, by Petronius and Juvenal, that they worshipped nothing but the Clouds, and the Sun, (for so I render Caeli Numen,) i. e. in the Sacred Style, the Host of Heaven. And in the Reign of Honorius and Theodosius, the Caelicolae were a new upstart Sect of Superstitious Votaries (Nomen inauditum quodammodo novum crimen superstitionis vindicantes, 
Cod. l. 1. tit. 9 §. 12.  in the words of the Law) called Caelicolae, says the Collector of the Synopsis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they worshipped the Heavens (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) who had their separate Places of Meeting, their different Rites, and distinct Ministers of their Religious Ceremonies: But whether they were Jews, the remains of the old Essens, as some affirm, (though the Law seems to me plainly to distinguish the Caelicolae from the Jews,) or some Christian Heretics, the Progenitors of the Euchitae (as others affirm, though the Law also seems to distinguish them, when it makes them liable to the same Penalties with Heretics,) or rather some of the Remains of the old Heathens, who renounced their Satur's and Jupiter's (whose Divinities they could not vindicate; because whatever is God, must be Eternal) but stuck to the Worship of the Sun and Moon, as the later Platonists did, because they believed them Eternal, and of the same Duration with the Supreme Being, I will not undertake to determine.  
Considering what hath been already asserted, I think it needs not much more Proof, that Syria was eminently famous for the Worship of the Sun and Moon. In Syria, 'tis most probable, that this Idolatry either had its first Original, or its most immediate Propagation; and there it continued till Paganism breathed its last in that part of the East, till the Followers of Mahomet, professed Enemies of Polytheism, made use of the Sword to extirpate it. The whole Country seemed to be devoted to this Service; Edessa is called the Region dedicated to the Sun, from the Beginnings of Time (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and sow as Hierapolis-Byblis said to be consecrated to Venus and Adonis, and so was all Phoenicia. Aeschylus, in his Supplices, styles Phoenicia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. saith the Scholiast, because all the Coast about Mount Libanus was particularly addicted to the Worship of that Deity: The Worship begun in Assyria (or Syria;) from them the Men of Ascalon brought it into Phoenicia, and from them the Cypriotes derived their Superstition.) 
Ammian, Marcel. l. 23. c. 23.  And in the Emperor Julian's time, the Moon (the same with Venus, as I have already proved) was most solemnly worshipped at Carrae, and in all the adjacent Country; and their most illustrious Princes thought it not a diminution of their Honour to be Priests to their Gods; 
Herodian. l. 5.  Bassianus and Alexianus (i e. Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus his Brother) were both consecrated Priests of the Sun, tho' both reputed the Sons of Caracalla the Emperor, and their Mother was undoubtedly the Empress Julia's Sister, and themselves Candidates of the Empire, (and, as of old, the Eldest of the Family was both Prince and Priest; so Herodian affirms that Bassianus was consecrated to that Service, because the Office peculiarly belonged to the Eldest Brother:) Ithobalus, or Ethbaal the King of Tyre, was the Priest of Astarte, 
Ad Autolic. p. 257.  says Theophilus: And when Pompey, having subdued Mithradates, distributed Kingdoms among the great Men of Asia, who had given him Assistance, he made Archelaus the Priest of Venus, in Commagene; which entitled him to a Principality and Authority not inferior to the Royal Dignity, says 
* Bell. Mithrad. p. 251.  Appian. And what extraordinary Influence Sampsaigeramus the Priest of the same Idol at Emesa had upon that Country, hath been already demonstrated.  
How much addicted Palmyra was to Venus, who appointed Curators of her Fountain at Nacle, out of her most eminent Inhabitants, and what a glorious Temple was erected in that City to the Sun, so adorned and beautified, that Aurelian thought the Spoils worthy his carrying to Rome, has been formerly mentioned; and though that victorious Prince, in the heat of Action, could not prohibit his Soldiers the plundering and defacing that noble Structure, he soon after took care, though the rest of the City was left buried in its own Ruins, that the Temple should be re-edified; 
Vopisc. p. 219.  for Aurelian had a particular Veneration for the Sun (whose Figure appears often on his Coins,) 
Id. p. 213, 217.  his Mother had been the Priestess of Apollo, in the place where he was born; and when his Affairs at Emesa (in his Engagement with Zenobia) were desperate, 'tis pretended that his Foot were encouraged to support his routed Horse, by an extraordinary Person whom he knew not at that time; but when he returned to Emesa, and went into the Temple of Elagabalus to give Thanks for his Victory, he there met the same Figure which had appeared to him; whereupon he founded a Temple in that City to the Sun, (a new Temple, without doubt; 
Herod. ubi sup.  for the Temple of the Sun was famous at Emesa before Aurelian's time, for its Beauty and Magnificence, its extraordinary Riches, and the Quality of the Votaries who sent their Offerings thither, the neighbouring Barbarous Princes every Year making their Presents to Elagabalus,) and another at Rome, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 56.  upon which he bestowed a vast Sum of Money, adorned it with the the Spoils of the famous Temple at Palmyra, having at the same time offered his own unparallelled Robe to the Deity.  
In Syria, and the neighbouring Provinces, lived the Philosophers who kept up the Reputation of Paganism, when it was exposed to the severest Prosecution of the Imperial Edicts: Porphyry was of Tyre; Sopater a Syrian; Jamblicus a Native of Chalcis; Vranius was of Apamia; Eustathius and Aedesius, Cappadocians; Proclus of Lycia; Marinus a Samaritan of the City of Sichem; Damascius of Damascus; Simplicius a Cilician; Hermias and Diogenes, Phaenicians; Isidorus of Gaza, etc. And whatever progress Christianity might have made in other Places, it is plain, from the Epistle of Julian to Libanius, that Heathenism defended its Possession in Syria; for when that unhappy Apostate Emperor made his Expedition into Persia, from Berrhaea to Batnae, all the Country was full of Sacrifices; the smell of Incense had presumed the Air; and at Hierapolis he met with more than a few who had been Confessors, in the former Reigns, for the Ancient Rites. In Malela's time, the Assyrians continued to worship Mars, or Baal; and whoever shall read Damascius' Life of Isidorus, may satisfy himself what Methods the Philosophers of those days used to support the Interest of Polytheism, what Visions they pretended to, what Magical Rites they used, and what Miracles were wrought in Confirmation of their Opinions; Zosimus affirming, that in his time a Globe of Fire hovered up and down in the Air, about the Temple of Venus, at Aphaca, the Place whither the Men of Palmyra sent to learn their Fate, when Aurelian threatened them with Ruin, says that bigoted Advocate of Idolatry, who thus relates the Story; That when they having consulted the Oracle at Seleucia, in Cilicia, had received from thence a melancholy Answer, they sent to Aphaca, a Place situate between Heliopolis and Byblus, where the Temple of Venus Aphacitis stood: Near that Temple was a natural Fountain, that seemed as if it had been made by Art; to this Fountain the People of that Country, at those Set-Times, when they met there, brought their Offerings, either of Gold or Silver, Silks, or Linen clothes, or whatever else was of Value: If Venus was pleased with the Oblation, the Garments that were offered sunk to the bottom, as well as the heavy Metals; but if the Deity was displeased, all swom on the top of the Fountain; and that this Omen befell the Men of Palmyra, the Year when their City was destroyed. But the Oracular Fountain, that foretold the Ruin of Palmyra, could not secure itself from a like fate in a few Years after, under Constantine the Great, which Eusebius, the Church Historian, thus relates; 
Euseb. Vit. Constant. l. 3. c. 55. & Orat. de laud. Constant.  That the pious Emperor having been informed, that the pretext of Religion, was only a cover for notorious Debaucheries, resolved to destroy all those Places that were destined to the Gratifications of the Flesh, particularly the famous Temple of Venus in Phoenicia: That on one part of the Mount Libanus, near the top of it, in Aphaca, a Grove and Temple had been consecrated to Venus, not in the middle of a City, or in the Highway, where the Ambition of the Heathens prompted them, for the most part, to build their Temples, but in a retired Place, remote from all Towns, and public Roads, where a School of Lewdness was erected, where effeminate Men prostituted themselves to unnatural Lusts, in honour of the Daemon; and the Female Sex, laying aside all regard to Modesty and Religion, devoted themselves to gratify the irregular Desires of all Pretenders, they living without Control or Observation; because no virtuous Person durst approach the Place; till that illustrious Prince commanded his Soldiers to demolish the Temple, and so put a period to those abominable Practices, giving the Pagan Inhabitants truer Notions of Religion and Chastity: This, says Eusebius, was the Fate of that infamous Temple. But see the Malice and Disingenuity of a zealous Heathen: Zosimus affirms, that a miraculous Fire hovered over the Place in his time. And Damascius tells strange Stories of the same nature, 
Vit. Isidor.  in his days, of the Globes of Flame (the Baetuli) that frequently appeared about Mount Libanus: That the Worship at Aphaca was in use before Marcus Antoninus' Reign, the Palmyrene Inscription demonstrates: 
Zosim. ubi sup.  The Solemn Meetings there were Annual, the Practices most execrable, Lust and Luxury making a great Figure in all their pretended Religious Ceremonies, especially in that Country, Lucian himself avering, that at Byblus, 
De Syr. p. 658. & ult.  a very little way from Nacle, the Women who refused to cut their Hair in the time of their solemn Mourning for the Death of Adonis, were obliged for a whole Day to prostitute themselves to all Strangers; and whatever they got, was to be spent in a Sacrifice to Venus.  
Aphaca was the Name of the Place, says Zosimus (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and Eusebius seems to be of the same Opinion (there being many Cities of that Denomination in Syria, 
Euseb. de loc. Hebr.  one belonging to the Tribe of Juda, another to the Tribe of Asher, a third in the Coasts of the Amorites, a fourth a City of Syria;) but others, with greater probability, that the Name of the City was Nacle, (and of the Well Aphaca;) so says Suidas expressly, 
V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  upon the Authority of Christodorus, who wrote the History of Nacle, or Naclis, (a Book which, if extant, would have much illustrated this part of our History) that it stood near Heliopolis, and that the Rites called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is in the printed Copy) were there performed. What is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Lexicographer informs, 
Etymol. M. V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that it is a Syriack word, (in the Arabic it signifies Praeputium, or Vinculum,) and that if it be fit to render such a word into Greek, it signifies 
(a) [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence probably in Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.]  Embraces, Venus in that place embracing her Darling Adonis; and probably Nacle has a like signification.   

CHAP. V An Accounu of Vaballathus.  
HAving, in the foregoing History, averred, that Vaballathus was not the Son of Odenathus, as the generality of Writers have attested; but the Grandson of that heroic Prince, as Monsieur Tristan and F. Harduin have affirmed; I think myself obliged to give my Reasons for my Opinion; the Roman and Greek Historians of those times being either wholly ignorant of him, as, I think, Trebellius Pollio, Zosimus, and others were; or mistaken in his Pedigree, as Vopiscus, who is the only Author who mentions him, seems to be.  
That Odenathus had Grandsons before he assumed the Purple, 
Trans. p. 88  appears to me very plain from the Palmyrene Inscription, where Septimius Odenathus (the same, I believe, with the Emperor of that Name) at that time a Man of the illustrious Senatorian Order and Dignity, built a Monument for himself, his Sons, and Nephews, or Grandsons, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) That those Nephews could not be the Offspring of Herennianus and Timolaus, the Sons of Zenobia, is to me undoubted; because at their Father's Death they were very young, says the Roman Historian, (Zenobia, 
Trebel. Pol. p. 180.  quòd parvuli essent filii ejus, qui supererant, Herennianus & Timolaus, ipsa suscepit imperium,) and therefore may be supposed the Sons of Herodes, or Herodianus, whom Odenathus begat on a former Wife; and for these Reasons, and by the help of the Inscriptions, I am inclined to deduce the Line of that Family after the following manner: 

NASORUS 

VABALLATHUS. 

AIRANES. 

SEPTIMIUS ODENATHUS. 

N. his first Wife 

ATHENAEUS HERODES.  
SEPTIMIUS AIRANES. 

HERMIAS VABALLATHUS.      
SEPTIMIA ZENOBIA his second Wife 

HERENNIA●●●  
TIMOLAUS.  
Daughters married at Rome to Persons of the Senatorian Dignity. 

Their Children at Rome, A. C. 400.                
I have been encouraged to believe that Odenathus in the Inscriptions was the same Person with the Emperor of that Name, from his prae-Nomen Septimius, which cannot justly be presumed to have been used in the East, before the First Emperor of that Name made his Inroads into Persia. Now Septimius Severus died, Anno Christi 211, before which time Odenathus may well presumed to have been born, being murdered Ann. Chr. 26⅞ and I have given him a second Son, from the Authority of the Inscriptions, where Septimius Airanes, 
Pag. 99  a Man of the Consular Dignity, is said to have been the Son of Odenathus, the Date of the InInscription confirming it, viz. A.C. 253. I have also adventured upon adjusting the Pedigree of his Ancestors, from the same Inscription, 
Pag. 88  where Septimius is said to be the Son of Airanes, the Grandson of Vaballathus, the Great-Grandson of Nasorus (according to the Method of the Arabs, who usually reckoned their Descent after that manner;) for I cannot think Airanes to be the prae-Nomen of Vaballathus, since all their forenames were either Roman or Greek, to neither of which Languages Airanes belongs. I have also subscribed to the Opinion of Tristan and Harduin, that Vaballathus was the Son of Herodes; not only because Herodes is in the Coins represented with a Beard, which implies some Years beyond Youth, while Vaballathus has a very young Face, but because the Coins declare him to have continued Emperor, after Zenobia was conquered; and I am so far from thinking that his Mother-in-Law held the Empire in his Name, that I believe she prosecuted him, as she did his Father, that she might enthrone her own Children; the Subject, it must be confessed, is much in the dark, and for want of Directions from the Ancients, it is easy to be mistaken, but the luckiest Conjecturer in such Cases is the best Critic. It is plain from the Historians, 
V Tristan. Tom. 3. p. 2●8, etc.  that there were violent Contests between Herod and Zenobia, while Odenathus was alive (as it seldom happens that Mothers-in-Law look over-favourably on their Predecessor's Children) but that those Disputes served only to advance the Son in his Father's Favour, who had declared him his Copartner (a little while after himself had been made Emperor) and consequently his Successor; and accordingly the Coins mention the third Year of his Reign, whereas Odenathus wore the Purple but four Years, being then murdered, and with him his Son Herod. Upon whose Death, I doubt not, but Vaballathus immediately assumed the Imperial Title and Dignity, as in right he ought, and probably was confirmed in his Pretensions by Claudius and Aurelian, (otherwise his Name and Titles could never have appeared on the reverse of the Coins of Aurelian; for neither Zenobia's nor either of her Son's Name is found on any of the Imperial Coins of the Romans, because in open Hostility with them; which confirms me, that Vaballathus was not the Son of that great Queen,) his Fourth Year being coincident with the First, his Fifth with the Second of Aurelian, (which unquestionably proves him to have been Declared Augustus, as soon as his Father was dead;) but being convinced that Zenobia had made the Army firm to her Interests, and declared her own Sons Emperors, he fled to the Romans for Protection, who being well assured of the Justice of his Title (his Grandfather Odenathus having been declared Emperor at Rome, whose right Heir V●ballathus was, whereas Zenobia had no such Pretensions) treated him with that Respect which those great Princes used to pay to distressed Monarches; and I doubt not, but in Gratitude to his Patrons, he assisted Aurelian, not only with the Equity of his Cause, but with what Forces he could bring into the Field. In the Sixth Year of his Reign, he had the Satisfaction to see his Competitors conquered, and led Captive to Rome; 
Goltz. Thesaur. p. 73.  and the Coins tell us, that he bore the Title of Emperor in the Fourth Year of Aurelian, which was the Seventh of Vaballathus, (ΑΥΤ. Κ. ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟϹϹΕΒ Λ. Ζ) which was the Year after Palmyra was ruined. From whence it plainly appears to me, that he was a Confederate of the Romans in that War, his Effigies and Titles being stamped on the reverse of Aurelian's Coïns, that very Year that he undertook his Expedition into the East, as well as the Year after Zenobia was subdued; for that was a Privilege never granted but to those Princes who were in League with, and had done good Service to the Roman Commonwealth. So Rhemetalces King of Thrace is joined with Augustus, and Abgarus the Toparch of Edessa with Marcus Aurelius, to demonstrate their being in the Interests of those Princes, but with some distinction in the Habit of the Head, or Crown, to denote their Subjection; for when Vaballathus wears a Wreath or Diadem, than Aurelian wears a Crown of Laurel; but when Vaballathus wears a Crown of Laurel, Aurelian wears a Crown radiated, or, as the Heralds call it, rayoneé.  
How long Vaballathus lived after the Eighth Year of his Reign, or what his Fate was, I know not; but I am inclined to believe that he sunk by degrees in the Favour of Aurelian, and being deprived of the Imperial Dignity, was forced to content himself with the meaner Title of King, or Viceroy, and that this happened in the two last Years of that Emperor; for to that Year I refer those Coins, wherein he is styled VABALATHUS REX. 
V Fulu. Vrsin. Not. ad Vopisc. Aurel. Mezzob. p. 407. Patin. Jud. f. 29. — VABAL. LATHUS REX VCRIM. P. P.— VCRIMOR— VCRIMP— VCRIMDR.— VERIMP.— VABALATUS ITER. IMP. R.— all which are Latin, and consequently seem to be coined, not in the East, but somewhere nearer Room, but all in the Reign of Aurelian; and from them I conjecture that Aurelian, after he had settled his Authority in Syria, destroyed Palmyra, and put an end to the Pretensions of the Family of Odenathus, obliged Vaballathus to decline the Title of Emperor, and to use that of the Imperial Vicegerent in the East; and that this is employed in the Coins, where he is said to be VCRIMOR (wrongly in others VCRIMDR, or VCRIMP) not Vice Caesaris Rector Imperii Orientalis, as F. Harduin very ingeniously (because in Aurelian's Age, and long before, Caesar was a Title of Honour inferior to that of Imperator, 
Sparta. p. 35. Capitolin. p. 24.  Aelius Verus being the first who was declared Caesar, but never was Emperor, the Title at that time, and in future Ages, being appropriated to the Heir Apparent of the Empire; so that it should have been Vice Imperatoris, as Nemesius is styled in 
* Clxviii. 4.  Gruter,) but Vir Clarissimus Rector Imperii Orientalis; for so the Governors of Provinces were styled, 
Grut. CL. 9  in the Language of the Law, and in the old Inscriptions, Fabius Maximus V C. Rect. Prov. etc. This Province Vaballathus managed more than once, being said to be ITER. IMP. R. i. e. iterum Imperii Rector, a second time the Emperor's Vicegerent in the East; for such were the Toparches of that Country (the Name demonstrates it, Toparcha is Vicemgerens,) which was in some Ages filled with those Roytelets: Such also were Phylarches of the Arabians, who held their Dignity at the pleasure of either the Romans or Persians, to whom they were subject. (Thus Agrippa, upon his Father's Death, was made Prince of Chalcis, but when he had continued in that Government four Years, 
Joseph. Antiq. l. 20. c. 3, 5.  was displaced by Claudius, but made Tetrarch of Iturea, Batanaea, Trachonitis, and Abilene, to which the same Emperor afterwards added a part of Galilee.) But though their Territory was small, their Ambition commonly was very great, and the Titles which they affected very pompous, witness a Coin of Antiochus the Fourth, 
V Harduin. Num. p. 587.  one of the little Princes of Sebaste, a corner of Cilicia erected into a Kingdom by Vespasian, says 
* Ant. l. 18. c. 7.  Josephus, who styles himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the great King; and another of Abgarus on the reverse of Severus, with the same Title; it being very likely that Vaballathus, prompted by the like Vanity, styled himself Vaballathus Rex Vcrim. P. P. Vaballathus the King, and the Father of his Country, (as in a Latin Coin of Zenobia, whom Theodorit, who was of Cyrrhestica, a Province not far from Palmyrene, calls the Toparch of Palmyra; she is said to be Queen or Governess of all the East; Zenobia Aug. totius Orientis R. i. e. Rectrix, or Regina, as she styles herself in her Letter to Aurelian;) unless this Inscription intimates to us another change in his Fortune and Tenure, that he was constituted the Prince of that part of Cyrrhestica, whose chief City was Vrima (in the Coins, by mistake, Vcrima, and Verima) situate on the Euphrates, between Samosata and Edessa, near the Midway, and an Episcopal See.  
Against this Opinion, that Vaballathus was the Grandson of Odenathus, the learned Spanheim musters all his Forces, 
Dissert. 7. de Vsu & Pr Numism. p. 597, etc.  and blames Monsieur Tristan for indulging too much to his own Wit and Conjectures, while Vopiscus says expressly that Vaballathus was Zenobia's Son, (If. Casaubon's Notion, that it was only a fictitious Name, through mistake of the Greeks, who understood not the Syrian Language, needs no further Confutation;) for which Opinion also Salmasius contends earnestly, the Credit of Vopiscus supporting it. But it is plain, 
Not. in Vopisc. p. 380.  that Vopiscus was deceived in that Paragraph, when he says, That Zenobia did not hold the Empire in the Name of Herennianus and Timolaus, but of her Son Vaballathus.— expressly against the Assertion of Trebellius Pollio, 
30 Tyr. p. 198.  who affirms the contrary; and of 
* P. 216.  Vopiscus himself, in another place, That Zenobia held the Empire of the East (Nomine Filiorum) in the Name of her Sons.— And that the Coins are an unquestionable Confirmation of this Truth, Spanheim himself confesses, in which the second and third Years of their Empire is recorded; and therefore (if any Manuscript would give countenance to the addition) I should think, with Tristan, that the word (Herodis) is left out, and that it should be read Vaballathi Herodis Filii; or probably Vopiscus might mistake his Author, (for 
* P. 209.  he confesses, that he took all his Notices out of the Greek Writers,) and through haste, read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so translate Filii for Nepotis. But the placing the Head of Vaballathus on the reverse of Aurelian's Coins, is to me an unquestionable Evidence that he was not Zenobia's Son; for I believe there cannot be one Instance produced of any Emperor who gave such an Allowance, but to a Friend and Confederate; whereas Zenobia and her Sons were always in professed Enmity, and open War with the Romans, and the Romans with them, who were very eager, all through the Reign of Claudius, to have that haughty Queen subdued, and the Empire wrested out of her Hands. Nor will the Years of his Reign agree with this Opinion (if Vaballathus were carried a Prisoner to Rome with Zenobia, and Zenobia did not reign above five or six Years;) for those in Goltzius mention the Seventh Year of his Reign; one of which was stamped at Troas, implying, that that City declared for his Interests, in the fifth Year of his Empire, the Year in which Aurelian went to the East; and the Figure of Hope on the reverse of one of his Latin Coins, 
Mauroceni thes. c. 13. p. 143.  implies his Expectation to be restored by that puissant Prince, who had been so long kept out of his Right by his Mother-in-Law.  
But Spanheim enforces his Opinion with a second Argument, That Herod's Name doth not appear in any of the Coins of Vaballathus, nor is there any Proof that Herod was ever called Athenas, or Athenaeus. To which I answer in general, That it was the Custom of that Age and Country to have Two Names, the one Latin or Greek, the other Syriack, as Septimius Odenathus, Hermias Vaballathus; so that it is not improbable, that Herod was called Athenaeus, (Athenas, Athenaeus, Athenodorus, from Athene, i. e. Minerva, as Hermias from Hermes, or Mercury.) I once thought, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the transposing the Letters (done by the Greek Monetarii, ignorant of Syriack) was put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (by which Name Malela, the Syrian Writer, always calls Odenathus;) but from one of the Coins in Goltzius, 
Thesaur. p. 73.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— I am enclinable to read it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Herodes and Orodes being the same Name, and always so written in the Inscriptions. But of this Conjecture I must leave those Persons to be Judges, who have seen those rare Coins, while I profess I was never so happy.   

CHAP. VI An Account of Longinus.  
HAving accounted, as well as I could, for Vaballathus, I shall easily be pardoned by all the Lovers of Learning, if out of a due Reverence to the Memory of Longinus, I endeavour to adjust the Particulars of the Life of that admirable Man.  
Who his Father was, we know not, it having been the fate of many other excellent Persons, that the World hath been left ignorant of their Parents, or the Place of their Nativity; but his Mother's Name was Frontonis, 
Suid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Sister of the famous Fronto (Nephew probably to the great Plutarch) by Birth of the City of Emesa, by Profession an Orator, who having, in the Reign of the Emperor Severus, fixed his Residence at Athens, became a Competitor for Glory in his public Exercises with Philostratus the Elder, and Apsines of Gadara, and died at Athens, leaving his Nephew Longinus the Critic his Heir. Whether Longinus was born at Palmyra, as the Editor of his Book of the Sublime Conjectures, I know not; though it be not altogether improbable that his Mother, who was of Emesa, might marry at Palmyra, a City not far from it; though Tanaquil Faber, in his Edition of that excellent Treatise, from that Passage of Vopiscus in the Life of Aurelian, 
Pag. 219.  (That Longinus dictated the haughty Epistle of Zenobia to the Emperor Aurelian, tho' it were written in Syriack—) would conclude, that Longinus was not born in Syria; and that those who determine that that Country was the Place of his Nativity, are confuted by Vopiscus.  
He is usually called Dionysius Longinus, but for what reason, or from what Manuscripts, I know not; Suidas expressly calling him Cassius, though I rather think it should be Casimus, as it is in the old Milan Edition of that Lexicographer, when he reckons up the Authors out of whom he compiled his Work (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Casimus, Abul Casimus, and Al-Casem, being Arabic Names, that commonly occur in the Saracenick History.  
In his younger days he travelled into many Countries to improve his Studies, 
Ep. Longini apud Porph. Vit. Plot.  (his Parents giving themselves the Satiffaction to travel with him, and to observe his Proficiency,) where he contracted an Acquaintance with the most learned Men of all Nations, who were the Ornaments of that Age, with Euclides, Democritus, and Proclinus of Troas, the Platonists; with Plotinus, and Gentilianus Amelius, of the same Sect at Rome; with Ammonius and Origen, under whose Tuition he was a long time (probably at Alexandria, where also he acquired the Acquaintance of Heliodorus the Peripatetic;) with Theodotus and Eubulus, who kept up the Platonic Succession at Athens; with Themistocles and Phebion, the Stoics; with Annius and Medius, with Herminus and Lysimachus, with Athenaeus and Musonius, of the same School at Athens; as also with Ptolemy, and another Ammonius, the Peripatetics.  
Having thus gratified his Curiosity in his Travels, and furnished his Mind with they useful Learning of the Age, he fixed at Athens, probably under the Tuition of his Uncle Fronto, who engaged him in the Study of Philology, where he soon discovered his excellent Genius, and was reputed the most famous Critic of his time, his Judgement of Authors being so much valued, that it became the Standard of that learned Age; and every Book was either approved or condemned, as Longinus pronounced its fate. At Athens, I conjecture, he wrote his admirable accurate Treatise of the Sublime, upon the Importunity of his Friend Posthumius Terentianus (or, as some other Copies read it, 
Sect. 10.  Florentianus) to whom he dedicates it; for, speaking of the most celebrated Orator, he calls him, our Demosthenes, and reckons himself among the Greeks. At Athens, Porphyry became his Scholar, 
Eunap. Vit. Porphyrii.  a Privilege much valued in that Age; for Longinus was reputed a living Library, his Province engaging him to consider and censure the Writings of the Ancients. And there Longinus changed his Syrian Name Malchus into that of Porphyrius (as Amelius, upon the same dislike, called him Basileus) training him up in the Niceties of Grammar and Rhetoric, and accomplishing his Juvenile Studies; and Porphyry, who himself was an excellent Critic, calls him in gratitude (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Prince of the Critics, and the best Philologer of his Age: For if any Man had adventured to correct an ancient Writer, his Opinion never found Approbation, till it was confirmed by the judicious Longinus. Nor was his whole time spent in Criticism; tho' Plotinus, touched with a little Envy, for they did not agree in all their Sentiments, said he was a good Philologer, but not a Philosopher; for he professed himself a Platonist, and, as such, celebrated the Festival of Plato (probably his Birthday) at Athens, 
Porphyr. apud Euseb. Prepar. l. 10. Porph. Vit. Plotini.  according to the Custom of those Times, with great Solemnity, and gave himself up to that Allegorical way of Writing to which that Sect of Philosophers indulged; for from him, and Numenius, as well as from the Books of Plato, Origen learned his method of Allegorising the Holy 
* Porphyr. apud Euseb. H. E. l. 6, c. 19  Scriptures. How long he filled the Platonic Chair at Athens, or who succeeded him, I know not; as also, whether he ever lived at Magnesia ad Sipylum, or not, and were the Praetor of that City, Successor, perhaps, to his Uncle Fronto in that Office; since I find in the Coins of Valerian, 
V Hard. Nummi.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. h. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (another Aurelius Fronto was Praetor of Byzantium, under Alexander Severus;) and in another of Gallienus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor can I fix the Year when he retired into Syria, and settled himself at Palmyra, where his Learning and Wisdom rendered him very illustrious, and capacitated him to assist Zenobia with his Counsels, till his death, and to educate her Sons in all good Literature. But though he gave himself to the Study and Practice of the Rules of Government, while he lived at Palmyra, as became a Privy-Counsellor to a great Queen, 
V Gesn. Biblioth.  and there probably writ his Book of Tactics, for the use of that warlike Empress; yet he was far from deserting his other beloved Muses, but made diligent Inquiries after the Writings of all the learned Men of that Age, 
Porph. ubi sup.  especially of Plotinus. The Country where he was, lay remote from the known Seats of polite Learning; the People, in an active and contentious Age, were more addicted to Arms than Arts: And the Language of Palmyrene was so very different from the usual learned Tongues, that he looked about him a long time, till he could find a Copyist that understood so much Greek, as to enable him to translate the Works of Plotinus; but having found a fit Man, he confined him to that Province, as himself relates in his Epistle to Porphyry: Such a Value did he put on the Works of that profound Platonist, tho' he did not agree entirely with him, and took an occasion to write against him and Amelius, expressing at the same time a deep Veneration for them both. He encouraged Amelius to visit the East, and of him purchased all Plotinus' Works: And having heard that Porphyry, by his Abstinence, and other Severities, had impaired his Constitution, he invited him also very earnestly to come to Palmyra, assuring him that that Air would repair his ruin'd Health, and kept up his Correspondence with his old Friends to the day of his death: And there also he wrote his Panegyric upon Odenathus (probably upon the Death of that heroic Emperor) which Libanius was so fond of; but whether he composed any of those Books at Palmyra, either in Critic (for he censured both Poets and Orators) or Philosophy, the loss of which the learned World bewails, is uncertain: This we know, that that haughty Epistle which Zenobia sent to Aurelian, when he required her to resign her Authority, was said to be dictated by this great Man, the Resentment of which gave occasion to his death; for that severe and proud Emperor hated any thing that seemed to check his Power, or ruffle his ambitious Thoughts.  
So fell the admirable Longinus, to the grief of all good Men, who bemoan his fate, and the loss of his excellent Writings, most of which, in all likelihood, perished when Palmyra was destroyed. I had some Intentions to have subjoined an Account of his Works, but I supersede that Disquisition, as foreign to my present Design, till some other Occasion offers.   

CHAP. VII. A short Commentary on the Inscriptions.  
I Have digested the Inscriptions, not as they are set down in the Journal, where they are placed as they incidentally fell under the Traveller's Eye, but under their several Heads, to which they seem reduceable. And first I begin with the Sepulchral Inscriptions, the Epitaphs inscribed upon the Tombs of the People of Palmyra.  

I.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Which may be thus rendered:  Monumentum sepulchrale propriis sumptibus condidit Septimius Odenathus eminentissimus Senator, Aeranis filius, Vaballathi nepos, Nasori pronepos, & sibi, & filces suis, & nepotibus in perpetuum, in honorem sempiternum. 
This Inscription contains an Account, That Septimius Odenathus, the most excellent Senator, had erected that Monument for himself and his Posterity, to preserve their Name for ever. And he hath hitherto had his Wish, the Monument having escaped the Fury of Time, the Rage of the Roman Soldiers, and the Madness of the superstitious Arabs, who are professed Enemies to all the remains of venerable Antiquity. That this Septimius Odenathus was the same illustrious Person who afterward was declared Emperor, I suppose, 
* P. 27⅔.  I have already proved to be very probable.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs not in the Lexicon, but signifies a Place of Burial. The Place is the Sepulchre, the Epigraphe the Monument, says 
† In 3 Aeneid.  Servius; Operis extructio sepulchrum, nomen inscriptum monimentum; but a Mausolaeum contained many Sepulchers, as one Sepulchre might include many Monuments; the Tomb being built very often (as our Vaults) for the service of the whole Family, as this of Odenathus was erected for himself, his Sons and Nephews; others, for the Owner, his Children and Servants, etc. whereas whosoever laid violent Hands on himself, was to be buried alone, 
Plato, l. 9 de Legib.  and without an Inscription: The shorter the Epitaph, the more honourable it was accounted, so it contained the Achievements of the Person there deposited, it was not to exceed four Heroical Verses, says Plato, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and of this kind (i. e. very short) are the Palmyrene Inscriptions. 
Pausan. l. 2.  But the Men of Sicyon chose a much shorter Method, inscribing only the Name of the Dead Person (not mentioning so much as his Father's Name) and wishing him Joy; while the Palmyrenians inserted their Pedigree to four or five Generations past. By such Monuments the Ancients thought to perpetuate their Memory to Eternity, and for this reason the Grave is commonly called Domus Aeterna, 
V Gruter. passim.  Domus Perpetua, Domus Aeternalis, and Sepulchri Perpetui Honour; and what is in this Inscription said to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in another Monument said to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And with their own Names they inserted those of their Progenitors, that they also might be enroled in the Annals of Honour. And they often took care to inscribe the Epitaph in several Languages, that other Nations might be thereby instructed in the Name and Virtues of the Dead, (and perhaps, that they might preserve some remains of their native Language likely to be supplanted and forgotten.) 
Capitol. Gordian. 3. p. 165.  Thus, when Philip had slain the Emperor Gordian, the Army buried him at Circeia Castra (or Circesium) in the Confines of Persia, and wrote his Epitaph in Greek and Latin, in the Persic, Jewish, and Egyptian Languages, that all Nations might understand it, To the Deified Gordianus, the Conqueror of the Persians, the Goths and Sarmatians, the Arbiter of the Roman Seditions, the Conqueror of the Germans; but not the Conqueror of the Philippi, for they murdered him.   

2.  
The Second Inscription contains an Epitaph which Soraechus erected to his Wife Martha, Ann. Christi 178. in the 1 8/9 of Marcus Antoninus the Emperor:  
* I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And may thus be rendered:  In memoriam Marthae Alexandri Capadeti filiae, Vaballathi Neptis, Symonis proneptis Soraechus Aeranis filius, maritus illius posuit mense Martio, A. D. 490.  

3.  
The Third is of the same nature, appropriated by Malchus to himself and his Children, thoes built by his Ancestors:  To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hoc Monumentum condiderunt Elabelus, Mannaeus, Sochaeis. Malchus verò Vaballathi filius, Mannei nepos, Elabeli pronepos sibi, & filiis posuit, anno 414. mense Aprili. 
It is plain, that in this Inscription there is a mistake in the first line, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and a greater in Grammar, if Elabelus, Mannaeus, and Sochaeis, be taken for the same Man; I have therefore rendered it literally from the Greek, and have reason to think that there is another mistake in the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for if Malchus were the Grandson of Mannaeus, the Great Grandson of Elebelus, as the Inscription demonstrates, than Sochaeis and Vaballathus must be the same Person, for he is expressly called the Son of Vaballathus; nor is it unpardonable to imagine, that Inscriptions set up by Syrians, who cannot be presumed exact Masters of Greek, and transcribed in some haste, might be subject to mistakes, many such (whether of the Graver or Copyist, I cannot determine) frequently occurring to the diligent Reader; and therefore I believe that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ϹΟΧΑΕΙϹ/ ΒΟΛΛΛΘΟϹ) the same Name with Vaballathus, by which Alteration the whole Inscription is very intelligible Sense, and Grammar.   

4.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Thus rendered:  Monumentum in sempiternum honorem aedificavit Gichus Mocimi filius, Caelcialcisi nepos, Mannaei pronepos in sui, & natorum, & posterorum sepulturam, anno 314, mense Aprili, i. e. Chr. 2o. 
I very much doubt, that more than one fault occurs in the Names of the Persons, (and perhaps for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we may read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all is a common prefix; and Asisus, or Azisus, a Syrian Name. Josephus mentions Azizus a Roytelet of Emesa; it was also the Name of their God Mercury;) and if so, it must be rendered, Mocimi, qui & Azizus, filius, Mannaei nepos. But I dare not vouch for the Emendation; whatever therefore may become of that Conjecture, it is certain, that there is a mistake in the Date, and that for ΔΙΤ we ought to read ΔΙΥ. (Υ and Τ are letters easily confounded,) because in the Inscription, Ϲ for Σ, and ω for Ω, and Ε for Ε are used, all which never appear in any genuine Coin, or Marble, till Domitian's time, as the Critics agree.) This Inscription therefore is of the same Year with the precedent, the Monument being set up, Ann. Chr. 102, the Fourth of the Emperor Trajan: And these two are the most ancient Inscriptions at Tadmur. I have rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by honos sempiternus, upon the Authority of Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

5.  
From the Inscriptions of the Sepulchers, I proceed to consider their public Monuments, erected by the Order of the Senate and People of the Commonwealth of Tadmur, to the Honour of such of their Citizens who had deserved well of the Republic. The first that occurs, relates to Alilamenes, or rather Alcamenes.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Senatus, Populusque (Palmyrenus) Alcamenem Panii Mocimi, qui & Aeranes, filium, Matthae nepotem, & Aeranem illius patrem viros pios, & patriae amantissimos, & omnimodo publicè placentes patriae, & penatibus honoris ergô, anno 450, ultimo mensis Aprilis, h. e. Ann. Chr. 131. Hadriani Imp. emortuali. 
Alcamenes is a Name well known, and frequently occurs; but Alilamenes, no where, that I remember. 
Thucyd. l. 8.  Alcamenes was one of the Generals of Agis King of Sparta, sent into Eubaea when that Island revolted from the Athenians, afterward made the Governor of Chios, and slain by the Athenians at Pireaeus. Another 
* Ttetz. Arel. 8. p. 147.  of that Name, was a famous Statuary in Brass, a Contemporary and Rival of the great Master Phidias; or perhaps it should be read, Alexamenes. Alexamenes the Son of Damon was the Polemarchus, or General of the Aetolians, says 
† CXXIX. 15.  Gruter; and instead of Panius, I would read either Pinnius, which is no unusual Name among the Romans (L. Pinnius Celer, & L. Pinnius Celsus occur in the Inscriptions) or rather Phanius; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in 
‖ DV.  Gruter; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Praetor of Apamia, in the 
⸫ Harduin. p. 58.  Coins. That this Phanius Mocimus was also called Airanes, the Inscription demonstrates, wherein Airanes is expressly called the Father of Alcamenes; they are both magnified for their Piety, and their Love to their Country (as Barachias, and Mocimus his Son, are applauded in the next InInscription) to which they were great Benefactors, while in gratitude their fellow-Citizens honoured such Patrons with the magnificent Titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Founders of their City,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Saviour's,) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Benefactors,) paying them the highest Respect while alive; and perpetuating their Memory when dead, by a thankful Remembrance, by public Statues, and noble Inscriptions, according to that excellent Sentence that is happily preserved among the Fragments of the ancient Gratitude in one of Gruter's Marbles, 
896, 4.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That good Men, even when they are dead, aught to be recompensed, and celebrated.— Thus the Senate and People of Ancyra, the Metropolis of the Tectosagis, honoured L. Fulvius Rusticus Aemilianus, Calpurnius Proclus, and T. 
V Marm. Cosson. 1, 2, 3, 4.  Flavius Taeanus,. their Benefactors, their Founders, and Saviour's. This Title of Benefactors was sometimes given to Kings, says the Holy Writ, Luk. 22.25. to the Ptolemy's, Mithridates, to Philip of Macedon, and other Princes; even to Women, so Berenice is called by Eratosthenes: sometimes by Sovereigns to their Subjects, so Artaxerxes honoured Mordecai with the Title of Benefactor and Saviour, says 
* Antiq. l. 11. c. 6.  Josephus. Their Names and Achievements, for the Preservation of their Masters, being recorded (V. Esth. 6. 1, 2.) and a particular Reward always 
† V Heredot. l. 8.  appointed them; at other times to whole Countries, so the Agriaspae were called 
* Arrian. l. 3. de Exped. Alex. p. 73.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (the Persian Name is Orosangae, says Herodotus,) because they amsted Cyrus the Son of Cambyses in his Expedition against the Scythians; a Title that demonstrated their Likeness to the Deities, [for the Egyptians called their Nilus and Osiris, i. e. the Sun, Omphis, which signifies a Benefactor, says 
† De Isid. & Osir. & Julian. Orat. 3.  Hermaeus in Plutarch,] to whom also a good Man was sometimes accounted a Benefactor, for so Clinodemus the Son of Lebotus is by a public Decree of the Senate and People of Delos declared (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he and his Posterity Benefactors to the Temple and People of Delos. 
V Oxon Marm. Apn. 1. & 3. p. 287.  And Dionysius of Berytus is celebrated as a Benefactor to his Country Gods, so the learned Editor of the Oxford Marbles, and others, understand the Inscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Beneficus erga Patrios Deos, while the Inscripton may be thus rendered, I think more properly, Dionysius Zenonis filius Theodori nepos Berytius beneficus (h. e. solenni decreto Berytiornm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu Benefactor sancitus) Diis Patriis (Marmor sc. seu aram posuit, seu dedicavit.) Thus in a curious Inscription found and transcribed by Monsieur Spon, in the Isthmus of Corinth; the Dedication is made, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Miscellan. erudit. Antiquit. §. 10. n. 111. p. 363.  Publius Licinius Pyaem. Priscus juventianus, the High Priest for Life, devoting to his Country Gods, and his Country, the Altars which he had built, the Provisions which he had made for the Athletae, who should come thither to the Isthmian Games, with other munificent Buildings erected to their Honour: Upon which account we may well presume him a Favourite to the People of Corinth, and to the Penates; as Alcamenes and his Father Airanes are said to be pleasing not only to their fellow-Citizens, but to their Country Gods, who probably by an Oracle declared their good Opinion of their Persons, and acceptance of their Services; for so Julius Aurelius Zenobius is in another of these Inscriptions, 
P. 97. Transact.  said to be for his extraordinary meritorious Services to his Prince and Country, honoured with a Testimonial from the God Jaribolus, (who was doubtless one the Country Gods, or Penates of Palmyra;) and Bolanus declared in a third place to be chosen one of the Curators of the Fountain Aphaca by the same God Jaribolus, 
P. 103.  the Heathens paying a great Veneration to their Country Gods, or Penates, (for so the old Glessaries instruct us. Penates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
Goth. l. 1. c. 25. p. 375.  & vice versâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Penates: and Procopius says, that Janus was the first of the ancient Gods, whom the Romans called Penates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, h. e. Penates, 
Ep. Jamblich.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) For when Julian the Emperor would pass an extravagant Compliment upon his Friend Jamblichus, (if the Epistle be his, which I much doubt) he says, that as soon as he came into Bythinia, he offered him his Presents, as if he had been one of his Country Gods, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ...... Senatus, populusque Bareichen (seu Barachiam) Amrisamsi filium Jariboleos nepotem & Mocimum illius filium viros pios, & Patriae amantes honoris ergo coluit. 
This honorary Inscription needs no Commentary, since it is so very like the former, unless it be worth remarking that Jariboleus is here the Name of a Man, as elsewhere of a God, it being very usual to give the names of their Deities to their great Men; though perhaps it might not be reckoned the wildest of Conjectures to imagine, that Amrisamsus was called Jariboleus after the name of his God, to whose Patronage he had committed himself, and by whom he was nominated to some Office, perhaps the Priesthood, as Bolanus was by the same Deity to the Office of Curator of the Fountain Aphaca.  
The following Inscription is very noble, and very instructive.   

7.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. S. P. Q. (Palmyrenus) Julium Aurelium Zenobium, qui & Zabdilas, Diosmalchi filium, Nassumi Nep. militantem in adventu Dei Alexandri, & indefessà praesentiá, inservientem Rutillio Crispino Duci, & deductis vexillationibus; aedilem, nec suis parcentem sumptibus, sed & optimum Magistratum, ideóque testimonio ornatum à Deo Jaribolo, & à Julio ...... nobilissimo Praefecto praetorio, & à Patriâ, Patriae amantem, honoris ergo. Anno. 554. Christi sc. 242. Gordianis tertii ⅚. 
To understand this Inscription aright, it is requisite to reflect upon the State of both the Roman and Persian Empires at that time, which I shall briefly consider. Alexander the Great having made himself Master of all the East, 
Zosim. l. 1. pag. 18.  his Successors the Kings of Syria, kept the Possession of that part of the Empire, till Arsaces' the Parthian, provoked by the Injuries done to his Brother Tiridates, took Arms, and having slain Pherecles the Governor of the Country, laid the Foundation of the Parthian Empire (which whither it commenced under Seleucus Callinicus, or his Father Antiochus, who called himself the God, I will not undertake to determine:) This Empire lasted 270 Years, 
L. 2. & Herodian. l. 6.  says Agathias out of the Records of that Country, from Arsaces their first King to Artaban the last, under whom Artaxeres, (Zosimus calls more properly Artaxerxes) an obscure Persian, but of an aspiring Mind, of great Courage and Industry, having fermented several of the Natives into a Rebellion, after three Battles fought with success, seized Artaban, and, having murdered him, put the Crown on his own Head, and so translated the Empire a second time to the Persians. This happened, 
Agath. l. 4.  says the abovementioned Historian, in the five hundredth and thirty eight Year of Alexander the Great, (i. e. of the aera Seleucidarum) and in the fourth Year of Alexander the Son of Mammaea: Artaxerxes having thus conquered the Parthians, and settled himself in the Throne, the next Year after, viz. the fifth of Alexander, he made his Incursions into the Roman Territories. Alexander at first attempted to divert him from his Inroads by his Letters; but finding the Method unsuccessful, he marched with a powerful Army into the East, fought that potent Prince, forced him to fly, and got a glorious Victory, having taken 300 Elephants, 
Lamprid. pag. 133.  destroyed 200 more, slain an Hundred and twenty thousand of their Horse, besides 10000 of their (Cataphractae) Troops, that were armed cap à pe; he also recovered Mesopotamia out of their hands, and first taught the Persians how to serve the Romans; after which he returned to Antioch, and from thence to Rome, where the Senate decreed him a Triumph, as the Reward of his Services on the 25th of September, Anno Christi 22 6/7.  
This Victory, says Cassiodore in his Fasti, was obtained in the first Year of Alexander, Julianus and Crispinus being Consuls, (his Coss. Alexander Xerxem Regem Persarum vicit) but he is mistaken; for not to mention, that Julian and Crispinus were not Consuls, till the ⅔ Year of Alexander (who came to the Empire Anno aer. vulg. 222. the 10th of March, after Heliogabalus was slain) being fixed by all the other Fasti, (both those of Idatius, and those, which the most Learned Mr. Dodwell hath published out of the MSS. of Sir H. Savil, and Isaac Vossius) to the Year of Christ 224. Agathias positively avers, that Artaxerxes did not assume the Crown of Persia, till the fourth Year of Alexander Mammaeae, which is exactly coincident with the 538th year of the aera Seleucidarum, and the vulgar Year of Christ 22 6/7 and this account the Historian declares he had from the Archives of the Persian Kings.  
In this Expedition the Palmyrenians declared for the Interests of the Romans, against the Persian Usurper, and sent their Troops to their assistance under their General Zenobius. This Zenobius is said to be the Son 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Names of the Heathen Gods being usually given to the Men of illustrious Descent; this Diosmalchus was the Son of Nassumus: 
Transact. pag. 98.  In another Inscription a like name occurs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Expedition of Alexander is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that great Prince having been dead some years, when this Inscription was erected, and by the Senate deified, who appointed him a College of Priests, called Alexandriani, and ordered a Festival to be kept on his Birch-day, 
Lamprid. pag. 136.  which the Romans continued to celebrate near a hundred years after, in the days of Constantine the Great; and to this Deification probably the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Inscription, hath a remote relation; for the Heathens seldom speak of their Princes, but as of sacred Persons, their Persons were numina, and all their Laws and Actions divine. Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often used; when Eunapius treats of the Title of Philostratus' Book of the Life of Apollonius, he saith, it rather ought to be styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Pagan's setting up that Impostor in opposition to our blessed Saviour, who being God, made his appearance among Men. So St. Gregory of Nazianzum, 
Orat. 38.  calls our blessed Lord's Incarnation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was the common Opinion of those Ages, that their Gods did upon some solemn days descend from Heaven, put on humane Shape, and appear in those Cities, for which they had a particular Regard, (as many of the Ancients thought the Martyrs did frequently show themselves in those places, either where they had been born, or put to death, 
Vid. Dion. Chrysost. Tars. 1. pag. 408.  or buried;) and this Descent they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and being prone to Deify their Princes, and to treat them with all sort of divine Honours, whenever the Emperor vouchsafed to visit any City, they entertained him with the highest Testimonies of Joy and Exultation, and reputed the Day a solemn Festival; and therefore in the Coins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
V Harduin. num. p. 397.  And Adventus Augusti faelicissimus frequently occurs, and in another of the Inscriptions at Palmyra, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Imperial General in this Expedition was Rutillius Crispinus, (the Praenomen of that great Man being restored to him from this Inscription, no ancient Monument else calling him other than Crispinus: 
Lamprid. p. 61, 63. ) Tullius Crispinus was the Praefectus Praetorio under Didius Julianus; but he cannot be the Man; but there was another Crispinus, a Man of the Consular Dignity, who with Menophilus, 
Capitolin. Maximini. 2. p. 146.  after the barbarous Murder of Alexander Severus, maintained Aquileia against Maximinus, who in vain besieged it. They were both sent by the Senate to preserve that important Place; 
Id. p. to 169.  and they maintained their Province with so much Courage, that the Soldiers despairing to take the City, fell upon their Generals, and slew both Maximin and his Son, in their Tents. The same Crispinus had been long before Colleague with Julianus in the Consulship ann.. ⅔. of Alexander Severus, of Christ 224. from the Death of Alexander the Great 547. and from the Year of Augustus (or the Epocha of the Battle at Actium) 253. say the ancient Fasti, published by the most Learned Dodwell. Upon this General Crispinus Zenobius of Palmyra, was a constant Attendant, assisting the Auxiliary Troops with whatever Necessaries they stood in need of in those barren Deserts; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: i. e. Vexillationibus, Vexillariis, or auxiliariis, the words being of an equivalent inport; for those very Troops, 
V Salmasin H. A. Script. p. 125.455.  which Tacitus calls in one place auxiliorum cohortes, he presently after styles vexillares cohortes, the whole Roman Army being divided into their own Legions; and Auxiliaries, says Monsieur Saumaise, auxilia in cohortes divisa, cohortes in vexilla, itaque cohors semper de auxiliis, & vexilla de cohortibus; the Dux Vexillorum in the Inscriptions being the same with the Praepositus auxiliorum.  
Zenobius was also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or aedile of his City, (the Office I have already accounted for) and he adorned his Province with great Magnificence, for so I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frequently occurring in these, as in several other Inscriptions; and for this Reason, among others, he is honoured with the Title of a good Magistrate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) for this generous and beloved Officer had his public Testimonies, that he deserved the noblest Character that could have been given of him, since both the Gods and Men were Vouchers for his Merit; the God Jaribolus, Julius Philippus, the Praefectus Praetorio of the East, together with all his fellow-Citizens, having publicly attested his Love to his Country. Of the God Jaribolus, 
P. 168, 169  and his Oracle, I have spoken already; and the Monument itself is an undeniable Proof of the Regard his Country had to him, and with what respect the Roman Governor of the East treated him. Who this Praefectus Praetorio of the East was, will be easily found, if we reflect on the Date of the Inscription, an. aer. Seleucid. 554. i. e. Christi 242. the year before the youngest Gordian was slain; at which time Julius Philippus the Arabian, was the Praefectus Praet. of the East.  
Capitolinus affirms, 
P. 161, 162.  that Gordian proclaimed the War, and went into Persia, when Praetextatus and Atticus were Consuls: i e. says Onuphrius, in the year of Christ, according to the vulgar Computation, 242. for then C. Ausidius Atticus, and C. Ausinius Praetextatus were Consuls; that Misitheus died, and Philip succeeded him, Apriano, and Papo Coss. that is, the year after, an Christi 243. for then C. Julius Arrianus, and Aemilius Papus were Consuls; but that the Year following, when Peregrinus, and Fulvius Aemilianus were Consuls, Gordian was slain the first of March, and Philip succeeded him. So say the Fasti of Idatius, and others; and so says Cassiodore, (that in the Consulate of Peregrinus and Aemilianus, Gordian was slain by Philip, as he was returning home crowned with Laurel for the Conquest of the Persians, not far from the Roman Territories near Circesium; for there he was buried, that being the Roman Boundary toward the East; and that the Army built him a Tomb on the Euphrates, the Place being called the Sepulchre of Gordian, says Aur. Victor, but carried his Bones to Rome:) nor do the Fasti in Sir H. Savil's MS. set out by Mr. Dodwell, disagree, only they fix the Consuls a year higher, which the Palmyrene Inscription confirms, in which Philip is expressly said to have been the Praefectus Praetorio of the East; an. 554. h. e. Chr. 242.  
From whence also we may collect, that the City of Palmyra was in the Expedition of Gordian, as well as in that of Alexander a Confederate, and an Assistant to the Romans. How that Commonwealth behaved itself toward Philip the Murderer, and Successor of Gordian, we have no Records; but from the rasure in the Inscription we may conclude, that they hated his Name and Memory: In truth so odious were the Person and Actions of Philip, that no one Historian, that I remember, hath written his Life; and those who treat of him by the by, call him perfidious Wretch. Aurelius' Victor styles him Thraconites, i. e. a Native of the Region of Traconitis, (born at Bostra in Arabia says Tristan,) he was of a very mean Parentage and Original; his Father a true Arab, a Captain of Banditi, (his name Saturninus, says Tristan) his Life ignominious, and his Death such as he deserved, being sacrificed by Decius to the angry Manes of his Predecessor; 'tis true, Eutropius affirms, that he was deified after his Death, but so were many of the worst of Emperors. After he assumed the Purple, he made an ignominious Peace with the Persians, and leaving his Brother Priscus his Governor of the East, 
Zosim. l. 1. p. 20.  he marched to Rome. Priscus behaved himself so insolently in his Office, and laid such heavy Taxes on the People, that in a little time he became insufferable, insomuch that the Natives betook themselves to their Arms, and chose Papianus (others call him Jotapianus) Emperor, having, as it is very probable, slain Priscus; and Philip himself a little time after fell by the hand of Decius. And at this time, I believe, the rasure was made in the Inscription at Palmyra, it being no unusual Practice both at Rome and in the East, as to deface the Statues of eminent Persons, when fallen into disgrace; so to scratch out their Names out of the honorary Inscriptions, devoted to their Memory: Thus in an Epigraphe at Rome, 
Grut. 161. ●  the name of Stilicho is erased, (though his Titles are left untouched, as in the Palmyrene Inscription, V C. & inlustris militis, & magistri utriusque militiae,) as is also the name of Fl. Macrobius Longinianus the then Governor of Rome: 
Grut. 178.8.330.3.  the name of Maximianus in a 2d, of Commodus in a 3d, to omit other Instances.   

8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. S. P. Q (Palmyrenus) Septimium (Orodem) optimum Procuratorem Ducenarium Augusti, qui oleum curavit donandum Metropoli coloniae, quique privatâ impensâ, & suo sumptu commeatum mercatoribus iter commune facientibus praebuit; & à negotiorum praesidibus amplum testimonium adeptus est; fortiter, & cum laude militantem, & aedilem ejusdem Metropolews coloniae, plurimas etiam opes domi impendentem; ideoque placentem eidem senatui, Populoque & nunc magnificè Modimperatorem agentem in sacrificiis Jovis Beli, honoris ergo coluit. Ann. ..... mense Martio. 
In three several Inscriptions erected to the Honour of Septimius Orodes, this by the Senate of Palmyra, and two others by his Friend Julius Palms, (for I no way doubt, but they all belong to the same Illustrious Person, and were set up in the same Year, and the same Month;) he is said to have been the Procurator Ducenarius to Odaenathus, (for there could be no other Emperor at Palmyra in the Year of Christ 266.) and to have done many good Offices for his Country, particularly for the Merchants, who honoured him with a public Testimonial of their Gratitude; what the Office of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was, 
Vid. Appen. cap. 3.  what the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have already declared: the imperfect word .... 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Mr. Halley rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (it being unquestionable, that the Ancients did distribute, besides Bread, and other Largesses, Flesh to the People; the Law calls it Visceratio, and the old Glossary, Visceratio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) but if I might be allowed the liberty of making another Conjecture, I would read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (or as the Syrian Graver might spell it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Custom of bestowing Oil upon the Citizens on solemn Festivals, being well understood: Cestrania Severina gave a great Sum to the College of the Dendrophori, 
Grut. 312.4  that every year upon her Birthday such a quantity of Oil might be distributed to every one of them. And T. Fundilius Geminus gave, 
Id. 414.2.  besides his Bequest to the Chest of the Augustales, and the Magistrates, etc. to the People a Feast, 
Id. 136.5.  and a Largess of Oil on his Birthday. And L. Caecilius bequeathed to the Inhabitants of Como every year on the Feast of Neptune, Oil for their Gymnasia, and their Baths, and for the Exercises in the public Places of Sport, (as I would rendert he words, in campo.)  
I have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as many other Eastern Cities are styled in the Coins) though Monsieur Patin, 
P. 130. etc.  in his Edition of the Coins of Maurocenus, retains 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those of the Cities of Emsea, Carrae, and Antioch, (Cities of the East not far from Palmyra;) in all which I am of opinion, the word should be rendered Metropolis colonia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 never appearing in any Lexicon; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendered by the Critics Conjunctio in via, or iter commune; and Septimius is magnified in the Inscription for his defraying the Expense of the Caravan, for which reason the Precedents of the Merchants in a public Meeting gave him their Testimonial, according to custom: 
Grut. 309.1.  So Metrodorus the Son of Hermogenes, the Grandson of Metrodorus, was honoured with a Testimonial from the whole Synod, or College of Priests of Ceres, and advanced to the Office of Stephanephorus, or the Precedent, of their Country in holy things, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and others are said to have been (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) rewarded with the Thanks of their public Assemblies; 
Inscript. Cossou. n. 12.  the Merits of Septimius were as illustrious as his Country's Love toward him: He had obliged their private Societies, and been very magnificent to the whole City; he had been an Officer, and behaved himself with Courage and Reputation under his Prince Odaenathus, probably when he routed the Persians; and was that year, when the Monument was erected, the Symposiarch in the Festival dedicated to Jupiter Belus their Patron Deity, viz. in the year 266. after Christ, and of the Empire of Odaenathus the ●/●.   

9  
I proceed in the next place to consider the Monuments erected by private Persons to the Memory of their Friends: The first of which contains the grateful Remembrance which the Palmyrene Merchants, trading to Vologesias, retained of the great Services, which Julius Aurelius Zebeidas did them in that Expedition.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .... 
Which, with leave to fill up the vacant Spaces, and to correct the Mistakes, may thus be read and rendered:  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .... Julium Aurelium Zebeidam Mocimi F. Zebeidae N. perpetuum commercii curatorem qui cum illo descenderunt ad emporium Vologessiam elegerunt, virum iis gratissimum, cultûs gratiâ: Mense Martio, anno 558. h. e. Christi 246. Philippi Arabis Imp. 2o. 
That Palmyra was a City of great Trade, and the Inhabitants eminent Merchants, hath been already proved from Appian and Pliny; as also that their Commerce was maintained both with Persia and the Western Empire; which also was done by other Frontier Cities, though under the Jurisdiction of the Roman Princes, as by Nisibis and Edessa; of whom the old Geographer says, that they were peopled with Men of condition, excellently skilled in all the Methods of Trade, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. §. 16. p. 10  great Navigators, very rich, and Masters of all worldly Plenty; that what they bought of the Persians, they sold to the Romans, dealing in all sort of Commodities, but Contraband Goods, Brass and Iron, which they were forbidden to sell to the Enemies of Persia. Which Character seems exactly suited to the Palmyrene Merchants.  
For that they traded to Vologesias, (a City under the Persian Jurisdiction) is plain from the Inscription; in which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is neither the Town of Olgassus, nor the Name of a Man, but of a famous City on the Euphrates, not far from its Confluence with the Tigris. Babylon, says 
* Nat. Hist. l. 6. §. 30. p. 71⅔.  Pliny, was once the Seat of the Eastern Empire, and the great Mart of Trade; but it fell into decay, when Seleucus Nicator built Seleucia, where the two Rivers meet, situated in a most fruitful Soil, and commonly called Babylon. To eclipse the Glory, and lower the Trade of Seleucia; the Parthians, after they had made themselves Masters of the East, built Ctesiphon, three miles from Seleucia on the Eastern Bank of Tigris, and there sixth the Residence of their Kings; but, this Project not answering expectation, King Vologeses (who in a Coin in the Cabinet of Pope Alexander the 7th, is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with all his lofty Titles, according to the Rhodomontade of the Parthian and Persian Kings; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to which Epithets, in another Coin in Monsieur Patin, is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) being Contemporary with Nero and Vespasian, built another City, which from his own Name he called Vologesocerta, in the Neighbourhood, (18 miles distant, say the Peutinger Tables;) but to the South of Babylon, and there, probably, fixed the staple of Trade from the Persian Gulf, and the other parts of the East. This City is called by Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Ptolomee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Volocessia in the Peutinger Tables, and Vologessia by Ammianus Marcellinus; but by Pliny, according to the Persic Termination, Vologesocerta. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesychius; to prove which Assertion there is an eminent Passage in Pliny; 
N. H. l. 6. §. 10. p. 66¾.  that among the Cities of Armenia the Less, Armosate is situate near the Euphrates, Carcathiocerta near the Tigris, (which 
* Lib. 11. p. 527.  Strabo affirms, was the Royal City of Sophene;) but on the Mountains Tigranocerta stood. And for Artasigarta, which Ptolemee 
* L. 5. c. 13.  places in Armenia the Greater, I would read Artaxicerta; Zadracarta being also the chief City of Hyrcania, says 
† Lib. 3. the exped Alex. p. 71.  Arrian. And I cannot but remark, that this word, either in Termination, or Prefixed, in almost all Languages signifies a City. In Hebrew Kiriath-Arba is the City of Arba, Kiriath-Sepher is the City of Books; in the Punic, Carthage is the new City, in the Scythian, Carpaluk the City of Fish; says Tzetzes, 
Chil. 8. c. 224.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in our own British Cair-Lundein, London; Cair-Kent, Canterbury; Cair-went, Winchester, etc. and probably among the Egyptians Gran-Cair hath its name from this Original, or all Cahira, as the Arabians call it.  
To this City Vologesia, the Merchants of Palmyra traded, not long after it was made a Mart by the King, who founded it; but the Commerce was often interrupted by the frequent Wars made by the Romans and Persians against each other; particularly during the Expedition of Gordianus into the East; but when Philip the Arab, having murdered that excellent Emperor, succeeded him, and made an ignominious Peace with Sapores in the first year of his Reign, the Persian Company at Palmyra sent Julius Aurelius Zebeidas, with other eminent Persons of their Society, to Vologesia to re-establish their Factory, and adjust all Differences that had happened since the War broke out; And he discharged that Office so faithfully, and so much to their Satisfaction, that upon his return they erected a Monument with an honorary Inscription to his Memory, which is still preserved, and as a Reward of his great Services, chose him their Precedent. For so I am inclined to read that broken, and unintelligible part of the Inscription; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; curator; say the Lexicographers; it commonly signifies rerum divinarum curatorem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but here a Precedent or Inspector. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesychius.  
The two following Inscriptions concern the same Persons.   

10.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Septimium Orodem optimum Procuratorem Augusti Ducenarium & Archegetam Julius Aurelius Palms Cassiani F. Melenaei N. Eques Romanus amicum, & Patronum. Anno 578. mense Martio; h. e. Christi 266. Odenathi 2o.  

11.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Septimium Orodem optimum Procuratorem Augusti Ducenarium, & Archegetam Julius Aurelius Palms, Publius Melenaeus Malchi F. Nassumi N. vir praestantissimus amicum, & patronum honoris ergo anno .... mense Martio, (coluerunt.) 
Of Septimius Orodes, I have discoursed in the Comment on the eighth Inscription, and of his eminent Employments under Odaenathus, as his Procurator Ducenarius, and in the City, as their Aedilis and Symposiarch; in these two Inscriptions he is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (for so I would read the unintelligible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Mr. Halley conjectures; the Praefectus annonae, the Officer, who took care the City should not want Bread; because he is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Patron of Julius Aurelius Palms the Roman Knight, who was not a Native of Palmyra, the Γ and Ρ being Letters easily mistaken one for the other; and in one Copy of the Inscription it is thus written, ΑΡλΠΗΤΗΝ.) Now the Archegeta was the Chief, or Precedent of his Tribe, says Hesychius (V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Id. v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Hero, from whom the Tribe had its name; they were honoured with Statues of Brass, says the 
* V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. loc.  Etymolog. magnum, and were Persons of the most eminent Dignity; their number at Athens was ten Erechtheus, Aegeus, Pandion, etc. and of the same number were their Tribes; their Authority was great, and their Power extensive, (Hes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Theodorit, l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, citing Plutarch deoracul. defectu, calls Arsalus, Aryus, and Tosobis, whom Saturn slew, but the Lycians deified, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whom Plutarch calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and the same Author in the Life of Lycurgus, says the King of Sparta was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the name was particularly given to those who were the Leaders or Captains of Colonies, when they were transplanted, and their Protectors: So 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 6.  Xenophon says of Hercules, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
‖ Vit. Alcibiad.  Plutarch of Minerva, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and the old Inscription to Apollo, in Monsieur 
* It. Athen. p. 150.  Spon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as he is also styled by Thucydides 
† L. 6. n. 3. p. 349. , who mentions an Altar erected to Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Inhabitants of Chalcis, who left Eubaea, and built Naxus, upon which the Priests (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) used to offer Sacrifice, before they left Sicily, whenever they undertook a Voyage. Apollo was so called, says the old Scholiast upon Pindar 
* V Cluver. Sicil. p. 93, 94. , because he was the Author of that Expedition of the Naxians, when they went into Sicily; or as 
† Lib. 5. Bell. civil. p. 734.  Appian says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
This Precedent, or Prince of the Tribe, was sometimes styled the Phylarchus, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hesychius) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is in the Ancyran Inscription above mentioned; 
p. 240.  for wherever the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is named, 
V Memor. Cosson. p. 14½.  the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is also named in the same Inscription. And the Phylarches of the Saracens were so called, because the People were divided into 12 Tribes; over every one of which was established a Prince, called the Phylarchus, a Custom kept up by the Goths, and other barbarous Nations. To what number the Tribes at Palmyra amounted, I know not; but that Septimius Orodes was the chief of one of them, is manifest from the Inscription; nor do I doubt but those Chiefs had the power to admit a Foreigner to the Privileges of the Tribe, and to give him their Protection; and therefore Orodes is said to be Friend to Julius Aurelius Palms, and his Patron. (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Hesyc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gloss. vet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pratrocinium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patronus, praepositus. And Harpocration affirms, 
V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that no Foreigner was permitted to leave his own City, and to settle at Athens, unless one of the Citizens undertook to be his Patron, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the fine the Foreigner, when so patronised, paid to the City was 12 Drachmas, called from those who paid the Tax 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which whosoever refused to lay down, he was brought to the (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Officers, who took care of their Tolls, and sold, being for the most part condemned to the Galleys. Nor can I doubt but the same Custom of Patronising Foreigners was observed in other Cities, particularly at Palmyra; this Patronage sometimes covered only private Persons: 
Marm. Coslon. 5.  Thus at Ancyra, Flavianus Eutyches acknowledges, C. Ael. Flavianus Sulpicius his Patron, Γ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eutyches, I doubt not, was his Libertus, and acknowledged the Patronage of his quondam Master, who had made him free; such Testimonials of Gratitude being as usual, as just, (and sometimes it happened the Freedman himself became a Patron; so. 
Grut. 610.3.  Tiberius Claudius the Libertus of Augustus, is called the Patron of his Parents, to whom he erected a Monument.) Sometimes the Patronage reached Societies, and Companies of Trade, (so we read of the Patrons of the Colleges of the Arvales, 
Grut. pass.  the Dendrophori, the Companies of Smiths, the Braziers, the Fishermen, and Shipwrights, etc.) sometimes whole Cities and Regions, and the Title and Office was very honourable, C. Torasius being by the unanimous Suffrages of the Magistrates chosen the Patron of a Town by the River Clitumnus, (ob merita ejus erga Remp.) for his great Services done to the Commonwealth.  
This Patronage it was requisite that even the Romans themselves (during the Reign of Odenathus in the East, in whose time the Inscriptions were made) should court, as Julius' Palms did; I call him Palms because it is a known Roman name, (and perhaps Melenaeus should be written Mellinius, or Menelaus) for which reason I have inserted Publius for Puilsus. He was a Man of the Equestrian Dignity, which entitled him at Rome to eminent Privileges; which I shall not minutely enumerate, only mentioning, that the Roman Knights installed the Princeps juventutis, presenting him with a Horseman's Shield, (Parma) and a Silver Spear; for so says the Ancyran Marble, as Gronovius judiciously hath supplied the erased Letters. 
Marm. Ancyr. p. 60.84.  Equites autem Romani universi Principem Juventutis Romanorum parmis utrumque & hastis argenteis donatum appellaverunt; for that both Caius and Lucius were Principes juventutis, the Coins put out of all doubt: And that whenever a Native of any of the Romon Colonies was admitted to the Honour of being made a Roman Knight, he reckoned the Privilege among his noblest Titles: 
Grut. 388.4.400.3. Marm. Cos. son. p. 141.  So L. Claudius, the chiefest Person of the Island of Malta, glories in the Honour, as does Fl. Aelianus, (or Ti. Flavius Taeanus, as it is written in the Marble of Cosson) though the Highpriest of the whole Province of Galatia, and Galatarches, the 2d Founder of his native City Ancyra, and their Ambassador to the Emperor Antoninus.   

12.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Septimium Airanem Odaenathi filium senatorem eminentissimum. 
I have already proved it not unlikely, that this Airanes was the Son of the Emperor Odaenathus, before he assumed the Purple, from his name Septimius, the name of his Father being also inserted, and from the Date of the following Inscription on the same Pillar, viz. ann. Christi 251. but 13 years before Odaenathus was chosen by Gallienus, his Copartner in the Government of the World.   

13.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aurelius Valerius Heliodorus Praefectus Legionis Illyriciorum in honorem Patrum, & gratulationis ergô anno 363. h. e. Chr. 251. Decii ult. 
I have given the name Valerius to Heliodorus to fill up the Vacancy, because it occurs elsewhere, (L. P. Valerius Heliodorus) and because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that appears before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. seems to be last Letter of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a like Vacancy occurring in the same name in another Inscription. This Heliodorus was, I doubt not, either the Son of, if not the same Person with, Lucius Aurelius Heliodorus. the Son of Antiochus, a Citizen of Palmyra; who in an Inscription at Rome, published by Gruter, (but more accurately by Tristan and Spon) erected a Silver Statue, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) with all its Ornaments, to Aglibelus and Malachbelus, the Gods of his Country, for the safety of himself, his Wife and Children, in the Year 547. according to the Computation of his Country, but in the Year of Christ 235. being the last year of the Reign of Alexander Severus, the Inscription lately found at Palmyra bearing date 16 years after, ann. Chr. 251. which was the last year of the Emperor Decius. He is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Marble at Rome, (Tristan reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) not because an Inhabitant of Palmyra, which from their Benefactor was called Hadrianople; for than it should have been written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but by mistake of the Graver, or Transcriber; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he being one of the College of Priests (Sodalis Hadrianalis) dedicated to the Service of that Emperor, after the Senate had deified him: For, that he was acknowledged a God at Palmyra, is plain from another Inscription; in which he is called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in that City, I doubt not but Heliodorus was one of his Priests, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Priest of Hadrian, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Temple built to his Memory, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Plays instituted to his Honour. I call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which occurs in another 
* Reins. cl. VI n. 101.  Inscription, (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Propraetore) and have given him the Command of the Illyrian Legion, because in aftertimes (and probably in the days of Decius) that Legion was deputed to lie in Garrison at Palmyra, as says the Notitia of the Oriental Empire; Sub Deuce Phaenices Praefecturae, (or, as it is much better in the MS. Praefectus) Legionis primae Illyriciorum Palmyrae.  
Against my Opinion, that both the Inscriptions concern the same Person, I have met with but one Objection; that in the one Marble he is called a Priest, in the other a Soldier, as if the Offices were incompatible: But the Answer to the Objection is very easy, since it was usual in those days for one and the same Person, to put on the Sacerdotal Habit, and the Military, (as there have been in all the later Ages of the Church Martial Bishops and Priests) to omit the Emperors, who were for the most part Generals of their own Armies, and at the same time High-Priests; and to confine myself to the College of Priests deputed to the Service of Hadrian: 
* Grut. XLV. 9  Lucius Ragonius was a Sodalis Hadrianalis, & Legatus Legionis 13. Geminae. 
† ccccxii. 2.  Septimius Aper Octavius is styled Sodalis Hadrianalis, and Sevir turmae secundae Equitum Romanorum; and 
‖ MXC. 13.  M. Aelius Aurelius Cleo, is called Sodalis Hadrianalis, & Tribunus militum, & Laticlavus Legionis 12. Fulminatricis. To which I may add, that Marc Antony to ingratiate himself with Augustus, as Appian affirms, became one of the Priests of Julius Caesar; and 
* DLXU. 4.  Lucius Julius Bonatus was the Highpriest of all the Temples in Asia, and the General of the Forces of the Lydians. Other Instances of this kind frequently occur in the old Inscriptions.  
Not is it a just Argument against my Emendation, that Heliodorus has many names, it not being unusual for the same Person to have 4 or 5 names; e. gr. Lucius Livius Sulpicius Galba, Titus Aelius Adrianus Antoninus, P. Licinius Pyaem. Priscus Juventianus: And among infinite other such Examples, that in Gruter comes nearest the Palmyrene; 
DCVIII. 7.  L. P. Valerio Heliodoro Tr. Leg. 2. Adjutricis L. P. Valerius Chilo Filius ejus. I shall only add, that there was an Aurelius Heliodorus, a Freedman of one of the Caesars, whom Gruter mentions, but of which of the Caesars, or whither the same Heliodore with the Palmyrenian, I cannot determine.   

14.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rupilium Orodem Senatorem, & Duum-virum Palmyrenum Belacabus Arsacis filius amicum cultûs gratià honoravit, anno 570. h. e. Christi 258. Valeriani 4o. 
Rupilius is a name that frequently occurs in the Books, and Marbles of the Ancients, and therefore I shall only mention Rupilius Bonus, whose Daughter Rupilia Faustina was the Grand mother by the Father's side to the Emperor Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher, says Capitolinus; 
P. 22.  whither I have as happily rendered the name of Rupilius Orodes' Friend, who honoured him with the Inscription, (or whither it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Belas Saporis filius, Arsacis nepos, or any other way) I think is not much material. The Titles of Orodes have been already considered.   

15.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Malech, qui & Agrippa, Jaraei fill. Raaei nep. secundò scribam (civitatis Palmyrenae) in adventu Dei Hadriani, unguenta praebentem tam hospitibus, quàm incolis inservientem exercitui,— & templum Jovis Beli (ornantem). 
I have adventured to change the name Malen, which no where occurs, into Malech, (N and X being Letters of similar shape, and make) which is a known, and common name among the Syrians and Arabs, among whom the Philosopher Porphyry was called Malchus, Malchus the High-Priest's Servant was probably of that Country, 
Am. Marcellin. l. 24. c. 2.  and Malech Podosaces was one of the Phylarches of Arabia, when Julian the Apostate Emperor made his Expedition against the Persians: The Office of Malech Agrippa was very honourable; he was Secretary of State to the Republic of Palmyra, when Hadrian marched into the East; i. e. in the 6th year of his Empire, anno Christi 122. says Eusebius. In which Expedition I am encouraged by the broken parts of the Inscription, to believe he assisted the Army with his Person, and Services; the Fragments being somewhat like part of the 7th Inscription; that he was a Benefactor to his City and Country, appears from the grateful Memorial erected to his name; wherein mention is made of the Temple of Jupiter Belus, (so I have filled the Vacancy from another 
* N. 8.  Inscription;) to which, I question not but he had been a munificent Benefactor; perhaps he had been Symposiarch, as Septimius Orodes was afterwards. He also gave a Largess to the public Baths at Palmyra of Oil for all Persons, who should frequent those Bagnio's, whether Strangers or Citizens; it being usual among the Ancients to make such Donations: So 
† Gr. 376.5.  L. Caecilius Cilo gave to the People of Como by his Will, Oil for their Baths; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the old Glossary. For the Baths of every City were looked upon not only as ornamental, but highly useful, and great Promoters of Health and Vigour; the building such Structures is reckoned among the noblest Acts of Magnificence in Agrippa, Titus, Dioclesian, Constantine, and others; the repairing of them when ruinous, esteemed a Princely Benefaction; some are celebrated for building Gynmasia, or Porticos, others for floring the Apartments with Marble, a third sort for bringing Water from a great distance for the Service of the Bagnio; and others made an allowance for the Oil that should be spent there in the Gymnasia annexed to the Bath; all which appears in the Inscriptions of Gruter. 
P. 180, 181. & pass.  To these Privileges sometimes particular Persons were admitted, or particular Sexes, mixed Bathe being expressly prohibited, says Lampridius; in other places only the Freemen of the City, sometimes even Servants were allowed to frequent the place and Foreigners: 
P. 181.1.  C. Arunceius Cotta Colonis incolis, hospitibus adventoribus, servisque corum lavationem ex sua pecunia gratuitam perpetuo dedit; 
Capitolin. Anton. p. 19  & Antoninus Pius gave the People liberty to use his own Bath gratis. To the Bath there commonly was annexed a Racket-Court (Spaeristerium) as well as a Bathing-place (Dioclesian in sphaeristerio nymfeum fieri curavit) where those, 
P. 178. in 5.  who frequented the Bagnio, gave themselves their Heats, before they went into the Bath; so Martial, 
Red pilam, lonat aes thermarum; Ludere pergis?  
Virgin vis solâ sotus adire domum?  As also a Gymnasium, or Palaestra, where they wrestled, and used other Exercises; so the same Martial, 
L. 3. cap. 68  
Gymnasium thermae stadium est ex parte, recede,  
Exuimur, nudos parce videre viros.  In the Bagnio there were two other Apartments, the Calidarium, or Stove, and the Tepidarium, called unguentarium, tepidarium unctuarium, by Pliny unctorium, 
L. 7. c. 32. Sect. 2.  by Julius Pollux 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) into these the Wrestlers and others went, when they had performed their Exercises: 
* De sudorib. p. 455, 456, 459.  Theophrastus affirms, that the generality of the Wrestlers, though healthy, had very strong and nauseous Sweats, (Diotimus the Gymnasiarch divides them into three sorts, according to the degrees of Exercise, and the several Changes made in the Body) and that if the Fueller made a strong Fire all of the sudden in the Stove, it caused a less Sweat; but if the Fire were increased gradually, it was of more use. I shall not reckon up all the Officers of the Bagnio, (the Fornacator, the Dendrophori, Aquarii, Pilicrepi, etc.) but mention only the Alipta, whom Caelius Aurelianus calls Vnctor, and so does the old Glossary, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vnctor; who anointed the Wrestlers; but this was the Office of an inferior Servant, the Governor of the Bagnio was called the Alipta, says Jul. Pollux, 
L. 3. c. ult. & l. 7. c. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; though the word was not allowed among the Ancients, being introduced by the Writers of the Middling Comedy, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) which is also acknowledged by the Author of the Etymologicum magnum, who affirms, that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Ancients used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: But in process of time it was denizened; for the People of Sparta erected a Monument to Gaius Rubrius Bianor the Aleiptes, 
Grut. 1090. 9  for his Gravity, according to the Lacedaemonian Custom, and for his Virtue in the Gymnasia. But I cannot agree with the Translator of another Inscription, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendered by Aliptae, for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were not the Governors of the Gymnasium, but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Gentlemen, who performed their Exercises, and erected that Monument to Bato the Gymnasiarch, or Aliptes: The Office was very honourable, for the Gymnasiarch was often the Highpriest of the place for life, 
Grut. 313. 10. 316. 1.  and honoured with other considerable Preferments; and it was reckoned among his noblest Titles, that he was Governor of the Imperial Bagnio. 
Id. 327.  The Office of the Gymnasiarch was annual, but it was often given for several years to the same Person, if he deserved well of the Society; for then, besides the Continuation in his Dignity, he was honoured with a Crown of Gold, Statue, and Inscriptions to perpetuate his Name and Merit.  
When a Bath was built, it was usual to give it a solemn Dedication: 
* 178. 7.  So Dioclesian and Maximian, Constantius and Galerius Emperors, with Severus and Maximian Caesar's, consecrated the Baths of Dioclesian, (and probably for this reason does the Historian aggravate the Cruelty of Caracallus, 
Lamprid. p. 111. 112.  that he murdered several People of all Conditions in the Baths) and some eminent Persons were deputed Curators to super-intend the Building, that it might not fall into ruin, nor its Revenues be alienated, or employed to wrong uses. And such care was taken, that every thing should be kept in due repair, that though the Revenue hath been alienated for many Ages, yet the very Ruins of those public Buildings at Rome remain to this day very venerable.   

16.  
At Arsoffa, in the Ruins of a noble Church, upon the Chapiters' of several Marble Pillars, that supported the Body or Nave of the Church, is inscribed the time of the Foundation of that sacred Building, which is said to have been erected when Sergius was Bishop of the place.  † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Episcopo Sergio consanguineo Maronii Chorepiscopi. 
Whither Maron, or Maronius, in the Inscription, were the same with the Founder of the Sect of the Maronites, I cannot determine, nor whither the Church did belong to them; but it seems probable both from the name, and because the Maronites chief Residence anciently, as now, was about Mount Libanus, and in the neighbouring places towards the Euphrates.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Leg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Jovi summo, maximo, & propitio Bolanus Zenobii filius, Airanis nepos, Mocimi pronepos. Matthae abnepos, curator octavus electus fontis Aphacitidis sub Jaribolo Deo, aram suis sumptibus posuit, anno 474. mensis Octobris 20. h.e. Christi 162. M. Aurelii Antonini 2o. 
I have made the Emendation in the Inscription (which Mr. Hallifax confesseshe is not overconfident, thatit was rightly taken) upon the Authority of the ancient Writers, from whom we have unquestionable Evidence that the oracular Fountain, which the Men of Palmyra frequently consulted, was called Aphaca, while of the name Ephca there are no footsteps, that I have met with, in Antiquity. 
P. 267, 268, etc.  I have already in brief, given the History of the Fountain; to which I think fit to add, that the Worship of Venus in that place was very ancient, 
Soz. Eccl. Hist. l. 2. c. 5  that the Temple was very famous, that it stood upon the Banks of the River Adonis, on the side of Mount Libanus, and was of old very illustrious, and much honoured; that upon certain days, after the usual forms of Invocation, a Fire descended from the top of Mount Libanus, like a Star, and after it had hovered a while up and down in the Air, plunged itself at last into the River: The Inhabitants were of Opinion, that the Star was Urania, by which name they call Venus. To which the Historian adds, that the Temple was utterly destroyed by the order of the Great Constantine, 
Hist. Eccl. l. 2. c. 18.  as Eusebius avers, and with them agrees Socrates; but it is certain, the Worship, and the Apparitions were continued (if we may credit Zosimus and Damascius, two bigoted Zealots for Paganism;) for Zosimus in his time, (he lived in the fifth Century) mentions the Descent of the Star at a certain time of the year, agreeable to what Sozomen records, and Damascius (who lived about a hundred years after Zosimus) vouches for the Truth and Frequency of those Apparitions in his time: It is therefore very probable, that the People of Heliopolis (as of Emesa, and other parts of Libanesia) being warm Favourers of the Heathen Rites, would not easily suffer themselves to be weaned from their Idolatry; but repaired their Temple, and adorned it, though not with so great Pomp and Splendour; for though Sozomen says expressly, that the Temple of Venus at Heliopolis was ruined by Constantine's order, yet in the latter end of Constantius' Reign, it was very famous again, saith the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. §. 17. p. 14.  old Geographer set out by Gothofred, and worshipped with great Ceremony, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) it being the common Opinion of the Country, that Venus dwelled there; and through her Favour so ordered it, that the Woman of Mount Libanus were the fairest of all the asiatics, as they were to a Proverb, (Socrates says, that they held their Women in common, and prostituted their Daughters to their Guests;) and I doubt not but under Julian, by whose Influences and Assistance dying Paganism began to recover some Strength and Vigour, the Temple also recovered its lost Reputation; for it is passed all dispute, that the Temple at Nacle, was not utterly destroyed till the days of Mahomet: So says Abulfarajus; 
Pococ. Specim. Hist. Ar. p. 5. v. not. p. 90.  for when he reckons up the several Idols of the old Gentile Arabs, which they worshipped before that Imposter appeared in the World, he says, the Inhabitants of Thakif worshipped a little Temple in the upper part of Nachla, which was called Allat, (or Alilat, i. e. the Moon, or Venus, as the Arabs calls her;) and Abulfeda avers, that the Idol was destroyed and ruined, by the command of Mahomet, in the ninth year of the Hegira, i. e. in the year of Christ 631.  
Near to the Temple of Venus at Nacle, was the Well Aphaca situate; so the Castalian Fountain at Delphi, stood near the Temple of Apollo, 
V Marm. Ox. p. 100  and another oracular Spring of that name in Daphne the Suburb of Antioch, risen near the Temple of the same God; which from the times of Seleucus, who built both the City and the Temple, was very famous, till the Emperor Adrian filled the Well with stones, and stopped its Current: Julian opened it again; but in a little time both Fountain and Temple were consumed by Lightning from Heaven. How those Fountains gave their prophetic Answers, the ancient Writers are not agreed; some say the Enquirer wrote his Question on a Lawrel-leaf, and threw it into the Fountain; in which, when he took it out, he found his Fate written; others, that by the different noise of the Waters, either he, who consulted the Oracle, or the Priest, deputed to that Office, interpreted the Doom; while a third sort affirm, that the Priest drank the Water, and having by that means imbibed the Daemon, found himself filled with the Spirit of Prophecy, and enabled thereby to answer all Questions. How the Well Aphaca gave its Responses, Zosimus particularly relates; according to which Method the famous Stygian-water at Bostra in Arabia unriddled men's Destinies, 
Damase, apud. Phot. cod. 242.  which Damascius describes as very terrible; for if the Daemon were pleased, the lightest things thrown into it, would immediately sink to the bottom; but if the Daemon were angry, the biggest and most ponderous things swum on the top for a while, and at last were thrown out to the Admiration of the Bystanders. By this Well the Inhabitants used to swear; but if any one had been so hardy as to perjure himself, the Water that he drank caused a Dropsy in him within the year: Thus the Water of the Fountain 
* Philostr. vit. Apoll. l. 1. c. 4. Am. Marcell. l. 23. c. 26. Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Asbamiaeus, near the Temple of Jupiter at Tyana was in taste smooth, and sweet to those who were honest and just; but if any Man happened to run the hazard. when he intended to perjure himself, it affected his Eyes, his Hands and his Feet, and broke out upon him in Sores and Pustules, and great Swell; nor could he move from the Well, till he had confested himself forsworn: So that the Water was ordeal, like the Water of Jealousy among the Jews, which to the Chaste gave a Conception, but to the Unjust, and the Violators of the Marriage-Vow, caused the Belly to swell, and the Thigh to rot. Of the like kind were the Fountains in Sicily, called Palici, 
Arislot. ubi sup. c. 55. Sotion. de flumin ex Isigono.  by which the People of the Island in cases of the greatest moment used to swear: He who took the Oath, wrote his Deposition on a Table, which he threw into the Water; if he attested the truth, the Table swom on the top of the Waters; if he were perjured, it sunk and disappeared, and the Evidence was in a burning heat.  
Of the Fountain Aphaca, was Bolanus one of the Curators, or Overseers, under the Inspection of Jaribolus the God; who, I suppose, had here his Oracle, and gave Directions in the choice of the Officers belonging to it, as well as Testimonials to those, who had discharged their Province with Honour. Jaribolus was doubless one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of that part of Syria, probably of the Moon, i. e. Venus, as Alagbelus and Malachbelus were Assessors of the Sun, (the Signification of the name implies it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) so the Egyptians deputed Sigaleon to be the Parhedrus to Sarapis, the Greeks Attis to the Mother of the Gods, Erichthonius to Minerva, Virbius to Diana, Hygeia and Telesphorus to Esculapius, Tychon to the Moon, and to Venus Adonis; and 'tis not the most improbable of Conjectures, that he, whom the Greeks called Adonis, the Syrians might style Jaribolus, (as well as the Egyptians Tammuz) Baal and Adonai being both equivalent names of Power and Sovereignty. And in after Ages, when Emperors and others were allowed a solemn Consecration, they also were honoured with the Title of Collateral Judges to Jupiter, whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were in the esteem of the Heathen World, 
V Salm. in H.A. Scrip, p. 38.  the twelve greater Gods; for when Alexander the Great was to be deified, he was called by Demades, the 13th of that Society; and when Alexander, while alive, was resolved to give his Darling Hephaestion a Deification, 
Lucian. non. temer. cred. calumn.  the Greeks in Vain-flattery and Compliance sacrificed to him as an Assessor of the Gods, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and they entitled him to Apparitions, to Prophecies and Dreams, says Lucian, (and for this reason I suppose 
* H. E. ●. 4. c. 7.  Eusebius joins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together, when he speaks of the Gnostics:) This Pageantry of Canonization was acted over again by the Emperor Adrian, to omit other Instances, when he Deified his Pathic Antinous, the Greeks of that Age attributing to him such Oracles as Hadrian himself had composed, says 
† P. 7.  Capitolinus: To the Memory of that Catamite the Emperor built a City in Egypt called by his name, Antinoopolis; there he buried him, and there especially (though the Worship prevailed elsewhere) he appointed him a Temple, Priests and Prophets, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says 
‖ Apud Euseb. l. 4. c. 8.  Hegesippus) of which number was M. Vlpius Apollonius it 
* 86. 1.  Gruter, and perhaps 
† 326. 1.  Onias, who styles himself the Highpriest, and Prophet in another Inscription, for that he was of Egypt, his name convinces me: It must be confessed, that in Egypt the most eminent Priest was called the Prophet, says Clemens of Alexandria; but probably for this reason, because they all pretended to the Spirit of Prophecy, especially where there was an Oracle, as there was at Antinoopolis; and the Faculty of Prediction descended often from Father to Son, as well as the Priesthood, (which among the Greeks as well as the Jews, was often fixed to a Family;) for which reason T. Porcius is styled the Son of Proclus Aelianus, a most illustrious Person, and a Prophet in an old 
* Grut. 458. 1.  Inscription; for among the Priests of Isis, (and probably among those devoted to any other Deity,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Herodotus 
† Lib. 2. V Heliodor. l. 1. ; if the Father happened to die, the Son succeeded him. The Habit of these Prophets, says 
‖ Lib. 5.  Herodian, was a Vest, or Cassock, reaching down to the Feet, with long Sleeves; and in the middle of the Vest a stripe of Purple, their Shoes being made of Linen: This, says the Historian, was the Habit of the Priests of Phoenicia and Syria. Such an Oracle as this I am inclined to attribute to Jaribolus, (either at Nacle, or at Palmyra) from whence the People derived their Predictions of what was to come, and their Testimonials of what was passed; and perhaps the Oracle gave its Answers at the solemn Meetings, when great numbers of the People of the Country came to the Fountain; for that there were such (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Conventions at stated times, Zosimus affirms expressly; at which their Games were celebrated, (as the Agon Gymnicus called 
* Heges. ub. sub.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was performed in honour of the Darling of Adrian) there being particular Officers deputed to that Service; the chief of which was the Highpriest, 
† 318. 3. 330. 3.  (the Archiereus, or Primus Sacerdos synhodi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he is styled in the Inscriptions) and under him the Curators, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which number Bolanus was one at Aphaca, (for that I suppose to be the name of the Well, as Eros and Anteros were the names of two Fountains at Gadara, Asbamiaeus, Castalius, 
179. 6. v. & 180. 1.  etc. elsewhere.) In a famous Inscription in Gruter, the Masters or Governors of the Fons Palatinus, are reckoned up, of whom some were first admitted to the Honour in that year when Octavius Lenas', and M. Antonius Rufinus were Consuls; others had born the Office a second time, some a third or fourth; and they are distinguished from the inferior Officers, (their Ministri) of whom also some had done the Service a second, others a third year. In that Marble the number of Governors is eleven, but in the next Inscription the Governors of the Fons Lollianus are but ten.  
In this Inscription Jupiter is not only styled Optimus Maximus, but Propitius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as an Acknowledgement of his Favours; so Isis and Diana are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in other 
* 40. 10. 73. 1.  Inscriptions.   

18.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Jovi maximo fulminanti pro salute Trajani Hadriani Domini sui Agathangelus Abilenus Decapolites camaram aedificavit, & lectisternium propriis sumptibus posuit. Anno 445. mense Augusto; h. e. Christi 133. Hadrian 17. 
This Marble was found at Tieve near three days Journey from Palmyra, in the Wall of a Mosque, which probably was the old Temple of Jupiter the Thunderer, (who in other Inscriptions is sometimes styled bronton, fulgurans, tonans, fulgerator, etc.) in which Agathangelus erected a Cupola, and a Bed of State to the Honour of the God, and for the Safety or Recovery of his Prince. The name Agathangelus occurs elsewhere, (Cn. Cossutius Agathangelus in 
* 644. 1.  Gruter;) ours is said to have been an Inhabitant of Abila, but at the same time a Decapolitan, which will no longer seem a Difficulty, if we remember that not only Pliny avers, 
L. 5. c. 18.  that the Geographers were not agreed, what particular Cities constituted the Decapolitan Region of Syria, though all confessed the name to have been imposed from the number of the Cities, and that the tetrarchs of Trachonitis, and Paneas, that Abila and Arca, etc. do intermix with, and encircle that Region; but that Ptolemy in express words (if we may credit the Palatine MSS.) treating of the Cities of Syriae Caele, among which he principally names Heliopolis, Abila Lysaniae, etc. calls them Cities of Decapolis; so that Agathangelus as to his City was an Inhabitant of Abila, but of the Province or Region of Decapolis.  
Agathangelus was a very Loyal Subject, though he lived at a great distance from the Court; and for the Safety of his Prince built a Cupola, and set up a Bed of State under it to Jupiter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, formix testudo, in the old Glossaries: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hesychius. The ancient Baths were so adorned, says Pliny, 
Lib. 2. Ep. 2.  (fenestras è regione conditor binas confinio camerae pendentis admovit, ut suscipientium usui fabrefactum lacunar aperiret;) and the Stadia, or Palaestrae, (for in one of them P. Licinius Priscus built a Piazza, with several Cupolàs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) sometimes the Tombs: 
* Oxon. Marm. n. 79.  So the Tomb of Nilus the Oeconomus of Asia was adorned; but particularly Temples and Churches: So when Justinian the Emperor new built the Trullus of the Church of Sancta Sophia, and enlarged it thirty feet in Circumference, he added two Cupola's to it, one toward the North, the other to the South, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which continue to this day. Thus Augustus says of himself in the Ancyran Marble, 
Philip. 2.  Pulvinar ad circum maximum, aedes in Capitolio fici; and Tully of M. Antony, who was one of the Priests of Julius, Nec majorem honorem Caesar consecutus est ab Antonio, quam ut haberet pulvinar, simulachrum, fastigium. Some Authors say, that the Tholus, Cupola, was a place in the middle of the Camera of the Temple, 
V Guther. jur. Pontif. l. 3. c. 9  in which those who made Vows hung up their Offerings; others that the Camera was above the Cupola, like our Lanterns, (so says Philander;) others, that the Camera was no other than the Cupola itself, which being lessened by degrees, ended in a point. The Lectisternia are described by 
† L. 7.  Arnobius; habent enim Dij Lectos, atque ut stratis possint mollioribus incubare pulvinorum tollitur atque excitatur impressio. The Pagan Devotion inclining them to think, that their Gods ought not to want any thing conducive to their Ease and Satisfaction. Hesyc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Glossar. vet. pulvinar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Agathangelus built his Camera, and furnished it with a Bed, to fulfil a Vow he had made for the Welfare of his Prince; 
V Gruter.  such Vows commonly occur in the old Inscriptions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; pro salute & gloriâ, pro salute itûs ac reditûs Imperatoris, pro salute Imp. totiúsque domûs divinae, pro salute, & incolumitate domûs divinae, pro salute, & gloriâ, pro aeternitare Imperii, & salute Imperatoris. Sometimes they vowed the Building a new Temple, or the Repairing an old one, sometimes the Adorning a Temple with Pillars and Chapiters', with Porches, or Cupola's; at other times the Offering of solemn and pompous Sacrifices, (so C. Betonius the first Priest of the Emperors, offered the Tauropolium of the whole Province of Narbonne, 
XXIX. 12.  for the Safety of Septimius Severus, and M. Aurelius Antoninus Caracallus his Son, for so the Inscription must be read, M. Aurel. Ant. not M. Aureliani, for what hath the Emperor Aurelian to do with Septimius Severus?) and some Romans were so over officious, that, when their Prince was sick, in expectance of a great Reward, 
Dio. l. 59 p. 645.  they devoted themselves to Death, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) so the Emperor might recover. So when Caius Caligula fell into a dangerous Distemper, P. Afranius Potitus, a Plebeian, bound himself by an Oath, that himself would die, if Caligula might be cured; and Atanius Secundus, a Man of the Equestrian Dignity, promised to fight among the Gladiators for the same reason: And the Emperor was so sensible of the Flattery, that he compelled them both to be as good as their Promises. We may adjust the Time of this Inscription by the Date; since the Coins inform us, that ann. 132. the 16th of Hadrian, the Senate and People of Rome made Vows for his Health, (Senatus populúsque vota suscepta. Vota publica. Vota publica, S. c.) the same Persons in the year following paying their Thanks to Jupiter for his Recovery, (Jupiter custos. Jovi custodi, S. c.) to this Jupiter on the same occasion, Agathangelus in Syria, made his Vows, some months after the Romans had made theirs; the distance from Italy to that part of Asia upon the Euphrates, being to be allowed for.   

19  
The next Inscription is singular as to its Language, and I shall endeavour to fill up the void spaces thus.  
Conservatores orbis, & Propagatores generis humani D. D. N. N. Dioclesianus, & Maximianus Invictissimi Imperatores; & Constantius & Maximianus. Nobiles Caesares Castra faeliciter condiderunt  
.. ntes Cassiano Hieroclete Viro probo Praeside provinciae Devoti Numini Majestatique eorum.  
I have inserted the name of Maximinus, (Herculius) because he was at that time the sole Copartner of the Empire with Dioclesian: I call them Conservatores orbis, and invictissimi, from their Coins; and I have changed the Praenomen of Hierocles into Cassianus, which is well known to be Roman, while Ossianus no where occurs; the time when the Marble was erected has been already adjusted; 
P. 148, 149  for then Dioclesian built several Castles upon the Euphrates, or rather than he built the Castr Caircesia; for tho' it was a Frontier Castle before that time, (Gordian, when slain by Philip, having been buried there, 
L. 23. c. 5.  as Capitolinus avers, though Am. Marcellinus, who had been at the place, says his Tomb was not at Circesium, but at Zaitha seven miles from it: Zosimus says it was at Dura, Eutropius and Rufus twenty miles from Circesium;) yet it was so poor and weak a place, says Ammianus, till Dioclesian fortified it with strong Walls and Towers, that for that reason he may be with justice said to have built the Castle, as those who have beautified decayed Cities, are commonly styled by the Greeks (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Founders of those Places.   

20.  
In the ruins of Briadeen, the following Inscription was found.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
It seems to have been inscribed on an Altar, or some Pillar of a Temple dedicated to Minerva Lindia, for so I would correct and read it;  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Consecratum fuit Minervae Lindiae à Materno, & Pappo, & Marco in honorem, (Deae.) Anno 541. h. e. 229. Christi. Alexandri Severi 8. 
That Alexander Severus was the Darling of the East, no Man will doubt, who considers that he was not only born in Syria, but had made a victorious Expedition into Persia to secure the Quiet of his Native Country; and that for his illustrious Qualities he was deified in Libanesia and Palmyrene, as well as at Rome. In his Reign was the Inscription set up at Briadeen (possibly to fulfil a Vow for his Preservation) in honour of Minerva Lindia. Lindus is Rhodes, says Suidas 
* V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , the name both of the Island and City, where Minerva was worshipped with an extraordinary Devotion, the Inhabitants sacrificing to her every day, and every day making a Feast in her Temple. 
Narrat. 47.  Conon tells us, that the Phaenicians having possessed themselves of Rhodes, were driven out by the Carians; and that the Dorians, under the Conduct of Althaemenes, disposest the Carians, and built three Cities in the Island, Lindus, Jalysus, and Camirus, which at last became one great City, called Rhodes after the name of the Island: And 
* L. 2. c. 1.  Apollodorus affirms, that Danaus' having by the help of his Daughters, murdered the Sons of his Brother Aegyptus, being his own Sons in Law, built a Ship by the advice of Minerva, in which himself and Daughters fled out of Egypt to Rhodes, where he dedicated the Image of Minerva Lindia. Minerva, says 
† Fab. 277.  Hyginus, built the Ship for Danaus, the first of the kind that ever was seen in Greece, says 
‖ 7.46.  Pliny: This Voyage of Danaus, commenced when Erichthon was King at Athens, says the noble Collection of Epocha's in the 
* n. 9  Oxford-Marble, that his Daughters Amymone, Helice, and Archedice, being chosen by lot by the other Sisters, built the Temple upon the Shoar in the Maritime City of Rhodes, called Lindus; which, says 
† L. 14. p. 655.  Strabo, was situate toward the South, especially toward Alexandria: For in that City, as 
‖ L. 5. p. 227.  Diodorus Siculus affirms, he was hospitably received, and therefore built the Temple, and consecrated the Statue; there he lost three of his Daughters, who died of the Pestilence, which then raged at Lindus, the rest sailed with their Father to Argos. The same Historian adds, that Cadmus not long after offered several Gifts in that Temple, among which was a Brass Vessel made à l'antique, with an Inscription in Phaenician Characters. But if we may believe the noble Marble, Cadmus sailed to Thebes eight years before Danaus left Egypt; so that that part of the Story is a Parachronism in Diodorus. A long time after Danaus' Death, Amasis the King of Egypt presented the same Minerva of Lindus with two Statues of Stone, 
Herod. l. 2. c. 102.  and with a Linen Breastplate of admirable Work, (Thoraces linei being very usual among the ancient Captains, as 
* Part. 2. l. 4. c. 11.  Ferrarius unquestionably proves, and Minerva was a warlike Goddess, it was somewhat like our Silkarmors) because his Country-women built that Temple: Which, Strabo says, was in his time very illustrious, and much frequented. Nor was she honoured only in that Country, but in Syria, if we may credit the Inscription. In which I have put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though perhaps it should be Malchus. Hesyc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
98.7.  in Gruter.   

21.  
At Andreen, which lies between Briadeen and Aleppo, among the Ruins of an ancient Church, were found some broken Inscriptions, the Remains of the Devotions of the Christians of former Ages.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .... Ego Johannes precatus Deum assecutus sum, (quod petii) & gratias agens Deo (votum solvi ut peccatis meis (sit propitius.) 
Over the Southern Door was written,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Porta haec Domini justificat intrantes per illam. 
Over the Western Door, which I would read,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christo Deo optimo Maximo. 
These Inscriptions do not need a Commentary, since nothing difficult occurs in them; but they cannot but raise a deep Commiseration in all Christians to see so many venerable Remains of the ancient Piety either converted into Mosques, or buried in their own Ruins: No Churches having in past times been more illustrious for Religion, and good Letters, than the Oriental, in which at this time there are but some few footsteps of either, the rest being overrun with Barbarism and Infidelity.  
The next broken Inscription is also undoubtedly Christian, (as those wherein Θ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appear;) and, I suppose, contained the names of the eminent Angels Vriel, Raphael, Gabriel, Michael, (and perhaps the former Inscription may be thus rendered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to the form of a similar Epigraphe in Gruter;) 
1048.2.  for it was not unusual to affix the names of those holy Angels upon the Christian Tombs, out of opinion to engage them to be Guardians of the Sepulchre (as the modern Pretenders to converse with Spirits, inscribe their names usually on their Utensils;) so in the Tomb of Mary the Wife of the Emperor Honorius, on a Plate, were written these names; Michael, Gabriel, Raphael, Vriel. 
Id. 287.4.   
I have now done with the Monuments of this once famous Country; and, because there is in every Man an innate Desire of living after he hath left this World, though all Men do not believe there is another; and that they desire, when they are dead, to be remembered, and well spoken of, that their Actions may not be confined to the same Grave with their Carcases; I shall conclude with the wise Saying of the Roman Orator, That whenever we see such Remains of venerable Antiquity, such lasting Records of the names, and Achievements of great Persons, we are admonished to take care so to regulate our Actions, that we may convince the World we have settled our prospect upon the Rewards of Future Ages, and not on the Flatteries of the Present; and to remember, that Monuments being erected to the Memory of those, who have lived well in this World before they left it, put us in mind, that there is nothing here permanent, and immutable, and that 'tis the Duty of considering Men to aspire towards Immortality.     

A short Chronicle of Palmyra.  

PAlmyra, 
Anno Per. Jul. 3720 Mund. 3010.  built by Solomon after he had finished the Temple, and his own House, which were 20 years in building.  
Palmyra destroyed by Nabuchadnezzar, 
P. J. 4125. M. 3415.  before he laid Siege to Jerusalem.  
Marc. Antony, 
P. J. 4673. M. 3963. V C. Varr. 713. ante Christ. 41.  after the Battle of Philippi, went into Asia, and sent his Troops to pillage Palmyra.  
Hadrian, 
An. Christi 122.  an. Imp. 6. went into the East, rebuilt (probably) Palmyra, and called it Hadrianople, when Malech Agrippa was the second time Secretary of that City.  
circ. 216 Palmyra made a Roman Colony by the Emperor Caracallus, in his Expedition into Parthia.  
The Republic of Palmyra assisted Alexander Severus against Artaxerxes King of Persia, Zenobius being their General.  
The Republic assisted Gordian against the Persians, Zenobius being their General.  
Valerian was taken Prisoner by Sapores King of Persia.  
Odenathus routed the Persians, and was declared Emperor by Gallienus.  
Odenathus, with his Son Herodian, slain by Maeonius. Maeonius, the Ephemerous Emperor of Palmyra, slain a few days after; then Zenobia assumes the Empire in her own name, and her Sons.  
Zenobia routed Heraclianus, Gallienus 's General. Vaballathus took the Empire.— Gallienus slain.  
Claudius' chosen Emperor.  
Zenobia conquered Egypt by her General Zabdas.  
Claudius' died. Quintillus reigned 16 days. Aurelian in the later end of the year was chosen Emperor.  
Palmyra taken, and ruined by Aurelian, and Longinus slain; an. ⅚ of Vaballathus.  
Zenobia carried in triumph at Rome.  
Hierocles, Governor of Palmyrene under Dioclesian.  
Justinian in the first year of his Reign, repaired and fortified Palmyra.  
Palmyra was subjected by the Mahometans, Jabala the Son of Al Iham being then Lord of Tadhmur, and King of Gassan.  
The Battle of Tadhmur between Dahacus and Adis.  
Saleiman the Pseudo-Caliph, beaten by Merwan, fled to Tadhmur.  
Benjamin in Tudelensis was at Tadhmur.  
Melhom, the Emîr, or Prince of Tadhmur, when the English Merchants made their first Journey thither.  
Hassine the Emîr, when the English Merchants went thither the second time.  
Dôr the Emîr of Tadhmur.    

Additions and Emendations.  
Page 193. add after Sociam. Nasorus is the same name with Nasir, Abunasirs, Abdolnasirs, Nasireddin, which frequently occur in the Saraccnick History. As does Amrus in the same History, and in the Catalogue of the Kings of Gessan, in our Learned Pocock, Sochaeis the same with Sychaeus the Husband of Dido. Sampsus, etc. p. 240. l. 6. after Harpocration, add, tho' the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was probably the chief Magistrate, or Decurio at Ancyra.  
P. 301. l. 3. after Grammar add, perhaps for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (tho' Mr. H. positively avers, that it was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Monument,) and then Elabelus, Mannaeus, Sochaeis, and Malchus, being all the Sons of Vaballathus, Grand Sons of Mannaeus, Great-grand Sons of Elabelus, set up that Monument for themselves, and their Children; or rather (to assert the true reading) erected that Tomb (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to their Father Vaballathus, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and to themselves, (and others, if there were any) his Children. This is one of the oldest Inscriptions at Palmyra, erected anno Christi 102. the 5th of the Reign of the Emperor Trajan, Palma his Governor of Syria having some few years before reduced that part of Arabia under the Roman Power, says Dio. l. 68 ●hich Age no other Monument exceeds.  
Besides Misaccenting, wrong Pointings, misplacing of Letters, and other little Faults, the Reader is desired, before he enters upon the Book, to correct the following  
ERRATA.  
PAge 8. l. 17. preserve. P. 17. deal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. P. 20. l. 14. del. M. l. 26. r. Nice. p. 22. l. 21. when. p. 28. l. 6. a State. p. 35. l. 12. r. happened to fall sick. l. 21. 22. r. for in the seventeenth year of his Reign. p. 36. l. 3. r. who, living some years after, languished. p. 48. Marg. Petri. p. 55. l. 15. f. for r. but. p. 58. l. 3. del. he. p. 59 r. an. 264. p. 62. l. 9 enraged. p. 72. l. 2. r. after which an. 268. p. 73. for probably r. doubtless. p. 86. del. the Marg. Note, and insert it p. 87. p. 118 l. 6. r. Marcellinus. l. 8. in the first year. p. 121. ch. XXVII. p. 131. l. 11. r. declared his Partner in the Empire. p. 139. Caenophrurium. p. 140. del. in all probability. p. 149. l. 5. r. washed. p. 166. l. 17. del. A. p. 193. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 196. Heraclas. 201. Julius. 219. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 221. l. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 238. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 12. brought. p. 239. l. 14. r. five. 248. l. 16. del. Jaribolus, and. p. 249. l. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 251. l. 12. r. Xiphiline, and del. the Marg. Note. p. 254. l. 2. the Emp. married Urania to his Country God Elagabalus, the Moon being the fittest Wise for the Sun. 263. l. 29. Grandmother. p. 270. Marg. de Deá Syr. ed. ult. 293. l. 6. transcribe. 299. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 302. l. 13. fifth. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and Pani. l. 17. Chr. 138. p. 304. Marg. l. 2. chil. 310. l. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 311. calls him. 312. r. the same year, viz. the 4th of Alex. 313. l. 22. r. 226. p. 317. l. 3. commanding, and assisting. 325. Emesa. 332. l. 2. Person. 345. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 348. Sonat. ib lotus. 350. l. 27. and then. 353. l. 7. Anton. tertio. 360. l. pen. in Gr. 364. l. 15. del. and. 365. Tetrarchies. ib. Syria. ib. fornix. p. 366. feci.  
FINIS.