THE INTEREST OF SCOTLAND IN THREE ESSAYS VIZ.  

I. Of the true Original and Indifferency of Church-Government.  
II. Of the Union of Scotland and England into one Monarchy.  
III. Of the present State of Scotland.   Conamur tenues Grandia. 
Printed in the Year 1700.   

TO THE Nobility and Gentry OF SCOTLAND  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
A Man who maketh the Public Concern his own, and an Author that Dedicats his Works to any Society of People, the one must resolve to have the Sense of his Duty for a reward: And the other, Men of all Characters for his Patrons.  
But Men that live together in a regular Society, are very much deceived, when they think it sufficient for their Happiness to scrape together plentiful Estates: without concerning themselves how the public Business of their Country is managed. For, how can they be secure, either in their Enjoyment, if the Laws don't protect them? Or, how can they Hope for Good Laws, if they don't concern themselves with that Assembly, which hath the Legislative power?  
Rome owes not her Greatness to her Founders, who were a parcel of People Born and Nursed up in Murders and Plunderings, and trained in all sort of Villainies; but to their Successors, who became Wise, Frugal, Just, and passionately studious of Virtue and Glory, till at last, they overtoped in power all their Neighbours. Nor could any thing have put a stop to their Empire, till private Men did prefer their own gain to the Interest of the Public. Then was it, that, in the time of the Emperor Tiberius, all ran headlong into Slavery; The Consuls, the Senate, the Gentry: And the Nobler the Person was, the greater hast he made to ruin his Country.  
My Lords,  
You are Hereditary Members of Parliament, so that both your Titles of Honour and your private Interests oblige your Lordships to be the Pillars and Supporters of your Country: By managing all its Concerns, without the least bias, from that true Virtue which inspired some of your Forefathers to appear Heroes for this Nation.  
And you, gentlemans, who are Members of Parliament, both your Duty to your Country, to your Friends, and to yourselves, will stare you in the Face, if you do any thing against the Interest of any of them. And you that are not Members of Parliament, how necessary is it, for the Security of your Lives, Liberties and Properties, that good Laws be made, and every thing removed, that may endanger them? Be therefore diligent, in putting the Members of Parliament in mind of their Duty; and let the most sensible of you, who have Families and Estates to care for, endeavour to fill the Places of the Representatives of Parliament, when any are vacant, that by your Honesty and Wisdom, every Misfortune may be avoided, that hath threatened this Nation from Members, that have neither Fortune nor Reputation to preserve.  
Whilst the Parliament contains Men of Courage and Public Spirit, who can neither be bought nor frighted, Matters cannot long proceed amiss: And 'tis hardly conceivable, what Esteem is paid to Men of steady Principles, even by their Enemies: their very Words and Actions are admired and followed, so long as they live. Whereas busy Intriguers after Places and Pensions are contemptible to the very Men, of whom they are the wretched Instruments to enslave their Country.  
Therefore, My Lords and Gentlemen, If these Essays can demonstrat any way the Interest of this Nation, I will have my Design both in Writing and Dedicating of them to you, on whom dependeth the greatest part of the Happiness of your Country.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Yours, etc.   

This Book being printed in haste, these Errors have escaped the Correction of the Press, which the Reader is desired to mend with his Pen.  
Page 8. line 8. for was, read were. p. 32. l. 8. f. Pedro. r. Pietro. p. 44. l. 28. f. Unite. r. Act. p. 54. l. 17. f. have. r. hath. p. 100 l. 9 f. part. r. Party.   

The Contents of the Essay upon the present State of Scotland.  

The Introduction. Page 65  
Section. I. Of the Education of Youth. Page 67  
Sect. II. Of the Commons. Page 73  
Sect. III. Of the Clergy. Page 81  
Sect. IV. Of the Nobility and Gentry. Page 86  
Sect. V. Of the King and Parliament. Page 89  
Sect. VI That a mixed Government cannot increase in Wealth and Power, but by the Honesty and Wisdom of its Members of Parliament. Page 95  
Sect. VII. What Measures this present Parliament ought to take, for recovering the Abuses of former Reigns, and putting this Nation into a constant Course of Thriving. Page 103    

AN ESSAY CONCERNING The true Original and Indifferency OF Church Government.  
ALL Christians are taught by Divine Revelation, that they are the Offspring of one Man and one Woman; for whose sin being condemned to Ignorance, they are prone to Vice, and subject to unruly Passions, which hurries them on in the Commission of Evil, and causes Rapine and Violence to triumph in the World.  
It was only a few of the first Ages, that retained any knowledge of God, and of His Worship; all the rest being left to the Dictates of Nature, to provide what they should find convenient for themselves: Till mutual fear of being oppressed one by another did oblige them to unite into Communities. Then arose Command and Obedience, which ever have been the support of all humane Affairs, the Bond of all Society, and the Spirit of every Body Politic, which inables all its Members to live in Unity.  
So long as the World was divided into petty Governments equal in strength amongst themselves, the greatest Ambition of each Mortal, was the Interest of that Society whereof he was a Member, so that Self-preservation had the same force to keep him to his duty, that Religion hath almost upon us at present.  
But so soon as some of those Communities did contract a Friendship and Assurance amongst themselves, perhaps some particular Member (whose ill Nature and Ambition overreached the Wit of his Fellows) did engage them to league together, and to assault their Neighbouring Governments, compelling them one after another to submit and trudge for their Maintenance, whilst they loitered at home in ease and plenty: and from such oppressive means (we may suppose) did spring the Assyrian Empire, (which is the first made mention of in History) the Founder of which was Nimrod, who had the Art to cheat his Companions into a Compliance with himself, for oppressing their Neighbours, and to get himself chosen their Captain, that he might at last be able to bubble them of their Liberties, and to become their absolute Monarch. So Self-preservation, that great Motive which kept his Forefathers in awe, being no longer in use to preserve in order that new moudled Empire, there was a necessity of some Model of Civil Government to make all its Members live regularly, and to follow the different professions assigned them; that Corporations, Colleges, and every Civil Community might have their use, and that the distinction of Absolute and Subordinate Powers might come in fashion.  
Nevertheless, this Empire had split in pieces in its very Infancy, (its People being in Ease and Plenty, and its Soldiers left to follow the itch of their own Inclinations) if there had not been some Men, by decay of Nature, perhaps incapable of the Vices then in Vogue, which had the foresight to join Priest-Craft with their Civil Government; for Banishing from it (as much as possible) both Mental and Corporal Vices, and for bringing People's Consciences under Subjection; that they might the more nicely observe a strictness in Morals. Then it was, that the Assyrian Monarchy had its Church-Government, as well, as (in succeeding Ages) the Persian, Grecian, Roman, and and all other Heathen Governments had theirs: which have been composed of Persons of more than vulgar Gapacities, capable to continue a probable History of a World to come, to make acquaintance with its imaginary Inhabitants, and to become Mediators betwixt them and their fellow Citizens, whom they always managed both for the Glory of their Gods, and for their own private Advantage. Then was it the Custom to Sacrifice, not only Beasts, but Men, Women, and Children, and to impose all the Idolatry imaginable upon the World, by their Oracles; the Cheat of which hath been often discovered, as particularly, by Theophilus' Bishop of Alexandria, who shown the Inhabitants of that Town, the hollow Statues into which the Priests privately crept to give their Responses.  
Of all the Pagan Church-Governments, we know most of that of the Romans.  
Romnlus and his Sucessor Numa Pompilius being made sensible by their own Experience, and that of their Neighbours, how great a Ligament of Government political Religion was, took care to Institute several Orders of Priests, to whom all their Subjects might pay Honour, and by whom they were to be instructed, how to pray, what Sacrifices, what Vows, what Gifts would be acceptable to the Gods; and in a word, in all the Ceremonies made use of in Divine-Service.  
The Pontifices of all the Priests, seems to have had the greatest share of Church-Government; for Cicero (in his Oration to them) tells them, that the Honour and Safety of the Common Wealth, the Liberty of the People, the Houses and Fortunes of the Citizens, and the very Gods themselves were all entrusted to their Care, and depended wholly on their Wisdom and Management.  
The Superintendent of the Pontifices, was one of the Most honourable Offices in the Common Wealth; upon which account all the Emperors, for their own Interest, and after the Example of Julius Caesar, either took the Name of Pontisex Maximus, or actually discharged the Office themselves; and even the Christian Emperors retained the Title, till Gratian refused it.  
The Jews were the only People on Earth that had continued to them the Knowledge of the true GOD, who was pleased to reveal his Will from time to time to their Forefathers, commanding Moses his Servant to give them his Laws, and to Model a Church-Government, to the Members of which were to be committed the Divine Oracles.  
This was the State of the Jews, whilst the wise Governors of all othr Nations, such as Solon, Lycurgus, and Numa Pompilius, were sensible of the use of Religion; but were not able to become acquainted with the true God for want of Revelation: So that their Opinions about His Will and Nature, and those of all the Ancient Philosophers have been so many ridiculous Whimsies.  
But no sooner did the Son of GOD appear, (who was the Original and Model of all Perfection) than he was to be a Light to the whole World; and a great part of the Jewish Laws was to lose their Authority. For he knowing the Will of God his Father, better than Moses, was pleased to reveal to all Nations, that it was no longer the design of God to make a distinction betwixt Jew and Gentile, but that he would embrace every Nation, that would believe in him, and obey his Laws. At Thirty years of Age he began to establish his most excellent Religion, meeting with all the Opposition imaginable from the Jews, as an invader of their Fundamental Laws; He was Persecuted, and followed all his life with Assaults of Malice and Cruelty; His Credit was Slandered, his Doctrine slighted; and at last he was put to Death with all sort of Torture and Disgrace. His only Companions upon Earth was a parcel of poor People, whom he called his Disciples, and to whom he taught a Doctrine, that called men from their Lusts and Pleasures; that offered Violence to their Natural Inclinations; That required the greatest strictness of Life; That revealed Truths above the reach of Natural Comprehension, and that obliged Men to take up a Cross, to follow the Example of a Crucified Saviour, in expectation of an invisible World.  
This Jesus then is of more value to us, than e'er Moses was to the Jews; he being our Lawgiver, our God and our Saviour, who hath given Laws to all those, who will believe and acknowledge his Authority.  
Our Saviour, when he came into the World, as he was God, so was he Omniscient, knew what Opposition his Doctrine would meet with, and with what Misfortunes his Followers would be dogged. He came not to a particular People, as Moses did to the Jews, of whose obedience he was assured; but he came to the People of the habitable Earth, to teach them the way to Heaven by Repentance and Faith. At his first Arrival he found no Church, but the Jewish, which was to vanish at his Appearance: Therefore he laid the Foundation of one himself, by Preaching and working Miracles, and by triumphing on the Cross over Ignorance and Wickedness, which had ruled all the Heathens.  
After his Ascension into Heaven, on the day of Pentecost, he sent down the Holy Ghost upon his Apostles and Disciples, who were assembled at Jerusalem, enduing them with the Gift of Tongues, and of working Miracles; Commissionating them to propagat his Church and Kingdom, through the whole World: Which accordingly they did, Preaching the Gospel first to the Jews, and then to the Gentiles, many of them taking particular parts of the World, to make known the Joyful News of Salvation. Thus St. Andrew Preached the Gospel in Scythia, St. Bartholomew in India, St. Matthew in Parthia, and St. John in the lesser Asia: They went from Town to Town, and from Village to Village, publishing the Blessed News of Immortality, and constituting Bishops and Deacons, the first Fruits of their Ministry, leaving them to govern, and to enlarge the particular Churches, over which they had placed them. Tertullian saith (de Praescrip. advers. Haereti.) That Clemens was ordained Bishop of Rome by St. Peter, and Polycarp Bishop of Smirna by St. John.  
Now, Let us inquire, whether our Saviour, or his Apostles after his Death, left any distinct Scheme of Government, to be followed by all particular Churches; which Scheme, if there be any, must be found in the Holy Scriptures, or in the Writings of the Fathers, who succeeded immediately to the Apostles; but if no Scheme of Church Covernment is to be found in either of them, it is very surprising, that ever since the Reformation in this Island, there have been two Parties which have set up for different Schemes of Church-Government, the one called Presbyterian, and the other Episcopal, and that either of them hath been so zealous for establishing its Government, that nothing will please either of them, if its Government be not of Divine Institution; by which the one Party can damn the other.  
But upon what grounds either of them can call its Church Government Jure Divino, if it is not institute in every point by God, as the Jewish Government was, I cannot comprehend.  
For First, That Church Government which is from God, must be revealed by him to his People some way or other; but no Scheme of Church Government hath as yet been revealed: Therefore all Church Government must be of Humane Institution.  
That no Scheme of Church Government is yet revealed, is evident; because, there's none in all the New Testament, unless we are persuaded, that when we read the words Bishop, Deacon, Diaconess, we have found the very individual Scheme of Government that was in use amongst the Apostles. For my part I understand no more of their Church Government by reading these words, than one can understand of the Civil Government of Scotland, if he heard only of a Precedent of Council, or of some Officers of State.  
Secondly, If the Apostles had constitute a Church Government, after which we were obliged to model one, as if it were immediately from God; surely we must understand it in all its parts, otherwise we cannot follow it in all its Form; but the Practice of the Apostles, in constituting their Church Government, is but little known to us, therefore it's impossible for us to follow their Practice, in forming a Church Government. Nor do we follow at present the Practice of the Apostles, in as far as we know it, otherwise there should be no Bishop by virtue of a Congee d'es lyre, nor should the Presbyterian Government want Diaconesses, and other Officers, which were in Use in the Primitive Churches; because by the same Authority we either add or diminish from the Practice of the Apostles in Church Government (if it be an Article of Faith) by the same Authority we can change their Practice altogether.  
Lastly, I cannot believe, that any particular Form of Church Government is prescribed to all particular Churches, otherwise we may reasonably suppose, that the Apostles, who have been at the pains to writ down all that is necessary to be believed, would not have omitted to leave it to Posterity.  
Seeing then that we have no Scheme of Church-Government in the Scripture, where must we go next to prove either the Episcopal or Presbyterian Government to be of Divine Institution? I suppose it must be from the practice of the Fathers of the first Centuries; but if they were Men like unto ourselves, capable of Error and Folly, I hope their practice will be of no more Authority, than they had reason on their side.  
That the Fathers of the first Centuries were Men fallible like unto ourselves may be proved by these two considerations.  
First, They have erred in points of the greatest Consequence. Justin Mar: tire (the most ancient of all the Fathers, next to Clemens Romanus) was of Opinion, that the Saints should Reign a Thousand Years in Jerusalem, before the Resurrection should be accomplished: Which was the Opinion of the Chiliasts, condemned by all the Orthodox. Ireneus mantained (Iren. contra Hoer.) that our Saviour was above Forty Years when he suffered Death, contrary to what we are taught by the Evangelists. Clemens Alexandrinus believed (lib. 1. Strom.) that the Angels fell in Love with the first Women, and that this Love transported them so far, as to make them indiscreetly to discover unto them many secrets, which they ought to have concealed. The reason, I suppose made honest Clemens entertain such a Notion, was, that the Women in his days were more reserved in discourse, than they are at present. Tertulian; against all Reason, (lib. 1. Adver. Marc. makes God subject to the same passions that we are subject to. And Cyprian, who was Turtllian's admirer, hath mantained many of his ridiculous Opinions.  
Secondly, they have been at great Variance amongst themselves, and mantained different Opinions of great moment- Justin Martyr, and Ireoeneus promised us the pleasures of a new Jerusalem upon Earth, for a Thousand Years, whilst Dionysius Alexandrinus and St. Hierome laughted at them for fools.  
But grant that we should follow the practice of the Fathers In Church-Government, let us see what we can learn from their Writings.  
To persuade us that there were many Bishops in one Church, we have both the Authority of the Holy Scriptures and of Clemens Romanus (Epist. 1. ad Cor.) Yet Ignatius Tertullian and Cyprian affirm, that there was and ought to be, but one Bishop in a Church at a time. Now whether to believe these Fathers or the Holy Scriptures, or to reconcile them both, by telling that the words Bishop and Presbyter were used promiscuously, is left to the Discretion of every disputing Divine.  
A whole Church did meet together to manage their own Affairs, when the Schism of Felicissimus was to be debated, it was to be done according to the Will of the People, and by the consent of the Laity, as Cyprian witnesseth in his 10 Epist. but either this was the Custom of all the particular Christian Churches, or only that of Carthage; if it was the Universal Custom we don't know, and that it was the practice of the Carthaginian Church, doth not bind all other Churches to follow it.  
If Presbyters had not the same Inhaerent Right to perform all the Ecclesiastical Offices, which the Bishops had, I don't understand why Cyprian being Exiled Writes (Epist. 5.) to his Clergy, exhorting and begging of them to discharge their own and his Office too; that so nothing might be wanting either to Discipline or Diligence. Nevertheless, according to the present practice, where Episcopacy is in fashion, no body can ordain but a Bishop.  
Presbyters were not Estential to the Constitution of a Church, for Tertullian in his Exhort. ad Castitatcm, sayeth, that where there are no Presbyters, the Bishop alone Administers the two Sacraments, of the Lord's Supper and Baptism: Yet how there can be a Bishop without Presbyters (if the word Bishop be taken in the sense it is used now a days) must be the same thing as if a Man could be called the Father of a Family, who had none.  
When Cyprian maketh an Apology to his Presbytery (or Commune Concilium as he termeth it) for ordaining Aurelins a Lector, without their consent; we don't know whether it be out of Civility to them, or out of his duty, the words are, Epst. 38. In ordinationibus clericis solemus vos ante consulere, & mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare, etc. where the Word solemus may be taken, as if in duty he ought to do so.  
A Bishop was Elected both by the Clergy & Laity of his Parish, as we learn from the Death of Bishop Anterus in whose place Falianus was Elected at Rome, for, faith Eusebius, lib. 6. c. 28. All the People met together in the Church to choose a Successor, proposing several illustrious and eminent Personages as fit for Office, whilst not one so much as thought on Falianus then present, till a Dove miraculously came and sat upon his head, in the same manner as the Holy Ghost formerly descended on our Saviour, and then all the People guided as it were with one Divine Spirit, cried out with one Mind and Soul, that Falianus was most worthy of the Bishopric, and so straightways taking him, they placed him in the Episcopal Throne.  
At present we know Bishops are chosen only by the Clergy, contrary to the Practice of the Church of Rome, as we have seen in the Example of Falianus.  
The People had power to depose their own Bishops, as the People of Spain did Martiales and Basilides, and who had their Proceed ratified by an African Council assembled in the Year 258. Cyprian Epist. 68 But in what Cases, People could depose a Bishop, is not determined by Antiquity.  
In the Primitive times, every Christian was considered both as a Member of the Universal Church, and as one of that particular Church where he lived; if therefore he erred in any Article of Faith, he was judged guilty of Heresy: And if he was at Variance with his Bishop, he was guilty only of Schism, and consequently deserved either the Name of Heretic or Schismatic. Yet it's clear, that at present one may be at Variance with his Bishop, without being reputed Schismatic: For Example, if a particular Man in the Diocese of Tork should have a personal prejudice against his Bishop, and would not Communicate with him; although in the time of Cyprian, he would have been guilty of Schism, had he been at Variance with his Bishop.  
From this short account, and what more could be collected about the Practice of the Fathers, from their Writings, in Church Government, we can learn nothing but Titles, Names, and some general Rules observed in the Exercise of the Governments of particular Churches, which made up the Universal Church; therefore it must be an Error, to assert that either the Episcopal Government in England, or the Presbyterian in Scotland, as they are now constitute, was in fashion in the Primitive Ages.  
What then in Reason ought to be affirmed for Truth about Church-Government, appears to be, That the Apostles, and those they appointed to preach the Law of their Master, living in times when they had no Civil Government to protect them, were persecuted and harrassed from place to place, having most of the Magistrates and Philosophers to be their declared Enemies; therefore it was their greatest business only to preach a Crucified Saviour, who was risen from Death and ascended up into Heaven, to be Mediator betwixt his Father and all People that would follow the Laws of his Gospel; which Laws they taught to all their Proselyts, which made up the Catholic Church. And that the Members of it might be the better instructed in the Mysteries of their Religion, it was necessary to have them erected into particular Churches or Societies, as the Circumstances of the Times would allow: Which accordingly they did, and regulated their outward Forms, that all things might be done in Order and Decency. Hence arose the necessity of Church-Officers to keep all things right, and to put the Divine Laws in Execution.  
The Bishop was the first Presbyter in Honour for his Apostolic Qualities amongst other Presbyters, who were so many new Apostles to be sent abroad to convert the Pagans, and to constitute new Churches, as they found Believers, after what forms were most convenient. And by such means were Churches erected at Jerusalem, Alexandria, Rome, Carthage, etc. Which Churches, so long as they wanted the Protection of Civil Magistrates, so long did they keep a good Correspondence amongst themselves, having frequent Meetings to suppress all Heresies, which Meetings were called Councils.  
Now, may we be of Opinion, That our Saviour did foresee that the Christian World would be divided into distinct secular Governments, and that each Government would have the order kept amongst the Men set apart for Divine Service, which was agreeable to its Constitution. For though particular Churches might have different Governments; yet the Universal Church is no more dismemb'red, than if a King who had different Countries in Subjection, could be denied to be Master of them all; because that his Laws were put in Execution in one of them, by a Viceroy; in another, by a few Noble Men; and in the Third, by a parcel of Commons.  
To strengthen this Opinion, we know, That no sooner the Roman Emperors and their Subjects become Christians, but there was an Analogy betwixt their Civil and Ecclesiastical Governments: For the whole Empire being divided into Fourteen Dioceses, each of them comprehending several Provinces; and every province several Cities: Every City, as it had a temporal Magistrate for executing Justice, so was there also a Bishop, for Spiritual Order and Government. Every Province, as it had a Proconsul, whose Seat was usually at the Metropolis; So there was in the same City an Archbishop, or, Metropolitan. In every Diocese there was a Vicarius, who dwelled in the principal City of the Diocese, where all Imperial Edicts were published: There was also a Primate to equal him, and to whom the Determination of all differences of the Clergy did belong. And lastly, as the Fourteen Dioceses were ruled by four Praetorian Prefects in civil Matters; so were they governed in Church Affairs by Patriarches, who were superior to Primats, by reason of the Dignity of these Cities, where they had their Sees fixed, as at Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. But to what height Churchmen can improve their Power, may be learned from the Patriarches of Rome, who had once almost enslaved the whole Christian world, by their Supremacy, Purgatory, Indulgences, and Pardons, auricular Confessions and Caelibacy of the Clergy.  
As there is a necessity of some Church-Government to be in every Commonwealth, that by its Discipline, its Members may be keeped in duty, both to God, and to their fellow Subjects; So every Church-Government ought to sympathise with that Civil Government it meets with, to make up one Christian Society.  
But to show what Church and Civil Governments agree best together, let us take a short view of all them which are in use at present in the Christian world.  
Tho Man hath a Natural Inclination to Society, yet that which constitutes a Body Politic, is Confederation and a Consent of Governors and Governed; from which we have the different kinds of Civil Government, Monarchy, Aristocracy and Democracy. And parallel to these, are three kinds of Church-Government, Hierarchy, Superintendency and presbytery.  
Monarchy is a Government that's vested in one single Person, who is absolute, and hath a Right of constituting and giving Laws to all in general, and to each in particular under his Dominion: To which agrees that Church-Government Hierarchy, composed of Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc. And of such two Governments was constitute the Roman Empire, in the time of Constantine.  
Aristocracy is the Government of a few of the greatest power, and conform to it, is Superintendency: Which is a Church-Government, where a parcel of Members are all equal in power, and by the same are distinguished from the rest of the Clergy.  
Democracy is a Government, in which the whole Body of the People hath some share; and to this is consonant presbytery: Which is a Church-Government, where all the Clergy are equally concerned.  
To none of the  kinds of Civil Government, doth the Civil Governments of Scotland and England belong; which being both of the same Nature, I shall call them by one Name, a Limited Monarchical Government: Which is a Government that's managed by one Man, according to the Laws of the Society where he reigns, which Laws are made by him in Conjunction with his People. So that he hath his Prerogatives, and they their Properties; and such a Government hath the Advantage of all others which can degenerate into Tyrannies.  
The Government of Scotland and England being a limited Monarchy, quite opposite to an absolute one; It follows, that some other kind of Church-Government must be more agreeable to it than Hierarchy, which agrees only with an absolute Monarchy. Because, the People having lodged so many Prerogatives with their King, as the power of declaring War, of making Peace, of sending Ambassadors, of making Leagues and Treaties, and of Levying of Men and Arms by Sea and Land; if this King is ill-inclined, what wants he more but Money to change the very foundamental Laws of his Government, and to make Parliaments altogether useless? which cannot be raised from the Subject without their consent, or, which is all one, without the consent of Parliament. Therefore the People ought to take particular care in chooseing Men to be their Representatives in Parliament, that they be Men of Honour and Probity, whom the Monarch can noways influence to betray the Liberties of their Country. And surely it must succeed the better with it, the fewer Members of Parliament depend upon the King.  
What power the Kings of Great Britain have had to Cajol Bishops, being constant Members of the Parliament, into a Compliance with their designs, the History of Pastimes must declare.  
Constantine, as he was the first Christian Emperor, so had he a great respect for the professors of that Religion. We read in his life, That he would not only regal its Teachers at his own Table, but that he never went a Journey without some of them along with him, & that, at the Council of Nice, so great was his Complaisance for Churchmen, that he refused to sit down in their presence. The Clergy on the other hand being sensible of the Emperor's Kindness, continue with him the old Title of Pontifex Maximus, by virtue of which, he had Right of Ecclesiastical Function: reserving for themselves all the Ministerial Offices. So Constantine was Rex idem hominum, Phoebique Sacer does.  
A mutual good understanding was so cultivated amongst the succeeding Emperors and the Clergy, that they had several Laws made in their savour, (as may be seen in the Titles of the Codex de sacrosanctis Eccles: de Episc: & Cler:) till the Bishops of Rome, taking the opportunity of the Division of the Roman Empire, being overrun by Barbarous Nations, and of the Ignorance of the times, did set up for it themselves, under the Specious Title of Christ's Vicar And how far they carried their Authoriy with Temporal Princes for some Ages, is evident by the Insolence of Hildebrand; who rebelled against his lawful Emperor Henry the fourth, depriving him of all that respect which was due unto him from a Bishop of Rome.  
It hath been the Policy of the Papal Court, to keep the Clergy of every Commonwealth in a certain Hierarchy; That it might the more conveniently challenge a Supremacy over them; and to the end that they might depend absolutely upon their Interest, for to oppose all Temporal Princes, who durst do any thing in prejudice of the Holy See, by Excommunicating and depriving them of the Allegiance of their Subjects.  
In such a Condition was both the Clergy of England and Scotland, in the time of King Henry the Eight of England. Who, being a wise Prince and disobliged by the Pope in the Marriage of Anna Bullen, took the occasion of a Critical Minute to throw off the Pope's Supremacy over his Clergy, and to assert it for himself, according to the Practice of the Kings of England. And finding that his Clergy was satisfied with the change, he continued the Ancient Popish Hierarchy, making the Bishops of his Kingdom capable of the greatest Civil Employments in it.  
If the Reformation had begun in Scotland with public Authority, as it did in England, I doubt not but Episcopacy had been continued there, in place of that Church Government introduced by Knox and others, after the Geneva Model. Because Supreme Civil Powers know how much it is their Interest, to be of the Clergies side: And that it is easier to have a few Church Men to manage, than a Multitude. Of this King James is an Example, who was not only a great Favourer of the Clergy, but thought it his Interest, so soon as he was sole Monarch of this whole Island, to establish Episcopacy in Scotland, according to that Maxim, No Bishop, No King.  
Now let us see what great Feats Bishops have done, in the Management of the British Affairs, and accordingly we should make our Judgement concerning the Agreeableness of Episcopacy and our Government, which is a Limited Monarchy.  
In the Reign of King James the First of Great-Britain, there were Bishops, no doubt, who complied with him in every Counsel, that was for the Dishonour of his Crowns. For we find the Bishop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, in his Sermon at King James his Funeral (either to flatter his Successor, or, to impose upon the World) making a parallel betwixt him and King Solomon, his Text being 1 King. 11.41, 42, 43. Now either that Bishop was persuaded of the Verity of what he preached, or not; If he was persuaded, that King James was the Solomon of his Age, then surely, he could not refuse to go along with him in all his Counsels: And if he preached contrary to what was his Opinion, then, he was capable at Command to be an Haickny Courtier.  
In King Charles the First's time, it was Bishop Laud, and others, that occasioned all the Misfortunes that befell that Prince, both unhappy in his Council, and in his Opiniatritie.  
In King Charles the Second Reign, we never heard of any of his Ecclesiastical Counsellors, that e'er Discourted themselves, for dissuading him from his Effeminate Way of Living, or from following too much French Counsel. On the contrary, we know, that nothing was more preached up, than Passive Obedience, founded on the Prerogatives of the Kings of Israel, as if the Laws of Moses had been calculat for our Kings: And, That nothing was more tickling to the Bishops, than the Oppression of their Fellow Subjects of the Presbyterian Persuasion.  
In the time of the late King James, It is true, there were some Bishops in England, who stood for their Religion, in Opposition of Popery; yet the World knows, how well natured the Bishops of Scotland were upon that Point.  
And in this present Reign, we all know, how that Bishops of England, did concur to ratify Proclamations issued out against the Scots in the West-Indies, which were of a Nature, both below the Meekness of Christianity, and the Generosity of the English Nation.  
Wise Governments have always had a very mean Opinion of Church-Mens Politics, as particularly that of Venice; for whenever any thing occurs of great Moment there, to be debated in the Senate; before any Suffrage passeth, they cause Proclamation to be made for all Priests to retire.  
It is likewise remarkable, That he who is called the Divine of the State, is chosen commonly such an one, who is more Politician, than Bigot in Religion. And of such a Character was Father Pedro Paulo, who wrote the History of the Council of Trent.  
Too much Learning or Wisdom seldom agree together; because, for the most part, too Learned Men are mere Scholars, (& such were most of the Bishops of England) which of all Men are the most dangerous when they espouse a Party: For, both their Learning and Zeal can concur together, to make Black seem White, or White Black, and to impose what Opinions they please upon the well meaning People. Now when such Men are perpetual Members of Parliament, who have Dependence upon a Limited Monarch, by virtue of a Congee d'es Lyre, the Laic Subjects cannot be circumspect enough about their Liberties.  
It's known, that in the time of Popery, the Pride and Ambition of the Clergy was a Curse to that Civil Government, where they had any meddling; carrying themselves always Arbitrarly and Tyrannically, and committing the greatest Solecisms in Politics. And we may observe for the most part, that the Clergy of our Religion, who have concerned themselves with Worldly Affairs, have been the greatest Promoters of Civil Distempers, that have shaken the Foundations either of Church or State: And the very Trumpets which have sounded to Popular Furies, Martial Alarms, and never better will befall Churchmen, when they act without their own Sphere.  
What should move the English to caress Churchmen for Counsellors and Members of Parliament, I cannot comprehend; for were their Bishops educat as the Cardinals are, (who are better acquainted with this World, than that to come) we might hope for as great an Essay of their Wit in State-Affairs, as ever Cardinal Richelieu, or, Cardinal Mazarine did show to the World. But on the contrary, they know more of the World to come, and are educat altogether according their Characters of Churchmen. Nor do I understand what is the Reason, that there's so just a Proportion, betwixt the Living of a Nobleman, and a Peasant, among the English Laics: And so great a Disproportion betwixt a Bishop and a Twenty Pound Curate, among their ecclesiastics For surely it is unjust, that the Curate should be preaching the Gospel, and starving at the same time: Whilst his Bishop is driving to Court with a Coach and six Horses, to make an handsome Leg to his Temporal Lord.  
I'll now protest, That the Liberty I take of writing after this manner, may not give Offence to the Clergy of any Church; nor that I may meet with the common Fate of Reconcilers, to have Blows for my Pains; being, I'm of no Party, but a Lover of that Church Government, which sympathizes best with the Civil Government it is joined with. So that, if I were Subject to an Absolute Monarch, I should esteem Episcopacy as most agreeable to his Government; But whilst I live in Scotland or England, I must love that Church Government, which is least dangerous to the People's Liberties. I leave it therefore to the Judgement of every  Laic, to determine, if presbytery, or Superintendency be not more convenient for the People of a Limited Monarchy, than Episcopacy, as it's now established in England, and less capable to comply with an Ambitious Prince, for the undermining the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom, after the Example of the Danish Clergy, which were the Instruments of making their King's Absolute, to the utter Ruin of all their Ancient Nobility.  
I conclude with this following Character, which I wish every Churchman might merit.  
One who is delivered of the Prepossessions and Prejudices of Complexion, Education and Implicit Authority, knowing that all Mankind are puzzled even in the Search of the most obvious things. One, who can distinguish between the true Articles of Faith, and the pitiful senseless Trifles of Swimming Brains. One who knows, That the Love of God is not Fondness, nor his Justice Cruelty; and that God acts not by mere Arbitrary Will, but by the Perfections of his own Nature. One, who not forgetting to do Good Works, endeavours to go to Heaven only by the Merits of Christ. One, whose Zeal never exceeds his Reason. One, who abounds with Charity, Humility and Meekness. One, who purges Religion from all Fantastic and Unintelligible Mumming, and reduces it to its Native Plainness and Simplicity. One, who understands himself, when he Prays or Preaches. And lastly, One, who followeth in Living, as near as possible, the Practice of the Apostles.  
Most happy would that People be, who lived with a Church-Government, composed of Members of the foresaid Character: For surely, Vice and Atheism would be banished, nor could Priestcrast, or Knavery, have any place amongst them.   

AN ESSAY Concerning The UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND Into one MONARCHY  
OF Old, this Island of Great Britain was divided into several distinct Governments, amongst which there have been many bloody and fatal struggle, in Defence of their respective Interests and Liberties. And no doubt, but, until this Day, it had continued a Theatre of Cruelty and Barbarity, if all its Inhabitants had not been United in Subjection, by the happy Succession of King James the Sixth of Scotland, to the Crown of England in the year 1603.  
King James, who did not always prefer the Interests of his Kingdoms to his own private ends, never gave a greater Testimony of his Affection to them, than in the year 1604; when he proposed to the English Parliament, an Union of the Kingdoms of Scotland and England: Which Motion was at first embraced with the general applause of both People, as the only Mean to extinguish the Memory of all former Animosities.  
To bring that Union to a good issue, the Parliaments of both Nations, at his Majesty's desire, did nominat Commissioners to meet at Westminster, which accordingly they did: and agreed on several Articles, to be presented to King and Parliaments, for their Ratification. But in the year 1608, the English Parliament would approve only the Article for abolishing all Hostile Laws, that had been in use against either Nation, before King James his Arrival in England.  
The Reason, I suppose, made England neglect that opportunity of Uniting with Scotland, was, That either it was not sensible of the Advantages it might gain by such an Union, (though the judicious Lord Verulam did endeavour to demonstrat them by his Grave Speech) or, That the Parliament of England did suspect their new Monarch of having some other design, than the Interests of his Kingdoms by that Union, of which he was the first proposer.  
King Charles the first, who was brave, Magnificent, and but too constant in adhering to ill Counsel, was most of his life so harrassed by his own Subjects, that he never had time to think upon that Union, which his Father could not finish: And Cromwell, who, after but chering of him, usurped his Power, never thought any further of the Interest of Britain, but to gratify his own Ambition.  
King Charles the Second, after his Restoration to his Kingdoms, had all the opportunity possible, that Ease and plenty could afford him, to promote their mutual Happiness, did therefore propose an Union betwixt Scotland and England in the Year 1670; and did nominat for that end, several Commissioners under his great Seal, but all to no purpose; because, such an Union could not sympathise with the Politics of these days, which were to divide, after such manner, the People of the whole Island in Religion, and Interest, that by continually playing one party against another, His Majesty might be in a Condition to sway the Sceptre in Peace, and to introduce into his Kingdoms any Religion suited best with his Humour.  
And for King James, he was so little inclined to promote an Union, that the thoughts of another World did wholly extinguish any Concern he might have had, for advancing the Interest of his Kingdoms in this.  
His present Majesty hath done many great Actions, both for the well far of his Kingdoms, and for his own Reputation; yet, there's nothing can contribute more to the Glory of his Family, than Uniting the Kingdoms of England and Scotland into one Monarchy: So that when he distributes Justice, (both their Interests being the same) none of them will have reason to complain. He hath already several times recommended an Union to the English Parliament; but it were to be wished that His Majesty would be pleased to ordain effectual Means to be used for that end.  
There's an Union already betwixt both Nations in Language, Customs, Religion, and in Subjection, which cannot last, unless both Governments be united into one Body Politic. And to Consummate that, there must be a great Zeal and Frankness in the Members of both Parliaments, That, all trifling and amusing preliminary Articles being forgot, Commissioners may be deputed from them both, Men of Honour and Probity, no Courtiers, but free of all prejudice against either Nation, for the better adjusting the two following Articles.  
The First is, That the Parliaments in Name of both Kingdoms, may consent to join together for making up one Parliament of Great Britain.  
The Second is, That for the taking away all difference about Place, that may arise among the Nobility of both Kingdoms, let them be Marshaled interchangeably; As for Example, First, The Eldest Duke of England, than the Eldest Duke of Scotland, and so on, until the Nobility of the whole Island be marked in one Catalogue, as Peers of the Kingdom of Great Britain.  
If these two Articles can be agreed to, all danger of Uniting the two Kingdoms will be over, and there's no doubt but that all useful Laws can be made afterwards without the least stop, that are requisite for supporting this new moulded Empire.  
But before I proceed to show, what Laws would be useful; I must remove some Objections, that the learned Sir George Mackenzie hath made against the Parliament of Scotland's having power to agree to the foresaid two Articles, in his Observations upon King James his Act of Parliament concerning the Union; and the Answers to his Objections may prevent the like, to be made against the power of the Parliament of England in the same case, being both Parliaments of England and Scotland, are of of the same Nature.  
The first Argument is, That the Members of the Scots Parliament for Shires and burgh's, are the same with us, That the Procuratores Universitatis are in the Civil Law; But the Procuratores Universitatis could not alienat the Rights of their Constituents, without a special Mandate for that effect (l. 63. de pro:) Neither can the Parliament of Scotland alter the Fundamentals of their Constitution, without the Consent of their Constituents.  
It's answered, That the Members for Shires and Burroughs are not the same with the Procuratores Universitatis; because, by virtue of their Commissions, they have absolute power to Vote for every point, which they think can contribute to the safety of the Nation: And they are bound only by Oath of Parliament, to Act as Men of Conscience, and not as Men who have particular Instructions from their Constituents. And it was by that power they altered their Primitive Constitution, by Voting out a Third State of Parliament, in the beginning of his present Majesties Reign. Much rather can they, in the Name of their Constituents, agree with the Parliament of England, to the two foresaid Articles, being they'll contribute so much for their Advantage.  
The second Argument is, That the Commissioners for Shires & Burroughs are only impowered to represent their Constituents in the Parliament of Scotland; but if the Parliament of Scotland be made a part of the Parliament of Great Britain, the Parliament of Scotland can be said no longer to exist, and consequently the Commissions of all its Members fall, till they be renewed, empowering them to sit in the Parliament of Great Britain.  
It's Answered, That by the Answer to the first Argument, we see that the Parliament of Scotland hath an absolute power to agree to the foresaid Articles, so that afterward they may ask new Commissions from their respective Constituents, to Unite as Members of the Parliament of Great Britain. And when both Nations are persuaded of the Advantages of an Union, there can be no impediment to it.  
The third Argument is, That the Union of Parliaments requires the full Assent of the Members of both Parliaments; So that, if any Member dissent, The Union of both Parliaments must stop: Because, the Power of making Laws, and the Right to retain or resign Privileges, are two different things. The one is a a Legislative Power, which is regulated by a Plurality of Voices: The other is founded upon Dominion and Property, and is not subject to Suffrage, no more than other Properties are.  
It's Answered to this last Argument, That it's granted, the Property of any Member of a private Society cannot be taken away from him, without his Consent: As witnesseth the Civil Law, (l. 28. ff. Com. Divid.) The Rules are, In re pari, melior est Conditio prohibentis: And, In re communi, nemo Dominorum jure quicquam facere potest, invito altero. But here is understood, not a private Society, but a whole Kingdom; who being their own Masters, can dispose upon themselves and Properties, as they find it convenient for their Interest: And that Power is devolved upon their Representatives of Parliament.  
Therefore if any small Number of People, or of Members of Parliament, oppose so good a Design, as the Union of both Nations, either the Plurality of Voices ought to determine them, according to the Fundamental Law of all Societies, or they should be obliged to shift for other Societies of Men.  
Now, supposing that the Parliaments of both Kingdoms are joined in one; and that its Members are empowered to make Laws for the Preservation of this New Government; Amongst many Laws that could be thought upon, these following seems necessary.  

First, That the Titles of both Kingdoms be changed into that of Great-Britain.  
2ly, That there be but one Imperial Crown.  
3ly, That there be but one Set of Crown-Officers.  
4ly, That there be but one Great Seal.  
5ly, That as both Nations are one, so they may have both the same Privileges of Trade: And that none of them be injured by this Law, let all Goods be taxed equally over the whole Island.  
6ly, That there be appointed, by the Parliament, a parcel of Lawyers of both Nations, for compiling a Body of Civil Law, out of the Volumes of the Municipal Laws of both Nations, and out of the Common Law, where they are deficient: Which Body of Civil Law shall be ratified by King and Parliament, to have the Force of all other Laws of both Nations. After which, all other Law-Books may be destroyed, according to the Example of the Emperor Justinian, when the Body of Roman Law was finished. And until such time that a Body of Law be compiled, each Kingdom may make use of its own Laws, without any hindrance to an Union. For it's known, that till this day, Languedock, Provence, Britaignie and Normandy tho' they are parts of the same Kingdom, yet their Laws are not of the same Coin.  
7ly, Being all Church-Government is indifferent, (as I have endeavoured to prove in the foregoing Essay) the King and Parliament may model one, that will be the most consonant to their Civil Government: To which, if any of the Clergy refuse to submit, let Swords be put in their hands, to determine a Church-Government among themselves; for the Laics of this Island have drawn too much Blood already upon that Subject, whilst the Clergy only have been amusing themselves with Disputes. If a Church-Government cannot be modelled that will please all Parties of Laics, there needs be no Breach in the Union of Civil Government; Because, by a Liberty of Conscience in Church-Government, Church-Affairs may be regulat without the least Confusion.  
8ly, Let there be appointed by King and Parliament, a parcel of Divines and Lawyers, for collecting one Body of Canon Law out of the Canons of Councils, the Opinions of the Fathers, and from the Constitutions of both Churches of both Kingdoms, that were made since the Reformation: Which Body of Canon-Law shall be ratified by King and Parliament, to have Force of all other Ecclesiastical Constitutions.  
9thly, That Civil and Criminal Judicatures be established over the whole Island, in places, where the Parliament shall find convenient.  
10thly, That there be Registers appointed in different places of the Island, for obstructing all false Conveyances of Estates  
Lastly, That the King have but one Privy Council, which for the more Dispatch of Business, can be divided into several standing Committees.   
Now, before I show the Advantages both Nations will gain by an Union; I will make this following Digression of their present States.  
England abounds with Grains, Tin, Copper, Led, Iron, Timber, and all Creatures which furnishes the Commodities of Cloth, Stuffs, Hides, Butter, Cheese, etc.  
Scotland, being the most Northward part of the Island, cannot be expected to make so pleasant a Prospect to the Eye, as England; Yet it hath Sufficiency of Grains, Flax, Wool, and vast number of , etc. It hath likewise innumerable Mines of Lead, Iron, etc.  
Although the Nobility and Gentry of both Kingdoms are the same in Humour, and Conduct of Living; yet there is a great Disparity between the Common People, both as to Humour and Constitution of Body, by reason of their different way of Feeding. The English is Selfconceited, Lovers of their Belly, and daring: Whilst the Scots are patiented, sober in Diet, and hath something of a Timorous Civility.  
The Nature of the Civil Governments of both Kingdoms, is almost the same; each of them having its Parliament, to protect its Liberties.  
The Number of Persons that have Suffrage in the English Parliament, besides twenty six Bishops, are either of Nobility or Commons.  

The Nobility are  Dukes 17 Marquesses 3 Earls 72 Viscounts 8 Barons 65 Sum 165 
The Commons are  Commissioners for forty Shires 80 For the twelve Counties of Wales 12 For twenty five Cities 54 For the eight Cinque-Ports 16 For the two Universities 04 For an hundred and eghty burgh's 332 And Burgesses for Wales 012 Sum 510  
The Number of Persons that have Suffrage in the Scots Parliament, are either Nobility or Commons.  

The Nobility are  Dukes 4 Marquesses 4 Earls 67 Viscounts 20 Barons 45  Sum 140 
The Commons are  Commissioners for Shires 89 For Cities and for Burrows 65  Sum 154  
The Nobility of Scotland, not bearing a Proportion to the English Nobility, conform to its Riches and Extent of Land, aught to be no Objection against an Union of Parliaments; Because, the Nobility of the whole Island, becoming Members of the same House, will all have the same Interest: And in a little time, by Extinction of Families, Creation of New Ones, and by Change of Estates from one place to another, will be so shuffled, that it will be hard to know, Which is Which.  
The number of the People of England, is calculat to be 5,500,000; and that of the People of Scotland to be 800,000.  
England at present is not above half Peopled, and, of any Country, it is in the least danger to be overstocked with People by reason of its Situation and goodness of Soil.  
If Scotland were improved by Enclosing etc. it could entertain many more People, than it can at present, and in a short time triple its Land-Rental.  
England with Wales contains 40,000,000, of Acres. The fourth part of them are Heath, Moors, Mountains, and Barren Ground.  
Scotland with its Islands contains 24,000,000 Acres. Two Thirds of them are Moors, Mountains, and Barren Land.  
Having now done with this Digression, let us next see, what Advantages will fall by an Union, first to England, secondly to Scotland, and thirdly, to both in Common when United.  

The Advantages that England would reap by an Union, are  
FIrst, An Augmentation of People; for whatever People cannot find Entertainment & Employment in Scotland, will choose rather to go further South, and serve their own Country, than to Ramble abroad for a Livelihood: So that the Number of People, which dies by Excess and Debauch in and about London, or the Southern Provinces would be supplied. And how profitable the Multitude of People is to a Country, that have Employment, and Entertainment for them, is inexpressible; Because, it's the People, that by their Labour and Industry, makes the Wealth and Power of every thriving Nation: Therefore, their increase should be promoted by Wise Conduct and Good Counsel.  
2ly, An Augmentation of Riches; for England being the larger and better Kingdom, Scots People would rather purchase Estates there, than in Scotland. In England would be the Metropolis of the whole Island, the Meeting place of Parliament, and of all the Chief Judicatures, through which the Treasure of the whole Body Politic must Circulat, as Blood through the Heart of a Natural Body.  
3ly, As Scotland would Increase in Riches, it would be the more able for Taxes, and contributing force both at Sea and Land; for the Sustenance of the whole Body Politic: And consequently England would pay less and gain more than at present, when it's obliged to support of itself, the whole Character of the King of Great-Britain.  
Lastly, England would be secure within itself, which can never happen, so long as the Interests of England and Scotland are different. Nor is it to be expected, That the Union of Crowns can always last in the State they are in at present; Because, it makes too much for the Oppression of Scotland. And if it falls out, that the two Kingdoms are brought into the same Condition, that they were in, before King James his Succession to the Crown of England; what can be hoped, but that all old Animosities will be renewed, to the mutual ruin of both Parties? And even let us suppose, that as England is every way Superior to Scotland, so it were able to reduce it as a conquered Province; yet England shall never gain so much that way, as by a fair Union. For the Country would be depopulat, rendered Inhabitable, and made a Prey to every Nation, that would be at the pains to invade it. Besides, it would cost England a great Expense of Blood and Treasure, to defeat so many Thousands of brave Men, that would stand up for the Defence of their Country and Liberties; and the same Army that had conquered them, perhaps may be induced at last, by an Ambitious King, to turn their Swords against their own Countrymen: So that by the same Army, the whole Island would hazard to undergo the same fate. We may therefore with a Demonstration believe that the only safe way, for England to conquer Scotland, is by a fair Union.   

The Advantages, which Scotland will reap by an Union with England, are  
FIRST, it's Trade will increase, having as free a Trade over the whole World, as England. Which would enable it, not only to Contribute the more for the Safety of the Public; but to improve all its Barren Ground, to the great Satisfaction and profit of Land-proprietars.  
2dly, It's Poor would no longer be a Charge to the Nation; Because, they could be employed in Manufactories and Fisheries.  
3ly, The Highlanders could be brought to foresake their Ancient Customs and Language, and to apply themselves to Virtue and Industry.  
Lastly, Courtiers would no longer be a Grievance to the Nation; The Multitude of Nobility to the Gentry: nor them all together to the poor Husband Man. Because, the Interest of the English Court would be that of Scotland, the English and Scots Commons could Balance the Nobility of the whole Island, and the increase of Riches would hinder Estates from being often sold, and Rentals racked: So that the poor Husbandman would be encouraged, to improve his Farm, by a long Lease and easy Duty.   

The Advantages that would accrue to the whole Island, supposing the Kingdoms United, are  
FIRST, It would be in a Capacity to keep the Dutch Low, by managing the Herring, and all other Fisheries; that the British Subjects could undersell them in all Foreign Mercats, and in time bring them to the same Submission in Fishing, that they were in, about the beginning of the Reign of King James the first, It would likewise be able to encourage all Linen Manufactories at home, & put them in a Case of serving the whole Island: which would preserve a great deal of Treasure in it, that is spent upon that Commodity, in Holland and other Countries.  
Secondly, It would be in a Capacity to oppose itself to France, in Defence either of its own Interest, or of that of its Allies; without being in danger of any Domestic, Convulsions. All Europe is sensible at present, how formidable France is to its Neighbours; for its extent of Country, vastness of Treasure, number of Forces by Sea and Land, Bravery of Officers, and for the Wisdom and steady Counsel of its State-Ministers: That if ever Providence hath ordained her the Empire of Europe, it must be shortly after the Death of this King of Spain. For, according to a private Treaty with its Neighbours, it will be put in peaceable Possession of as many Territories of the Spanish Monarchy, as are able to command all the Mediterranean Trade; and no doubt, but it will be at the pains to seize the rest of it, at its own Conveniency, and even Darien too, which was so much envied, when in the Possession of the Scots: The Right of which would belong to this whole Island, were Scotland and England United. And how much it were for the Interest of Great-Britain, to be Master of that Isthmus, is obvious to every Coffee-house Politician, in spite of all our more refined Wits.   
To oppose the Union of England and Scotland, there are different Nations out of different ends.  

First, Most of our Popish Neighbours, out of this Maxim, That when People differ in Interest, they will never trust other upon point of Feligion; being obliged to transgress all its Rules by Treachery, Cruelty, and other unlawful Means, in protecting, and advancing their worldly Interests. Now how much the Church of Rome Glories in seeing the Protestants destroy one another, is best known to themselves.  
Secondly, The Dutch will oppose it with all their Power and Cunning, for preventing the strengthening of this whole Island, in Force and Riches, by the ruining their Fisheries; which provides them with Seamen and Money: and the undoing their Linen Manufactories at home.   
The Dutch of all People understands their Interest the best, and stumble least at any thing makes for their Public Good; otherwise, why would they have attempted the whole Trade of the East-Indies, by the Massacre of the English at Amboina? Or the Dominion of the whole Seas, after that the Troubles of England and Scotland had disabled King Charles the First from taking notice of it, and that the English Government was shaken in pieces, after its Alteration?  
Lastly, The French will oppose any Union betwixt England and Scotland, and rather than it should succeed, will follow Cardinal Richelieu's Practice, in corrupting Leading Men in both Nations, to foment Jealousies between them; or in hireing some Mercenary English Poet or Historian, to represent Scotland, with all the Rancour that ill Nature and Ignorance can inspire in them.  
The French for many years have baulked nothing, that could raise their Monarchy above the Powers of their Neighbours; and nothing hath been more formidable to their Designs, than the Joint Force of the Island of Great-Britain; when England alone had broke their Measures long e'er now, and brought them to Reason, if it had not had Diversion at Home, occasioned so often by French Counsel. It's long since Philip de Comenes said, That in his time, all the King of England's Ministers, and great Persons, had Pensions of France, and gave their Acquittances upon every Receipt, which were to be seen in the Chamber of Paris.  
I shall now end this short Essay, having no other Design by it, than the Prosperity of Great-Britain; and hopes, that some Judicious  Persons (as the Learned Doctor Davenam, who hath writ so many good Books for the Service of his Country) will be at the Pains, to handle this Subject in all its Particulars: That all Doubts being removed from the People of both Nations, there remain nothing to be done, but the Action of Uniting. And till they be convinced of the absolute Necessity of it, my Wish is, That England be out-witted in its Politics by all its Neighbours, and cheated by its Statesmen, into a fond Belief of its own Abilities: And that Scotland continue an oppressed Nation, by Courtiers and Publicans, and never have a State-Council, but of Mock-Politicians and Enemies to their Country.  
Vis Vnita Fortior.   

AN ESSAY UPON THE PRESENT STATE OF SCOTLAND.  
IT's observable, that there's a great Variety in Men, both as to their Bodies and Souls, conform to the different Situation of the Countries they inhabit; upon which account it is, that they differ so much in their Dispositions to Courage, Justice, Temperance, Wit and Goodness. And their Souls are yet more various than their Bodies, that there appears sometimes a greater difference betwixt some Men and others, than betwixt some Men and Beasts. And as there's a great Variety betwixt Men of different Clim's, in respect of their Souls and Bodies, so is there a great Disparity amongst Apprehehensions and Understandings of the People of the same Country, proportionable to their Education; which is the Reason, that their Thoughts of things are not all of the same Reach and Justness.  
There's no Society without its Members, amongst whom, as there is a Sub-Ordination of Understandings, so there's a Sub-Ordination of Power and Command, proportionable to the different Stations they hold in that Society, whereof they are Members. And hence it is, That there are in every Kingdom (as it is a Society) People of all Characters, which taken all together, make up the Body Politic. Being then I'm to writ this Essay of the present State of Scotland, I will give a short View, both of its People, and of their Affairs, in the following Sections.  

SECTION. I. Of the Education of Youth.  
AS the strongest Bodies own their Vigour, in a great Measure, to the first knitting of their Joints, and the most stately Trees are beholding to the hand that first planted them in an agreeable Soil; So do Men own, whatever Esteem they acquire in this World to their Education: The Impressions of which are strong, grow up with them from their Cradle, and accompany them to their very Graves. Hence is it, That the most wise and understanding Lawgivers of different Nations thought it their noblest Work, to prescribe Rules for the early Institution of Youth.  
The Number of Schools and Universities in Scotland, is enough to impose upon the World, that there are used in them all the reasonable Means for instructing of young People in Languages, Arts and Sciences; But when one comes to examine the Methods and Formalities of Masters in Teaching, he will soon be undeceived.  
To look into a Grammar-School, one will find an Assembly of Boys of different Capacities smuttering of Latin, one who hath spent four Years at School, another three, and a third more or less; yet there shall not be one of forty, who hath made the Proficiency in the Latin, that another Boy will do in any Modern Language with half a Years teaching. Surely there must be some Reason for this, that either proceeds from the Difficulty of that Language, or from some other Cause. But that the Latin is attainable in a short time, we have the Example of many young People, and likewise of Accursius, the Famous Lawyer, who was forty Years old, when he first studied Latin: Nevertheless he hath left some Volumes to the World in that Language.  
The Causes therefore of children's slow Progress in the Latin, to me seem to be, 

First, The Formality and Affectedness of Parents putting their Children too young to School, before they have the Sense or Patience to apply themselves, or, without considering whether they design them for Employments that require no Knowledge of Latin.  
Secondly, The wrong and pedantic Method Schoolmasters take in teaching their Scholars; For how absurd is it, that they should teach them Latin, in the same Tongue they do not understand? and after a very tedious manner, charge their Memories with Rules and Precepts, which they no sooner learn, than they forget.    
Next, To examine the way of Teaching in our Colleges, we will find that young Students bestow only half a year upon the Greek, (which is so useful a Language to the Learned) and allow three years to learn Error and Nonsense. For in place of Euclid's Elements, and a good System of Experimental Philosophy, they study large Volumes of Logicks and Metaphyficks; which are fit only to subtilise their Brains, being the true Cobweb-learning of this World, soon wrought and soon forgot.  
Seeing that the Education of Youth contributes so much to the making Men capable, either to serve themselves, or their Country; The Commissioners, appointed to visit Schools & Colleges, aught to take special Care both to oblige Masters to practise good Methods in Teaching, and to encourage most the learning of Mathematics, and parts of Experimental Philosophy: Because it's from them we have our Learned Physicians, Mechanics, Seamen & Engineers, which are of more value to the Public, than thinking Men that are Learned only in Trifles, and who choose the study of General Physics and Metaphysics for Disput's sake.  
It were for the Advantage of this Nation, That no Boys be put to learn Latin, that are designed by their Parents or Friends, to be Merchants, Mechanics, or Husbandmen; For how ridiculous is it, that they should consume so many years in learning a Language (which is forgot in one year, if not practised) and neglect the study of their own Language, and other Modern Languages, Cyphering, and a fair hand of Writ? which are useful to all Men according to their respective Employments: And it's the great Happiness of every Society, that each Member be dexterous in his own business and mind it only.  
Cardinal du Peron was for suppressing in France many of its Universities; because they gave too much Occasion and Temptation to all sorts of People to become Smatterers of Learning. For tho' the knowledge of Letters is absolutely necessary in a Commonwealth, yet they ought not to be prostitute to every Body without Distinction; For, if all the Inhabitants of a State were Learned, Trade would decay, Husbandry would no more be in fashion: And in their places would succeed, Disobedience, much Pride and Presumption.  
When we have so great a love here to the Civil Law, that every Gentleman that hath two Sons, is sure to design one to be a Lawyer from his very Cradle; I wish therefore, That means were fallen on, to Erect Professions of it in all our Universities: And that Encouragements were given to Learned Civilians, to set up amongst us, which would keep in the Nation much Money. And Students, that have no Inclination to Travel, may profit here as well as in Holland or France, and preserve a third part, or half of their Patrimonies, they would have spent abroad. Nor is there any hazard that such Professions, will over-charge the Honourable Faculty of Lawyers, with too many Members; being that humour of following the Law will grow, only as People find, that there's more Business than Advoeats: Which, at present, is not the Misfortune of Scotland.  
The most reasonable way to provide a Fund for the Professors of Law, is out of the Bishop's Rents; so as there are four Universities in this Kingdom, there may be a Profession of Civil Law at every one of them: Who ought to have a Salary not under 200 lib Sterl: per annum, to make up their small Number of Scholars, and to enable them to make their study their whole business. Were it not then more for the Honour and Advantage of this Nation, that Bishops cents be so applied, rather than in Pensions, and other unlawful ways? I refer it to the wisdom of this Nation.   

SECTION II. Of the Commons.  
THe Commons of Scotland beat the greatest Bulk of the Body Politic, and it's according to their Richness and Ease, that this Kingdom can either be called Rich, Powerful, or Happy. To consider them, therefore, particularly, I will divide them into Merchants, Mechanics, and Husbandmen.  
Merchants, for the most part, apply themselves to their Business, in proportion to the little Trade of this Country; but where there's one makes a Fortune that way, there are three turn Bankrupts. The Reasons of which are,  
First, Ever since we began to Traffic, few have applied themselves to Trade, that are Men of Families and Fortunes. For if any Gentleman applies himself, it's some younger Brother, that hath a Stock of 300, or 400, lib. sterl: which he Employeth in bringing home Wines and other superfluous Commodities, that exhaust the ready Money that's brought into the Kingdom by its Linen, Wool, Led, Fish, etc. Which Commodities, when sold, trust must given to the buyer of them; and in stead of a ready Return to the Merchant of his stock and profit, for buying new Commodities, he must consume them both in Expectation, by Eating and Drinking. It were then advantageous for young Merchants, that they would employ most of their Stocks in home-Manufactories and Fisheries, and in every Commodity that can make the Export of this Kingdom considerable; So that Money being kept at home, the return for their Effects will be more frequent. For in every trading Nation, a Merchant of a small Stock grows Rich, by frequent buying of Goods, and receiving a quick return for them, when sold, either in Credit, Goods, or ready Money.  
Secondly, So soon as a Merchant hath Scraped together a piece of Money, perhaps to the value of 4000, or 5000 lib. Sterl: Instead of employing it for promoting Trade, or by projecting any new thing, that may be serviceable to his Country, and to the augmenting of his Stock, nothing will satisfy him, but the laying of it out upon a Land Estate, for having the Honour to make his Son a Laird, that is, an Idle Person, who can find out as many Methods in spending his Father's Money, as he had of gaining it.  
Lastly, Our gentlemen's Sons, who are bred Merchants, do not live frugally and proportionably to their gain, after the example of the Dutch, to whom one Pence saved is so much profit.  
So many are the Abuses and Blunders that are committed in the Trade of this Nation, by particular Men's preferring their Interests and Humours to the Public Good; That to retrieve them from that Vice, and to bring the Trade of the Nation to any Proportion with that of our Neighbours, there remains but one Expedient: That is, The erecting a Council of Trade, which may be of such a Constitution, that by its means, Manufactories and Fisheries may be encouraged, our poor employed, The Exportation of Wool stooed, Lawsuits decided summarily amongst Merchants, Interest of Money lowered, and the price of Grains so regular, that the Poor be not sensible of their Dearness in bad years, nor the Rich of their Cheapness in good ones. Therefore, it's inexpressible, how much this Nation would be obliged to any person would contrive a good and rational Schem of Constitution for such a Council; and to that Parliament that would give it a Being.  
But because such a Council cannot be established of a sudden, let all the Nobility and Gentry of this Nation, in the mean time encourage Manufactories and Trade by their Frugality and Industry, according to a Resolve, which was lately invented by a parcel of good Countrymen; Because, People are more Zealous in observing any thing, to which they personally Promise, and of whose Reasonableness they are persuaded: Than they are of Sumptuary Laws, which either they never hear of, or are suffered to forget, for fault of due Execution.  
Scotland, at present, aught to be considered as a Man that hath spent most of his Estate in Trifles and Idleness, and that hath no other Means left him, but Pinch and good Conduct, for the future.  
The second kind of Commons to be considered are the Mechanics, which are Men both capable of Invention and Application; therefore no doubt, did Trade flourish, there would be no necessity of bringing home so many manufactured things, as at present: And that every Scots-man might be furnished at home with all sort of Household Furniture, all kind of Arms, and with every thing Humane Ease or Fancy requires.  
The third kind of Commons are the Husbandmen, which in my Opinion are the most miserable of all our Commons; and I believe, we have learned that Method of oppressing our Peasants, from the French, amongst many other of their good Customs.  
The reason of this Oppression proceeds from small Farms and high-valued Duties. For the Poverty of this Nation, and the smallness of Trade doth occasion, That Land-Estates are frequently shifted from hand to hand, the present Masters making all they can, so long as they keep Possession of them: And are sure to rack every Tenent in his Duty, when they are disposed to sell them, for drawing the greater Price from the Buyers. Who so soon as they are Masters of their new Purchases, are not at the Pains to consider the Nature of their Soils, whether they are capable to produce both their Duties and a Livelihood to the Husbandmen; but go on after such a manner, that in few Years, nothing will answer their Tenants Arrears, but the seizing of all they have, and turning them a begging with a numerous Family. Which is an Injury not only done to the poor Tenants, but to the People, who must provide for their Sustenance by Charity.  
As Husbandry is the greatest Riches of this State, so it ought to contribute with all its power to maintain it, and provide, that all Laws made for its improvement, be put to due Execution.  
It is therefore requisite, that there were appointed, by Act of Parliament, some Judicious Gentlemen of every County, to be chosen annually by Land-Proprietars of 40 Pounds Sterlin a Year, and above; who should have power to decide all Controversies arising betwixt Master and Tenent, (for it is not just, that the Master should be both Judge and Party, as it often happens in Baron-Courts) and to inquire into the Rental of every Heritor: That so they may provide, that no Farms be overvalued, according to the Caprice of the Master, when he gives new Leases. And such an Inquisition would be no Imposition on Gentlemen; because, they would be only hindered from abusing their own, to the prejudice of the Public: According to that Maxim of Law, Reipublicoe interest, ne quis re sua male utatur.  
And it would be the Advantage of the Master, not only to set reasonable Duties on his Farms, whereby the Husbandman may be both able and encouraged to improve his Estate, by all kinds of Enclosure; but likewise, to parcel out his Estate into as few Farms, as he can conveniently: For, if a Farm, that pays 20 Pounds Sterlin a Year, hath as great a Family to entertain, as a Farm that pays 40 Pounds Sterlin, surely, he that payeth the 20 Pounds can never be in so good a Case, either to pay his Master, or to cultivar his Farm, as he that payeth the 40 Pounds, who hath not only double his Profit, but likewise, as small a Family to entertain.  
A Gentleman then, that would take reasonable Methods to improve his Land-Estate, ought never to heighten his Tenants, but proportionably to the mprovement of their Farms: Which, in a few Years, could be so improved, that the Rental of his Estate can be doubled, without Hazard of making any Beggars.   

SECTION. III. Of the Clergy.  
THe first Foundation of the Happiness of a State, is the Establishment of the Reign of God, to whose immediate Servants (who are the Clegy) we own all the Honour and Respect, the Love of Religion can inspire into us; provided, they are distinguishable from other People, by the Character of their Office, which is composed of Christian Virtues: Such as Innocence of Life, Soundness of Doctrine in things essential to Salvation, and Love and Charity to all Men. And by these Virtues it was, that the first Preachers of the Gospel did gain Credit to the Christian Religion, from the most obstinate Heathen Philosophers.  
The most of the Clergy of Scotland are Men of mean Extraction, and own to their Education, their Opiniatritie in things indifferent. For what must be expected from Men, that never read any Authors, but those that make for that Party, their Fathers or Friends have designed them to follow, but that they will Dispute for it, so long as conveniently they can? And when ever Reason fails them, they'll protect it with all the Passions and Impertinencies imaginable. And hence is the Reason, that most part of the Divines, that are educat in the Northern Universities, amongst the Northern Gentry, are inclined to the Episcopal Government: Whilst, many of those, that are educat in the Southern Universities, are inclined to the Presbyterian.  
It's strange that Men have been so extravagant, and made such Stirs in this World, about the things of another, that instead of making us happy here, as well as hereafter; by following the Fundamental Rule of Christian Religion, to Love the Lord our God with all our Hearts, and our Neighbours as ourselves: We have only practised a Rule much contrary, to hate and destroy our Neighbour, for Zeal to God's Worship. Which no doubt hath given Occasion to Unthinking Men, frequently to let pass for good Coin, this Saying; Fallere vis Plebem, Finge Deum.  
Was it not sufficient, That, by the Reformation, most of the People of this Kingdom have been brought to the true Knowledge of the Christian Religion? What then hath occasioned the one half of the Reformed so to separat from the other, in the mutual Duty of Love and Charity, which both the same Country and Religion obliged them to observe? Or, why hath this Disease of Church-Government so affected this Kingdom, as to destroy its natural Force, to ruin all Prospect of Trade, to give so often Temptation to our Kings to enchroach upon our Liberties, and to fill the Learned World, with many useless Volumes and hundreds of ridiculous Pamphlets.  
In Scotland, the Religion, before the Reformation, was that of Rome; the Care and Pains of whose Priests were spent in enlarging their Wealth and Authority, and not in informing the Minds of the People in Piety and Honesty.  
That Religion was so adorned with Gaudy Ceremonies, that the Splendour and Pomp of them served only to amuse the Minds of the Common People, who, like Men in an Amazement or Wonder, could never recollect themselves, for examining which was the true Religion.  
Its Priests did challenge the Remission of Sins; and took the Liberty both to number and to tax them; so that, if the Party Confessing was Rich, Paradise did go at a great rate: And if the Party was Poor, the Priests did exercise their Authority, with the greater Severity. It hath been a great Advantage to the Romish Clergy, that they had the Wit to invent the Mass; for, who can forbear the paying a profound respect to them, that by a Whisper can produce so Venerable a Victim? The number of the Sacraments was invented for Priests, to squeeze the Pockets of the Laics, and Good Works to be a Spur, to excite their Ambitious Piety to enrich the Church. Purgatory was invented to make separate Souls a Merchandable Commodity, and the Invocation of Saints, to increase the Authority of the Clergy, who, by their Suffrage, could advance any Body they pleased, to the Court of Heaven.  
But, at present, to give the Romish Hierarchy its due, since the Heat and Defection of the first Reformers was over, it hath so recollected the Remains of its broken Forces, with Care and Industry, and managed its Affairs with so much Subtlety; that if the Reformed do not lay aside all their Trifling Disputes about Church-Government, etc. It may happen, that sometime or other, (without a Miracle) they may lose their Ground, which they have maintained so long with Expense of much Blood.  
That the Kingdom may be the better served with Judicious and Learned Ministers, it's necessary that, all small Salaries be Augmented, to preserve them from the Tentation of Poverty; and that there may be Inspectors appointed for all the Universities of this Nation, who shall have power to Nominat Students to study Theology: And that none be admitted to follow the Ministry, but those that are appointed by them. And by such a Method, this Church will not have the Misfortune to be pestered with Blockheads, nor the Civil Government to be deprived of good Men, whom Nature hath ordained to be Mechanics, or Husbandmen.   

SECTION. iv Of the Nobility and Gentry.  
THe Nobility and Gentry are the best Blood and Spirits of any body Politic, and aught to be respected as the preservers of its Life and Vigour. For, it's their duty to maintain Piety and Justice, to support their Country with their Wealth and Sword, to protect the poor from the Insolence of Oppressors, and to follow Virtue and Honour, as the only Badge capable to distinguish them from the rest of their fellow Subjects.  
The Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, have always had the Reputation of brave Men, and good Scholars, nor ought it to be otherwise; seeing they have all the Education this Country can afford, and the most of them have likewise the advantage of Travelling abroad, to learn any thing that is capable to improve their Knowledge in Men or Things. But now a days, for want of Business to apply themselves, they either lose the fruits of their Education, by Lawsuits, or by reading a Horace or Juvenal, or, by smothering them altogether in a Bottle.  
But how great an Obligation lies upon them to apply themselves, at present, to support their poor Country, and to sacrifice to the Public Good all Misunderstandings occasioned amongst them, either by Religion or Ambition, appears from these following Considerations.  

First, they ought to meddle with Church-Government, no further than it affects the Civil Government, or tends to give the Supreme Power an Opportunity to encroach upon their Liberties: Therefore, they ought all to protect that Church Government, which makes most for their secular Advantages, and encourages least the Clergy in Luxury or Ambition. And of such Qualities is the Presbyterian Church-Government here established by Law.  
Secondly, The Nobility and Gentry are the Springs and Wheels by which all the Affairs of this Nation move, and without their Concurrence, no good or bad Law can be made, no King can encroach upon the Privileges of the Subject; Nor no Revolution of Government can happen to the Kingdom; Therefore they ought to let pass no Law in Parliament, which is not for the Interest of their Country, nor quit any Privilege that may give occasion to their Successors to Complain of their Folly, or Injustice; Nor ought they to endeavour any Revolution of Government, which is not with a Demonstration for their Country's benefit.  
Thirdly, They have most of all the Treasure of this Kingdom amongst them; Therefore, it's their Duty to improve their Estates by all the means, that Art or Industry can suggest unto them. And to promote Trade, by encouraging Manufactories and Fisheries with their Money. For, suppose a Gentleman hath Five Hundred Pound Sterline free Rent per annum; what is it, for him to employ a 1000 l. sterl: for a Stock in Trade? And so proportionably to their Estates, may all Gentlemen employ Sums of Money.  
Lastly, It's their Motion and Example that influence all other People of a meaner Character; So that it may be justly said, that all the Advantages, or Misfortunes which have befallen this Kingdom, are to be Attribute to the Conduct of its Nobility and Gentry. For had they always been of the same honest principles, designing nothing but the public Good, how happy had this Nation been long e'er now? And how much regarded by all Europe?    

SECTION. V Of the King and Parliament.  
AS every Natural Body is capable of certain intervals of Health and Sickness, so every Body Politic, and each of them requires its Physician to remove every thing that's a let to the Operation of its Nature; with this Difference, that a Natural Physician works both for a Livelihood to himself, and for bringing his patient to the best habit of Body his Art is Capable whilst a State Physician, in place of curing the Body politic, (of which he hath the Inspection and Management) forgets to keep to its Fundamental Laws, which are the true Rules of Politics, and follows his own Ambition and Fancies: Which either destroy it altogether by inward Convulsions, or change its Nature so far, that it's hardly to be known for the same Body.  
Every Body Politic hath its different Physician, conform to the Nature of its Constitution. An absolute Monarchy hath its King, who is so much Master of his Patient, that he can breathe a Vein, when he finds it suits best with his Inclinations. A limited Monarchy hath its Parliament for Physician, whose chief business is to preserve a Symmetry betwixt the Body and Head, that neither of them exceed its due bounds.  
The Government of Scotland is a limited Monarchy, by the Conduct of whose Parliament both King and Country can be happy. But, alas! how seldom does it happen, that the Members of that August Assembly, who are Men of different Educations, Tempers, Understandings, Offices, Employments, have all the same end in their View? which ought to be the Common Good and Honour of this Nation.  
In one King's Reign we find the Parliament encroaching upon his prerogative, and in the Reign of another, we see it so abject as to sacrifice to him their Privileges: Examples of both are the Reigns of Charles the first and second. For, what necessity was there, to drive so hard after the year 1638, that their poor King became a Victim to his Enemies? Or to sink so far into Fondness, that King Charles the second had in his power to encroach upon the Liberties of this Nation to that ●●ght, that Oppression itself might have been palliate with the jus Regium?  
The unsteady proceed of Parliaments have given occasion to the greatest Wits, to condemn every thing of mixed Governments, and to lay down rules for bringing them under the absolute power of their Monarches: which hath been practised by most of the Princes of Europe, according to the different Circumstances and Humours of their Subjects.  
The Kings of France Lewis 13th. and 14th. after the Advice of Cardinal Richelieu, did ruin first their Nobility and Gentry, by wheedling them into posts of the Army, where they could squander away their Estates, to the end that they might depend upon the Court for a Livelihood; and did so much harrass the whole body of their People with Persecutions and Taxes, to make it for ever uncapable to struggle for Liberty.  
The Kings of Sweden and Denmark secured first their Clergy, next the Consciences of the Common People, and lastly did destroy most of the Ancient Families of their Nobility and Gentry.  
The many Popular Furies which have raged in this Island, have no doubt been great Motives to our Kings, to approach as near our Privileges, as conveniently they could. King James the First of Great-Britain endeavoured to screw his Prerogative, as far as the People would suffer him; for he thought nothing of Imprisoning Members of the English Parliament, or to issue out Proclamations, prohibiting his Subjects to talk of State Affairs: Tho' in the mean time, he was acting against the Interest of his Kingdoms. And the late King James seems to have had a great Itch after an absolute Power, when his introducing Popery was the principal Step could have been made for that end; because of the Multitude of Churchmen, and the Decay of Trade, which for the most part are unseparable from that Religion. But it would appear, that the Reason our Kings have so often been baulked of their Designs to teach their Subjects the Practical Rules of Passive Obedience, hath been the want of Money, and a powerful standing Army: Nevertheless they have attacked us on our blind side, which was to divide the People of this Kingdom amongst themselves, and then to espouse a Party, which was sufficient to plunge any Country into the greatest Misery, by leaving the Public Good neglected, and nothing to be sought after, but Revenge and Interest.  
King William came to this Island, when both its Affairs, and those of other Princes of Europe did require him; then was it, that an Occasion offered itself to the Scots, for putting their Country in a State of Thriving, and for curing all the Defects of its Government; But Providence so ordered it, that they were divided amongst themselves, and rendered uncapable to unite in Counsel for promoting the Public Good. They were therefore liable to be led away, whether the greatest Faction pleased; which Faction divided in Imagination the Spoil of their Country, and shared all Places of Public Trust amongst one another, before ever they were determined to offer the Crown to his present Majesty: Who is a Prince of an Illustrious Family, and merits to be ranked among the greatest Men of his time. I hope therefore, whatever Historian takes upon him, to celebrat and perpetuat to Posterity his Heroic Actions, will do him Justice, by giving a true and genuine Account to the World, both of his Virtues and Vices: That the one may serve to set off the other, as dark Shadows do the best Pictures.   

SECTION. VI That a mixed Government cannot increase in Wealth and Power, but by the Honesty and Wisdom of its Members of Parliament.  
IF one were to play the Philosopher, he might, for Disput's sake, tell us, That the Subjects of all Governments are equally happy, provided they be not sensible of their present Misery; As for Example, that a French-Peasant, who hath corpse Bread to fill his Belly, and Canvas-Cloaths, and Wooden-Shoes to protect him from bad Wether, is as much obliged to Fortune, as an English Farmer, who can smoke his Pipe, and talk of Liberty and Property at random.  
Yet if we lay aside the Theory, and consider the Practice of People, we will read in all Histories, that every Nation of Europe, which at this day hath no Vestiges of its ancient Government, has struggled with its Kings for Liberty, to the last Breath: An Instance of this are the French, who, ever since the Reign of Lewis the 11th, have been attacked in their Liberties, by succeeding Kings, and could never be forced to succeumb, till the Reign of this present King: Who hath taken all Opportunities to execute Cardinal Richelieu's Political Testament, by arming his Popish Subjects against those of the Reformed Religion, by accustoming his Peasants to exorbitant Taxes and Poverty, and by bringing the greatest of his Subjects to depend upon his Pleasure for a Livelihood.  
Is there any Man, that hath the good luck to be born a Subject to a Limited Monarch, who compares the Circumstances of one that liveth under a Tyrant with his own, but will bless his Stars, and acknowledge himself much happier in his Practice of Liberty, than any Slave can can be in its Shadow or Theory?  
All Governments, by the Corruption of their Parts, are liable to many Convulsions, and even to be changed at last into Tyrannies, if the Nature of their Constitutions do not guard against them.  
We therefore, in Scotland, are obliged to our Forefathers, that have left us a Government which is Limited Monarchy; and in which, the Prerogative of the Prince, and the Liberty of the People are so well regulate, that there seems nothing wanting, that may tend to the Happiness of either, but Honesty and Wisdom in the Members of Parliament. For Rome was never enslaved by its Princes, till the Senate delivered up its Privileges to Julius Caesar: Who was then put in a Condition, to curb the Liberties of all the Unthinking People of the Roman Empire, with Forms and Names in place of wholesome Laws.  
I may say, with Regret, that it hath been our Unhappiness, ever since the Restauration of King Charles the Second, that our Liberties have been exposed, by the Unlucky Division of our Parliaments into two Factions: Whereof the one was called the Court-Faction, and the other, that of the Country.  
The Court-Faction was a Party of Men, who, under Protence of Zeal to the Service of their King, destroyed their Country; by corrupting Members of Parliament, by dividing the Spoils of the Public Treasury amongst themselves and Minions; and neglecting every thing that could promote the Trade of this Nation, or provide a Livelihood to its Poor.  
That Faction was composed of Men, who had different Motives to comply with Dishonest Practices: One out of Simplicity and good Nature, hoping, that by laying Taxes on his Country, he did his Majesty good Service. Another, out of an Inclination he had to be a Knave: And a third, out of a Desire to gain Pelf, thinking it time enough to serve the Public, when once he had served himself.  
The Countrey-Faction was a parcel of Members of Parliament, who thought it their Duty to keep the Legislative Power untainted, to be Jealous of the People's Liberties and Rights, and to be careful for the Public Safety; by watching over the Ministers of State, that they should not embezle the Public Money, by employing it to corrupt Members of Parliament, or to maintain a standing Army, to bully the People out of their Senses.  
These Members, that made up that Party, have moved according to different Principles; for one hath acted out of pure and sincere Love to his Country, another out of Hatred and Malice to Statesmen, and a third out of Design to ruin the Government, in which he was not employed: Of what a Medley of Men then, hath that Countrey-Faction been composed? Nevertheless, People ought to make no Distinction amongst them, so long as they all promote the Public Interest; because they will have time enough to discern the Dregs of a Faction, so soon as they separate from the pure Body.  
Now after the Description of the foresaid Factions, Methinks, that 'tis the Countrey-Faction, which ought to be carressed and esteemed by all their Constituents, as Men that act both out of Conscience and Honour, knowing that the Freedom and Wealth of every State go hand in hand together. And it hath been often seen amongst our Forefathers, that this Faction hath maintained both the Prerogative of their Kings, and the Liberties of their Country: Whilst the Court part hath found it convenient, to retire into the Shadows of Oblivion.  
'Tis strange, that most of our Courtiers, for near these hundred Years, have been so much in Love with their private Interest, and valued so little that of the Public, that long ago, it hath been a Problem in Scotland, whether Parliaments were useful or not; because, the first thing proposed there, hath been always (next to Religion) a Subsidy for his Majesty: And which was both proposed and granted in one day without the Members of Parliament taking the Pains to examine, to what use it should be employed, or to calculat a just Sum for the same use. And hence is the Reason, that Money given by Parliaments to their Kings, hath served only to be a Bait and Reward for Covetous Courtiers to betray their Country, and for the Insolent Tacksmen, to oppress the Poor People.  
At this rate, I confess, Parliaments are mere empty shadows of Liberty. When a Commissioner and Secretary could have asked His Majesty his Commands for Scotland, and at the same time engaged so to secure the Major party of Parliament with Places and Promises, that it would be always in a readiness to Vote what ever way the Court pleased.  
A mixed Government hath the Advantage of all other Governments; For, if Members of Parliament do but their Duty, it's impossible that ever it can hazard to be brought under the Tyranny of its Monarch. But if the Members be debauched with Principles of Self-interest, and suffer the Nations Treasure to be wasted, Secretaries of State to undermine our Privileges, and Trade to be neglected; I say, That such a mixed Government is a Tyranny established by ourselves: And that no King ought to be blamed for drawing us after him, with our own Fetters of Slavery.  
'Tis therefore, that the principal points of the Duty of Members of Parliament are,  
First, That they be Men , and uncorrupt, presering the Safety and Interest of the Country to any Self-love.  
Secondly, That they endeavour to make good Laws that may both secure the Subjects Property, and promote the public Good.  
Thirdly, That they never grant a Subsidy, without knowing the Reason why, and how it is to be applied for the Nations benefit.  
Fourthly, That the succeeding Session of Parliament call to an exact account the Managers of the Subsidies granted by the preceding Session; So that Courtiers may be prevented from disposing upon Pensions at pleasure, and the Publicans from imposing upon the Courtiers, by pretending that they are losers in collecting of Taxes.  
Fifthly, That they impeach every great Man, who dare pursue destructive Measures, either against the King's Honour, or the Country's Interest.  
If these Maxims be steadily followed by our Parliaments, then will Scotland be sensible, how necessary they are to promote every thing that tends to its Safety, Honour, and increase of Wealth; and how many Advantages a mixed Government hath above that of an Absolute.   

SECTION. VII. What Measures this present Parliament ought to take, for recovering the Abuses of former Reigns, and putting this Nation into a constant Course of Thriving.  
WEre I skilful in making Panegyrics, I don't see how I could employ my Wit and Talon better, than in praising those Members who in the last Session of Parliament did begin to put a Stop to that Imprudent Method, we have always had, of raising Taxes from the People; without considering the State of the Nation, and whether or not it was in a Condition, by its Trade, to mantain as many Pensioners and Forces, as it had done during the late War with France. I wish therefore that all the Honourable Members may continue in the same good Sentiments this ensueing Session, minding only their Country's Business, and believing that to be the best way both to serve His Majesty and themselves.  
'Tis an hard Task for any knowing Physician to give a just Advice for recovering any Patient that hath been long Hectic; much more is it for any private Man, to lay down an exact Method to a Parliament (whose Constitution hath been almost changed by the supine negligence of its Members) for putting itself & succeeding Parliaments upon so good a Foot, that neither the too much Complaisance for their Kings, nor the Treachery of any that is entrusted with public Employments can be able to shake them.  
However, being that every one is obliged in duty to contribute both in Advice, and any other thing, to the support of that Society, whereof he is a Member: My Advice then to the ensueing Session of Parliament is as followeth.  

First, That there be an Act for a Biennial Parliament, that may sit two Months once in the two years, (without the Kings having power to Adjourn it for the said two Months) and which in the beginning of the third year, shall be dissolved: His Majesty at the same time, empowering all Counties and Burroughs, to choose new Commissioners for the following Biennial Parliament. By such an Act, Grievances will be redressed, and the Business of the Nation taken care of; Because, every succeeding Parliament will cause the Acts of former Parliaments to be put in Execution: Nor will it be worth the pains of Statesmen and Courtiers to corrupt Members of Parliament, their power being but of a small continuance, and Parliaments will also have the liberty to sit and do Business, without the trouble of Being Adjourned from day to day. For in my humble Opinion, if Parliaments cannot sit and do Business, I don't know for what use they serve.  
Secondly, That there be an Act for a Habeas Corpus, conceived much after the Tenor of that of the English. Which Act will first encourage Men both to speak and Writ their Sentiments concerning the Interest of the public, without being afraid of the Censure or Displeasure of Men in power, for every body knows how much the Liberty of the Press doth Contribute for exposing the Truth, and giving political Spectacles to every Honest Man, by which he can see the Corruptions of Statesmen and guard against their supprises. And I may say that our Neighbour Nation owes the Preservation of its privileges to the Liberty of the press; for how often had their unthinking Members of Parliament been wheedled into a Compliance with their former Kings, to destroy their Constituents Liberties, if they had not had the true Representation of the Affairs of the Nation laid down before them by some honest sensible Men? Which did serve as a Polestare to steer their Course by, and to excite them to Diligence in their Duty. Secondly, A Habeas Corpus will prevent Poples' being punished above the Merit of their Crimes, and of this Injustice the Emperors, Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, were sensible; when in their Constitutions (l. 5. Cod. de Custod: Rerum) it is ordained, that those who were shut up in Prison be either convicted and punished in due time, if Guilty, or Absolved, if Innocent. The Words of the Text are, De his quos tenet carcer inclusos, id aperta definitione sanximus, ut aut convictos velox paena subdueat, aut liberandos Custodia diuturna non maceret.  
Thirdly, That there be an Act establishing a Council of Trade, the Nature of which I have touched a little in the Section of the Commons; For, Trade is of so great Moment to any Nation, which wishes to make a Figure amongst its Neighbours, That, in a word, either it must understand it in all its Mazes, or must resolve to follow the Old Patriarches way of living, which is, to confine itself only to what Nature requires. For which reason it is requisite, that there be a Council of Trade, whose Business it should be to lay down good and rational Measures for managing it, and for Kerbing all the little tricks which discourage People to Traffic.  
Fourthly, That the Army be reduced to as few as are only necessary for putting the Laws in Execution, and for preserving Peace at home; Because, every wise Nation, that hath its freedom and a power to observe the fundamental Laws of its Constitution, never keeps more Soldiers in time of Peace than are sufficient to protect the Execution of of Justice. I am sorry therefore, That we have neither Money to mantain so many brave Men that are in our Troops, nor at present any advantageous service to employ them in; which might make them useful to this Kingdom: Unless we had got a Right to part of of the King of Spain's Testament, which was lately made by the care of his Neighbours.  
Fifthly, That a good Method be fallen on for regulating our Militia, and a Fund provided for maintaining broken Officers, who may be useful to Oversee them. For it were hard, that Gentlemen, who some time or other may be capable to serve their Country, should be exposed to the Inconveniencies of Poverty.  
Sixthly, That all good Laws be made for encouraging Shipping, which is, and aught to be both the Offensive and Defensive force of this Kingdom.  
Seventhly, That there be an Act declaring, That no Pensioner shall be capable to Vote in Parliament, or any body that hath his immediate Livelihood from His Majesty; Because, it is to be supposed, that all Pensioners will prefer the Humour of their Benefactor, to the Interest of their Country.  
Eightly, That a new Committee of Parliament be appointed every half year, to supply the places of Privy Counsellors to his Majesty. And the Advantages of such an Act are evident to every Body, that knows the Practices of a Privy Council composed of Courtiers.   
By these and such Acts, the Affairs of this Kingdom can be brought to so good a State, that not only it may provide for its own Safety and Treasure, but likewise be in a Condition, either to separat from England, or to unite with it: As the Wisdom of this Nation shall find it convenient.  
That there is a Necessity for Scotland, either to unite with England, or separat from it, is evident by the Experience of 97 years. In which time, this lose and irregular Tie of the Crowns, in place of an Union of Hearts, Hands and Civil Interest, hath only given Occasion to ill disposed Persons in both Kingdoms, to foment continual Jealousies and Animosities betwixt them: And to the English, an Opportunity of crushing every thing, that can make for the Interest of Scotland. Instances of which are innumerable, and some of them are but too fresh in our Memories.  
I have already shown the Advantages of an Union to both Kingdoms, in the preceding Essay, and there is no Person more capable to bring that noble Work to a happy issue, than his present Majesty; who, therefore, aught to be Addressed for that end, by the Parliaments of both Nations, that they may have the Liberty to sit at the same time, for adjusting all Matters that relate to that important Affair.  
But if the English continue to neglect, and delay to unite with Scotland upon reasonable Terms, the Scots only Interest will be, to mind their own Business for the future; so that whatever War may happen to England, let them lie aside, preserving Peace both at Home and Abroad; and making the best Advantage they can, either of their Neighbours Circumstances, or their own: Knowing, that tho' his Britannic Majesty can declare War against any of his Neighbouring Princes, by virtue of his Prerogative, yet he cannot oblige his Scots Subjects to furnish Money for carrying it on, unless they please, and find it for their Interest. Which is impossible, so long as there is no greater Union betwixt England and Scotland, than at present. For ever since our King's Accession to the Crown of England, the English have always used the Scots, as the Ape did the Cat's Clutch, to pull the Chestnut out of the Fire.  
Let us therefore apply ourselves to Frugality and Honesty, and to every thing that can put this Nation above the Contempt of its Neighbours. Let us acknowledge King William for our Monarch; so long as he liveth, and till the Hour of his Death, let us never so much as talk of a Successor to him, nor Cabal either for the Prince of Wales or Hannover. But may we for once mind ourselves, having already been too fond of procuring Kings to the English Throne, who have only made use of us to serve their own ends.  
At his present Majesty's Death, if there be no Successor, which is already provided by Law, and if this Kingdom be not united with England; Experience will teach us, how to dispose of our Government. And no doubt, but Scotland is as able to subsist of itself, by the Industry and Wisdom of its People, as well as many petty Governments in Europe.  
I will now end, putting the present Members of Parliament in Mind, That seeing, in all probability, his Majesty will not ratify that Resolve of Parliament concerning Darien; without which, (according to my Opinion) there's none of his Scots Subjects, that did contribute for that Expedition, but by Law may be pursued as Pirates, or their Abettors: Or must accept of a Dishonourable Remission. I say then, in the mean time, let the Members accept of all other good Laws, his Majesty will be pleased to grant, and especially, the Act for a Biennial Parliament; without which, I would not give a Farthing for a thousand good Laws, because they will all be broke, for want of Execution. But never let them give more Taxes, during his Majesty's Life, which are not for advancing some Public Benefit to the Kingdom.  
And by so doing, we will testify to all the World, that the Scots are not to blame, for being branded with the Ignominious Crime of Piracy: Having had all the Right, that the Law of Nations could give them, for taking Possession of such a Place.  
Being then, the Honour and Safety of this Ancient Kingdom, the Advantages that may accresce to it for the future, and it's own present Happiness, do, in a word, depend absolutely upon the steady and honest Conduct of the Members of this Parliament; Let, therefore every Member, who shall prefer his private Interest to that of the Public, be an Abomination to all Honest Scotsmen: Who, I hope, shall have no more reason to complain to Providence in the Words of Lucan, 
Faelix Roma quidem, Civesque habitura superbos:  
Si Libertatis Superis tam Cura placeret,  
Quam Vindicta placet—   
FINIS.