Two Speeches. I. The Earl of Shaftsbury's Speech in the House of Lords the 20th. of October, 1675. II. The D. of Buckingham's Speech in the House of Lords the 16th. of November 1675. Together with the Protestation, and Reasons of several Lords for the Dissolution of this Parliament; Entered in the Lord's Journal the day the Parliament was Prorogued, Nou. 22d. 1675. AMSTERDAM, Printed Anno Domini. 1675. The Reader is desired, before he reads this Book, to correct these following Erratas which have escaped the Press through haste. PAge 1. l. 17. for have r. hear, p. 2. l. 20. for persecuted r. prosecuted, p. 3. l. 12 r. of greatest dependence, l. 18. r. Lords may think, l. 26. for your r. our, p. 4. l. 17. for quarrels r. Laws, and, p. 5. l. 9 for have they r. they have, l. 17. r. your judicature, l. 25. for tends r. leads, l. 35. for raise r. pass, p. 6. l. 2. r. and when, l. 6. for out r. on, l. 11. for worst▪ r. right, l. 30. r. declare, p. 7. l. 9 for and r: nor, l. 16. r. those in Absolute Monarchies, l. 17. r. servile and low, l. 25. r. and the People, l: 37. for Common r. Commission, p. 8. l. 14. r. for all this, l. 15. cross out Sir jer. Whitchcot and the Booksellers, l. 17. for your r. our, l. 24. r. and the disingagement, p. 9 l. 1. for your r. our, l. 17. r. by Situation, p. 13. l 22. for Natino r. Notion, p. 16. l. 16. for Ld. Mahum. r. Ld. Mohun. The Earl of Shaftsburys Speech in the House of Lords, upon the Debate of appointing a day for the hearing Dr. Shirleys Cause, the 20th of October, 1675. My Lords, OUr All is at Stake, and therefore You must give me leave to speak freely before We part with it. My Lord Bishop of Salisbury is of Opinion, that we should rather appoint a day to consider what to do upon the Petition; then to appoint a day of hearing: And my Lord Keeper, for I may name them at a Committee of the whole House tell's Us in very Eloquent and Studied Language. That he will Propose Us a way far less liable to Exception, and much less Offensive and Injurious to our own Privileges, then that of appointing a day of Heariug. And I beseech Your Lordships, did you not after all these fine Words expect some Admirable Proposal! but it ended in this. That Your Lordships should appoint a day, nay a very long day to Consider what You would do in it: And my Lord hath undertaken to convince you, that this is Your only Course by several undeniable Reasons; the first of which is: That 'tis against your judicature to hear this Cause which is not proper before Us, nor aught to be relieved by Vs. To this my Lords give me leave to Answer, that I did not expect from a man Professing the Law; that after an Answer by Orders of the Court was put in, and a day had been appointed for Hearing, which by some Accident was set aside, and the Plaintiff moving for a second day to be assigned that ever without hearing Counsel on both sides; the Court did enter into the Merits of the Cause. And if your Lordships should do it here in a Cause attended with the Circumstances this is, it would not only be an apparent Injustice, but a plain Subterfuge to avoid a Point you durst not maintain. But my Lords second Reason speaks the Matter more clearly, for that is: Because 'tis a doubtful case, whether the Commons have not Privilege, and therefore my Lord would have You, To appoint a farther and a very long day to consider of it, which in plain English is, that Your Lordships should confess upon Your Books, that you conceive it on second Thoughts a doubtful Case, for so Your Appointing a day to Consider will do, and that for no other Reason, but because my Lord Keeper thinks it so, which I hope will not be a Reason to prevail with Your Lordships; since we cannot yet by experience tell that his Lordship is capable of thinking Your Lordships in the Right, in any Matter against the judgement of the House of Commons; 'tis so hard a thing even for the ablest of men to change ill Habits. But my Lords third Reason, is the most Admirable of all which he Styles Unanswerable, viz. That Your Lordships are all convinced in Your Consciences that this (if prosecuted) will cause a Breach. I beseech Your Lordships, consider whether this Argument thus applied would not overthrow the Law of Nature, and all the Laws of Right and Property in the World: For 'tis an Argument, and a very good one, that You should not stand or insist on Claims, where You have not a clear Right; or where the Question is not of Consequence and of Moment, in a Matter that may produce a Dangerous Pernicious Breach between Relations, Persons, Bodies politic joined in Interest, and High Concerns together. So on the other hand, if the Obstinacy of the Party in the wrong, shall be made an unanswerable Argument for the other Party to recede and give up his just Rights. How long shall the People keep their Liberties, or the Princes or Governors of the World their Prerogatives! How long shall the Husband maintain his dominion, or any man his Property from his Friend, or his Neighbour's Obstinacy? But my Lords when I hear my Lord Keeper open so Eloquently the Fatal Consequences of a Breach: I cannot forbear to fall into some admiration how it comes to pass: That (if the Consequences be so fatal) the King's Ministers in the House of Commons, of which there are several that are of the Cabinet, and have daily resort to His Majesty, and have the Direction and Trust of his Affairs: I say that none of hese should press these Consequences there, or give the least stop to the Career of that House in this Business; but that all the Votes concerning this Affair, nay even that very Vote, That no Appeal from any Court of Equity is cognisable by the House of Lords, should pass nemine contradicente. And yet all the great Ministers with us here, the Bishops and other Lords of dependence on the Court contend this point, as if it were pro Aris & focis. I hear His Majesty in Scotland hath been pleased to declare against Appeals in Parliament, I cannot much blame the Court if they think (the Lord Keeper, and the judges being of the Kings Naming, and in His Power to change) that the Justice of the Nation is safe enough, and I my Lord think so too, during this King's time, though I hear Scotland not without reason complain already: Yet how future Princes may use this Power, and how judges may be made not men of Ability or Integrity, but men of Relation and Dependence, and who will do what they are commanded; and all men's Causes come to be Judged, and Estates disposed on as Great Men at Court please. My Lords, the Constitution of your Government hath provided better for Us, and I can never believe so Wise a Body as the House of Commons, will prove that Foolish woman, which plucks down her House with her hands. My Lords, I must presume in the next place to say something to what was offered by my Lord Bishop of Salsburye, a man of Great Learning and Abilities, and always versed in a stronger and closer way of Reasoning, than the Business of that Noble Lord I answered before did accustom him too, and that Reverend Prelate hath stated the Matter very fair upon two Heads. The first, whether the hearing of Causes and Appeals, and especially in this Point where the Members have privilege, be so Material to us, that it ought not to give way to the Reason of State, of greater Affairs that pressed us at the time. The second was, If this Business be of that Moment, yet whether the appointing a day to consider of this Petition; would prove of that consequence, and prejudice to your Cause. My Lords, to these give me leave in the first place to say, that this Matter is no less than Your whole judicature, and Your judicature is the life and soul of the Dignity of the Peerage of England, you will quickly grow burdensome, if you grow useless, you have now the greatest and most useful end of Parliament principally in you, which is not to make new Laws but to redress Grievances, and to Maintain the Old Landmarks. The House of Commons Business is to complain, Your Lordships to redress, not only the Complaints from them that are the Eyes of the Nation, but all other particular persons that address to You. A Land may Groan under a Multitude of Quarrels I believe Ours does, and when Laws grow so multiplied, they prove oftener Snares, than Directions and Security to the People. I look upon it as the ignorance and weakness of the latter Age, if not worse, the effect of the Designs of ill men; that it is grown a general opinion, that where there is not a particular direction in some Act of Parliament the Law is defective, as if the Common Law had not provided much better, Shorter, and Plainer for the Peace and Quiet of the Nation then intricate, long, and perplexed Statutes do: which has made Work for the Lawyers, given power to the judges, lessened Your Lordship's Power, and in a good measure unhinged the security of the People. My Lord Bishop tells You, That Your whole judicature is not in question, but only the privilege of the House of Commons, of their Members not appearing at Your Bar: My Lords, were it not no more, yet that for Justice and the People's sake You ought not to part with: How far a Privilege of a House of Commons, their Servants, and those they own, doth extend Westminster Hall, may with Grief tell Your Lordships. And the same Privilege of their Members being not sued, must be allowed by Your Lordships, as well, and what a failer of Justice this would prove whilst they are Lords for life, and you for Inheritance, let the World Judge; for my part I am willing to come to Conference when ever the Dispute shall begin again, and dare undertake to your Lordships, that they have neither Precedent, Reason, nor any Justifiable pretence to show against us; and therefore my Lords, if you part with this undoubted Right merely for the ask, where will the ask stop! And my Lords, we are sure it doth not stop here, for have they already nemine Contradicente! Voted against Your Lordship's power of Appeals from any Court of Equity! so that you may plainly see where this Caution and reason of State means to stop, not one jot short of laying your whole Judicature aside, for the same reason of passing the King's Money, of not interrupting good Laws, or what ever else must of ncessity avoid all Breach upon what score soever: And your Lordships plainly see the Breach will be as well made upon Judicature in general as upon this, so that when your Lordships have appointed a day; a very long day, or to consider whether Dr. Shirleys Cause be not too hot to handle. And when you have done the same for Sir Nicholas Stanton whose Petition I here is coming in, your Lordships must proceed to a Vote to lay all private Business aside for six Weeks, for that Phrase of private Business hath obtained upon this last Age, upon that which is your most public Duty and Business; namely the Administration of Justice. And I can tell your Lordships, besides the reason that tends to it, that I have some intelligence of the designing such a Vote: For on the second day of your sitting, at the rising of the Lords House there came a Gentleman into the Lobby belonging to a very great Person, and asked in great haste are the Lords up? have they passed the Vote? and being asked what Vote? He answered the Vote of no Private Business for six Weeks. My Lords, if this be your Business, see where you are, if ye are to Postpone our Judicature for fear of offending the House of Commons for six Weeks; that they in the interim may pass the Money, and other acceptable Bills that His Majesty thinks of Importance; are so many wise men in the House of Commons to be laid asleep, and to pass all these acceptable things, when they have done, to let us to be let loose upon them. Will they not remember this next time there is want of Money 〈…〉 may not they rather be assured by those Minister's 〈◊〉 are amongst them, and go on so unanimously with 〈…〉 that the King is on their side in this Controversy, 〈…〉 when the public Businesses are over, our time shall be to short to make a Breach or vindicate ourselves in the Matter. And then I beg your Lordships where are you; after you have asserted but the last Session your worst of Judicature, so highly even in this Point, and after the House of Commons had gone so high against you on the other hand, as to post up their Declaration and Remonstrances on Westminster Hall Doors, the very next Session after you postpone the very same Causes, and not only those, but all Judicatures whatever. I beseech your Lordships, will not this prove a fatal precedent and confession against yourselves? 'Tis a Maxim, and a rational one amongst Lawyers, that one Precedent where the Case hath been Contested, is worth a 1000 where there hath been no Contest: My Lords, in saying this I humbly suppose I have given a sufficient answer to my Lord Bishops second Question; Whether the appointing a day to consider what you will do with this Petition be of that consequence to your right, for it is a plain confession, that it is a doubtful Case, and that infinitely stronger than if it were a new thing to you never heard of before; For it is the very same Case, and the very same thing desired in that Case, that you formerly ordered and so strongly asserted; so that upon time, and all the deliberation imaginable, you declared yourselves to become doubtful, and you put yourselves out of your own hands, into that power that you have no reason to believe on your side in this Question. My Lords, I have all the duty imaginable to his Majesty, and should withal submission give way to any thing that he should think of Importance to his affairs: But in this Point it is to alter the constitution of the Government, if you are asked to lay this aside; And there is no reason of can be an Argument to your Lordships to turn yourselves out of that Interest you have in the constitution of the Government, 'tis not only your concern that you maintain yourselves in't, but 'tis the concern of the Poorest man in England that you keep your Station: 'Tis your Lordiships' concern, and that so highly, that I will be bold to say the King can give none of you a requital or recompense for it, what are empty Titles? What is present Power, or Riches and a great Estate, wherein I have no firm and fixed property? 'Tis the constitution of the Government and Maintaining it that secures your Lordships and every man else in what he hath: The Poorest Lord, if the Birthright of the Peerage be maintained, has a Fair Prospect before him for himself or his Posterity: But the greatest Title with the greatest present Power and Riches, is but a mean creature, and maintains those absolute Monarchies no otherwise then by servile low flatteries and upon uncertain terms. My Lords, 'Tis not only your Interest, but the Interest of the Nation that you Maintain your Rights, for let the House of Commons and Gentry of England think what they please, there is no Prince that ever governed without Nobility or an Army: if you will not have one; you must have t'other, or the Monarchy cannot long support, or keep itself from tumbling into a Democratical Republic. Your Lordships and people have the same cause, and the same Enemies. My Lords, would you be in favour with the King? 'Tis a very ill way to it, to put yourselves out of a future capacity, to be considerable in his service: I do not find in Story, or in Modern Experience, but that 'tis better, and a man is much more regarded that is in a capacity and opportunity to serve, than he that hath wholly deprived himself of all for his Prince's service: And I therefore declare that I will serve my Prince as a Peer, but will not destroy the Peerage to serve him. My Lords, I have heard of 20. foolish Models and Expedients to secure the Justice of the Nation, and yet to take this Right from your Lordships as the King by his Comm●● appointing Commoners to hear Appeals; or that the twelve judges should be the persons, or that persons should be appointed by Act of Parliament, which are all not only to take away your Lordships just Right, that ought not to be altered any more than any other part of the Government, but are in themselves when well weighed Ridiculous. I must deal freely with your Lordships, these things could never have risen in men's minds, but that there has been some kind of Provocation that has given the first rise of it: Pray my Lords forgive me, if on this occasion I put you in mind of Committee Dinners, and the Scandal of it, those Droves of Ladies that attended all Causes; 'twas come to that pass, that men even Hired or Borrowed of their Friends handsome Sisters or Daughters to deliver their Petitions: But yet for this I must say, that your Judgements have been Sacred, unless in one or two Causes, Sir or, Whitehootes, the Booksellers, and those we owe most to that Bench; from whence we now apprehend most danger. There is one thing I had almost forgot to speak to, Which is the Conjuncture of time, the Hinge upon which your reason of State turns; and to that my Lords give me leave to say, if this be not a time of Leisure for you to vindicate your Privileges, you must never expect one: I could almost say that the Harmony, good Agreement, and Concord that is to be prayed for at most other times, may be fatal to us now, we owe the Peace of this last two years' disingagement from the French interest to the two Houses differing from the Sense and Opinion of Whitehall, so at this time, the thing in the World this Nation hath most reason to apprehend, is a General Peace, which cannot now happen without very advantageous Terms to the French, and Disadvantageous to the House of Austria: We are the King's great Counsellors and if so, have Right to differ, and give contrary Counsels to these few are nearest about him, I fear they would advance a General Peace, I'm sure I would advise against it, and hinder it at this time by all the ways imaginable: I heartily wish nothing from you may add weight and reputation to those Counsels would assist the French. No Money for Ships, nor Preparation you can make, nor Personal assurances your Prince can have, can secure us from the French if they are at leisure, he is grown the most Potent of us all at Sea: He has Built 24. Ships this last year; and has 30. more in number than we besides the advantage that our Ships are all out of Order, and his so tightly provided for, that every Ship has his particular Storehouse. 'Tis incredible the Money he hath, and is bestowing in making Harbours, he makes nature itself give way to the vastness of his Expense: And after all this shall a Prince so Wise, so intent upon his affairs, be thought to make all these preparations to Sail over Land, and fall on the back of Hungary, and Batter the Walls of Kaminit'z, or is it possible he should oversee his Interest in seizing of Ireland, a thing so feasible to him, if he be master of the Seas, as he certainly now is; and which when attained gives him all the Southern, Mediteranian, East and West India Trade, and renders him both Situation and excellent Harbours, perpetual Master of the Seas without Dispute. My Lords to, conclude this point, I fear the Court of England is greatly mistaken in it, and I do not wish them the reputation of the concurrence of the Kingdom: And this out of the most sincere Loyalty to his Majesty, and love to my Nation. My Lords, I have but one thing more to trouble you with, and that peradventure is a consideration of the greatest weight and concern, both to your Lordships, and the whole Nation. I have often seen in this House, that the Arguments, with strongest reason, and most convincing to the Lay Lords in General, have not had the same effect upon the Bishop's Bench; but that they have unanimously gone against us in matters, that many of us have thought Essential and undoubted Rights; And I consider, that 'tis not possible, that Men of great Learning, Piety, and Reason, as their Lordships are, should not have the same care of doing right, and the same conviction, what is right upon clear reason offered, that other your Lordships have. And therefore, my Lords, I must necessarily think, we differ in principles; And then 'tis very easy to apprehend what is the clearest sense to men of my principle, may not at all persuade or affect the Conscience of the best man of a different one. I put your Lordships the case plainly, as 'tis now before us. My principle is, That the King is King by Law, and by the same Law that the poor Man enjoys his Cottage; and so it becomes the concern of every man in England, that has but his liberty, to maintain and defend, to his utmost, the King in all his Rights and Prerogatives. My Principle is also, That the Lords House, and the judicature and Rights belonging to it, are an Essential part of the Government, and Established by the same Law; The King governing and administering Justice by His House of Lords, and advising with both His Houses of Parliament in all important matters, is the Government I own, am born under, and am obliged to. If ever there should happen in future ages (which God forbid) a King governing by an Army, without his Parliament, 'tis a Government I own not, am not obliged to, nor was born under. According to this Principle, every honest man that holds it, must endeavour equally to preserve the frame of the Government, in all the parts of it, and cannot satisfy his Conscience to give up the Lord's House for the Service of the Crown, or to take away the just rights and privileges of the House of Commons to please the Lords. But there is another Principle got into the World, my Lords, that hath not been long there; for Archbishop Land was the first Author that I remember of it: And I cannot find, that the Jesuits, or indeed the Popish Clergy hath ever owned it, but some of the Episcopal Clergy of our British Isles; and 'tis withal, (as 'tis new▪) so the most dangerous destructive Doctrine to our Government and Law, that ever was. 'Tis the first of the Cannons published by the Convocation, 1640. That Monarchy is of Divine Right. This Doctrine was then preached up, and maintained by Sibthorp, Manwaring, and others, and of later years, by a Book published by Dr. Sanderson, Bishop of Lincoln, under the name of Archbishop Usher; and how much it is spread amongst our Dignified Clergy, is very easily known. We all agree, That the King and His Government, is to be obeyed for Conscience sake; and that the Divine Precepts, require not only here, but in all parts of the World, Obedience to Lawful Governors. But that this Family are our Kings, and this particular frame of Government, is our lawful Constitution, and obliges us, is owing only to the particular Laws of our Country. This Laudean Doctrine was the root that produced the Bill of Test last Session, and some very perplexed Oaths that are of the same nature with that, and yet imposed by several Acts of this Parliament. In a word, if this Doctrine be true, our Magna Charta is of no force, our Laws are but Rules amongst ourselves during the King's pleasure. Monarchy, if of Divine Right, cannot be bounded or limited by humane Laws, nay, what's more, cannot bind itself; and All our Claims of right by the Law, or Constitution of the Government, All the Jurisdiction and Privilege of this House, All the Rights and Privileges of the House of Commons, All the Properties and Liberties of the People, are to give way, not only to the interest, but the will and pleasure of the Crown. And the best and worthiest of Men, holding this principle, must Vote to deliver up all we have, not only when reason of State, and the separate Interest of the Crown require it, but when the will and pleasure of the King is known, would have it so. For that must be, to a man of that principle. the only rule and measure of Right and Justice. Therefore, my Lords, you see how necessary it is, that our Principles be known and how fatal to us all it is, that this Principle should he suffered to spread any further. My Lords, to conclude, your Lordships have seen of what consequence this matter is to you, and that the appointing a day to consider, is no less than declaring yourselves doubtful, upon second and deliberate thoughts, that you put yourselves out of your own hands, into a more than a moral probability, of haviug this Session made a precedent against you. You see your Duty to yourselves and the People; and that 'tis really not the interest of the House of Commons, but may be the inclination of the Court, that you lose the Power of Appeals; but I beg our House may not be Felo de se, but that your Lordships would take in this affair, the only course to preserve yourselves, and appoint a day, this day 3 weeks, for the hearing Dr. Shirloys Cause, which is my humble motion. FINIS. The Duke of Buckingham's Speech in the House of Lords, November 16. 1675. My Lords, THere is a thing called Property, (whatever some men may think) that the People of England are fondest of. It is that they will never part with, and it is that His Majesty in his Speech has promised to take particular care of. This, my Lords, in my opinion, can never be done, without an Indulgence to all Protestant dissenters. It is certainly a very uneasy kind of life to any man, that has either Christian Charity, Good Nature, or Humanity, to see his fellow Subjects daily abused, divested of their Liberties and Birthrights, and miserably thrown out of their Possessions and Free-holds, only because they cannot agree with others in some Opinions and Niceties of Religion, which their Consciences will not give them leave to consent to, and, which even by the consent of those who would impose them, are no way necessary to Salvation. But my Lords, besides this, and all that may be said upon it, in order to the improvement of our Trade, and the increase of the Wealth, Strength, and Greatness of this Nation (which with your leave I shall presume to discourse of at some other time) there is methinks in this Nation of persecution, a very gross mistake, both as to the point of Government and Religion. There is so; as to the point of Government, because it makes every man's safety depend upon the wrong place, not upon the Governors, or man's living well towards the Civil Government, established by Law; but upon his being transported with Zeal for every opinion that's held by those that have power in the Church that's in fashion. And I perceive it's a mistake in Religion, for that it is positively against the express Doctrine and Example of jesus Christ; Nay, my Lords, as to our Protestant Religion, there is something yet worse; for we Protestants maintain, that none of these Opinions which Christians here differ about, are Infallible; and therefore in us it is somewhat an inexcusable conception, that men ought to be deprived of their Inheritance, and all their certain conveniencies and advantages of Life, because they will not agree with us in our uncertain Opinions of Religion. My humble motion to your Lordships therefore is, That you will give me leave to bring in A Bill of Indulgence to all dissenting Protestants. I know very well, that every Peer of this Realm has a right to bring into Parliament any Bill which he conceives to be useful to this Nation. But I thought it more respectful to your Lordships to ask your leave for it before; and I cannot think that doing of it, will be any prejudice to the Bill, because I am confident, the Reason, the Prudence, and the charitableness of it, will be able to justify it to this House, and the whole world. Accordingly the House gave the Duke leave to bring in a Bill. A List of the Lords who were present at the Vote for an Address to the King for Dissolving the Parliament, November the 20th. 1675. For the Address. His Royal Highness D. of Buckingham M. Winchester E. Martial, E. Norwich E. Kent E. Dorsett E. Salisbury E. Bridgwater E. Westmoreland E. Bullingbrooke E. Chesterfield E. Stamford E. Peterborough E. Manchester E. Berkes E. Mulgrave E. Scarsdale E. Sunderland E. Clarendon E. Essex E. Cardigan E. Shafresbury E. Powys Vic. Fauconberg Vic. Hallifax Vic. Yarmouth Vic. Newport Ld. Sandys Ld. Morley Ld. Sturton Ld. Wharton Ld, Peter Ld: Arundel of Wardet Ld. Lovelace Ld. Tenham Ld. M●hum Ld. Bellasis Ld. Carington Ld. Delamere Ld. Townsend Ld. Grey of Rolston These Lords present 41 gave gave 7 Proxies. 48 Lords absent and sick that gave proxies for this question. E. Denbeigh Ld. Hollis Other Lords absent that were for this Address. E. Bedford E. Burlington Ld. Fitzwalter Ld. Ewer. And others. Against the Address. Ld. Keeper Ld. Treasurer Ld. Privy Seal Ld, Great Chamberlain E. Northampton E. Bristol E. Bath E. Craven E. Alisbury E. Gilford, D. Lauderdale Ld. Windsor Ld. Pawlett Ld. Maynard Ld. Howard of E●stcreck Ld. Byron Ld. Lucas Ld. Vaughan, E. Carbery Ld. Gerrard Ld. Frechvill. Ld. Butler, E. of Ossery Ld, Arundel of Trerice 21 Lay Lords 13 Bishops, who were all that were in the House. These 34 Lords gave 16 Proxies. 50. The Protestation, with Reasons of several Lords for the Dissolution of this Parliament, entered in the Lord's journal, November 22. 1675. the day the Parliament was Prorogued. WE whose names are under-written, Peers of this Realm, having proposed, That an humble Address might be made to His Majesty from this House, that he would be graciously pleased to Dissolve this Parliament: And the House having carried it in the Negative, for the Justification of our Loyal Intentions towards His Majesty's Service, and of our true respect and deference to this Honourable House; and to show that we had no sinister or indirect Ends in this our humble proposal, Do with all humility herein▪ set forth the grounds and reasons why we were of opinion that the said humble Address should have been made. 1. We do humbly conceive, that it is according to the ancient Laws and Statutes of this Realm, that there should be frequent and new Parliaments, and that the practice of several years, hath been accordingly. 2. It seems not reasonable; that any particular number of Men, should for many years, engross so great a trust of the People, as to be their Representatives in the House of Commons: And all other the Gentry and the Members of Corporations of the same degree and quality with them, should be so long excluded. Neither, as we humbly conceive, is it advantageous to the Government; that the Counties, Cities and Burroughs, should be confined for so long a time to such Members as they have once chosen to serve for them. The mutual correspondence and interests of those who choose and are chosen, admitting of great variations in length of time. 3. The long continuance of any such as are entrusted for others, and who have so great a power over the purse of the Nation, must in our humble opinion, naturally endanger the producing of Factions and Parties, and the carrying on of particular interests and designs, rather than the public Good. And we are the more confirmed in our desires for the said humble Address, by reason of this unhappy breach fallen out betwixt the two Houses of which the House of Peers hath not given the least occasion; they having done nothing but what their Ancestors and Predecessors have in all times done; and what is according to their duty, and for the Interest of the people that they should do; which, notwithstanding the House of Commons have proceeded in such an unpresidented and extraordinary way, that it is in our humble opinion, become altogether unpracticable for the two Houses, as the Case stands, jointly to pursue these great and good ends for which they were called. For these reasons We do enter this our Protestation against, and descent unto, the said Vote. Buckingham Winchester Salisbury Bridgwater Dorsett Westmoreland Chesterfield Stamford Berkes Clarendon Shaftesbury Fauconberg Hallifax Yarmouth Newport Sandys Wharton Peter Mohun Delamere Townsend Grey of Rolston These were all the Lords that were in the House early enough to sign the Protestation before the Parliament was Prorogued. FINIS.