NO Reformation OF THE ESTABLISHED Reformation.  
By JOHN SHAW, Rector of Whalton in Northumberland.  GALAT. IU. It is good to be zealously affected always in a good thing. Qui non zelat, non amat. 
LONDON, Printed for Charles Brome at the Gun in S. Paul's Churchyard. 1685.   

TO The Right Honourable AND RIGHT REVEREND FATHER in GOD, NATHANIEL, Lord Bishop of DURHAM, His honoured Diocesan.  
My LORD,  
WHEN I designed the publication of the ensuing Treatise, it was my resolution to present it to your Honour, as once I notified to you, which I have now presumed to put in execution, though then I had not your express licence to prefix your Honour's name, yet by some expressions of respect, I conceived you would not be offended if I did. Upon this presumptive allowance as I was encouraged, so upon other obligations I was engaged to do it. I have received high respects from your Lordship upon several occasions and instances, which I ought, whenever an opportunity was offered, to acknowledge with all due veneration, neither could I pitch on a more fit than this, how mean and little soever it is. The old Rule was, He who could make no better payment, should readily confess the debt; Reddit, qui libenter debet, holds still good with noble and generous Spirits. But this is only a debt of gratitude and common honesty, and an argument of good nature to honour those who have deserved honour: but an higher obligation from a more divine principle is due from an inferior Priest to his Diocesan. That Order, Let nothing be done, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without the permission or consent of the Bishop (I wish it were better observed) is so strongly binding, that, I think, every Curate (without offence, I hope, to the greatest Rectors or Vicars) is to apply himself in all doubts and emergent cases of difficulty to his Diocesan for resolution; and all his Clergy should in all public Undertake have either his express, or reasonably presumed consent, especially if they be such as this Treatise makes a show of, viz. The asserting the excellency of our Reformed Church for its strength and beauty, surpassing all others both for soundness of Doctrine, purity and comeliness of Worship and Apostolicalness of Government. A Church for this reason, the more excellent, because most opposed; for as the hardest things are the most excellent, so the most excellent are most aimed and shot at. One sort perfectly hateth, because they fear her, as long as she holds up her head, they must lowr, fret and storm, and never perfect their projects; yet they most malign and vilify her, who by all humane and divine Laws should live in obedience to her. No Church hath had more furious assaults made on her, but her enemies were still repulsed: a Church of that firmness, that the Gates of Hell, even when Satan was let lose, could not prevail against her. This is her comfort, all the Reformed Churches of any good figure give her the right hand of Fellowship, and of preeminence too. The very attempt then to defend this Church is both Heroical and Christian, how weak soever the Undertaker be, he may have and hath a good heart, though his hands be feeble. It is true, Non eget auxilio tali, nec defensoribus istis; yet if a Puny manage a Cause under dispute with good success against an old experienced famous Lawyer pleading on the other side, he himself gains a little esteem, but its great reputation to the Cause; That Cause was good which so mean a man could defend. This is my case, who am sufficiently sensible of mine own weakness, but very hearty to defend that Church whereof I have been a Priest for full forty eight years, ordained by one of your Lordship's Predecessors; for this I have suffered, and do yet suffer in some sort; (sufferers may have leave to speak) this I will defend, when I can do no otherwise, by Pen, while I am able, yet always and no otherwise but permissu Superiorum, upon which account I tender this address, begging your Ghostly Benediction, and that you will still repute me as,  
Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father, Your most obedient Son and Devoted humble Servant, John Shaw.   

PREFACE.  
THEY who understand what Reformation means, need not trouble themselves for a solution to that captious silly demand of the Papists, Where was your Church before Luther? for to reform is but to amend what is amiss, to correct and rectify what is faulty, the same numerical subject still existing. Reformation is like the renovation of a sinner, Eph. 4. 22, 23, 24. Saul the Persecutor was the same man in kind with Paul the Professor. The Prodigal, who took his journey into a far Country, was the same individual person who returned to his Father's House a penitent. But because Reformation is sometimes necessary, yet at all times dangerous, men being apt to run violently from one extreme to another, jumping over the golden mean; therefore that it be warrantable it ought to be duly circumstantiated by just methods and measures, which by the good providence of God, and, I think, direction and guidance of his Holy Spirit, hit on the right way, observing all requisites for the happy management of that great work, when she reform herself. For,  
1. It was done by just and lawful Authority, the King and Clergy of the Kingdom concurring, as our late excellent King observed, saying, I am confident to make it clearly appear, that this Church did never submit, nor was subordinate to the two Houses of Parliament, and that it was only the King and Clergy who made the Reformation, the Parliament merely serving to help to give the civil Sanction. His Majesty's Second Paper to Mr. Alex. Henderson, Part 1. fol. 165.  
2. They had good grounds to undertake the work; for that there was a necessity of Reformation the Testimony of Adrian the Sixth, and Cardinal Pool, de Conc. p. 86. will assure; besides, it was the desire or pretence of all Kingdoms in the Western division of the Church; especially by the Emperors of Germany and Principalities therein.  
3. That they proceeded with due moderation is declared, Can. 30. For we profess, as they did, our Separation was not from the Church of Rome but its Errors; our Church is the same it was before, only differing as a garden weeded from the same unweeded, as the body purged from the same unpurged. What they did was to separate the precious from the vile, the dross from pure, metal. The Church was then like Jeremy's Baskets of Figs, Jer. 24. there were good, very good Figs in one, in the other the Figs were evil, very evil; so in the Church there was on one side good, very good things, in another part evil, very evil things; and our Reformers as they cast out the evil, so they were very careful to retain the good.  
What can we think then of our desperate Dissenters, who despise these Dominions and speak evil of these Dignities, who have undertaken this work with courage, and perfected it with a happy success, even to the envy and admiration of the Christian world? Certainly there hath not in any age, in any part of the world, in that space of time, appeared such a race of Kings as our five Reformed Princes, for all manly, Kingly and Christian accomplishments; neither hath there been a more Clergy-like Clergy than hath been under their Reigns. We can esteem them to be no other than such as S. Paul, Tit. 3. 10. notifies to be men subverted, that's desperate, utterly perverted in understanding and will, whom the Governor of the Church is to reject, excommunicate him after two admonitions, which if they work no good effect, he is to reject with a severe censure, take no pains to dispute with them any more, harken no more to their Replies and Objections (faith Diod. they have by their contumacy and non-submission to their Governors put themselves into an helpless and hopeless condition, they have excommunicated themselves without the Sentence of a Judge (saith Dr. Ham) there is no hopes of them, and so leave them to the judgement of heaven, as hath been accustomed.  
What shall we say of half Conformists, conforming Non-conformists, who when they take the fit can come to Church, and attend there by outward Conformity? This will not clear them from the guilt of Schism, bonum est ex integra causa, and it's to be feared there is hypocrisy in the case; outward conformity may cheat the Law and mock men, but it cannot be an holy, living, acceptable sacrifice to God; because the good works of Faith must be done with a good and honest heart, in sincerity and truth, out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned, 1 Tim. 1. and every duty must be done with respect to God's Commandment.  

But do you see them come to Church?  
Thanks to the King who will have Laws put in execution; but when they come, they come as Countrymen do to Fairs and Markets, some sooner, some later; and with the same reverence that they enter their Inn, some not at the beginning, or not till Sermon begin, some go out in an hurly burly after the Sermon is ended; this is contrary to the Act of Uniformity, so that this coming to Church is neither Christian nor Legal.  
Tea, but many come early, neither loll nor lubber, nor hang down their heads like a bulrush, as too many do, but hold out to the last, and demean themselves, unless sometimes through inadvertency, as the Law requireth.  
This is confessed, but for all that it will not denominate them true Members of the Church of England, because many of them dispute, scruple, deny and undervalue the Authority of the Church, rebel against its Governors, Associate, pack Juries in a design to ruin the Church, and, as opportunity serves, take to a Conventicle, hold correspondence with its professed enemies, familiarly converse with the excommunicated by the Church, and now and then commend them for their piety: nay, we are sure several of these late Conspirators and Associatours were such as these, all which acted directly contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church, and shall these pass for true Conformists, who are but counterfeits? do not the grossest fanatics reproach and upbraid us with them, when they tell us tauntingly, Take up your Church of England men? you often declaim against us as Traitors and Rebels, but who are such now? Were not most of the Conspirators such as observed and kept the Church? They did so, in part, but we disown them, because we look upon them as the most dangerous enemies to the Crown and the Church; being most false to both by their juggling pretences to them both. Church-Papists and Church-Puritans do undermine the Church, whilst others profess an open hostility against it; but a declared enemy without is not so dangerous as a pretended traitorous friend within.   

But what esteem is to be given to new Converts?  
Thanks to the King again, my Lord Chief Justice, and the Reverend Judges: we have old Converts too, if they prove not better than most of them have done we have no great reason to confide in them. If the new be Converts indeed, they are to be treated with all civility and by love without all dissimulation; to be entertained and welcomed with the same rejoicings and caresses the Father ordered for his penitent Son; to lay them on our shoulders as the Shepherd his stray Sheep, because we have found what was lost: yet this we cannot either with prudence or safety project till we have good security for their sincerity. Let the old Converts be as forward and active for the service to the Crown and Church as they have been for the Ordinances of the Junto 's, Keepers and Oliver, as respective to the Episcopal Clergy as they were to the Presbyterian, Trimmers, etc. then welcome good Friends, if not, adieu; but for this we need not look into their hearts, they may be known by their fruits and overt Acts: Let the new bring forth fruits worthy of repentance, promote the concerns of the Crown and Church, as faithfully and strenuously as they have of the Faction, of Conventiclers and Associatours, let them come and welcome; but if they cross or the King's service, and dally in their duty, good night to them also.   

What is your opinion of those learned men, who think there is no determinate Government of the Church?  
I do not like a walking Church; but for this Mr. Alexander Henderson in his Second Paper, thinks that is built on a sandy foundation which is not built upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles, and all they do so, who content themselves with the Constitutions of the Church, and munificence of Princes. I desire them to satisfy his late Majesty's Quaere, How can it be made appear, that our Saviour and his Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty, as they might totally alter its Government at their pleasure? I think if we once think of an ambulatory Church-Government, at the next turn we must expect an ambulatory Creed.  
Lastly, Whereas we have had four successive excellent Princes to maintain the Reformation, and many Parliaments too, and one King with his Clergy thought it a necessary duty to reform this Church, it's therefore the indispensable duty of their Subjects to conform; not barely because it was established by their authority, though that is necessarily required, but also from the nature, reasons, excellency and goodness of the establishment itself, which to evidence is the design of the following Treatise, both in regard of itself, and in comparison of other late Models, both à priori and à posteriori; which if I have sufficiently cleared to the satisfaction of any considering men who are willing to be convinced or confirmed; I have done one part of a Christian Priest of the Reformed Catholic Church of England.    

No Reformation OF THE Established Reformation.  
EVER since the Reformation was happily completed in this Kingdom, there hath been a great noise and bustle for a better in the chief Materials and Superstructures thereof. It is confessed, Doctrine, Worship and Government are the Essentials of a regularly constituted Church, each of which hath been impugned, traduced and defamed. The Doctrine hath been least debated, though too much; the Worship hath been more scrupled, and with great heats opposed; the Government most of all canvassed and bandied against. Upon which account, this, being most contemned by all Sectaries, and least respected by many who retain a kindness for the Doctrine and Worship, is first to be reflected on; where it will not be amiss, before that be considered, to premise something in general relating to all and every of the contested particulars.  

CHAP. I.  
Sect. 1. MAny things conducing to the well-being of a regularly formalized Church may be and are in their kind alterable, which yet (as Mr. Calvin observes, nec subinde, nec temerè, nec levibus de causis) should not be altered. Considered precisely in themselves they may, but if the reasons of their Constitution be regarded, they are, practicè & moraliter, unchangeable. These terms are borrowed from a great Jesuit, yet made use of by several reformed Divines in several important instances, and approved by them for this reason, because the first reason of their origination is moral and perpetual. Those of this nature being not merely occasional temporary Provisoes, which often vary, either upon some sudden unexpected emergent, or for the avoidance of some greater evil, but were ordained for the great end of Christian Society, and in the ordination founded on the general rules of the Gospel. Whereupon with the Greeks they passed as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Divine Constitutions for their serviceableness to the great Concerns of public Religion; with the Latins, as Divina Magisteria, Divinae Dispositiones, & Divinae Sanctiones, quae publicâ Lege celebrantur, quas universa Ecclesia suscipit. Mr. Calvin saith of them, Sic sunt humanae ut simul sunt divinae, which (if I understand aright) hath this clear sense, They are humane in their composition, but divine in their foundation, and reason of their Constitution.  
Sect. 2. To attempt a second Reformation will be a great reproach to our first Reformers, who confessedly were men of great learning, piety and zeal. For if they failed in their undertaking either through ignorance, oscitancy or interest, it will be readily concluded they designed only a Change, and endeavoured an innovation, which at once blasts their reputation, and justifies all the imputations of their Romish Adversaries, who impeached them of novelty and Schism; And if we set upon a new refined Reformation, as their former charge will hardly be evaded, so with difficulty will we solve their latter Objections, viz. Protestants have no Principles, or, which is as bad, are so given to change they will not stand to their principles; whereas if we maintain the Reformation to be only a Reduction of affairs to the primitive Apostolical and Catholic order and state, we do not only thereby render a second Reformation unpracticable, but also invalidate all the Romish contumelies and calumnies. This was the avowed profession of our first Reformers, they would only retrieve the Primitive Christianity, and settle this Church according to the Catholic Pattern, concluding all other methods of Reformation to be irrational and schismatical. Bishop Jewel in his famous Apology, p. 176, 177. fully declares it, Accessimus quantum potuimus, asserting the whole and every main part to be Apostolical and consonant to the judgement and practice of the ancient Catholic Bishops and Fathers. This Apology not only Peter Martyr in his Epistle prefixed to it, but also the learned Divines of Tigur, Bullinger, Gualther, Wolphius, etc. have so highly approved, that they resolved, no Book extant in the Protestant cause was comparable to it. Other eminent Transmarine Divines might be mentioned, yea a Jesuit in his Pamphlet against Mr. Chillingworth hath confessed, that of all other courses in the Reformation that which the English followed was the most effectual for the establishment of our Religion against the Romish Church. The more shame for a presumptuous Ignoramus publicly to remonstrate, We might as easily persuade the modish Ladies of Court and City to Queen Elizabeth's Ruffs, as to gain him and his rabble to be content with her Settlement of Religion.  
Sect. 3. This Church being thus Reform, and restored to its primitive strength and splendour, to move for a second Reformation dissonant therefrom is in effect to renounce the Communion of the Primitive Catholic Church; with which all successive Churches ought to hold (as near as possibly they can) a perfect correspondence, and where this cannot be obtained, by reason of some cross circumstances to reflect upon it as an infelicity. The reason hereof is obvious; for the primitive and successive Churches are but one Body, having the same dependencies upon, and relation to the one Lord, one Faith and one Baptism; and the Catholic visible Church and every regularly constituted particular Church is an organised Body, having several Members for several Offices, all which conspire for unity, that there be no Schism in the Body, which certainly would happen, if successive Churches observe not the same Laws and retain not the same Government, which the primitive maintained: For that which maketh the Church one, is the unity of these; and that which distinguisheth one Body or Society from another is the diversity of Laws and Government, and so long as the same Laws and the same Government are in force, the Body is still the same. Now as Jesus Christ is the same, yesterday, and to day, and for ever, so is his Church, which at first was embodied into an indeterminable Society. For the Scripture assures us the Church is a Body, and that Body whereof Christ is the Head, Col. 1. 18, 24. Eph. 4. 11, 12, 15, 16. which we profess to be Catholic, not only in respect of persons and place, but also of time; The Catholicism whereof not only includeth variety of places, and multitudes of men, but is to be extended to universality of succession. Now evident it is, that all Bodies Corporate, whether aggregate (such as the Church is) or sole, by their succession are immortal as long as they retain the same fundamental Laws, and remain under the first settled Government. If therefore we condescend to a new Reformation distinct from the first Settlement or opposite thereto, we design a schismatical separation from the primitive Catholic Church, if we put it in execution we fall under the same condemnation we sentence against the Romanists; this being the common Protestant Apology, We have departed from Rome no farther, than she hath from the ancient Church and herself; and if there were no other reason for this our secession (as there is, viz. That we embraced Christianity before S. Peter planted a Church there, and when the Western apartment was set out by the Fathers, this of ours had the honour of being one of the Seven Diocesan or Patriarchal Churches, as well as Rome) yet even this would justify our Separation, because it was our duty, to reunite ourselves to the Catholic Church, all several Churches being but, parts simulares, homogeneal parts of the whole. Whereupon it followeth that that Church which keeps closest to the primitive Catholic Pattern, and holds the nearest alliance with it, is the purest, and that several Churches having such a relation to, and dependence upon it, neither particular persons, nor particular Churches, are to act as divided Bodies by themselves (which is the ground of all Schism) but are to teach, and to be taught, and to do all other Christian duties as parts conjoined to the whole, and as Members of the same indeterminable Society.  
Sect. 4. Suppose we should yield to another project of Reformation, the issue will be confusion and desolation; for if we may conclude their intentions from their former practices and present principles, the design is to overrule or abolish all, their way was to strike at all, root and branch; and now they are for removing the Laws. Their course of regulation is to raze the Walls of the City if they can, if not to undermine them. Down with the Church of England is the Popish Plot, and the direct way to this, is to divide it: All the Papist Pot Cannons and Sophisms could never batter or shake our Jerusalem till some of the Citizens thereof made breaches in it; Nay the Romanists never made an approach upon it, till the Puritans had made an assault, these gave the other both the opportunity and encouragement to attack it. Tush (say the Popelings) let us level this, the Mushroom Sectaries will either fall in the ruins of it, or else into our hands; they have been very serviceable Tools to us in all our attempts, and no doubt will be so on to the end, if ever we effect it, and then we know how to engage their tender Consciences, let it but appear to them (which we will not fail to do) they can gain by the barter, they (forsooth) have a new light, a new dispensation of Providence, and they must wait on Providence and follow that light.  
Sect. 5. What will the consequence of this work be, if it go on? Is it to remove what is established before we resolve where to fix? This were certainly mad work to demolish old Structures before we have advised of the fashion of the new. Perhaps a model is fancied, but are all the Dissenters agreed about it? When they had power too much, and time too long to resolve on a settled way, even than they neither would or could unite, nor ever will or can. This we are sure of, none of the schismatical Parties can have their own ends, unless all be taken away, which crosseth their humours or interests; and if this be done by violence or by Law, not one of ten shall have his own ends, which because they cannot obtain, their feuds will be high till one party get the full mastery, and then the Plot of Union is marred. But who shall be taken into this motion to have the benefit of it? If all, nothing can follow but confusion without remedy, and scandal beyond an Apology; If one only Party (which yet is unknown what it is) than the others if they dare will stand out and oppose it; if not, they will murmur and repine, and thus expostulate; Why should they be secluded Members debarred of the privilege of Comprehension? This (say they) we can say for ourselves, we were drawn into the Lines of Communication by the persuasions and solicitations of their gratified Partisans and Comrades, and though they say it, have as much promoted the good Old Cause. In this indeed we are all agreed, we shall never enjoy Liberty of Conscience till we have power to kill and take possession, neither likely to have Free Trade till, without any respect to Law, we can plunder and sequester Malignants, and shall we who are fully accorded with them be laid aside? If it be pretended the favoured will give good security for their good behaviour for the future, (whereof there is yet no evidence) we are as free as they, not doubting to affirm, we are the more sober and peaceable, in whom there is a more sweet and gracious spirit of love and zeal, and have been more constant to their principles than they; For we can prove many of them were active Conformists, soon after proved persecuting Presbyterians, then dough-baked Independents, and now again have tacked about, and are Cologueing Compliers. However, if some be received into favour and others rejected, there is plain partiality in the case, if all must be entertained, a downright unaccountable Schism follows. But to wave the Persons to be comprehended, what Things must be granted them for an Union? If only a few (unsatisfactory) alterations be tendered, the project is baffled; we should be as far from Unity as now we are, for then the clamour would be, our burdens are a little mitigated but not removed, our grievances are abated, but not fully satisfied, we must not leave an hoof behind us when we go out of Egypt. If many and great alterations be submitted to, than they triumph in their Conquests; they had not only Providence on their side but reason also and argument; and then we shall hear of nothing in Pulpits, Clubbs and Coffeehouses but stories of their mighty Acts, that their Enemies are now under great convictions, that they are the Godly conscientious, God's secret Ones, and the good Old Cause must needs be God's Cause.  
Having premised these Considerations, let us next reflect upon the matters on which this motion of Reformation must proceed, and first of that which is most opposed, the Government.   

CHAP. II.  
COncerning it, the most proper method will be to discuss these following Propositions.  

1. That Church Government is necessary.  
2. That necessary Church Government ought to be one and the same throughout the Christian world at all times.  
3. That one Church Government is Episcopacy, which hath prevailed ever since the first plantation of Christianity.   
Sect. 1. Church Government is necessary for these reasons; The Church is a Society which cannot subsist without it: It is a Body whose parts are compacted, each whereof hath its proper Office and Service, it is that Body whereof Christ is the Head, who therefore will provide for its preservation and peace, by placing Governors over it, which de facto he hath done, 1 Cor. 12. 28. It is the House of God whereof Christ is the Lord; who hath reserved this prerogative to himself, to nominate and constitute the Stewards of his Household and Family, as he did, Luk. 12. 42. hence those commissionated by him are called the Ministers of Christ, and Stewards of the Mysteries of God. Therefore for any to exercise a power in his House who is not authorized by him, or to reject those powers which he hath entrusted to provide for his Family and rule his House, is a most sacrilegious invasion and presumption. This House is his Kingdom too, Matt. 13. 24, 31, 33, & 34. Temporal Monarches, if they have occasions to absent themselves from their Dominions, will always depute and substitute such as shall take care for the preservation of their Kingdoms in peace and tranquillity; certainly we have lower thoughts of Christ than we have of an earthly Potentate, if we can conceive that he having designed and form a Kingdom of Heaven here upon Earth, would at his departure hence be so careless and insensible of its after state and condition, that he would not make sufficient provisions for its due management, stability and perpetuity; especially since we are ascertained this his Kingdom is an everlasting Kingdom, to continue unto the world's end, and he hath promised so long he will be with it, Matt. 28. ult. which he effectually ordered, Luke 22. 29. I have appointed you a Kingdom. I who have full authority, for all power is given me, Matt. 28. 18. have appointed you as my Ambassadors, 2 Cor. 5. 20. to transact and negotiate the affairs of my Kingdom in all quarters of the world, setting you on Thrones, whereby ye are impowered by Commission to rule under me and for me; and I have appointed all my faithful Servants to give you double honour and be obedient unto you, 1 Tim. 5. 17. 1 Thess. 5. 12, 13. Heb. 13. 17. viz. I have actually conferred the pre-eminence and dignity upon you, (not left my Kingdom at random to be ordered by contingent and infinitely variable votings, not to be new modelled 1536. when Jesuitism and Presbyterianism first peeped out, nor to be reform to confusion in 1641. nor to receive amendments in 1648. and a refinement in 1680.) and made a full grant to you and your Successors for ever: what was then demised stands still in full force and virtue, even the more prudent and sober of the Sectaries will subscribe to this, there ought to be a Government in the Church, that it continue not as a City without Walls, or a Vineyard without a Hedge, and many of them have stood stiffly for the Jus Divinum of the several opposite and contradictory Models.  
Sect. 2. It being now proved that Church Government is necessary both in respect of the appointment of its Head, and from the constitution and nature of that Body, it will necessarily follow that that necessary Government be always one and the same, because the Head and the Body is always one and the same. If once we admit several contradistinguished Governments we must grant several Heads and several Bodies. It can never be proved from Scripture God will approve several Governments in his Church, or that he hath permitted any degrees or orders of men to alter that which was from the beginning. This is one of the great crimes we charge upon the Pope, that he hath altered the Government of the Church, which will appear to be unjust if the Government thereof be ambulatory and ad placitum. Article what we can against him on this score, if there be no one perpetual determinate Government, he will easily abate the impeachment; for he will clear himself by this, that he being a Temporal Prince, as well as an Ecclesiastical Prelate, hath power upon reasons of State and Discipline to alter the Polity of the Church, if God hath not fixed a constant unvariable Form; For if it be arbitrary and precarious, why should any Kingdom or State deny that power to him which they assume and usurp themselves? In a well-ordered Kingdom, he is not only a Traitor who disclaims the jus Regnandi of his natural Liege Lord and Prince, but he also, who, without any authority derived from him, or contrary to his pleasure, shall presume to exercise any of his Regalities, or powers annexed to and inherent in the Crown; so they who will readily grant Christ to be Head of the Church, yet withal pretend a power to form another Government than that which he observed, and ordered in his Church, are formal Schismatics, and Traitors to Christ the King of Kings. This is obvious if we reject the authority of the Church, we renounce Christ's authority, and if we level and cashier the Catholic Government, we schismatically divide and so far separate from the Catholic Church; which receives that denomination not only in respect of that Faith, which is universally professed, but also of the Government, which hath been and is universally observed. It is true there are many particular Churches in the Catholic, which are distinct locally and in a foreign account, but really and morally are only one, because they all and each of them adhere to the one Lord, one Faith and one Baptism, and retain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace. For this distinction is not in essentials, or integrating requisites, but only happens to them upon an  and adventitious account, inasmuch as it doth not spring from any diversity or contrariety in Faith, Sacraments or Government, but doth only accrue to them from the diversity of several Kingdoms, independent one from another, into which these are incorporated. It is true there was some distinction of Churches before the Kingdoms of the earth were Christian, yet this arose upon an accidental respect from the respective Plantations. There is an ancient Tradition which is probable, that every Apostle had his peculiar circuit appointed by Christ, whereupon they, some sooner some later, dispersed themselves into Twelve several Regions and parts in the world to fix their Plantations: if this be admitted, they were necessitated to suit their Rules and introduce such Customs as were most proper for the inhabitants and possessors of their several Assignments; this than will afford a probable reason of that variation of Orders and Customs in the Jewish and Gentile Plantations, who were of different tempers and principles, whom the Apostles would endeavour to please, as S. Paul witnesseth of himself, 1 Cor. 9 19 20. Now though hereupon several circumstantial observations were taken up in several places and Provinces; yet still the same Faith and the same Government in the main was maintained. The Conclusion than is, all the Churches of Christ, Primitive or Successive, have but one Lord, one Head, one King, are but all one Body, one House, one Kingdom; therefore they all, de jure, are under one Government, which what it is, is next to be considered.  
Sect. 3. That one necessary Government is Episcopacy or Prelacy, which because it hath prevailed in the Catholic Church ever since the first plantation of Christianity, is therefore undoubtedly Apostolical, and if so, then certainly Divine. To demonstrate this, the method will be to produce the Evidences in order.  
Num. 1. Prelacy was founded originally in the person of Christ, as the true Messiah; It was foretold, Isa. 9 6. the Government should be on his shoulders, and this to be perpetual, v. 7. and this he founded in an imparity of Ecclesiastical Officers, settling two distinct Orders for Church Ministeries, the twelve Apostles and the seventy Disciples, which were not empty Titles, but had distinct Offices, the former not only invested with dignities above the other, but with power over them; as appears by the Election of Mathias. Now Christ was entrusted with the Keys, Isa. 22. 22. and honoured with the Sceptre, Psal. 45. 6. God committing the Government to him as the great Shepherd and Bishop of our Souls, 1 Pet. 2. 25. having the Key of David, Rev. 3. 7. This he ordered by an immutable Law, which neither could expire or be repealed. For all power was given to him both in Heaven and Earth, Matt. 28. 18. a power not only to protect but to rule the Church, not only to rule the Consciences of its Members, but externally to order and administer it, as a public Society, a power to rule in himself, or by Proxy and Delegates, therefore it follows in the exhibition thereof, that charge, Go ye, etc. v. 19 without demur or dispute; For I have the power to commission you, and do command you to execute it; I have received it from my Father thus to exercise that power, and empower you, and to it I was solemnly consecrated by the descent of the Holy Ghost, as S. Luke expresseth it, Act. 10. 38. God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Ghost and with power, which at least imports thus much: As by the ceremony of anointing, God promoted persons to high Dignities and Offices; so Christ was regularly advanced to his prelatical Function, to be the first and chief Bishop in the Christian Church, from whose fullness all others were to receive grace for grace.  
Num. 2. Christ having performed this Office in person, took care that after his Ascension into Heaven, the holy Apostles should succeed him, whom he separated for this Office, and over and above authorised them to depute and substitute others to keep the succession of Rulers. This he consigned and passed over to them, Luk. 22. 29. I appoint you a Kingdom, as my Father hath appointed me; Accordingly at the octaves of his Resurrection he both confirmed them, Joh. 20. 21. As my Father hath sent me, even so I send you, and also consecrated them by that solemn Form ever since observed in the Catholic Church either in terms or words equivalent, (Receive ye the Holy Ghost.) This fully conferred on them the habitual power which actually they were not licenced to exercise till (as he was) they were authorized by the descent of the Holy Ghost, and endued with power, Luk. 24. 49. which happened soon after his Ascension, Eph. 4. 11. when he took off this suspension, and at Pentecost sent the promise of the Father upon them, the Comforter, Joh. 15. 26. the Holy Ghost, Act. 1. 8. And so they were baptised with the Holy Ghost, and with Fire which sat upon each of them, Act. 2. 3. that every of them might be a respective Plenipotentiary in the Administration of his Kingdom. This sitting of the Fire upon each of them as it destroyeth the Erastian Supposition (for the Apostles were neither Civilians nor common Lawyers, or Statesmen) so it prejudgeth both the Papal and Presbyterian pretensions. The Papal, because it sat not upon one, (S. Peter) which might have entitled him to a Jurisdiction over the rest, but upon each of them, that what power one of them had, all and each of them had. For before, Christ had warranted to them twelve Thrones, for every Apostle one, Matt. 19 28. as Camero hath observed, that every one might enjoy the same entire authority and supremacy. The Presbyterian, because it sat not upon all as fellow Colleagues or Common-council-men, but as so many single Persons, not that they could not, or did not for a time act jointly, but that it sat upon all and every of them; so that the power was granted to them jointly and severally, whereupon when they took their circuits to their several apartments, they severally exercised their Function and Office. Bullinger's conjecture is, We have no Canonical Records of the Government of the Church but in the Acts of the Apostles, where the Platform is described and exemplified in the person of S. Paul, from whose example and practice we are to conclude how the rest of the Apostles first planted and then governed the Church, Bul. part. 2. Epit. Tempor. & rerum Tab. 6. de Apostal. etc. But evident it is S. Paul acted as a single person without any dependence upon all or any of the Twelve. Therefore (if this observation hold) all the rest planted and governed severally; if this fail, the state and condition of their employment will enforce it: For if they depended, after the College was broken up, upon any one or the whole Community, they could not effectually have executed their Commission, because upon every exigent, especially when they removed from one Province to another, they must have had the consent of that one, or the whole to licence and authorise them, which was utterly impossible to obtain. For they then being dispersed into several Regions of great distance one from another, they must give up their work till at every occasion they had received orders, whether to undertake and how to manage it. Very few or none of them knew where to find S. Peter, if they did, they had no Post-office to transmit and return expresses; and the College after it was dissolved, never assembled again. Impossible therefore it was for them to execute their Commission validly under those circumstances, unless each of them had been a Plenipotentiary by the tenor thereof.  
Num. 3. As Christ invested the Apostles with this power in a due subordination to himself, so they in virtue of his investiture were to constitute others to succeed them in the principals thereof. Confessedly the Apostolical Office was to reside in the Church for ever. So J. O. Independ. Catech. p. 119. and the ordained by them were of the same Order with them; so Wàlo, p. 43, 44, & 144. upon which account the title of Apostles was allowed in Scripture to many of those whom the Apostles had separated for the work of the Ministry. Calvin speaks faintly to the point on 1 Cor. 4. 9 Tales interdum vocat Apostolos, malo tamen, etc. yet at last he comes off more frankly, telling us plainly who those (us Apostles last) were, Qui in ordinem Apostolicum post Christi Resurrectionem asciti fuerunt. As Apollo Sylvanus Pisc. etc. is very liberal, S. Paul gave them this title, Eo quod eodem munere fungerentur. Saint James was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem by the Apostles in the nineteenth of Tiberius (saith Blondel in Chron. p. 43.) the next year after Christ's Ascension by his account, which, in his censure of the Pontifical Epistles, he affirms from all antiquity: and Walo, p. 20. assures us he was none of the Twelve, yet he is called an Apostle, Gal. 1. 19 which Blondel, Apol. pro scent. Hier. p. 50. thus confirms; Saint Matthew the Apostle was a Bishop, and Saint James the Bishop was called an Apostle, the Apostles as Governors over their Plantations were called Bishops; and Bishops with respect to the ministerial Mission were called Apostles. Timothy and Titus (saith Walo, p. 44.) were styled Apostles, but in very truth were Bishops by the same right, and of the same order, that those are of this day, who govern the Church, and have authority over Presbyters. This he undertakes to prove, p. 62. Bishops hold the chief degree in Ecclesiastical Order, as heretofore they did who were called Apostles, but the Apostles and the Presbyter-Bishops were of a distinct Order, as he labours to assert from Act. 15. 6. 22, 23. in these words, Tunc dicebatur in Conciliis ex utroque ordine compositis, etc. Then it was said of the Council moulded up of both Orders, that of the Apostles, and that of the Presbyters, id. p. 269. This he seconds with an observation from the Greek Interpreters, p. 26, 27. who concluded the Apostles were of an higher dignity than the Presbyters, fairly resolving with them they were several Orders, p. 269. and that Ordination could not be common to both, p. 229. Cast all this together, viz. The Order of the Apostles was of higher dignity than that of Presbyters, the Apostles than were in truth Bishops, these Bishops had command over the Presbyters, they were distinct Orders, all this in the Age of the Apostles, and that Ordination could not be common to both, the result will be, there was then a disparity in Church Officers; the identity of Name will not conclude an identity in Office; Presbyters were under the Jurisdiction of Bishops, to them, and them only Ordination appertained, which is to assert from Scripture Diocesan Bishops in the Prelatists' sense. Calvin and Beza acknowledge there is a Subordination of many Ministers to one Precedent by Divine appointment, hoc fert natura, etc. This we have from nature, the disposition of men requires it. So Cal. l. 4. Inst. c. 6. sect. 8. It was, it is, and ever will be necessary, ex Ordinatione Dei perpetua, by the perpetual Ordinance of God there be one Precedent. So Beza, defen. p. 153. But hath this Precedent any power? yea a double power, first, regendae communis actionis jus, to govern the common action, summon Presbyters, appoint time and place, and propose matters, etc. The second is by authority to execute what is decreed by common consent, Cal. l. 4. Inst. c. 4. sect. 2. But is he not capable of a standing power? yea, he may receive a farther latitude from the positive Laws of men, who, without any violation of Divine Ordinance, may settle it on one man for his life; For either in the days of the Apostles or immediately after, the Episcopal Office became elective and perpetual to one man. Quod certè reprehendi nec potest, nec debet, Bez. defence. p. 141. & inde. But is not the application hereof merely humane? No, not wholly, humanum, non simpliciter tamen sed, etc. I may call it humane, not simply but comparatively, without any injury to the Fathers, or so many Churches. In good time! The consectary of this (if I mistake not) is, to reject this Presidentiary-power, as such, is repugnant to God's Ordinance, to reject it upon the form of application is an injury to the Fathers and many Churches; It is necessary from nature and the Divine Institution, and the fixing of it in one person for life, to distinct acts and purposes, is Apostolical either in the Apostles Age, or immediately thereupon, and is Catholic ever since. Very right, for the conceit of a successive annual Presidency held by turns, is both novel, never any Church for 1500 years received it, and also particular, those who after did, are so few, that 500 for one have opposed it. All antiquity hath avouched several persons whose names are found in the Scriptures to have been Bishops. These names following are in the Scripture, and Ancients of undoubted credit have averred them for Bishops, as,  
1. James, surnamed the Just, to have been Bishop of Jerusalem, we have Blondel's Testimony for this from antiquity.  
2. Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus, the Postscripts (which Beza saith were to be seen in all the Manuscripts he could meet with) of the Epistles directed to him, which if authentic, strongly prove this; if they be suspected, these great names will make it good, Epiph. Hier. Chrys. Aug. Doroth. in Synop. who lived in Dioclesian's time. Euseb. l. 3. Eccl. Hist. c. 4. to whose authorities Bucer. in 4. ad Ephes. Pelican. in 1 Tim. 1. Zwinglius de Eccles. and Walo, as before is cited, have subscribed; but that which fully clears it, is, that the Fathers assembled in Council at Chalcedon have witnessed that until their time twenty seven Bishops had successively sat at Ephesus from Timothy; where it was granted so many there were, though it was disputed whether all of them in that time were ordained at Ephesus, or some of them ordained at Constantinople.  
3. Titus was Bishop, Prelate of Crete, as the Scripture declareth, Tit. 1. where the two claimed Prelatical powers are found to be settled on him; that of Ordination, vers. 5. in every City of that Territory or Region, and that of Jurisdiction in the same verse, to set in order the things that are wanting or left undone, as we translate the words, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, may rightly be rendered, Correct things out of order; which supposeth a power to censure, and reform irregularities. The voice of Antiquity is clear here, Theod. Hier. Chrys. the Scholiast, etc. of both of them we have good warranty for their authority over the Clergy. S. Paul, 1 Tim. 1. 3. besought Timothy to send out a prohibition against false teachers, and he commanded Titus sharply to rebuke vain talkers and deceivers, and if they will prate on, to stop their mouths, and to silence them, Titus 1. 11, 12, 13.  
4. Onesimus spoken of, Col. 4. 9 and Philem. 10. was from a Servant to S. Paul advanced to be Deacon, Hier. advers. er. Joh. Hier. and from a Deacon to be Bishop, Euseb. l. 3. c. 30.  
5. Linus, mentioned 2 Tim. 4. 21. and Clemens, Phil. 4. 3. were Bishops of Rome by universal Tradition. Diodate upon these words [my yoke-fellow and fellow-labourer] notes, The Apostle here speaks to the chief Pastor, who was to read the Epistles directed to him in the public Assembly, Bidel. Exerc. in Ign. Ep. c. 3. is very clear. Clemens after the death of Linus and Cletus, being the only survivor, alone retained the name of Bishop, all others being styled barely Presbyters, for which he assigns these reasons; First, for that he alone remained of all the fellow-la-bourers with the Apostles; Secondly, because the distinction of Bishops and Presbyters then prevailed. This was in the Apostles times, for Clemens was Bishop of Rome, an. 94. as Gualt. reckons in his Chronol. when Simon the Canaanite was living, as Bulling. thinks in his Annot. in Tab. 6. certainly S. John was, for he died not till an. 102. the ninth and last year of Clemens.  
6. Simeon, named, Act. 15. 14. (after his Kinsman James the Brother of our Lord was martyred) consecrated his Successor at Jerusalem, an. 63, or 64. Euseb. l. 3. c. 10. and 16. so that for full eleven years he was of an inferior Order, for so many passed after the mention of him in the Acts.  
7. Dionysius spoken of, Act. 17. 24. was the first Bishop of Athens, Euseb. l. 3. c. 4.  
To these may be added Archippus Bishop of Coloss; Apollo of Corinth; Epaphroditus of Philippi; Tychicus of Chalcedon; Sylvanus, Sosthenes, etc. but it will be sufficient to review the Catalogue of the four Patriarchal Sees.  
1. After James, the first Bishop of Jerusalem, fourteen of the Circumcision succeeded him, Euseb. l. 4. 5. whereof Justus was the last, who died an. 131. which is full twenty years before Blondel's Ara.  
2. At Antioch, after S. Peter, Euodius was Bishop till an. 98, than Ignatius till an. 108; after him Cornelius, who died before 140.  
3. Eight successive Bishops sat at Rome till 140. in which year Higinus was consecrated Antonini Pii Tertio.  
4. At Alexandria five are accounted from S. Mark, the last whereof, Eumanes, was ordained, an. 134.  
Num. 4. That all these had the same power which is now claimed by Bishops is evident from Rev. 1. 20. where, as the seven Angels of the Asian Churches are distinguished from the Churches, so every of those Angels had a power of Jurisdiction in their respective Churches to redress abuses. For why should they be particularly taxed for scandals and irregularities therein if they had no power to reform and remedy them? It seems too severe to charge neglects on them, who have no power to take cognizance of crimes and to correct them. That those Asian Churches were fixed and determinate, distinct Churches, the Presbyterians cannot deny, who affirm they were governed by Presbyters; for that must needs be a determinate Body which is governed by one or by many. The Independents shift (we find here a Congregational Church wherein were many Congregations, many Ministers, many Believers, many Pastors) is frivolous; for there might, and many such there were, yet these might be and were under one Precedent over them in Chief; for such as these many are to be found in our Cities where there are Bishops to rule them, and it is evident that those Prefects were and did exercise authority over both Laity and Clergy, from the rule given to Timothy by S. Paul before alleged. John Frigivile of Gaunt writ his Reform. Pol. an. 1593. wherein he avers, p. 64, etc. Q. Elizabeth maintained the Government and State of the Clergy in England as God had ordained in the Law, and confirmed in the Gospel; for said he, p. 14. Though the Apostles were equal among themselves concerning authority, yet no sooner was the Church increased but different degrees began: S. Paul charged Timothy (who was Bishop of one of those Seven Churches) not to admit an accusation against a Priest; therefore he might admit or reject an accusation against a Priest, and therefore he had Jurisdiction even over a Priest. Dr. Raynolds' Conference with Hart, p. 535. thus states it, In the Church at Ephesus were sundry Elders and Pastors to guide it, yet among those sundry there was one Chief, whom our Saviour calleth the Angel of the Church, (here then is our Saviour's approbation for the Chiefty of the Order) and this is he, whom, afterwards in the Primitive Church, the Fathers called Bishop.  
Num. 5. The Apostles having ordained Bishops to succeed them in the Government of the Church, they who were so ordained were thereby authorized to ordain others, and so on to the end of the world, Matt. 28. ult. which in the judgement of the best Interpreters imports, Though the Apostles continued not in their Persons, yet should in their Successors. That there should be such a Succession is concluded from Scripture, Act. 1. 20. must one be ordained to take Judas his Bishopric, which by Divine disposition fell upon Mathias, who (as Euseb. reports l. 2. c. 1.) was of the Seventy, an inferior because a distinguished Rank to that of the Apostles, which seems probable from v. 21. it being the employment of the Seventy to accompany and attend them. Saint Paul appointed Timothy to depute faithful persons to officiate in the Church, 2 Tim. 2. 2. yea so great care had the Apostles for a Succession, that, as Clemens reports, they Note, Lift, or Catalogue of approved men who should succeed the present Bishops in each Church.  
Num. 6. In the Apostles times, certainly immediately after, there were three Orders in the Church, not as Calvin (who first conjured up Lay-Elders to be his officious Agitatours) recites them, nor as Mr. Dallee conjectures, but as they are accounted in the Church of England, Bishops, Priests and Deacons. Indeed it is very likely there was first but one Order, the Apostolical or Episcopal, the Apostles or Bishops, discharging all Church Administration and Offices. But they having a power entire in themselves and radically, they were enabled to derive and communicate what they thought fit for the necessities of the Church to others: Accordingly the Church increasing, as it is recorded in the Acts, the Order of Deacons was instituted, who were not empowered only to collect, receive and distribute Alms to the necessities of the poor, but to higher Ecclesiastical Offices. For we find Philip both preached and baptised. Acts 8. 35, 38. That this Philip was not the Apostle, but the Deacon; Calvin thinketh so, because he supposeth the Apostles were not then removed from Jerusalem; Gualther is positive from the Testimony of Epiph. de Sim. etc. and all ancient Writers. Certainly Saint Cypr. ad jub. is clear; A Philippo Diacono, quem iidem Apostoli (Petrus scil. & Johannes) miserant, baptizati erant. Beza, reckoning the Pastoral Offices and duties, adds, Sub quibus, etc. under which we comprehend the Administration of Sacraments and the blessing of Marriage, from the perpetual use of the Church, in which particulars, the Deacons often supplied the place of the Pastors, so he, Confess. c. 5. Aphor. 25. This he attempts to prove from Joh. 4. 2. 1 Cor. 1. 14. with him concurs Bull. Fleming. Magdab. who all received it from Just. Mar. Ambr. Hter. Aug. the Greek Par. and Tert. who is most express, Dandi quidem, etc. The chief Priest, that is, the Bishop hath the first right of administering Baptism, than the Presbyters and Deacons. How long these two Orders continued in the Church is not fully resolved; Some conceive from Act. 14. 23. about an. 49. Claudii Septimo, the third Order, that of Presbyter was superinduced; others conjecture not so early: however Cities and their Territories submitting to the Sceptre of Christ, Presbyters were constituted before all the Apostles died, yet the Bishops still reserved the power of Ordination, and by consequence of Jurisdiction, as in the Greek Church even to this day. Bishops alone Ordain, as Arcud. de Concord. l. 6. c. 4. sect. Igitur, observes. Indeed in the Latin Church Presbyters did lay on hands with the Bishop at the Ordination of a Presbyter, yet this was observed, not for its validity, but for its solemnity and attestation. For the African Fathers who ordered it, ascribed the entire power to the Bishop, Cod. Afric. c. 55. 80. and even at Rome before S. John's death Presbyters were settled in several Parishes by Enaristus. Charon. p. 44. and therefore we may believe before that the same was done in earlier converted Churches. Mr. Tongue in his Notes on S. Clem. 1. Ep. ad Cor. out of a Book which Mr. Petty brought from Greece hath this Sentence, S. Peter was in Britain, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, settled Churches by laying hands on Bishops, Priests and Deacons. It will not be amiss to superadd how far the Waldenses concurred in judgement upon this case with the Church of England, which we find Parsons third part of the Three Conversions of England, cap. 3. p. 44. who relates from Vrspurg. Trithem. Antomin. and others that they only approved three Ecclesiastical Orders (at which his tender Conscience was moved) viz. That of Deaconship, Priesthood and Bishops; which is very probable, for the Fratres Bohemi, to continue a succession of Bishops, sent twelve men to the Waldenses in Austria to be ordained Bishops by their Bishops, which was accordingly done, and Corranus, a Spaniard, one of the Waldenses flying thence into England was retained a Preacher at the Temple, and dedicated a Dialogue to the Lawyers there, an. 1574. in the close whereof he maketh a confession of his Faith, where he declares his judgement herein, I hold (saith he) there be divers Orders of Ministers in the Church of God, viz. Some are Deacons, some Priests, some Bishops, to whom the instruction of the People and the care of Religion is committed. This we are sure of, S. Bernard complains heavily many Bishops were of their Communion. This was the primitive Establishment, Conc. Cart. 3. and 4. Chal. Act. 1. for which reason Nazian. in Vita Basil. enforms us, that he risen to his Bishopric 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, By the order and rule of spiritual ascent, one degree after another: So S. Hier. writes of Nepot. in Ep. Fitchow Clericus & per solitos gradus, etc.  
Num. 7. If S. Augustine's known and generally approved rule be admitted, than the Order of Bishops is truly Apostolical, because maintained in all Apostolical churches, before any general Council had determined it; And Tert. his Sorites will make it good, which was, that is truest which is first; that is first which was from the beginning; that was from the beginning which was from the Apostles; that was from the Apostles which was inviolably and religiously observed in all Apostolical Churches: Calvin speaks fairly to the case, and so doth Beza too, (if their words may be taken who have tricks to eat them in) the former saith, the Bishops of the ancient Church made many Canons with that circumspection they had nothing almost contrary to the word of God in their whole Oeconomy, l. 4. Instit. c. 1. sect. 14. but more fully thus, they did not frame any other form of Government in the Church than that which God prescribed in his word. The latter averreth, what was then done was done optimo Zelo; if so, than they did it from warranty either from the Scripture or universal Tradition. S. Hierome himself once said, it was an Apostolical Tradition, and when he said it was a Custom, he proved it a good one, because ordered for a good end, as a safe remedy against Schism; and an Apostolical Custom, because taken in the Apostles times, when one said, I am of Paul, etc. which happened an. 58. The disparity of Bishops and Priests was so religiously maintained in the primitive Church, that the Fathers in the Council of Chalc. Act. 1. adjudged it sacrilege to bring down a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter, and the Doctrine of parity was condemned as flat Heresy in Aerius, because he positively affirmed that there was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. one Order, one Honour, one Dignity, in the Priesthood. Dr. Crack Defence. Eccl. Anglic. contra Arch. Spal. p. 242, 243. Bishop's then as they were settled in matricibus Ecclesiis, the Apostolical mother Churches, so have been continued in all successive Ages without any considerable opposition for 1500 years, which is so strong and cogent an argument to some who have not been overfond of Episcopacy, they have resolved it unanswerable, since, the Order hath been canvassed by some, yet is still retained either in the Name, or Thing in all the Eastern and Southern Churches; generally in the Western and Northern, reformed and others, unless in two or three petty Associations in comparison of the rest, where by reason of some cross circumstances it cannot be obtained, though highly approved and much affected by most of their learned men, never disowned or abominated by any but those whose zeal for the good Old Cause is immoderate, S. Augustine's expression, insolentissima insania, insolent madness.  
Num. 8. If these Structures be built upon the Foundation of the Apostles, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner Stone, the Fabric is as firm as Mount Zion which may not be removed. For if the Apostles did settle Bishops in their several Plantations, and these such as the Prelatists plead for, then that is the one necessary Government to be retained in the Church. For the Apostles being inspired by the Holy Ghost, they did then act and order the Church according to his directions. Amesius himself resolves, what is Apostolical Stands by Divine Right, his words are, Med. Theol, l. 2. c. 15. n. 28. The Apostles were acted by the Divine Spirit no less in their Institutions than in the very Doctrine of the Gospel propounded by word or writing. This he delivers to assert the Divine Authority and unalterableness of the Lord's day, and will therefore hold here. For if Episcopacy stand in the Church by the same authority that the Lord's day doth, which Dr. Hammond hath fully proved, than it hath the same Divine Authority for its Establishment. This King James saw, and so, Premonition, p. 44. is very positive, That Bishops ought to be in the Church I always maintained as an Apostolical Order, and so the Ordinance of God. The Dissenters, who allow of Church Government as such, have often declared what concerns the rule of Government in the Church by Officers appointed by Christ is unchangeable. Now that the Bishops are those Officers hath been evidenced from Scripture Rules and Precedents, and confirmed by the suffrage of a cloud of Witnesses, who as they accord in their Testimonies, so were faithful unto death; some whereof were the chosen Witnesses of Christ's Resurrection; some were immediate Successors to those ordained by the Apostles; others of the highest reputation in the Church, for testifiers of Catholic Tradition; all of them had, and still have such credit in the Christian world, that their attestation hath ever since been reverenced and accepted in momentous matters of Religion, such as the religious observation of the Lord's day, the number and integrity of the Canonical Books of holy Scripture, the Baptism of Infants, etc. Episcopacy at least stands upon the same grounds with these, if these upon the true measures of Piety and Religion be not alterable, neither is it. The most learned of the Dissenters have been forced to use the same proofs for these which we do for Episcopacy, when they have not done so, they have been baffled in a good cause, as hereafter may be exemplified. The Conclusion than is, to attempt a Reformation of Episcopacy by its extermination is contrary to the sure and standing Rules of Christianity.   

CHAP. III.  
THIS is farther to be discussed in point of prudence, whether the change or standing thereof will conduce more to the public interest, which may be dispatched by these observations.  
SECT. 1. They who to the diminution or abolition of Episcopacy, have or would set up new models of Church Government, are either the Erastians', the Presbyterians, the Independents or the Pontificians. The three former were hatched since an. 1510. the last was long of hammering, but was never rightly cast till Julius the Second moulded it at Lateran, and of a cracked piece made it whole. Now every of these will prefer Episcopacy, caeteris paribus, before any of the other Platforms but their own espoused Darling, which they would have all to accept, because complying with and favouring their worldly designs and interests. But ask seriously any of the more observing and understanding men, which of the Claimers they would rather incline to, provided they could not possibly procure their own to bear the sway, they will fairly take to Episcopacy.  
Num. 1. The Erastians' will by no means join with the Pontificians, because they challenge and usurp a power to take cognizance in causes merely Civil, in ordine ad spiritualia: Not with the Presbyterians, because they also claim the same, sub formalitate Scandali, both of them maintain the power both of make and confirm Ecclesiastical Laws as originally and radically in their supreme Judicatures; the Civil Magistrate is only to execute them, which he must do upon their Significavit's and Writs of Requisition at his peril, otherwise he shall be clogged with their Sentences of Excommunication. Nor do they much fancy the Independents, because they will not endure the Civil Magistrate to interpose in Church matters, nor have the least stroke in externals of Religion. As for the Bishops, though it be a grievance that they sometimes meddle in matters of a mixed nature, yet because they know, that what they act in these cases is by authority derived from the Civil Magistrate, according to the known standing Laws, they esteem Episcopacy as the most safe and expedient form; and so Bishops may stand for the present, till they can by rebellion grasp again all Civil and Ecclesiastical power in their clutches.  
Num. 2. Independents utterly dislike both Erastians' and Pontificians, and though they can associate with the Presbyterians at present, yet they hold no good opinion of them. In a Book entitled, Saint John Baptist, they heavily declaim against them, saying, They had established a Dagon in Christ's Throne, had stinted the whole worship of God, etc. at last it came to this, they had rather the French King, yea the Great Turk should rule over them. In a Book called, The Arraignment of Persecution, they declared, If ever the Presbyterians rule in chief, an higher persecuting spirit would be found in them than they had felt from the Bishops: J. O. hath excellently deciphered these. Num. 3. The Presbyterians grin at them all. Beza is as angry at Erastus, Socinus and Morellius, as the Pope; Mr. Hendersons tender Conscience started at the thought of them. The Books are commonly to be had, wherein they oft and sadly complained, all that they could expect for their expenses of Blood and Treasure (none of their own) was to be recompensed with greater grievances, and more dangerous licentiousness (which is too true) than they ever mourned for (which is very false, for most of them were colloguing compliers) under the Government of King and Bishops. At last they cried out, Matters were come to that pass, they had exchanged a bad Religion for none at all. See Excom. Excom. p. 18. & inde. And Edward's his Gangrene.  
Num. 4. The Papists of all men had the advantage, but the more sober considering men among them, have expressed, That all their purchases of Proselytes were no compensation for those miseries they had sustained, and still feared from the Juntoes, and that they were much more happy under the former Government which secured their civil Liberties and Birthrights.  
SECT. 2. But let it be for once presumed, that each of those Models had somewhat good, yet withal recollect that the Constitution of this Church is of so excellent a mixture with the choicest ingredients, that it will effect those great ends so much pretended by them more strongly and obligingly, if it may attain its just value and respect. For,  
Num. 1. The Erastians' are to be commended for their pretended care and endeavours that the power of the Civil Magistrate be not infringed by any Ecclesiastical Usurpation. So far good, if they were not possessed, or rather pretend only to be, with fears and jealousies, that this Church approved some principle to the diminution of the Civil Power, which what it is none can with any colour of reason conjecture, unless this be it, that whilst she fully renders to Caesar the things that are Caesar's; she is still cautious to reserve to God the things that are God's. Erastus the first Founder of that Order had no prejudice against any thing determined in this Church upon that score, if we respect either the motives which induced him to quarrel the Allobrogian Model, or the Arguments he framed against it.  

The Motives were,  
1. He had observed that Calvin had so cunningly contrived it, that he and his assisting Ministers could upon every occasion overtop the Statesmen. The artifice lay herein, he took for a blind only six Ministers, but twelve Syndicks, yet so that the Ministers were to continue for life, but the Statesmen to be annually chosen, whereby he conceived these changeling Officers would be so wary as not to cross the standing Moderatours, which so happened, as he himself signified in his Epistle to Bulling. Semper fuimus in ist a promiscua colluvie superiores, We had always the better in that rifraff Junto.  
2. He knew those chosen Officers had neither age, or experience, nor judgement, nor manners (a full description of the late Lay-Elders) to enable them to sustain so great an employment with credit and honour.  
3. He was provoked, that a Malcontent English fugitive had liberty to discuss this Thesis, viz. That in every well-ordered Church this Government was to be retained, in which the Ministers with the concurrence of the Elderships should have the power of excommunicating all offenders, even Princes themselves: Hereupon in a just indignation he expressed his abhorrence of this bold seditious Proposition, yet with great indiscretion he causelessly vented his wrath against Excommunication as it was a Church Discipline.   

His Arguments improved by his Followers are these,  
He supposed Excommunication did totally cut off the excommunicated from the internal and invisible Communion of the Church; whereupon his Followers argued. If the power of Excommunication be in the Church Officers, than it lies in their power to save or damn men. But his supposition is false, and the inference of his Followers is wild, as one (and the most learned) of them hath observed; for, he saith, finis hujusmodi disciplinae, etc. The end of this discipline (not final Sentence) was (is so still) that the censured being deprived of the spiritual privileges of the Church, they might be humbled to salvation. This is the whole truth and nothing but the truth, for its only a bar from the external visible Society of Believers, not to exclude men from heaven, but to incline them to put themselves in a capacity to be received again into the peace of the Church, for the enjoyment of those great privileges of holy commerce, which all men religiously affected earnestly desire and value. A method of Discipline which Christ and his Apostles thought proper to reduce and reclaim sinners. It is medicinal in Saint Augustine's expression, To. 9 Serm. de Poeniten. med. (if that Tract be his) ordained and applied for edification, not destruction; if for destruction, it is for that of the Flesh, that the Spirit might be saved, 1 Cor. 5. 15. or it's a Chastisement, the censured are thereby chastised of the Lord that they should not be condemned with the world, 1 Cor. 11. 32. which Chastisement is not sweet or joyous for the present, but grievous, yet yieldeth the peaceable fruits of righteousness to them that are exercised thereby, Heb. 12. 11.  
2. Excommunication (say they) is a censure inferring a civil Penalty, therefore if the Church makes use of it, she enlargeth her Phylacteries by an encroachment on the civil Power.  
But where do those wrathful Objectours find this? or how can they prove it?  
It was always reckoned in the Catalogue of spiritual gifts, practised by the Church for spiritual ends and uses, and exercised upon the members of the Church, qua tales, in that capacity only; if, upon contempt hereof, a civil Penalty was incurred, this proceeded not from the quality and nature of the censure, but from the authority of the civil Magistrate, who so far respected the Church, that he made provisions against the contempt of her Discipline. That which the Church aims at, is either to reduce the offender, or to warn others, or to discharge her duty in discountenancing and disowning dangerous prevailing Heresies, Schisms and Scandals; all which are of spiritual concernment and cognizance.  
3. The Bishops claim this power by Divine Right, and why not? Forsooth, this is contrary to the Oath of Supremacy, and sets up two Supremes in one Kingdom.  
This is an high Charge: I am persuaded if the great Turk was acquainted with this noble Argument, he would in a rage destroy all the poor Christian Bishops in his Empire, or else he would scorn and deride it, as it justly deserveth. For the Argument runs thus, Ministers by a Divine Right challenge a power to baptise Proselytes, communicate Christians, and do other offices belonging to their Functions, Therefore they set up two Supremes in one Kingdom: or thus, The Scripture declareth, the Holy Ghost made them Overseers to feed the Church of God (sure they may pretend to Divine Right who derive their title from the Holy Ghost) Therefore the Scripture contradicteth that Supremacy which it establisheth. But in sober sadness! did none of the first Christian Emperor's, or after Kings understand their Religion and Prerogative? did they ever declare the Imperial and Episcopal power were incompatible? were they all so blind they could not espy this so obvious an inconsistency? or did any of our own great Councils before that of 40. ever make such a determination? As for our own Kingdom, we may without disparagement to their great wisdoms, compare many of our Kings with the ablest of any or all of them; King Henry the Eighth was a wise Prince, one that would not bate an Ace of his Sovereignty, yet he never scrupled at the Divine Right of Episcopacy. Q. Elizabeth was as jealous of her Prerogative, and as zealous for it, as the highest and most masculine Spirit, yet she reverenced and maintained the Order. The greatest for Learning and Judgement the Father and the Son were as Prelatical as the Prelatists. What King James his opinion was of Episcopacy is before related, what it was concerning his Supremacy, which he cogently asserted, he thus expressed, Premonition, p. 108. It consists not in making Articles of Faith, but in commanding obedience be given to the word of God, in reforming Religion according to his prescribed will, in assisting the spiritual Power (this is to be noted) with the temporal Sword, in procuring due obedience to the Church (mark this too) in judging and cutting off all frivolous Questions and Schisms, as Constantine did; and finally in making a decorum to be observed in all things, and establishing Order in all indifferent things. King Charles the First of blessed memory hath above and beyond all others resolved the case, in his answer to Henderson's Papers, in his Reply to the Answer of the Isle of Wight Divines, Rel. Car. fol. 691. and in his final Answer, fol. 709. Sir Henry Spelman in his large History of Titles, p. 157. thus stated it. God hath committed the Tabernacle to Levi, as well as the Kingdom to Judah, and though Judah hath power over Levi, as touching the outward Government, even of the Temple itself, yet Judah meddled not with the Oracle and the holy Ministry, but received the will of God from the mouth of the Priest. This is evident; God, for the promoting of Piety and Justice among men, hath ordained two distinct Powers, the Regal and the Sacerdotal, which, in the times of the Patriarches, were formally united, and inseparably followed the first born of the male kind in every Family. This he seemed to alter in the persons of Moses and Aaron, investing Moses the younger Brother with the Regality, Aaron the elder in the Priesthood, both these received their Commissions from God, Num. 16. Every power is the Ordinance of God, but the Regal as Supreme, the Sacerdotal as Subordinate, which subordination is not essential or causal, but moral, by virtue of God's Constitution, and accidental for Order sake. Certainly God, who gives all power, can order a subordination of powers derived from him, the one to be superior, the other inferior; and God was pleased to dispose the distribution of those under the Mosaical dispensation, that as the Priests were not to usurp the Regal, (for Abimelech was Servant to Saul, 1 Sam. 22. 12. and David was Lord to Nathan, 1 Reg. 1. 24.) so neither were the Kings to execute the Sacerdotal Function, but were bound to consult their Priests and Prophets, as Joshua was Eleazar, Num. 27. 21. by God's appointment, and David, did Abiathar, 1 Sam. 23. 6. We are sure Saul, Jeroboam, Vziah were severely checked for exercising such Acts as formerly belonged to the Priests, not that they were debarred from regulating and providing for the due discharge of the Priestly Offices: for that is a part of their duty, 1 Tim. 2. 1, 2. and Arist. l. 1. Ethic. c. 13. was herein Orthodox, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but they are to permit the Priests the exercises of their Functions, and in matters of Religion to require the Law at their mouths, Mal. 2. 7. which all Christian Kings have always granted. Mr. Hobbs owneth, that after the Ascension of our Lord, the power Ecclesiastical was in Apostles, after them in such as they had ordained, and so delivered downward to others ordained by them, and the great Erastian name hath yielded them a power to decide cases of Conscience, and to declare what is lawful, what not; This was respectively done, but he fell far short of the mark; for certainly to baptise Proselytes is a larger portion of power than bare interpreting or teaching the Law, even a power to admit Members into the Christian Society, and in all reason, they who have power to admit, have power occasionally to exclude, hence that Gentleman was forced to confess, they had power to bind and lose, which in Scripture signifies to forbid and decree, which is more than any Casuist or Preacher as such pretends to, and is rather proper to a Legislative or Judicial Power, which was sometimes exercised by the Church, as when the Apostles upon a complaint, where no less men than S. Paul and Barnabas were Advocates for the Plaintiffs, passed an obligatory Decree, Act. 15. 28. & 16. 4. That Precept or Permission, (Tell the Church) at least implies the Church had then power to take cognizance of trespasses, and to say the civil Magistrate is that Church is ridiculous: for then the sense would be, Tell the trespass to Constantine three hundred years after it was committed, for till then there was not certainly known Christian Emperor, and Christians were not by the Discipline of the Church to seek for remedy at heathen Tribunals in the first instance. Now as there was a subordination of these Powers, so there was a distinction; the one was the power of the Sword, committed to the civil Magistrate, to reward well-doers, and to punish evil-doers, of all kinds, Rom. 13. 4. an Heretic, a Schismatic, an Idolater, or Blasphemer, as well as a Thief, a Murderer, or a Traitor; and this hath its immediate effect upon the outward man, body and goods, with reference to the concerns of this life, Ezr. 7. 26. the other is the power of the Keys, to labour in word and Doctrine, to exhort and rebuke with all authority, to rule well in spiritual concerns, to bind and to lose, 1 Tim. 1. 17. Tit. 1. 5. Matt. 16. 19 the proper operation whereof is upon the Soul with reference to the world to come. There is a difference, saith the above cited Joh. Frig. Refor. Pol. between Dominion and Jurisdiction; neither the Apostles, nor chief Bishops exercised Dominion, but their Offices, having Jurisdiction, p. 16. as in France (saith he, p. 17.) the King hath the civil Dominion, the Parliaments the Jurisdiction, so in England the Queen hath the Dominion, but the Bishops the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; hence Arist. l. 10. Ethic. c. 9 n. 10. resolves, Legislatours are differenced from Practitioners of Faculties, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The Professors are to Act, Legislatours to prescribe rules for acting. The King's power is the supreme, that of Priests subordinate, which difference proceeds not from the natural excellency of the one power above the other, but from the alwise disposition of God, who is the chief power empowring, as he is said to be, natura naturans. The Bishops with their subordinate Ministers are the Executours of Christ's last Will and Testament, the King is the Supervisor, and the Judge too, to grant them Letters of Administration. Bishops and Priests are the Ministers of Religion, Kings are the Rulers of it and them.  
The substance of the whole is, the true Sons of the Church of England are the sole Assertors of the King's Supremacy, not only in expressions and compliment, but in fact and real operation, not upon reasons of State, or dictates of Prudence, but the rule of Conscience, which none of the Dissenters therefrom will allow. Not the Erastians', for they play at fast and lose with the King's Supremacy, and by distinctions and limitations fix it certainly no where but make it as variable as their fortunes. One of the most esteemed Partisans made this interpretation thereof, The King is the supreme Governor, but not the supreme Power. Gallant Law Sophistry, as if it were possible he could govern in chief, who had not a power suitable thereto: The Independents plead an exemption from it: The Presbyterians utterly deny it: Such a Supremacy as the Kings claimed, and the two Houses of Parliament (Erastian-wise) craved (indeed at first they did but beg it, which after they plundered) I disclaim (said Henderson second Paper num. 7.) The true Nonconformist makes it the main work of his Book to charge it with Antichristianism. The Pontificians perfectly abhor it; The Prelatists are the only defenders of it. The Pontificians make Kings their Church's Ministers, and Presbyterians make them their Kirk Ministers, not the Ministers of God; The Erastians' and Independents are agreed they are originally the People's Ministers not God's. The Prelatists assent with the Law of Christ, and the Laws of the Kingdom, the King is God's Minister, Rom. 13. The Presbyterians and Independents resolve, the Kingdom is in and under the Church, and then the Government of that must be conformed to that of this. If then the Presbyterians be rampant, the civil Government must be Aristocratical. If the Independents be the masters of Misrule, it must be Democratical; but if it happen the Erastians' be the Sultan's, than the Game is King and no King; at the best he is but their Trustee, he must stand on his good behaviour, and pass his accounts to the Patriots for the contracting good People. If the Pope be the great Cham, the civil Government must truckle.  
SECT. 3. To bring the matter nearer home, there was a time when the blades of Fortune in 40 thought it prudent to declare they had no intentions for any alterations; It was when the Earl of Essex his Army had scented and followed the Scent very hotly, and when the King had objected the designs amongst them, they form a Declaration to renounce all such purposes, Aug. 9 42. as before they had protested against it, as a slander, and for once such an one as the Father of lies had invented, Remonst. Dec. 41. This was smartly urged against them by E. M. a long imprisoned Malignant, an. 1647. p. 3. of his Address, I cannot (said he) submit to any new Government, either in Church or Kingdom, because all our late Parliaments, and the Long Parliament most of all, have still professed great severity, and made strict inquisition against all men, that should intent, practice or endeavour any alteration of Religion, or innovation in Doctrine or Worship as a capital offence. But for all their solemn protestations to the contrary, the Root and Branch design went on, and when it was first set on foot, Petitions were presented to prevent and stifle it. The total of Subscribers in only seven Counties, and those none of the greatest, amounted to 482 Lords and Knights, 1740 Esquires and Gentlemen, 44559 Freeholders, and 631 Ministers; number enough to show how generally well affected the people of best rank and quality were for this Government; but their reasons are rather to be weighed, which were these, by drawing them methodically.  
1. They desire they may left in that state the Apostles settled and left in the Church, in that the three Ages of Martyrs were governed by, in that the thirteen Ages since have always gloried in, proving themselves by their succession of Bishops, members of the Catholic Church. A Government as certainly Apostolical as the observation of the Lord's day, or distinction of Books Canonical from Apocryphal, or that such Books were written by such Evangelists, etc. This they thus farther prosecuted, either Christ left his Church without a lasting Government, which we fear to say, lest it might seem to accuse the wisdom of the father, and the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ in not providing for his Family, which we believe he did, from Saint Luke's Testimony, Luk. 12. 42. and if he lest no Rulers, he left no Pastor, Ruler and Pastor in Scripture being all one in person, office and expression. And if he did not leave such as we desire, viz. Bishops, the Church (which we fear also to suppose) hath been Apostate from her Lord for 1500 years, she having no other but these for Rulers for that whole space of time: Or else Christ did leave a lasting Government, if so, than every motion and attempt of alteration is Antichristian.  
2. Most of the reformed Churches have Bishops, all that have any Protestant Princes with Sovereignty, have them, the rest which have them not, highly approve and value the Order, and hearty affect and wish it.  
3. The Removal of Bishops will be a great Scandal.  
(1.) To the weak, who if they be really such, and withal well-meaning, suspect all innovations as some design upon their Consciences to ensnare them, which makes them to suspect and dislike our whole Religion, as we have found by sad experience; yea the grievous Scandal of our Religion as unstable, hath caused many to revolt from it.  
(2.) To the strongest, who are not to be offended for this reason, because they are not apt to be scandalised with umbrages and impertinences but real inconveniences and mischiefs.  
4. The unspeakable advantages given to our Enemies of Rome, by this change, which in the event proved so.  
5. The sad effects and consequences which we foresee and in part feel.  
(1.) Which we foresee; We desire (said they) the continuance of this Government, for that strange fears possess our hearts, that Schisms, Factions and Seditions will overwhelm us, order, peace and unity will be far removed from us, reformation and suppression of wickedness and vice, as is pretended, will be totally cashiered, and extinguished, nor will ever take place or effect among us. For we suspect and believe the sudden mutation of a Government, so long settled, and so well known, cannot with any proportionable utility recompense the disturbances and disorders which it may work by novelty, therefore we cannot without trembling and perplexity of mind entertain a thought of a change, and of innovation in a matter of so high concernment. For if the design go on, we shall be reduced to such a desperate condition, that we shall not know how to settle ourselves, or form our obedience in such distractions, and sometimes repugnancies of commands, as will unavoidably ensue.  
(2.) What they then felt in part, since this Government is traduced and despised, the Houses of God are profaned, the Ministers of Christ contemned, the Liturgy depraved, that absolute model the Lord's Prayer vilified, the Sacraments in some places unduly administered, in others profanely neglected, Marriages illegally solemnised, Burials uncharitably performed, and the very fundamentals of our Religion by the publication of a new Creed, teaching the abrogation of the moral Law, (All the Religion we can hope for must be a movable Creed, repealable by privileges, and to be made suitable to the designs of any prevailing Faction) whereby God is provoked, his sacred Majesty dishonoured, the Consciences of the people disquieted, the Ministry disheartened, and the Enemies of the Church emboldened in their erterprises.  
6. We cannot hearken to such a change, because for many years we have found the comfort and benefit of Episcopacy, which as it hath been eminently serviceable to this Kingdom, so it is most compliable with the civil Government (into the Fabric whereof it is incorporate) that we must conclude it as the most pious, so the most safe and prudent. Wherefore to call it a Vassalage and intolerable burden, and thereupon to endeavour its removal, relisheth not of piety, prudence, justice or charity. This we are the rather induced to present, both because our Fathers have told us of the great convenience and moderation of this Government, and we have felt the comfortable experience thereof. Certain it is this Kingdom is much indebted to the Bishops for their piety, wisdom, zeal and sufferings, which we trust shall never be forgotten. Thus far they.  
It may not be amiss to subjoin the later opinion of a great name with the Erastians', who once indeed had declared before, he was no such fool as to be a Puritan, yet it is well known how, etc. but at last was forced to express his great esteem of Catholic Order. The words are reported, Fair Warning, Part. 2. p. 4. and thus are set out, It is a wonderful thing, that, etc. after that passage, he gives his opinion, I should much fear that our most excellent Religion, so miserably confounded by its distracted followers, would one day give place to the two grand mischiefs of the world Popery and Profaneness, against which there are no other remedies besides the merciful assistence of heaven, than sound Doctrine settled, severe Discipline established, a decent and holy Worship secured, and a grand establishment enjoined, which may fence in truth and virtue, and keep out error and sin, whereby the Orthodox good part of the Nation may be known and encouraged, as the Heterodox may be discovered and awed.  
SECT. 4. The little good which can be expected from Presbyterianism and Independency is, that the Professors of the one Sect pretend great zeal against Ignorance and Sin, and the other is aggrieved at promiscuous Communions, though both of them, by their barkings and bawl against this Church, and the Discipline and Government thereof, have and do still obstruct the methods which she hath provided as remedies against those maladies. Now that those Offices which she hath determined for those ends, are proper and very instrumental, through the assistence of the Divine grace, which accompanies and inanimates them to devoutly affected Christians, most effectual thereto, they will be necessitated to acknowledge, by observing the Order prescribed, which lies thus.  
Every Infant is to be solemnly matriculated into the Church by holy Baptism, these baptised in a competent time are to be catechised in the principles of Christian Religion, and then to be confirmed by the Bishop, and are required to give attention to the reading and preaching of the word of God. Being thus prepared, they are admittable to the great mystery of the holy Eucharist, and for neglect of these means the offenders are liable to the censures of the Church. That these methods are Scriptural, and Apostolical most of the Dissenters acknowledge; some of them indeed scruple at Confirmation, but Calvin conceives it to be originally Apostolical, with whom more than a whole Jury of reformed Divines have given in their Verdict. Mr. Baxter thinketh it would quiet the wrangle about the formality of a Church Covenant and Membership; Mr. Brinsley of Yarmouth was of opinion it would remove all the fears and jealousies of vain Disputers: Calvin is positive this office was performed by the Bishop from the beginning, and Mr. Dallee commends that of S. Hier. Episcopus, etc. in Dial. inter Orth. and Lucef.  
In this I blame the Presbyterians and Independents, because at present they hang together by the tails, but for all the fair copies of their Countenances, if their wished and laboured for turn come, their faces will look several ways. If the Presbyterians get the start, and keep their ground for a while, they will soon proclaim the Independents to be Babylonians; If the Independents once more out-wit the Presbyterians, and turn them out of power and trust, than the Independents will face about, and tell them roundly they are Egyptians.  
SECT. 5. As for the Papists, the best they can brag on is their unity, of which they rant highly, that they, and they only have found out the true way to it: this is a mere bravado to which a wise and learned person made heretofore this return (viz.) Let me see the Jesuits and Seculars reconciled in England, a Dominican and Jesuit in Doctrinal Papistry, French and Italians in state Papistry, than I shall allow them a little to vapour: their oral and conclave Traditionists are hard at it in their confutations of each other, their great heads of Unity Pope Sixtus and Clemens fell very foul one with another: they cannot agree about the Supremacy of a Pope and a Council, nor which of their four or five Churches is the infallible one: the Popes and Councils have declared several ways upon the points, which obviates their common shift, viz. Their clashings and bicker are but in scholastic opinions and niceties; for then the definitions of Popes and Councils are no matters of Faith. But here again they quarrel; for some assert a Doctrine is heretical by its repugnancy to what is revealed by Christ: others affirm a Doctrine is heretical because the Church hath declared so: it's the former sort thus confutes. If the Doctrine be heretical from the Church's declaration, than the Church hath power to make Articles of Faith: about which also there is a great bustle among them; for some of them peremptorily deny the Church hath any power to make Articles of Faith: but most of the Canonists, and all the Pope's Exchequer men affirm it; so schismatically are they divided about their Church, the Head thereof, with the terms and objects of their pretended Unity: when these are smartly objected to them their only salvo is▪ Their Rule would be a means to hold them in unity if it were followed. Very good! for the plain English of this is, their Rule about which they so smartly wrangle, and concerning which they could never yet agree, will or may be a means of unity when they are agreed about it. In opposition whereto we assert the Rule which we propose is not flexible like theirs, but infallible, viz. the sure word of God duly applied; for the application whereof we take in the consentient judgement of the universal Church in matters of Faith; and in points of practice the constant usage thereof: these we stand to, because, if they be not the true means of unity, the true Church of God, which always relied on these, and no other, had never any. If to this some Romanists give assent, as some of them do, they are so far English Episcopal Protestants. From all which premised there is great reason and good warranty to conclude, that under the Government of King and Bishops the Civil Power is most safely fixed; mixed Communion, Ignorance and Sin are most effectually provided against; Unity and Obedience storngly guarded; therefore whatsoever good or desirable can be expected from Erastianism, Presbyterianism, Independency, or Popery, is really experimented in Episcopacy; and therefore this in true polity ought to be retained and supported: the other modes are not to be admitted or entertained; not the Erastians', for they play at fast and lose with Kings and the Church; they respect no Government present, to which their submission is compliance, not obedience. Not the Presbyterians, for they encroach upon and vilify Kingly authority; if they find a King, they will if they dare shackle him, or in our Northern expression houghband him. Not the Independents, for with them Kings are the People's Creatures and trusties, neither will they permit him with their good wills to intermeddle in Church Affairs. Not the Pontificians, for reasons given by the learned Doctor Stillingfleet, and that honourable Person who seconded him. It is therefore the clear interest of the Crown, if it would have a Church National to govern by, it ought to be Protestant Episcopal, as a late ingenious Writer hath observed, lest if it be held of the Pope, Kirk, or People in Capite, it totter and fall. That Problem which Dr. Prideaux Ep. Ded. ad fasc. Contro. An suprematus Papalis sit potiùs Antichristianus quàm Presbyterianus aut Enthusiasticus? may hence easily be resolved if we be not too palpably partial, we must declare them all, or none at all to be Tyrannical or Antichristian. The best Argument ever yet produced to prove the Pope to be Antichrist is his bold challenge over all Kings and Monarches, to depose them and dispose of their Crowns and Dignities; which if it be good, it will hold as strongly against all other Sectaries, for they are as truly the Limbs of Antichrist who preach and press Rebellion against their lawful Sovereign, and those commissionated by him, upon a Puritan Vote, or Republican Resolution, as they who prove and prosecute it upon the Pope's Placet or Fiat: that cannot be the mystery of Godliness and Saintship in a Presbyterian or Independent, which is presumed to be the mystery of Iniquity in the Pope; and if the Doctrine of Rebellion be the mark of the Beast in a Pontifician, it cannot be a sign of Election in a Smectymnuan or Owenist: for if the Pope by the plenitude of his power can discharge Subjects from the Oath and bonds of Allegiance, than the Sectaries by what names or titles soever divided or subdivided can free themselves upon easier terms: for one will absolve himself by a dormant dispensation of the spirit; another excuse himself by the pretence of a new light; a third will plead Providence; a fourth Conscience, and the Blades of Fortune will stand upon their privileges.  
The result of this tedious Chapter is, God had always a Church, this Church had always a Government, this was always detemined by God, who in the first Ages of the world settled this power on the firstborn, who were both Kings and Priests; after he separated these Offices, Moses to hold the Kingly power, Aaron the Priestly; yet he so ordered, that the Priestly power should be subordinate to the Regal: he foretold the like order should be established in the Christian Church, that Nations should flow into it, Isa. 2. 2. and the Kings of those Nations should be nursing Fathers to it, Isa. 49. 23. that together with them should be spiritual Fathers, Bishops as Prefects therein, Isa. 60. 17. for Clement according to that Copy which the Apostle useth reads that Comma thus (viz.) I will make thy Bishop's peace, so do the Seventy, who in nineteen other places render the Original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bishop; so Pagnine from R. Abraham, and Buxtorf, what we translate Office, Psal. 109. 8. they read Prefecture, which S. Peter, Acts 1. 2. calls Bishopric: what was thus prophesied God in the fullness of time determined by his alwise providence verified, when the Church was first governed by our Lord Jesus Christ, who had under him Commission-officers, his Apostles, and under them the Seventy Disciples. After his Ascension, and descent of the Holy Ghost, the Apostles ruled in chief, having Attendants and Assistants to them, whom they after substituted, as the necessities of the Church required, for Bishops, with Deacons and Priests under their Jurisdiction. Thus the Church stood and was governed for 300 years, till the nursing Fathers appeared; then and ever since Kings and Bishops have presided in it, Kings having the Dominion, Bishops the Jurisdiction in the Catholic Church. This was one great end of the Reformation, to restore our Kings and Bishops to their universally acknowledged Rights due to them by Divine Law; this of all other Governments is the most Christian, rational and practicable, because most suiting with the main end of Government, which is that we may live quiet and peaceable lives, without any Faction or Schism, in all godliness and honesty; and this therefore and no other is to be retained in the Church, both upon the true measures of piety and prudence.    

CHAP. IU.  
THE next thing canvassed in this Church, is the constituted Worship of God by Liturgy with Ceremonies and holidays.  
SECT. 1. If it can be evinced, that prescribed Forms were used in the Three first Centuries, it will follow in the judgement of all unprejudiced persons they are still to be practised and imposed.  
Num. 1. Our Lord and Saviour prescribed a Form to his Disciples, Matt. 6. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. not only for the Matter but very Form; for this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. is the same with that, Numb. 6. 23. according to the Septuagint, which did not respect only the Substance but the Words as they were dictated. S. Luke makes it clear, When ye pray, say. Verba & recitationem certam praescribit, saith Melanch. he gave them an Express, saith Diod. long before them S. Cypr. de Orat. Dom. Christ consulting the salvation of his people delivered them, Etiam orandi Formam; and before him Tert. de Or. c. 1, 9 Novam, etc. he ordered a new Form of Prayer; and before them both in Trajan's Reign, the Christians ordinarily used it, as our Greg. observed from Lucian. The Context will confirm the interpretation, for it is generally received, the Jewish Teachers did compose Forms for their Disciples. S. John Baptist did, whereupon Christ's Disciples moved him also for a Form, Luk. 11. 1. that thereby they might be owned for such. In compliance whereto our Saviour granted their Petition, yet with that caution to decline novelty, that he took much of it from the Jewish Euchologue, as not only our Greg. hath noted, but Drusius also and Capellus: plain it is from the manner of its composure, it was not delivered as a Directory, but as a Liturgy, not only as a Rule to form our Prayers by, but a form to pray in: good reasons also there are to persuade us, notwithstanding the silence of the Scripture, that the Disciples constantly so used it; for it was a Symbol of their Discipleship, not unto them as common Jews, who only used the Church Ritual, but as Christ's retainers, whose privilege and honour it was to have a Form of his setting; they under this relation moved him for a Form, in order to its observation, and to discriminate them from other Jews or Disciples of other Masters.  
Num. 2. Our Saviour himself practised composed Forms, Matt. 26. 30. which Cam. assures us was the solemn customary Hymn which concluded the Supper; and it is the more probable, because the Disciples joined with Christ in it, which they could not have done, unless they had been well acquainted with it. Again he used the same prayer thrice, Matt. 26. 44. so upon his complaint upon the Cross he used the words of David, Psal. 22. 1. and when he gave up the Ghost, Luk. 23. 46. he took a Form from, Psal. 31. 7.  
Num. 3. We have the Precedents of S. Peter and S. John attending the ordinary service, Acts 3. 1. which the circumstances of time and place do evince; for if they neglected the daily Service, or used any other, they would have given an offence to the Jews, whose conversion they endeavoured; this is confirmed from that observation of learned men, that the first Christians accommodated all their Offices to the Jewish Ritual, and revived the moral Service of God practised in the Jewish Church, which was always by a determinate Form, saith Capel. from Maim. Syn. Crit. in Loc. and appears from Luk. 1. 10. compared with Rev. 8. 4. for at the time of Incense they had three Forms called, Emeth, Gnaboah and Shemshalom, because they began with these words; Lightf. Desc. of the Temple Service: Mr. Selden in his Notes on Eut. p. 41. from Maim. relates, The Jews were permitted to have their voluntary prayers, yet not on the Sabbath and Feast days, nor with the solemn appointed Sacrifices, because prescribed Prayers were then to be observed, but only at the  Offerings, and then too with these restrictions, they should not be extemporary, but prepared Prayers, nor were they permitted to the whole Congregation which was tied up to the daily Offices. Those places of Saint Paul, Eph. 3. 19 Col. 3. 16. are a plain reference to the Jewish practice, for there he useth those three Greek words by which the Septuagint renders the three Hebrew Mismorim, Tehillath or Rabbinice (as Buxt.) Tehillim and Shirim: Diod. interprets this Text by reference to Psal. 55. 17. as others to Dan. 6. 10.  
Num. 4. Primitive practice is deduced,  
1. From Acts 13. 2. where the Church is said to be solemnly at her Liturgy, ministering, not to the people by Alms or other acts of Charity, but to God in the acts of his Worship, in public Prayers and other parts of the Evangelical Ministry, saith Diod. This is agreeable to that Text, Acts 2. 42. which in Mr. Calvin's judgement delineates the true state of the Church, treating of public Prayers. And to that, Acts 4. 24. when the hundred and twenty Converts prayed unanimously and uniformly, there were no dissenters amongst them, nor mutes, all joined and all in one Form, and this a set Form as it is set down in the Text.  
2. From 1 Cor. 11. 5. every man and woman, etc. This at first sight is obvious, all of both Sexes prayed and prophesied; and from the Context this was done in the public Assemblies when the Church met, v. 20. and this according to an Apostolical Tradition, which S. Paul charged them to keep, v. 2. (But what then is this praying and prophesying?)  
1. This praying here is not by an extemporary faculty or volubility of language, it may be questioned whether that was then in use, for if when S. Paul, Rom. 12. Gal. 5. Eph. 4. 1 Cor. 12. enumerated the gifts of the Spirit he gave a full Catalogue thereof, than this pretended gift is begged, because no such is mentioned in that Company; that of praying by the Spirit, 1 Cor. 14. 15. was praying in an unknown Tongue, v. 14. which required an interpreter; however this be, those gifts were not common to all Believers, neither was any of them communicated to select persons for popularity and ostentation, but for profit and edification; yea, their proper purpose was to prevent that licentiousness that was taken from the pretence thereof, and even to restrain arbitrary prayers, and to confine the gifted to such suggestions as the holy Spirit dictated to them; this is evident, the Apostle censures some of the pretenders for clashing one with another, 1 Cor. 14. 21. it was never heard that the Spirit was given to any to pray upon their own heads, or according to their own lusts, interests and passions; but supposing there were such a gift, yet it was not to be used at every meeting; for if an Interpreter were wanting at any such meeting, than all they had to do was either to resort to the Common Prayers or to break up and be gone: neither lastly was this gift given promiscuously to all of all Sexes, it being pretended as a peculiar to the Minister, or some inspired person endowed therewith, therefore praying here must be praying in the Church, v. 20. 22. by the Church's prayers according to the order and custom thereof, 1 Cor. 14. 40. and then the meaning is, Every man or woman meeting at the Church or observing the customary constituted devotions ought to be thus habited and thus to demean themselves.  
2. By Prophesying here we are not to understand prediction of future events, nor the gift of interpreting what was spoken by the gift of Tongues, 1 Cor. 14. v. 2, 3. nor for speaking to men for edification, 1 Cor. 12. 29. all are not Prophets; nor is it to be taken passively, as some imagine, for hearing a Prophecy, for then every one that hears a Prophecy is a Prophet; and by the same reason, every one that hears a Sermon is a Preacher; and a reason ought to be rendered why praying should not be interpreted passively as well as prophesying, but the notion here is the same with that of, 1 Sam. 10. 5. 1 Chron. 25. 1. Luk. 1. 67. for singing Psalms and Hymns, so the sense is perspicuous (viz.) Let every man and woman singing and praising God in the Church, appear in such habits as are suitable to their Sex. This should not seem odd to them who allow all to sing, but silence the whole Congregation in the act of Prayer, because in such singing the Psalms which are used contain in them prayers, supplications, intercessions and thanksgivings; but others are verily persuaded that all both men and women have joint interest in the public Service of God with the officiating Ministers, who as they are for order sake to direct and lead the Congregation, so all assembled have their parts to act. A bare corporal presence is mockery and dalliance, an Eye or Ear service will never be accepted as the reasonable service of God. Thus it hath been from the beginning (which is our Saviour's way of arguing, Matt. 19 8.) ever since men called upon the name of the Lord; for thus it was practised in the Patriarchal ages, as our Greg. hath exemplified, p. 120, 121. Under the Law examples are numerous, Ex. 15. 1. 1 Chron. 15. 36. and 29. 20. 2 Chron. 6. 29. the manner is described, Ez. 3. 10, 11. and the practice proved, Psal. 34. 3. and 107. 8, 15, 21, 31. Mr. Selden observes, the Eighteen composed Prayers by Ezra began with that, Psal. 51. 15. O Lord open thou our Lips, to which the People answered, And our mouths shall show forth thy praise, the very Form retained in S. James his Liturgy, which is very much for its credit, and in ours soon after the beginning. S. Paul urgeth it as a Gospel duty, Rom. 15. 6. to glorify God, not with distracted or divided minds, but, with one mind, not that of the Minister only, but of all as one in consort, for that form v. 11. viz.) Praise ye the Lord, was the People's Hallelujah: our Saviour with the Disciples sung the great one, on which Musculus observes, Ipse ita praelocutus est ut verba illius fuerunt excepta & vicissim reddita; just as the people with us, repeat the Confession, Lord's Prayer, etc. S. Paul reports the unlearned had his Amen to give in at the Eucharist, but probably he did more in the other Offices, if we believe Just. Mart. Apol. 2. sub fin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. where he distinguisheth between the joint Prayers of Priest and People, and those peculiar and proper to the Minister, his part lay in those Offices which solely depended on the power of the Keys, as Absolution, Consecration of the Elements and Benediction; the rest which had no such relation were common both to Minister and People, who were to accompany him (as it is expressed in the introduction to our Liturgy) with an humble voice, Cum disciplina & modestis precibus, as Saint Cypr. Or. Dom. and as Ter. de Or. c. 13. Sonos etiam vocis subjectos, etc. both of them commending a modest submiss rehearsal of the Prayers with the Minister who speaks them out audibly, and both of them condemning the obstreperous bold vociferations of rude men, who observed no decorum, whereof it seems such there were at that time. Yet for once let it be supposed, the People only expressed Amen at the Minister's prayer, this could not be rationally done to an extempore effusion; because they could not do it with understanding, this they could not because they were not acquainted with the Schediast's sense, for whilst the understanding is in labour rightly to apprehend what he means, no rational judgement can be passed till after some pause and deliberation upon what is delivered, and whilst it's thus employed, the Schediast in his post haste is so far gone, that either he cannot attend to what he next delivereth, or he is at a loss of what he hath delivered, and then all that he can do is either to fall to his study or take all upon an implicit Faith; which if he do, he must say Amen to contradictions, absurdities and wickedness. This is one foul piece of Popery, to put all devotion on the Priest, for when 1 Cor. 14. is urged against the Papists for their prayers in an unknown Tongue, the best answer that is given by their Controvertists and Commentatours is, Populus est particeps omnium precum quas pro omnibus fundit Sacerdos; for that the Priest speaketh not to Men but to God, and the ministerial Office would be dangerously invaded, if the people be permitted to utter any thing more than a bare Amen.  
SECT. 2. The Testimonies of the Second Century will be revered by all sober men, as that of Enaristus, who ordered that Marriage should be solemnised with the prayers of the Church; that of Clemens, Ep. 1. ad Cor. We ought to do all things according to order, at set hours to frequent and solemnize the oblation and Liturgy, answerable to S. Paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that of Just. Mart. as before, We all arise to common prayer: Ignat. in Ep. ad Magn. Telesphorus, an. 139. ordained that at public prayers, the people should sing that Hymn, viz. Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord, etc. Soter. an. 164. that when the Priest said, The Lord be with you, the People should answer, And with thy Spirit: Scaliger de Emend. Tem. l. 7. tells us of an ancient Liturgy he had lying by him of Ignatius his composing, as he is understood by a learned man.  
SECT. 3. For the Third Century Tertul. is express, as is before noted; so is S. Cypr. who profeffeth, Publica nobis, etc. We have public Common Prayer, and that the people may be devout at it, the Priest prepares their minds with this Preface, Sursum corda, Lift up your hearts, whereto they answer, We lift them up to the Lord, Origen. l. 6. cont. Cells. reports the Christians used constituted prescribed prayers, one Form whereof he mentions in terms; Hom. 11. in Jer. we frequently say in our prayers; O Almighty God, give us a part with the Prophets, etc. and we have a remarkable story of his great affection for them, which lies thus, apud Eus. l. 6. c. 3. Leonides his Father being beheaded by the Emperor Severus, and his Estate confiscated, Origen, not being then full eighteen years old, he with his Mother and six other Brethren were left to the wide world. It pleased God a noble Lady entertained and supplied him, who also had retained one Marcus, an Antiochian, whom she respected for his famed faculty in extempore praying, in which she was delighted; whereupon at her house frequent meetings were had, to which not only the Heretics (the Non-conformists) but many of our own Conformists resorted, yet for all the favours Origen received from her, he would never be persuaded to be present at their Conventicles, because from his Childhood (it seems his Parents were religious true Sons of the Church) he had observed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Order of the Church, and perfectly hated all Doctrines of errors. Hippolytus writ his Orat. de Consume. Mundi, about an. 220. wherein he saith, Ad Antichristi tempora, etc. in the last times of Antichrist, the holy Houses shall be like Cottages, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Liturgy shall be extinguished, etc. This was fully put in execution by our late Bandities upon the pretence of the feared (though most knavishly) and suspected introduction of Tyranny and Popery.  
SECT. 4. We produce good reasons, as well as good rules and great authorities, for set Forms.  
1. An arbitrary form by a new set of words may perhaps affect and work strangely upon the sensitive Soul, as the frantic feats of the Turkish Dervishes do on those miserable deluded people; phrases and variety of them with cadencies, affected tones and gestures, wry mouths and twinkling eyes, with much sweat and noise, may raise the humours and passions into disorder, but they can never prevail with a rational considering man to gain his esteem, unless it be to pity them or smile at them. That which they esteem as a gift is rather an art by the dilatation of the animal spirits, which are much pleased and raised by a delight in novelty and variety, and oft puts the Soul into strange heats and fancies.  
2. To borrow three from Mr. Calvin, Ep. 87.  
1. A determinate Form from which Ministers are not to vary in their Offices, is useful as an help to the weakness of some; he might have said of the many, yea the most, if not all.  
2. It is a Testimony of the Church's consent and unity; he might have added of her conformity with the Catholic Church.  
3. It is a way to stop the desultorious levity of those who are for new things; Mr. Baxter will help him here, who in his Disp. of Lit. Prop. 10. in his great experience, acknowledgeth, the constant disuse of set Forms is apt to breed a giddiness in Religion, and it may make men Hypocrites, who shall delude themselves with fancies, that they delight in God, when it is but in those novelties and varieties of expression. Indeed extempore prayers are strong delusions in several respects, For,  
1. The most prudent and cunning sort of the pretenders to this faculty use study and premeditation, which they conceive necessary to pray seasonably, yet here lies the cheat, they would have their herd to take their composed Forms as issues of their sudden conceptions. A great man of the Faction freely imparted his mind herein to a Friend, saying, He had so many Forms lying by him, most of which being committed to memory, by the interchangeable use of them, he was thought by the people always to pray without premeditation, Engl. Reprover, p. 153. This is just si vuli populus decipi decipiatur, a Puritan pia fraus.  
2. The Zealots of the Sect honour an honest unpremeditated prayer with the title of Spiritual, by way of propriety, in opposition to set Forms for ordinary use, pretending the Spirit immediately suggests the expressions. Thus Ambrose in his experiences published with Licence from Herle once Prolocutor of their Assembly, Angier, Johnson and Waite, Provincials in the Class in Lancashire upon a private Fast observed, Jan. 6. 1642. held it forth, The Lord gave some that exercised that day the very spirit and power of prayer, to the ravishment of the hearers; surely it was the Spirit spoke in them, which they resolved from Zach. 12. 10. Rom. 8. 26. This is a Jesuitical Cheat, as it is reported by Maffeus', elevante spiritu, etc. that the Spirit would raise Ignatius at his prayers four cubits from the earth.  
3. The great Sticklers for the good old Cause so highly extol extempore conceptions, that they own them as the best evidences of their Party and Piety; first idolising that which in some is mere natural, in others an artificial habit of Enthusiasm, as Casaubon hath evidenced, c. 4. next, idolising the persons pretending to it, who have been very monsters of men; such as Achitophel who (as the Rabbins relate) prayed every day thrice, and every time had a conceived Oration; such as Basilides the great Duke of Muscovy, and Oliver, two most bloody Villains and Tyrants; such as the blasphemous Hacket here in England, and the vile Wretch were in Scotland; the horrid execrable Regicides, and the whole litter of our late Mammon Rebels and Renegadoes.  
SECT. 5. It is confessed by the most knowing men of the Party, that imposed stated Forms were in common practice in the Fourth Century, which is an Argument they were so from the beginning. For the Fathers of that Age, being persons eminent for piety and sincerity in the Christian profession, would not innovate, and being also men of excellent accomplishments would easily have observed what was most proper for the discharge of their Function. Had they believed that lousy Fancy, that the modification of public Worship by personal abilities was the formal act of the ministerial Office, as the cutting of Cloth into such a shape by his own skill is the formal ministration of a Tailor, as an Anonymus, p. 79. of his Survey, mechanically held forth; they doubtless would have made use of their great personal abilities in their public administrations, which confessedly they did not, and it is certain they would not do so, because they conceived themselves obliged to retain the ancient Forms in veneration to those pious persons who composed and enjoined them for public use. The Third Council at Carthage, c. 3. resolved, Quascunque, etc. Whatsoever prayers any shall transcribe for themselves, let them be taken out of a Copy before in use. S. Basil. de Sp. Sanct. c. 27. refers to the solemn words of prayer observed before his time in the benediction at the Eucharist. Saint Chrys. Hom. 2. in 2. ad Cor. exemplifies a Form which had long before been constituted in the Church. In Ireland S. Patrick brought a Liturgy which he received from Germanus and Lupus, originally taken from S. Mark. Archbishop Usher, in his Discourse of the Religion professed by the ancient Irish, affirmeth, he had seen it set down in an ancient Fragment well nigh nine hundred years since, remaining now in the Library of Sir Robert Cotton. That every exception against those Liturgies of Saint James, etc. that they were supposititious, is an argument that such there had been; for if they were corrupted, something was pure; if somewhat was supposititious in them, somewhat also was genuine.  
One trifling objection against our Liturgy, which serves to amuse the Vulgar, is not to be neglected. It is this, The first Reformers industriously contrived the Common Prayer Book, to endear the Papists to its use.  
This in the judgement of wise men is to commend them, Zanch. in Phil. 4. 8. thought the gratification of bad men in those things wherein we do not offend God, to be a duty. Amyral. de Secess. ab Eccl. Rom. p. 225. highly approves this course, atque hic commemorare, etc. we are here to consider with what wisdom and moderation the French and Genevian Churches contrived their public Forms of Prayer. They are so far from handling any controversial matters therein, that the Pontificians themselves scruple not to use them; and, which is scarce to be believed, but that the matter of fact is notorious, they have picked out of them certain Prayers, which they have inserted into their Manuals for the use of the people in their native Language. The objectors might have remembered, that Book took with the Romanists for full ten years of Q. Elizabeth's Reign; probably had longer, but that their dear Friends the Puritans, had disturbed the peace of the Church, which gave the Pope an opportunity to dispatch his Emissaries, and ever since both Parties have bandied against it.  
The Consectaries of the premises are, stated Liturgy from Scripture, with the practice of the primitive Christians, and continued in the Catholic Church, is the best service of God; and our Liturgy being perfectly conformed thereto, is to be retained. It was then no vanity or presumption in Archbishop Cranmer to engage against all opposers thereof, if he was permitted to take Peter Martyr with three or four more for his assistants, he would prove there was nothing therein contained, but what was agreeable with the holy Scriptures, and primitive Antiquity. Bishop Jewel had great reason to assert, Accessimus, etc. We came as near as possibly we could to the Order used in the Apostles times, Apol. par. 5. c. 15. divis. 8. and more fully, par. 6. c. 16. divis. 1. We came as near as possible we could to the Church of the Apostles, and of the old Catholic Bishops and Fathers, and have directed according to their customs and ordinances, not only our Doctrine, but also the Sacraments and form of Common Prayer; so false and absurd is that fancy, that our Liturgy is form out of the Roman Missal, that so far as it is Popish is nothing else but a bombast of corrupt additionals patched to it.   

CHAP. V.  
THE next Charge against the Reformation is, that Ceremonies are retained and enjoined.  
SECT. 1. That circumstances may be determined the Assemblers have resolved, Pref. to the Direc. p. 7. viz. They endeavoured to hold forth such things as were of Divine Institution, and to set forth other things according to the rules of Christian prudence, agreeable to the general rules of God's word: and some of these other things are Ceremonies; for a determination of the posture of the Body in Divine Service is one which they pass, when they order the people to sit at the Table; and in the Office of Marriage, they will and require the Man to take the Woman by the right hand, etc. which they account a Ceremony, or else their immediately subsequent clause is nonsense, viz. Then without any farther Ceremony, etc. The Platform drawer, c. 10, 11. 8. is peremptory, Nefas est, etc. It is wickedness to oppose the judgement of Rulers, sine sufficienti & ponderosa causa; to explain which he declares, than it is a sufficient and weighty cause, when at least there is violenta praesumptio a violent presumption in the judgement of truly wise men, that the Superiors have not swerved from the truth. But the Catechism maker, an old Trader in Subtleties, goes more cunningly to work: This is his artifice, p. 61, 62. Whatsoever is of circumstance in the manner of performance of religious Worship, not capable of especial determination, as emerging or arising only occasionally upon the doing of what is appointed, at this or that time, in this or that place, or the like, is left to moral prudence. Now he immediately subjoins, but the addition of Ceremonies, not necessarily belonging neither to the Institutions of Christ, nor unto those circumstances whose disposal falls under the rules of moral prudence, neither doth nor can add any thing to the due order of Gospel Worship. This last Clause is but the opinion of a few mushroom Sectaries, which is overruled by the judgement of the Catholic Church and all wise men. It is remarkable, when the Aberdeen Doctors proved from the Confessions of the Reformed Churches and judgement of some learned men, that more than bare circumstances of actions were left to the determination of the Church, and plainly told them, their stirring about Ceremonies was a scandal to other Reformed Churches, Demand. 13. The Three Apostles of the Covenant, Henderson, Dickson and Cant, fairly slipped by this in their first return, but being once more pressed, they frankly confessed the charge, saying, We deny not but Divines both ancient and modern, are against us concerning the lawfulness of the things controverted, p. 22. all absolutely either allowing or judging them tolerable, p. 28. For we scarce know any without his Majesty's Dominions that peremptorily condemn them as unlawful: and at last were driven to this feeble slur to uphold all their innovations and rebellious actions, viz. They had seen the day of the Lord's power in the Land. But if it be possible to be an Oedipus to this Sphinx, we are to watch the motions and refuges of this Fox.  
1. What doth he mean by his occasional emergents, either his circumstances be they, if so, than he must reconcile himself to his Brethren, who allow them to be natural or inseparable accidents and adjuncts, not occasionally, but constantly attending all external actions; or else his occasional emergents, are some, pro hic & nunc, necessaries, that is, when occasion is offered, for religious Worship, such circumstances and the like are necessarily to be adhibited: for the last clause, viz. But the superaddition, etc. being an exception to the foregoing it must signify this or nothing, viz. That Ceremonies are not necessarily belonging, but circumstances do necessarily belong, etc. For,  
2. He seems to distinguish these not only in expression, but putting them in a different letter. Let this be granted that they are distinguishable, yet the distinction is only modal; for when a circumstance is actually applied to any Act, than it falls under the notion of a Ceremony, that which is a circumstance in the general abstracted consideration, becomes a Ceremony by the particular usage and application. Time, place, and the like, that is, habit and gesture, are circumstances, but this time or place, this or that habit and gesture, by the special determination of the indefinite adjuncts to observation are Ceremonies. But herein the Doctor kept a-loof from the contest, for the matter in debate is, first, Whether religious Worship ought to be performed with solemnity and reverence? And if so, then Whether Ceremonies be not proper for its Solemnity?  
3. What the things and matters are which he coucheth under his [and the like] Was he afraid of an etc. which his Partisans had so shrewdly clubbed? yet his [and the like] is as like an &c. as one Egg can be to another. If habit and gesture fall under his [and the like] he must wear the Surplice and kneel when he is ordered, which because they agree not with his chiverell Conscience, he puts us off with an obscure insignificant [and the like.] But if he be reserved, Brother Rutherforth coughs out, reckons habit and gesture with and among his six physical circumstances; which if they be, then according to his rule, they fall under the rules of moral prudence.  
4. How comes it to pass that his circumstances are not capable of special determination? Certainly God could (if in his infinite wisdom he had thought fit) have prescribed the entire manner, (as once he did) as well as the duty; therefore time, place and the like, are capable of special determination, with the occasional emergents, viz. The monthly Wednesday Fast, and the annual Thanksgiving on the third of September: and he could have ordered who should have carried on the work of the days, J. O. for one, and Smect. for the other end, and made them a Directory to order them how to preach and pray; he could have appointed the habit and gesture as well as place, S. Paul's as well as Margaret's Westminster; if then the circumstances of time and place be, so the like form, habit and gestures are left to moral prudence.  
5. What is his moral prudence? Here we are in the dark, till the illuminato do in good earnest declare, whether his prudence be a peculiar of some Set of gifted men, or the whole Set of secret Ones, or of some few Demagogues, who with their seditious Orators, drive on their particular interests by gratifying the lusts of their charmed herds, and have rare picklocks for their Purses and Consciences. Or whether it be the public and the Legal Governors of the Church, or the private prudence of every individual Christian; if the former, than what is pleaded, is obtained; if the latter, then why may not the public judgement interpose in those things, on which private discretion and Conscience may resolve? Doubtless particular persons, or such as are arbitrarily associated at the most, have only a private capacity, and all wise men and good have heretofore been of this persuasion; that public persons are most proper to be entrusted with the management of public concerns, both because God hath committed it to them▪ 1 Tim. 2. 1, 2, 3. and also because what a Christian may safely do upon the dictates of his Conscience, he may warrantably do when enjoined by public authority. This they practise in a plain matter of fact, An Oath is generally confessed by them to be a part of religious worship; But public authority hath prescribed its form of administration, and appointed significant Ceremonies at the taking thereof. Here I demand whether an Oath thus form and circumstantiated can be lawfully taken or no? If not, how comes it to pass that these men, in any instance wherein their temporal interests are concerned, are free to it? If they can, and do, why may not the same authority determine the circumstantials of the Second and Fourth Commandment as well as of the Third? Are they not equally Precepts of Divine Worship? And why may not the same require our conformity to their Constitutions in the adjuncts of religious Worship, as well as command and enforce submission to their Acts for the modifying, limiting and enlarging the duties of the Second Table? Is not holy Text as much a rule of perfection for the Offices of Justice and Charity, as for religious Duties? Is not Christ the Lawgiver to both? And can there be a fairer acknowledgement of the plenitude of his power, than that by Commission he hath settled and delegated his Officers here on earth to make rules for the honest and honorary performance of what he hath indispensably commanded? What therefore they by their Legantine power duly executed do order, is ordered by him. Quod quis per alium, etc. he that heareth you, heareth me.  
SECT. 2. Ceremonies thus stated are in some degree necessary (as we usually call ornamentals in an House necessaries) because such is the exigence of all external actions, that without them they cannot be solemnly performed, which in all religious affairs, as well as civil transactions, aught to be respected. All Societies have their ceremonial Observations as well as fundamental Constitutions, to which they have so great respect, that they suspect these to be sore shaken, when the other are removed; and the Catholic Church hath ever thought Ceremonies so subservient to the decent, regular and reverend performance of Christian Institutions, that without them the Service could not receive nor retain its due value and esteem. In the Christian Community, Unity and Uniformity are commanded duties, and all Christians have hitherto believed Ceremonies are the best fences and securities for them, and such as add much lustre and honour to exercises of Religion. How great a part of the judicial Law was Ceremonial? not only by types and figures of good things to come, which as carnal Ordinances were to expire when the fullness of time came, but appendants and attendants of those good duties then enjoined, which are not abrogated by Christ. That Text, Matt. 5. 17. respects not one division of the Law, but every part, so that the whole remains in force to receive its perfection by the Gospel. The moral Law, though nulled in its presumed ability to justification, which the grace of Jesus Christ supplieth, yet liveth as a rule of obedience. The judicial stands still in its full strength in matters of common equity, though as to those Laws which peculiarly respected the Jewish State its rigour is abated, to supply which God hath given to supreme Powers authority to enact such Decrees as are conducible to the great ends of Government. The Ceremonial, as it consisted of weak and beggarly rudiments is determined, yet it holds as a directory to the Church for signification; For one great end thereof was to teach us to serve God regularly and reverently; Amesius, Med. Theol. l. 2. c. 15. n. 16. confesses, Institutions merely Ceremonial do yet contain in them a general equity, and do yet teach us that certain fitting days (therefore fitting Rites by parity of reason) be assigned for God's public Worship, Substantia Legis Ceremonialis est perpetua, Zanch. de Relig. Observe. c. 15. Aphor. 4. J. Frig. p. 9 of his Ref. Pol. thus expresseth it in reference to the whole; There is no abrogation, well there may be some derogation; which he hath borrowed from the Canonists and Casuists, who thus distinguish, Derogatur Legi cùm pars detrahitur; abrogatur cùm prorsus tollïtur, Barth. Fum. Tit. Abrog. and he thus explains it; A derogation doth but expound an Edict, as we see the Gospel derogateth from the Law by taking away the Letter, and requiring it be taken after the Spirit, now the spirit of the Law is the equity thereof, but the letter is the rigour of the words. We have a Saying, the reason of the Law is its soul; and every sense affixed contrary to the reason of its enacting is unreasonable. Now as in several Statutes of Repeal, some useless or prejudicial things are nulled, but what conduceth to good ends is by cautious provisoes strengthened; so the Mosaical Law in those things which were burdensome and inconvenient, is quite out of all, but those that are no way derogatory to the Discipline of Christ and his easy yoke, and which are very agreeable with the Constitution of Christian Society, and community have their full virtue. It was the observation of Melancthon, that the fourth Commandment was Morale praeceptum de Ceremoniali, which (if I understand him aright) the ultimost reason of the Law is moral, but what is specially commanded is Ceremonial, and if so, then plainly it is moral, that some things should be Ceremonial: And because Ceremonies have been by all almost adjudged serviceable to the common interchangeable good of Religion, therefore they are not to be esteemed trivial or superfluous; for nothing is so which is a concurring good mean to a good end, or hath a social good end in good resolutions.  
SECT. 3. If the quarrel be at their significancy, certainly the more significant they are, the more expedient also they are, and the Church hath good authority to expedients, for what is both lawful and laudable is in that degree necessary; and if S. Paul thought it incumbent on every single Christian, to provide things honest in the sight of all men, Phil. 4. 8. then much more is the Church bound to take care in that respect for herself and her members. Now these honest things which are to be provided are such as in the approbation of all wise men, whether good or bad, are grave, venerable, attractive and obliging, and such are our Ceremonies; which are experimented to be wholesome preservatives of the golden mean betwixt nakedness and vanity, veneration and superstition, gaudiness and rudeness, and therefore of the kind of those honest things; But S. Paul is yet more particular, seeming to put significant Ceremonies, sub Praecepto, 1 Tim. 2. 8. I will therefore (I appoint it by Apostolical authority, saith Diod.) that men lift up holy hands, by this Ceremony (saith he) to express the devotion of the heart; Pisc. seconds him, the lifting up the hands (says he) is a sign of the elevation of the heart, with this proviso, not that this gesture is so necessary, that we are indispensably tied to it; For we find the Publican used it not, but smote upon his Breast, yet therein he was a true Conformist, who observed an uncommanded significant rite according to the then received custom, if Dr. Lightfoot's warranty be good, that in Christ's time they prayed with their hands laid on their breasts, the right hand being placed on the left, [Prostration was not commanded Rite, yet approved, 2 Chron. 7. 3.] All these had their proper significations, that of lifting up the hands, an expression both of our faith and confidence in God, and of innocency and sincerity in ourselves, those of smiting the breast and prostration, notes of humility and self-denial, all of them, of reverence and submission of mind, and respectively practised first by the Jews and after by the ancient Christians, Grot. in loc. S. Paul observed what he taught, Eph. 3. 14. I bow my knees, not metaphorically, but physically, to testify (as Diod. and Pisc.) his humility in prayer. The Non-conformists themselves can, when the Fit takes them, uncover their heads, (which is no natural but topical usage) at their prayers, singing and communicating, which they either refer to some present sensible object, and then they are as idolatrous as they fancy the Papists to be, or else they use it as an expression of some moral duty, which is to observe a significant Ceremony: All who have approved Ceremonies (and all have done so but this petty peddling Tribe) have the rather approved them for their significancy, and many who have liked these, have snuffed at the Romish for their dulness.  
SECT. 4. There being no fault in Ceremonies, nor their Significancy, there can be none in their Imposition, both because what is lawful and laudable may, & pro hic & nunc, aught to be imposed; and also if Superiors have authority it lies in this kind of things, because the observation of these depends on their authority; what is certainly divine, whether Superiors enjoin it or not, we are to do for God's sake; what is humane, when required by Superiors, we are to perform for their sakes, who have received such authority from God, what they exact in duties standing by divine Law natural, or positive, is only ministerial, what in others is judicial. But if significant Ceremonies be due expedients in the public worship of God, then for order and uniformity therein, it is necessary they be settled in a fixed determinate state, because if this be not observed, the ends for which they are expedient are not attainable. For as they will not reach the ends of decency and edification, unless they be significant, and by their significancy expedient, so will they not procure unity and uniformity unless they be determined, and by virtue of this determination unanimously and uniformly observed. If then it be requisite there be a stated order, this must be drawn either by God or Man. It is acknowledged by all hands, that matters of this nature are left by God to humane prudence, the order then must be from Man. But if from Man, then either from an agreement of the People, which is not, for such lives not long, and so we must begin again; and as the process will be in infinitum, so it is hard to find that ever any such agreement hath been made; if there have, than I demand whether this agreement be obligatory or not? if not, the agreement is a busy nothing, the end pretended is no way secured; if it be, than it hath the nature of an imposition to that multitude so agreed, and each particular member thereof, and also the matter whatsoever it be in its kind, is resolved by that consenting imposition necessary for its use, because confessedly obliging by virtue of that conclusive agreement. Or else from some whom God hath entrusted and committed a power to order these things, which is the most natural and Scriptural way: and so if these impose there, there ariseth an obligation to observe what is imposed, because there are express commands for obedience to them in the word of God, so that a scrupulosity arising from a mixed persuasion or doubting of the lawfulness of the matters imposed will not acquit the Conscience, because he that disobeyeth is damned as well as he that doubteth. It is no unwarrantable groundless supposition, that if man had continued in the state of innocency, even than a settled Government would have been provided, because that after men were multiplied upon earth they would have drawn into Societies; but it is utterly unconceivable how the way of living in a Society could be effected without a ruling power to order it. Rivet. in Exod. 20. p. 157. brings this home to the special matter; Ritus externi, etc. External rites proper and belonging to Ecclesiastical Polity, and for certain circumstances in the worship of God, were no way unsuitable to that state. For which he assigns this reason, p. 152. In statu illo, etc. In that state men should have entered into Society, and being entered, Ecclesiastical Polity should have its place and use even in divine Worship. For, though in that state every day would have been as an holiday, and there was nothing could have diverted man from the contemplation and worship of God, yet as, even then man, as a living Creature, might apportion some time for the procurement of necessaries for humane life, so as a sociable Creature he would submit to order in his public religious conversation. This will hold the stronglier, if that Hypothesis hold, that God by a positive Law commanded the observation of the Sabbath to man before he lapsed; and concluded it is that Adam, being the first Parent of mankind, did exercise this ruling power over his descendants, and the successive Fathers of Families, after they were multiplied, did so by the Law of Primogeniture; so that superiority and inferiority, and therefore subjection, stands by the Law of nature, otherwise the fifth Commandment is no part thereof.  
SECT. 5. What was the reason of our first Reformers retaining Ceremonies, is expressed in the Preface to the Common-Prayer-Book, in the Proclamation published and prefixed to it, in the Editions thereof in King James his time, which the Lord Bacon highly approved; and fully cleared by our excellent Jewel, saying, Part. 2. c. 17▪ divis. 1. We keep still and do esteem Ceremonies, for that we had a desire all things in the holy Congregation (as S. Paul commanded) be done with comeliness and order. Vide Synops. in Josh. 22, 25, ad 30. and on Dan. 6. 10.  
SECT. 6. Now if our Separatists be not pleased to receive satisfaction from the premises, nor from the Writings of many excellent men, both of this Church and other reformed Protestant Churches; let them consult their dearly beloved Amesius, provided they take him waking, not dreaming, when he is in his practical method, not when he is in his polemical heats, unless when he is so warmly charged by his adversary, that he is driven to give way, who if he do not determine the case in favour to the Conformists, I must confess I do not rightly understand him.  
His first hint is in his Bell. enerv. To. 2. l. 4. c. 3. n. 9 viz. All obedience presupposeth a Precept, and it is due obedience in reference to God if it be any way commanded by him, as in the proposal of things determined for order, decency and edification. For than observantia superioribus est debita, etc. obedience paid to lawful Superiors in many things not determined by God, nor specially commanded (N. B.) by him to be observed by all, is acceptable to God, quatenus pendet, etc. as it is a duty of the Fifth Commandment.  
The next is in l. 3. de consc. c. 18. q. 1. n. 4. Actiones, etc. Actions which are neither commanded nor forbidden by God, are not matters of obedience or disobedience, (considered abstractedly, as will soon appear from him) but are in their  nature indifferent. Now all we affirm in this case is, that those actions which in their latitude and nature are indifferent, are thereby free to be determined for practice, and being once so determined by Superiors, it is not indifferent for private persons to cross or thwart their determinations, to do or not to do those indifferents, because the determination to practise so far abates the indifferency of that middle indifferent thing, (which yet after the determination remains such in its kind.) If herein he doth not concur with us, I mistake, for he âdds; The common nature of the thing is indifferent to good or evil, as it is duly or unduly circumstantiated. Now, say I, hence it follows, that the practice, according to conformity or nonconformity, in the determination of that indifferent thing, is respectively either good or bad; good by their tendency to good, that is, if they promote the good of order, and unity, etc. evil if we do not; he goes on, p. 191. such gestures are required in prayer, which are expressive of singular humility, as uncovering the head, kneeling, etc. adding, p. 124. at solemn prayer it is fit, by the elevation of the hands and eyes, to declare our faith and hope in our heavenly Father, and by gestures and signs to express the inward motions; whereupon he determins, these indifferents may not simply, absolutely and for perpetuity be commanded, yet as they tend to good they ought, and aught to be commanded by those, who, authoritate pollent, are in chief authority. Therefore in his opinion, things indifferent in their nature, are good from their application and settlement in good order, and in reference to good ends; which (he farther says) needs not to be always actual and explicit, a virtual is sufficient, and is as much as is generally required, which obviates that cavil of Pyrgopal. in his answer to Dr. Durel.  
His third comes yet more home, Med. Theol. l. 2. c. 14. n. 23. where he grants other circumstances (as J. O. ordered) with an [and the like] but with this difference, J. O. terms them natural, which he sticks not to call the common adjuncts of religious and civil acts, but by others (whom he censures not) are called religious Rites, or Ecclesiastical Ceremonies; the neglect and contempt whereof is in some measure a kind of violation of the holiness of Religion, and cannot be separated from it, but in some manner we derogate from the majesty and dignity thereof. Then he gives his full judgement of them, n. 24. These are not particularly commanded in Scripture, nay, it's below the majesty thereof to prescribe them, but they are left to moral prudence, n. 27. These Constitutions thus determined, are truly said by the best Divines to be partly divine, and partly humane; partly divine, because in their highest and primary respect they depend on the will of God, commanding them in general; n. 24. partly humane, because as to their particular observation they depend on humane prudence; yet so, that if there be no error in their Constitution they are to be esteemed and accepted, quasisimpliciter, and as if they were simply and absolutely divine.  
To recapitulate what he hath deter-mined in the point.  
There are things indifferent in their common nature and kind, these indifferents, when by special determination through their tendency to good they are applied thereto, are good; Ecclesiastical Rites and Ceremonies when thus duly circumstantiated are in the account of those indifferents: these Ceremonies should be significant, expressive of reverence and humility, of our faith and hope in God; these significant expressions ought to be constituted, these Constitutions are to be ordered by humane prudence, this humane prudence is that of those who precide in chief, these so ordered are religiously to be observed, and to neglect or contemn them, is to derogate from the majesty of religious Worship, and to violate its holiness; and lastly, the observation of them is acceptable to God (say Mr. Cawdry to the contrary what he can) by virtue of the Fifth Commandment: and so Amesius his Evidence is summed up.  
SECT. 7. Those three innocent (as they are justly called) Ceremonies retained and observed in our Church, she prescribes for by long continued Custom. For,  
1. The Priests should have a distinctive Habit, is so generally ruled, that it hath prevailed always in all places, where any Religion hath been professed. In the Patriarchal Ages, the Priests had such Garments whereof Isaac is an instance, Gen. 27. 15. vide Sis. Poli Syn. in loc. under the Law it is notorious; Calvin proveth it from Zach. 13. 4. whereupon he approveth it; in Matt. 23. 5. it is evident Christ had such a Garment, and Eus. l. 3. c. 25. relates S. John the Evangelist wore the Priest's Weed; our Gregory notes, p. 112. that in the Alcoran the Apostles are called El Havariuna, the White men, Viri Vestibus albis induti, as it is translated, because clothed in white Apparel; It is probable they would imitate their Master, who did wear a long Linen Coat, Rev. 1. 13. this was as Martin: Lex Tunica Sacerdotalis Linea, so Bull. such as the Levitical Priests used, Leu. 6. 10. and Leu. 16. 4. which the Priests of the Gospel when ordered, aught to do, saith Marbach. Professor of Divin. in Strasbourgh, which Gellasius in Geneva durst not deny, vid. Syn. in loc. and Peter Mart. hath evidenced the practice from good authority, This was not then a Popish invention, nor is now with the Papists one of their massing or consecrated Garments.  
2. The Sign of the Cross, against which the Vir Doctissimus (Parker) in Videlius hath drawn a long Charge in Folio, is for all his clatter both ancient and innocent: Mr. Perkins daemon. Probl. p. 82. grants the permanent sign was accustomed about an. 300. and the transient (which is that in use with us) was for the first 300 years after Christ practised in the common concerns of life, as a significant Ceremony, just for those ends we use after Baptism, as is is specified in the Rubric, and Can. 30. Tertullian often mentions the usage, so doth Saint Cyprian, as in Ser. de Laps. p. 217. Ed. Eras. frons cum signo, etc. the signed forehead; and Tract. count. Dem. p. 149. qui renati & signo, etc. who are baptised and signed. S. Hier. Prol. in Job. secundum 70. apologizeth for himself thus, viz. What Aquila and the judaizing Heretics, Symachus and Theodotian may undertake, that much more may I, who am a Christian, born of Christian Parents, & vexillum crucis, etc. carrying on my forehead the banner of the Cross. The custom then being ancient and innocent, because observed in the best times, it ought to be retained, and for its better observation be enjoined by authority, certainly not laid aside to gratify humorous people.  
3. As for kneeling at the receiving of the holy Sacrament, though there be not so clear a constat; yet this is plain, the Ancients used the same gesture they did at prayer, which never was that of sitting, which neither in itself hath, nor in the esteem of the Ancients ever had any thing of reverence; Tert. de Orat. c. 12. protests against it, and Amesius, c. 18. de Consc. p. 191. rejects it, because not expressive of reverence, nor approved in Scripture. Now kneeling was the ordinary custom, Euseb. l. 8. c. 5, 8. standing was at particular times and places, which they used as a significant Ceremony, yet when they stood, they bowed the body after the manner of worshipping, which is sufficiently proved by that received rule, Nemo manducat, etc. Let none communicate but he who first adores; so that ordinarily they kneeled when they received, and when they did not, they worshipped. The best reformed Churches use kneeling, and the best learned of those who do not, acknowledge it a gesture of humility and reverence, which, where it is constituted, aught to be uniformly observed. The Genevians, in their Annot. on the harmony of Confessions, are well content every particular Church should use her liberty in such cases; particularly they make mention of kneeling at the Communion, and use of all such Ceremonies as now are observed by the Lutherans, Copes, Organs, etc. and had been used before by Papists, Annot. Sect. 14. Obs. 4. add Confess. Bohem. As an upshot to this, when an English fugitive Separatist, proposed his Thesis, de Adiaphoris, at Geneva, he could not be permitted to discuss them.  
The whole may be drawn up in this order.  
Ceremonies are lawful things, some of this kind are expedient, these expedients ought to be significant, these may and occasionally aught to be imposed, these so imposed are to be observed, and those we practise caeteris paribus are to be settled rather than any other, because thereby we honour our first Reformers, we obey our lawful Superiors, we keep up our alliance with other reformed Churches, sure with the chiefest and best; and which is more, we hold a firm correspondence with the primitive and present Catholic Church.   

CHAP. VI  
AS for the observation of Holidays, the Grandees of the Sectarians seemed once willing to admit Festivals, provided they were not called Holidays; which was nothing else in them but a silly sour singularity and morosity; for more learned and much better men than they never scrupled at the name. Mr. Perkins, Demonst. Problem. p. 232. n. 6. asserts this; Holy they are, not in and for themselves, but for the holy duties then performed to God. Dr. Rivet in Ex. 20. p. 167. declares, A relative holiness belongeth to them, and they might very properly be called Holidays, ratione finis, in respect to their ends and uses, being separated for holy exercises. So they were constituted and observed in the primitive Church. S. Chrys. Hom. in Ascen. hath assured us, The Catholic Church observed six recurring anniversary Solemnities in memory of Christ's Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection, Ascension and mission of the Holy Ghost. The matter of fact is notorious. In the Reign of Dioclesian, an. 294. and by the Greek Menology, on the twenty fifth of December, the Christians assembled to commemorate the Birth of our Lord, whereof the Emperor having received intelligence, commanded the doors of the Church to be shut, and fire set to it, which soon consumed both them and it. Julian, in an hellish design, joined with the Christians in their public Assembly on the sixth of January called the Epiphany. The Festival (for it's called by Phil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and the Fast of our Saviour's Passion was solemnly celebrated, and that from long custom, Eus. l. 2. c. 16. The dispute so early started about the time of the observation of Easter puts that beyond dispute. Just. Mart. Resp. ad Orthod. 115. speaks of its being kept 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Apostles time; Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vid. Eus. l. 5. c. 23, 24, 25. and S. Aug. Ep. 119, ex authoritate Scripturarum, & universae Ecclesiae consensione. The Ancients called Ascension Tessaracostae, Scal. de Emend. Temp. many are their Homilies on that day, Conc. Elib. c. 43. treats of Whitsuntide, as an ancient Solemnity, censuring all those who neglect it as Heretics. The matter of fact is backed with a good reason. For if the primitive Christians were strict in the observation of the Birth-days (as they were called, but indeed Death-days of the Martyrs) we cannot imagine they would be forgetful foe the joyful days wherein the Lord, and the Lord of the Martyrs, begun, continued and perfected the work of the Redemption of mankind: But evident it is those days were religiously observed. S. Cypr. l. 3. Ep. 6. expressed his great care and zeal those commemorations and solemn Offices should not be slurred. Rivet. in Ex. 20. p. 154. saith, Ratio postulat, etc. Reason requires, that not only certain days, but sufficient be retained, even as many as the right constitution, safety, good of the Church and the glory of God requires. For we being exonerated from the Jewish yoke, may have more, ought not have fewer days for the service of God than they had, but they had more than one in seven, some whereof were of humane institution. This he confirms, p. 163. Quod de die, etc. that which was expressly said of the Seventh-day, by analogy and parity of reason, respects any day which the Church hath appointed, and in common use hath observed for holy Meetings: whereupon all Interpreters do conceive, not only the Lord's day, but all other lawfully instituted Festivals are comprehended under the Fourth Commandment. But a good word from Geneva may do more service, than all other authorities and reasons. Hear a whole gang of Genevians at once, Every Church may use her liberty in observing Ember-days, and Holidays consecrated to the godly memory of the Saints. Annot. in Harm. Confess. Sect. 16. Obs. 1. ad Conf. Boh. and retain the use of singing Christian Hymns and Songs upon the Holidays; Obs. 2. Zanch. in Expl. c. 2. ad Col. so far approves them, that though he thinks there is no absolute necessity for them, yet there is a profitable necessity in their due observation; Bishop Dau. in his exposition of the same words, hath furnished us with three substantial reasons, who will, may consider them.   

CHAP. VII.  
THE last which is opposed, is the Doctrine of the Church, exemplified in the Book of Articles. The Independent Sophi hath expressed so great kindness for 36 of them, that by his Verdict, woe be to him that shall dispute them, no less correction will satisfy his tender Conscience than exile; but away with the other three, if they be not removed, no recipe of reformation or condescension will work kindly with him. All this is but a Copy of his Countenance, when he puts on his considering Cap somewhat else must march off and be disbanded. Certainly for his dear sake, and the good service he expects from his Herd and Comerades, the six Homilies against Rebellion must be cashiered, and cast off to the dogs. Well! This is only one Doctour's opinion; A very good Friend of his would have the nineteenth Article quite cut off, because therein (as he sagely guesseth) the Church is defined directly as the Independents define it. In good time! till these two be agreed about the definition of the Church, there is little hopes of the much talked of Union; how this noble reflection will go down with him, let him certify when the project of Union is effected; but for his comfort, that he may take heart again, that suggestion of the noble Peer was the product of his malice and ignorance. For the Church of England reprobates Independency (which is, that every particular Congregation is an independent Body, not subordinate to any superior Ecclesiastical Authority, as Spanhem. Ep. ad Dau. Buch. p. 74. with Rivet and Poliander might have informed him) as a singular schismatical Sect, purely Donatistical: yet if the Doctor be offended that his beloved Friend thus girds at Independency, perhaps his other folly, that the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Articles are dark, and not so full as he desires, may regain his favour; Whether it doth so or no is not considerable, men of clearer eyes and better set think otherwise. For they have resolved, that the Church of England had gone so far in these points, as could with perspicuity, and safety be concluded from the Scripture. Mos. Amyr. de Secess. ab Eccl. Rom. p. 160. & inde. Bishop Daven. de pace inter Evang. Proc. p. 20. & ad pacem Eccles. adhort. p. 146, 147. This is certain, they were variously stated by Protestants both at home and abroad. What the judgement of Melancth. Bulling. Eras. Sarcer. etc. was, is well known. What our Bishop Hooper held is fairly discovered in his Epistle to the Reader prefixed to his Treatise on the Ten Commandments: what Bishop Latimer, is found in his Sermon on Phil. 3. and on Septuagesima, and in his Sermon on Acts 13. 48. This is remarkable, many in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, returning home from Geneva, broached Calvin's Doctrine here, one whereof wrote a smart Letter to an ancient Divine, who had been exiled too, charging him for his opposition to that Doctrine with Pelagianism, whereunto he, secundo Eliz. framed an Answer, wherein he purged himself and others of his judgement from the imputation, and by way of recrimination proved the Calvinists to be Pelagians. But a dapper younker, and through paced Bigot, is not only angry at these before excepted, but falls foul on the Sixth Article; what moved him at this, I cannot conjecture, unless he bogled at the Apocrypha; but perhaps I may guests what heated him against the One and Twentieth Article; forsooth, in his wise judgement, the Kirk with its Provincials may meet, etc. without the King's leave first obtained, and sit too contrary to his express command. I may also possibly hit at his displeasure at the Thirty Fourth Article, because by it he and his Drove must be concluded Schismatics. Great reason he had to keck at the Thirty Sixth Article: For when he was presented to the Class of revolted Ministers with their Lay-Elders for Ordination, they were not provided at first for a cast of their Office; for not knowing how to pick out a form of Ordination from the Directory, they were at a loss till they received one from Scotland, and then they gravely proceeded; to work they went on all hands without any scruple, that they had stinted the Spirit in the use of that set Form.   

CHAP. VIII.  
HAving considered the subject matters according to the rules of Religion, somewhat remains to be added from the common measures of prudence to overrule any motion tending to an alteration; which are to be taken from the resolutions of wise Heathens and Christians, who have foreseen and discovered the danger and mischiefs of such attempts, and then to make it appear, that those persons for whose behalf, or their own instance, such a motion is made, are not qualified for such a respect.  

SECT. 1.  
Num. 1. Considering Heathen have decried all innovations in religious matters, especially Plut. in Camil. is positive, viz. Subjects are to be kept in conformity to the Worship of their Country by a coercive power, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. because men's humours and passions are so irregular and irrational, that restraints must be set upon them, which he proved from common observation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Men by the fierceness of their depraved dispositions, are now hurried into superstition and sedition, and anon fall into profaneness and irreligion. Maecenas in Dio, advised Augustus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. above all things do thou thyself worship the Deity according to the Constitution of the Country, and enforce others by punishing obstinate Recusants; and do thus not only for God's sake, but in good policy for thine own and the Countries. For if the refractory fanatics and Changelings be not kerbed, they will plot and move for alterations in the Law, whereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Conventicles will be form, in which Conspiracies will ensue to the danger of Monarchy. Upon this counsel the Emperor gave this following strict charge to the Senators, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Maintain the settled Laws vigorously, giving no way to change, assigning this reason; for those things which continue in the same state, though perhaps worse in themselves, are yet more profitable for the public. Lips. from Stob. tells, that when a noble Peer taxed Cotys, King of Thrace, with tyranny, because he commanded the penal Laws to be put in execution, saucily saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. This is madness not government; the King soberly and mildly replied, This my madness keeps my Subjects in good order, viz. The fanatics and Hypocrites in their right wits, and the peaceable Loyal in their just rights. It was no bad order, that whosoever should make a motion for a change, should present it with an halter about his neck, unless he could make it appear to be just, reasonable and practicable.  
Num. 2. Christians are of the same mind. Lact. l. de Ira Dei, c. 12. saith, Quid erit in homine truculentius, etc. What can be more horrid in man than that without fear of God, he can elude or defy the force of Laws? Euseb. l. 8. de Proep. Evan. c. 2. showing the happiness of the Jewish State under Moses and Joshua, attributed this to their concord, and to their excellent temper of mind, in that they abhorred all innovations, esteeming it the chiefest point of prudence, not to enterprise any thing which might infringe or abate the tenor of the Law. The Presbyters and Deacons of Rome writing to S. Cypr. l. 2. Ep. 7. are very positive, Quid magis, etc. What can be more necessary either in times of peace or persecution than to exercise due severity, according to Divine order? S. Augustine fully, Tract. 11. in Joh. Admirantur Donatistae, etc. The Donatists wonder that Christian Princes should bestir themselves against the detestable dividers of the Church; but to abate their wonderment he subjoins this reason, Si verò, etc. If they did not labour to suppress them, how could they give an account to God of their power which they had received from him? because it is the duty of Christian Kings that they in their times preserve their Mother the Church in peace. That smart saying of his, Ep. 73. Possid. is not to be forgotten, Magis quid agas, etc. Think rather what course you are to take with those who will not obey Laws, and how to handle them, than to trouble your self to make it appear that their disobedience to Laws is sinful. This also shows that the Christian Emperors did make severe Laws against the Schismatics of those times; so did Constantine and his Sons, Aug. Ep. 166. Ed. Bas. To. 2. so did Valentian, Gratian, Theodosius, Arcadius, but Justinian took the safest course, for, the Heretics being great traders, he came even with them, none should trade, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. but the Orthodox, the rest had six months given them to consider whether they would conform or no. Evident it is that as the Emperors handled them, sometimes more severely, sometimes more remissly, (as the exigence of their affairs, and state of the Empire would permit,) the Church and State did accordingly enjoy their peace and quiet, or else were pestered with intestine broils and mischiefs. The Governors of the Church were not behind hand to do their part; for the Laodicean Council forbids them admission into the Church, c. 6. prohibits any Orthodox man to give his Sons or Daughters in marriage unto them, c. 31. yea not to pray with them, c. 33. and though it be true S. Aug. and Optat. called the Donatists' Brethren, yet at last they would not; that was, after that they had rejected or laid aside the use of the Lord's Prayer, as many of our fanatics have done. But above all, Solomon prohibits the removal of what had been long settled by paternal power, Prov. 22. 28. which the Ephesine Fathers with many other Ancients, have applied to Church Customs and Constitutions. Hereupon all wise men have dreaded the dissolution and abolition (which is the Puritans work of Reformation) of what hath been firmly established by good authority, finding the provoking and irritating of humours by medicines in order to a cure, have oft proved mortal; and have oft resolved, a tolerable sore is much better than an hazardous application for a remedy. The Lawyers have a saying, Better a mischief than an inconvenience, which can signify only this, that a remedy by admitting only an inconvenience hath oft proved more mischievous in the event, than the mischief they endeavoured to avoid; because every notable change of State is apt to produce a world of unavoidable mischiefs, it being morally impossible upon the exchange of a mischief for an inconvenience to prevent a new set of mischiefs, which are not ordinarily found till they be felt. It is notorious, that even preposterous and unseasonable pressures of present remedies against either some present conceited mischiefs, or fancied inconveniences hath choked the heart of all the main and principal concerns which ought first to have been respected, and frustrated all those great ends whose advancement hath been pretended; and whilst the greatest care of our Patriot Reformers should have been neither to tempt God, nor to weary and harden his Vicegerent, they have most impudently, imprudently and wickedly provoked both by their rebellious actings, and preposterous courses. Heu! probatum est, witness, (not to go farther back) our late Exclusioners and No-money-men.  
Num. 3. Admitting a change be submitted to, this will not gain nor secure those that are given to change; For upon every such change, they are ready ever and anon to change their principles and practices. The Donatists, the great Grandsires of our Sectaries, did so; at first they yelped, Quid Imperatori, etc. What had the Emperor to do in Church affairs? but S. Augustine tells us, with the change of the times they changed their note; for, taking their time, they petitioned Julian the Apostate (supplicantibus Rogatiano & Pontio, saith Opt.) for liberty of Conscience, which he readily granted them upon an hellish design (ut per sacrilegas dissensiones, as S. Aug.) that by their sacrilegious dissensions he might destroy Christianity hip and thigh, root and branch, if possible. Thus it fared with our Boutefeus', they sadly complained and heavily declaimed against those Laws (and do yet) which our most Christian Kings had enacted for the keeping their Subjects in obedience, with penalties upon the seditious disturbers of the peace, and transgressors of Law upon the same Donatistical principle; yet upon the lamentable change of the times they procured from the Juntoes Keepers, and Noll, cruel Edicts against the regular Sons of the Church, which were executed (as Bishop Sanderson truly noted) without justice or mercy, that they had reason to complain, as S. Augustine did of the Donatists they were so mischievous, ut Barbarorum facta, etc. That the actings of Barbarians were more mild than theirs, Aug. Ep. 122.  
Num. 4. All the forementioned Petitioners did earnestly solicit for the Religion established by Law, avouching a change thereof was unjust, most impious and uncharitable. They had reason so to do; for that  Text, Prov. 22. 28. doth at least insinuate, that it is contrary to all Religion, equity and prudence upon every motion or singular humour of absurd and unreasonable Malcontents or phantastics to discompose or unhinge what our prudent and fatherly Governors have industriously set for the public peace and tranquillity, and have been long received with the approbation and full satisfaction of all good and peaceable Subjects. But there is another Text, Prov. 24. 21, 22▪ which probably wrought on them to be so zealous for the established Religion; My son, fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change, for their calamity shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth the ruin of them both? A sad caveat this! destruction is awarded not only on the changelings, but on the moderate meddlers, who are agitatours, mediators and apologizers for them; who though they will not justify them, yet dare plead for them, speak a good word for them, and as much as they can with safety to themselves palliate and smother their crimes. These though, stylo novo, they be called, or miscalled the moderate, sober party, yet they answer not the name. For they are either crafty designing evil men, or well-meaning, but easily-deluded men; and generally are such who carry fair to all, true to nothing but interest; fast friends to Mammon, and underminers of the Government.  
Num. 5. That severities are to be exercised on transgressors of Law, we may warrant from Scripture. God settled the Eighth and Tenth Commandments, which he improved by an explanatory Act, Deut. 19 14. which after he revived by an additional Act with a smart penalty and sanction, Deut. 27. 17. to heighten and enforce the obligation. That this was God's intention, is evident from the Ceremonies adhibited in the promulgation, which were not performed in common but solemn form. For the Levite was enjoined to proclaim the Sanction with an audible voice, the people were to give their assent and consent thereto by pronouncing Amen. The Jewish Tradition is, that one moiety of the Tribes should stand on Mount Gerazim, the other six Tribes on the descent of Mount Ebal, the Levite should pronounce both the blessing and curse appendent to the Law, (Josh. 8. 33.) first turning his face to Mount Gerazim he published the blessing, viz. Blessed is he that removeth not, etc. then wheeling about to Mount Ebal he denounced the curse, viz. Cursed is he that removeth his neighbour's Landmarks. Wretchedly mistaken then are our fanatics in their Case-divinity, who resolve it is sufficient for them, when resolved to affront the Law, to submit to its penalty, as if the mulct were designed, not the duty, and this the rather because they are provided with variety of shifts to get off . For though in those Laws which are, purè poenales, merely penal, for their violation this subterfuge may hold, because the will of the Lawgiver may be either the performance of the duty, or undergoing the penalty as a competent satisfaction; yet in those which are termed mixed penalties, partly moral (not only civil) partly penal, the evasion will not relieve them, because the intention of the Lawgiver is regular obedience, the penalty is only respected as a more effectual means to induce and infer the prescribed duty, and to prevent all neglects and contempts. The ground of enacting and exacting such penalties is taken from common observation, Meliores sunt, quos amor, etc. Good men love Government, and their Governors, whom they will readily obey; The Law is not made for a righteous man, 1 Tim. 1. 9 but the many, the mobile must be kept under the awe of Sanctions, and the lash of the Law, Arist. l. 10. Aeth. c. 9 hath long since observed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Men do not usually obey out of respect [or conscience-sake] but for wrath, and fear; neither do they abstain from evil for its baseness and badness, but for the punishmets attending thereon. S. Aug. l. 2. cont. Pet. c. 83. hath excellently declared the great benefit of penalties annexed to Laws. Timor poenarum, etc. The fear of punishment, if it doth not remove the error, yet it will prevent its spreading malignity; if it take not the cause away, yet it hinders most of its mischievous effects.  
SECT. 2. They for whom the motions of union, comprehension and toleration are intended and promoted are not persons qualified for such respects. For,  
Num. 1. Ever since any of their persuasions appeared in the world, which was an. 1536. the same year that Jesuitism crawled abroad, they have been noted and censured as a most turbulent, unpeaceable generation, of the same temper with those of whom the Psalmist speaketh, I labour for peace, but when I speak unto them thereof, they make them ready for Battle. Upon their first rising, Zwinglius discovered a strong malignant humour in them, insomuch that when Oecolampadius had a desire to entertain them in Offices of trust, he cautioned him not to own them, but for all that he went on in his project of comprehension and union so far, that at last he found himself mistaken, and confessed, he had undertaken a matter of more discommodity than profit. Gualther reputed them such virulent Incendiaries, that in a Letter to Dr. Cox, Bishop of Ely, dated Mar 6. 1574. he passed this sharp censure on them, If they begin in this sort, having not full possession of their Kingdom, what shall we think they will do, if they obtain absolute authority? and in his Letter to Dr. Sands, Bishop of London, he thus concludes, Quare video, etc. Wherefore I conceive we ought to be very careful lest from the wounds of the Roman Monster, not yet subdued, a multitude of madcaps arise. Bullinger compared them to the Roman Tribunes, a seditious Sect, possessed with an unsatiable desire of rule and principality. What those judicious observing men had espied in them, we of this Kingdom have felt and found to some purpose. In Edward the Sixth's time, they with might and main obstructed the pious and moderate endeavours of our first Reformers by their loud and lewd clamours, which gave the Papists an occasion to reproach the Reformation as tumultuous; whereupon the Government thought fit at once (if possible) to silence the virulent calumnies of the one party, and satisfy the groundless scrupulosities of the other, by framing another Edition of the Common-Prayer-Book with this Protestation, There was no harm in the first. This the clamorous party were offended at, and secretly repined at, yet because it was seconded with a severe Sanction, they durst not publicly inveigh against it: so proved it is, if Religion and reason will not prevail with them to a conviction, yet severity will still them from murmuring and tumult. In Queen Mary's days many of them were exiled, a condition which might have calmed their furious and raging spirits, yet even then, they raised those scandalous troubles at Frankford, which begot such heats and animosities as were never since wholly allayed. For hereupon those squabbles and contests which soon after happened in Queen Elizabeth's days were heightened. The peace of the Church was disturbed, and the minds of the people distracted with the senseless brawlings of Whittingham, Gilby and Goodman, who had the impudence to justify Wiat's rebellion, asserting his cause was God's. Great were the insolences of White, Rowland and Hawkins, when they appeared before Dr. Grindal then Bishop of London. Hereupon the Pope thought it a seasonable opportunity to fish in these troubled waters; and then followed the Rebellion in the North, and the Spanish Invasion, etc. In all which her Majesty's distresses, the Puritans cunningly working upon her necessities, still persisted in their turbulent outrages, vexing her righteous Soul with seditious Petitions and virulent Pamphlets, such as the Admonition, Diotrephes, Have ye any work for a Cooper, etc. These high provocations and affronts to Majesty occasioned those expressions from Archbishop Whitgift (who, in Dr. Fuller's judgement, was one of the worthiest Prelates that ever the English Hierarchy did enjoy) viz. If the Puritans be not sharplier dealt withal, than hitherto they have been, they would not only tear asunder this Church with Schism and Faction, but in time overthrow the whole state of the Kingdom, and work more harm than ever the Papists did: and again, If way be given to their clamours and surmises, it would cause that confusion, which hereafter the State would be sorry for. These also provoked the moderate and famous Martyrologist John Fox thus to censure them, I wonder (said he) Quis tam turbulentus genius, etc. what turbulent Spirit hath possessed those factious heads of the Puritans, they are cunning Impostors, canting Jugglers, subtle contrivers of mischief, who will never give over till they have brought all into bondage, etc. at last he comes off with these sad thoughts, If ever they gather strength in this Kingdom, it troubles me to relate what sad commotions I foresee, Ful. Hist. l. 9 f. 106. What the one foretold, and the other foresaw, we have seen and found: yea Queen Elizabeth herself, after a long trial of moderate ways, said, Such are the restless Spirits of that factious people, that no quiet was to be expected from them, till they were utterly suppressed. Nevertheless the Government still thought by forbearance and mildness to have prevailed with them for an answerable peaceable behaviour, which proved by their peevish obstinacy ineffectual. But a Plot being discovered against the State under colour of Reformation, an. 1591. in the Thirty Fifth of Queen Elizabeth a sharp Act of Parliament was framed, which proved so advantageous to her, that during her after Reign the Furies durst not be overactive. The Queen dying, they grew big again with hopes and expectations of better success, which proved like the untimely fruit of a woman. But being stirring Animals they by their Emissaries into Scotland had the advantage of being the first who saluted and complemented King James, moving him withal for a Reformation. The wise King knew them too well to trust them, accounting them more false than any Moss-troopers or Outlaws. What his answer was to their motion is uncertain, in all probability it was a civil declinator, referring the case to farther consideration. For, upon his coming into England, he was efforted with the Millemanus Petition, which was convincingly confuted by both Universities, and slighted by the King, yet so, that he promised them a conference at Hampton Court, which proved as unlucky to them, as the Disputation Primo Elizab. had been to the Papists. Meeting then with these disappointments they cooled in the quest of their Reformation-work by Petitions and Motions, falling upon new methods of mischief. These were by malicious close suggestions to infuse groundless fears and jealousies into the minds of well-meaning men. To manage which more advantageously for their desperate and destructive designs, they, perceiving the people to be great lovers of an Imagenary Liberty, and of the established Religion, played their Game under the colour of advancing the Liberty of the Subject (which they resolved to engross) and the preservation of the Religion established by Law (which they intended to destroy) by degrees thus cunningly working themselves into a State Faction. To make this more popular they ceased not to alarm the Kingdom with the desperate ends the Papists proposed to themselves. This strategeme they so closely followed and craftily improved, that in the first Parliament of the most Christian King, Charles the Martyr, and incomparable Prince in all religious and honourable accomplishments, they industriously represented the growth of Popery, and the dangerous Plots of the Papists and popishly affected, that the thoughts both of King and People being taken up with these fears, they might without observation increase into numbers and strength. The King well enough discerned this, though at first he would not make it openly known, hoping the Gentlemen would calm, but they grew madder; therefore at long run, in the Second Session of this Third Parliament, he was necessitated to tell them roundly, That he looked on this pretence, as a design to divert from all such businesses as he had recommended to them, under colour of taking care for this. But by pursuing these arts they at length got the Militia of the Kingdom at their disposal, being assisted thereto by the perjurious, treacherous practices of the Schismatical and Atheistical Members of the great City, and seconded by an Army of most perfidious, hypocritical Scots, with whom they agreed for brotherly assistence upon most dishonourable terms. Now to find out their hypocrisy, they, (being thus prepared) left the Papists unmolested, as an inconsiderable party not worth looking after, farther than to drive on their devilish designs; to which end, they remitted to some the penalties of the Law exacted for their Recusancy. Pym, one of their great sticklers, took a bribe of thirty pounds of one of them, as was averred against him, his Majesty's Declaration, Aug. 2. 1642. others of them they seduced from their Loyalty, entertaining them in their Army, twenty or thirty being taken in one Troop or Company, his Majesty's Declaration upon the Battle at Edgehill. (This the Villains in great hypocrisy objected against the King) and promising to others, if they would assist them against the King, they would repeal or relax all the penal Laws against Recusancy. Nay, they publicly declared, Octob. 6. 1642. That if the Papists would bring in any considerable Sum upon the Propositions (those, by which they had drawn from the City and other Counties eleven millions; the Author of the History of the two Juntoes says more) they should be received; and it's credibly reported, they hired Owen Roe O-neal to raise the Siege at London Derry, when beleaguered by his Majesty's Forces, Hist. Ind. Part 2. p. 245. What dismal effects those practices at last produced are generally known, yet this aught to be remembered, That overtures upon overtures, condescensions upon condescensions, concessions upon concessions were not only offered but confirmed to them, which only emboldened and animated them to farther insolent and unreasonable demands: They had always nineteen Propositions in readiness, which they knew could not be granted in honour or conscience; if they had, they had more in their Budgets, or else the old ones must have a new construction to suit with the sense of the Bigots and Boutefeus', in good earnest, true Protestant Gypsies and Gusmans'; which will be fullier discovered in the next consideration.  
Num. 2. They are a partial hypocritical pack, a match for any Muftis or Jesuits in their black Arts. Smectymnuus will be hard enough hand to hand with Sanders, Campian, Parsons, Garnet and Oldcorn: The two Independent John's, J. G. and J. O. will at any hour of the day venture a pass with Joh. Mariana, and Eudaemon Johannes. To exemplify this note by instances. Once a crew of them resolved, It was in the Prince's power to reform or remove an ungodly Clergy, their meaning was, to collogue a little, and to step into their preferments, wherein when they failed, than the tide turned. Princes have nothing to do in Ecclesiastical affairs, but to execute the Decrees of the Kirk, which gallant Mr. Traverse thus held forth; They are to submit their Sceptres, etc. which by his reference to Isa. 49. 23. is in plain English to say, They are to lick the dust of the Presbyters feet, and kiss their toes. In an. 1605. a Club of them protested, The Magistrate needs not respect Law, he may dispense with it, or favourably interpret it (sure enough for their sakes) but if he practise it, where they are not concerned, than the cry goes, he attempts an arbitrary Government, their liberty, property, and Religion lies at hap hazard. Sometimes the Law is a Bulwark to fence out Tyranny, on a sudden its an humane invention, and God's people must order their lives according to God's word, and do the work of their heavenly Father. Now they have so great reverence for Oaths, they are not free to take them, anon they will glibly down with them, and again vomit them, and Apologise for the violation of them; no Oaths can bind the Conscience against the Reformation, England's Reprover, p. 158. and the Oaths we have taken must not be examined according to the interpretations of men; so Marshal, foreman of Smect. and Brother Downing. O false Lads! who can play at fast and lose with their Consciences, which are so very tender, that they can bend and bow to every opportunity of advantage. If they have no interest to serve, or can maintain, and keep it without conformity, they must not conform for a world; but if the loss of Offices of trust or profit, or hopes of gain to themselves or advantage to the Cause fall into their view, they can submit and perform what is required in the 25th. Car. II. Time was when the thirteenth to the Romans was only safe counsel, or a politicly contrived Ordinance, when King was the King in his Courts, not in his person, and the damnation threatened, was lying in Prison, or suffering on a Gibbet; The case is soon altered with the times, and then upon every revolution Saint Paul spoke no longer like a Statesman, but as a Casuist, not in point of prudence, but Conscience, first to the Patriots, then to the Keepers, then to Noll, in all which changes, damnation was changed from loss or bondage into wrath to come and eternal vengeance. For a long time their talk was of Providence, and their successes; first their cause was God's cause, which he would prosper for their sakes (his People, his fecret Ones) and for his promises, whereof they had a large stock in the Old Testament, and the Revelations; (this had a strong smack of profaneness) than God prospered their cause, therefore it was God's cause, (a pure Mahometan conclusion;) now that its at a loss, the note is, (and mark it, I beseech you) God in the ways of his Providence towards us walks in the dark, the good people must unite till the day appears, and the good hour comes; in the mean time, let us make our appeals to God, as the Newcastle Conventicling Doctor Gilpin held forth, an. 1671. and be very careful that our zeal to God be not interrupted by our duty to the King; but above all, be free to support your painful precious Preachers, that we want not tongues and hands for the old cause. They constantly condemn that in others, which is their common practice. Monopolies were once a grievance, yet the Drivers were very liberal in their Grants of such to their officious tools, King's Declaration, Aug. 12. 1642. and in his Declaration concerning the Treaty at Oxford. They made an hideous hubbub that subscription to some Articles of peace was required of those that pretended a desire to take upon them the ministerial Function, yet they themselves were rigid exactours in the like case. They scorn all the Canons and Constitutions of the Church, as the Precepts of men, but every one at his peril must submit to the orders of their Synods. They fiercely inveigh against Impositions; Oh! they are apt to whet humane nature (very humble patiented men they the mean time) to wild and forbidden courses; (This looks not only like a charge against the Government, but a threatening too) yet these murmurers against lawful authority interdicted the Common-Prayer-Book by penalties from five pounds to ten, etc. and obtruded the Directory by a penalty from five pounds to fifty: and that Imposition of July, 25. 1684. was at once both Antiehristianly traitorous and tyrannical. They tartly tax the Romanists (justly enough as to the matter of the charge) for clipping and cutting the Tongues of their Writers, yet most unjustly, because hypocritically as to themselves, who use the same craft. That most perspicuous passage of Calvin in his Epistle to Cardinal Sadolet, wherein he declareth, They deserve to be anathematised who reject Episcopacy, where it may be retained (which is really to pronounce an Anathema on all our English Sectaries) is quite purged out in the two latter Editions of Beza and Gellasius. This was discovered by the Right Reverend and learned Author of that Treatise called, The Serpent Salue, p. 220. What was to be found in the Argentorate Edition of Bucer, is left out in the Geneva, as Grotius enforms us. The Author of the Friendly Debate, par. 2. p. 404. hath detected the like fraud in corrupting Dr. Sibbs' Treatise called, The Souls Conflict. The words of John Careless, in reference to the Common-Prayer-Book, at his examination by Dr. Martin were exemplified in the first Edition of Acts and Monuments, fol. 1531. which in the second Edition, by the Legerdemain of the then. Puritans, were not to be found: so in the Edition which I had and carefully searched, I could not find what Dr. Hammond, (View of the Directory, p. 17.) relates of John Hullier to the same purpose, which makes me suspect some Sectarian Hocus in that also. That they corrupted the last Books of Mr. Hooker's Ecclesiastical Policy, may probably be concluded from what we find reported in the Book called, The Life of Hugh Peter: and lastly, that when the Book of the Thirty Nine Articles was printed, they procured the Twentieth, [viz. That the Church hath power, etc.] too be left out. If it were certainly known what their design was in the Tickets which were dispatched into the several Counties, before Saint Bartholomew, 1662. their hypocrisy would be so laid open that no Apology could be made. Thus much I know, it was to assure their inferior sort of Ministers, that with their good leave, they might comply and conform, and if they prevailed in the design they were then carrying on, notwithstanding their present compliance, they would favourably entertain, and as it should happen, prefer them.  
Num. 3. They are a singular Sect, divided from the whole visible Church, and every particular regularly form Church throughout the whole Christian world. This we are sure, if they lived in any such Church, and acted there in opposition to their established Forms and Rites, they would be concluded unsufferable Schismatics, and be more sharply handled than here they are or have been. They are true Ishmaelites, Ishmael was a wild man, his hand was against every man, and every man's hand was against him, Gen. 16. 12. They conclude all the Christian world besides their Brethren in iniquity to be Antichristian, and all Christian churches condemn them as Schismatics. They descent from this Christian Church whereof they are or aught to be Members, and in that respect they descent from the Catholic Church primitive and successive; But this, say some, is hard measure, they are our Brethren, and our Protestant Brethren. In good time! that now at last (upon a mischievous design which is easily understood and might be soon manifested) Malignants from 40 to 60 should be taken in into the number of the Brethren; sure we are, they received harder measure from these their false Brethren, than Jacob did from his Brother Edom, Obad. 10, etc. They are in the Scripture notion strange Brethren, who can find in their hearts to plunder, and murder their now lately adopted Brethren. But how comes these (dear Brethren with a mischief) to be dubbed Protestants? Are they so called because they descent from all Protestant Churches? Protestant signifies with them another thing than a reformed Catholic, which every Protestant is, or else he is no true Protestant. Three acceptations of the word [Protestant] are now in fashion; for first, Protestants are a Set of pretenders in opposition to, and exclusion of all others who profess Christianity, if this be their notion they are pure Donatists, and the exclusioners have as much Antichristian pride and uncharitableness, as the Pope, or his most  Papalins; it's an assumed name, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Greeks name it, who justly esteem every such a badge of division and apostasy. Lact. (a Latin too) thought so, Christiani esse desierunt, etc. They cease to be Christians, who, forsaking the name of Christ, usurp to themselves humane and alien denominations. Or, secondly, Protestants are but Antipapists, all who renounce the Communion of the Church of Rome, and oppose the Pope's Sovereignty, without any more to do, commence Protestants; in short, they are no Papists, therefore they are Protestants, or which is far more absurd, they are enemies, sworn and foresworn enemies to Episcopacy and Monarchy, and they then are true Protestants. The Demagogues, and Sectaries do frequently thus sense it, which is indeed to reproach it, and make it odious to all who love peace and truth. For then all Doctor Stillingfleet's Gnats, which are now metamorphosed into Vipers, than all Doctor Burgesses putredinous Vermin of bold and frantic Sectaries (so he honoured them Ser. before Comm. Nou. 5. 1641. who erewhile were his Bandogs, which he let lose and hounded on the King and Bishops) must be honoured with this title. Then Socinians, Anabaptists, Familists, Antinomians, Swinckfeldians; yea, all Mr. Baxter's Jugglers, the Hiders, whom he subdivides into Vanists, Paracelsians, Weigelians, Behminists, etc. with his Seekers, whom he again subdivides into six more vile ranks, must be dignified with this (not to be despised, as not to be too much extolled) title. Or, lastly, Protestants were those learned and pious men, who endeavoured the retrieval of the Primitive, Catholic and Apostolic Faith and Usages from the innovations and corruptions which had overspread and polluted the Church. What they did was to reduce the Church into its primitive state in the simplicity and purity of Faith, and redress abuses in practice, reserving still a power in each particular Church to determine for itself, what God hath left undetermined for unity, order and edification, with the closest consonancy to the rules and observations of the ancient Catholic Doctors and Fathers. If this (which indeed is the true notion of the Appellative) be intended, the Dissenters are to all intents and purposes for ever barred from any claim to it, unless they mend their manners, which is scarce to be hoped. For as a learned man observed, They know they are in the wrong as well as we can tell them, but all the world will not make them confess and amend. As the case now stands, they cannot challenge any right either to the name; or to the thing. Not to the name; for neither they, nor any of their Sect were in Germany, an. 1529. when the Disciples were first called Protestants, upon a protestation and appeal from the Decree of Spira unto Caesar, and a General Council. Nor to the thing; For neither they, nor any commissioned by them, did ever subscribe to the Augustan Confession, neither will they now be concluded by it, nor will they submit to the harmony of Confessions industriously drawn, as the proper Test of Protestancy, to distinguish true Protestants from false pretenders to the name. It is therefore mere mockery to affirm them Protestants, who protest against true Protestancy, and the resolutions of all formed Protestant Churches. But if they must be called so, it must be by an odd Figure, the same by which a schismatical, traitorous Conventicle patched up of Clergymen, Statesmen, Swordmen and Lawyers was once called an Assembly of Divines. Their agreement (if any such there be) in the same common principles of Faith, (which are arbitrary as to them,) will not gain them the denomination of Protestant, nor beget the relation of Protestant Brethren. For then the Pope and his adherents must be Protestants, and our Protestant Brethren to boot; and with great reason, because they earnestly contend for the first Principles of the Oracles of God, and Doctrines of Christ, which several of the fanatics either oppose or scruple. Dr. Stillingfleet will not blame the Papists for believing too little, but too much, which these heretical Blades are faulty in too, as well as they. The Pope, or Church of Rome, by a presumed infallibility of judgement from a Divine endowment assumes a power to declare (which in practice is to mint and coin) Articles of Faith; so the Sectaries hold forth their singular opinions, and Enthusiastical dotages, as demonstrations of Spirit: More plainly thus; The Roman Chairman with his Conclave or a Council, takes upon them to define false or disputed opinions, as matters of Faith, which thereupon they enter into their Creed, to be believed as absolutely necessary to salvation; The Sectarian Chairmen with their Benchers and Associates pass Problems in their Systemes and Synods for Divine Revelations and Principles of the Doctrine of Christ, which they exemplify in their Catechisms, and Confessions of Faith, as the Oracles of God. Now they are as infamous profane prevaricators of Divine Law, who preach up their private fancies, and sentiments, for infallible Soulsaving Doctrines, as those who equalise their particular Traditions with the infallible word of God. The learned and judicious Bishop Davenant thought so, Adhort. ad Pacem. Eccles. c. 1. p. 43. I (says he) think it is all one to obtrude our controverted points on the Consciences of men in the same degree of necessity with the most perspicuous Doctrines of the Gospel, as to confound unwritten Traditions with the written word of God. Mr. Newcomen, a sprig of Smect. is herein positive, Their holding (speaking of those who withdrew Communion from the Presbyterians, and gathered themselves into separate Congregations) one Head, and one Faith doth not excuse them of downright Schism, so long as they hold not one Body and one Baptism, Serm. at Paul's Cross, Febr. 18. 1646. The total sum is; The Religion established by Law in this Church from which they separate, is either the true Protestant Religion, or not; if not, than none of the Transmarine Reformed Churches, understand the Protestant Religion. For all of them do own this as such, and every of them will prefer this before any other but their own, which most men are apt to overvalue. If it is, than the Abettors of a Protestant Religion and Interest different from, and opposite to it, do confound and destroy the Protestant Religion and interest, and the Dissenters from it are not to be reputed Protestants, but a singular schismatical Sect.  
SECT. 3. Having proceeded thus far, that there ought not be a Reformation of the present Establishment, whether we respect the matters upon which this Innovation-work must depend, or the persons for whose behoof it is proposed and designed; on a sudden up stants a new Set of men misnomened, the moderate or sober party, who lately in the Kirk's censure were detestable Neuters. These, though no fast Friends to the cause, yet are wellwishers to it, as appears by the pleas they put up in its behalf, the chiefest whereof is, (the rest are pitiful Umbrages) There is no way left to prevent Popish Idolatry (which they too truly affirm to come on apace by our divisions) than by condescension to, and compliance with the Dissenters; But this smoky shadow is soon dissolved and blown away.  
1. In point of prudence; It is a madness to shift shoulders, or in our Northern Proverb, to leap out of the Frying-pan into the Fire. Dum stulti, etc. or in a storm at Sea to bear up from a Rock and run desperately upon a Sand, where the Ship will be as certainly stranded and wrecked with the loss of the Mariners and Passengers. It can be no part of prudence to precipitate ourselves into those wasting destructive confusions, and tragical desolations and miseries out of which by the alwise providence of our good God we have so lately escaped, to prevent a remote possible danger, and to part with our religious and civil Liberties, to gratify a generation of Vipers and Hypocrites who will never be gained by any condescensions, nor can be agreed with, unless they have their insolent as well as trifling demands to an infinite process granted. This is all one as to put my Coat a daying (in another of our Northern Saws) when I know, he who seeks it will stand to no award, unless I give it him.  
2. In Case Divinity, we may not do evil, that good may come thereby, a good intention will not hollow a bad action; neither to decline one evil of sin, may we hurry into another. No Casuist ever resolved, it was lawful to commute one. wickedness for another. It cannot be Religion to prevent an imminent suspected danger, by contracting and incurring the certain guilt of Schism and Sacrilege, both which are as opposite to Christian piety, especially when maintained with pertinacy. This is known, the ancient Christians equalised Schism with Idolatry, which was then of highest figure; and certain it is, that Korah's Schism, or perhaps Mutiny only, was more dreadfully avenged than the grossest Idolatry; even Schismatics themselves will confess it an heinous crime but to countenance or abett a Schism. And if Mr. Calvin's judgement may be taken, S. Paul, Rom. 2. adjudged Sacrilege to be a sin of the same kind with Idolatry. Now to separate from that Church, which, in the judgement of the most eminent Protestants, is the best Reform Catholic Church, is Schism; and to refuse to give God that external adoration, which under the Gospel belongs to him, is Sacrilege; in both which respects the Dissenters being criminal, they are found guilty by public judgement both of Schism and Sacrilege.  
SECT. 4. The design of the premises is not to exasperate them, that is more than needs, their rage and malice is at full Sea, they are already so madded, they will follow their course, (if not stopped by an high hand,) with or without any external provocations; but to discover their aims at present, which is to make us forget their former actings, and to hope well of them for the future, and over and above to evidence they are justly compared to the worst of Papists, the Jesuits. For,  
Num. 1. Their avowed principles and actings are originally Jesuitical, such as their dispensing with Oaths lawfully taken, their industrious suppression of Kingly authority, their Doctrine of propagating by some of them, and by others of defending, Religion by the sword against lawful authority. They have taken upon themselves as so many Popes to command or prohibit matters of Doctrine and Discipline, merely, ex imperio voluntatis, by an arbitrary power. They have sworn and vowed to maintain an ambulatory cause, never to be convinced of an error, or to confess that ever they were in the wrong, and their Herd and Partisans have associated and engaged to believe all the Declarations, to observe all the cracked Ordinances, to preserve all the claimed Rights, and usurped Privileges of the Caballers, and to stand by and assist these their Representatives and worthy Patriots with their lives and fortunes, right or wrong, in a blind obedience, all which are as bad, and some of them worse than any Jesuitical Vows.  
Num. 2. Such pernicious methods as they have sometimes openly pursued, and at all times are closely pursuing, makes a ready way for Popery; first visibly, by dividing and distracting the Church, and obstructing and frustrating all methods of Union; and secondly, more covertly, it being utterly unaccountable for the Church to yield, especially considering that nothing will satisfy them, unless they be acknowledged the godly conscientious Party, whereby they keep up their reputation with the Rabble, who upon that supposition will be ready to join with them in any of their confounding designs, and all their former detestable actings be pronounced just and warrantable, and their traitorous War against the King be declared lawful; but supposing that in these or some of these they should be gratified, yet that will not serve the turn, unless Schism be settled by Law, which if once it be, the Papists will gain this advantage, our Religion is unstable, feverish and (in Mr. Baxter's expression) vertiginous. This is obvious, our Church and Religion will not be so defensible against the Papists, as it is by preserving and supporting its present Settlement.  
Num. 3. It is evident the present Dissenters walk in the same tract the former Rebels had trodden out, which they are unwilling to have recounted to them, because they have still a desire to follow it. Those made sharp reflections on the Government, multiplying the errors (which were mostly feigned) and misfortunes thereof, to amuse and distract the populacy, and alienate their affections from it; so do these. Those told us the Sectaries were innocent harmless Creatures; so do these. Those boasted of their numbers and interest; these much more and higher. In brief, what those pleaded for themselves and their unaccountable actings, these do with virulent and pernicious improvements. Now may these drive on their designs in the same way they always first set out to harden the people against their lawful Superiors, and shall not the true Sons of the Church endeavour to undeceive them, and endear them to love, honour and obey the King, and all respectively that are in authority under him? If we may not discourse of their former actings, why was the King's Book published, and appointed to be kept in all Churches? or why do we observe annually the 30th. of January? Is it only to tell stories of the barbarous villainies that day committed? and not rather to incline and effectually move us to repent of those wicked principles and practices preparatory to them? If the Sectarian Rebels may talk of the Papists and their Plots, notwithstanding the Act of Oblivion and Indemnity, why not the affectionate Royal use the same freedom against the Puritans? The endeavours of both Papists and Puritans when invisible and under ground are equally dangerous, when visible and acted above board equally mischievous. Never was there a Rebellion contrived with greater hypocrisy, begun upon less provocations (ubi minus motivum majus peccatum) nor managed with more savage barbarities, than that of the late Schismatical Sectaries and Republican Atheists; even that most execrable Popish Rebellion in Ireland seems not to exceed it, scarce to equal it. The differences of both are laid down by a very knowing excellent person, in his Tract (formerly mentioned) entitled, Serpent Salve, p. 193. & inde. Indeed the Kirk Traitors professed they were grieved they were compared with Papists in point of allegiance and fidelity, and that therein they suffered an hard construction from all the Reformed Churches (ergo, the Reformed Churches thought them Rebels) Petit. of Commis. of the Kirk of Scotland presented to his Majesty at Oxon, by Mr. Alex. Henderson, Jan. 4. 1643. his Majesty's answer thereto is most remarkable, particularly what he declared in reference to the Irish, viz. We profess our dislike of their Religion, but though we think them worse Christians, because they are Rebels, yet we think them not worse Rebels, because they are Papists; A Protestant Rebel in the same degree hath far more to answer, as having more light, and it being more expressly against the Religion he professeth, whereof heretofore it hath been a Maxim (though now it be taken for Apocryphal Doctrine) not to take up Arms against their Prince upon any pretence whatsoever. The Statesmen of the Faction, and the Presbyterian Pol's declared as traitorously as the Jesuits did. No man could better evidence this than his late Sacred Majesty, who hath fully done it in his Proclamation against levying of Forces, Jun. 8. 1642. and in his Declaration, Aug. 12. 1642. How the Presbyterian Ministers held it forth may be seen in the Book called Evangelium Armatum; and in another entitled, Dissenters Sayings; To whose Collections I shall add, viz. a Book called Scripture and Reason, published by divers Divines, and ordered by the Committee to be printed, Apr. 14. 1643. Jus Populi, 1644. p. 1. Soldiers Catech. passim. Polit. Catech. Licenced by Mr. White, May 20. 1643. L. S. in his Book called Nature's Dowry, c. 10. in the title. Mr. Dury's Considerations with Caryl's Imprim. 1649. Mr. Price, one of their quondam Brethren, says, As the Constitutions of public affairs vary among us, so do the Constitutions of these men's Sermons (viz. Presb.) alter and change, etc. Pulpit Incendiary, p. 7. and in his Clero Classicum, p. 17, 18. Can you presume we are so dull, as not to observe your partial and crafty handling of the word of God? do not your practices settle and establish Atheism, Irreligion and Profaneness, etc. and p. 53. You told the people that the King was a man of blood, and took hold of all whisper and hearsays of his wickedness to make him odious to the people; and p. 40. You took the Covenant, and having taken it, you turned and wound it, making it look East and West, North and South, as your interest wrought, etc. and from p. 32. to 35. he proves the horrid Regicide to be an act agreeable enough to their declared judgements, quoting several passages out of Presbyterian Authors. Mr. Philips (in his Veritas inconcussa) assures us, when the business of the Treaty (that of 1647, as I suppose) came into discourse, the Assembly of Divines quickly resolved (all of them but four) to be against it. See for this also Considerations touching the present Factions in the King's Dominions, p. 6. Add to all these the Edenbourgh Remonstrance, Mar. 1. 1648. the Declaration of the General Assembly in Scotland, Jan. 10. 1648. Dr. Owen's Fast Sermon, Jan. 31. 1648. p. 5, 15. Brooks, Cockraine, etc. But the Newcastle 
* Woolfall.  Presbyterian (who was after his death honoured with a Monument, with high Eulogies in Hebrew, Greek and Latin) was more than Jesuitical in his Doctrines, which were these,  
1. All Government is derived from the People.  
2. The Governors appointed by them, in case of maladministration, are to be questioned by them.  
3. If the preservation of the King's person be incompatible with the preservation of ourselves, and our Religion, than the deposition was no breach of Covenant.  
4. In the Oath of Allegiance a condition is implied, viz. to be true to the King so long and so far as he is true to his trust, otherwise the obligation ceaseth.  
5. In the deposition of the King his Posterity ceaseth as to that right.  
6. We justify not the persons proceeding against the King, but we justify the fact: so that upon the point, Presbyterians might proceed against the King, but not Papists (so old Goodman) nor the Independents, nor other Sectaries, but only the Presbyterians by this man's opinion; which justifies Mr. Price's censure in his answer to the London Ministers Letter to the general Council of War, Jan. 8. 1648. that they thought the taking away the King's Life [in that manner] (for that's their phrase) was unjustifiable, but it might be done warrantably enough in another manner; and it justifies what Noll said of them, Presbyterians are not so much troubled at the King's death, as that they had not the chief hand and stroke in it. Lastly, before these troubles broke out, a secular Priest, Watson, quodl. secund. Art. 1. to that question, Whether the Jesuits or Puritans were more dangerous, passes this censure, That the Jesuits are more dangerous, not that their intent against the Church and State is more malicious than that of the Puritans, but because their manner of proceeding is more covert, substantial and orderly in itself, their grounds more firm, etc. as having many singular fine Wits among them; whereas the Puritans have none but grossum Caputs, so that if matters come to handling between Jesuits and them, they are sure to be ridden like fools: but had he lived from 41, till 80. he would have found they were as great Artists in the mysteries of iniquity as his Brethren the Jesuits or himself. For they have a more Serpentine and subtle way in training up their Proselytes and Novices, upon these three accounts:  
1. They initiate them with Fast, solemn Vows and Promises, Sermons and Sacraments, though thereby they prostitute all the Ordinances of God, to enchant and bind them fast in the Confederacy.  
2. They then instruct them in the most refined mysteries of equivocating and mental reservation; Ferguson, Dr. Owen's Champion, and Job, Mr. Baxter's Second, shall vie Loyalty with any Jesuit, and practise Treason as cleverly, and outdo them too in a Plot. Lewes, the usurper of a Loyal Minister's Living at Totnam-high-Cross, by a Farce, educated his Scholars (for he was a Schoolmaster to gentlemen's Sons, as well as Preacher to the People) in the art of King-killing, by setting up an High-Court of Justice, arraigning, condemning and cutting off the head of a Shock-water-Dog. Mr. Long's Comp. Hist. of Plots, p. 186. so that after our Church and State-menders are moulded into a Faction, the Jesuits may go to School to them to receive full instructions in the art they had learned them: yet here is a trick the Jesuits never taught them, which is, to be so foolhardy as to threaten the Government, which both of late, and heretofore they have done; Cartwright's Prayer was, Give us grace as one man to set ourselves against the Bishops. Penry, in his Supplication, threatened the very Parliament with bloodshed if they did not reform. Vdal, in great confidence, said, Presbytery shall prevail, and come in that way, and by that means, as shall make all their hearts to ache that shall withstand it; all this last clause is extant in the Records of the Star-Chamber: The Confessions and Subscriptions of Coppinger and Arthington are found in Dr. Cousins his Book entitled, Conspiracy for a pretended Reformation. From all which premises it abundantly appears, they are a traitorous, turbulent, hypocritical and singular Sect, and therefore no true Christians, no true Protestants.  
3. They teach their followers never to confess when examined by lawful authority, or if they do, yet so auckwardly and ambiguously that nothing can be fairly concluded; which they industriously do to obstruct justice, and so baffle the Law that it cannot have its due course against the vilest and rankest Mutineers. This in one old instance (new ones abound) from Ful. Hist. l. 9 p. 209. That Mr. Stone freely declared, (contrary, it seems, to the judgement of the main body of the Faction) that silence unlawful which justly causeth suspicion of evil, as of Treason and Sedition, (See more in Bishop Bancroft's Survey) which how frequently of late hath been practised, is too notorious.  
SECT. 5. Seeing then the Puritan principles are as dangerous as the Jesuitical, and their practices, when prosperous, as destructive; no reason can be assigned by the received rules of common prudence, why Puritan should enjoy the privileges of comprehension, etc. and the Papists debarred. For common prudence will determine all under the same guilt should be liable to the same sentence of condemnation. What the reasons of State may be to grant a toleration or privilege to one party and not to the other is not to be disputed or saucily examined by inferiors, or if the Government please to relax or repeal the Laws to both. This is plain, the higher power may with as good reason dispense with the execution of the Law, as inferior, whether Charter or Commission Officers, may wave and in a manner outlaw them in favour of a party, though thereby they run the hazard of perjury and perfidiousness. All wise men (as a great wise man hath observed) desire to live under such a Government, where the Prince with a good conscience may remit the rigour of the Laws; as for those that are otherwise minded, I wish them no other punishment but this, that the penal Laws may be strictly executed upon them, till they reform their judgement. If therefore the arguments which are alleged for the standing of the Laws against Papists be good, as I am persuaded they are, than the same reasons will much more evince the Laws against Puritan should still be upheld, which will the better appear, if those arguments be produced and applied. They are these,  
1. The question is, whether Treason be not Treason because a man thinks himself bound in Conscience to commit it? It is resolved in the affirmative.  
This turns the Puritans pretence of Conscience in the like cases quite out of doors, for no man's Conscience can alter the nature of things, that that which is evil should become good, because his Conscience, that is, his corrupted judgement, tells him it is so; or that which is good to become evil, by a persuasion of Conscience, that is, because he is so instructed or conceited. Now the Jesuits are as straight laced in their Consciences as the Puritans are, thinking themselves as fast bound by the Pope's Decrees and their own Vows, as the Puritans do from their Swear and Leaguing, or from the Votes and Resolutions of their Demagogues.  
2. Whether Magistrates have not reason to make severe Laws, when dangerous and destructive principles to Government are embraced as part of Religion? It is affirmed.  
Here the case is the same again, both parties aver the lawfulness of resisting the civil Magistrate under colour of Religion, both hold the same treasonable principles in substance and terms, differing only in the power to warrant them. The Jesuits deriving it from the Pope, the Puritans from the determinations of their Kirk Assemblies, or their Patriots; and this we know, this Kingdom would never endure to be so far enslaved to the Pope as it was to that traitorous Crew: Intestine broils, confusions and usurpations are more destructive than the challenges and filchings of a Foreigner; and our late glorious King said, It was more honourable for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a foreign enemy, than to be despised at home. Bibl. Reg. p. 286.  
3. Civil Magistrates have in them a natural inherent right and power to preserve the Government, and punish those who disturb it, or would overthrow it, and therefore an authority to judge of those actions which are dangerous to it. This hath been determined by the Civil Magistrate, that the actions of both have been and are dangerous to the Government, and over and above, that the actions of the Puritans tend to the dishonour of God, to the prejudice and ruin of the safety and peace both of Church and Kingdom; witness the preambles to the first and second Acts of Uniformity, and many more.  
4. Where there is a suspicion of a number of persons not easily discerned, the Laws may make use of certain Marks to discover them, although it happens that those (as praying and preaching) be actions of Religion, which are not therefore made the cause of their sufferings, but those principles and actions which were the first occasions and motives of making those Laws; for the performing Offices of Religion or of their function is not the motive of the Law, or the reason of the penalty, but merely the means to discover their persons, not as the thing which makes them guilty, but as the way of finding out the guilty.  
Then the Puritans meeting and conventicling in despite of Law is a way to notify their guilt, and when they suffer for the performance of that which they call their Calling, though as to many of them never called thereto either by God or man, from and under him, they suffer not for their praying and preaching, but for their principles, which they have maintained, and will not yet retract, and the actions which they practised, and still would justify; neither is their praying and preaching the cause of their sufferings, but are only the means to discover the persons of those who are of such dangerous principles, and inclined to act according to them.  
5. In a jealous time, when many treasons have been acted, and more are feared, by bad principles, the Government may justly proceed upon the trial of the principles to the conviction of the persons who own them, without plain evidence of the particular guilt of the outward actions of Treasons. For he that owns the principles of Treason wants only an opportunity to act them, and therefore in great dangers the not renouncing those principles may justly expose them to the Sentence of the Law.  
By this the Puritans are concluded as well as the Jesuits; for as these still adhere to the Papal Sentence, so they to their former Resolutions, who have acted as many sorts of Treasons as the wit of Lawyers could discover. Master Baxter, one of the Fanatic Chieftains, cannot yet see he was mistaken in the main Cause, nor dare venture to repent of it; yet dare say, he would not forbear the doing of the same thing, if it were to do again, Holy Commonwealth, p. 489. so saith their Foreman▪ so say they all; yet Amesius, l. 4. de Consc. c. 15. tells us plainly, They who will not confess and recant public wickednesses are still impenitent, which if they be, they are in a forwardness to react them when they dare. But it is said, They are at present harmless innocent Creatures; so the Donatists, when they could not do mischief, (just as Thiefs are honest when manacled) boasted to their great humanity toward the Orthodox; so did Petilian, to whom S. Aug. l. 2. adversus Pet. c. 83. did thus reply, Isto modo, etc. A Kite is a Dove when he cannot seize of a Dove, Vbi enim, etc. For when, I pray you, did you spare us, when you were able? and when Rogatian (a great Stickler for Toleration) made the like brag, S. Aug. Ep. 48. add Vincen. answers, Nulla bestia, etc. There is no beast reputed tame because it hath neither teeth nor talons to do hurt withal; you say you will not mischief us, I rather think you cannot; for how will you not do what possibly you can, seeing you cease not to be doing and plotting when you can do nothing at all?  
6. In quiet times, the Law being in force keeps persons of dangerous principles more in awe, (though it be not rigorously executed) who will be very cautious of broaching and maintaining their principles, and consequently have not so bad effect as when they have liberty to vent them.  
The fanatics are herein more bold and insolent who presume (though they have no liberty granted) to assert their schismatical Fancies and enthusiastical Dotages, witness Rich. Baxter's and J. O's Writings, with many more, that we cannot affirm the times are quiet and peaceable. For peace is not only exposed to external force and outrages, which is the common acception, but to the not having the same mind in love and accord, which is the Scripture sense; and it is a sweet concord of many Souls knit together in what is honest or good, or subservient thereto: while there remains bitter envyings, animosities and driving on of contrary interests by clandestine contrivances, the deadly feud continues: when men treat and carry fair in common civilities one with another, when they huckster and barter by the intercourse of commerce or trade, yet their heads and hearts are at an irreconcilable distance; this cannot in a Christian be called quietness, it is rather secure injustice or uncharitable dissimulation.  
7. There can be no sufficient ground given for the total repeal of Laws first made upon good grounds, where there is not sufficient security given that all those for whom these were intended have renounced those principles which were the first occasion of making them; because the reason thereof still continues, while no good security is given, or if any be tendered, 'tis delusory until the greatest satisfaction be given as to their sincerity, which can hardly be supposed, if their Oaths and protestations cannot be safely trusted.  
This is home to the Papists, but justly applicable to the Puritans, who are so far from giving good security, that they give countersecurity, in the worst sense, obstinately persisting in their schismatical Separation from the Church whereof they are Members, and in their defiance to the Laws of the Kingdom. For either they utterly refuse a submission to the first declaration, whereby they declare, they will give no security, or else collogue with it, taking it propter lucrum cessans, or damnum emergens, which is clearly to give no full satisfaction as to their Sincerity, because this they do not in obedience to authority, but to drive on an interest. These therefore are not safely to be trusted; and as they juggle with this, so with the Second, either refusing to engage not to destroy the King and his Government, or Jesuitizing upon all the Clauses thereof, as may appear fully from these following remarks.  
The first period is, It is not lawful upon any pretence to take up Arms against the King, etc.  
The Reservation is, as the case now stands, for that he will not part with the Militia, or as long as the King is in a condition to defend himself, and protect his Subjects, which they will by all means endeavour to render impossible for him to do, if not, we have no obligation to be subject; For we have been taught, and are persuaded, that subjection and protection are relatives; and therefore where protection is not afforded, nor can be expected, subjection is no duty.  
The second is, I do abhor that traitorous Position of taking up Arms by his Authority against his Person.  
The secret evasion to this is, yea, till we receive a farther light, or providence otherwise determine, or the Patriots vote to the contrary. Godly Mr. Jenkins rightly stated the case, the Newcastle Presbyterian stinted us a time, for so long as he is the People's Trustee, which he is not, if he fail in his trust, whereof the good People are the Judges, and if he be deposed, we need neither to respect his Person nor his Authority.  
The third is, I will conform to the Liturgy, etc.  
The reservation is, though we are not free, yet for once we can and will conform, because we shall thereby secure our Places and Offices, and keep our Employments and Trusts, and be in a condition to befriend the Clanns who have canvassed hard for us, and better enabled us to drive on an interest and manage a Plot.  
The fourth is, I do hold there lies no obligation upon me or any other person from the Oath commonly, etc.  
The evasion is, very right, if we make use of any eternal force or violent resistance; but for all that, we may meet, draw Disciples after us, form Parties, inveigle Confederates, hold correspondence and receive intelligence from the whigs; but this is farther to be observed (which mark we beseech you) though we will not attempt any alteration of Government upon the score of the Covenant, yet there is an obligation so to do from other principles, Nature's Dowry, etc. with many impertinent Maxims, and mangled Precedents; but especially from that connatural and grateful thing which we call Self, such as Self-preservation, Self-interest, Self-conceit, and twenty Selves more, which we must not part with for a world, as we are instructed by precious men from good Book-cases.  
The last is, The same was an unlawful Oath, and imposed upon, etc.  
Here many of them stick, but they will plunge through, such experienced Masters are they in the craft of shuffling, they will make or find an hole to creep out at, when closely beset. Some dare pretend an unlawful Oath is still obligatory, others plead the Oath was lawful as the times went, the then present Laws were on their side. But that blunt blade spoke the sense of the Guzman's, who said, Oaths whether they were taken or not have no effect; For (says he) if the matter be antecedently lawful, it remains so after the Oath, and then whether it be taken or not, the obligation is no more nor less than it was before the taking, which is to say in plain English, If we renounce the Solemn League and Covenant, yet the matter being antecedently lawful, they are obliged notwithstanding the abrenunciation constantly to adhere thereto; others of them again have a faculty to conjure up a set of distinctions, to evade the force of any Oath, as Pryn, Martial, Downing, who tell you, either interpretations must be put upon them, or they will not bind against the work of Reformation, the end of the Covevant must be pursued, swear what we will to the contrary. Hollingworth of Manchester stood close for the Covenant, but he disputed as hotly against the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance as Mattheus Tortus, alias Bellarmin ever did. The Anonymus true Nonconformist, will allow the Oath of Allegiance to be taken, provided it be interpreted by the Covenant, which may not be crossed; but he bids open defiance to the Oath of Supremacy as an Antichristian badge. King James found by experience, along while ago, no Oaths will bind them; we have greater reasons to believe his experience, having had far more trials of their falseness and insincerity than ever he had; even the Covenant itself will not hold them if it be their interest and advantage to break it, because it is the Resolution of their own Casuists, That an Oath obligeth not in the sense of the imposer but the taker; but, which is much more monstrous, some of them assert, That the swearer is neither bound to the meaning of him who exacts the Oath, nor to his own meaning who takes it, but to the reality of the thing sworn, as it shall be hereafter at any time explained by a competent Judge. All their Declarations, Remonstrances and Appeals to heaven and the world are but mockeries contradicted by practice.  
8. Some love to pretend that a small alteration in established Laws would satisfy them, to try, if by these arts they could bring the wisdom of a Nation to yield to them in that, and when they have obtained it, a thousand objections would be raised that never before were mentioned.  
This is a right Puritan prank, experimented in the late times of confusions, and in our present circumstances; several matters have been started which at first they never so much as dreamt on, certainly never spoke of them. So much hath been already yielded as would not only satisfy but endear any modest meek persons under their circumstances, but we are never a whit the nearer that mark which was aimed at in those condescensions. Nay yield what you can with honour and conscience they will presently make odd constructions of the grant. Some fancy it a work of God in favour of them towards another turn, and then they will fall in with the first opportunity; others say, God will not suffer their Reformation-work to fail, for they have a stock of prophecies and promises to assure them of success; others conclude the granters would not be so favourable unto them, unless they were sensible of their own weakness, and therefore let us fall on and prosecute the good old Cause, and in a little time all will be our own. But suppose such moderate projects be put to trial, in the issue they will be found unpracticable. They are pretty pleasant fancies and speculations to the politic contrivers, very strange amusing things to the vulgar, and fine matters of discourse to the busy inquisitive; but when they come in good earnest to be transacted, the matter is so perplexed and intricate, so many quaeres are proposed, so many difficulties to be resolved, so many interests to be served, that they spend time to bring forth a Mouse, and after much expense of, etc. the pitiful projectors break up, are dissolved, and quite dashed out of countenance; all the satisfaction they can give themselves, and all the excuses they can make to others, comes barely to this, They had a good meaning, there was honesty at the bottom; but men value their interests and reputation at so high a rate, (as one moderate Sage observeth) they will not buy the truth (that's the naked truth indeed) and peace with the loss and damage of these.  
9 It is not wisdom nor safe to give toleration to Wolves among Sheep, till they abate their monstrous uncharitableness, renounce their Oaths, and give security of their good behaviour in not seducing others.  
This the Leaders of the Puritan Faction will never do, they are bound by their principles to engross Godliness and Saintship to their party, and by their interests never to renounce their Oaths, nor give over their crafts of seduction.  
10. If new Laws be made more accommodate to our present State, yet all care ought to be taken and caution used that our Church be not left without security by Law against so violent and dangerous a party. For we have little reason to believe that they who bid defiance to our present Laws, and make sport with Proclamations, will be persuaded by gentler means to obey others.  
Both the adverse parties are violent and dangerous, and in the other particulars equally criminal.  
11. No true Son of the Church will envy the quiet and security of innocent and peaceable men, when there is assurance that by favour received they will not grow more unquiet, but we cannot take too great care to prevent the restless designs of those who aim at nothing more than the undermining and blowing up of our established Church.  
This the Puritans have done, razing down the foundations thereof, even to the ground, and all those who refuse to subscribe, and give satisfaction as to their sincerity, are labouring with might and main to demolish it again. And not it only, but even to destroy Monarchy, and extirpate not only the Priestly but the Kingly Office; For so long as the nineteen Propositions, the Votes of Non-addresses and the Association appear against them, this can be no Calumny. Nay, their aims go higher, than to the blowing up of our established Church, even to the overthrow of all Religion. For to my apprehension there is as great a difference between the Popish and Puritanical designs, as between the persecution of Dioclesian and Julian; the former killed the Priests and Christian Professors, but the latter plotted and endeavoured the destruction of the Priesthood and Christianity itself.  
Seeing therefore what Archbishop Whitgift foretold, Mr. Fox foresaw, Queen Elizabeth declared, and King James hath observed of this Sect, is fully made out in every period of time since they prodigiously appeared, it were good to follow King Charles the First his Counsel, Never to trust them.     

Postscript.  
IT is known the foregoing Discourse was prepared seven years ago; if any inquisitive person would be satisfied, why it was not exposed to the public then, and why now; let him know, it would have been judged unseasonable then, when most men's heads and hearts were full of thoughts about the Popish Plot, which doubtless had wickedness enough in the design, and inward reserves. Some would have said it was uncharitable, because it swells with hard words (as they are commonly phrased) which would have been as hardly censured by those, who favour, or endeavour to palliate the unrighteous deal of those, who have hardened their hearts against all convictions and reprooss. It will be hard for these men to prove, that it is sin to call a Traitor a Traitor, a Schismatic a Schismatic, a Hypocrite a Hypocrite, though it be impossible to prove all that are so called to be such indeed. S. Paul hath told us there were Traitors in his days, 2 Tim. 3. 6. whose folly should be manifest to all men, v. 9 and that after they would wax worse and worse, v. 13. Now if this great Apostle thought such should be detected to their ignominy, a good reason should be assigned, why our Dissenters and Republicans with their herd of Politico's (who have been Traitors to all intents and purposes, if ever there have been any such in any age or quarter of the world) should not be branded with that title they have demerited. The same holy Apostle termed those of the Concision Dogs, Phil. 3. 2. because they rend the Church in pieces by their Separation, and may not we bestow the same figure on the Schismatics of this Church, who cease not to snarl and bark, and, when they dare, by't and devour the men worthy that is with them in this distinguishing note, the King and Bishops with all truly loyal Subjects? What S. Aug. l. 3. adv. Pet. c. 83. said of their great Grandsires the Donatists, we can say of them, When did they spare, being able to hurt us? and to the Rogationists, Ep. 48. You will do possibly what you can for our ruin, seeing you cease not to be doing when you can do nothing at all. But I humbly conceive fairer pleas and pretences may be made for the Separatists of the Circumcision, than can be contrived for the present Dissenters; and I believe those Scribes and Pharisees, whom S. John Baptist called a generation of Vipers, were not a brood of so venomous Creatures, as the generality of these be. Our Lord and Saviour bids his Disciples beware of false Prophets, as of ravening Wolves; but these will never be known so as to be marked and avoided, as S. Paul exhorts, unless some marks be set upon them; now who should do this, but they who are charged to discover the Wolves, and as Watchmen and Shepherds to give notice of their approach, especially when they appear in their assumed counterfeit harmless habit? Indeed great zeal is pretended to keep out the Roman Wolf, and some over-wise projectors seem to think the surest way to effect this, is to let in other grievous Wolves; make an Union, join in an Association and in a defensive and offensive League with them, who have once driven this Church into a Wilderness; when all Israel were scattered upon the hills as Sheep that had no Shepherd. But others much more wise, and truly moderate than they, did believe that would make a ready way for the Conclave Wolf to catch his prey, whereof if he miss, we should, under pretence of stopping one gap, set open an hundred gates to misery and confusion, by bringing in a vast number of damnable Heresies, and an unaccountable Schism. It may be remembered, that not long since, as the vogue went, there was a design to unite the Roman and Reformed Churches, which though it was much more honourable and piously Christian, than this so lately upon the stocks, and as it is to be reasonably supposed still endeavoured by double-minded and unstable men, who are given to change, and by absurd and unreasonable men, who count gain godliness; yet this way was by the troublers of Israel, cried down as a politic fetch and contrivance for the reduction of Popery; notwithstanding their great Bell-wether Mr. Baxter had declared, that, that desire of reconciliation with Rome, was with such additions, as might bear a tolerable sense, and for his part, he was persuaded, the Papists were as much afraid of King Charles (well far him for this) and the Grotian design, as of any thing that of a long time had been hatched against them: But whatsoever may be said either against, or for that, the late balderdash project must not take. For we are resolved to stand in defence of our Divine Monarchy, nor will not be contented with a titular Isle of Wight King, who may bear the name, but God knows who should go away with the authority. Neither can we part with our Apostolical, Catholic Episcopacy to take a day, (it will not be of much longer standing) of truce with those who have forfeited their Faith with God, the King and the Church; nor will we be pleased with an ambulatory, or menstruous Creed, nor with an arbitrary monstrous superintendency voted, and unvoted, and revoted backward and forward, according to the sense and interests of the Chairman and his crew in S. Stephen's Chapel; Neither will we be satisfied or own a civil or common Law hotchpotch Church, according to the device of the Counterplot (as the three Inventors gave it a Name, one whereof is an outlawed Traitor, the second a Church Trepanner, the third a giddy Changeling.) For I demand, Was the Church of England, when Popish, a true constituted Church according to its first settlement by Christ and his Apostles, and subsequent example of the Primitive Church, because it was so established by Law, or not? If it were, we have done the Papists business, they need not prove us, we have proclaimed ourselves Schismatics, in separating from a true constituted Church by Christ's and the Apostles order, antecedently such before any humane Sanction; if not, than a legal settlement may be Antichristian, which in that very respect stands in great need of a Reformation. For as to attempt a Reformation of that which is founded on Divine Authority, and stands by Divine Law, is a contradiction to the indispensable and irrevocable will of the Founder, so to reform what hath been introduced by mere humane authority, without any warranty either general or special from a grant of our Lawgiver, is a pious Christian duty, provided that in the management thereof nothing be done repugnant to any other Divine Law, and our duty. But let what can be suggested for the promotion of this new project, it will be baffled by the two notorious Ringleaders of the Faction. For if Mr. Baxter's only true way of concord will not pass, he and his Comrades will be as clamorous and stirring, if they dare, as ever. J. O. is positive, All lawful things are not to be done for the Church's peace, which quite undoes it.  
Confessed it must be that several of the Partisans conceive a full union cannot be expected, yet to comprehend, and condescend to those, who will occasionally and partially conform, may go far towards a peace. In good time! can this be a way to true Christian peace, when Mr. Baxter hath given us fair warning not to trust them, plainly telling us, Apol. for Nonconf. p. 90. they are only Instruments to undermine us, and will turn against us, as soon as they have opportunity. Neither will their coming to Church, as they delusorily and hypocritically call it, clear them from the guilt of Schism, because this Church being both founded and settled upon Divine Right in all its Superstructures, there arises an obligation constantly and throughly to communicate with it, and observe its Rules and Orders, which not to do, is sinful Separation, and to abett or countenance those who do not, is to partake of their sin. For it is not love, devotion or duty which draws them, but cunning, interest and fear which drives them to this outward awkward conformity. The best any can make of it, it's an act of compliance, cannot be an act of Christian allegiance and obedience to lawful Superiors, which is a work of Faith incorporate with the other good works of Faith, issuing from the supernatural power of God's Word, Spirit and Grace. Certain it is, that the men for whom this favour is moved, do publicly and honestly declare (which is next to a moral impossibility that they ever will) that Kingly power is originally and immediately from God, that Prelatical Episcopacy is a Divine Apostolical Institution, that some circumstances and adjuncts in the external ministeries of Divine Worship not expressly prescribed by God may and aught to be adhibited therein for decency, order and edification, they are not to be trusted; and if frequent experiences will not make us so wise as to neglect them, and all such motions for them, we are fit to be begged and once more undone.  
We are yet again efforted with a troop of tantum none, who are still bleating for connivance, forbearance and moderation; which in effect is to solicit the Laws be outlawed, though herein they would give better evidence of their moderation and modesty, if they left that solely to the resolution of the Government. Take these we must as we find them, and we shall find them vary as the wind does, they can blow hot and cold with one breath, that trimming Proverb is their Rule, There is no living at Rome, and fight with the Pope, and let the Government sink or swim, they will keep themselves out of harms-way. If possible, to make sure of this world, they will have friends of all parties; for which end, they can at present swallow the Oath of Allegiance, take the Test, and upon another occasion vomit a fulsome Remonstrance, Address, or Association; but by all means they will make infallible provisions for heaven, in order whereto, if they be in health, they are for the Church, and if in safe policy they may, for a Conventicle too; yea from the Church to a Conventicle, and back again; if sick, they will not refuse the Offices of the Church, but will admit them de bene esse; yet for their transire and viaticum, they must have a voluntary conceived prayer by a moderate Sneak, who can play fast and lose with the Church Offices, and to make sure work, the Sacrament must be readministred by one of the same batch, or a zealous Holderforth. In my judgement these of all other Sects are the most dangerous, because the more close and reserved, we cannot say they are either flesh or fish, nor discover whether they be Hawk or Buzzard, they are animalia imperfectè mixta; but this we know, much mischief hath happened by this false disguised, and miscalled moderation; to evidence which, it will be requisite to exemplify this in some (all are too numerous and would be too bulky) instances, and to give in the opinion of two, who in their times were reputed moderate learned men, and excellent preachers.  
1. It hath been mischievous to the Church; The Samosatenian Heresy was brought in under a mistaken charitable pretence to reconcile the Jewish and Christian Religion. The Heresy of the Monothelites was set up on a design to moderate the Heresy of Eutyches; The Eusebians propagated the Arian Heresy by their moderate endeavours to compose the difference betwixt them and the Catholics. Some Novatian Bishops, to satisfy the scruple of a convert Jew, thought fit to leave it (though the matter of it was an approved practice) as a thing indifferent, which soon raised a Schism, and this Schism in a short time begot another. Theoph. Alex. favoured the Originists in hope to recover some at least from that Sect, but S. Hier. told him roundly, his moderation therein was very offensive to holy men, because thereby he emboldened and strengthened the (already) over insolent and peevish Faction. What Greg. Naz. got, or rather lost by his easiness of temper is too large to relate, and so it is of many more. These are sufficient to show, that whosoever they be that follow such moderate courses, are in the number of those, who heal the hurt of the daughter of God's people slightly, Jer. 8. 11. whose words will eat as doth a canker, 2 Tim. 2. 17. which if it be not speedily remedied will infect the whole body, and prove mortal; they are like those who sow pillows to all armholes, Ezek. 13. 18. but most like those, Ez. 34. 18. who eat up the good pasture (yet cry out sadly of hunger and persecution) and tread down the residue, who drink of the deep waters, and foul the residue with their feet.  
2. It hath reached to civil Dominions too; Not to seek for foreign, we have had too sad experiences of it at home. It was moderation which set all the villainous Factions of the Kingdom a-gog, by the advantages which the State-menders (who certainly never intended those miserable desolations which ensued) gave them; this appears, in that when some had raised the evil Spirit, it was not in their power to lay it, as it happened to Titus his Soldiers at the sacking of Jerusalem, all his authority could not put a stop to their fury. Indeed endeavours were used to stop that issue of blood which had fatally weakened and consumed the vitals of the Kingdom then weltering in her gore, by some, who generally were very worthy men, yet proved Physicians of no value: what occasioned, or rather caused this miscarriage and sad consequence, will be best manifested by what his late Sacred Majesty in his Declaration concerning the Treaty of Oxford observed of them. They had light enough, but wanted heat, they at once disliked and countenanced the bloody Rebels, their tameness made them considerable, and their too much discretion would undo them; which soon happened, so that they who hated them became Lords over them, they were a prey to those of whom the most Reverend Primate Usher was wont to say, They had Guts enough but no Bowels; and we may truly apply that of Solomon, The tender mercies [marg. bowels] of the wicked are cruel, Prov. 12. 10. but if their cruelty had been exercised only upon them who had affronted them, the condition of the Kingdom had not been so lamentable; but it extended from Dan to Beersheba, every supplanting and succeeding Faction taking their turn to pull down and destroy whatever was sacred, venerable or honest, that our case was perfectly the same with those in Petron. Arb. Omnes nobiscum aut corvi qui lacerant, aut cadavera quae lacerantur. Now that the moderate set these instruments on foot, might easily be demonstrated; Dr. Bates, Elench. Mot. p. 2. has given us the names of several of them, with a general description of their tempers, humours and qualities.  
3. In our present case, moderation tends to the dissolution and subversion of the Government. The Dissenters are tools and instruments of which the Papists make great use, and these moderate are the Abettors, Patrons and Protectors of the Dissenters; all that can be expected from the moderate in relation to the Government, is in any exigence to leave it in the lurch, if we hope to find from them any real concerns, or faithful endeavours, to prevent any Conspiracies or Assaults upon it, we are (before we be ware) got to a fools Paradise, we shall again be at Ferguson's title, No Popery, no Tyranny, or at College's Motto, No Popery, no Slavery, which in the sense of the Juntoes is no King, no Bishops, or at best, a precarious King and Bishops; to second which wicked policy most of the stirring Addressers will once more with their lives and fortunes engage to make good all the protestations of their traitorous Patriots. It is probable, from Holoway and others, though the moderate were not throughly acquainted with the very particulars of the late execrable Conspiracy, yet, they knew by clandestine correspondence, and the figure of affairs, some devilish design was a-spawning, which they kept close to themselves, and would have stifled it from others, to play their own part according to the success or disappointment of it. The Papists could not be so dangerous as they are supposed and too justly feared, if the Dissenters were quelled, because they then would be utterly disappointed of the many advantages they gain by their Schismatical, and rebellious principles and practices; The Dissenters can never be rampant, unless they be emboldened and assisted by the moderate, who by their covetousness, connivance, cowardice or hypocrisy, keep their heads above water that they sink not; and their hearts and hands that they neither faint nor flag. This is notorious, for one  Papist there are an hundred overgrown zealot Schismatics, both which labour on all hands to levelly the Crown and the Church, but for an hundred Schismatics there are a thousand moderate Mammonists, who will never endeavour to support them unless upon force and with reluctancy, which when they do, they do it persunctorily, perfidiously and scarce to half part. This is our hope against these evil men; he that keepeth Israel neither slumbers nor sleeps, who hath delivered from so great a death, as they have vainly imagined, and doth deliver, in whom we trust that he will yet deliver us. Amen.  
4. As this humour hath been mischievous to the public, so to private persons amongst us, who were no way engaged but by prayers and tears for the established Government. The very excellent Bishop Davenant told Doctor Ward, when he saw what his and other men's moderation was like to produce, he was ashamed to live: he with others had oft interceded with the Government for moderation towards the Faction, but now (1641) he saw such immoderate courses taken by them, that the most irreligious things were done under pretence of Religion, Memoires, p. 281. The same Author tells us, Bishop Potter complained, he had lived to see himself despised by them he had countenanced; he had interceded so long for liberty of Conscience with the King, till he saw neither the King nor himself could enjoy their own, that he feared the pretenee of Religion would overthrow the reality, and the divisions of that Age would breed Atheism in the next. I could nominate Bishop Morton, etc. all reverend, learned and holy men. The King observed, that they who counselled him by a politic moderate Maxim to sign the Bill for beheading the Earl of Strafford, were so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiating with the people, that no men have been more harassed and curshed than they; he only, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c. 2. This I believe, if it were throughly examined, would be found a certain truth, that all of the nobility (one only excepted) who suffered death for the King and the Church by the Sentence of their Courts of Injustice, were such as at first took trimming measures, leaving us a while to play at Blind-mans-buffet, till we came to cutting of throats. I am sure there was a Book not long after entitled, Lex Talionis, which made shrewd discoveries.  
Secondly again, I shall give you the opinions of the two Divines before hinted, the first is Dr. Preston, who thus delivered himself in a Sermon on Numb. 25. 10, 11. Not only the great sins of the profane, but the coldness of them that are otherwise good, causeth the Lord to remove the Candlestick, the old complaint may be now taken up, The fire which before was hot, is now only light, and p. 291. If we profess the cause of God, why go we coldly about it? if it be not the cause of God, why do we not desert it? yea but discretion and moderation must be used! It's true, but doth one grace cross another? Prudence doth not abate our love, but guides it in its labour, as for moderation it stands in avoiding the rock, in declining the extremes, but moderation in a good course is not moderation but coldness and lukewarmness. The second is Mr. Bolton in his Gen. direct. for comfortable walking with God, p. 50. who thus declares, Many unsanctify themselves by making moderation a Saint, and undo their Souls by adoring discretion as an Idol. Moderation and discretion truly so called and rightly defined, are ornaments to the most zealous Christians, but being tempered with coldness, and edged against the fervency of the Spirit, become the very desperate cutthroats of the power of godliness, a pestilent consumption of the spirits, heart and life of true zeal. It will be confessed, they thus wrote in reference to the Papists, who (as they conjectured) were too much favoured; But if the Dissenters be as dangerous to the Government, and as pernicious to the Souls of those who are taken in their nets, (which plain matter of fact demonstrates) than these censures are as applicable to them. For every Schism and rebellion carries in its bosom the transgression of all God's Commandments, if our Book of Homilies, III. Rebellion (which Julian the Apostate thinks the next best Book to the holy Bible) inform us aright, and if he, or any other designing makebate can say worse of the Papists, let them do it. There is another Author, who, it seems, by the often reprinting of his Book, was once in great credit; it is Mr. Shepherd, who, in his Sincere Convert, prin. an. 50. Ed. 5ta. p. 159. speaks home to the case, his words are, Of the nine easy ways which men take to heaven, but lead to hell, the eight is that of moderation, or sober discretion, which is nothing else, but lukewarmness of the Soul, when a man contrives and cuts out such a way to heaven as to please all and displease none, if they be rich especially, or in power. In p. 165. he falls heavily upon fawning Ministers, who in their Sermons do mostly shoot a few potguns against some grosser sins, but will not tell them roundly of their Herodias, etc. and p. 207. says, Thus they cheat the people by their general daubing Doctrines, who conclude themselves to be honest religious men, because their Minister hath given them a beggarly passport for heaven, and so they go out of this world, and die like Lambs, being woefully cheated. Mr. Calvin did not like any should be more moderate than Christ our great Exemplar and Lawgiver, who used severity upon those who upheld an old custom profanely and for their avarice, at two several times, Matt. 21. 12. Joh. 2. 13. which execution S. Hier. looks upon as an evidence of his miraculous power, in that none made any resistance; and Musc. notes, none before did ever attempt it, though the Law and custom was overruled, Matt. 11. 13. In sum the Lay prudential moderate in times of distraction and action will for the most part (all but the Caballers) stand still, as lookers on, till they spy the time most for their purpose, then if the Faction get uppermost, they will strike in, go along with it, and to lose no time will take the advantage of the first turn, in their common language and practice. The Clergy will now and then speak of Conformity, making use of such arguments as would make an honest, well-meaning Soul more averse; for scarce a word comes from them of obeying for Conscience-sake, mostly to submit for the Laws sake, or Peace sake, which is to say, its good policy at present to conform. Again, they will for shame of the world say something for Loyalty, upon the Fifth of November, the Thirtieth of January or the Nine and Twentieth of May (very rarely at other times, be the occasions never so urgent) and vent some general lose expressions, as all parties consent in, and will serve for the purpose of a Republic or a Monarchy, for an Usurper or their natural Liege Lord, and then slur over the most pernicious principles of Rebellion, and by no means will declare of what denomination they are who assert those principles, and pursue the practices consequential to them; when they speak most home, yet to come off fairly with the populace, they have two tricks to please and to cheat them, the first is an Application or Use, to make an Harangue against Drunkenness, Adultery, Swearing, Sabbath-breaking, and other universally condemned debaucheries; we know their full aim in this, (as they would have it taken) malicious, hypocritical slander, the rather because they do not say any thing at all against lying, slandering, pride, malice, covetousness and hypocrisy; which as they are the more reigning, so the more dangerous to the Government, and more deadly in their nature, propter eorum latentiam (as Aquinas) for their close skulking within the Soul, that it seldom or never is sensible of them; no sooner have these devilish deadly sins taken possession, but the possessed begin to settle on their lees, and ever after sit in the seat of the scornful; for then the Conscience is concerned, and the pretence and privilege of Conscience hardens them against all admonitions and reproofs, Matt. 21. 31, 32. The other trick is to close all with an Exhortation, to Union, Charity and Forbearance, wherein if they have a good meaning, it's a pure impertinency; if a bad meaning, it's a piece of hypocrisy, and a scurvy reflection on the Government: both Lay and Clergy will occasionally talk at a considerable rate for Loyalty and Conformity ad amoliendum periculum, the danger of the Law, and suspicion of their insincerity; but on all other occasions where no danger of Law, as in the Election of Representatives, Impannelling of Juries, hooking in a rich Widow for one of the Tribe, or procuring a confiding cologuing Priest to be admitted upon a Vacancy into a Church, they then are tooth and nail for Dissenters, or some moderate Dissemblers.  
It may be foreseen with half an eye, some will say, all this needed not to be so tediously and unseasonably superadded; to this it's soon replied, when the Traitors in Scotland had made a large progress in their rebellious courses, some took the liberty to talk freely of the danger this Kingdom was in, the rather because the English Sectaries and Republicans held correspondence with them, as since it hath been evidently proved. Now how was this monition taken and interpreted? Some said they could not believe the English did contribute to those stirs (so Rebellion was smothered) and it was irrational to believe they would; as for the Scots, they did stir, but it was because they in their conceits were oppressed, and under fears and jealousies (by their own guilt if they were so) should be more oppressed; others from which much better (if it had been within) might have been expected, ssighted the relation, and censured the relatours to be  men, wiser men than they knew better things. But I shall here demand, Whether those wise men did apprehend any danger from these stirs, or no? If they really did, they were very indifferent men, the trimming humour was predominant in them, they had friends on both sides, and would not be concerned in either; If they did not, than they were the  men. I will not say, whose eyes the God of this world had blinded, but they were in our Northern expression, moon-blind, or blindfolded: should a man tell these wise men now, the stirs are not yet laid or ended, he would be censured; but let them think or say their worst, there is some reason to persuade, that in all probability the Conspiracy is not yet dead, they are in hopes it will revive, for if any discourse thereof, they may observe the wise sober men use such shrugs, and make such shrugs, and make such faces, their very countenance and motions betray them, but over and above we know, it's not Conscience but design which keeps these men from a full submission to the Government and obedience to the Laws; they are men of interest, have working brains, and would never stick to give the Government all satisfaction, if they did not hope to effectuate their designs at long run. This the wise sober men will not deny, that they who are dull, heavy and averse in the execution of Law, when the King and Law is for them, will never be forward and active to promote the public peace, interest and tranquillity, when the case is hazardous, and King and Law like to be oppressed.  
But it will be demanded, how will you come off in this bold adventure of exposing these men of renown (such as Corah's Complices) whom wise and good do caress and compliment? If they do so I cannot help it, but for my own part, I think they ought to be exposed, for these reasons,  
1. That all Israel may hear and fear, and do so no more.  
2. The most probable way to keep out Popery, is to keep down Puritanism. The right reverend Bishop Hall observed, None gained by the seditious divisions and practices in this Realm but Hell and Rome, the Devil and the Pope; and if these men be countenanced and permitted to follow their old ways, we may expect the same fate; they that court them, or but dally and play at bopeep with them, do not only encourage but tempt them to persist in their perverseness and obstinacy, which is as great a kindness and service as the Pontifician Politicoes can desire or can be done for them. Contzen's Politics, l. 2. cited in Fair Warning, part. 2. c. 2. Sect. 1. As much advantage is to be made by the Protestants disagreements as of the Papists concord, to extirpate Protestants, p. 33. This was the Popish old Plot by Campanella in his Book De Monarchia Hispan. to destroy our Monarchy, and was followed by Cardinal Richlieu in his advice which he gave a little before his death to the French King; and for the abolishing of Episcopacy, Io Paean's were sung at Rome, and Father Sibthorp upon the first discovery of that resolution in his Letter to Father Medcalf, said, Now they are pulling down that Wall which at once adorned and defended their way. Mr. Baxter was of the same destructive opinion; for as he did agree with Father White in pulling down the Bulwark of Monarchy; so with Father Sibthorp to pull down the Wall of Episcopacy: only with this difference, that Father Sibthorp would endeavour to pull it down because it both adorned and defended the Church; but Mr. Baxter was for demolishing the Wall, because (in his account) it was a Wall of Separation; and thereupon resolved to do the best he could, while he lived, to pull it down, and to make it the most earnest action of his life to prevent the re-building of it, Mr. Baxt. 3d. Defence, Part 2d. p. 84. Now it will be confessed, that if Rome got any thing the Devil gained too.  
3. The Devil, the first Schismatic and Rebel, will still endeavour to make as many as he can by his serpentine wiles to be as bad and miserable as himself, neither will he suffer those whom he hath once taken Captive at his pleasure to loiter in his service, but keep them at hard duty; neither are there any more captivated by him, than those who serve him in a Rebellion, wherein they fight his Battles under God's Colours; for this is like the sin of Witchcraft, once a Witch, always a Witch, once a Rebel, always a Rebel. I have read it as a Maxim in Law, Semel malus semper malus in eodem genere mali; and we have reason to believe our old and late Rebels will never relent. For,  
4. They cannot endure to hear any thing spoken of Rebellion, they sit uneasy when that Theme is prosecuted home; all their aims are, not to appear what they are, and to appear what they are not, their business in the world is to carry fair, (in their own cant) and therefore it's no hard measure to pay them what they have deserved; if wise and learned good men have forbore to reflect on them, they are either such who have not seen, or felt their studied arts of barbarous cruelties and impieties, and they may give loser's and sufferers leave to speak; or such, who are swayed with a transport of good nature, and excess of a mistaken preposterous charity; but by their good leave to gratify a few roving Privateers to the prejudice and detriment of the public is no office of charity, nor act of prudence. King James hath told us, Good deeds will never gain them; we are sure ever since they have been fruitless: It's very unlikely then good words, which are but wind, will ever do it; and if neither good words nor good deeds will still them, an experiment of hard words and deeds may do the feat, at least stop them in their carrier. To fob them up with soft words, is a way, as to flatter them, so, to keep up their credit and reputation with the multitude and common sort of people, which as it is to do half their work for them, so to render the Government odious and suspected. Doubtless when they tell us they are his Majesty's most faithful, loyal and obedient Subjects, and then upon the first opportunity break out into open Rebellion, we may truly call them Traitors and Hypocrites, which are as hard words as can be used, and if they may not be used, they were invented to no purpose. But to salve the matter, some have found out a moderate way of compounding it, by joining an hard and soft word together, calling them dissenting Brethren. For as the former is a very ungrateful, unsociable and offensive word, synonymous to Recusant, Separatist and Schismatic; the other is a sweet, pleasant and comfortable appellative. Now I cannot yet understand why the same may not be attributed to Romanists, unless partiality or popularity prevail too much. For the relation is founded either on Nature, Profession or Office, which are the common ways of appropriating that title, but they are our Brethren by Nature, as Men, by Profession, as Christians, (Dr. Burnet confesses them to be so) and sure I am they are Ministers of the Gospel by designation and Function, so that a reason should be rendered why Father Garnet, Creswell, Oldcorn, Whitebread and Gawen may not be dubbed Brethren as well as Smectymnuus, Brother Baxter, Owen, Job, or Ferguson. If Idolatry destroy the Fraternity on one side of the House, Sacrilege will on the other; if positive Superstition break off the Brotherhood on the one hand, negative will on the other; if the Collier's Creed make us ashamed of the relation, the no Creed, or no Determinate, will give us occasion to grieve and mourn: if an implicit Faith in the Church, or a blind obedience to the Pope, make us like to Horse and Mule which have no understanding, than it will so happen, if we resign our reason to the resolutions of a pack of Demagogues; unless we at last be contented the Pope's Chair be removed to the Speaker's at Westminster, with a Nemine Contradicente. But to shut up all, it's an hard case when men will censure others in that wherein they themselves are faulty. For these mellow soft Souls, when they are pinched or twitted, make use of words as hard in sense, though not so harsh in sound, and can for a Friend's sake smother, stifle and excuse their hard deeds; as if we were fallen back into Jeoffrey Chaucer's days, when words were sins, but deeds were not. However, if any think I have been too rude or bitter against those whom I believe upon good grounds to be dough-baked Ephraamites, King-haters, Church-Mountebanks, Interlopers, Barratours, a most prodigiously ungrateful profligate Sect, let them, I say, who think so, prove it by good authority and reason, I will confess and amend, which is all the Reformation I yet know is needful to them who live, and are resolved (by God's grace) to die, in the Communion of this most Christian, Apostolical Catholic Church.  James 1. 10. A double minded man is unstable in all his ways. Ecclus. 2. 12. Woe be to fearful hearts, and faint hands, and the sinner that goeth two ways. 
THE END.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 27 ult. after Sylvanus add a full point, and deal etc. p. 34. 10. for Bidell r. Videli. p. 35. 1. after martyred add was. ib. 21. r. Aera. p. 40. 27. r. Heming. 41. 18. after day deal full point. 42. 2. r. Caranz. ib. l. 15. after find add in. p. 46. 9 r. in moderate S. Aug. 60. 26. r. Tithes. 77. 3. for blame r. clann. 78. 21. for its r. which. 84. 7. del. for. 96. 23. r. Evaristus. 101. 18. del. an honest. 102. penul. r. Weir. 116. antepen. r. judaical. 119. 3. for, all r. date. 124. 16. add, to whom. 131. 26. r. preside. 133. 5. r. Martin. in his Lexicon. 139. 10. r. their Lord. 145. 12. r. at their own, etc. ib. l. 18. deal especially. 150. 26. for by admitting r. for removing an incon. etc. 182. 11. r. misnomered. 189. 5. r. Royalists. 205. 6. for exposed r. opposed.