A DISCOURSE OF THE RISE & POWER OF Parliaments, OF Law's, of Courts of judicature, of Liberty, Property, and Religion, of the Interest of England in reference to the Desines of France; of Taxes and of Trade.  
In a Letter from a Gentleman in the Country to a Member ●n Parliament.  
Salus Populi Suprema lex esto.  
Printed in the Year 1677.   

The following PREFACE newly writ by the Bookseller's Friend.  
WHoever buys this Tract, will do a small Kindness to the Bookseller; but he that reads it, will do a greater to himself. The Title alone is a temptation to invite one to look into it, in this time of Disorder; But, if Wit and Learning, Reason and Piety, the knowledge of Men and deep consideration of Government signify any thing, the Discourse is a perfect snare to captivate the Reader. And it hath one advantage peculiar to itself to detain him, That he will meet with many things there, which no man ever writ or perhaps thought on before.  
The Novelty alone will gratify the men of Pleasure and Curiosity; And as for the Grave and the Wise, that Chain of Reason, and good Nature which runs through it, will make them scratch and think twice, before they condemn it.  
It was written to a Member of the last Parliament about Christmas last was Twelvemonth, and since that time has crept abroad into the World, and is now made more Public, as well for the General, as the Bookseller's particular good. But a great Change of Affairs happening in this Interval, 'tis fit to acquaint you, That the Author never dreamt of the Horrid Plot, which has been lately discovered, when he pleaded for Toleration to honest and peaceable Dissenters. He measured other persons by his own Candid Temper, and did not think there could be found a Sect of men, who would endeavour the advancement of their Religion by shedding the Blood of their Prince, in an Age, when Rebellious Principles and their Abettors, have received such Confutations, as they have in this, both by God and Man.  
But Truth doth not vary with Time, how much soever some persons may abuse it. I cannot persuade myself, but that Liberty of Conscience is a Natural Right, which all men bring with them into the World; For we must all give an account of ourselves to God, and stand or fall by our own Faith and Practice, and not by the Religion of the State or Country where we happen to be dropped.  
'Tis impossible for men to believe what they list, or what others would have them, though it should be beaten into their heads with Beetles. Persecution makes some men obstinate, and some men Hypocrites; but Evidence only governs our Under stand, and that has the prerogative to govern our Actions.  
The design of Christianity is to make men happy in the other World; and in order thereunto, it teaches them to regulate their Passions, and behave themselves with all sobriety, righteousness and piety in this. The Doctrines whereby this is enforced, are so few and so plainly delivered, that they are at this day acknowledged by all the several sorts of Christians that make a number, or are fit to be considered under a name in the World. For how many are there, who do not profess the Apostles Creed? which was the Old Rule and Measure of Christian Faith, unalterable, unreformable, from which nothing ought to be taken, to which nothing need to be added; as Irenoeus and Tertullian declare. And if men would be persuaded to preserve these Ancient Boundaries of Christianity inviolate, and suffer the Primitive Simplicity to be restored; the great occasion of Squabble and Contention would be cut off; and they would not dispute for ever, about a lock of wool, or the knots of a bulrush; but instead of being extremely learned in trifles, and extremely zealous for Moonshine, they would grow kind and charitable and lay aside their unreasonable Censures of one another.  
Aquinas and Bellarmine, and the Synopsis purioris Theologiae, would not be studied so much, but the Sermon on the Mount a great deal more; and upon casting up the Account, it would be found, that what we lost in subtlety thereby, we should gain in Religion.  
St. Hilary, the Famous Bishop of Poitiers, has an Excellent saying to this 
De Trinitate Lib. 10. circa finem.  purpose, Non per difficiles nos Deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat, nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae genere solicitat; in absoluto nobis & facili est aeternitas; jesum suscitanum à mortuis per Deum credere, et ipsum esse Dominum confiteri. God doth not call us to Heaven by understanding abstruse and difficult Questions, nor invite us by the power of Eloquence and Rhetorical Discourses; but the way to Eternal Happiness is plain, easy, and unintricate; To believe that God raised up jesus from the dead, and to confess him to be the Lord of all. The sense of this will soften the Minds of men, and dispose them to mutual Compliances and Forbearances; and then we shall not think it needful, by severities and penalties, to compel others to go to Heaven, in our way, with great uneasiness, when we are resolved, they may with safety and pleasure get thither in their own.  
Upon these grounds, the Wisest Emperors in Christendom have allowed Liberty to Dissenters, as Theodosius did to the Novatians, who had separate Churches at Constantinople, and Bishops of their own persuasion to Govern them, and enjoyed all the Privileges of Catholic Christians.  
And the Opinion of King james sent to Cardinal Perron in the 
Epist. Isaac. Casaub. epist. 316. pag. 385.  words of Isaac Casaubon, will be remembered to his honour, whilst his name shall be known in the World, as the best rosolution which was ever given of this Question. Rex arbitratur rerum ad salutem necessariarum non magnum esse Numerum, quare existimet ejus Mojestas nullam ad ineundam concordiam breviorem viam fore, quam si diligenter separentur necessaria à non necessariis, & ut de necessariis conveniat omnis opera insumatur, in non necessariis, libertati Christianae locus detur. The King is persuaded, that there is no great number of things necessary to salvation; wherefore his Majesty believes there will not be met with a shorter way to peace, than that distinction be carefully made, between necessary things, and those that are not so; and that all pains be taken for agreement in necessaries, but that allowance be granted for Christian Liberty in those things that are not necessary.  
This is not a demand which has been only made of late, since the Christian name has been so scandalously divided as it is at this day; but 'tis that which the Primitive Christians pleaded for as their right and due, that they ought to be tolerated, though they were mistaken, so long as they were peaceable.  
To this end Tertullian made an Address to Scapula, the Governor 
Tertull. ad Scap. Cap. 2.  of Africa, and tells him, humani juris & naturalis est potestatis unicuique quod putaverit colere, nec alii obest aut prodest alterius Religio. Sed nec Religionis est cogere religionem, quae sponte suscipi debeat non vi. Cum & hostiae ab animo libenti expostulentur. Ita etsi nos compuleritis ad sacrificandum, nihil praestabitis Diis vestris; ab invitis enim sacrificia non desiderabantur, nisi contentiosi sint; contentiosus autem Deus non est. It is the right of Mankind and a Natural privilege to worship according to what he believes. One man's Religion doth neither good nor harm to another; 'tis no part of any one's Religion to compel another man to be of the same with him, which ought to be undertaken freely, not by compulsion, even as the Sacrifices are required to be offered with a willing mind; and therefore though you compel us to sacrifice, you will do no service to your own Gods: for they desire no offerings from the unwilling, unless they be quarrelsome; but God is not contentious.  
Lactantius has spent a whole Chapter to show the unreasonableness of 
Lactant. lib. 5. c. 20.  persecuting men for Religion, and that violence is an incompetent argument to propagate truth.  
St. chrysostom makes it a mark of Heresy, and argues thus; Doth 
Chrysost. Homil. 19 in Matth.  the Sheep persecute the Wolf? no, but the Wolf does the Sheep. So Cain persecuted Abel, not Abel Cain. Ishmael persecuted Isaac, not Isaac Ishmael. So the jews persecuted Christ, not Christ the jews; So the Heretics do to the Orthodox, not the Orthodox to the Heretics; therefore by their fruits you shall know them.  
The truth is, The persecuting practice was first introduced among the Christians by the fiery and turbulent spirits of the Arrian Heretics, who had corrupted the Emperor Constantius, and 
Sulpit. Sever. Lib. 2. C. 54, 55, etc.  brought him to their party, and then made use of this power to confute the Catholic Bishops and their Adherents, by banishment, imprisonment and confiscation of goods. Against which unworthy proceeding, Athanasius inveighs 
Athanas. Epist. ad Solitarios.  with great reason, and vehemence, as a preparation for the coming of Antichrist. But when this poison was once cast into the Church, 'twas but a short time before the sounder and sincerer part of Christians was infected with it; and as their Interest grew at Court, so they made use of it, to basfle their Adversaries, and retort their own Arguments upon them; obtaining Laws to be made against several Heretics, with very severe penalties, the loss of goods, of liberty, the power 
Cod. Iust. l. 1. tit. 5. de Haereticis etc. Cod. Theod. 2. 5.  of making a Will, and in some Cases, the loss of life. Which Law's are yet upon Record in both the Codes of justinian and Theodosius. But though by this means they prevailed at last to suppress the Heresies which troubled the Church, yet the best and wisest men amongst them disapproved the Expedient, and thought it unreasonable, to purchase the establishment of truth, by ●uch rigours and by the shedding of blood.  
The first instance which I remember of any Capital Sentence formally pronounced against any Dissenters, was against Priscillian and some of his Followers; But then St. Martin the Bishop of Tours interceded with all his might to hinder the proceeding; and Sulpitius Severus gives 
Sulpit. Sever. Lib. 2. C. 65.  an ill Character of the fact, when he says, Homines luce indignissimi, pessimo exemplo necati, aut exiliis necati. 'Twas of ill example and a scandal to Christianity, that they were banished or put to death, though they did not deserve to live. And when a Band of Soldiers was sent to suppress a Conventicle of the Donatists (who were very numerous and extremely trouble some in Africa.) and bring them to Church; Parmenian objected the Armatum Militem, and the Operarios Unitatis, to the Catholics, as an unseemly and an unworthy practice. And it cost Optatus a great deal of 
Optat. Cont. Parmen. l. 1. C. 3.  pains, to write almost a whole Book to wipe off the Imputation; which he could not do, but by denying the fact as a Calumny, whereof the Catholics were not guilty, and disagreeable to the Doctrines of their meek and peaceable Master.  
St. Austin has declared his Opinion how the Manichees were to be treated in such favourable and gentle words, as show he was not pleased with the Law in 
Aug. contra Epist. C. 1, 2.  force against them. Cod. Iust. l. Tit. 5. de Haereticis: leg. Manichaeos': Illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt, quo cum labore verum inveniatur, etc. Let them be rigorous against you, that do not understand what pains is required in the discovery of truth; and with what difficulty errors are avoided: Let them be severe against you, that know not, how rare and hard a thing it is to conquer carnal representations by the serenity of a devout mind. Let them rage against you, that are ignorant with what labour the eye of the Inward man is cured, that it may be able to behold its own Sun; Let them be cruel towards you, that know not what sighs and groans are necessary to the understanding of God in any degree: In fine, let them be angry with you that are free from all such mistakes as they see you deceived with. But for myself, I can in no wise be severe against you, for I ought to bear with you as with myself, who was once one of you; and treat you with that patience and meekness as was shown to me by my Neighbours, when I was furiously and blindly engaged in your erroneous doctrines.  
Salvian a Priest, and as some think a Bishop of Marselles, has 
De Gubernet. Dei, lib. 5. pag. 142.  manifested the like candour and meekness towards the Arrians. Haeretici sunt, sed non scientes: denique apud nos sunt haeretici, apud se non sunt etc. They are Heretics, but they are ignorantly so; they are Heretics in our esteem, but they do not think themselves so; nay, they so firmly believe themselves Catholics, that they defame us with the title of Heresy. What they are to us, the same we are to them; we are certain they injure the divine Generation, by saying the Son is inferior to the Father; they think us injurious to the Father, because we believe them equal; the honour of God is on our side, but they believe it on theirs: They are undutiful, but they think this the great office of Religion; They are ungodly, but this they believe is true Godliness; they err therefore, but they err with an honest good mind, not out of hatred but affection to God believing that they both love and honour the Lord. Although they want a right Faith, yet they are of opinion. That this is the perfect Love of God; and none but the judge can tell how they are to be punished, for the mistake of their false doctrine in the day of judgement.  
This was the soft and charitable spirit which breathed in those eminent Defenders of Christianity, who were so zealous for their Religion, as to suffer for it themselves; but not so furious as to make others suffer to promote it. They had another method of propagating the truth; in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves. For indeed the only proper punishment of the erroneous, is to be taught.  
Having discoursed thus far concerning Indulgence towards Dissenters; i e. for Charity, Righteousness and Peace; and that every one has a Right, by the great Charter of Nature, to make the best provision he can for his own happiness; I foresee the envy to which this way of reasoning will be exposed; as if it opened a gate to. All sorts of Sects and foolish Opiniators, even to Atheists themselves; and stripped the Magistrate of that power, whereby he is enabled to attain the End of Government, that the people under him, may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all Godliness and Honesty.  
I know so much of human nature, and the extravagant follies of Mankind left to the conduct of their own passions, that these would be the certain consequences of unlimited Liberty to all persons; and therefore I plead not for it. My notion of Liberty precludes all the inconveniences in this Objection. 'Tis not a natural Law which is unchangeable, but a natural Right only for a man to choose what Religion he will profess. And there is no Right of Nature, which I know of, but what is limitable to the Public Good, and forfeitable by the abuse of it.  
A man may forfeit the Right which he has to life, which he holds by Nature, as well as to his Estate, which he holds by Law. An Atheist, a Murderer, etc. may as justly be killed as a Viper, or a Wolf, or any other noxious Animals; because they have done irreparable mischief to the Commonwealth already, and to prevent doing more for the time to come. The natures of such persons are greatly degenerated, and 'tis but reasonable, that they who have lost the common Virtues, should likewise lose the Privileges of Mankind: And I judge the like concerning the liberty which every man has to inquire into the truth of several Systems of Religion, and publicly to maintain that which appears to him established upon the surest foundations.  
When 'tis apparent, that Religion itself is damnified, the safety of the Government endangered, and the peace of the Commonwealth broken by any sort of doctrines, the persons professing those doctrines have forfeited their natural freedom, and aught to be restrained.  
Accordingly, First, No man is to be allowed to publish impieties which evidently tend to the dishonour of God and wicked life; as, That God doth not take care of the affairs of this World; and, That there are no rewards and punishments in the other; That there is an indifferency in human actions, and no good or evil antecedently to the Civil constitution, etc. For the truth in these cases is so plain by the light of Nature, and by the manifold discoveries which God hath made, that no man who seeks for it with an honest mind, but may discern it; and accordingly errors of this nature are not to be ascribed to weakness of judgement, which is to be pitied, but considered as proceeding from malicious Principles, and tending to base Ends, and so are punishable as corruptions in manners. This sort of men indeed are not within the limits of this question, for they have no Conscience, and therefore can challenge no privilege from it; and no Government can have security from men of no Conscience; and therefore cannot be blamed, if it do not protect them. And, seeing they oppose the consent of Mankind in such momentous affairs, why should they not forfeit the benefit of human society? and if the Sword were oftener drawn and sharpened against them, it might possibly reconcile some persons to the Authority, who are now no great Friends to it, nor altogether of St. Paul's mind, That the Minister of God bears not the Sword in vain, but is a punisher of evil Doers, and a praise to them that do well.  
Secondly, No man can claim any Right to freedom, whose doctrines tend to the destruction of Government in general, or the dissolution of that which is established. For the benefits of Government are so great, (though like those of health, they are not so sensibly discerned by any thing so much as by their absence) that all Mankind have been contented to purchase them, by parting with something out of every one's stock, to maintain a common Arbitrator of differences, and a common defence from injuries. And the Alterations of any particular Form, or the removal of any particular Person, in whom the Government is fixed, is always attended with so many certain inconveniencies, and, if with any, such uncertain advantages, that ordinary Prudence ought not to trust such persons whose Religion leads them to Anarchy or to Change. Nay, submission to Government is so incorporated into all Religions of the World, Natural, Pagan, jewish and Christian, that 'tis impossible any one can reconcile Religion with the opposition to the present Government: Therefore all such doctrines as these, That Dominion is founded in Grace; That 'tis lawful to depose Heretical Princes, or vindicate the true Religion by the Sword; That an Idolatrous King may be cut off; That the Original of Power is in the People, and upon male Administration and Tyrannical Government, they may resume their first Grant; are to be discountenanced in every Commonwealth, and the Abettors of them to be restrained and punisbed; unless the Rebels of England have some peculiar privilege; and they that ought to be hanged in every other Nation under Heaven, have a particular Charter to be indulged as the Godly Party here.  
Thirdly, He that will not allow the same liberty which he asks, destroys the Right to his own demands; he is of a narrow persecuting spirit; in love with his own dear self, proud, conceited, and an enemy to the Rest of the World.  
For, I pray, are we not all equal by Nature, have you more of the Image of God, or a less share of Original Sin than I? You tell me, that I am an Idolater; and cannot I say, that you are a Heretic? You are certain, if God's Word be true, and the Spirit of God do not deceive, you are in the right; I say you are very confident, and Solomon tells us, The Fool rageth and is confident. I took not up my Religion upon trust, I have read the Bible and the Ancient Writers, the most indifferent Arbitrators of differences in Religion; I have consulted the Wisest men, and heard all Parties speak; I have prayed to God for his Assistance, that he would guide me into all truth, and I verily think God has answered my Prayers; and 'tis You, not I, that are in the mistake: But because there may be no Contention between us, I am contented to compromise the Quarrel, and we will dwell together charitably with united Affections, though with different judgements. But You cannot in Conscience accept of this fair offer; you have a Command to the contrary: Come out from among them and I will receive you; Be not unequally yoked with Unbelievers: have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them. You have a Promise to depend on, and you look up to God to perform it. Behold, I will make them of the Synagogue of Satan, which say they are jews, and are not, for they lie; I will make them to come and worship before thy feet, and know that I have loved thee. Well Sir, I am sorry my Tender of peace is so scornfully rejected, upon the misapplication of such Texts of Scripture, as equally and indifferently serve all Parties, or are nothing to the present purpose; You must not be angry, if I strike the first blow, rather than suffer you to take your own opportunity to knock me o th' head.  
When the cause comes to be tried, before equal Umpires, you will be judged out of your own mouth, that challenged Liberty, which you would not grant: For you have transgressed the great Rule of Righteousness, not to do to others, what you would have done unto yourself. Upon these terms, the pretences to Liberty are destroyed. But if the Wisdom of any State shall confine their Indulgencies to Pious, Obedient, and Charitable Dissenters, I cannot perceive the prejudice, which difference in speculations and disputable Points can do in Religion, or the Power of the Magistrate.  
But at the same time I cannot but admire the admirable Temper and Moderation which is shown in the Church and Government of England; That requires nothing necessary to Salvation, but the acknowledgement of the Ancient Creeds; That teaches nothing, but what is Pious and Charitable; Whose Lyturgy is Grave, Wise and Holy; whose Rites are few and material; Whose Laws are full of Candour and Compliance, allowing freedom to any Five Dissenters together to worship God, in their own way: Whose true Sons and Subjects, are the greatest Favourers of Christian Liberty, which are in the World; And I pray God, to give all people that disown it, Wisdom to understand it.   

THE Publisher to the Reader.  
HAving, I must own, not without Pleasure, read the following Papers; and believing they might in several Instances (I do not say all) give some satisfaction to others, and contribute to the Public Good, for which, I persuade myself, even those Notions that seem most odd and impracticable, were intended; I resolved to make them public; But was checked again, by calling to mind, That he from whom I in some sort extorted them, obliged me not to discover him: Nevertheless, considering I might do the One without the Other, I pursued my former Resolutions; yet taking this further care, That even the Printer should not know from whence they came. And now let me tell you, whatever you shall think of this Discourse, 'Tis the Issu of a sober Brain, though perhaps a little too much inclined to Humour, and rigid Virtue; and not so agreeable or smooth, as you would have had it, if my Friend had dressed it for the eyes of any other besides myself, to whom he sent it Sheet by Sheet; and having writ it in less than eight of the last Holidays, you may believe, had I allowed more time, it would have come, even to me, reviewed. As it is, I make it yours; and assure you, what ever Censure you pass upon Him or Me, we shall both be unconcerned: As Complesance made it mine, so a good Intention, of serving my Country, makes it yours. For myself, I do not aim at being Richer or Greater; The Patrimony left me, satisfied and invited my unambitious Mind, to the Retirements of a private Life; which I have made easy by innocent Recreations, Company, and Books: It was not my own seeking, that I am now placed in a more public Station; wherein, though perhaps I have done no Good, yet, I am pleased, I never did any Hurt; having always pursued, without Passion or Interest, what ever my Conscience (the best Rule and severest judge of Men's Actions) convinced me was best.  
As to my Friend, he is one has read some Books, and more Men; thanks God he is, that, which the World calls a Fool, a Good-natured Man, one that heartily loves all Mankind; and has so particular a Zeal for the good of his Country, that I believe he would sacrifice his Life to serve it. But almost despairing, That ever Things will be better than they are; and finding, by what he has seen abroad, That a Man may live more happily in England, than in any part of Europe; and now grown old, by Temper, more than Years, he has resolved, chiefly to mind himself; whom, to enjoy more fully, he has bid adieu to all Thoughts of Business; to which, having never been bred by any Calling, he has had the more Opportunities of considering all, of improving himself, and observing most sorts of Men; and, as a speculative Philosopher, to the Entertainment of Himself and Friends, he passes very free Remarks on all Actions and Things he judges amiss; and, being biased by no manner of Interest, I am persuaded he speaks his Conscience: And he has the good Fortune, to make others often conclude, He does not only speak a great deal of Truth; but also further satisfies them, That it is much easier to find Faults, than mend them; That there ever were, and ever will be, Disorders in all Human Societies; That there are fewer in that of England, than in any other, and that they are there more curable.  
Thus much I thought fit to tell you, to prevent any Misapprehensions concerning the Persons who are the occasion of this Trouble, or Diversion, call it what you please.   

The CONTENTS.  
1. STate Affairs not fit to be discoursed by private men. 
Page 7  2. Of the Rise of Parliaments. 
11  3. Origin of Government, with a brief account of Laws, Revenues, Trade, and Natural Religion. 
12  4. A new Method of Electing Members, Objections against this Present Parliament, and their Answers. 
29  5. Of Laws, etc. 
37  6. Of better restraint of Offences than Punishment by death. 
48  7. Of Courts of judicature. 
60  8. Of Liberty, Property, and Religion. 
73  9 Differences in the last nor hurtful nor restrainable. 
81  10. How Toleration may be safely granted. 
92  11. How to prevent Divisions among Christians, and to make all really not nominaly such. 
99  12. To Regulate and Reform the abuses of the Press; the inconveniencies of Printing as now managed. 
104  13. The Interest of England in Reference to France. 
116  14. Reason's why the King did not declare War against that Crown. 
119  15. The King's Care of Ireland to prevent French Designs. 
140  16. Of an Union between England and Ireland, or the Repealing Poynings Act. 
143  17. Of Taxes to make them great and perpetual, most for the People's ease and common good. 
148  18. That 100 l. formerly was in Real value equivalent to 300 l. now, and in use to 3000 l. With the reasons of the disparity. 
161  19 The dangers of not perpetuating, apportioning and applying the Revenue to the particular charge and uses of the Crown or State, and the advantage of doing so. 
166  20. The Objections against perpetuating the Revenue, considered and removed. 
167  21. That French or any other Commodities are better Restrained by height of Duty, than absolute prohibition. 
173  22. Several Taxes considered, Excise, Hearth-Mony etc. 
174  23. A Tax upon New Buildings, a Pole-mony, and how to secure it against frauds. 
178  24. A Tax upon unmarried people. 
180  25. Of Trade, of the value of Labour, how the People and Riches may be increased, etc. 
184  26. That Foreigners are to be Invited, and how. 
190   
Many other things for Advance of Trade, as Registries or their equivalent on Practisers of Fraud; how Work-houses may be Erected, all Poor and Beggars provided for, and a Nursery for an Army either for Land or Sea-Service to be suddenly raised on any emergency, without grievance or pressing of the People etc.   

Errata.  
IN the Title page for (Member in) read Member of. P. 2. to the Reader, read unfashionable rigid virtue. p. 18. l. 14. r. extravagance. p. 21. l. 15. r. destructive. p. 28. l. 3. for (and policy) r. or Policy. ibid. l. 13. r. as head. p. 63. l. 3. r. actual summons. p. 69. l. 4. r. arising. p. 82. l. 5. r. End. ibid. l. 10. for (clearer) r. cleaner. p. 91. l. 19 r. a Red Sea. p. 105. l. 9 r. Sacrament. p. 112. l. 22. r. have slayed. p. 113. l. 25. deal, till, they; p. 118. l. 20. r. finesso. p. 122. l. 10. for (unequal) r. uneasy. p. 143. l. 15. r. Poynings. p. 145. l. 7. r. claim a greater. p. 149. last l. for (make) r. may. p. 159. l. last, r. Haver. p. 176. l. 22. r. Brewers only. p. 178. l. 13. r. but also. p. 188. l. 23. r. twice stronger. p. 191. l. 2. r. many many. p. 200. l. 5. r. shall not be. p. 207. l. 2. r. representative. p. 239. l. 4. r. Bettor.   

The Introduction.  
SIR,  
HAd you only commanded me to have given you an account of the Laws and Customs of another Utopia, an Isle of Pines, or of O. Brazil, (though unfit even for such a Task) I would not have disputed it: But finding you have imposed upon me, who am neither Statesman nor Merchant, a necessity of playing the Fool, by treating of Englana's Policies and Trade; I confess I could not without great reluctance comply with so severe an injunction.  
I have always been averse to discourses of this kind; which in Private men are no farther tolerable, than as idle Philosophers, to pass away their vacant hours in such otherwise useless speculations; And in them too, I have heard 'em oftener condemned than commended, the Authors esteemed foolish, and impertinent, troublesome or dangerous; And some we know by indulging themselves too much in this vanity, have straitened, if not wholly lost their Liberty and Fortunes. We live not in Plato's Commonwealth, but in foece Romuli, where a full Reformation of Laws and Manners, seems only to be wished, not to be obtained without a Miracle. Why then should any, especially the unconcerned, busy their heads with what they cannot mend? 'Tis much more pleasant and safer far, to let the World take its course, to believe that in the regular, stated, motion of Nature, things are so ordered by Divine Providence, that they will not, cannot, suffer themselves to be il managed. Nature, if we harkened to her Dictates, as well as Religion (which we equally despise) would convince us, it were our Duty (I am certain it would be our Interest, our Happiness even in this life) to submit quietly to the Powers above, and their Ordinances, because All Powers are of God.  
Thus I acknowledge every private man ought to think and do; But public persons, that is to say, Lawmakers are to consider they were born not only for themselves, but for the good of others, and therefore are obliged to exert that power with which they are entrusted, for the joint common good of the People, without partial regards or private ends.  
If they would sincerely mind this; and if our hot-braind State-Mountebanks, who being but private men, yet quarrel at every thing that is not conformable to the Capriccios of their own wild fancies, would cease to intermedddle in their Superiors Province, England might be the happpiest Kingdom of the World; whereas the contrary Practice rendered her not long since the Seat of Civil Wars, Tyranny and Confusion, and has at present so filled Her with Murmurings, and Repine, jealousies, and Fears, that She which formerly gave Law to others, and was a Terror to more than Europe, is now in danger, to become weak and contemptible in the Eyes and Opinions of her Neighbours.  
These, and such like, were the Considerations, that made me so long resist your command; to which I had never yielded, but to prevent the loss of your Friendship, with which you so solemnly threatened me in your last. Take then in the same order you prescribe, the best account I am able in so short a time to give to your several following Particulars Of the Rise and Power of Parliaments, Of Laws; Courts of judicature; Of Liberty, Property and Religion; Of the Interest of England in reference to the Desines of France; Of Taxes and of Trade. But you are to observe, That what I write is with as much liberty, and little care, as people discourse in Coffee houses, where we hear the State-affairs of all Nations adjusted, and from thence guests at the Humour of the People and at the Times.  
In this therefore, you are not to expect, any studied Phrases, or Elaborat connexion's, close neat Transitions, etc. Your servant (whom I conjure you by the strictest ties of Friendship, not to discover) has neither will, nor leisure for such a work, which being intended only for your Closet, you may be content to take in a plain English dress.  
The great and many Revolutions and Changes, which in all Places have attended Human 
Of the Rise and Power of Parliaments.  Affairs; and the particular Inundations of the Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans, into this Kingdom; together, with the ignorance and carelessness of former Ages, have left us, in so much darkness and uncertainty, that I think it not only difficult, but morally impossible, to trace out exactly the Beginnings of things. If it be so then in all affairs, we may cease to wonder, why men are so much at a loss, in their Inquiries into, and Debates of the present matter, viz. Of the Rise and Power of Parliaments; which has received very different forms and shapes, according to the Interest and Power of the several contending Parties; this makes me think, its true face can never be fully discovered, though perhaps it may be uncertainly guessed at, by some Lines, saint Shadows, and stronger Probalities gathered from the scattered Memoires of Monks, who cannot well be supposed impartial, especially in Ecclesiastical, nor full in the relations of State-affairs; in the Accounts of which they did not hold themselves concerned: But yet they are the best guides we have; For from the Ancient Rolls in the Tower, one cannot believe, there was any exact Diary of things; or if he do, must conclude, many are spoiled by the injury of Time, omitted thro' negligence, or made away for private Ends. However we may yet pick out of both this Truth, That though the Rise of Parliaments, like the Head of Nilus, be unknown, yet they have been of long standing and of great Power.  
And we shall find it reasonable they should be so, if we look back into the grounds and Origin of Government; which we may suppose to have been 
Origin of Government.  introduced by the general consent and agreement of as many Families, as upon the increase of Mankind, joined in one common Society, divided the Earth into particular proportions, and distinguished between Meum and Tuum; To this they were induced by Love, not Fear, which is but the consequent of that, Reason convincing that the enjoyments of life were thus best served and promoted. And because that Being and wellbeing, could not be continued or enjoyed, but by the Society of Women, and the Products of Labour; and that, if some would be idle, and many covet the same Woman, the great Desine of Nature, Happiness, founded on Living well, and in Peace, might be perverted into the state of Misery, War; To prevent the two necessary Consequences, Poverty and Death, they entered into mutual Compacts, Articles, or Laws, agreeable to that great and fundamental Law of Nature, riveted into their Being's, To do as they would be done unto; That is, They resolved, agreed, and promised one another, to be guided by the Rules of Reason; or, which is one and the same, To continu Men. But, because it was probable, some yielding too much to their Passions, might swerve from this great Rule, and so, wrong Others as well as Themselves; Therefore, that no man might be judge and Party, they unanimously confirmed to the Elder person, the continuance of that Right, which Nature had given him over the Fruit of his Loins during its Minority, To determine what ever Differences should happen; Believing Him, as the common Father of the Family, to be most impartial, and as the longer Experienced, the Wisest Man.  
This Power, though Great, exceeded not the Limits of their then-enacted Laws, in their true and natural Meaning, which they took care to make very few and plain, That all Disputes and Intricacies (not only the Disturbers, but Destroyer's, of justice) might be avoided.  
And finding they were not only liable to Danger at Home, but from Abroad; from such other Societies, as had already, or might afterwards set up for themselves; and that it was not possible for all, to watch against these Dangers, they therefore resolved to put that Care into the Hands of one Man; (for which great Undertaking, the Coward, as the Fool, if those two really differ, were equally unfit, Inconsideration in the One, being what Fear is in the Other, (a Betraying of the succours which Reason offers) Nature then, by giving their judge most Authority, Wisdom, and Conduct, which with true Courage (the Effect also in a great measure, of Experience) are the great Qualifications of a General, designed him for that Honour; which the People readily confirmed, promising Obedience, and investing him with the Power of making War and Peace: But (at his Instance) reserving to themselves, the Liberty of Examining and approving the Reasons: Which the Great and Wise Captain judged convenient; knowing, without the Consent of All, he could not but want the Assistance of Some, which might dis-able him to defend himself or them; whereupon, the Ruin of the Whole must inevitably follow.  
And, because the Prince his whole time must be employed in this great Work; part of which, was the preparing his Son for the Succession, by instilling into him the necessary Seeds, the Principles of Virtue, Religion, Wisdom, Courage, Munificence, and justice: The People willingly agreed to entail upon Him, and his Successors, a certain Excisum, or Proportion of every Man's Labour, answerable to the Occasions of the Public; and to the particular State and Grandeur, necessary for the Support and Maintenance of his Authority and Reputation.  
But because a greater proportion was needful for extraordinary accidents, as of War, etc. They set apart annually another Quota, to remain for such Uses in a kind of public Bank, so to be ordered, as might greatly increase their common Treasure, and do good to the poorer sort of Laborers and Tradesmen, and maintain in Hospitals, such Impotents or aged Persons, as should be disabled, to make Provisions for themselves.  
The Revenu they made Great enoff, as well as Certain, that the Prince might not lie under any necessity of contriving from time to time, new Artifices and Ways of raising Money, that great Rock of Offence, on which they foresaw no Prince could stumble without Vexation, Animosities, and Hatred; not only discomposing the Happiness, but occasioning the Overthrow of any State. And so the People, being sure of the Remainder, they proportioned their Expense to their Gettings; The former they moderated, not only by prudent Sumptuary Laws, but by the hazard of their Reputations, esteeming it infamous, not to lay up yearly something of their Labours; by which Course, the Public Taxes became easy. Which they made perpetual, that their Children should be under a necessity of following their Examples of Thirst, and so might likewise be insensible of the Burden; Foreseeing that Taxes imposed upon People, who are so far from saving aught, that they account themselves good Husbands, if they do but yearly make both Ends meet, beget i'll Blood, murmuring and discontent; crying, that the Bread is taken out of their Mouths, or the clothes from their Backs, which are often followed by the evil Consequences of Rebellions, and the Subversion of the Common- wealth. For such never consider, That their own Extravance made those imaginary Needs; which, when they happen, are no otherwise to be removed, but by moderating former Expenses.  
Thus, they wisely contrived, and interwove the perpetuating the Subject's Safety, and the Prince's Dominion; never secure, but when founded on mutual Love and Confidence: I do not find the practice of this Policy any where so well continued, as in the States of Venice and Holland; which has preserved the first about 12 Centuries, and made the later increase so prodigiously in less than one.  
Now, because they foresaw, the products of their Labour would exceed their Expenses, and that the remainder would be useful, for commutations with their Neighbour for some of their Commodities, but that in driving this Trade they would be exposed on Sea to Piracies, etc. To make their Navigation safe, they agreed, that the public for securing them, should receive by way of praemium or insurance, a certain Excisum out of all things Exported or imported, which we now call Customs.  
And, lest the too great desire of Wealth, should make them forgetful of their Duty to God, their Parents, and their Country, that is to one another, They ordained, that a sufficient number of the Elders of the People, grave, sober, discreet persons, should at certain times, set apart for that purpose, remind them of their Duty, in every of those particulars, and also instruct their Children in the Laws of God, and of their Country. And, because the tending of this work would take up a considerable portion of their time, they allowed Salaries to these public Officers, out of the common stock. In those days of Innocence, when Art was not interwoven with Religion, nor Knavery with Policy, it was an easy matter to be pious and just: And if the higher Powers were pleased to remove these two, we should soon again see that golden Age; The Duty of both Tables was comprised in few Articles, That to their Neighbours, consisted as now, in doing as you would be done unto; That towards God, (of whose Being they were convinced by the strongest of Demonstations, the consideration of the visible things of the World,) in Thanksgivings, and Adorations, the effect of Gratitude to the Author of their being, and of all good things, in believing the Immortality of the Soul, and of its being susceptible of Rewards, and Punishments in another Life, and in the consequence, That Sin is to be repent of. These were their common sentiments, the Dictates of Nature; The substance of which was acknowledged by all, even the most barbarous of Nations; And therefore could not be the inventions of Policy, the Dreams of melancholy men, or the Effects of Education: These are the Opinions of the unthinking, and therefore wild and loose, and were the wishes formerly of the few debauched; But the great, sober and wise Philosophers of all Ages, upon the exactest Scrutiny, finding them to be the Impresses of Nature, as essential to our Being as light to the Sun, pronounced the speculative Atheist an impossible thing. And because they were sensible that a Liar as destrustive of the very being of human Society, aught to be banished the Commonwealth, the first of their Laws, and the Cement of the rest was, That every man should not only speak Truth to his Neighbour, but stand firm to his Promises. And knowing that Laws, though never so good, would prove insignificant, if not duly observed; And that some men would never be wise, that is, would never consider, and consequently would not easily be restrained from folly, from offending; to deter the slavish and inconsiderate, they did, not only annex certain Penalties to the breach of the Laws, but unalterably decreed, That no Offender though never so powerful, should escape the punishment.  
These Penalties were Pecuniary Mucts, loss of Liberty, bodily Labour to the Public, or Banishment; The power of Life and Death, they would not give; because they could not transfer that to another which was wanting in themselves; the taking away of Life was peculiarly reserved by Nature, as its own indispensible right, as most reasonable, because she alone could give it: They consider`d, That Terrors are but affrightments to Duty, That Corrections are for Amendment not Destruction, which course should they have pursued, they might accidentally have run themselves, into a state of War: Since Nature had told them, it was not only lawful, but necessary, if they could not otherwise preserve their own, to take away the beings of any that attempted theirs; That it would be against the End of Society, mutual Happiness; This rendering the sufferer uncapable of all, to which therefore he neither could nor would have consented. This or something not unlike it was I persuade myself, the form & substance of the first Commonwealths, which if you narrowly look into, you may perhaps find some Lines, that drawn out fully, might be no i'll Model, for any Commonwealth.  
And to come nearer home; It has some resemblance to what, for several past Ages, this Kingdom did, and does now enjoy. To omit the British times, of which we have but very thin glean of the Druids their Oracles of Learning, Law and Religion; And to skip over that of the Romans, who were never able perfectly to introduce their manner of Commonwealth; We shall find that in the time of the Saxons (a people of Westfrizland, so called from the shape of their Sword, a kind of Scimitar,) and in that of the Danes, the manner of Government was, as now in substance, the not in form or name, by King and Parliament. But whether the Commons were called to this great Assemby or no, I cannot find, from the imperfect Registers of Elder times; One may guests, they were originally Members of it, because the same people in Westfrizland, from whence they descended, do at this day continu, a Form of Government, different from all the rest of the Provinces, not unlike this. There are sufficient proofs, that the Peers, that is, the chief of the Clergy, and best estated Gentry, were as often as the King pleased (for it was originally Edicto Principis) Summoned to consult with him of the great affairs of State: Which Council was before the Conqueror's time, called by several Names; as Concilium absolutely, sometimes the Epithets of Magnum, Generale or Commune were added: It was often known by the name of Curca Magna and others, and was composed ex Episcopis, Abbatibus, Ducibus, Satrapis & Sapientibus Regni; among which, if any will say the Commons had place, I will not dispute, because in those times when Titles of Honour were not the Arguments of good Fortune or the mark's of the Prince's favour, the King called to this great Council, such as large Possessions, Courage, or Wisdom recommended as fit: For we find that the Father's having sat there, gave no Right to such Sons, as did not with their Estates, inherit their Virtues.  
It appears farther, that the great Council in the later end of the Saxons Reign, and till the beginning of King john's, had, by the grace of Kings, accustomed themselves, without any summons to meet thrice every year, at Christmas, Easter and Whitsuntide; which course was not interrupted by any particular Summons, but when in other seasons of the year, the public occasions required their meeting. The long continuance of the Baron's Wars, made the before stated meetings, of the great Council, return to the uncertain pleasure of the Prince.  
What ever the power of the Commons was before the Conquest, it plainly appears, that for somtim afterward, their Advice was seldom desired, and as things were then ordered, their Consent was not thought necessary, being always included, in that of the Lords: For the Conqueror having subjected the Natives to an entire vassalage, seized upon all their Possessions, reserved to the Crown large proportions, in every County, gave part to the Church in Francalmoine, and the residu to his fellow adventurers in the War, to be held by Knight service. These subdivided part of theirs to their Followers, on such conditions as rendered them perfect Slaves to their Masters, rather than their Lords: By the possession of so much Power, these Barons or Freeholders (for theword signified no more) did what they pleased with their vassals, became very terrible to the Conqueror and his Successors: To curb whose Extravagance, though all were willing, King john was the first that made the attempt; but by his over hastiness, he gave birth to the lasting broils of the Baron's Wars. He with desine to suppress the too great power of the Lords in the sixth year of his Reign, about a War with France, called for the Commons Advice and Council with the Lords; which had been done above one hundred years before by Henry the first, who in his Reign summoned them twice, at his Coronation, and in his eighteenth year. The next time after King john that we find them summoned, was in the forty ninth year of Henry the thirds Reign; whose Summons appears upon Record: So that he may be said to have perfected, what Henry the first, and King john designed, making the Commons a part of that great judicature, which they have ever since continued, and for some time after, in one and the same House.  
It was usual in those days to mention in the Writ, the Cause of assembling this Council; In a Summons of Edward the first a wise, just, and therefore a fortunate Prince, concerning a War with France, in the seventh year of his Reign, these words are observable, Lex justissima providâ circumspectione stabilita, ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur, much better sense than ` Latin.  
Succeeding Kings have been pleased to consult in I arliament, of all the high and great Concerns of the State, of what nature or kind soever. The consulting thus with the wholeBody of the People, was first the grace & Policy of Kings, & the practice was always successful to those that used it, as the contrary proved destructive: for the Kings having by this course gained their Subjects Hearts, found it easy, to command their Purses, and their Hands.  
This great representative of the Commonwealth, the Parliament, consisting of three Estates, viz. the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons with the King at Head, you will with me easily conclude, may do any thing, within the reach of Human Power.  
You must pardon me, if I wave Anatomising the distinct Powers of the several parts of this great Body; whosoever first attempted that, designed the overthrow, of the best constituted Government in the World, where the King wants no Ensigns of Monarchy or Majesty; where the People have not only all the Freedom, Liberty and Power, that in reason can be wished, but more than any of their Neighbours enjoy, even than those, in the so much more cried up, but little understood Commonwealth of Holland, where they have liberty in name, but in reality are very Slaves, and beasts of Burden.  
Now, whether the way of convening Parliaments, might not be altered into the this following (or, some other more equal than the present seems to be) I leave to themselves to determine, viz. That every Parish, Freeholders and others, if they please, should meet and choose Two honest knowing men, on whom their power of Electing Members should be devolved; This don in every Parish, the several Two's to meet and choose Two for the Hundred; That agreed, the respective Two's of every Hundred, at the time and place appointed to choose the Members, out of such, as are resident in the Country, both Knights and Burgesses: Nor does it seem very reasonable, that the later should exceed the former, especially considering that many of the ancient Burrow's are decayed, and yet the number raised by the additions of new ones, beyond what it was before: But by this manner of Election that inconvenience, if any, will not be considerable. To every two Members a sides-man to be chosen, who should duly attend, at the place of Sessions; and that he might be prepared in the absence of both, or either of the Members, they should make him master of all that passed from time to time in the House. And that every person Elected, might serve the public without private consideration, the Electors, or a justice of Peace in their presence, to administer an Oath framed to this Effect, That in all proceedings, they endeavour to inform themselves, fully of the state of the matter, and therein Act according to Conscience, without particular interest or desine; That directly, or indirectly, on the account of their Vote or serving, they shall not receive by themselves, or others, any Reward, or Gratuity whatsoever. On breach of this Oath to be liable to all the Penalties of Perjury. It is not to be doubted, but the honour of promoting their Countries good (That giving a sort of Immortality which all men covet) will invite Gentlemen enough sufficiently qualified, to undertake this work on these conditions, how hard soever they appear. 'Tis not reasonable, that Parliament Men should be maintained, or rewarded (unless in Praise and Statues) at the Country's charge: To do it gratis is all the real good they do the Commonwealth, in which as private men, their Interest, and consequently their Gain is greater, than that, of the meaner sort. The Elections to be by the Ballotting box, to avoid heat, and secret grudges.  
Nor would it be useless to add, That all things be carried, fairly and openly in the House; That the Debate of any thing proposed, be adjourned to the next days Meeting; For in the time of Rest upon our Bed, Our night's sleep does change our Knowledge, and qualify the Effect or cause of Passion, Inconsideration: That every Member by himself, or Sides-Man, be constantly present, under severe penalties to the Public: That nothing be put to the vote, but in a full House, not of Forty (who cannot be the Major part of above Four Hundred, and therefore at first was sure a trick) but of all the Members; nor then carried by Majority, till the reasons of every single Dissenter be examined, the dissenting person convinced, and in case of obstinacy after Conviction (of which in so wise an Assembly, none can be supposed guilty) expelled the House; The question not to be reassumed, till after the Election of a new Member, unless his Sides-Man be of a contrary opinion in the Debate. 'Tis possible the swaying argument, was at first, but one Mans, whose credit and authority might prevail upon the rest, without examining his Reasons, which makes it prudent, to weigh the force of what is offered against it: By the contrary course, they may, by this they cannot suffer; since Reason or Truth is always one and the same, and however disguised, by the sophistry of Wit, it must at last overcome. Thus by proving all things, and holding fast that which is best, they will acquit themselves to the present and succeeding Ages. Such manner of proceeding would silence all murmurings and clamours, That the Parliament is divided into Factions; a Court and a Country Party; Tho the interest of the one, be not directly opposite, to that of the other, Yet the members, for ends of their own, Honour or Rewards, do make them so; of this they are convinced, by seeing some turn Cat in Pan, appearing strongly, in one Session, for that which in a former, they as vigorously opposed. And by observing others to compass Elections by Faction and Interest, by Purchase or covinous Freeholds: That, contrary to several Acts of Parliament, Members living in the South are chosen for the North; and therefore are, to the injury of the People, as much strangers to the affairs of the Places, for which they serve, as those two points, are distant from each other: That they pass Laws, witness that against Irish cattle, etc. not for the common good, but to show their interest and power, to mischief a man they hate, or to revenge some received, or supposed Injuries or Affronts: That therefore, it is necessary to dissolve This, as not being a free Parliament, and to call a new one; That to do so frequently, is most agreeable to Reason, and to former Statutes; And to that end several Causes are prepared to put a Difference between the two Houses, in point of jurisdiction, etc.  
But such as more seriously weigh things, may I hope be convinced, These are the groundless surmises of some, and false suggestions of others, discontented and il disposed persons, the old disturbers of our Israel's Peace, who delighting, to Fish in troubled Waters, endeavour once more, to put all into a flame of tyranny and confusion, to see what Fish they may, by that treacherous Light, bring to their OWn Nets. That it is idle to imagine, the Court, the best refiner of wit and Languag, should not have as piercing a foresight, as the Country; That being allowed, they must be sensible of the fatal consequence of a divided House or Kingdom; their loss is at least as great as any others, their All is at Stake: 'Tis therefore contrary to their Interest, which never lies, consequently to their practice, to endeavour Parties. 'Tis irrational, no less than scandalous, to conclude, Because some men's sense, by second thoughts, and fuller consideration of things, is altered, that therefore they are bribed; as if personages, of so much Honour, Wisdom, and public spiritedness, could be induced, by any sinister practices, or by-respects, to betray their Country, and entail upon themselves, and their posterities, more lastingly, than they can their Estates, great and inexpressible Calamities. And can it be supposed, the Ministers have so little understanding, as not to foresee, that the taking off violent Members, any other way, than by conviction of their Errors, were endlessly to increase their Numbers, and Hydra-like, by cutting off one Head, to give occasion, to the sprouting up of many. Nor is it less absurd, to believe, the Parliament, when they find the conveniences, the reason of Statutes ceased, will not repeal them: 'Tis no affront to their judgements, nor to their-Loyalties, so to alter with the times; an obstinacy in the contrary resolution, would indeed be a disparagement, to their Understandings. That it is to be hoped, the Wisdom of the Parliament is such, as not to quarrel for trifles, after the manner of Women or Children; That they will lay aside all partial regards, and without heats, or personal reflections, intent the great Work, the common safety; recollecting that they were the home- bred Divisions, more than the Conqueror's Forces, that occasioned Harold's Overthrow, and England's entire Subjection to the French; even those very Men, who invited William, suffered in the Ruin; So just and natural it is, To love the Treason, and hate the Traitor. Does not every Man know, That the Power of whole France is greater, than that of a part, that of Normandy, could be? That William can't be supposed, to have been more watchful, to seize the Prey, than Lewis is? who perhaps has set those very Men, at least their Leaders on work, that openly pretend most, to oppose his Desines; while, in the mean time, by sowing underhand, Discords and Fears, among the People, they best promote his Purposes. 'Tis no unheard-of Practice, for Politicians, as well as Watermens, To look one way, and Row another: But I hope, no cunning Achithophel will be able to divert the Parliament, from the great Business of this Conjuncture.  
When they have done That; I wish they would think it worth their Labour, 
Of Laws.  To look into the Laws, and observe what of them, are fit to be repealed and what continued. The Happiness of a State, consists in a regular Form of Government, by just and equal Laws, few and plain, fitted to the most ordinary Capacities: These Qualifications, are as necessary to the well-being of the People, as that of Promulgation was ever accounted to the essence of a Law. But such is the Fate of England, that the Laws are almost numberless, which makes them impossible to be remembered; and what is worse, are so very intricat, that they may more reasonably be looked upon, as the devices of cunning men, to entrap the simple, than as the Rule, by which all are to square their Actions and their Lives: And what is yet worse, They were never promulgated, though provided for, by those Statutes, that enact the reading of some of them in Cathedrals at least once a year, and of others four times. Is it fit or just, Men should be punished by Laws they neither know, nor can remember? There is no one entire Body of Laws; That of the Statutes is so tedious (and some yet remain in the Parliament Rolls not printed) that it can hardly be read over in a month's time; though an hundred times reading, will not enable a man, to remember them, and yet he may suffer, for not observing what he has not, or if he had, could not remember: But what is the greatest Evil, If they could remember, they could not understand; since the very judges, who have not only been bred at the Feet, but are themselves the Gamaliels of the Law, and much more, are wont to spend whole Terms in the reconciling and expounding of particular Statutes. And it often happens, That after these long Advisements, they being divided, in their Opinions, the Parties concerned, wearied in those Toils, endeavour after all their Cost and Labour, to quit their Right, or impatiently expect the making of new, and more intelligible Laws.  
These great disorders have been occasioned by several conspiring accidents, length and warping of Time, crooked Interests of some Lawyers, and the continual Wars, Foreign or Domestic, with which this Country has been harassed, I might say, since the Invasion of the Romans, etc. But to come nearer our own times, since the Conquest, since the first making of these Acts, England has not enjoyed, one half Century, an entire Peace: To which unhappiness, I know not whether, the vexation of the Law, or Bigottre of Religion, have contributed most. I do not doubt but in other Ages, they were as sensible of the Evil, as we are in this, But the same Accidents continuing, rendered it remediless. Edward the Confessor regulated the Saxon Laws, but his care proved of little advantage after the coming in of the Conqueror; who desining to set up a new Form more agreeable to the Customs of Normandy, or his own Will, made himself deaf to the people's desires, of being governed by the Rules of that holy Prince, who was deservedly Sainted, no less for his Zeal, and love of justice, in matters of Law, than for his strictness of Life, in those of Religion. From the Conqueror's time downwards, there have been attempts of this kind, almost in every King's Reign; But the Wars, and Divisions (and consequently Dissolutions) that often happened between the Kings & their Parliaments, sometimes Lords, sometimes Commons, about the Liberty of the Subject, or, Prerogative of the Crown, (not without good reason concluded to have been set on foot by the crafty Lawyers, by this time grown considerable) prevented bringing to pass, the intended Reformation of the Law. I will not insist upon all the Kings Reigns, where this was designed, nor go farther back than Henry the Eight's time, when ingenious Sir Thomas More, was by him set on work, to fram a Model: But the succeeding accidents frustrated that attempt: the Troubles and Revolutions that continued, during the Reigns of Edward the sixth, Queen Marry and Queen Elizabeth, hindered this work, which at wise Burleighs advise was resolved on, by the later Queen. The learned King james, determined to finish it; and the knowing Sir Francis Bacon was pitched upon, to fram a Schem of new Laws, or model the old; But the discontents about Religion, with the greater artifice of the Lawyers, then more numerous, diverted that glorious Enterprise.  
Some living were Actors, others Spectators, of the Troubles that have since happened, which gave way not to a Reformation, but Confusion of the Laws; and yet the Long- Parliament (or rather Conventicle) knowing their great, and good Master purposed it, resolved upon a new Method of Laws. But the Idol themselves, had set up, as a just reward of their Treason, prevented this, by turning them out of doors, with their beloved Magna Charta, calling it in Contempt Magna f—. Too many in other Countries, no less than this, have wholly lost their Freedom, by endeavouring to enlarge it, beyond Law and Reason; as it has also sometimes befallen ambitious Princes, who, striving to augment their Power, and Dominions, beyond the boundaries of justice, have, instead of new Acquists, forfeited their ancient and lawful possessions. The Gardiner's Ass in the Apologue desining to mend himself by changing Masters, found at a dear-bought experience, none so kind as the first; The Observation of the Evil of those days has given us reason, to believe, That wisdom best, which is learned at the cost of others, and to remember the Wise man's advice, Meddle not with those who are given to change. This I speak as to the Fundamental of the Government, which can never be altered by the Wit of Man, but for the worse: But the Superstructures of Hay and Stubble are grown so cumbersome and rotten, that they are fit for nothing but the Fire.  
Though I am far from giving credit, to any prediction, or Prophecy, but those of Holy Writ, yet I can't but remember you, of that old Latin one, Rex albus, etc. on which you know, our wishes taught us, to fix a pleasing interpretation. This hint will bring to your mind, what perhaps has not been there almost these thirty Years, That both for his Innocence, and the accidental Snow, that fell on his Hearse, the late King Charles was that white King, who for some time, was to be the last in England: That afterwards his Son, should from beyond the Seas, return to the possession of his Crown, and that in his days, Religion and Laws should be reformed, and settled, upon the eternal Foundations of Truth and justice.. The fulfilling of this Prophecy now, will seem as miraculous an Effect of Providence, as that of our Soverain's Restauration, and will as much eternize the Wisdom of the Parliament, as the other their Loyalty. What remains of this undone, we might hope to see finished, as old as we are, if they would be pleased to espouse it heartily, and defend themselves against the noise, wranglings, and opposition of the Lawyers and Clergy, who are no more to be consulted in this Case, than Merchants concerning Exchange, etc. because, as the Wise Syracides observed, their Interest would bias them: There is (saith he) that counselleth for himself; beware therefore of a Counsellor; and know before what need he hath, for he will counsel for himself.  
There was Law before Lawyers; there was a time when the Common Customs of the Land were sufficient to secure Meum and Tuum; What has made it since so difficult? nothing but the Comments of Lawyers, confounding the Text, and writhing the Laws like a Nose of Wax, to what Figure best serves their purpose. Thus the great Cook, bribed perhaps by Interest, or Ambition, pronounced that in the Interpretation of Laws, the judges are to be believed before the Parliament: But others, and with better Reason, affirm, That 'tis one of the great Ends of the Parliaments Assembling, To determine such causes, as ordinary Courts of justice could not decide.  
The Laws of England, are divided into Common and S●●ate Law; the Common are ancient Customs, which by the unanimous and continued usage of this Kingdom, have worn themselves into Law; Statutes are the positive Laws of the Land, founded on particular accidents and conveniences not provided for by the Common Law; Civil and Canon Law, are of no force, but as they are incorporated, into the body of one or other of these Laws, if either may be called a body which has neither head nor foot; For they lie scattered in some few books, Bracton, Littleton, Glanvil, Fleta, Cook, Plouden, Dier, Crook, etc. their Commentaries or Reports; or rather in the arbitrary Opinion of the judges, or some celebrated Lawyers; For nothing is in this Trade certain or regular; what one gives under his hand for Law, another gives the direct contrary; judgements and Decrees reversed, as if that could be just one day, that is unjust another: and why in England must Law and Equity be two things? Since Reason & Conscience in all other parts of the World are one and the same; and why cannot Laws be so plainly worded, as that men of common sense, may without an interpreter, discover the meaning? if they be not so ordered, speedy and exact justice will at best be retarded. But you'll tell me there would be no need to complain, if men would follow Christ's advice, If any man will sue thee at the Law, and take away thy Coat, let him have thy Cloak also; the Reason was so plain, that it was needless to express it, viz. lest the Lawyer, should come between, and strip you naked, even of your shirt. This you see is prudence as well as Religion, as indeed all Christ's precepts are in the very affairs of this World. Whatsoever was true of the jewish Lawyers, the present practice of some of ours, renders them Obnoxious, to the censures of the sober, & the curses of the passionate; most men agreeing, that to go to Law, is like a Lottery, or playing at Dice, where if the game be obstinately pursued, the Box-keeper is commonly the greatest Winner. But since some men will be fools or knaves, why should not the few honest be as much secured as possible?  
When the Parliament have settled the Laws, I wish they would think of some more fitting restraint of Offences, than what the penal Statutes direct almost for every crime, The Loss of Life. If we examine the severity of this practice, we shall find it contrary to the Law of nature, the positive Law of God, Thou shalt not Kil, and ineffective of the intent of Laws, Amendment. Self preservation is the chief design of Nature; To better which, and not to destroy it, was the ground and end of Government and Laws; which makes it contrary to Reason, That any Means should be made or declared such, which were destructive of the end, for which they were made.  
If then the loss of life, as it most certainly does, puts an end, to all earthly happiness, 'tis evident, that it never was, nor ever could be, judged an Instrument productive of that end; perhaps it may be said, that this may be true, of every single man, as such; and yet may be false, when considered, with respect to the whole, as a Member of the Society: I answer, It can't be true, in the later, if false in the former; Because we must believe, that at first, every man considered what was absolutely best for himself, without any respect to another, on whom, he cannot be supposed otherwise to look, then as he was, or might be subservient, to his own particular and immediate happiness. And since the whole is made up but of several individuals, it must be granted, that every of them had the same considerations: and since it was not in the power of any, to transfer that right to another, which nature had denied to himself, we may then safely conclude, it is against the Law of nature i e. against reason, to believe, that the power, of Life or Death ' by consent of all, without which there was no law, could at first be vested in any supreme power; and that the useing of it, does naturally put us into a state of war, the Evil because directly destructive of Happiness, designed to be avoided. This is a truth employed in the Law of England, not only by binding the Criminals to restrain their Warring, but also by the punishment inflicted on Felo's de se, which supposes no man to have power over his own life, as certainly he must have had if he could have given it to another. Nor will the difficulty be removed whether we derive government either of the other two ways, Paternal right, or the immediate gift of God; for Parents had no such Power by nature, in the state whereof we are all equal. We are little more obliged to them for our being, than to the influence of the Sun, both as to us are involuntary causes; that which binds children to an indispensable duty of gratitude, is the parents care in providing for their well-being, when they are unable to shift for themselves, and their giving them virtuous education, (that which is of all, the truest obligation,) than which nothing is among us more neglected; which has made some at the gallows, not without cause, take up the advice of jobs Wife against God, first curse their parents, and then die; Children may indeed be ungrateful, which is the worst, or the All of crimes, but parents cannot revenge this by death without being unjust; because there ought to be a proportion between the crime, and the Punishment, and a warrantable Authority in him that inflicts it, which in this case are all wanting; for Ingratitude, Theft, Rapine, and what ever else is practised by the wicked, are in themselves repairable, and the sufferer may in an equal measure be compensated for his loss, for bona fortunae or the goods of Fortune are exterior to us, and consequently accidental, and when we are despoiled of them by any, we have full satisfaction by a restitution in specie, or in value; this course is the measure and square of all Civil contracts; for if I detain wrongfuly the money you lent me, I am compellable but to repay you. Why then should it be Capital, to take your Horse without consent, when either restitution, or a punishment more commensurate to the Offence may be had? As for the authority of the punisher which must be warrantable, it is plain the Father has no such over the Children who in the state of Nature are equal with him; for since he gave not the Being, he cannot legally take it away, and for the Act destroy the Agent; punishment being designed, not only for the terror of others, but for the amendment of the Offender: To destroy then the last, that such as are guiltless may continue so, is to my apprehension, a piece of the highest Injustice. Besides, no Prince claims a right over the Subjects Life, what ever he does to his Crown, otherwise than by the positive Laws of the Land, which suppose the man himself to have given that power by his consent, which is already proved impossible; Therefore we may conclude, the inflicting of Death is against the positive Law of God, who has reserved this to himself, as a peculiar Prerogative, and although he has allowed the Rulers of the Earth to share in his Titles, yet lest they should entrench on his Honour (of which he is very jealous) by exceeding the bounds of Reason, he immediately subjoins, but ye shall die like men, to put them in mind that they were to act as such. It cannot then be supposed, that human constitution can make that just which the Almighty declares unlawful. He that does so, sets himself up above all that is called God, destroys moral good and evil, makes Virtue and Vice but only names, which if allowed, we may bid farewell to the People and Prince's security; for this, roots up the very Foundations of Peace on Earth, as well as joy in Heaven.  
Nor will it serve to say, This was practised in the jewish Commonwealth; That was God's own peculiar Province; and He that was sole Author of Life, might dispose on't at his pleasure; and though every part of that Oeconomy be not accountable, yet 'tis not without good Grounds supposed, because the jews Happiness or Misery seems to have consisted in the enjoyment or want of Temporal Blessings, that the taking away Life here, was in lieu of that punishment, which Sinners under the Gospel, are to receive in another Life: And unless Human Laws might as immediately be called His, and that every Magistrate were a Moses, I could not believe it lawful for them to follow that Example; especially considering, that they do not write after this Copy, in the punishment of all Crimes: I will not make Comparison in many, yet I can't but take notice, that Idolaters, and Inciters to it, were there punished with Death, while among us Atheism and Irreligion do not only go free, but the Professors of those admirable good Qualities, pass for Wits and Virtuoso's: Drunkenness, and Gluttony, are esteemed as Marks of good Breeding; computing the Abilities of our Brains, by the number of Bottles our Stomacs can hold: This Vice, among the jews, was accounted so ridiculously silly, that they could not believe, it was possible for Men grown to the ordinary years of Understanding to be guilty of it; and therefore we find no Punishment allotted, but for Children, viz. That if drunken or gluttonous Children did not by the Parent's Admonition and Correction learn more Wit, that then their Parents were obliged to bring them forth, and testify their Folly, and with the Congregation stone them to Death.  
But this abominable childish Crime, the Mother of all imaginable wickedness, has among us no Punishment, or what is the same, if not worse, none inflicted.  
As to the third part of the Assertion, viz. That the loss of Life is ineffencive of the Intent of the Law, Amendment; This will appear true, by observing, that Men, whose loose Education has made it their Interest, to wish there were no other Life, by often wishing, and never considering, come at last to be Fools; and with them, to say in their Hearts, there is no God: we have no way to live, thanks to our good Parents, or our Country, but to rob, or steal; as for the next Life, if there be any such thing, let that look to itself; let us provide for this; a short one, and a merry; who knows, but we may escape seven years? and that's the Age of a Man: If we are taken, and can't get a Pardon, 'tis but a few Minute's Pain, and there's an end: Thus these foolish Wretch's discourse themselves to the Gallows; on which, did you but know, the vast numbers hanged, for some years last passed, you would quickly believe, that sort of Punishment rather makes more, than frightens any, from being Thiefs, Robbers, or other Criminals. In the Eastern Monarchies, the greatest Emperors, the Turk himself though always in War, fancy some kind of Art or Trade; and by this do not only divert themselves, but by their Examples more powerful than any precept, oblige the People to so necessary a Practice. The Ladies, even the greatest, of all other Countries, have callings too, and spend not their whole days, in making and receiving Visits, or in Preparations for them, exquisite Dress. If by such a Course, or any other, People were induced not to live in Idleness, none would be under a necessity of starving, or breaking the Laws, as many now are. And if afterwards, any were still found guilty, a Punishment likely to prevent others, and do a farther Good to the Public, would be to take away the Names of all Criminals, that They may be no more had in Remembrance; put them into a common Livery, a Fools-coat, red and yellow; keep their Heads continually shaved, their Foreheads stigmatised with Marks distinguishing their Crimes, and their Estates forfeited to increase the Princes Revenu; condemn them to public Work- houses, Mines, or Galleys: The Labour and Toil, the hard Fare, and the Disgrace, would deter more than Death; and, as some believe, be more agreeable to the dictates of Nature, to the Law of God, and to the profit of the Commonwealth. In Cases of Murder, the Public loses too much by the Slain; It will not fetch him back, to send another after him: Why then, should they think themselves satisfied for one Loss, to have it doubled upon them by another? But supposing (which I never can allow) that Reason requires Life for Life, can it think it equal, to set the Life of a Man but at a Shilling? Is a Horse, or a Cow, a Sheep or a Deer, or a less thing, a Cock or a Hen, an equal price for a Man's Life?  
And yet for Perjury, he suffers but a pecuniary Mulct, or loss of ears. Why should not he that swears falsely at least have his Tongue cut out? In the jewish Law, the Perjurer was to suffer the same kind of Evil, that he brought upon his Neighbour; and at this day among the Persians and Indians, a liar is not only deprived of Honour, but of all further speech: had it been thus enacted among Christians, the false Tongue, and the lying lips, would not have destroyed so many men's lives and fortunes. But if we will not, after the jewish, and Roman manner, bring in reparation or the lex talionis, which with them was practised in other cases besides that of felony; Let us at least, make some further provision for the security of man's Life, let it be put out of the Power of one Witness, observing that great Law that said, at the mouth of two Witnesses or three, shall he that is worthy of Death, be put to Death, but at the mouth of one witness, he shall not be put to Death. What I seem to say paradoxically on this subject, I would have you understand, as I intent it, of the first societies of mankind; and you may likewise further observe, that though custom and the positive Laws have made punishment by Death, the practice of all Nations, yet with humble submission to my superiors, I persuade myself, it was introduced by absolute power among the Heathens, and since continued among Christians, because they did not fully consider, that a better way might be found for correcting and avoiding crimes.  
Having now provided against Death, upon the account of any Crime, it may well enuff consist with the King's Mercy and goodness (which invite him to be tender of the Lives of his Subjects) to determine positively, never to grant a Pardon or remittal of the punishment to any Criminal, though never so great a Person. In Edward the thirds time it was enacted That no Pardon should be granted out of Parliament; I wish it might graciously please his Majesty with his Parliament, To enact further, That no Pardon should at any time be granted; Then which I am sure nothing would more contribute to the perfect observance of the Laws.  
Tho our Laws cannot, yet an entire execution of them in their utmost severity, may be as unalterable, as those of the Meads and Persians; which course would prevent the many il effects the hope of Pardon does now daily occasion, though there never were fewer granted, yet so long as there is any ground of hope, the Debauchee is encouraged to go on in his folly, and none being particularly excluded, he reckons himself not incapable of that Grace.  
But now admitting, that the Laws were never so good, if they be 
Of the Courts of judicature.  not duly and equally Administered by the several Courts of judicature, the Evils do still remain. To prevent which great Inconvenience, such has been the happy Contrivance of England's Constitutions, that the same Power that gives the Law, cannot only pronounce it (in spite of Cok's Assertion to the contrary) but has also determined, That it should be a part of its own Power, To call all inferior Courts, and Officers, justices of the Peace, and others, to a strict examination, How they have squared their Actions and Proceedings, to the Rule they have given them; From which, when they are found to deviat, it would be for the advantage of all, That the Parliament would exert its ancient Power. In regulating the many Abuses crept into inferior Courts: Into which if there was ever need of looking, there is now at this day, when the complaints are loud; By which, though perhaps Molehills may be made Mountains, Yet all this Smoke cannot be without some Fire. This I have been told for certain, That their judgements are founded as much upon Rules or interpretations of Statutes of their own pleasure, introduced by the interest of Lawyers, and Officers, as upon the strict letter of the Laws, in which your Education, though not your Practice, and your long Observation, has made it superfluous for me, to particularise the many Irregularities in the administration of justice, which would fill a large Volume.  
But to begin with the Courts, I think it were convenient that each of the Four at Westminster should be reduced to their ancient Practice, and not suffered to Encroah upon one another, to the Subjects great vexation, who often quits his Cause rather than follow it thro' all the mazes of the several Courts, where at last after some years tossing by Writs of Error, etc. from Post to Pillar, if his money does but hold out, to make the Lawyers that sport, he may sit down by his loss, or have recours to the Arbitrament of two honest Neighbours, which at first had been the speediest, and cheapest way of justice.  
In ancient days, the King's Bench intermeddled only, with the Pleas of the Crown; But now an Ac Etiam, ushered in by a feigned assertion of Force and Arms, and by supposing the Defendant to be in Custodia Marescalli, or the Plaintiff privileged some other way in that Court, robs the Common Bench, whose jurisdiction even by Magna Charta is of all Common Pleas between Party and Party. The Common Bench, by practice of Attorneys not to be behind hand, has likewise of late days introduced an Ac Etiam, and several Debts or Promises are supposed, with intent to bind the Subject to special Bail, whereas I am confident, it cannot either by Common or Statute Law be evinced, that anciently special Bail or a Capias, before Summons was in any action required; and that therefore it is a mere invention to get money, and to vex and impoverish the Subject.  
The Exchequer was only to hold Plea, of such Actions, where the Plaintiff was really indebted to the King, (and perhaps too, not able otherwise to pay it) or where the Parties were by their Privilege to plead or to be impleaded in that Court. But now, by falsely suggesting, They are indebted to the King, and not able to pay him but out of the thing in demand, they are suffered to sum in that Court, alleging a Quo minus, etc. in their Declaration: But before such Irregularities were introduced, it was not so much Law, as Honesty, Prudence, and skill in Arithmetic, that were the necessary Qualifications of the Barons: In which Court, a Chancery was erected, to moderate the Rigour of the Fines and Amerciaments estreated into that Court, and to extend to the King's Debtors, those favours which the Barons could not show. The Causes then remaining for the High Court of Chancery, were the Penalties and Forfeitures between man and man, which at Common Law were du, and all other Causes, that for want of Evidence were no where else tryable. But such have been the mighty contrivance of the Practisers in that Court, that they have found out a way for the Trial of all Causes there, where notwithstanding a man's pretence in his Bill, That he wants Witnesses (though that be but a tric to entitle the Court to the action) after he has Obliged the Defendant to swear against himself, contrary to the Common Law, that of Nature Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum, which seems to be the positive intent of Magna Charta, he takes out a Commission to Examine Witnesses. In the Civil Law the Complainant, if required, is obliged, as well as the Defendant, to swear the Truth of the Bill; and sure, that is as fitting to be done, in the King's great Court of Equity and Conscience, as in the ordinary Courts of justice in other Nations. Nor would it be amiss, That all Witnesses should in that Court, as well as others, give their Testimony, Viva voce, and that there should be some unalterable Rules both for the Officers of the Court, and the Clients; since Conscience, and right Reason, are always the same and unalterable; which would prevent the Reversing of Decrees, (a tacit Confession They were unjust) and other Inconveniences, too many to be recounted; only One is so notorious, I cannot pass it by, The assuming a Power of Impeaching judgements at Common-Law, which the Statute declares to be Praemunire.  
Another Practice as inconvenient as any, is, The judges giving too great an Authority to a former judge's Report or Opinion: It were to be wished, That in the rest of the Courts, the present Practice of the wise Lord Chancellor Finch were observed; who considering That a Report is founded upon such Reasons, as are not with the Report conveyed to us, that only stating in brief the matter of Fact; and that the Case is alterable by any one Accident, rightly infers, That no Report, but the Reason of the present Case squared to the Rules of the Law, aught to guide his judgement.  
To this may be added, That in every Court there should be a settled Number of Clerks, Attorneys, & Lawyers as well as judges: That these how just soever, should not continu above three Years in any one Court. Whatever the Sheriffs Power was formerly, sure I am, That exercised by the judges exceeds what now they are possessed of; and yet the Wisdom, of former Ages, thought not fit, to intrust the former two years together. That they should be obliged to give an Account in public of all their proceedings, at the expiration of the said time. That they be under a pecuniary Mulct, besides an Oath, to administer justice impartially, in imitation of God, who to mind them of their great Duty, graces them with his own Title, saying, Ye are al. Gods, and therefore must do as I do, ye shall not regard in judgement the Power of the Mighty, nor the Distress of the Poor. That the judges, Lawyers, Attorneys and Clarks, should have out of the public Revenu, sufficient established Salaries; To take no Fees, or Gratuity whatsoever directly or indirectly; It not seeming reasonable that the people should pay any thing for justice, But as that Charge may be included in the public Taxes; That no Offices whatsoever be Sold, and nothing but Merit to entitle any man; For if Offices be purchased by the interest of Friends, or Money, it is unreasonable, to expect, That justice too, may not be bought and sold; And for this Reason, it is as fit to make Laws, against this practice in others, as against Simony in the Clergy. No man to have two Offices, or to act by Deputy, but on extraordinary occasions. That all Causes be determined, at farthest in six months; And that such, as thro' difficulty, or other accidents, can't be determined within that time, the Parliament at next Sessions should decide them. To oblige the judges to proceed exactly according to the strict Rules of the Law made by Parliaments: For notwithstanding what the Lord Coke says, 'Tis their duty, only Legem Dicere, not Legem dare; And therefore, where ever any thing comes to be disputed, of the meaning of the Statutes, or that any Cause happens, for which there is not exact and sufficient provision made, they are to have recourse to the Parliament, whose Power is not only Legem dare, but dicere: For it appears, That in ancient times, when justice was more speedy, and Statutes fewer, or rather none at all, the great business of the Parliament, was to give Sentence in all difficult Causes, and to correct the miscarriages, or sinister Practice of all inferior Courts and Officers, and therefore was commonly known by the name of Curia Magna. Before the Conqueror's time, there was no such thing, as Courts at Westminster-Hal; The manner then, of distributing justice, was both speedy and cheap: the County being divided into several Portions, there was in every Manner a Court, where all the Causes, arriving within that Precinct, were determined by the Thane and his assistants; but if too hard, they were removed by Appeal to the higher Court of the Hundred, where all the chief and Wise Men within that Territory with the Hundreder or Aldermannus gave judgement; And if any Cause proved too difficult for this Court, than they appealed to the County Court, where all the several Thanes and Hundreders with the chief of the County called Comes, and sometimes Vicecomes, judged it: But such Causes as were too intricat for them, were removed to the great Court or Parliament, then known by several other Names: Which jurisdiction was exercised, some Ages after the Conquest; Whence Sir Edward Coke may be well suspected a greater Lawyer than an Antiquary; or else the liberty they took, was the occasion of his exalting the judge's Power, in expounding Statutes, above that of the Parliament.  
Having now made it plain That the Parliament has this Power, and always had, it were to be wished, they would make use of it, in strictly regulating the Disorders of all inferior Courts, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil: Which perhaps can never be better done, than after the manner of the famous Venetian Commonwealth, by erecting a new Magistracy, or Court of Inspection, public Censors, men of great Candour and Integrity, whose Power should extend, to the Cognizance of all manner of Actions in Courts great and small; Of the demeanour of all Officers of the State of what degree or quality soever, who taking care thus of the Execution of the Laws, should be obliged from time to time, to give a full and impartial Information to the Parliament, in whose Power alone it should be, upon Conviction of the Criminal, to Suspend, Degrade, or otherwise Punish, according to the Provisions they themselves make in such cases. That it may be lawful for all Persons to address themselves immediately to these Censors, whose Information shall by them be fully Examined, and neither their Informers, nor themselves, liable to any Actions or Suits, upon account of their Proceedings; to be accountable, to the grand and supreme Court of judicature: That their Number be such, as may serve to go Circuits round the Kingdom. These, as the other judges to be altered, every 3 Years.  
And because nothing does more conduce, to the good of mankind, next to wholesome Laws, and the practice of piety, than the Knowledge of things past: not any thing being truer, then that What is, has been, and there's nothing new under the Sun; a perfect relation of which begets a great Understanding and deep judgement; the sense whereof made a Wise King say, None were so faithful Counsellors, as the Dead: That therefore the Parliament would appoint two of the most learned of those Censors (acquainted with all the most secret affairs of state; which if not as Counsellors, yet as Hearers, under the same obligation of secrecy, as Secretaries or Clarks of the Counsel, they may understand) to write especially the matters of fact of all affairs and occurrences. The Annals not to be made public, till the Writers, and all concerned, were gone off the Stage. The fear of Offending, and the advantage of Flattery, being removed, future ages would in the truth of History find that great Rule of judgement and Prudence, the World has hitherto been deprived of: There being (a man may safely say) no true profane History in the World, save that of the Wise Chineses, who have observed this practice, for several Thousands of Years; keeping the Records, as an Arcanum for their Princes, who by these means, have gained a steady judgement, in their own state-affairs; which is the reason given, for the long and prosperous continuance of that great Monarchy.  
When the Laws, and Execution of them, are thus established, 
Of Liberty and Property.  every Man will be sufficiently secured in the Enjoyment of his Liberty and Property; which, though commonly taken for two, are in reality one and the same thing. I understand by the first, that Power, Man has reserved to himself when he entered into Society; that is, a Liberty of doing any thing, except what the Law forbids; or of living conformably to the Laws; not of speaking contemptuously, of the Rulers of the People, nor of doing what he please, though the Law restrain it. By Property, I conceive meant, the right of Enjoying peaceably private Possessions as bounded by Law: Liberty then respects the Person, and Property the Estate. These two, I perceive, you have joined with Religion, as the 
Of Religion.  three great Abstracts of Human Concerns; For, I presume, you consider Religion as it is part of that Policy, by which the State is governed, and as such I shall chiefly take notice of it; leaving it, as it refers to the Soul, and a future Life, to Divines, whose proper Office it is. Taking it then for granted, That every wise Man will study that which nearest concerns him; and, That the Interest of the Soul, and eternal Life, does far exceed the valu of this our transitory Being; That all Human Laws, are therefore binding, because agreeable to Nature or Reason, that is, to the Signatures of the Divine Will: That true Religion was the Law of God, and its end, the Happiness of Man in this Life, as well as in that which is to Come: That it was divided into two Parts, Duty to God, and to One another; which later to the thinking Man resolves into Love of himself, who must find, that his Happiness consisting in the Enjoyment of himself, cannot be without the mutual Offices and Endearments of Love; which obliges him, in spite of all his Passions, when he fully considers things, To do to all Men, as he would be done unto: This then being Human Happiness, and the End and Foundation of the Laws of God and Man, it was Wisdom to annex this great motive of Obedience, Religion, or the Consideration of future Rewards and Punishments, to invite us the more powerfully, to the Obedience of Laws; without which, even in this Life, we could not be Happy, they being subbordinat to one another; that as our Duty in one, makes us happy here, so that of the other superadds a farther Blessing, and makes us happy hereafter; which later in the connexion of Things, thus ordered by Providence, was not attainable without the other: And which indeed does declare Religion not to be a part of Policy, but true Policy to be a part of it; or, in plainer words, That Human Laws are so much better, that is, so much more binding, as they come nearer to the Laws of Religion; contrary to which nothing in any Human Institution, can be obligatory; that is, no Society of Men can make that just, which the Law of Religion, or Reason, has made unjust: If then the Interest of State, and Religion, be so intermixed, it is no wonder, That Men should be very solicitous not to be mistaken, in that which comprehends Both, the Human, and the Divine, or among us, the Christian Law: And because it is as natural for Men, to have different Understandings, consequently different Opinions (which are the necessary Effects of the former, or of Education, and both equally out of our Power) as 'tis to have different Complexions: It is impossible, that all Men should exactly agree, in the meaning of any difficult Matter. If then the Meaning of the Law be not to be had, 'tis not our Fault if we do not obey it, which we must do, or be miserable. Now, because many evil Consequences, if not prevented, would issue from hence, we must consider farther, That all wise Law- givers impose nothing beyond the Power of the Person under the Law; For, Law being the Rule of Actions, if I do not or cannot know it, 'tis no Rule to me. Therefore, to understand this great Affair aright, let us examine, whether these following Positions, and their Consequences, be not natural Truths.  
That God did really purpose the Happiness of all Mankind: That therefore, the way, or means, by which that was to be attained, was to be plain and easy, no matter of doubt or dispute: That this way, is no where delivered unerringly, but in the Scriptures, which all Christians allow, to be the Word of God: That all the Disputes, are pretended to be proved by Scripture, that is, by Consequences from thence: And since all the Parts of that Holy Writing must agree with one another, 'tis plain, that the Consequences are not natural, because contradictory, of which, both parts can't be true; and therefore, the Matter in dispute concerns us not: That, since all our Duty is comprised in Scripture, the Rule for the Ignorant, as well as the Learned, Comments do amuse, and confound, rather than expound the Text: That Disputes, begetting Heat and Passion, are not only impertinent to our Duty, but uncharitable and destructive of Christianity: That only the Fundamentals can be true, or necessary, because in them alone all agree. That Christ has told us, the sum of all is, To love one another, a pleasing and a natural Command: That he is the Way, the Truth, and the Life: That whosoever Believeth in Him, shall never perish: That Happiness is not attainable here, nor hereafter, but by following his Example, and believing his Doctrine, viz. what is positively affirmed in Scripture, without examining, how or why; if those had been necessary, he would not have left them to the uncertain Disputes of after Ages. That all Ceremonies are in themselves indifferent, but when commanded, are necessary in their use and practice; but alterable, at the pleasure of the Imposers: That no Man can be a Christian, that hates his Brother, i. e. He obeys not Christ's Command, gives not up himself to the new Commandment, that of Loving one another: That no Man can avoid Differences in Opinion; and since they are not the Effects of our Choice, they are not sinful; therefore, he that condems another, for not being of his Opinion, after he has endeavoured, without Prejudice or Interest, to examine and hold fast that which is best, considers not what he says, or if he do, he is proud and foolish, because he says, by an implicit Consequence, none is Wise but himself: That Faith is the Gift of God, but considered in Man, 'tis a necessary Act; for when a Man is convinced, that is, has no doubts of the Credibility of the Proposition, its conformity to Reason, nor of the Person that he can neither deceive, as having no Interest, nor be deceived, as wanting no knowledge, 'tis impossible for him, not to give up his Assent, Whether Morality or Christianity be (which is much doubted) really different, they can never be asunder; for the man that is not honest, is not, nor cannot be if he continues so, a Christian; that what is true in Philosophy, can't be false in Divinity; and both Affirm, He that does all he can do, is not to be blamed, he has done his Duty. That different Opinions not being avoidable, are in themselves, as harmless and tolerable in a Society, as men can be; because, till the Man be convinced, his sense of things can't possibly be altered, after Conviction, he that continues in an Error, i. e. that perseveres, in spreading such Opinions, as are destructive of good life, and of public Peace, is a liar or a mad man; the first, if he do not repent, aught to be expelled the Commonwealth; the other, if he will not grow sober, must be sent to Bedlam. From all which, it plainly follows, that our Opinions are not free, that no man has liberty of Opinion, and that he who desires liberty of speaking what he pleases, is unreasonable, if he intends to say any thing, that shall disturb the Peace, and Quiet of his Country; if he may be restrained from that, his Errors can mischief no other than himself: If the case then be thus, how comes it to pass, that men fall out, and wrangle about nothing? seek knots in Bulrushes, make difficulties where God and Nature never made any, puzzle themselves and others? Let them fool on that have nothing else to do, and follow the Heathens advice, 'Tis better to do nothing than be idle. This I confess would not be very Tragical, if they would be content to be idle themselves, and not make work, and sad work too, for others: But, Alas, they rob their Master of his Power; and dogmatically pronounce, we must believe more than Christ tells us is required, or else we cannot be saved in the next Life, nor happy in this; and many of us are such silly Fools, that we believe them; and acting accordingly, too great a number, I fear, make their Assertions good, as those ignorant People do, who giving Credit to Astrologers, by squaring their Actings to the Predictions, and therefore sometimes finding these things come to pass, are not only deluded themselves, but encourage others to be so by such Nonsensical Impostors. But since all Men have not Understanding, you'll ask, How the Evil shall be cured? The Remedies are only two: First, a right Education; and next, a removal of all Interest: For, since the Foundations of Religion are Eternal Truths, were Men rightly instructed, of which all are capable, because all designed for Happiness, and Men got nothing by lying; we should have as much Truth, and as little Disputing in matters of Christianity, as in the Mathematical sciences: Or, at least, if men defined nothing really but the true Ends of it, Eternal Happiness, it might be lawful for every Man, even in the way which another calls Heresy, to worship the God of his Fathers; for, though one thinks his a clearer or a shorter way, than that of another, so long as he still goes on; that is, treads in the Paths of a sober and virtuous Life; though he may be more dabbled, or longer on the Road, what's that to him? He that finds fault, may miss his own way, by looking towards his Brother; his particular Duty requires all his care: Besides, Every Man stands or falls to his own Master. But you will say, 'Tis Charity to teach my Brother, and not to suffer sin upon him: 'Tis very true; but first, 'tis not proved, that difference in Opinion is a sin, but the contrary; next, Charity is not expressed in Thunder and Lightning, sending him headlong to the Devil, because he will not be presently, whether he can or no, of your Opinion; which, perhaps, is not truer than his own, though your greater Confidence assert it: But Charity is expressed by Meekness, Gentleness, and Love; by Instruction and Pity, not by Hatred and Revile; nay, not by Death, the too often Consequence of Differences in Opinions: From which Considerations, 'tis plain, that 'tis not Reason nor Charity, that divides us; but Interest and Policy. How far it will consist with the safety of the Public, to suffer such dangerous Causes of fatal Effects, as are brought in by these Clashes of Religionists, not Religion, I leave to the Wisdom of the Parliament: Only, to satisfy that part of your Question, I will give you some short Account, how these Tares have so sprung up, as to choke almost wholly, all the good Seed sown; afterwards, you may judge if they may not now the Harvest is come, be cut down gathered apart, and thrown into the Fire.  
And surely if these Quarrels were only designed for the Good of the Soul, (which yet if they were the Promoters, must be Men of wrong Understanding or Notions, forgetting that Faith is the Gift of God) they would not hate and damn one another for different, though false Opinions: Nothing can have that Effect, but the Committal of Sins; of which holy Scripture pronounces Death, the Wages, or necessary Consequence: but these we see passed over silently, few Excommunicated for Whoredom, Adulteries, Atheism, and Profaneness; many other Crimes are openly committed without Punishment, which (perhaps) was the end of instituting Ecclesiastical Courts.  
The great desine of Christianity, was in a higher and more refined way the same with that which Hierocles tells us of Philosophy, The Perfection of human Life: Therefore, the Primitive Christians knowing the end of their Doctrine was to make men good, to fill their Hearts with purity of intention productive of good Works, not to make them Wife (if stuffing their Heads with empty and idle Notions may be called so) avoided all such with great care, pressing only upon men the Reformation of their Lives, by the plainess of their Practice and their agreeableness to Reason; being well assured, the contrary Precepts could bring forth nothing, but endless janglings, and frivolous Disputes, which would (at last) not only loosen, but destroy Religion, by taking away Charity, the Bond and Cement of that and all Perfections. But when the Piety of succeeding Ages had endowed the Church with Temporalities, and with rich Possessions, the Churchmen altered their Doctrine, with their way of living; For now, (kicking like the Calves of jesseron grown fat) the former practised severity was turned into Wantonness; The plainess of the Precepts, into intricat Niceties; This, they judged necessary; For, if according to the Promise, the Gospel was to be so plain, i. e. so agreeable to Nature, and Reason, that a Man might running see to Read, i. e. a Man that made never so little use of his Reason, that did but keep his Eyes open against the false Allurements of sense, could not but perceive the Lines of his Duty written in very large and plain Characters: perceiving every Man thus enabled to Teach his Brother, and that Miracles were ceased, they found themselves under a necessity to make Godliness a Mystery, that it might become gain to 'em in an i'll sense, and that they might secure to themselves that Veneration and Respect, which otherwise were now like to fail.  
Religion, by this means degenerating from its innocence and simplicity, into a Trade of Policy and Subtlety, an Art to live by, Tent-makers and Fishermen became too dull and ignorant; The preaching of Christ Crucified was fit only for the Witty, and the Learned: No wonder then, that being now so much taken up in refining the Cobweb inventions of their Heads, they wanted leisure to look to their Feet, to order their steps aright, and therefore went astray, not only from the Precepts of the Gospel, but the Imitation of the Life of the Holy jesus, which was the greater Duty of the two; as the End, for which his Doctrine, the Means was given. And to make themselves the more admired, they mixed That with the vain Philosophy of the Greeks, especially Platonism, with an Addition of many absurd Heathenish, and obsolete jewish Rites and Ceremonies. When the Bishops became Princes, the number of Candidats increascing faster than Preferments could fall, the Ambitious were induced to Court them by indirect ways, The Pretence of an extraordinary Knowledge or Piety, to gain the Interest, and the Favour of great men, and by those steps to mount the Spiritual Throne of Carnal Pride. Thus when Arius failed of a Bishopric, enraged that a less learned man should deprive him of the Mitre, he resolved upon a malicious Revenge; and to make himself more famous, than the Crosier could, under pretence of discovering the falsities crept into Religion, he alleagd one of the great Mysteries to have more of Plato's Fancy, than of Christ's Truth in it; This Mother-Heresie by him introduced brought forth many others, and (which was the greater Evil) has been the parent of uncharitable Disputes, The certain occasions of much confusion in Life and Doctrine, of Assassinations and Massacres, of Wars and Desolations.  
The Christians now, contrary to Christ's positive Command, Call no man on Earth Master, i. e. If an Angel from Heaven, (much less, a man) should Preach any other Doctrine to you, than what I (your only Lord and Master) who am now ascending thither enjoin you to obey, viz. To love one another, harken not to him, for, he is a Murderer and a Liar, a Cheat and an Impostor. Neglecting this, and having the Persons of Men in Honour, they readily embraced their Opinions; and changing the name of Christians, took up that of the Fathers of their Sects, as of Arians, etc. These Divisions and Factions, and the consequent Bloody Wars would persuade us, that Christ came not indeed, to send peace on Earth, but a Sword; for, these Ringleaders imposed upon the credulous Multitude, that all those superinduced new Fangles, Diabolical Inventions, unreasonable Whimsies, and childish Fopperies were the great Pillars and Truths of Religion; and therefore, to be contended for unto Death; While in the mean time, they themselves were conscious, that they disputed not for Truth, but Victory, for the sensual Gratifications of Ambition and vain glory, of pride and Interest: and, if you will but give yourself leisure to look into the Controversies of former Heretics, or into those of later date, between the Reformed, and the Church of Rome, etc. you will find them all on one and the same bottom. The Church of Rome has good Reason, as to this World, not to yield to any Truth in the point of Transubstantiation; of which, certainly, 'tis enuff to believe simply Christ's own words, This is my Body, because no more is warranted, and therefore not necessary, and that indeed none of the Expositions are free from unanswerable Objections, though none appear so opposite to sense, and absurd, as that of the Romanists and Lutherans: For if this Power, of working Miracles be taken from the Priest, it may be thought he has nothing left to make him jure Divino; which if allowed, he is quick enuff to foresee that other Princes may follow the Example of Henry the Eight. Those mistaken, on wilful Apprehensions have involved the several Kingdoms of Europe, in blood and confusion, intestine Commotions, and Wars; and will imbroil them yet further, if the Causes be not removed: This has long been the wishes of some, and the endeavours of others; but by the success seeing the Disease is not cured, but that its venom does daily spread more and more, we may safely conclude, Tha● Disputing is as incompetent a way to resettle the Truth of Religion, as the Sword is to propagate it. Every Man naturally hates to be accounted a Fool, or a Liar; and therefore, when worsted by the force of Arguments, (which may be to him unanswerable, though not convincing), he falls into Heat and Passion, which the other returning with equal warmth, at length both lose the Question, and fall from Words to Blows, from Disputing to Fight; and not satisfied pedanticly (for most commonly the Contention is only about Words) to lash one another, they further make Parties and Factions. These hurried on with the Fury of a perverse Zeal, the effect of Ignorance, espouse the Quarrel, and pursu the Folly, and the Malice to the fatal Destruction of thousands, of Millions; as if there was no getting to the Heavenly- Canaan, the New- jerusalem, but by wading, or rather by swimming thro' the Red-Sea of Christian Blood; while, in the meantime, the first Disputants stand looking on, or like sneaking Cowards steal away from the Rencounter as soon as they have engaged others more genrous, but withal more foolish than themselves. This England has to its Cost experimented, and, 'tis to be feared, if not timely prevented, will again.  
Others, finding the way of Dispute insufficient, believed that the Allowance of a Toleration to the several contending Sects would do the work; and that in truth, the denial of it so far as it might consist with the Peace of the Commonwealth, seemed to be a kind of Persecution not unequal to that of the Heathen Emperors in the beginning of Christianity: This Opinion being by the Ring- Leaders infused into the People's Minds, who being apt to pity all in distress, from Pity are induced to Liking, and from liking to Love, they at length espouse the Party, and with so much the more Violence, by how much the more it is opposed; nothing being more natural, than to resist Force, and covet earnestly those things we are forbid. The Consideration of this, and his own observation, that the more the Christians were put to Death, the more they increased, made the wise Pliny write to the Emperor Trajan to forbear Persecution; telling him, That shedding Christian's Blood, was sowing the Seed of the Church; every Man's Death giving to the Multitude a sufficient proof of the Truth of his Profession, and gaining more Proselytes than Preaching could. By the Emperor's following this good advice the Christians gained their Liberty, and he an Accession to his Army; and the great increase of Converts was thereby much restrained.  
The sense of this great Prudence joined with his Majesty's great natural Clemency, has with good reason prevailed upon his Ministers rarely to execute the Severity of the Sanguinary and penal Laws upon Dissenters; and I am well assured, that did they not believe by those Statutes remaining still in force, That they are under Persecution or the dread of it; instead of increasing much within these few years, they would certainly have decreased: I am therefore persuaded, that Toleration with convenient Restrictions would lessen the Evil, and remove most of its inconveniencies; though all can never be taken away without another sort of Education. And if the Parliament that give it, find it hereafter inconvenient, they may alter or annul it, how they please. In this Toleration all Opinions are to be provided against that are destructive of good Life, together with the consequences rather than occasions, Atheism and Irreligion. As the Venetians once excluded, so must we for ever prohibit the jesuits and other Regulars: The number of secular Priests, and Nonconforming Ministers or Teachers are to be limited; They with their Flocks Registered, and to be incapable of any Office in the Commonwealth, and the Teacher to be maintained by themselves; The richest of the Congregations to be security for their Preachers, That they shall preach no Sedition, nor have private Conventicles. That, besides the State may send two to hear all taught; That the use of all Controversial Catechisms, and Polemical Discourses as well out as in the Pulpit under strict Penalties be forbid: Such things, no less in their natures, than their names signifying and begetting Distractions, Rebellions, and Wars. Tho it be as impossible by Laws or Penalties to alter men's Opinions, from what either their Temper, or their Education has occasioned, as it is to change their Complexions; Yet if men pursued nothing but Godliness and Honesty, they would find their Differences in Opinion, are no more hurtful than restrainable: And to make them less so, all names of hatred and division are to be taken away, and the Parable of Christ's seamless Coat to be really fulfilled again. That all, whatever their single Opinions be, be called by no other Name than that of Christians, for indeed as such they all agree, that is, in the Fundamentals of Religion; (as for the disputed things they are already shown not certain, therefore not necessary, consequently (to us) impertinent which of the assertions be true,) and only differ by the considerations of Pride, or interest, as they are Trinitarians or Antitrinitarians, Arians, Socinians, Papists or Protestants, Remonstrants or Antiremonstrants, jansenists or Molinists, Franciscans or Dominicans, Lutherans or Calvinists, Presbyterians or Independants, etc. But for my own part I am of opinion, That we shall never arrive at the true state of Christianity either by Disputing without Toleration, or by Toleration with Disputing i. e. we shall not come to live Righteously, Soberly, and Godly in this present World: For, disputing destroys all, and Toleration alone will not take away those wrong Notions, with which the present Age is prepossessed; though some of the prejudices may be lessened by softness and gentleness, by Love and Persuasions; this Iconfess will not do in all, because all have not understanding, and such as want it must inevitably run into Error; For, whatever the Philosophers Dispute whether the Will and the Understanding be distinct Faculties, or distinct Operations of the same Soul, it plainly appears in all our actions, that we will or nil things according to our Understandings, which as well or il informed make us do things good or evil; so that, till our Notions are rectified, we are to be pitied and instructed, not hated or condemned. When by an excellent Education and a good Example we are taught not only to know, but to practise our Duty, it will then be almost morally impossible for us to offend; whereas, on the contrary while both are now neglected, 'tis a wonder we are not worse: Pursuant to this, Solomon gives a wise Direction, Train up a Child in the way thou wouldst have him to go, and when he is old, he will not depart from it. The great Business, then, not only to assuage the pain, (which in the present Circumstances cannot be done without Toleration) but wholly to remove the Distemper, is to introduce such a fixed Method of Education, as may imprint on our Minds, true and early Notions of Virtu and Religion.  
The Parliament have lately begun to look into the Practice of Piety, and to prevent or lessen Profanation and Debaucheries have enacted, That Hackney-Coaches (it had been more equal if all had been under the Penalty,) shall after the jewish manner of Sabbath, rest from Labour: I wish, they would now be pleased, to take care the People keep the Christian-Sabbath as they ought; Not so much in a Rest from bodily Labour, as from Sin, the greater toil of the Soul; to which, they are obliged by every days Duty; The use of the Seventh, above the rest, seeming to be set apart for returning Thanks for Blessings, and for Exhortations effective of Holiness and a good Life: The Duty of that day is not fulfil●d, by hearing a quaint-Man preach himself, not Christ; Policy, not Morality; confute the Pope, the Calvinist, or the Arminian, the Presbyterian or the Episcopal— Such Discourses engender nothing but Strife, and tend not to Edification; they are the vain Traditions of Men, in which we should quickly find, did we but seriously consider, that there was nothing of that Faith, without which we cannot please, nor of that Holiness, without which no man shall see God:  
And, since the Parliament by that last mentioned Act, have begun to tithe Mint and Commin; 'tis to be hoped, they will go on, and not leave the weightier things of the Law undone; that their Wisdoms and their Zeal will be more employed about the Power, than the form of Godliness, which may for ever be established by the following Method, or such other as they shall think more agreeable, viz. To make new Divisions of Parishes, which may with more convenience to the People be done, than as at present they stand, by limiting every Parish to the compass of about three Miles Square, and building a Church in the central- place, to hold about a thousand; and to apportion the Parishes in Cities at least to the like number of People: This will reduce the Parishes from about ten to a little more than four Thousand. To erect Schools in every Parish, where all the Children shall be instructed, in Reading, Writing, and the first Elements of Arithmetic and Geometry without charge to the Parents: Whence to the greater Schools, to be erected in the Dioceses, Counties, or Hundreds, after the manner of Westminster, Eton, or Winchester, so many of the ripest and best Capacitated as shall suffice for the supply of all Callings that make Learning a Trade (as Divinity, Physic, and Law) may be yearly elected, to be trained up in the further necessary Parts of Learning, and from thence yearly sent to the Universities; from the Universities upon all vacancies, Schoolmasters and Ministers to be chosen; the first, not under five and twenty years; the later, not under Thirty (the age allowed among the jews for Doctors or Teachers, and at which our Saviour began to Preach); and both, to be Masters of Art, before the one be Licenced, or the other Ordained by the Bishop; and none to be Ordained, before they are secured of being Noble men's Chaplains, or elected to Parishes. That the Bishoprics be also divided according to Convenience and the number of Parishes; That the Ministers and Schoolmasters be Celibats, not under a vow (as in the Church of Rome) but on condition of quitting their Benefices upon Marriage, and returning to a Lay-life; For, that of the priests being jure Divino being disputed, is therefore (to say no more) to our Salvation not necessary to be believed; For, unless they demonstrat the contrary by Scripture, the sufficient Rule of Faith, or by Miracles, men will be apt to believe the Story of an indelible Character, to be a Relic of Popery, invented to aggrandise the Honour and Power of the Church, turned into a Court of Rome; But be it what it will, 'tis plain they can't be greater than St Paul, who did not only for Convenience of the Church, avoid leading about a Wife, or a Sister, but wrought at his Trade after he had Received the Holy-Ghost; of which it were to be wished all Divines showed themselves possessed, by a Life conformable to that of the Holy jesus. But without doubt there will be enuff found to undertake this calling, on these terms, though seemingly difficult.  
By this course, there is a provision made for the Incontinency of such of the Priests as find themselves Flesh and Blood; which if done in the Church of Rome, would free it from great Scandal.  
That a book of Homilies be compiled; for variety four for every Sunday, and two for each festival or holy day. That nothing be inserted, but Dehortations from Vice and Exhortations to Virtu, neither Controversies nor State Affairs so much as oblicly glanced upon. That a Catechism adapted to the meanest Capacity be composed, showing the Duty of Christians according to the express Words of the Text of Scripture, without straining or misapplying any one, (as is done in two many of those now extant), and without touching upon any one disputed point. That, all the Books of Controversial Divinity, as well those in private hands, as in Booksellers, be bought up by the State, and placed in the Kings-Library, or burnt. That, all the Commentaries on the Bible be reviewed by sober, moderate and learned Men; and as many of them as contain more than what directly tends to the Illustration of the Text, by recounting the Language, Customs and Ceremonies of the Times and places it was writ in, follow the fate of the others. And because it is reasonable to believe, There is no such entire Work extant, in imitation of the Septuagint Translation, there may be seventy appointed for this to be in Latin, and for the Homilies and Catechism in English: which being done, let all the present Expositions be sent to the Library, or the Fire. That the same Persons or others be ordered to pick out of the Scripture all such Passages as tend to the encouragement of a Holy Life, and to put them into one piece in English for common use.  
I have heard some sober Men wish, that English Bibles were not so common, that the ignorant and unwary might not wrest the hard texts to their own destruction, nor to that of the Public Peace: But you know, I have often told you, I looked upon the variety of Translations out of the Original into the vulgar Languages, as the best Comment.  
These things being done, To take the Printing of Books into the state; it is as necessary as the Mint; false Coinage of Books has done England more mischief, than ever that of Money did, or will do; The Licensing of Printing, or importing from beyond-Sea, will not otherwise prevent great Evil to Church and State. That there be but a convenient number of book- sellers permitted; Those to be under obligation, to vend no other books, than such as are Printed in this allowed Printing-House, where foreign books with advantage to the Public may be reprinted. The hindering foreign Coin from being current, is not so useful and advantageous, as the care in this will prove, to the Kingdom.  
When Things are thus far settled, the Bishops (who are not to be chosen under forty) are to see, that all Ministers, Schoolmasters and Churchwardens, do their respective Duties; going about, and visiting Parish by Parish, as was the Ancient Practice, Confirming, after Examination, and exhorting all to continu obedient to the Laws of God and Man; reprehending and suspending such as they find faulty without favour or affection, the Ministers and Schoolmasters, from Office and benefice; the people from the Sacraments (which is every where monthly at least to be Administered) till after Repentance expressed in the reformation of their Lives.  
As for the jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts, because it is a kind of imperium in imperio, and that thro' the greatness of the Bishops other Charge, they cannot officiat in this, to take away and prevent abuses it is to be laid aside; and other, or the same Punishments for the crimes there usually tryable, inflicted in the ordinary Courts, upon the Bishops, or the Minister and Churchwardens Certificate of the Matter of Fact; in whom alone the Power of Examination should reside: And, because the office of Bishops, Ministers, and Schoolmasters will be of great Labour, none should continu in them beyond Sixty, nor so long unless they are found fitting: After that Age, all of'um to have a handsome decent Retreat in Colleges purposely built; where the superannuated of each province, the emeriti in the Christian warfare, may spend the Remnant of their days without Care, in quiet and Devotion.  
To assist and ease the Bishop, there should be, as formerly, Rural Deans over every ten or twenty Parishes. Part of the Ministers Business should be to instruct the Boys every Saturday in the Schools, in all the Duties of Religion; To Catechise and read the Prayers and Homilies on Sundays in public; The rest of the Week, between the times of Prayer to be celebrated twice a-day, to go from House to House, exhorting and dehorting, as occasion requires, visiting the Sick, and examining the Needs of the Poor, reconciling Differences between the Neighbours, and taking care, that in every Family the Children, such as are found fit, by the Electors appointed, not by the Parents blind Fondness, be constantly sent to School.  
After the continued Practice of this course, Christianity will again flourish; The years of the Minister will make him sober and grave, fit to give Counsel, which from young Men is now despised. There will then be no need of spending time in writing Controversies, or studying Sermons, which as now Preached are rarely understandable or useful to the People; of whom it may be said, the one is always teaching to no purpose, and the other ever learning, and never coming to the Knowledge of the Truth.  
The Schoolmasters are not only to be learned, but sober and discreet Men; to be obliged never to whip, or beat the Boys; whose Faults are to be punished by Exercises, by standing mute or kneeling for certain spaces, or by fasting from their Victuals, etc. Those that are good, to be encouraged by Priority of Places, by commendatory Verses made by the higher Forms, etc. The Boys that need beating, are as unfit to be taught, as the Man is to teach who uses that tyrannical way, which too much debases the Meek-spirited, and makes the Sullen more stubborn and ill-natured. That whatever any Persons bestow on the Masters be converted to public Charitable Uses. The Method of Teaching to be drawn up by some of the Members, (who, 'tis presumed, will mix Things with Words) and approved by the whole Royal Society; that confirmed and all others prohibited by Law.  
That in the Universities, none be suffered to continue beyond the Age of forty-five, nor above two in any one House or College after thirtyfive. That a new Method be likewise framed by the same Persons for all the Liberal Arts and Sciences; and that new Academies be built for training up young Noblemen and Gentlemen in those Exercises, which to the shame and loss of England are now learned in France.  
That handsome and sufficient Salaries be fixed, and paid out of the public Revenu, according to every Man's Quality: Bishops equal to one another, Deans to Deans, Ministers and Schoolmasters to each other: and these to be chosen gradually, as the pure Consideration of Merit shall invite the Electors. And to enable the Public as well in paying these Salaries, as in building of Schools, Churches, Colleges and Hospitals, the whole Revenues of the Church, Free-Schools, Universities, and Hospitals should at the highest valu be annexed to the Crown, or sold to others that will give more; The Overplus saved by this new Model, and the Money they would yield beyond any other Land of England, in regard the Annual Rent is not a Fourth of the real Valu, and yet may be ordered equally advantageous to the Tenants, as the Fines now make them, would complete this Work. Thus converting the Patrimony of the Church would be no Sacrilege, the Pious Use is carried on to the good of All; and perhaps as first designed by the Donors, when Provision for Wives and Children, not in being, could not be thought of; the Care of whom distract many from their Duty, and dis-able them from keeping in decent Repair the ancient Monuments of Piety built by our Ancestors. But all these things to be done, without the least prejudice to the present Incumbents.  
When Education is thus settled, the Duty and Interest of Churchmen, and their Care of Wives and Children removed, Plurality of Livings, and Simony prevented, as well that of Friendship, of the Smock, marrying of Cousens Nieces, crooked Sisters, or lady's Women, as that of the Purse; all which in themselves are equally Criminous, none but good Men will undertake the Charge: And then the Objections will vanish which loose Education has infused into the wild and foolish, viz. That Religion is a Cheat, a tric of State; that the Parson follows Christ for the Loaves; speaks as does the Lawyer in his Trade, not that there's any Truth in't, but because he has bosin lingua, etc. To do this, is neither so strange, nor so difficult, as was the greater alteration made by Henry the Eighth; who had not in story been so infamous though he had seized on the whole temporalities of the Church, had he but thus disposed of some part. And by the way you may take notice, that the house of Commons in this point had been Cromwel's in the sixth and eleventh Years of Henry the Fourth, who upon their advice had seized the Church's Patrimony, had they not by friends and money prevented the blow; and that de facto, several Bishoprics and livings were enjoyed by some of his predecessors, which appears not only from History, but from printed Acts of Parliament.  
That it will be no hard Matter, from Grants Observations, and the Bills of Mortality, to make a Computation of the Numbers necessary to be sent Yearly to the Universities, for Divinity, Law, and Physic: The last of which ought so to be regulated, as not to suffer any to Kil (rather than Cure,) which is daily done in London, and other parts of the Kingdom, to the prejudice and scandal of that honourable and sometimes useful Profession, to the loss of the people's Money and Lives, to the maintaining of many idle, and ignorant Mountebancs, and impostors, who to the greater advantage of the Commonwealth, might be employed, in more safe and beneficial Trades or ways of Living.  
This Course will also prevent such evil consequences in Church and State, as formerly attended the Superfetations of the Clergy, and the breeding up of Servitors and poor Scholars (as they well call them) in the Universities; who being generally of mean Birth, and no less mean Parts, and the attendance upon their Masters not suffering them so well to attend their Studies; and their subsistence by Service failing them after they had stayed at the University, no longer than to incapacitat and unfit them for any other way of Living, and yet not to qualify them for turning Preachers, However, having chopped a little Logic and disputed of Ens Rationis, and so fancying they could Build Castles in the Air, they assume the confidence to conclude, they cannot Miss of Habitations on the earth, and so from the Lowest of the People, getting to be put into the Priest's Office for a piece of Bread, they become a great cause of, as well as they are in Effect, The contempt of the Clergy. And those for want of Knowledge, lay their foundations in Erroneous Doctrines, in which Nevertheless they could not succeed, but by pretending an extraordinary measure of Saint-ship or Holiness, Railing at the sins and abuses of the times, which themselves have occasioned. Thus they creep into houses, and first lead silly Women, and then their Husband's Captive, as Adam by Eves persuasion eating the forbidden fruit till he Surfited and died, so these ignorant Zelots not content in King james his time and the beginning of King Charles the first, to rob the Kingdom of many Families, till at last, they made themselves the boutefeus of the late horrid Rebellion; which though it may be said, to have been principally occasioned, by such as these, yet not without some Episcopal men's having a Finger in the Pie: For, to say truth, I know not whether the too great Stifness in the one, for their Old, or in the other, against those Forms, was most unblamable. But This I know that by the Collision of both parties, as of Flints, a Fire was kindled not unlike that in the Tails of Samsons Foxes, which proved as Destructive of the Expectations of profit each had of their own crop, as the other did to the Philistines corn; Yet had the evil of that, not extended to any others, but those of the Pulpit, we might now have talked on't without much regret. What ever such violent disputes, have formerly been able to do, 'tis my duty to wish, and Yours to endeavour, that England be no more the Stage of such Tragedies. Refrain not Counsel when it may do good, and be not backward in advising that Toleration is the First step, and Education the next that perfectly leads the way to peace and happiness. This Cours being taken, we shall have no cause to despair, but that Religion will again resume its Naked Truth, That the Doctrines of men will be judged better or worse, as they more or less incline to holiness of living; and thus being reduced to a Calmness within ourselves, we need not fear the Designs of Foreigners.  
Of whom none, but France, can be supposed to have any upon England; and if that be 
The Interest of England, in refrence to France  granted, why may it not be prevented, by observing still the same Rules of Policy, which this Crown formerly practised; that was, so holding the Balance between the then two contending Powers of Spain and France, that neither should be able to obtain their Aims, The universal Monarchy of the West? But now the Case is altered, in that Spain being much weakened by the accession of the West-Indies, and grasping more than it could well hold in other Countries, has quitted the Field, and left France without a Rival: So that the present Interest of England seems to be the same with that of all Europe, viz. to oppose by all possible means the growing Greatness of France; and reduce that Crown to such a condition, as may not leave it in his Power to hurt his Neighbours. By what they have already compassed, one may guests they will ere long bring about, if not timely stopped, their long designed Ambitious Purposes: In the prosecution of which, they were in the late times of Usurpation, the underhand Instrument of the War with Holland, as they were of the two following, in sixty-five and seventy-one, blowing up the Feuds on both sides, pretending to take part with each, but not really purposing it with either. Having the same Desine of weakening both Parties, as the Britain's formerly had, in throwing a Bone of Contention between the Picts and Scots, that they might in the end be the better able to overcome both; In the mean time the French King gained an opportunity of building Ships of War, and training up Seamen, of which he was before destitute; so that had not these Quarrels, and our late Civil Wars given him a pretence of increasing his Maritin Power, we might still, even by threats of burning the Ships upon the Stocks, or in the Harbours, as did Queen Elizabeth, have kept that People under, and ourselves from fear: But since by unavoidable Accidents, the Dice are so thrown, as that the Fore is lost, let's use the best of our art and skill, to retreive an Aftergame. There is no need to attempt the proof of what is as evident as the Sun at Noonday, That the French King has a Power great enuff, considering the present Circumstances of Europe, to make him hope, and all others dread his effecting that old Define, which has been the end of all Actions of that Crown for many years past; which before he could put in Execution, his great Obstacle and Rival the Spaniard was to be removed out of the way; in order to which he judged necessary to fortify himself with some Allies, and engage others Newters; But foreseeing it was the interest of England and Holland to oppose the one and assist the other, and therefore despairing to prevail upon either, he contrived to make both fall out; not long after he took the advantage of unexpectedly invading the Spanish Netherlands, even while his Agent then in Spain was persuading that Crown of his Masters good intentions to continue in entire Peace and Amity with them. The consequence of which we wisely foreseeing, occasioned our setting on Foot the Triple League in the year 1668. by which a stop was put to his further Progress.  
And now perceiving himself disappointed, he makes various Attempts in the Years 1669 and 1670, to invite England to break that Alliance; But finding his fineness Vain, he oblicly endeavours it, by renewing the old, and inventing new grounds of Quarrels, by such Agents and Pensioners in the State of Holland, as his wealth had purchased; which at last made them commit such insolence, against the Honour of this Crown, and the Interest of the People in point of Trade, as brought upon 'em the last fatal War, into which he no sooner drew the Hollanders, than he rushed into the very Heart of their Country. This sudden event made them confess their Error, and our King the sooner to conclude a Peace. The Parliament was then and since very desirous His Majesty should engage with the Dutch and Spaniards against France; and without doubt he knew it would be his interest so to do; but not at that time; For though the undoubted Prerogative of the Kings of England entitle them to make War and Peace, he did not wave the former, because the Parliament urged it, as the malicious suggest, but because he saw it not convenient. 'Tis true the Kings of England have been pleased, to advise in such matters with their Parliaments; But that was an Act of Grace, and condescension, and ought not now (if at all) to be insisted on, so as to deny the King that liberty, which as a Man he cannot want, that of examining and approving or disapproving what his great Council should advise: For no man in his Wits will dream, the Lords and Commons have a power of imposing what they please upon the King, when without his Assent, they have neither Power nor Right to make any Act. The King considered, That Peace is the happiness of a Kingdom; That War being a real evil, is never to be undertaken, but to avoid a greater; That his Treasures were exhausted by the War just finished; That his People had not recovered their losses, by the Plague, Fire, and Wars, and therefore were unable to bear the Burden of heavy Taxes, which of necessity must have been imposed, to carry on a new one; for which great preparations ought to be made, both of Men, Money and Shipping; the former were no less wanting, than the last much impaired and diminished. He considered, That the French King had not only been amassing great Treasure for many, but had also been three years training up an Army in all the Disciplines of War, That it was necessary, before one King entered into a War, to compare his own and the others strength, whether with Ten he were able to meet him with Twenty Thousand: That he ought to make Alliances, and to have cautionary Towns, before we declared ourselves Enemies; That so great a desine was not to be made public, before things were Ripe, lest the Dutch and French might clap up a Peace, and that potent King turn against us the fury of his Arms, for whom certainly in those circumstances, we should have been a very unequal match. I am persuaded, That these, with other much wiser considerations not obvious to every man, convinced the King A War was on no score at that time seasonable: And to this Opinion I am moved, by my sense, That the King could not but reflect, That when the French King had subjected all the rest of Europe, he would not fail to add England to his Conquests, in which our King's loss must needs be greater than his Subjects; For it is unreasonable to think, that true Policy would let the French King suffer any of the Royal Family, especially the King of England and France (at whose Title and Arms-bearing he is not a little offended) to outlive the loss of the Crown; since he could not but believe, they would be perpetually endeavouring, the regaining their own Right: For though subjection be unequal to all, 'tis not so intolerable to any, as to those used to govern: And therefore 'tis an idle and and senseless inconsiderate fancy, to imagine the King and Duke could forget their own Interest, or be Frenchified upon any promise or bargain, as is maliciously insinuated, that they might be more absolute, which can't possibly be in their thoughts or wishes. Who know that, between Kings or States, Covenants are binding no longer than convenient; that the French King has ever shown, that his Interest only or his Will is the Rule of convenience. That he that makes War for his Glory, has more ambition to put his Chains upon Princes, than on the People: his thoughts are as large as any of the Roman Emperors, and they esteemed it a greater Glory to lead one King in Triumph, than many thousands Subjects of several Kingdoms. And it is not to be supposed that the natural strength and situation of England, can be a sufficient Defence against the Power of France, when to that he has already, is added that of all the rest of Europe, unless you can dream they may have a Fleet greater than all, and may at once resist, by those Walls, the Invasion of others, and defend their Merchantmen at Sea; which if not done, without an Invasion, by spoiling the Trade, England will be destroyed, or which is altogether as bad, be rendered very poor and inconsiderable. And that this has been his Majesty's sense, may be guessed by the Progress he has made since the War, mediating a Peace as best became a good King, and giving his Subjects an opportunity of enriching themselves, and enabling them to bear the necessary Taxes, by engrossing most of the Trade of Europe, and at length finding his endeavours ineffective, he prepared himself to resist the French desines by force, by providing a Fleet, and knowing that he that fights with another must have skill at the same Weapons, he suffered such of his Subjects as were willing (but on capitulations to return when he pleased) to serve either the Confederates or the French, not only to be fitted to lead others, but also to understand the new Arts of fight, which are greatly altered from what they were in former times. The King having thus prepared things, I hear he is so far from being backward to declare War with France, that he will gladly do it, if his Parliament will but find out a sufficient means for carrying it on effectually: which I apprehend must not be ordinary, for that the War, if undertaken, is like to be of long continuance,  
And you will guests that 'tis no longer to be delayed, if you will but bring before your Eyes, the danger we and all Europe are exposed to, by comparing the present Power of France with what it was in the Days of Francis the First, and observing what he was then able to do, when assaulted by Charles the Fifth, who was not only Emperor, but had all the Power of Spain, the Seventeen Provinces, of Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, the Dukedom of Milan, and the Riches of the West-Indies, who was as Wise, Courageous, and Fortunate a Captain, as most Ages of the World have known; one who managed his own Councils, & like Alexander in every Action appeared at the Head of his Army; who had above a hundred Thousand well disciplined Men, led by many great and experienced Commanders; who was able, by a mighty Naval Power, to begird France on both sides, from Flanders and from Spain. Yet at that time France Courting the same Mistress, the universal Monarchy, was so powerful a Rival, that he durst not attempt his removal out of the way of his Ambition, without the aid and assistance of Henry the Eighth, the Pope, and several Princes of Italy; nor even then did he think himself secure, till he had drawn to a defection, Charles Duke of Bourbon, the most considerable Prince of France. And yet after all, he was forced to clap up an Accommodation, on Terms sufficiently advantageous to that Crown.  
If so mighty a Power, and so united, could not prevail against Francis the First, How unlikly is it to resist Lewis the Fourteenth, a much greater Prince, when that Power is now so much lessened, by being broken and divided into several Hands? When the Emperor gives himself up more to Devotion, than Martial or State-Affairs? When the King of Spain is a Youth of Sixteen, and when the Seventeen Provinces are cantoned between the Spaniard and the State's General? When these several Divisions and Interests occasion long Debates, different Opinions, and slowness in Preparation and Action? When all that was formerly managed by one single Head, is by these Accidents brought under the Conduct of several Governors, of whom, it's possible, some may prefer their private Advantages to the Interests of their Masters? This has made some Conjecture, the French King has opened more Gates with Silver Keys, than by Force of Arms; and has induced others to conclude, That the Confederates will hardly be able to defend the Remainder of the Spanish Netherlands, another Campagne, if not assisted by the joint Power of the rest of Europe: This you will easily believe, not to be ill grounded, if you consider the present Greatness of France; Lewis has about four times the Revenu Francis had, and at least four times the Army: Nay rather, all his People are now in a manner Soldiers; 'Tis not only scandalous, but a vain attempt, for any Gentleman there to make Court for a Wife, before he has served a Campaign or two, nor are any of the Nobless suffered to live at ease in the Country, that do not go, or send some of their Sons to the War. These practices enabled him last summer, in fifteen days to send forty-five Thousand Gentlemen, with their Servants, at their own Charge to raise the Siege of Charleroy. And to make the Monarchy more absolute, Matters have been so ordered, that their Parliaments are become ordinary Courts of justice, and have no other Laws than the Edicts of the Prince's will; And if at any time, he condescends in Formality to assemble the three Estates (who had in Francis the First's time the Power of Parliaments) 'tis but to tell them by his Chancellor, the King Wills you do thus or thus, you are not to advise or dispute, but immediately ratify his Commands, which accordingly are obeyed, as the Effects of a Despotic Power.  
In the beginning of the Year 1665, he was not able to man out twenty Ships of War, and now he has about two hundred; He has not only vast Treasures heaped together, but the Strings of all the Purses of his Slaves rather than Subjects in his own hands. If without any Assistance he has already gained Lorraine, Franche Comte, a great part of Flanders, and no inconsiderable Footing in Germany and Sicily, and in the beginning of the last Campaigne three such strong Holds, as Valenciennes, St. Omer, and Cambray; the weakest of which, most men thought, would at least have made him whole a Summer's work, what will he not be able to compass, against the rest of Europe, when he has got the accession of Germany, and all the Low-countryes', to that already too boundless Power by which he has fettered his own People, and subjected them to an absolute Vassalage? Will other Nations expect better Terms, than he has given his own? 'Tis well if he will allow them even Canvas and Sabows. But above all, what can England hope, having for many years forced him to check the Reins of his Ambition, and is, I presume at this time ready to put on the Caveson. Books have already been printed showing his pretensions to this Country, which, though weak and silly, may help to spur him on in the pursuit of his Glory. Nor can less be expected from those, who by a Confederacy with the late Usurpers, gave an opportunity of taking away the Life of the first Charles, and of pursuing that of the Second, to whom his own Cousin German unhospitably denied the continuance of a retreat, when the vicissitudes of human affairs, to make him afterwards appear more glorious, veiled him in Clouds of misfortunes. What can be hoped from him who contrived that never to be forgotten affront of burning our ships at Chattam, and who is said to have had no small hand in the firing of London: Who though styled the most Christian, declares as an unalterable Maxim, no Treaty binding longer than it consists with his Interest, not founded on Religion, or Reason, but on Glory? The very Heathens were anciently, and the Turks at this day are more punctual to their Oaths and Promises, The falsifying of any thing confirmed by the Adjuration of their Gods, or Mahomet, was, and is accounted infamous. But what Treaties, or Capitulations can be reckoned which the French Ministers have not violated? Have they not broken the famous Pyrenean Treaty, confirmed by Oaths and Sacraments? And contrary to a solemn Renunciation and the double Ties of Blood and Marriage, before a breach complained of, or a War declared, invaded the Territoryes of an Infant King? Have not they by address, and Cunning, by Bribes and Rewards, endeavoured to corrupt most of the Ministers of Europe? Such practices amongst private Christians would be abominable, and much more so, between any Kings not styled the most Christian. Do they not publicly abet the proceedings of the Rebels in Hungary against their lawful Prince? And whatever the Pope may be induced to believe, not for the Propagation of the Romish Religion (for they are Protestants) but to serve his own ambitious purposes of enslaving the World; of which, rather than fail, he has decreed to bring in the Turk, in whose Courts also he has found Arts to make his Coin current. Nor is the Infallible Man whom he has already Pillared to scape him, at least as to the Temporal part of his Power, for not thinking that affront great enuff, and concluding, he has not as he ought, employed it for the French Interest, he is said to have privately vowed not only the lessening, but the abrogating of that great Authority, in which his Predecessors Pepin and Charlemain's Charity had vested him. Nor is his Countenanceing the jansenists, a Sect more dangerous to the See of Rome, than that of Luther or Calvin, a small Argument, that he intends to pull down his spiritual Grandeur, by fixing it in a Gallican Patriarch. But to come nearer home, have not the French had a main hand in our Civil Wars, and were they not since the secret Instruments of spilling the Blood of many thousands of our fellow Subjects? To some of whom, though now they pretend civility, 'tis not to give them a share in their Glory, so much as to hazard their Lives, making them steps to the Throne of an unjust Empire; in order to which, they have exposed them on all occasions, in hopes by weakening us, to remove out of their way the greatest block which has already given them check, and will now I hope stop their Carreir and mate them. And is it not time think you, that all the Princes in Christendom, for their common safety, should unite, not only to Chase the French King out of his new Conquests, but confine him to his ancient Dominion and manner of Government? If this be not speedily put in Execution, I may without the spirit of Prophecy foretell, some of the Princes of Germany and Italy who now seem unconcerned, will when 'tis too late repent the oversight: The fire is already kindled in their Neighbourhood, and if they do not help to quench the flame, they will quickly see their own dwellings laid in Dust and Ashes. Every new acquist and accession of Power enlarges our desires, and makes the ambitious man think, that which before seemed not only difficult, but impossible, to be very plain and feasible; The success of the French has already made them think no enterprise too hard, and and still prompts them to push on their good Fortune, which nothing can withstand but a general opposition of other Princes.  
You see then, 'tis not so much honour nor friendship, nor a desire of succorring the injured and oppressed, that invites the rest of Europe, to the assistance of the Netherlands, but the care and preservation of their Laws and Liberties, their Glory, and their Fortunes: And though I am apt to believe on England's entering into the League, the French King would gladly conclude a Peace: Yet I can't but think the doing so, would be against the common interest, on any other Terms, than quitting all his new Acquisitions, and even then the Confederates will be out in Policy, if they do not still continue in a posture of defence, both by Sea and Land. The Dutch paid dear for the contrary practice, and their sufferings in 1672 will convince them and others, that so long as Lewis the fourteenth lives, his Neighbours must not expect to sleep in quiet; they cannot prudently hope, his future Practices will be more just, than his former; he that has already broke thro' so many Obligations of Oaths and Treatyes, is likely to do so again; whoever cannot be kept within bounds by the sense of Reason and justice, will despise the weaker ties of forced Oaths; For he that avows Power to be the Rule, and strength the Law of justice, will not stick to say, This Peace was an imposition, an unjust restraint of the lawful pursuit of his Greatness. And therefore as soon as he gives his wearied Armies a breathing time, and sees the Confederates dispersed, and their Troops disbanded, he will like an unexpected Torrent break-in upon some of his Neighbours. The Common Inscription of his Cannons Ratio ultima Regum, is by him inverted to a contrary sense, and made a public Warning to Mankind, that he desines, as God did of old, to give Law to the World in Thunder and Lightning, to scatter by the Flames of his Artillery all those Clouds of the Confederate Forces that intercept and eclipse the Rays of his Glory. He makes the Power of his Arms his first and last Reason: He does not only pursu, but commonly wounds his Adversary before he declares him such, or gives him leisure to draw. First invades a Prince's Territories, and after sets up his Title and Cause of the War; is not concerned that all the World observes the Pretence is false and trifling, vain and unjust, warranted by no other Reason than that of absolute and unbounded Will, That he will do so, because he will; which is the Foundation and Conclusion of all his Actions and Wars abroad, as well as of his Laws and Edicts at Home, expressed in these imperious Words, Tell est nostre plaisir. He does not only tread in the Steps, but outgo one of his Predecessors, who in a Quarrel with his Holiness, sent him word, That what he could not justify by Cannon-Law, he would by the Law of the Cannon.  
His Device the Sun in its Meridian with his Motto Non pluribus impar, sufficiently shows his Intentions for the Universal Monarchy, and the haughty Opinion he conceives, of his being the only Person qualified for the Government of more Worlds than one, declares his Resolutions of admitting no Rivals in Sovereignty, looking upon all other Princes but as so many smaller Stars, or wandering Planets compared with him the Sun; from whom after the antiquated and justly exploded Opinion of some Philosophers, they are to receive their borrowed Light or Power, as it shall please his Mightiness to dispense: So that Crowned Heads, Princes and Republics, as well as their Subjects, are to expect the same meat that of Slavery; and though that be not sweet, yet the sauce will be sorer, poignant to all, though perhaps a little differenced; The former may be allowed Golden, while the later are to be manacled with Ironchains. In order hereunto, his Ambition has made him resolve the Conquering of the World after the Example of Alexander, whose Title of Great as an earnest of his future Hopes, he has already assumed. He has vowed to make himself as Famous to Posterity, by his Sword, though not by his Pen, as Caesar has done: That Paris shall give Law to the Universe, as Rome once did, and that the Ocean shall yield no less to the Seine, than formerly it did to Tiber. Now if England, which alone is able to do it, prevents the Execution of these vast Purposes, what can we expect, but that one time or other, he will seek a Revenge; and notwithstanding his Promises and solemn Confirmations of Peace, try against us the success of his Arms, and by numbers endeavour for this mighty Insolence, to chastise those, for whom even their own Histories will convince them, they are Man to Man a very unequal Match.  
The dis-banding his Forces for the present, is far from being a security, since he may raise them again at his Pleasure. Nor indeed do I imagine, he will discharge his Armies, since that were to give them an opportunity of Rebelling, for which he is sensible, his People are sufficiently prepared, and only want either Domestic Heads and Partisans, or Foreign Assistance, to rescu themselves from Tyranny and Oppression. And is it fit, while so potent and so near a Monarch is in Arms, that we shaud stand with our hands in our Pockets? No, I am persuaded, though a present Peace should be concluded, that the King and his Ministers, will think it for the common safety, and the particular Interest of England, not only to enter with the Confederates into a strict Alliance offensive and defensive, but also, to put themselves into a Posture of War both at Sea and Land. The end of War is Peace, but a Peace with France seems to me to be the beginning of War, or (at least) a Preparation for One; and I must ingenuously profess, though War be a great Evil, yet from all Appearances, I dread the Consequences of a Peace more, for that without great care, it will be of the two, the most fatal to England: But this Consideration, as most fit, I leave to my Superiors, and will only ask You, whether before we engage in a War abroad, it be not fit, To secure a Peace at home? To reconcile by Toleration, our Differences in point of Religion, That the French Emissaries, or others, may not be able to strike Fire into the Tinder already prepared for the least Spark. It must not be forgot, That, to divert or disable Queen Elizabeth from assisting France, or defending Holland, Philip the Second of Spain encouraged and assisted Tyrone, to Rebel in Ireland; That in the long War between Us and France, it was the frequent Practice of that Crown to incite the Scots to make Incursions upon us; And I presume, it will be considered, Whether some ambitious Men of that Kingdom may not influence the People to favour or side with a Prince who maintains great numbers of their Nation, by the Considerations that they are now but a Province, that England denies them an equal Freedom in Traffic; That they may have better Terms from the French in that and Religion, in which by denial of Liberty they seem dissatisfied.  
Tho such persons can't possibly work on the Wise, the considerative of the People, yet sure it were not improper to study a course, to prevent the unthinking Crowd, the Rabbles being deluded by such falls and groundless pretensions; which in my Opinion are with more care to be provided against in Ireland, where 'tis said those and other Motives may be urged: For there are computed to be in that Kingdom about eleven hundred thousand persons, of which 800000 are Irish, and of them above 10000, born to Estates, dispossessed; these for their losses, and others for restraint in matters of Religion, are discontented, not considering their own Rebellion occasioned their Ruin: (by their Murmurings I perceive let the Sentence be never so just, it will not hinder the condemned from railing against the judge:) That, besides their suffering in Estate and Religion, they are yet further beyond the Scots rendered uncapable of enjoying any Office or Power Military, or Civil, either in their native, or any other, of their Prince's Countries; Their folly having thus reduced them to a condition more like that of Slaves than Subjects, many of the Gentry go frequently into other Kingdoms, but most into France, who may possibly be encouraged to return to move the People to a new Sedition, especially if they can give them assurance of foreign Assistance. The King wisely foreseeing this, directed in 1673. his late vigilant and prudent Vicegerent the Earl of Essex, to disarm the Irish Papists, and netwithstanding the exact execution of that command, it's said that his Majesty intends to put himself to the further Charge of increasing his Army in that Kingdom, beyond what now it is, and to appoint a considerable Squadron of Ships to guard and defend its Coasts from any Attempts of Invasion, without which there is not the least fear of any intestine Commotions.  
This, with the charge he has been at in Erecting a new Fort in the Harbour of Kinsale, the most likely place to prevent the entering of any Foreign Power into that Country, shows he has been watchful to secure himself and People against the French desines. And now I touch upon Ireland, I have heard some say, that it is not only convenient but necessary, to unite that Kingdom to this, To make a new division of Shires, To send only so many Members to Parliament, as could no more join to out-Vote us, than Cornwall and Devonshire with two or three other Counties: But I see not if they were thus made one, wherein their interest would be different from ours; many rather think they would be losers by the Bargain. Others fancy Pointings Act should be repealed, that at first, though a trick, it was necessary; but now is not, all the power and almost all the Land, being devolved upon such as are mediately or immediately English, and Protestants; And that by an easy contrivance, they might be still obliged to a dependence on the Crown of England; by which, it's said, if they are always so kept under, as to be no more than hewers of Wood and drawers of Water, they may in future Ages be encouraged to a defection, and either set up a Power of their own, or invite a foreigner, which might prove of ill consequence to England; For the harbours and situation of Ireland lying more convenient for Trade, makes it that way, or otherwise, a ready inlet to the conquest of England.  
The People there, stomach the prejudice, in point of Commerce, defined, though not effected, by the Acts against their Cattle, Navigation, and Plantation Trade; by the first they are said to have gained vastly, by an increase in Woollen and Linen Manufactures, in Shipping and foreign Traffic, to the great prejudice of England: And I have been credibly informed, by a person who examined it, that they have gained Communibus annis, forty thousand Pounds Sterling yearly, by the Exported Commodities of Beef, Tallow, Hides, Butter, and Wool, yielding so much more, after the passing that Act, than they and the Cattle did before, when transported together. And if the Irish, of which there are few pure Families left, have some pretence to the King's Favour, as he is lineally descended from Fergutius, second Son of the then Reigning King of Ireland, and first of Scotland, which was anciently peopled from thence, The English there claim greater share in his Majesty's Grace, and say of Right, they ought to be accounted but the younger Brothers of England. I could wish with all my heart, the story were true, I had from an Irish Gentleman in France, that his Countrymen were so pleased, that they were at last governed by a King descended from their own blood Royal, that they had resolved, to pay his Majesty and the Successors of his Line, the Allegiance due from natural born Subjects, not from a Conquered People, which they now no more esteem themselves, nor desire to be accounted by others: How much of this may be true you and I know not, but this I think, If all the Natives were obliged to speak English, and all called by the Name of the English of, Ireland, and allowed equal Privileges in Trade, the same usages and customs, begetting a Harmony in Humour, that Rancour might in time be removed, which from a sense of being Conquered renders them now troublesome and chargeable to this Kingdom.  
This was designed in part by Queen Elizabeth, and King james, and perhaps had been effected for the whole, but that the Irish could not be said to have been fully Conqered before the tenth year of his Reign, which was after the making of those Statutes. It would be, I confess, an advantage to England, to be freed from the Charge and necessity of keeping that Kingdom under by a constant Army; and considering the inconveniences this Nation has suffered, by their frequent Wars and Rebellions, Their gain would be more, if they had never Conquered the Country, in which the losses of the English could perhaps be never better compensated, than by sinking it, if possible under water. The accession of so much people unto England, might make some Reparation, for the greater number which to our own impoverishment we have sent thither. I have dwelled the longer, upon the considerations of Scotland and Ireland, to show the Frenchman may be mistaken, who, about ten or twelve Years since, published a Book of Politics, Chalking out the way for the French Kings gaining the Universal Monarchy (in imitation of Campanella to Philip the second on the same subject) wherein, after several insufferable slights and indignities, intolerable base, false and malicious Characters thrown and fixed upon the English, he tells it will be an easy task to overcome them (but in the last place) by sowing divisions among the King of England's Subjects, especially those of Scotland and Ireland; By false insinuations, jealousies and fears of Popery and Arbitrary Government, etc. the prevention whereof will be his Majesty's particular Care, and the Parliaments, to enable him to carry on this great Work of our common safety, against the common Enemy the disturber of the Peace of Christendom by finding out an easy and sufficient fond, which naturally brings me to the Consideration of Taxes, allowed by all understanding Men, as 
Of Taxes.  absolutely necessary for the support of the Body politic, as Meat and Drink for the natural: But what kinds are best, has been much disputed: Before I descend to particulars, it is not amiss to observe in general, That no Taxes can be just or safe, which are not equal. All Subjects, as well the meanest, as the greatest, are alike concerned in the common Safety; and therefore should, according to their respective Interests of Riches or Enjoyments, bear the Charge in equal Proportions: The contrary Practice must of necessity beget Murmurings and Discontents, which seldom ending in Words, proceed higher to Blows, dividing the Oppressed against the others, which will certainly disquiet and disturb, and may probably ruin both.  
That all Taxes should be proportioned to the necessities of State; That in computing these, the Error, if any must be, is safer on the right hand, than in defect; because the Overplus may be ordered to other good Public Uses.  
That when Taxes are made equal to the People, and proportionat to the Charges of the Public, 'Tis much more for the Subjects ease, and the common Safety, That they be made Perpetual, than Temporary: For, if the Means of securing ourselves against all the Dangers to which we are exposed, be not sufficient, we must undoubtedly yield ourselves up to the Mercy of our Enemies, or suffer much Vexation, in parting with further Supplies from time to time, out of that Substance, which Nature or our own almost equally binding Customs, have made but just enuff for the support of ourselves and Families; either of which is very grievous: and because the Event is uncertain, 'tis hard to determine, which of the two is most Destructive to the Pleasures of Life; for he that says, The Choice is easy, in that your Enemies may take away your Life, the other Course does but render it Miserable; is in my opinion much mistaken, it being more eligible to have no Sense at all, than to have it only to endure Pain: For Life is in itself a thing indifferent, neither good nor bad, but as it is the Subject of pleasing or unpleasing Perceptions; and is then better or worse, as it has more or less of the one or the other: So that the proper Question is not, Whether it be better to live or not to live? but, Whether Misery be preferable to no Misery? To which, not only Reason but Sense is able to give a satisfactory Answer. You see then, that if the Taxes fall short of their end, we are exposed to great Miseries; and therefore to exceed is fafer, especially when things may be so ordered, that after the occasions are supplied, the surplusage may be refunded, or employed in the way of a Banc or Lombard, or public Trade, as Fishing or Clothing, etc.  
The first as an unexpected Gift, will be very grateful to the People, and the other will not be less beneficial because it must increase their Riches, and be a fond without new Taxes for any future Emergencies.  
That perpetuating the Revenu is most easy for the People, and most convenient for Public Ends, will farther appear from these following Considerations; That an equal Tax though greater than is needful, so the Money be not hoarded up to hinder Trade, but issued as fast as it comes in, for necessaries within the Country, however it may for the present make some Alterations in particular Families, does not impoverish the Whole: For Riches, as Power, consisting in comparison, All, equally retrenching some part of their Expenses, remain as Rich as they were before. This Retrenchment may at first seem unpleasant and stomacful to those who think what they have little enuff for their private Expense; But such aught to consider, if they refuse to part with some, they will infallibly lose all; That instead of being a free People, they may become Slaves, and will not then have it in their Power to keep aught of what they call their own; have no Liberty or Property, but at the pleasure of their conquering Triumphant Lord and Master: That then they will be dealt with like Beasts, now they have the Liberty of Rational Men, i. e. of choosing with the wise Merchant in a Storm, to throw some of his Goods overboard, to secure his Life, and the rest of his Fortune. When by prudent Rules of Oeconomy and Temperance, they have pared off those great Extravagancies men are now given to, in clothes, in Meat and Drink, etc. to the decay of their Healths, and shortening of their Lives, and have proportioned their Layings-out to their Comings-in, what for the present seems so hard, will become very easy, and be hereafter no more felt, than the payment of Tithes now; which without doubt wrought the same Effect at first, as this may be supposed to do. But what is yet much better, they will make us Rich; for I am Convinced, that the great Taxes in the united Netherlands have been the chiefest Cause of their great Wealth; and though this be no small Paradox, and perhaps a new one, I am fully persuaded it contains a great Truth; for their great Taxes necessitated great Industry and Frugality, and these becoming Habitual, could not but produce Wealth; especially considering that the Product of Labour is more valuable to the Kingdom than the Land, and all other Personal Estate, which I will show under the particular of Trade. When the Taxes are less than serve, or to last but for a time, those who do not make their Expenses short of their Incomes, but think they may without prejudice make both Ends meet; or if they exceed so soon as that Proportion which now goes to the Public comes in, it will make things even again; do not consider, how difficult it is to fall, and that in the mean time an Accident may happen, that not only requires the continuance of the Temporary, but also of imposing new and greater Taxes: Then, when perhaps it's too late, they cry out, They are ruined, and undone; and indeed, the Case seems hard, yet can't be avoided. Therefore to answer our present Needs, and prevent for the future such great Evils, the Taxes are to be made perpetual; So we being under a necessity of adjusting our Private Affairs accordingly, a little time will make them Habitual to us, and insensible to our Posterity: For, that if they be not perpetual, but to determine at certain or uncertain Periods of Time, they do not only become uneasy to the Subject, but inconvenient for the Public Security, which may suffer much at Home and Abroad in the interval, before new Supplies can be legally raised.  
I do not doubt, but You and your Fellow-Members, have it in your Thoughts, that all the Customs and half the Excise cease upon the death of our Sovereign, for whose long Life every good Subject is bound by interest no less than duty, heartily to Pray; but is it not to be remembered, that the Period of humane Life is uncertain, though that of our evil which may thereupon ensue, be not; the occasions of our expense continuing, though the means of supporting them fail; That before a Parliament can be convened, those others may be increased, because in the mean time the Merchants will fill the Kingdom with goods, and sell them at the same rates they now do, reckoning that a lucky hit, and so anticipate the Markets for two three or more years, with all manner of Staple Commodities, Linen, Silk, Salt, etc. which they have near at hand; and with what perishable Commodities, they can procure, for as long a term as they will last, and perhaps covetously and foolishly for a longer; Thus the People will pay and lose, and yet the State grow poor, as well for the present, as future, while the Merchants only, the overhasty and immature, will have the profit: And though they talk loudest, the consumptioner still pays the Duty, and that with Interest.  
In proportioning of Taxes, we must have recourse to the necessities of the Charge, which in my sense of things ought to extend to all that relate to us as single persons, in matters of right or wrong, as Law, etc. as well as to what concerns us, with reference to the whole in our public occasions, as of Peace or War, foreign or Domestic; For I hold it altogether as reasonable, that the Public should pay all those Officers who promote and distribute justice, as well as those others now paid by the State; In proportion to which, I hope our Governors will consider what will suffice, for the management of all Affairs that any way conduce to the joint good of the whole Body Politic, and when that is known and fixed, leave the rest to our own particular disposal.  
But in this proportioning of Taxes, we must rather look forward than backward. Our home occasions are easily judged, but those abroad must be taken by other measures, the former use of Money compared with its present, the ancient demeans of the Crown with what they are now, and the strength and power of our Neighbours, especially the French; concerning whom we are not to forget, That that Crown is much more potent than it was heretofore, by the accession of large Territories, which, when England's, gave it great Aid and Assistance in their War: That the expense of one years' War in this Age, is greater than of twenty in former times; That then two pence a day would go further than twenty pence now; That six or ten thousand men were as considerable an Army, as forty or fifty thousand now; Then a small Castle, Moat, or ordinary Ditch, was a good Fortification; But mighty Bastians', large Curtains doubly fortified with Faussbrais, Counterscarps, half Moons, Redoubts and great variety of other Outworks, according to the Nature and Situation of Places, with exquisite skill, and vast expense made and defended, together with the strongest Cittadills, are now taken: Then the charges of Arms & Ammunition, Bows and Arrows serving instead of fire Arms, were inconsiderable: That now France has in constant pay above a hundred and twenty some say above two hundred thousand fight Men, whose standing Army in former times exceeded not ten thousand, nor so many but on particular occasions; Then a single Battle, or at most a Summer's expedition put an end to a War, no long nor formal sieges to spin out the Quarrel. Now the whole seen is changed, from what in those days it consisted in; Courage and Strength of body, into that where Patience in Fatigue, Dexterity in Wit, and Money in Purse shall make the Coward and the Weak an equal Match at least, for sinewy and gigantic force. There is no doubt but as many of the English, as luxury and idleness have not softened into Effeminacy, have still as great Valour and Resolution: but they are to consider, that their old Enemy's, the French are not the same they formerly were: That they finding their first Sa Sa, or brisk onset would not do the Feat, and wanting Courage to rally, Nature having denied them bodily strength, but to supply that defect, having given them Wit to use Stratagems, have quite changed the Scene of War, and taken their leave of the old way of venturing body to body.  
That in Queen Elizabeth's time, thirty Ships, such as perhaps exceeded not our third and fourth rate Frigates, were the Fleet which gave Law to the biggest part of the World, the Sea; and without the help of Storms, doubted not to have overcome the too arrogantly styled Invincible Armada. That in those days few besides the Kingdom of Spain, and State of Venice, had any Ships of War: That France and Holland were then very weak, and all four unable to contend with us: That now the Swedes, Danes, Hamburghers, Ostenders, and Algerines, &c. have considerable Fleets. That the States of the united Provinces have much more Shipping than the French King, who yet has upwards of two-hundred Men of War, and many larger than most in Europe, and is every day building more; and lest he should yet have further need, I have an account, he has lately countermanded about fifty Sail of St. Maloes' and Haven de Grace, Merchantmen, of considerable Force, bound to Newfoundland. If then his Power be so vastly increased, that as he gives out, he has Cash for five years' Charge, and Provisions and Forage for two. That his ordinary Revenu in France, not to speak of his new Acquisitions, amounts by the most modest Computation to above nine Millions sterling per annum; and his Country being Rich, and the Power in his own Hands, he may at any time raise what more he pleases: Is it not then necessary to consider our own strength, and by sufficient supplies at Home, as well as Allies abroad, secure our Necks against that Yoke with which he threatens to enslave all Europe?  
Nor will it be amiss for the Subject to observe, That the French by fomenting our Quarrels foreign and domestic, have been the main occasions of the great Taxes and Impositions (necessary Appendages of the former) under which the English Nation has groaned for these last forty Years, even the Ship-money had its Rise from the Affronts their Pride and Insolence threw up on us, and they will yet oblige us to suffer more, unless by the joint force of our Arms and Money in a round and large supply for the War, we speedily enable our selve's, to revenge our past injuries and their present desines, and so put it out of their power, either by this or any other of their crafty Practices, to disturb or hurt us for the future.  
And 'tis to be considered, That as the Expenses abroad are much greater, so they are likewise at home; That an hundred Pound before the eighteenth of Edward the third, was equivalent in intrinsic valu to three hundred Pound of our now current Money; their Groat being raised to our Shilling. That our Expenses are not only far greater than they were in those Days, but that our necessary Uses require ten times as much as they could be then suplyed for; perhaps no less occasioned by the discovery of the West India Mines (the plenty of every Commodity making it cheap) than by our own much greater extravagance: Whence it is plain, that the present Revenu of the State, even for necessary occasions, aught to exceed the ancient, as thirty does one. And since our great Interest, no less than honour, lies in securing the Dominion of the Seas, and by that our Trade; our Fleet must be answerable to that of our Neighbours; It will then, allowing the English, man to man, to be a third stronger than the French, seem reasonable, to have an Hundred and fifty Ships of War in constant readiness. And comparing the charge of the Admiralty, by taking an estimat of what it was in Queen Elizabeth's time, 30000 and in the beginning of King James' 1604. 40000, with what it has been since this King's Reign, which if I mistake not, I have been told by more than yourself, was offered to be made out in Parliament, to have been 500000 per annum. But granting it was but 400000, it must follow, that our Fleet has been ten times bigger, than that of King james, or that the Charge is now ten times more; That if it be yet necessary to enlarge it treble, to make it strong enuff, that will increase the ordinary Annual Charge by the first Account to 1500000, by the last to 1200000. And if the Building of thirty Ships require near 600000 p. how much more will be wanting to complete the Fleet 150 Sail, and to continu building every Year, with an allowance of one third less, in proportion to the French Kings? By which we can not yet reckon ourselves secure from the common Foe, without a strict Alliance with the Germans, Dutch and Spaniards. If then the ordinary occasions of our Fleet require thus much, and the extraordinary a vast addition, the common Expenses in every particular above thirty for one, more than in Edward the Thirds time, when the Crown had a large Revenu in Lands, what will all need in the extraordinary Accidents of War, etc. now when these are almost dwindled into nothing? But these considerations I leave to the proper Persons; yet, by the by, give me leave to tell you, they were never thought of, by those Mal-contents, who have talked loud of the great supplies this King has had: This alone Cancels the Obligation; he that brags of having done another good turns, pays himself, and does not only free but disoblige the Recever: It would have argued more ingenuity, not to have compared the Subsidies of this King's Reign, with those of his Predecessors, without taking notice, that perhaps his occasions required more, than all theirs did. That dureing the eighteen Years He and his Father were kept out of their Rights, he must have contracted vast debts, for the support of himself, his Army and his followers; That the great Revenu of the Crown was in a manner gone; That other Kings had squeezed vast sums from their Subjects, by Loans, Monopolies, etc. of which no mention was made in the computation; That the building of ships and above four years of such War at Sea consumed more, than any one hundred years' War at Land, since the Conquest. That the consideration of the vast Charge Dunkirk put the Crown to, at least three times more than it yielded, occasioned the Advise of its Sale. That Tangier has stood the King in very great sums. That till of late, the supporting the Charge of Irelana helped to drain the Exchequer of England; That the intrinsic Valu of one Million formerly, was equal to that of three Millions now, and in real use to thirty millions; For the true intrinsic Valu, or worth of Money, is no otherwise to be computed, than according to what it will purchase for our present Consumptions; which I have reckoned to exceed those of old but by ten, though I have heard others say much more. But that which has made these Complaints so loud, has not been only inconsideration, or perhaps malice, but the inequality of imposeing the Taxes; Those great inconveniencies may be easily obviated for the future, by making and applying to particular Uses, such sufficient and equal Fonds as are necessary to be settled: I will only instance in one, That of the Customs, which seems originally to have had its Rise for that End, & therefore aught to be appropriated to the Use of the Navy; I wish it were great enuff, for such as our safety requires.  
And if this Course be taken in apportioning the Revenu, the Public and Private Expenses are to be generously computed; the doing so, will remove jealousies and Distrusts on all sides, the King will be under no necessity of straining his Prerogative, by harkening to the devices of Projectors, the People will be quiet and at ease; and then every Man may safely sit under his own Vine, and his own Figtree, and enjoy with pleasure the Fruits of his Labour. If you look into the Histories of past Ages, you will find the Disputes of the Prerogative on one hand, and of Liberty on the other, were always founded on the want of Money; and he that considers the Evils that have ensued, will soon believe it very necessary, to prevent the like for the future, by applying to every use of the Crown or State, (I do not say to the Person of the King, whose greatest Share is the Trouble, while the Subjects is Security and Ease) a sufficient and perpetual Revenu. This Act will beget an entire Confidence and Love, and so unite us to one another, as will make it impossible for any Storms without, or Commotions within, to shake this Kingdom, so founded on a Rock; against which, all, who make any attempts, must needs split themselves and Fortunes.  
I have, according to my wont Freedom, given you my Thoughts, why I think it more convenient, both for Public and Private, That the Revenu were sufficient and perpetual: against which, I never met but with one Objection, to wit, That if that were done, the King would not so frequently, if at all, call his Parliament: As if there were no use for this great Council, but raising of Money: The altering or repealing the old, and making new Laws; the reforming of Errors and Abuses, in Inferior Courts of justice; the deciding the Controversies, those Courts could not, and many other things would make their Meeting necessary; The King would see 'twere his Advantage to call them often, since besides that there is safety in the multitude of Counsellors, all that happens to be severe and harsh, would light on them, and yet none could be offended, because the Act of the whole: Nor could His Majesty but be sensible that all Innovations are dangerous in a State; for it is like a Watch, out of which, any one piece lost would disorder the whole; That the Parliament is the great Spring or Heart, without which, the Body of the Commonwealth, could enjoy neither Health nor Vigour, Life nor Motion, That while they mind their Duty, in proposeing and advising what is best for King and People, without private Respect, leaving him the undoubted Prerogative of Kings, of Nature and Reason, of Assenting or Dissenting, as he is convinced in his Conscience, is best for the Common Good, which is to be his measure in all Actions, as the Laws are to be the Subjects Rule; I see not why it should not be his interest, to call them frequently. That none can be supposed to advise the contrary, unless some few great Men, to avoid, not so much perhaps the justice, as the Passion, Envy and Prejudice of some, in that judicature, to whom they may think themselves obnoxious: But granting this, 'tis unreasonable to think, so wise and so good a Prince, will prefer the Private Interest, of any single Man, though never so Great, before the general Good and Satisfaction of his People: I should rather think, He will in the Words of his Royal Father, in a Speech to his Parliament, give in this, a full Assurance, I must conclude, that I seek my People's Happiness, for their slourishing is my greatest Glory, and their Affection my greatest Strength. His Majesty well knows, with what tenderness and Love his Subjects are to be treated; that 'tis more safe, more pleasing and more easy, to erect his Throne over their Hearts, than their Heads, to be obeyed for Love rather than Fear; the Dominion, founded on the later, often meets the same Fate, with a House built upon the Sands; while that established on the former, continues firm and immovable as a Rock: He is not ignorant, That as the multitude of the wise is the welfare of the world, so does the Being and Well-being of the English Nation, consist in the frequent Counsels, Deliberations and Acts of King and Parliament; in which Providence has so blended the King and People's Interests, that, like Husband and wife, they can never be sundered, without mutual inconvenience and unhappiness. The sense and observation of this, makes our King's Reign prosperous, and gives Him a more Glorious Title than that of King, viz. The Father of the Country, and the great Godlike Preserver of his Child's Rights and Liberties, who, out of a deep sense of Duty and Gratitude, must own and remember who tells them, That a wise King is the upholding of his People; and therefore, cannot but pay him even for their own Interest, all imaginable Loyalty, Deference, and Respect, giving up their Lives and Fortunes for His (or which is all one, their own) Safety, who studies nothing so much as their Good and welfare. Besides, the King has already past an Act, that a Parliament shall sit at lest once in three Years, and in several Speeches he has declared himself ready to do what further we shall desire, for the better security of our Liberties, Properties, and Religion; why then should any think, He would not esteem it his own, as well as People's Interest, to consult often, and upon all sudden occasions, with his Parliament? For my own part, I should rather believe, by continuing this so long, that he would not be against their Assembling thrice a Year, as, by the Grace of former Kings, was accustomed, for many Years, before and after the Conquest. But to put all jealousies to silence, The Parliament, in settling and appropriating the Revenu, to particular Uses, may (as they have already begun to do, in the Act for building thirty Ships) Grant it under a kind of Condition, or Proviso, viz. That the respective Officers, give a full Account, of the Employment thereof, unto the Parliament, at least, once in every three Years; Otherwise, all farther Levies of the same to cease, etc.  
Having said thus much, in general of Taxes, I come now to the particular Branches; I have already showed the Inconvenience of the Customs, etc. determining with the King's Life; I will further add, That the Book of Rates ought to be Reviewed, and in the new one, a greater Consideration had of the Usefulness and Necessity of the Commodities, in placing the Imposition on them; viz. rating all the allowed Commodities of France, much higher than they are, raising the Duty of their Wines, to be at least equal, with that, on those of Spain: I never yet could be satisfied, what induced the Compilers of that Book, to rate Spanish Wines higher, than those of France; since the height of Duty is a sort of Prohibition, which ought to be more taken care of, in the Trade with France, by which we are vast Loser's; than in that with Spain, which is a gainful one: The best Reason I could find, is, That they did it inconsiderately, taking it as they found it left, by the long Parliament, who by the sense of Revenge for the War, were induced so to treat the Spaniard. One might have thought the last Impost on French Wines, would have lessened their Importation: which Colbert the Financer observing it had not done (I was assured at my Return in August by Fontainbleau, that) in his Measures for the next Years Charge, he valued his Master 100000 on that Account, not doubting but the Parliament would take off that Duty of Wine, which would give him opportunity to put so much on; That at this, the French King smiled and said, For such a kindness he should be obliged, and would no more call them Petite maison; But I hope notwithstanding his scornful quibble, he will find such sober resolutions in that house, as will set him a madding, and that, instead of taking off that duty, he may perceive more put on; which is indeed the only effectual way to prohibit the importation, of these vast quantities of French goods, by which England is greatly Impoverished. To lessen the Trafic of his People, is the first step to lower him; which I am persuaded is best done, by imposing an excessive high duty, upon all the commodities, and contriving the Act so, that nothing should pass duty free; this course would be a better restraint, than absolute prohibition: And 'tis the method he himself has taken in the trade with us, which he had long since wholly forbid, but that upon examination, he found, it was driven to above 1600000 l. Advantage to his subjects, and loss to those of England; this, rather yearly increasing, than decreasing, will at length quite ruin us, if not prevented; and yet notwithstanding, he imposes upon our clothes four shillings an Ell, as a sumptuary law, to oblige his Subjects, to the use of their own manufactures.  
The next is the Excise, which, if equally imposed, were the best and easiest of all taxes; To make it so, after the manner of Holland, it ought to be laid upon all things ready to be consumed. This puts it into the Power, of every Man to pay more or less, as he resolves to live loosely or thriftily; by this course no Man pays but according to his Enjoyment or actual Riches, of which none can be said to have more, than what he spends; true Riches consisting only in the use. But the present Excise is grievous, because heavyer on the poor Laborers and meaner sort of People, than on the Rich and Great; who do not pay above a Tenth, of what the others do; and considering, that most of the Noble and Private Families, out of London, Brew their own Drink, it falls yet heavier on the Poorer sort, and will at last on the State; for, the common Brewers do already complain, that they daily lose their Trade, many of their Customers, even in London, Brewing for themselves, to save the Imposition. To speak the Truth, In good Conscience, this Branch ought to have been imposed on the Nobles and Estated-Men, rather than on the Artificer and Laborers, who were very slenderly concerned in the Grounds of it, viz. the taking away the Wardships and Purveyance, which was so great an Advantage to the Public, especially the Richer, That that Act of Grace and Condescension in his Majesty, which freed us and our Posterity, from great Inconveniences and greater sins of Subjection, ought never to be forgotten.  
This Act gave us a greater Propriety and Liberty, than ever we had before; and must the Poor chiefly pay, for the benefit of the Rich? Let it not be told to the Generations to come, that an Act so unequal was contrived by those who study only the public Interest; let it then be reviewed, and either made general, on all public and private Brewers, by which the Rich will still have advantage of the Poor, according to the difference between strong and small Beer, (For to allow Public Brewers, and prohibit all private ones, as is practised in the low Countries, would never be endured in England;) Or rather let it be placed on Malt, or taken quite off, and laid on the Land as a perpetual Crown Rend; Or let there be a general Excise (the most equal Tax that possibly can be devised) on all consumed Commodities of our own growth, or imported: which ought to be managed by proper Officers; the Farming of any part of the Revenu being of evil Consequence, as I could show at large, both to the State and People.  
The Hearth- Money is a sort of Excise, but a very unequal one too; the smoke on't has offended the eyes of many, and it were to be wished, that it were quite taken away, and something in lieu thereof given to the Crown less offensive to the people's senses; I have heard many say, That an imposition on Licenses for selling of Ale, Strong Waters, Coffee, Cider, Mum, and all other Liquors, and for Victualling-Houses, might be as beneficial to the Crown, and so ordered as might prevent or discover High-way-Men, etc. I have read among the Irish Statutes one to this purpose, obliging among other things the Innkeepers, etc. to make good all Horses stolen out of their Stables or Pastures. An Imposition on all Stage-Coaches, Carts, Wagons, and Carriers, set aside for the well ordering the Roads, would be of general Advantage; as would a Tax upon Periwigs, forving in part as a sumptuary Law. A year, or half a years Rend charged upon all the new Buildings since 1656, would not only much oblige the City of London, enabling them by the Difference of Rents to Let those many waste Houses, which now to the Ruin of Trade remains untenanted, & also gratify the Kingdom, by easing them from the common threadbare, Land-Tax.  
I do not question but, in this Conjuncture, the Wit of Men will be contriving new Ways to supply the present occasions of a War; for that a Land-Tax is slow and unequal; and I am apt to fancy, that of the Poll-Mony will be pitched upon, as the most speedy Levy, but must not be too great. As to myself, I am not solicitous what Course they take, but wish it such as may be equal, and so will be pleasing to most: But be it great or small, the King, as formerly, will be again defrauded, unless there be special care taken; The way I apprehend is, That for twenty-one Years to come, neither plaintiff nor Defendant be allowed the Benefit of the Law, without producing an authentic Acquittance or Discharge, that they have paid this Pol-Mony, and averring the same in their Actions or Pleas. That the Ministers be forbid to Marry within that space any, who do not, womans as well as Men, produce such Certificats. That none be admitted to any Office or Command, Civil or Military, Administration or Executorship, Freedom or Privilege in Town, City, or Corporation, or received into any of the Public Schools, Inns, or Universities, if of the Age limited by the Act, except they make out the said Payment; which in three months after aught to be Registered, with the persons Names and Qualities.  
Now, in regard that England is already very much under-peopled, and will be more so if there be a War: To provide against those Evils, and to obviate in some measure the Looseness and Debauchery of the present Age, I have thought of a sort of Tax, which I believe is perfectly new to all the World, and under which 'tis probable, if it takes, I have made Provision for my own Paying the Crown no inconsiderable Sum, during my Life.  
'Tis a Tax upon Caelibat, or upon unmarried People, viz. That the Eldest Sons of Gentlemen and other Degrees of Nobility upwards, should Marry by twenty-two complete, all their Daughters by Eighteen, and Younger Sons by Twentyfive: All Citizen's Eldest Sons (not Gentleman) by Twenty-three; all other Men by Twentyfive. All the Daughters (not Servants) of all Men under the Degree of Gentlemen, to marry by Nineteen; all Maid-Servants by Twenty.  
That all Widowers under Fifty Mary within Twelve Months after the Death of their Wives; all Widows under Thirtyfive, within two Years after their Husband's Decease, unless the Widowers or Widows have Children alive. I allow the Women, as the softer and better natured, more time to lament their Loss. That no Man marry after Seventy, nor Widow after Forty-five. That all Men cohabit with their Wives.  
That the Eldest Sons of Gentlemen, and all other Degrees of Nobility upward, and all other Persons not Married by the times limited, as aforesaid, shall pay per annum a piece these following Rates, viz.  
Dukes, Marquesses, and their Eldest Sons Forty pound, other Lords and their Eldest Sons twenty Pound, Knights, Barronets, ten Pound, Esquires eight Pound, Gentlemen five Pound, Citizens three Pound, all other Retailing Tradesmen two Pound. The Younger Brothers or Sons of all the foregoing Persons (respectively) half so much; and likewise the Maiden Daughters, or rather their Fathers or Guardians for them. All Servants, Laborers, and others six Shillings eight Pence.  
All the abovesaid Widowers or Widows, not marrying again under the Age aforesaid half; but marrying again after the Ages above limited, double according to their Qualities respectively; and all married Men not cohabiting with their Wives to pay quadruple.  
You may perceive I do not forget, in this Scheme, to practise some of the Courtesy of England towards the Women; That in regard it is not fashionable for them to Court (an hardship Custom and their own Pride has foolishly brought upon them) they are Taxed but at half what their Elder Brothers are.  
These things I do not set down with a Design of giving People a Liberty of playing the Fool as now, in Matters of Fornication under those Penalties. For all single Persons that do so, I would have obliged under an indispensible Necessity, to Marry one another: And could wish a further severity of Punishment were inflicted upon Adultery by the State, since 'tis so much neglected by the Church.  
It would also be of great and public Advantage, that all Marriages were Celebrated openly in the Church, according to the Canon or Rubric, and the Banes three several Sundays or holidays first published; But if this must be still dispensed with, that then all Dukes and Marquesses, and their Eldest Sons should pay twenty Pound, all Noblemen and their Eldest Sons fifteen Pound, every Knight and his Eldest Son seven Pound ten Shillings, every Gentleman or others five Pound, to the King as a Public Tax for such Licence, over and above the present established Fee in the Consistory Court. That if all Children may not be Baptised openly in the Church, the Births of all even of the Non-conformists, may be duly Registered; the knowing the exact Numbers of the People would be of great Advantage to the Public-Weal, and conduce to many good and noble Purposes, which (for Brevity sake) I omit to mention.  
This Course may perhaps prevent many Inconveniences that young Men and Women bring upon themselves and the Public: And since the Concubitus Vagus is acknowledged to hinder Procreation, the Restraint thereof will be one Means of advancing Trade, by adding more People to the Commonwealth, which perhaps in the following Particulars you will find to be the greatest occasion of its Decay: An Inconvenience by all possible means to be removed; For that Trade is the Support of any 
Of Trade.  Kingdom, especially an Island, enabling the Subjects to bear the Taxes, and showing them ways of living more agreeable than those of the Savage Indians in America, whose condition is but few Degrees distant from that of Brutes. Since than it is so necessary, it deserves the Parliaments best Care, to restore it to what it has been, or make it what it should be. The first thing to be done is, The Erecting a Council or Committee of Trade, whose Work should be to observe all manner of things relating thereunto, to receive Informations of all Tradesmen, Artificers and others; and thereupon make their Observations; To consider all the Statutes already made, and out of them form such Bill or Bills as shall be more convenient, and present them to the Parliament to be enacted.  
There are already many Discourses publisht● some of them would be worth their view, and did they Sat constantly, many would bring their Remarks, and I myself should be able to give some Notions on this Subject, which for want of time I cannot now give you.  
The two great Principles of Riches are Land and Labour; as the later increases, the other grows dear; which is no otherwise done, than by a greater Confluence of industrious People: For where many are cooped into a narrow Spot of Ground, they are under a necessity of Labouring; because in such Circumstances they cannot live upon the Products of Nature, and having so many Eyes upon them they are not suffered to steal; Whatever they save of the Effects of their Labour, over and above their Consumption, is called Riches; and the bartering or commuting those Products with others is called Trade: Whence it follows, that not only the greatness of Trade or Riches depends upon the Numbers of People, but also the Deerness or Cheapness of Land, upon their Labour and Thrift.  
Now, if Trade be driven so, that the Imports exceed in valu the Exports, the People must of necessity grow poor, i. e. consume the Fundamental Stock, viz. Land and Labour, both falling in their price. The contrary Course makes a Kingdom Rich. The Consequence is, That, to better the Trade of England, the People (which will force Labour) must be increased, and Thrift encouraged: For, to hope for a vast Trade where People are wanting, is not only to expect Bric can be made without Straw, but without Hands.  
The great Advantage a Country gains by being fully peopled, you may find by the following Observation, viz. That the valu of the Labour is more than the Rent of the Land, and the Profit of all the Personal Estates of the Kingdom, which thus appears. Suppose the People of England to be six Millions, their annual Expense at twenty Nobles, or six Pound thirteen and four Pence a Head, at a Medium for Rich and Poor, Young and Old, will amount to forty Millions; and, if well considered, cannot be estimated much less. The Land of England and Wales contain about twenty four Millions of Acres, worth one with another, about six and eight Pence per Acre, or third part of a Pound; consequently the Rent of the Land is eight Millions per annum. The yearly Profit of all the People's personal Estate is not computed above eight Millions more; both together make sixteen Millions per annum; this taken out of the forty Millions yearly Expense, there will remain twenty-four Millions, to be supplied by the Labour of the People; Whence follows, that each Person, Man, Woman and Child must Earn four Pound a Year; and an Adult labouring Person double that Sum; because a third part or 2 Millions are Children, and Earn nothing; and a sixth part or one Million, by reason of their Estates, Qualities, Callings or Idleness, Earn little; so that not above half the People working, must gain one with another, eight Pound per annum a piece; and at twenty Years Purchase, will be worth Eighty Ponnd per Head. For, though an Individuum of Mankind be reckoned, but about eight Years Purchase, the Species is as valuable as Land, being in its own nature perhaps as durable, and as improveable too, if not more, increasing still faster by Generation, than decaying by Death; it being very evident, that there are much more yearly Born than Dye. Whence you may plainly perceive, how much it is the Interest of the State, and therefore aught to be their care and study, to fill the Country with People; the Profit would not be greater in point of Riches, than in Strength and Power; for 'tis too obvious to be insisted on, that a City of one Miles circumference and ten Thousand Men, is four times stronger and easier defended, than one of four Miles with double the Number.  
Now, there are but two ordinary ways of increasing the People; that of Generation, and that of drawing them from other Countries: The first is a Work of Time, and though it will not presently do our Business, yet is not to be neglected; I have shown how it may be hastened by obliging to Marriage, and more might be added, by erecting Hospitals for Foundlings, after the manner now used in other Countries, and practised with great Advantage in Paris, by the Name of L'hostel pour les enfants trouves; where there are now reckoned no less than Four Thousand. This in all parts of England, especially London, would prevent the many Murders and contrived Abortions now used, not only to the prejudice of their Souls Health, but that of their Bodies also, and to the general Damage of the Public; This would likewise be an Encouragement to the poorer sort to Marry, who now abstain to prevent the Charge of Children.  
Strangers are no otherwise to be invited, than by allowing greater advantages than they have at home; and this they may with more ease, receive in England than in any part of Europe, where natural Riches do much abound, viz. Corn, Flesh, Fish, Wool, Mines, etc. and which Nature has blessed with a temporature of heathful Air, exceeding all Northern, and not inferior to most Southern Countries; has given it commodious Ports, fair Rivers and safe Channels, with possibilities of more, for water carriage; these, with what follows, would soon make England the Richest and most powerful Country of the World. Naturalisation without Charge, plain Laws, and speedy justice, Freedom in all Corporations, Immunities from Taxes and Tols for seven Years, and lastly, Liberty of Conscience; the Restraint of which has been the greatest Cause at first of unpeopling England, and of it's not being since repeopled; This drove Shoals away in Queen mary's, King james, and King Charles the First's Day's; it has lost the Wealth of England many Millions, and been the occasion of spilling the Blood of many Thousands of its People. 'Tis a sad Consideration, that Christians should be thus fooled by obstinate Religionists, in whom too much Stiffness on one side, and Folly and Perverseness on the other, should have been equally Condemned, being indeed the Effects of Pride, Passion or private Interest, and altogether Foreign to the Business of Religion; which, as I have already told you, consists not in a Belief of disputable things (of which if either part be true, neither are to us necessary), but in the plain Practice of Piety, which is not incompatible with Errors in judgement. I see not therefore, why the Clergy should be wholly heark'nd to in this Affair, since 'tis really impertinent to the Truth of Religion; and I dare appeal to all the sober understanding and considerative Men of the Church of England, Whether the Opposition of this be not wholly founded upon Interest, which being but of particular Men, ought not nor will not (I hope) weigh more with the Parliament, than that of the Public, which is so highly concerned in this matter.  
And though it may be objected, That as Affairs of Religion now stand, none need leave England for want of Toleration; yet certain I am, without it none will return or come in anew. And if our Neighbours thrive, and increase in People, Trade and Wealth, we continuing at a stay, or growing still poorer and poorer, by that means rendered unable to resist a Foreign Power, are like to fall into such Hands, as will force us to Worship God after the way which almost all of us now call Heresy, and many Idolatry. Which induces me to conclude, That nothing, but Inconsideration, can move even the Clergy to oppose this thing, on which their own as well as the safety of all others does so very much depend.  
But in regard the Defects of Trade can't presently be supplied by bringing in more People, because a work of time, it is necessary to make those we have useful, by obliging the Idle and unwilling to a necessity of working, and by giving the Poor that want it a full Employment: This will in effect be a great increasing of the People, and may be easily compassed if Work- Houses be Erected, in several Parts of the Kingdom, and all Persons forced into 'em, who cannot give a satisfactory Account of their way of Living; This would prevent Robbing, Burglary, and the Cheats of Gaming, Counterfeiting of Hands, Money clipping, etc. by which our Lives and Fortunes would be much better secured; This would put Men's Wits upon the Rack, Hunger which eats thro' Stonewalls, would make them in getting their Livings by the Sweat of their Brows, Masters of Arts; a Degree 
Magister artis ingeniqque largitor venture—  perhaps more useful to the Common- Wealth, than those of the University. This would put them upon the Invention of Engines, whereby their Labour would not only become more easy, but more productive of real Advantages to the Whole; rendering the Poet's Fable of Briareus his hundred Hands, a certain Truth; one Man doing more by an Instrument, than fifty or a hundred without it. Wit will, thus in some measure, make amends for the want of People; Yet so dull and ignorant, so insensible of their own Good are the Vulgar, that generally instead of being pleased, they are at first almost implacably offended at such profitable Inventions. But it appears, the Parliament had another sense of Things, in that they allowed the Advantage of fourteen Years to the Inventor: which Law, with Submission, might be altered to better purpose, if instead of a fourteen Years Monopoly, some Reward out of the Public Stock were given to the Ingenious. That the many Supernumeraries in Divinity, Law and Physic with which the Kingdom (especially London) swarms; all Mountebancs and pretenders to Astrology, together with the Supernumeraries in all manner of Retailing Trades (even the Trade of Merchandizing has too many Hands) especially all Pedlars or Wanderers, that carry their Shops on their Backs, Lap-Women, etc. who contribute little or nothing to the Charge of the State; be pared off and made useful to the Public; to which, by the vast increase of These, and the great number of Idlers and Beggars, not above two Thirds even of the ordinary sort can be looked upon as bringing in any real Advantage; the other Third, but like Drones, living on the Labour of the rest.  
And to speak more freely, 'tis unreasonable and impolitic, especially in a great and overgrown City, to suffer any Retail-Trades to be managed by Men, when Women, with the help of a few Porters, about the most cumbersome things, may do it much better; They will invite Customers more powerfully than Men can, and having nothing to do in the way of their Shop-Trades, will not be idle, their Needles employing them; while the Men perhaps, from two, three or four, to seven lusty young Fellows, sit idle most part of their time, with their Hands in their Pockets, or blowing their Fingers; few of these sort of Trades finding one with another, above two Hours work in the whole Day: The Men would study some more beneficial Employments; and the Women having by this means something to do, would not as now, induced by Idleness, more than Want, be occasions of so much Wickedness and Debaucheries, to the general Prejudice of the Commonwealth, and the particular Ruin of many good Families.  
To set on foot the Fishing Trade, and to allow to all such as will undertake it, Strangers or Natives, the same Benefits and Privileges I have mentioned for the bringing in of the former; and I think, if beyond that, Houses were built for them in Linn, or Yarmouth, &c, at the Public Charge, Rentfree for seven Years, every Man would say, it were for the general Good, who considers that this Trade is the only basis of the Grandeur and Power, that the States of Holland are no less Lords of, in Europe, than in the East-Indies; to which it has raised 'em in less than an Hundred Years, from the Poor and distressed States, to be one of the Richest and Mightiest of the known World: This I could at large make appear, but that it having been done already, with the want of time, hinders me. I will only say, That Holland has not the tenth part of those Natural Conveniences for effecting this, England, Scotland or Ireland have. That the same Encouragements be given to all such, whether Natives or Foreigners, that shall jointly carry on the particular Manufactures of Iron, Tinn, Earthenware, and Linen, etc. in the last, at three Shillings four Pence an Ell one with another, is reckoned consumed by us above six hundred thousand Pound; all which might be saved and the Poor set at work, by promoting that Trade within ourselves. To restore the woollen Manufactures almost decayed, and to take the same Care in that, and all other, as the Dutch have done in that of the Herrings; The neglect in this has been a main Reason, that our Cloathing-Trade is much lessened; Reputation in Commodities is as necessary, as in the Venders: which makes the Dutch, even at this Day, put on English Marks, and thereby for the ancient Credit (now in a manner lost) ours were in, they have gained for their own Manufactures the Markets we want. The Decay of our Cloathing-Traffic has been occasioned by several Accidents; One, and no final one, is that of Companies, which indeed are as much Monopolies, as if in one single Person; They ruin Industry and Trade, and only to enrich themselves, have a Liberty, by which they impoverish the rest of the Commonwealth. Whatever Reason there was for first Erecting them, viz. to begin or carry on some great Undertaking, which exceeded the Power of particular Men, there appears less or none now for their Continuance. The Enjoyment of Liberty and Property requires that all Subjects have equal Benefit in Safety and Commerce; and if all Subjects pay Taxes equally, I see no Reason why they should not have equal Privileges.  
And if part of those Taxes be imposed for guarding the Seas, I do really believe it would be more Advantage to the King, to send Convoys to the East-Indies and to Guinea, with any of his Subjects trading thither, than to allow these two Companies the sole Benefit of engrossing those Trades; though I think no others, but they, being at considerable Charge and Expense, aught to be continued.  
And since the East-India and African Companies, especially the first, impose what Rates they please upon their Commodities, why should not they pay, for that Power of Taxing the Subject, a considerable present Proportion for carrying on the War, and a yearly round Sum to the State, to ease the rest of the People, who are debarred those Advantages? In my opinion, Gratitude to the King, as well as justice to the Subject, should invite them to give a considerable standing yearly Revenu to the Crown. This may be policy too; for then perhaps, they need never fear their Dissolution, notwithstanding the clamours and many mouths now open against them.  
But if it shall be not thought fit, to take away all Companies, why should it not be lawful once a Year for any one, that pleased, to be made a Member, paying in his quota? This, I confess, would make it useful to the Public, because the Trade would be managed by fewer Hands, consequently to more Profit, and every one being concerned, there could be no Complaint.  
But whatever is done in point of Trade, particular Corporations of Artificers ought to be broke; they, as now managed, are Encouragements to Idleness, Impositions upon the rest of the People, and an unreasonable enslaving of Apprentices, who in three Years, for the most part, may be as well Masters of their Trade, as in seven: But the Advantage is, that when they come to Set up for themselves, they commonly turn Gentlemen, and cannot afford to sell a Cabinet under fifteen Pound, because they must eat well and drink Wine; though they own a Dutchman or a Frenchman, that does not so, may afford as good a one for twelve Pound: This of the Cabinet is a late and a true Story, and to my own Experience, 'tis the same in most, if not all other Trades.  
The Fish-monger's Company is of all others, the greatest Nuisance to the Public, to the most useful Part thereof, the poor Artificers and Laborers; I was credibly informed at my last being in London, by two substantial Citizens, That they throw part of their Fish away, to inhaunse the valu and price of the Remainder.  
That for these, and many more Reasons I could give, it were convenient, that every City and Town corporate consisted but of one Company, into which, without Charge or Formalities of Freedom, every man Native or Alien, aught to be admitted, that pays his propotion of Taxes and Assessments.  
And in order to the bringing in Foreigners, our Native unmanufactured Commodities ought to be strictly prohibited to other Countries; more particularly that the Exportation of Wool from England and Ireland be restrained; which will be better done by imposing a vast Duty upon it, as of thirty or forty Shillings a Stone or Tod, than by making it Felony; adding over and above great Pecuniary Mulcts, if shipped without Payment of Duty; If this were Enacted, many would turn Informers, who now out of tenderness of men's Lives, forbear the discovering this injurious Practice; for prevention whereof, great Care ought to be taken; since the vast quantities of Wool exported from England and Ireland into France and Holland, have in a manner destroyed the great Staple of England, the Woolen-Manufacture, lowered the Rents of Land, and beggared thousands of People. By this the Dutch and French are enabled to make useful both their own and Spanish Wools, which would otherwise be insignificant and ineffective of any considerable Purposes; one being too Fine, the other too Course, without Mixtures of English or Irish Wool.  
Those, by greater labour and frugality, who heretofore were furnished by us, do now not only supply themselves, but also undersell us abroad; and as if that injury were too little, we are content, by wearing their Stuffs, to give them an opportunity of undermining us at home. If you consider these things seriously, you will with me be persuaded, 'tis not the great increase of Wool, in England and Ireland, that makes it a Drug, but the Practice of carrying it abroad; and our not being satisfied to ape and Mimic the French Modes, but further to wear their Stuffs, though far inferior to our own.  
I have heard it demonstrated, by knowing men, that it would be England's great interest, to work up all their own and Irish Wool, though they should afterwards burn it when in Stuffs and Cloth; and I am convinced their doing so one year, would not only maintain the Poor and habituat them to Labour, but be as great an advantage in the sale of that Manufacture, both at home and abroad, for the future, as the burning part of their Spices, is to the Dutch. But I am of Opinion there would be no need to burn any, for that which is now useful in Wool, would not be less so in Cloth. I have seen a computation by which it appears the working up all our own and Irish Wool, which England can do to better purposes than a part, while the remainder is Transported to other Countries, would be many Millions in the Wealth of the People, and as many Hundred thousand Pounds Sterling in the King's Coffers. For if we kept this Commodity at home, we should not only give a full employment to our People, but necessitat those who now in France and Holland maintain themselves by this Manufacture, so soon as their stocks were spent, to find new Arts of living, or else convey themselves hither, which of the two, is certainly the most probable. Thus we should doubly increase our Wealth and our People; the latter by Consequence raising the Rents and valu of Lands, in duplicat proportion (as I could demonstrat) to what they now yield. For a short instance observe, That if there be a thousand People in a Country, the Land whereof is worth a thousand pound Per Annum; and at twenty years' purchase twenty thousand pound. If they be increased half as many more, or to one thousand five Hundred People, the Rent of the Land will likewise be half as much more viz. one Thousand five Hundred pound, and the number of years purchas not only twenty, but half as many more, viz. in all thirty; which makes the valu of the inheritance amount to thirty times one thousand five hundred or forty five Thousand Pound. The reason of which is founded on this undeniable Maxim, That Land is more or less valuable, as it is more or less Peopled. When heretofore all the Wool of England was Manufactured in Flanders, it yielded but six pence a pound; but soon after the restraint of it in Edward the Thirds time, the manufacturing all at home, raised it to eighteen pence a Pound, and brought in to the Kingdom great numbers of Flemings and Walloons. To encourage this further, all persons whatsoever should wear nothing but Stuff and Cloth of our own make; the Ladies to have liberty to wear Silk but in Summer. I am told that within these six months, to encourage a Woollen Manufacture newly set up in Portugal, no man, Native or Stranger, is suffered to appear at Court in any other.  
That useful neglected Act, of Burying in Woollen, should be strictly put in execution; not prohibiting the People, if they will be so foolish (but probably a little time will make them wiser, than) to throw away linen too, which if they would make at home, might be the more tolerable: The way I conceive by which it may be easily done, is, to enjoin the Minister under penalty of deprivation, with allowance of Money to the Informers, not to bury any one, whose Corpse or Coffin, they do not see covered with Flannel. And since Death is said to be the Sister of Sleep, or rather since Sleep is the representation of Death as our Beds are of our Grave, or indeed, that Death is but a very long Night, if we should not only Bury, but lie in Flannel Sheets, at least the long cold Winter Nights, I have been assured by our old Friend— That this Practice, after a little use, would be found no less for the health, if not some voluptuousness of our natural Bodies, than the other would prove for the Body Politic; and I am the more induced to believe this assertion, because Physicians prescribe Flannel Shirts to some persons for their Health; I am certain the more ways are found for the Consumption of this Manufacture, the Richer our Country would grow, by lessening the use of Foreign Linen, so greatly advantageous to our Neighbours of France; whom we love so dearly, that we study how to serve and enrich them, though to our own impoverishment and Ruin.  
Besides this Course, not a lock of Wool should be permitted into the Islands of jersy, Guernsey, Aldarney or Sark; under colour of what is allowed, they are enabled, to supply their own occasions, and carry much more (of which I am well assured) to France; which reaps the benefit of the great industry of those populous Islands; to make them beneficial, at least not hurtful, to England, is to deny them Wool; if that would bring the People thence into this Country, it will prove a double advantage. And lastly, I think the only certainty of keeping our Wool from Foreigners, is to erect a Company by the Name of State Merchants, or Oblige the East-India Company, whose Stock and Credit will enable them with ease, to buy up at good rates yearly, all the Wool of England and Ireland which manufactured at home, would bring them in a little time, as profitable returns, as those from Bantam, &c be many Millions in the Riches of the People, by raising the Rents, etc. an● Hundred Thousands in the King's Exchequer, employ Thousands of our Poo● now starving, and invite in many o● other Nations to the great increase of our Strength and Wealth, and so prove no less a particular than an universal good.  
That all Forestallers, Regrators and Higlers be prevented, who now do as much mischief to the City of London, as formerly purveiance did the Kingdom.  
That the present confused business of weights and measures, which appears by many statutes to have been the care of our ancestors, be fully ascertained and adjusted. And because this does greatly tend to the regulation of trade and administration of justice, it were convenient particular persons were impower'd, who should receive complaints and correct abuses, in those and all other penal statutes referring to trade, by some more speedy course than that of information or indictment, etc.  
That no particular Person or Incorporations have any places privileged against the King's Writs.  
That the Parliament would be pleased to redress the great Obstruction of justice by Protections, of which no less than sixteen Thousand are said to be given in and about London. I am persuaded that either the Report is a Mistake, or that the Member's Hands are Counterfeited; for 'tis very unreasonable to believe, the Makers of our Laws would prevent their Execution; But be the Case one way or other, the Evil may be easily remedied by the Members registering the Names of their servants in the House, at the beginning of the Sessions and upon the Alteration of any.  
That all manner of Courts in Corporations, whether by Grant or Prescription, be taken away, because of the many Abuses daily committed: and in every Corporation a Court of Merchants Erected, for the quic dispatch and determination of all Controversies relating to Trade and Commerce; every Man to be obliged to tell his own Story, without Charge or the Assistance of Attorneys or Lawyers. The judges to be annually chosen five in number, together with two Registers, one for the plaintiff, the other for the Defendant, out of the most experienced and best reputed Citizens, or Tradesmen; no Salary or Fee to be paid to judge or Officer.  
To retrench, by Sumptuary Laws, the excessive wearing foreign Silks, Embroideries and Laces; to prohibit absolutely the use of Silver and Goldlace, Gild or Lackering Coaches, etc. When Riches are thus not so much used as abused, 'tis no wonder they do not only moulder into Dust, but take wing (in Solomon's Phrase) and fly away: Our wiser Neighbours in France and Holland prevent this Evil: the First make a Show, but at an easy and cheap Rate; the later leave off their clothes, because they are worn out, not that they are out of Fashion: Our contrary Practice in imported Commodities make us complain, That Trade is decaying; in which our Folly has made us a Byword among the French, As a People that consume our All on the Back and the Belly; and if none spent more, the Mischief were but particular; But many are not contented to run out their own Estates, but resolve to have the Pleasure of undoing others for Company. So long as we indulge ourselves in this Vanity, we may indeed have the satisfaction (if it be any) to talk of mending Trade: but in spite of our Chat, it will still decay, we shall Buy and Sel more and more, and yet live by the Loss, till at last we are wholly Broke. How long that will be a doing, we may guests by the Fall of the Rents and Valu of Lands, not to be avoided while the Balance of Trade is so much greater on the Imported side than the Exported. The way to make us Rich, is to manage our Trade in the same manner it was done in Edward the Thirds time; To make the Proportion of our Exports, exceed our Imports, as much as they then did; by an Account taken in the Seven and Twentyeth Year of that King (as Cotton says) our exported Commodities amounted to 294184 Pound, the Imported but 38970 Pound; so that, the Kingdom got clear in that Year 255214 Pound: By which it appears, that our present Trade is about thirty times greater than it was then, though we complain of its Fall: 'Tis our own Fault, we are so imprudent as to consume more of Foreign Goods, than we sell of our own; this I am convinced we do in our French Trade, 'tis well if we do not likewise play the Fool in others. By the way, you may observe, That if we would but moderate our Expenses, we might very well bear our Taxes, though they were near thirty times greater than in that King's Reign, even with Allowance for the Alteration of Coyn.  
That the Exportation of Money in specie, is so far from being a Loss to the Kingdom, that it may be gainful, as it is to Legorn and other places: That though we did not export any Coin, yet we should not be the Richer; since the overbalance would still lie as a Debt upon our Trade, which it must sometime or other pay in that or another Commodity, or otherwise Break.  
And that the Council or Committee of Trade may find out the Wealth of the Kingdom, which would serve to many good Purposes, by making a yearly Account of the Goods imported and exported (best known by the Customs, and has been Calculated by a Friend of mine in another Country) These aught at least every seven Years to be reviewd, (supposing the Life of Commodities not longer than that of Man). And, according to their Alterations of usefulness or necessity, to ourselves or others, the Impositions to be changed.  
And here I must take leave to assert, That all imported Commodities are better restrained by the height of Imposition, than by an absolute Prohibition, if sufficient Care be taken to oblige the Importers to a full and strict Payment; for this would be a kind of Sumptuary Law, putting a necessity upon the Consumer, by Labour to enlarge his Purse, or by Thirst to lessen his Expense. And I am the more induced to this, by my observation, that notwithstanding the several Acts, prohibiting the Importation of many foreign Commodities; yet nothing is more worn or used, especially the French, in which Trade, if the overbalance (which is said to be above 1600000 Pound) were loaded with the Charge of eight Shillings in the Pound, it would make the Consumption of those Commodities 640000 pound dearer; and if that would not restrain our Folly, it would help to ease us in the public Taxes; whereas now they are all imported without any other Charge, than what is paid for Smuckling, to tie up the Seamen's Tongues, and shut Officers Eyes. To prevent this, it were fit, that Men were undeceived of the Notion they have taken up, That the Law does allow 'em their Choice, either to pay the Duty, or the Penalty if taken; which sure cannot be the End of any Law, which designs Obedience and active Compliance with what it injoins, not a Disobedience or breaking what it positively commands. If Penal Statutes be only conditional, than the Traitor, the Murderer or the Thief, when he suffers the Punishment of Disobedience, may be called an honest Man, and in another Signification than that of the Scotch Phrase, A justified Person. But the idle and unwarrantable Distinction of Active and Passive Obedience has done England greater Mischiefs. The Revenu Acts give not the same Liberty, that those Acts do, which oblige the People to go to Church, or to Watch and Ward under pecuniary Mulcts. In these a Power of Choosing was designedly left, which by many Circumstances appears otherwise intended by the other. And indeed, the Practice is not only unjust, but abusive to the whole Body of the People, who pay as dear for what they buy, as if the Duty had been paid to the King, not put up in a few private men's Pockets. It may likewise hinder Trade; for if the Smuckler please, he may undersell his Neighbour, who honestly thinks, 'tis a Cheat and a Sin, not to give Caesar his Duke: Therefore, a Seal or some private Mark should be contrived, for all sorts of Commodities, and Power given to seize them when and wherever met, in Merchants, Retailers or Consumptioners Hands. And to prevent the passing foreign Commodities, as if made at Home, for which lest any of these last should pass, they should in the Town where they are made, or exposed to Sale, be first marked or sealed, in an Office purposely erected, without any Delay or Charge to the People.  
That, that part of the Act of Navigation be repealed, which appoints three fourth's of the Mariners to be English: why not Scots, Irish or any of the King's Subjects, or even Foreigners, so the Ships do really belong to owners resident in England? We want People, therefore aught to invite more, not restrain any. This Act is a Copy of that made by the Long Parliament and their General, the Usurper, who being in War with Scotland and Ireland in rebellion, thought fit to deny them equal privileges in commerce. But this Loyal Parliament will, I hope, consider, that the three Kingdoms are not to be thus divided in Interests, while under one Monarch. That his Naval Power, their joint strength, is increased by the growth of shipping in any of 'um. If the sense of this will not prevail upon them, to allow 'em the same freedoms, yet sure I am, they must from thence perceive, England will have a great advantage by suffering all the King's subjects of Ireland and Scotland, to enjoy the benefit of this Act.  
That there be two Free Ports appointed; one in the South, another in the North, with convenient rules and limitations That the duty imposed upon any of our exportations, whether of our own growth or manufacture of foreign materials, be not so high as may either wholly restrain those abroad from buying, or enable others to furnish them cheaper.  
That education of Children in foreign parts in Colleges or Academies be prohibited, and Provision found or made at home for Teaching Languages and the exercises of riding, Fencing, etc.  
That Banks and Lombard's be speedily Erected; this in a little time would make a Hundred pound to be as useful to the Public, as two Hundred real Cash is now. But in order thereunto, let there be a voluntary Registry of Land, etc. which in a few years will raise their valu considerably. By this way no man indebted or whose estate is encumbered is obliged to make discoveries. Yet if he has but half free, the Registering of that, will the better enable him to discharge the other part. If a Registry must not be obtained, that, at least, the selling or mortgaging over and over, secret conveyances, Deeds of trust or any other Trics, by which the Lender or Purchaser is defrauded and abused, be made Felony, without benefit of Clergy; and the cheating person obliged to pay the sufferer treble Damage, and as much more to the Public. This, which certainly, all honest men judge as reasonable, as what is practised for far smaller evils or offences, will, without any innovation in the Laws, or other alleged inconveniences to the People, secure us in our Rights, and perhaps answer all the ends of a Registry; of which, though very convenient, I am not so fond, as to think or believe, it will so suddenly, or to that height, as is said, raise the Rents and Valu of Lands; To this it can contribute but by accident, as it invites Strangers into the Kingdom (for I have already told you, that the greater or smaller number of People is the only true cause of the dearness or cheapness of Land and of Labour or Trade) yet even this it cannot do, without abolishing the Law, disabling Aliens to purchase and hold before Naturalisation, necessary without dispute to be immediately taken away.  
Nor would it a little contribute to the general good, that all Merchants and Tradesmen breaking should be made guilty of Felony, their goods to the Creditors, if they did not plainly make appear, by their true Books, their losses and discover what ever they have left, and without the unjust and cunning Artifices of composition, give way for an equal Dividend among the Creditors. And that the many abuses of the King's Bench Prison be reformed, which, as now managed, is made a Sanctuary and place of Refuge and Privilege, for all Knaves that desine their own private Interest, to the ruin of others, whose confinement is no narrower than from the East to the West Indies.  
That all Bonds and Bills obligatory, statute Merchants and of the staple, Recognizances, judgements, etc. be enacted transferable and by Endorsement to pass as current as Bills of Exchange, and made recoverable by a shorter course of of Law, than now practised. That is to say, that upon actual proof of the perfecting and last assigning of the Deed, judgement and Execution be obtained. This would wonderfully enliven trade, make a new species of Coin, lower interest, secure in a great measure dealers from breaking, and find money to carry on the trades of Fishing, Linen, Woollen, etc.  
That till the proposed regulation of the Laws can be effected, to avoid the trouble and charge of juries in many cases and other unjust vexations, the meets and bounds of the denominations of all Lands, Manors, Parishes, Commons, Hundreds and Countyes, all prescriptions, usages and customs, and the jurisdictions of all inferior Courts be fully enquired into, and truly registered in one Book or Books; copies to be Printed and the Original to be and remain of Record, as the Doomsday book in the Exchequer: By which all disputes concerning the premises may be speedily and cheaply decided.  
There are but two Objections against this public good, and were they unanswerable, yet since they are but particular and selfish considerations, they ought not to take place; The first is, That the useful and laudable Calling of the Lawyers, will be prejudiced. The next, that, the many, who now live upon Credit, will be undone. As to the first, by this work the present Lawyers will be so far from suffering, that for ten years to come rather than lessen, it will increase their business; which according to the ordinary computation of men's Lives, or their hopes of being promoted, will be a greater advantage to them, than if things continued as they are: and for those, who propose to themselves this way of living, there will be still grounds enuff for the Practtise of some and many new employments for others. So that if these gentlemen's present great Practice would give them leave to look forwards, they would find they are more Scared than hurt. As to the second sort, who likewise believe they may be damnified, that fancy will also vanish, if it be considered, That it will enlarge rather than destroy Credit. For we will suppose, that a young Merchant or Tradesman, who has 500 pound stock, does not trade for less than 2000 pound, the Merchant that sells him the Commoditys upon the belief of his being honest, industrions, prudent and sober, gives him Credit, and takes his Bond payable at a certain day; this Person, that he may be able duly to discharge his obligation, in like manner, trusts another, whom he supposes able and honest; for all receive credit as they really are or appear such; as soon as his bond becomes du, he takes up his own, and giveth that he received to his creditor, who perhaps gives it to another to whom he is indebted; At last the money is called for, from the Country Gentleman; the Country Gentleman gives him an assignment on his tenant, who either is or is not indebted; if the tenant owes the Money, he pays it in specie, or assigns him upon some Merchant, for the valu of commodities sold him, the fond enabling him to pay his Landlords Rend; and thus perhaps by a Circulation of traffic, for all Men from the highest to the lowest are one way or other Merchants or Traders, the first man is paid with his own paper: If the tenant does not owe the Landlord the Money, and therefore will not pay, the Landlord is immediately necessitated to sell or Mortgage some part of his estate; which if he refuse, the Law forces him, and the Credits of the rest are secured. The Consequences are plainly these; That Men must be careful, with whom they deal; That they must be punctual & thrifty, lest they first lose their Credit, and afterwards become Beggars: For, he that rightly considers, will be convinced, That every Man in a Society or Commonwealth, even from the King to the Peasant, is a Merchant, and therefore under a necessity of taking care of his Reputation, not seldom a better Patrimony, than what descends to us from our Parent's Care. That by this Practice, the Kingdom will gain an inexhaustible Treasure; and though there were not a hundredth part of the Money, be able to drive ten times a greater Trade, than now it does. A Man thus enabled, to Live and Trade without Money, will be in no need of running-out his principal in Interest, by which too many for want of Consideration, are insensibly undone, involving many more in their Ruin. Without these, or some other new Courses, you may be assured, That our Trade, consequently our Power, will every Day decay, and in a few Years come to nothing.  
But some imagine, that we need not trouble ourselves in this Matter, it will shortly fall in of Course to our Country; for that as Learning took its Circuit thro' several parts of the World, beginning at the East, so must Trade too: but whoever believes this will come to pass without Human Means, Labour and Art, entertains wrong Notions of Providence.  
I do believe the great Wheel is always in Motion; and though there be a constant Circumgyration of things, yet 'tis idle to fancy, that any thing, but Troubles or War, Oppression or Injustice, Wit or Industry makes Trade or Learning shift their Places in the same Country, or alter their abode from that to any other. If we look into Histories, we shall find these have been the Causes of their Migration; and that Trade and Learning, usually go hand in hand together.  
Having already asserted, that Trade and Commerce are to be improved and carried on, the more vigorously, by how much the more Labour and Thirst are increased; and that the making Idlers work, is in effect, an increasing the People: And that all such should be forced into several Work-houses, which though the Parliament has taken into consideration, yet for want of Stock, is not hitherto put in any forwardness, I will now give you my Thoughts, how this may probably be brought about, with little or no Charge, but to such only, as upon prospect of Advantage, do change the Scenes of their Lives, as by Marriage, Employments, Callings, etc. or by assuming new Titles and Degrees of Honour; and consequently as their respective Proportions, or Payments are here proposed, they cannot account them burdensome or grievous. To perfect this, I think it necessary, That all Hospitals, Almshouses and Lands for charitable uses, be sold, & more stately and convenient Ones erected; into which, none but diseased Persons, or others perfectly unable to Earn their Living, should be received. And to the end they might the sooner be Restored to Health, a convenient number of Physicians, Nurses and Tenders aught to be appointed, and sufficient Salaries established; England, to Her great shame, is in this Instance, much behind Her Neighbours of France and Holland; in the Practice of which, I know not whether there be more of Charity, or of Policy, of Heavenly or of Earthly Interest.  
That the several Directions of the Act, for raising a Stock, be strictly put in Execution. That all Fines for Swearing, Drunkenness, Breaches of the Peace, Felons Goods, Deodands, etc. for a certain number of Years be converted to this Use; This would bring in twenty times more than is now received on these Accounts and may perhaps prevent the late much practised trick of finding all Felo's de se mad. That all Contributions for maintenance of the Poor (which are so considerable, that I have been told, in some single Parishes in London, they amount communibus annis, to Five thousand Pound a Year) be added to this Stock. And that it be further enacted, That every Man at his Admission to Freedom, pay one Shilling; upon Marriage, what he thinks fit above one Shilling. Every Clergyman at Ordination, ten Shillings, at Instalment into any Dignity, twenty Shillings; Arch-Deacons, three Pound; Deans, five Pound; Bishops, ten Pound; Arch-Bishops, twenty Pound. Gentlemen upon Admittance into the Inns of Court, ten Shillings; upon their being called to the Bar forty Shillings; when made Sergeants, or King's Council, five Pound. Every Man upon Admission into the Inns of Chancery, three Shillings four Pence; when Sworn Attorney, ten Shillings. Lord High Chancellor, Keeper, Lord High Treasurer, and Lord Privy Seal, twenty Pound. Chief justice, Chief Baron, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Master of the Rolls and Attorney General, twelve Pound a piece. Every of the other judges and Barons, the Sollicitor-General and the Six Clerks, ten Pound a piece. The Masters of Chancery and other Officers not named in that or other Courts, any Sum not exceeding six Pound a Man, as shall be thought convenient, by the respective judges. All Knights, five Pound; Baronet's, ten Pound; Barons, Vice Counts, Earls, twenty Pound; Dukes and Marquesses, fifty Pound. All Aldermen of London, twenty Pound; of other Cities and Corporations, three Pound. Mayors, ten Pound. All Masters of Arts in Universities, twenty Shillings. Doctors of Law and Physic, forty Shillings; of Divinity, four Pound. Heads and Masters of Colleges, five Pound. All Executors and Administrators, that undertake the Charge, two Shillings. All Persons entering into Estates, either by Descent or Purchase, one Shilling, over and above one Shilling, for every hundred Pounds per annum of such Estate. That every Sunday, there be Collections in all Churches of the Kingdom, which with what shall be received at the Communion, are to be thus appropriated: And that all Street, Door, and other Charitable Doles, in broken Meat or Money, as the great Encouragements and chief occasions of Idleness and Vice, be forbid under severe Penalties; That Briefs be issued thro' the Kingdom, for voluntary Contributions; That the Names of such as shall be eminently Bountiful, be conveyed to Posterity, by placing their Coats of Arms, and registering their Munificence in the respective Work-houses of the City, Corporation or County, where they live. I do not doubt, but in a very short time, a Stock would be thus raised, sufficient to employ all the idle Hands in England. And though I believe, that after a little while, there would be no need of using Art, or Severity in bringing People into these Nurseries of Labour and Industry: The Sweets of gain and trouble of Idleness, which certainly is not the least of toils to such as have been inur'd to Labour or Business, being of themselves strong Allurements; yet to lay the first Foundation with success, I conceive it necessary, That both Men and Women, who have no visible ways of Maintenance, Criminals of what Quality soever, punished as before in the Discourse of Laws, the Children taken out of the Foundlings Hospital, as soon as able to do any thing, be all sent to these Work-houses. That the great numbers of People going out of this Kingdom, Scotland and Ireland, to other Parts of Europe, be restrained, and none be spirited into the West-Indies, or suffered to go abroad, unless to trade. That such as by Infirmity or Age are absolutely disabled, among which neither the Lame nor the Blind are to be reckoned, be maintained and confined within the public Hospitals. That every Constable, in whose ward or Precinct any Beggar is found, forfeit twenty Pound; and the Person or Persons entertaining or lodging any, five Pound, to the Use of the Work- House.  
That those who are commonly sent to the House of Correction, or Bridewell, and those found Guilty of Petty Larceny, be sent to the Workhouse; For that indeed Whipping, the Punishment intended for their Amendment, does but take away the sense of Shame and Honour, rendering them Impudent and Incorrigible in their Iniquities. But granting its operation so forcible, as to be able to reclaim them, yet certain it is, that its best effect is, but to hinder them from doing further Mischief; whereas by this Course, not only that will be avoided, but a considerable profit redound to the Public. To these also should be added all Prisoners for Criminal matters though acquitted, if by Circumstances they appear suspicious; it being reasonable to conclude some, Rogues and Vagabonds, though the evidence required by strictness of Law, be not strong enuf to Convict them. Hither likewise are all to be sent, who for trivial inconsiderable causes, and sometimes out of pure Malice, are thrown into Prisons, and there forced to spend the remainder of their miserable Lives; the exorbitant extortion of Fees, and the merciless rage of their Enemies, swelling their Debts beyond the power, or hopes of Satisfaction; whereby they become not only useless, but a burden to the Commonwealth. And because the Benefit of Clergy was introduced, for the advancement of Learning in the ruder days of our Ancestors, and that there is now no such need, the Kingdom being so far from wanting, that it is rather Overstockt in every Faculty, with such as make Learning a Trade: and the intercourse of our Affairs almost necessitating all others to Read and Write, I hold it convenient to take it quite away; not only because useless, but because it is an encouragement to many, to transgress the bounds of the Law. That all of what degree or condition soever, Men or Women, literat or illiterate, convicted of any of the Crimes for which Clergy is now allowed, be condemned to the Work-Houses for Seven Years, or pay to its Use sixty Pounds or more, according to their Qualities.  
By what I have already said, you see I am no friend to Pardons; but if any must still be granted, that then any not a Gentleman obtaining one, pay Twenty Pound, a Gentleman Forty Pound, an Esquire Sixty Pound, a Knight-Batchellor Eighty Pound, a Baronet or other Knight One Hundred Pound, a Lord Two Hundred Pound, a Marquis or Duke Four Hundred Pound. The Eldest Sons of every of these to pay equal with the Fathers. And in case after all this People should be wanting, Ireland may furnish yearly, Hundreds or Thousands of its Children; which will prove not only advantageous for Increasing the Wealth of England, but also for securing the Peace and Quiet of that Kingdom; by making so many of the Natives one and the same People with us, which they will soon be, if taken away so Young, as that they may forget their Father's House and Language. And if, after seven, eight or nine Years, when Masters of their Trade, returned into their own, or suffered to abide in this Country.  
I will not trouble you with recounting in particular, the many advantages that would soon flow thro' all the Tracts of this Land, from this source of Industry, if thus supplied with Money and Hands. All Trades and useful Manufactures of Silks, Linen, Canvas, Lace, Paper, Cordage for Ships, Iron, Tin, etc. may be there set on foot, and carried on to a far greater profit, than single men can drive them. In this Workhouse should be Taught, the knowledge of Arms, and the Arts of War, on all Festivals and Holy Days; and the lusty young Fellows sent by turns to Sea, for a year or two of the Time of this their State-Apprentiship. By this means the King would be enabled at any time without Pressing, to draw out of this great Seminary a sufficient Army, either for Land or Sea-service.  
The ways, methods and orders for Regulating the several Work-Houses I could fully demonstrat, did I not think it needless at present. 'Tis enuf that I here Promise to do it at any time when the Great Council shall think fit to take this matter into Consideration, or when you please to impose your further Commands. But give me leave to say, That laying aside all other Reformations of the State, this alone would secure our Lives and Fortunes, from Violence and Depredation, not only increase our Wealth and Power beyond what now it is, but make them far exceed, whatever any of our Neighbours are possessed of; and consequently establish a firm and lasting Peace at Home, and make us terrible to the Nations abroad. This great Happiness is the Wish of every true Englishman, but can only be effected, by the Care and Wisdom of the King and Parliament; to whom I most passionately recommend and humbly submit it.  
I have now at length run thro' all the parts, of my uneasy Task; you will say, I doubt not, very Slubberingly; to be before hand with you, I do confess it; I never undertook any thing more unwillingly, & therefore have performed it, not only i'll, but carelessly, studying nothing so much, as to come quickly to an end; which indeed was my greatest Labour; the fields you commanded me to take a turn in, were so spacious, that being once entered, considering how short a while you obliged me to stay, I could not easily find my way out again; which put me to a necessity of running, and the hast not giving me leave to see the Rubs in my way, forced me to stumble: What I have done can serve to no other purpose, than for hints to enlarge your better thoughts upon.  
Had these Papers been Worthy, I would have presented them by way of New-year's Gift; but that was not my fault; most of what you meet with here, we have often discoursed with our— You must not read them to any other: For I am persuaded they would tell you the Man was Mad: Perhaps I was so for Writing, but I am sure I have yet madder thoughts, For I do seriously believe all I have here said is true; and this to boot, That, the World is a great Cheat; That an honest man, or a good Christian is a greater Wonder, than any of those strange ones, with which Sir H. B. has often entertained us. This you are sure of, I have spoken nothing for Interest; I am but a bare slander by, no Better, and therefore neither win nor lose, let the Game go how it wil But to trifle no more, I am not concerned what any think; I live to myself, not others, and build not my satisfaction, upon the empty and uncertain Vogue, or Opinion of men; If I did, I should put into their Power, to make me unhappy, when ever they please.  
To conclude, The Result of all I have here said is, That England might be the happiest Country in the World, if the people would be content to make a right use of their Power; that is, to Act by the Rules of Reason, on which their own Constitutions are founded: For since they have the power of Reforming the old and enacting new Laws, in which every man (the poorest that is worth but forty shillings per annum) has his Vote, no man can be offended, with his own Act; But if he be, the Remedy is at hand. So that here every one living according to Reason, and that making every man a judge, all must see to their great Comfort, That the Interest of the King and People is really one and the same; That the Common good is every single man's; And that who ever disturbs the Public, injures himself; which is to the whole the greatest security imaginable, and to every private man a lasting Happiness.  
That the Laws are not exact, because the Parliament hearken to the Counsel that, not the Lawyers, but their Interest dictates; neglecting to follow that advice, which they may have for nothing, viz. Let the Counsel of thine own Heart stand, for there is no Man more faithful unto thee than it: For, a Man's mind is wont to tell him more, than seven Watchmen, that sit above in an high Tower. That is, consult with no Man who advises with regard to himself; which is plain from these Words. Every Counsellor extolleth Counsel; but there is that counselleth for himself; beware therefore of a Counsellor, and know before what need he hath, for he will Counsel for himself; lest he cast the Lot upon thee and sar unto thee Thy way is good, and afterwards he stand on the other side to see what shall befall thee. Whether this be a Prophecy of what the Lawyers will do; or a bare Narration of matter of Fact, what they daily Practise, I leave to every discerning man's judgement.  
The Short of this, is to advise, That in making of New Laws, or in altering or repealing the Old, the Members trust not the Gentlemen of the long Robe, unless they promise to join the Law and the Gospel; To give their Advice without Money, or the Hopes of Gain: And yet if their Charity or Generosity should persuade them to undertake the Cause thus in forma Pauperis, That they give sufficient security, not to starve it; That is, not to be backward in their giving Advice according to Conscience, not Interest.  
When this is done, we are not secured unless the Parliament provide That no infringer of the Laws be Pardoned; that is to say, That equal justice be distributed, making no distinction between the Persons of the highest and the lowest, when their Crimes have made them equal. Which can't probably be otherwise effected, than by constituting, as is done in Venice, a new Magistracy of public Censors, who shall have inspection into the actions of all the Courts of judicature, and public Offices whatsoever; whose Account shall by the Parliament be received as Authentic, and make the Offenders Obnoxious to degradations and pecuniary Mulcts, to the satisfaction of the injured and a farther overplus to the Public, unless in their judgements the accused fairly acquit themselves.  
That Religion, as now managed, is made an Art or Trade to live by, and to enable the Professors to abuse the Credulous and Unwary. That if Interest be not removed, and not Opinions, but a good Life be the Character to distinguish real Christians, from those who pretend themselves such, we shall never have Peace here, nor assurance of Happiness hereafter. That in granting Liberty of Conscience Clergy men's Advice is not to be hearkened to, unless they will resine their Livings and Dispute only for Truth. That Toleration is at this time, more especially, for three great Reasons absolutely convenient; First, to unite us at Home; next to enable us now and hereafter to resist the Power of France; This certainly requires all our Strength which without Union we cannot have: The Third and great Reason, To Advance our Trade.  
That the French are to be stopped in their Career; That to do so, it is necessary, a large and sufficient Revenu, for ever (if it be done wisely) be fixed and settled on the Crown, on the State; I do not say, on the Person of the King, for He is indeed, if rightly considered, but God's Steward, and has so great a share in the trouble, that it is an unresolved Question, notwithstanding all his Glory and Power, Whether the Roses of the Crown make amends for its Thorns, and, Whether the Softness of any Lining can ease the weight of the Burden He undergoes; whose Nights and Days are made restless, by the Pressures of that mighty Care, to which, by the safety of three Kingdoms, He is continually solicited. If half a Loaf (as they say) be better than no Bread, 'tis more eligible to part with some, than to expose all to the Mercy of an Enemy and Conqueror; from whom the greatest Favour we can expect, is to become, not a subordinat Kingdom, but an enslaved Province.  
That Trade, is to be promoted, by all possible Care and Diligence, because by that we must be enabled to pay our Taxes; without which, we cannot withstand Foreign Violence. That Trade is to be bettered, by inviting more People into the Kingdom and employing all the idle Hands we already have: That this is to be effected, by proposing Advantages and Rewards to Strangers; fit Employments, Threats and Punishments to Natives, by ascertaining all, Ease and Security in their Persons, Estates and Purchases, by an uninterrupted and speedy course of justice, firmly establishing the three great satisfactory Desirables, Liberty, Property and Religion.  
Salus Populi Suprema Lex.  
From— this 4th. of january, 1677/8. SIR, I am, etc.  
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
The Reader is desired, before he runs thro' this Discourse, to mend with his Pen, these few Erratas, which are all that alter the Sense.  
IN the Title Page for (Member in) read Member of. p. 2. to the Reader l. 2. r. unfashionable rigid Virtue. p. 21. l. 15. r. destructive. p. 28, l. 3. r. Grace or Policy. p. 63. l. 3. r. actual Summons. p. 69. l. 4. r. arising. p. 91. l. 19 r. a Red Sea p. 118. l. 20. r. finess. p. 122. l. 10. for (unequal) r. uneasy. p. 145. l. 7. r. claim a greater. p. 149 last Line, for (make) r. may. p. 190. l. 9 r. many many.