june 2d. 1692.  
Let this be Printed, Nottingham.   

A Second Letter TO A FRIEND, Concerning the French Invasion.  
In which the DECLARATION lately dispersed under the Title of  
His Majesty's most Gracious Declaration, to all his Loving Subjects, commanding their Assistance against the P. of Orange and his Adherents,  
Is entirely and exactly Published, according to the dispersed Copies; with some short Observations upon it.  
LONDON: Printed, and are to be sold by Randal Taylor, near Amen-Corner, MDCXCII.   

A Second Letter, CONCERNING The Late King James' Declaration.  
SIR,  
HAving in the Conclusion of my Letter promised you, if you desired it, to give you an account of the late King James' Declaration, I will make no Excuses, but like a Sincere Protestant, will keep my word with you.  
This Declaration has been industriously scattered about both in French and English, by the Enemies of the present Government. Now to save them any farther trouble of this kind, and that the world may see, we dare venture it, with all the charms that are by some thought to be in it, among the People of England, I have thought it the fairest way to print the whole, verbatim, Paragraph by Paragraph, with some short Observations upon it; and only desire you to remember, That my principal design in it, is only to strengthen the Arguments of my former Letter, and to make it appear from this very Declaration, how little reason English Protestant's have to promise themselves, That the late King will be kinder to them, than he was before, should he now return with a French Power.  


DECLARATION.  
WHEREAS the most Christian King, in pursuance of the many obliging promises he has made Us, of giving Us his Effectual Assistance for the recovering of our Kingdoms, as soon as the condition of his Affairs would permit, has put us in a way of endeavouring it at this time; and in order to it, has lent Us so many of his Troops, as may be abundantly sufficient to untie the hands of our Subjects, and make it safe for them to return to their Duty, and repair to Our Standard; and has notwithstanding for the present, according to Our desire, (unless there should appear further necessity for it) purposely declind sending over Forces so Numerous, as might raise any jealousy in the minds of Our good Subjects, of his intending to take the Work wholly out of their hands, or deprive any true Englishman of the part he may hope to have in so Glorious an Action, as is that of Restoring his Lawful King, and his Ancient Government; (all which Foreign Troops, as soon as we shall be fully settled in the quiet and peaceable Possession of our Kingdoms, We do hereby promise to send back, and in the mean time to keep them in such exact Order and Discipline, that none of Our Subjects shall receive the least Injury in their Persons or Possessions, by any Soldier or Officer whatsoever.) Tho an Affair of this nature speaks for itself, nor do We think Ourselves at all obliged to say any thing more upon this occasion, than, That We come to Assert our Just Rights, and to deliver our People from the oppression they lie under; yet when We consider how miserably many of Our Subjects were cheated into the late Revolution by the Art of ill men, and particularly by the Prince of Orange's Declaration, which was taken upon trust, and easily believed then, but since appears notoriously false in all the parts of it, consisting no less of Assertions that have been evidently disproved, than of Promises that were never intended to be performed. To prevent the like delusions for the time to come, and to do as much as lies in Our power▪ to open the eyes of all Our Subjects, We are willing to lay the whole matter before them in as plain and short a manner as is possible, that they may not again pretend mistakes, or have ignorance to plead for any false steps they shall hereafter make towards the ruin of their own, and their country's Happiness.—   

OBSERVATIONS.  
It begins with a thing very surprising and memorable, That the French King hath once in his life made good his Word, and kept his Faith▪ for so the late King james tells us▪ he hath done with him, in pursuance of the many obliging Promises he had made him, of giving him Effectual Assistance for the Recovery of his Kingdoms, &c Effectual Assistance is a big word, and more than the Greatest and Most Puissant King is able always to make good. However I am glad to see they begin to endeavour to perform their Promises to one another▪ It is a good quality, and it is to be hoped they may in time extend it further. But this satisfies me, that the French King thinks it his Interest to restore the late King james; for he was never known to keep his Promise against his Interest; and it is somewhat surprising, that the French King, and English Protestants, should have the same Interest.  
He seems sensible, that French Troops would not be very welcome in England; and therefore to qualify this matter, he says, That the French King at his desire, has purposely declined sending over Forces so Numerous, as might raise any jealousy of a French Conquest; for that is the plain English of it; that they shall be kept under exact Discipline while they are here, and that he will send them home again, when he is fully settled in the quiet and peaceable Possession of his Kingdoms. But I thank God with all my heart, that there is no danger now of these French Troops coming into England; which is a much greater security to us, than both these Kings Promises for their Good behaviour here, or for their return home again: It is certain, that One of them could not keep his Word, if he would; and it is as certain, that the Other would not, as it is, that it would not be his Interest to do it; for there is not the same reason for the French King to keep his Promise of sending Troops into England, and to keep his Promise of sending no more than the late King james wants, or of calling them home again when he wants them no longer. But before I proceed to more particular Observations, it will not be amiss (and the conclusion of this Paragraph requires it) briefly to consider what is not in the Declaration, which the People of England had all the reason in the world to have expected in it.  
Now I can find but very little in it, I might with great truth say, nothing, which a reasonable man who remembers the late Reign, especially the Conclusion of it, would have expected in such a Declaration.  
If the Design of such a Declaration be to give satisfaction to the minds of his Subjects, it ought at least to have contained as good Words, and fair Promises, as a Prince could give: He knew very well, what it was that had alienated his Subjects from him; that they apprehended their Laws, their Religion, and their Liberties, to be in great danger; and could not but know, that he had given them too just occasion for such Jealousies and Fears; and it is wonderful, that he should think of publishing a Declaration, and not think fit to give the least satisfaction about these matters; not to say one word about Popery and Arbitrary Power, nor to give any express promise, that he would remove these fears.  
The only thing he appeals to, is the justice of his Cause; and does not think himself obliged to say any thing more upon this occasion, than that he comes to assert his own just Rights, &c But this was not the Controversy between Him and his People; they did not dispute then his Right to the Crown, (though they have some Reason to do it now) and yet were willing to part with him, when he thought fit to leave them; and if he knew what made them so, and hoped to return again by their Assistance, and with their goodliking, any one but those of his own Council would have thought him obliged to say something of it.  
The Prince of Orange's Declaration put him in mind of this, which he says cheated his Subjects into the late Revolution; and it had been much more to the purpose to have discovered the cheat of that Declaration, or to have said nothing of it, than to affirm without any proof, that now it appears to be notoriously false in all the parts of it; for English Protestant's know nothing to this day, but that it is all true still. Were there not in the late Reign open and bold attempts made against the Laws, the Liberties, and the Religion of these Kingdoms? Was not the Dispensing Power set on foot for those purposes? Were not the judges tampered with, to obtain a sentence in favour of the Dispensing Power, and placed and displaced, till they could find fit Tools for that Work; men who would sacrifice the Laws and Religion of their Country to the Will of their Prince, or to their own Covetousness and Ambition? Were not the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Test, Dispensed with upon this pretence, and men unqualified by Law, put into Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Military Preferments, to the apparent danger both of Church and State? Was there no Ecclesiastical Commission set up, no Popish Chapels, Monasteries and Convents erected and endowed contrary to Law? Were not the Nobility and Gentry Closeted and Examined about the repeal of the Test, and those disgraced and turned out of all Offices and Employments, who would not comply? Were not the Bishops sent to the Tower, and Tried in Westminster-Hall, for their Humble Petition to him against reading the Declaration? Was not the Administration of Justice, and the greatest Military Trusts put into the hands of Papists? Were not the Charters of Cities, Towns, and Corporations seized into the King's hands, and so new-modelled, that the King might choose what Burgesses he pleased, and have a House of Commons of his own Creatures? Were there not visible grounds of suspicion concerning the Birth of the pretended Prince of Wales? And has there been sufficient satisfaction given the Nation about it to this day? These are the Grievances complained of in the Prince's Declaration, which were believed then, not upon the Authority of the Declaration, but because they were seen and felt; and are believed still, because they are still remembered by those who saw and felt them; and how they have since been evidently disproven, I cannot guests. But if such things as these are not thought fit to be owned as mistakes in Government; if it was not thought fit to promise the redress of any one of them, no not in his Declaration, whereby he commands and invites his Subjects to Assist him in recovering his Kingdoms; I can easily guests, that they will not be thought faults, much less be redressed if he should return: They must be his very Loving Subjects indeed, that can be thus imposed upon    


DECLARATION.  
And therefore, to take the matter from the beginning, it cannot be forgotten, That as soon as We had certain Notice of the Prince of Orange's unnatural design of Invading Our Kingdoms, with the whole Power of the United Provinces, We first took the best care We could to provide for Our Defence; which We seemed effectually to have done, when We had put Our Fleet and Army into such a condition, that though his most Christian Majesty, who well saw the bottom of the Design against Us, against Himself, and indeed, against the Peace of Europe, offered Us considerable Succours both by Land and Sea; We did not think it at all necessary to accept them, at that time, as resolving to cast▪ Ourselves wholly (next to the Divine Protection) upon the Courage and Fidelity of Our English Army, which had been with so much care and tenderness formed and obliged by Us. And having thus prepared to oppose Force to Force; We did, in the next place, apply Ourselves to give all reasonable satisfaction to the minds of Our good Subjects, by endeavouring to undeceive them, and to let them see be times, and whilst the mischief might easily have been prevented, how fatal a Ruin they must bring upon their Country; if they suffered themselves to be seduced by the vain pretences of the Prince of Orange's Invasion. However, so great was the infatuation of that time, that We were not believed till it was too late. But when he was obliged to throw off the Mask by degrees, and that it began to appear plainly that it was not the reformation of the Government (which yet was a matter that did not at all belong to him to meddle with) but the Subversion of it, that he aimed at, that so he might build his own Ambitions designs upon the Ruins of the English Nation: And when the Poison had insinuated itself into the vital Parts of the Kingdom; When it had spread over our whole Army, and so far got into Our Court and Family, as not only to corrupt some of Our Servants that were nearest Our Person, and had been most highly obliged by us, but not even to leave Our own Children at that time uninfected: When Our Army daily Deserted on the one hand, and on the other hand Tumults and Disorders increased in all Parts of the Kingdom; And especially, when shortly after the Revolution came on so fast, that We found Ourselves wholly in Our Enemy's Power, being at first confined by them in our Own Palace, and afterwards rudely forced out of it under a Guard of Foreigners; We could not then but be admonished, by the Fate of some of Our Predecessors in the like circumstances, of the danger We were in, and that it was high time to provide for the security of Our Person (which was happily effected by Our getting from the Guard that was set upon us at Rochester, and Our arrival in France, the only Part in Europe to which We could retire with safety) that so We might preserve Ourselves for better times, and for a more happy opportunity; such as is that, which, by the Blessing of God, is at present put into our Hands.   

OBSERVATIONS:  
To begin with the Certain notice of the P. of Orange ' s Design, is not to take the matter from the beginning. Had he intended to give any satisfaction to English Subjects, he should have begun, where their Complaints and Grievances, occasioned by his Arbitrary and Illegal Government, began; that is, where the Prince's Design, and his own Abdication began. That he took the best care he could for his own defence, no man questions; and had he taken less; it would not have been taken ill by the Nation. That his Christian Majesty saw this Design was against himself, long before the late King was sensible of it, appears from the Memorial printed at the Hague, 9 Septemb. 1688. by Monsieur de Conte d'Avaux, the French King's Ambassador: But when he says 'twas against the Peace of Europe, I confess, I know not how to understand it, unless by the Peace of Europe, his Most Christian Majesty mean an Universal Desolation, which he was making as fast as he could. For this cannot be denied to be a most certain and effectual way of settling a Country in peace, to lay it waste, and to destroy, and drive out the Inhabitants. To prevent which indeed, was the bottom of this Design; and the most effectual way to do it, was to divide England from the Interest of France.  
That the French King, to prevent this, did offer King james the Assistance of his Forces, is very probable from the same Memorial, which threatens the Dutch with it; and how this Assistance came to be refused, we learn from my Lord Sunderland's Letter, printed in the History of the Desertion, which, and some other Counsels (that thwarted the Popish Designs) cost him his Religion, and soon after the Favour of his Prince, and his Preferments at Court.  
That he had no such great Confidence in the Fidelity of his English Army, was too evident in the daily Reformations he made in it; exchanging Protestants for Papists, and Englishmen for Irish; which occasioned that memorable Accident at Portsmouth, which gave such a general disgust to the Army, in a very lucky Season, as greatly disposed them either to go over to the Prince, or at least not to fight against him.  
That he did many things in the time of his distress to sweeten his Subjects, is true; but he was much mistaken if he thought this sufficient to give reasonable satisfaction. He undid many things, which he had illegally done; but he did this so late, and it was so apparently a matter of force, owing to the change of his fortune, not of his Inclinations, and then too, done with so ill a grace, that I could observe no body that was then satisfied with it.  
He restored the Charter of London, and of other Cities and Corporations; He dissolved the Ecclesiastical Commission, restored Magdalen College, but never owned the Illegality of these Proceedings; would never renounce his dispensing Power; would never be persuaded by the most humble Petitions, and earnest Importunities of his Lords and Bishops, to call a Free Parliament, and to refer the redress of all Grievances to them; till he seems to have form a Design of leaving England, and then his Issuing out of Writs, which he resolved should never be executed, could do him no hurt, and would have a good appearance, as if he had been willing to have referred all to a Parliament, had not the growing Power of his Enemies made it more necessary for him to consult the safety of his own Person.  
The Case of Magdalen College convinced all men, that these were Extorted Favours, and would last no longer, than it was safe to recall them.  
King james had given his Orders to the Bishop of Winchester, the Visitor of that College, to recall Dr. Hough, and the former Fellows of that Society, and he accordingly went down to reinstate them; but upon the News that the Dutch Fleet had suffered much in a Storm, and probably could not sail till the next Spring, His Lordship had new Orders sent to call him back; but that News proving false, he was permitted to return, and to pursue his first Orders: This, it seems, was all the reasonable satisfaction that could be given, what his Graces and Favours to Protestants were, and how long they would last.  
As for what concerns the Prince of Orange, now our Gracious King, I know of no mask he had on, nor that ever he threw off, or that He afterwards appeared to be any other than his Declaration had represented Him. He came not for the Crown, but to reform Abuses, and to secure the Succession, which the Right of his Princess, and his own Right and Interest, the preservation of the Protestant Religion, and of the Liberties of Europe, gave Him Right and Authority to meddle with; but besides his Expectation, and original Intention, he has the Crown which he came not for: He has deceived no body in it; but if any one be deceived, King james, and the People of England have deceived Him; the one in leaving his Crown, the other in placing it on his Head; where indeed it ought to be, both in Right of His Princess, and for his own merits; for He who saves a Nation, had He no other Claim or Title, may very well deserve to wear the Crown▪ especially when it was with the free Consent of the Princess, our most Gracious Queen, and upon the desire of the Estates of the Realm, and still necessary to save the Nation.  
In the next place, He justifieth his leaving England, for the security of his Person, being wholly in the Enemy's power, at first confined by them in his own Palace, and afterwards rudely forced out of it under a Guard of Foreigners. But if he have forgot it, others have not, that before this happened, he had privately withdrawn his Person, disbanded his Army, dissolved his Government, flung his Broad Seal into the Thames, and had never had this pretence for his Escape, had he not been stopped by a mistake, for no body intended to stay him, and all this while he was in Treaty with the Prince, and that upon such equal Terms, that he could be under no just apprehension of ill usage.  
He excuses his going to France, because it was the only part in Europe, to which he could retire with safety; which is a Confession that he alone was in the French Interest against all Europe besides; and that he durst not trust his Cause with any other Princes in Christendom; which argues either a great jealousy of his own Cause, or of their Justice and Honour, even to distressed Princes. But I am sure France was the only place in Europe he ought to have avoided; and if he had no other place to go to, he ought to have ventured himself at home, or to have gone to Rome, which had been a kind of Second Home, unless he intended to resign his Crown. He knew what Opinion English Subjects had of His Most Christian Majesty, and might have known, that they would never fetch him from France again, nor willingly receive him with a French Power. What a happy Opportunity he now has to recover his Kingdoms again by French Troops, I suppose by this time he begins to discern; and I hope it may prove a very happy Opportunity for his Dear Ally to lose his: He has showed him by his own example what to do in such cases; and the English Parliament has taught the French what name to give it.    


DECLARATION.  
Upon what foundation of justice, or Common Sense, the Prince of Orange's Faction in England, were pleased to treat this Escape of Ours out of the Hands of Our Enemies, in the stile of an Abdication; a word when applied to Sovereign Princes, that was never before used to signify any thing but a free and voluntary Resignation of a Crown, as in the Cases of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and the late Queen of Sweden; and what a strange Super structure they raised upon this weak Foundation, that a Company of Men illegally met together, who had not Power, even by their own Confession at that time (for it was before they had voted themselves a Parliament) to charge the Interest of the meanest Subject; should yet take upon them to destroy the whole Constitution of the Government, to make an Ancient Hereditary Monarchy become Elective; and then assuming to themselves the Right of Election, should proceed to settle the Succession in so odd and extravagant a manner, are Transactions that need not be repeated: They are too well known to the World, to the great Reproach of the English Nation; and the Grounds upon which they are Built, are too vain and frivolous to deserve a Consutation▪ Every Freeholder of England is, in this Case, able to make his own Observations; and will, no doubt, examine a little better than hit her to he has done, what assurance any private Man can have of keeping his Estate, if the King himself shall hold his Crown by no better a little.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
His leaving the Kingdom for the safety of his Person, and to preserve himself for better times, and for a more happy Opportunity, he says, was no Abdication, as that signifies a voluntary resignation of his Crown; nor do I say it was: But his withdrawing his Person and Authority, was an actual quitting of the Government: whatever it is in Law, I'm sure in common sense, the Throne is actually empty, when no body is in it; and no body is in it, when there is no Authority in the Nation to administer the Government. And when the Throne is empty, the Estates of the Realm, (who are the only Supreme Authority, when there is no Monarch) must fill it again, unless the Government must dissolve; and then there is an end of all Rights and Claims: And this they have done, not by turning an Ancient Hereditary Monarchy into an Elective, but by placing the next undoubted Heir on the Throne: And tho' he never intended to give up his Right and future Claim, yet he has done what he never intended to do: when the Throne is empty, it must be filled; and when it is declared vacant, and filled by the Supreme Authority of the Nation, there is no room for him there.  
As for the Convention of Estates; When there was no King on the Throne, we do not pretend that they were a formal Parliament, for that must have a King at the Head of it; and therefore, as is observed in the Declaration, they could impose no legal Taxes on Subjects, nor did they attempt it; but yet they were not a company of men illegally met together, without Authority to do any thing; but they met at the request, and under the Protection of the then Prince of Orange, upon the Fundamental reasons of the Constitution itself, as the sole Judges of all Disputes relating to the Crown. Such Disputes will sometimes happen, and if there be no legal Judges of it, the Sword must decide it, and that is a State of War, not of Civil Government, which all Governments are supposed to provide against; and yet if the Convention of the Estates are not the proper Judges in such cases, it is certain there are none; and then the Civil Government is dissolved; we are in a State of War, and must submit to the longest Sword. But this is so fully and plainly Stated in the late ingenious Reflections on the Case of Allegiance to a King in Possession, from p. 26. to p. 34. That to shorten this Letter as much as I can, I shall refer you to that Author for further satisfaction.  
So that Freeholders' are not at all concerned in this matter; a Convention of Estates without a King, cannot meddle with their Properties without a dissolution of the Government; But when there is no King, or it is a Question whether there be or not, or who is King by the Fundamental Constitution of the Government, the Convention of the Estates are the sole and proper Judges of it; in whose Determination, all private Subjects are bound in Conscience to acquiesce. And the late King need not complain of this, as if it made the Titles of Princes to Their Crowns very uncertain and Arbitrary: For he had an unquestionable Title to his Crown, and might have held it to this Day, if he himself had not undermined it, by breaking in upon the Laws, and even upon the Constitution itself; upon which his Right was founded: This occasioned such a Revolution, as forced him to Abdicate, and to leave it to a Convention, to declare his Throne vacant, and to fill it.    


DECLARATION.  
But since some Men, who could not say one word in defence of the justice of these Proceedings, would yet take great pains to show the necessity of them, and set forth the extraordinary good effects that were to be expected from so very bad a Cause; We do not doubt but the Nation has by this time cast up the Account, and when they shall have well considered, what Wonders might have been performed with less Expense of English Blood, than that which has been unnecessarily trifled away in this Quarrel; that such a Number of Ships of War have been lost and destroyed in the Three years' last passed, as might alone have been sufficient to have made a considerable Fleet: That more Money has been drained out of the Purses of our Subjects in compass of that time, than during the whole Reigns of many of our Predecessors put together; and that not as formerly, spent again, and circulating among them, but transported, in specie, into Foreign Parts, and for ever lost to the Nation: When these and many other Particulars of this Nature are cast up, it must certainly appear at the Foot of the Account, how much worse the Remedy is than the fancied Disease, and that, at least hitherto, the Kingdom is no great Gainer by the Change.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
I doubt his late Majesty is misinformed; for there are not only some, but a great many, who have more than one word to say, both for the justice, and the Necessity of these Proceedings, and the whole Nation already feels the extraordinary good effects of them, notwithstanding the expense of Blood and Treasure, of which he complains; for we know whom we are to thank for that. And the best way to prevent the effusion of more Blood, and the expense of more Money, is to keep out his French Troops, and to know when we are well. Revolutions are and will be Bloody, and Chargeable, and therefore one Revolution is enough for one Age: The Dutch are already paid, and we don't desire to pay the French too; which is a much longer Account, and we shall get less by it. We have hitherto had something for our Money, and something that is very valuable; our Laws, and Liberties, and Religion; but I believe the Nation will think it a hard bargain, to pay ten times the price for French Popery and Slavery.  
The Nation, as he says, has cast up the Account, and I believe above Nineteen parts in Twenty, have considered the matter so well, that they are come to a fixed Resolution to oppose the intended Invasion, to the utmost of their Power.  
As for the loss of the Ships of War, it now appears (God for ever be praised for it) that Their Majesties have a Fleet still left, Considerable enough, and Faithful too (notwithstanding all the Arts and Endeavours of our Enemies to Debauch them from their Allegiance) to deal with, and even to destroy the Naval Power of France.    


DECLARATION.  
The next Consideration is, What may reasonable be expected for the time to come: And as to that, no better judgement can be made of any future Events than by Reflecting upon what is past: And doubtless from the Observation of the Temper and Complexion, the Methods and Maxims of the present Usurper, from the Steps he has already taken, when it was most necessary for him to give no distaste to the People, as well as from the Nature of all Usurpation, which can never be supported but by the same ways of Fraud and Violence by which it was first set up, there is all the Reason in the World to believe, that the beginning of this Tyranny, like the Five first Years of Nero, is like to prove the mildest part of it; and all they have yet suffered, is but the beginning of the Miseries which those very Men, who were the great Promoters of the Revolution, may yet live to see and feel, as the Effect of that Illegal and Tyrannical Government, which they themselves first imposed upon the Kingdoms.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
There is no Answer needs be given to this, which may always be said of the best Beginnings of the best Government: We for our part find no fault with His Majesty's Government yet, and see no reason to suspect it for the future: Taxes are the only Cause of Complaint now, and yet few complain of them but Iacobites, who out of their great Zeal for the late King, pay double Taxes to the present Government to keep him out, which does him more mischief than Iacobite Oaths could do; and yet thanks be to God, we have a hopeful Prospect of the end of these Taxes, and have been so well repaid of late, that we shall not grudge to clear the Account, that we may have something to call our own. But of all Men in the World (excepting always His most Christian Majesty) the late King should not attempt to frighten us with the Dangers of Misgovernment, for a good Reason in which himself is too nearly concerned, and which all English Protestant Subjects very well know. As to what relates to the first five Years of Nero▪ This certainly is a piece of the Secretary's own Pedantry, to show his great Reading, and to impart to us one of the choicest Secrets in the Roman History. All Comparisons of Princes with Nero are very odious, but I know not how he could have made one more to the advantage of King William, than to compare his Reign hitherto with the five first Years of Nero, which the Roman Historians tells us may compare with that of the best of their Emperors. But however, this I am sure of, that it is better to begin a Reign as Nero did, than to begin where he ended, as two other Kings have done, and to go on to improve and perfect that ill Pattern; to which, if God had not mercifully prevented it, they were, not above a Month ago, just ready to have given their last hand, and the finishing strokes.    


DECLARATION.  
And yet the Consideration must not rest here neither: For all wise Men ought, and all good Men will take care of their Posterity; and therefore it is to be remembered, that if it should please Almighty God, as one of his severest judgements upon these Kingdoms, for the many Rebellions and Perjuries they have been guilty of, so far to permit the Continuation of the present Usurpation, that we should not be restored during our Life-time, yet an indisputable Title to the Crown will survive in the Person of our dearest Son the Prince of Wales, our present Heir apparent, and his Issue, and, for default of that, in the Issue of such other Sons as we have great reason to hope (the Queen being now with Child) we may yet leave behind us: And what the Consequences of that is like to be, may easily be understood by all that are not strangers to the long and bloody Contentions between the two Houses of York and Lancaster; and whoever shall read the Histories of those Times, and there shall have presented to him as in one view a Scene of all the Miseries of an Intestine War, the perpetual harrassing of the poor Commons by Plunder and Freequarter, the ruin of many noble Families by frequent Executions and Attainders, the weakening of the whole Kingdom in general at home, and the losing those advantages they might in the mean time have procured for themselves abroad, cannot but conclude that these are the natural Effects of those Struggle and Convulsions that must necessarily happen in every State, where there is a Dispute entailed between an injured Right and an unjust Possession.   

OBSERTATIONS.  
This will need but a very short Answer. For as to the Civil Wars he threatens our Posterity with from the Pretences of the Prince of Wales, I must needs say, I had rather, if it must come to fight, that they should fight for the Crown twenty or thirty Years hence, then now. Give Peace in our days, O Lord. I had rather our Posterity should enslave themselves, if they shall have a mind to be enslaved, then that we should enslave ourselves and our Posterity with us. There is no such haste of bringing in Popery and Slavery, and it is to be hoped, if we be true to our Religion and Liberties, our Posterity may grow wise by our Example. But I must observe, that whereas the Prince of Wales in this English Declaration is called the Heir apparent, in the French Declaration he is called only the Presumptive Heir. Perhaps Presumptive Heir in the French Law may be the same with Heir apparent in ours: If it be not, What did Sir E. H. or whoever was the Penman of this Declaration, mean by it? Will they set aside the Pretences of the Prince of Wales, if the late Queen Mary (who is said to be with Child) in good truth bring forth a Son? this looks very suspiciously, as if they did not believe, they had given sufficient Satisfaction, about the Birth of this Pretended Prince of Wales; but however we must presume him Prince of Wales, till they have another whom they can by better proof make out to be the unquestionable Son of the late Queen Mary.    


DECLARATION.  
There is another Consideration that ought to be of weight with all Christians; and that is the calamitous Condition of Europe, now almost universally engaged in a War among themselves at a time when there was the greatest hopes of Success against the Common Enemy, and the fairest Prospect of Enlarging the Bounds of the Christian Empire, that ever was in any Age since the declining of the Roman: And so far from the hopes of a general Peace before our Restoration, that no rational Project of a Treaty can be formed in order to it: But that once done, the thing will be easy, and we shall be ready to offer our Mediation, and interpose all the good Offices we can with his most Christian Majesty for the obtaining of it.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
This whole Period is a sharp and perpetual satire against the French King: For who has been the great Disturber of the Peace of Europe, but his most Christian Majesty? With whom are all the Princes of Europe at War but with Him? Who else has hindered the success against the Common Enemy, and the enlarging the bounds of the Christian Empire? Who invited the Turk into Europe? Who encourages him to continue the War, after so many Fatal Defeats, which may probably prove the ruin of his whole Empire? In a word, what other Christian Prince is the Great Turk's Ally and Confederate in this War? And is not this War continued and encouraged by all the Power and Interest of the French King, on purpose to disturb the Peace of Europe, that while the Imperial Forces are otherwise employed, he may make a Prey of his weaker Neighbours? It is decent to spare Crowned Heads, and such as have been crowned; but the Penman of this Declaration deserves his Reward for putting in so many notorious Falsehoods, as may justly call the truth and sincerity of the whole in Question. I know but one Excuse for him, that he has made it almost all of a piece, and though he has had little regard to Truth, yet he has so ordered the matter, that he can deceive no body but those who have a great mind to be deceived; and it is not amiss that such should be gratified.  
Who but the late King could hope to persuade the World, that to restore him to his Kingdoms is absolutely necessary to the Peace of Europe, that before his Restoration no rational Projects of a Treaty can be form in order to a Peace. He may be mistaken in this, for the French King may quickly be glad to make Peace, and leave Him and his Restoration out of the Treaty: For things are come to that extremity now, that it is in vain to think of Peace, till Lewis the Great be reduced to such a state, as to accept it, and unable to break it: And then this Argument returns upon him; for the Peace of Europe is a necessary Reason why he should not be restored, as I observed in my former Letter.  
But He, who could fancy himself to be a proper and effectual Mediator for a Peace, if he were restored, must have liberty to fancy any thing; and it is happy for him that he has so comfortable an Imagination: I do really pity him too much to endeavour to dispossess him of it; because that would be to undo Him more than He is already undone.    


DECLARATION.  
Since therefore We come with so good Purposes, and so good a Cause, the justice of which is founded upon the Laws both of God and Man, since the Peace of Europe as well as of Our own Kingdoms, the Prosperity of present and future Ages is concerned in the success of it, We hope We shall meet with little Opposition, but that All Our Loving Subjects, according to the Duty and the Oath of their Allegiance, and as We hereby Command and Require them to do, will join with Us, and Assist Us to the utmost of their Power.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
I can say little to this; the Event will best show, whether the People of England will think his Cause so good, and the Reasons for his Restauration so pressing, as to assist him in it.    


DECLARATION.  
And We do hereby strictly forewarn and prohibit any of Our Subjects whatsoever, either by Collecting or paying any of the Illegal Taxes lately imposed upon the Nation, or any part of Our Revenue, or by any other ways to Abet or Support the present Usurpation. And that We may do all that can be thought of to win over all Our Subjects to Our Service, that so, if it be possible, We may have none but the Usurper and his Foreign Troops to deal with; and that none may be forced to continue in their Rebellion by despair of Our Mercy for what they have already done, We do hereby Declare and Promise, by the Word of a King, That all Persons whatsoever, how guilty soever they may have been (except the Persons following, viz. The Duke of Ormond,, Marquess of Winchester, Earl of Sunderland, Earl of Bath, Earl of Danby, Earl of Nottingham, Lord Newport, Bishop of London, Bishop of St. Asaph, Lord Delamere, Lord Wiltshire, Lord Colchester▪ Lord Cornbury, Lord Dunblane, John Lord Churchil, Sir Robert Howard, Sir John Worden, Sir Samuel Grimstone, Sir Stephen Fox, Sir George Treby, Sir Basil Dixwel, Sir James Oxendon, Dr. Tillotson▪ Dean of Canterbury, Dr. Gilbert Burnet, Francis Russel, Richard Levison, John Trenchard, Esquires; Charles Duncomb, Citizen of London, Edwards, Napleton, Hunt, Fisherman, and all others who offered Personal Indignities to Us at Feversham; except also all Persons who as judges or jurymen, or otherwise had a hand in the Barbarous Murder of Mr. John Ashton, and of Mr▪ Cross, or of any others who have been illegally Condemned and Executed for their Loyalty to Us; and all Spies, and such as have betrayed Our Counsels during Our late Absence from England) that by an early return to their Duties, and by any Signal Mark of it, as by Seizing to Our Use, or Delivering into Our Hands any of Our Forts, or by bringing over to Us any Ships of War, or Troops in the Usurper's Army, or any new raised and Armed by themselves, or by any other Eminent good Service, according to their several Opportunities and Capacities, shall manifest the sincerity of their Repentance, shall not only have their respective Pardons immediately passed under the Great Seal of England, but shall otherwise be Considered and Rewarded by Us, as the Merit of their Case shall require. And for all others who after the time of Our Landing shall not appear in Arms against Us, nor do any Act▪ or Thing in Opposition to Our Restauration, the Persons before mentioned only excepted, We shall provide in Our first Parliament (which We intent to call with all convenient speed) by a General Act of Indemnity, that so the Minds of all Our Subjects may be as quiet, and as much at ease, as their Persons and Properties will be secure and inviolable under Our Government.  
Provided always, That all Magistrates who expect any Benefit of Our Gracious Pardon, shall immediately after Notice of Our Landing make some Public Manifestation of their Allegiance to Us, and of their Submission to Our Authority▪ and also Publish and cause to be Proclaimed that Our Declaration as soon as it shall come to their Hands; and likewise that all Keepers of Prisons immediately set at Liberty all Persons Committed to their Custody upon the account of their Allegiance and Affection to Us, or be excluded from any Benefit of Our Pardon.  
And We do hereby further Declare, That all Officers or Soldiers by Sea or Land, now engaged in the Usurper's Service, who shall after Notice of Our Landing, at any time before they Engage in any Fight or Battle against Our Forces, quit the said illegal Service, and return to their Duty, shall not only have their respective Pardons, but shall likewise be fully satisfied and paid all the Arrears due to them from the Usurper: And that even the Foreigners themselves, who have been as well in Troops as single Persons drawn into this Kingdom, in order to List them as there should be occasion for the Opposing Our Return, and continuing Our People in the Oppression they lie under; may not be altogether driven to despair, We do Promise, that all such of them as shall, as aforesaid, before they Engage against any of our Forces, lay down their Arms, and claim the benefit of Our present Declaration, shall have their Arrears satisfied▪ and care shall be taken for their Transportation to their respective Countries, or elsewhere as they shall reasonably desire▪   

OBSERVATIONS.  
Let us now consider the Grace and Favour promised in this Declaration. For Grace and Pardon, etc. are very good things when we need them, but yet no Man would choose to need them, if he could help it▪ If the late King's Restoration were desirable upon other Accounts, and nothing hindered Subjects from returning to their Duty and Allegiance but fear of Punishment for what is past, the Promise of Pardon would be a very good Argument to encourage Subjects to assist him in his Return; but merely that we shall be pardoned, is no Argument to bring him back, because we shall need no Pardon if we don't; and that is always the surest side, to need no Pardon, much surer than any Promise of Pardon the late King can make.  
And yet he has used that great Caution in his Promise of Pardon, as if he were afraid we should expect more than he intends to give, and should charge him with a new breach of Promise, when we come to Tower-Hill or Tyburn.  
We see whom he has excepted, but 'tis not easy to know who is pardoned; the truth is, he has put all the Subjects of England under a necessity of forfeiting their Pardon, when he recovers his Throne, or of being hanged or Mobbed, at least of venturing both, before He can be in a condition to Pardon. All are excepted from this Pardon, who shall either appear in Arms against him, or do any Act or Thing in Opposition to his Restoration. Now, to collect or pay any of the Illegal Taxes, or any part of the Revenue of the Crown, are expressly forbid, as abetting or supporting the present Usurpation; and therefore to pay Taxes is one of the Acts or Things which excludes from Pardon, and this excepts the whole Nation at once. And for the comfort of the Clergy, to Pray for King William and Queen Mary, and for the success of their Arms, especially after the late King is landed, will certainly be doing an Act or Thing in Opposition to his Restoration. And all Magistrates are in a very hopeful Condition, who are excluded from Pardon, unless they shall immediately after Notice of his Landing, make some Public Manifestation of their Allegiance to Him, and of their Submission to his Authority, and cause his Declaration to be Proclaimed as soon as it shall come to their Hands.  
This is a very Gracious Pardon, which Men must Purchase at the Price of their Necks, and yet how far this Pardon will extend, we know not; it may be only to Life, for here is no mention of Fortunes or Honours: and yet it is but a mere Pardon▪ here is not one kind word given to the Protestant Nobility, Gentry, or Clergy; no Promise to employ them in his Councils, or any Civil or Military Trusts; and when we know how he has hitherto kept his Promises, we have little reason to expect that he will now do more than he has promised.  
But besides the Exceptions from Pardon in general words, which upon one Account or other do involve the whole Nation, there are some things very Remarkable as to the Persons by Name Excepted. Most of them I believe are not sorry for it, because they know their case would have been the same, had they not been excepted; and possibly others may hope, their case may be the better for being excepted. But why Sir St. F. and Sir. S. Gr. They are both of them very worthy and honest Gentlemen, and I dare almost be their Compurgatour, as to having had any hand in Revolutions: But I must confess both of them have Estates very worthy to be excepted. And some such Reason probably there may be for excepting Sir I. O. and Sir B. D. of Kent, for it cannot but come into every body's mind, how conveniently their Estates lie to make a Compensation to Sir E. H. for his great Merits and Sufferings. But why descend so low as to except poor Hunt the Fisherman? This I take to be a true stroke of Secretary Melfort's Popish Bigotry, and put in on purpose to let us know that effectual care will be taken, that the late King, whenever he returns, shall have so exact a Memory, that the Merits of the meanest Man in England shall not be forgotten▪ You see what the Pardon is, and those who like it may merit it▪ if they please.    


DECLARATION.  
And we do hereby further declare and promise, That we will protect and maintain the Church of England, as it is now by Law established, in all their Rights, Privileges, and Possessions▪ And that upon all Vacancies of Bishoprics, and other Dignities and Benefices within our Disposal, care shall be taken to have them filled with the most Worthy of their own Communion.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
Here he promises to protect and defend the Church of England, which will be a great Favour indeed from him, if he should return with a French Power. But the Church of England is protected already by Princes, who think it their Duty to do it: And we think ourselves much safer in the Inclinations of a Protestant King and Quen than we can be in all the Promises of a zealous Papist. And therefore this can be no argument in our case, because it offers us a worse security for our Protection than what we already have; for it is always great odds on Nature's side. And yet this Promise to the Church of England seems fainter and cooler, than some he has formerly made, which is all the reason we have to expect it will be better kept; especially there being not the least Intimation of the Breach of his former Promises, nor any excuse made for it. And it is fit to be observed, that whereas he promises, that upon all Vacancies of Bishoprics, and other Dignities and Benefits within our Disposal, care shall be taken to have them filled with the most Worthy of their own Communion; there is not one word said of Universities and Colleges; though the Case of Magdalen College is so very notorious, and so fresh in every Man's Memory, that there is hardly a Roman or Artificer in the Nation, that has not a lively Remembrance of it. Church of England▪ men than shall at present have the Churches, and Papists the Colleges to breed up a Roman Catholic Succession of honest Obediahs.    


DECLARATION.  
And whereas more Tumults and Rebellions have been raised in all Nations upon the Account of Religion, then on all other pretences put together; and more in England then in all the rest of the World besides; That therefore Men of all Opinions in Matters of Religion may be reconciled to the Government, that they may no longer look upon it as their Enemy, but may therefore think themselves equally concerned in the Preservation of it with the rest of their Fellow subjects, because they are equally well treated by it, and being convinced in our judgement, that Liberty of Conscience is most agreeable to the Laws and the Spirit of the Christian Religion, and most conducing to the Wealth and Prosperity of our Kingdoms, by encouraging Men of all Countries and Persuasions to come and Trade with us, and settle amongst us: For these Reasons we are resolved most earnestly to recommend to Our Parliament the settling Liberty of Conscience in so Beneficial a manner, that it may remain a lasting Blessing to this Kingdom.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
In this Paragraph, for the Peace of the Nation, and for the Advancement of Trade, he promises earnestly to recommend to the Parliament the settling Liberty of Conscience: But this is no Argument to the Dissenters, to help forward another Revolution, because they have it already in as full and ample a manner as it can be given them. All that he can add to this, is Liberty of Conscience for Papists, and the Repeal of the Test, which cost him so much Closeting to no purpose, and now is promised as a Favour: What Protestant Dissenters will think of it, I leave them to consider.  
But when he says, We are convinced in our judgement that Liberty of Conscience is most agreeable to the Laws, and to the Spirit of the Christian Religion, methinks these two Kings treat one another with great Freedom. For what handsomer Compliment could have been made to the most Christian King, then to intimate that his Persecution of his Protestant Subjects is not at all agreeable to the Laws, or to the Spirit of the Christian Religion? This is Plaindealing if the French King can bear it: But, I suppose they are agreed, that K. I. shall declare as is most fit for his purpose; and the French King do what is most convenient for his own.    


DECLARATION.  
Lastly, It shall be our great Care by the Advice and Assistance of our Parliament, to repair the Breaches and heal the Wounds of the late Distractions, to restore Trade by putting the Act of Navigation in effectual Execution, which has been so much violated of late in favour of Strangers, to put our Navy and Stores into as good a Condition as we left them, to find the best ways of bringing back Wealth and Bullion to the Kingdom, which of late has been so much exhausted, and generally we shall delight to spend the Remainder of our Reign, (as we have always designed since our coming to the Crown) in studying to do every thing that may contribute to the Re-establishment of the Greatness of the English Monarchy upon its old and true Foundation the united Interest and Affection of the People.   

OBSERVATIONS.  
What these Breaches and Wounds of the late Distractions are, he does not tell us, and therefore we must suppose they are such as are here mentioned. As for restoring Trade, it has not been lost yet; the Custom house does not complain of it, which is commonly the first that feels it. The Navy is in a much better Condition than he left it, if we may guests at that by its late Exploits: But if he be so well skilled in restoring Navies, he ought both in Charity and Gratitude now to stay a little longer in France. As for his bringing back Wealth and Bullion into the Nation, I believe the Nation would have been better pleased, if he would have promised to send none out. And as for his Concluding promise in these words, And generally we shall delight to spend the Remainder of our Reign (as we have always designed since our coming to the Crown) in studying to do every thing that may contribute to the Re-establishment of the Greatness of the English Monarchy upon its old and true Foundations, the united Interest and Affection of the People. This is Plaindealing, and surest to be made good of any thing in the Declaration. And if he does this now, as he always designed to do it (for he could not then do all that he designed to do) here is a renewed Promise of popery and Arbitrary Power: And those are unpardonable Infidels, who will not take his word for it.    

DECLARATION.  
Thus having endeavoured to answer all Objections, and give all the Satisfaction we can think of to all Parties and Degrees of Men: We cannot want ourselves the Satisfaction of having done all that can be done on our part whatever the Event shall be, the Disposal of which we commit with great Resignation and Dependence to that God who judges Right: And on the other side, if any of our Subjects after all this shall remain so obstinate as to appear in Arms against us, as they must needs fall unpitied under the Severity of our justice, after having refused such gracious offers of Mercy, so they must be answerable to Almighty God for all the Blood that shall be spilt, and all the Miseries and Confusions in which these Kingdoms may happen to be involved by their desperate and unreasonable Opposition.  
Given at Our Court at St. Germains, this present 20th. of April, 1692. in the Eighth Year of our Reign. Per ipsum Regem manu propriâ.