A Short HISTORY OF THE Kings of England: showing, What Right every King had to the Crown, and the manner of their wearing of it, especially from WILLIAM the Conqueror, to JAMES the Second, that Abdicated his Three Kingdoms▪  
WHEREIN Is made appear there hath been no direct Succession in the Line to create an Hereditary Right, for Six or Seven Hundred years. Faithfully Collected out of our best Histories.  Nihil est Imperium ut Sapientes definiunt, nisi cura salutis alienae, Amianus. Lib. 9. 
LONDON, London, Printed for R. Baldwin. 1692.   

THE True Portraiture of the Kings of ENGLAND, drawn from their Titles, Successions, Reigns and Ends, &c.  
TO treat of the Nature and Difference of Governments, the distinction and pre-eminence of Monarchy, or Aristocracy, with the other kinds and forms, which have, according to the temper of the People, and the necessity of providence, had their course in the World, will be useless in this discourse, which is calculated only for his Nation, and to describe not so much the Government, as the Persons who have ruled among us, and is only suited to Monarchy as it hath had the sway of the English Throne; a Discourse not so pleasing as profitable; we are loth to have our old Soars lanced, or to think of change, though it be of misery, the temper of this Nation being apt to be pleased with any thing that is stately and costly, though never so dangerous and miserable; yet something must be said in General, to prepare the way for the particulars of this Treatise, which is not intended as controversal, or definitive of the Nature of things, but merely practical and demonstrative, fit for every Eye that means not to shut himself up in blindness, and darkness.  
As the Foundation and Original of Government is confessed to be of equal Antiquity with the Generation and Multiplication of mankind: so doubtless the just and Methodical use, and due management of it, is as necessary to the well being of men, as the exact proportions and orderly motions of the Heavens are to the preservation of the Globes; and certainly without it the rational World would be more miserable then the material without Sun Moon and Stars, with all celestial influences, which as they do beautify and bespangle the World, so they do preserve it from returning to its first Chaos and rude Mass of matter; nothing being more contrary to that unity and harmony, which the God of Nature hath moulded and disposed all things at first in, then disorder and confusion, in which, as there is nothing of a●dditys to be discerned, so nothing of peace or happiness can possibly be found.  
And notwithstanding all this, the World hath scarce known what the Natural sweetness and true benefits of Government are, but only as comparative and rather as opposite to Anarchy, then as advancing really and effectually the just Liberties and Freedoms of Societies, or propagating the Commonwealth of mankind; for what through the ignorance and sloth of the people and the Pride and Ambition of Governors, the whole order and end of Government hath been inverted and subverted, upon all occasions, and that which was made for the good of the whole, hath been so contracted, and circumscribed in one person, that the great and sovereign us● and end of it, by practise and custom, hath been rather to set up the pomp and state of one man, and his Family, then to promote or propagate the profit and happiness of the Universe; and whereas of right to its constitution, it should have a free Election as its original and common good for its end, and just and equal Laws for its rule, it hath had usurpation for its Principle, and Tyranny and Bondage for its medium and end. As to this day we may see in the greatest part of the World, where all the Liberties of Millions of men of all sorts of conditions and ranks, are buried in the Glory and splendour of one Family; through which narrow Channels, all Honour and justice, all Law and reason are to run up and down the World.  
And whereas the Goodness and Beauty of Government consists in the Harmonious Temperature of power and obedience of Authority and Liberty, it hath been quiter otherwise inverted by practise, and made apparent to lye in the Majesty and Greatness of the Monarch, and the absolute Subjection and servitude of the people; and the excellency and sweetness of it rather to be seen in the presence Chamber, and the mag●ificence and Grandeur of the Court, then in the Courts of Justice and the rich and flourishing Estate of the Kingdom, nothing being accounted more political, and glorious ' then to have the Prince high, and the Subjects beggars; and yet this Ceremonial way of Government, hath took most place in the World, and got almost divine adoration, and hath thrust out all other forms of Government, equally sacred with itself, and most proportionable to the Nature and benefits of societies, and the fee-simple of all the Liberties of the people( which are as their Blood and Spirits in their Veins) sold to maintain its State.  
Besides many causes and grounds of this degeneration( whereby so much misery hath overflowed the Nations of the World) I find two, which at present are principally to be mentioned; the first is the neglect of a right sense, and the often inculcating the original and end of Government; and the next a lineal succession or continuation of Government, by a Natural and supposed heirship; For want of the first, neither the people know their own rights, or how to maintain them; or the Governor his use and end, nor how to keep himself within the just bounds and limits of his Creation; for what between the stupidity and ignorance of the people in not knowing their primitive privileges, that they are the original and end of Government; and the pride and ambition of men, when once they have got power, forget both how they came by it, and to what end they are distinguished from other men, Government comes both to be Usurped and Tyrannical Did the people but know that their Choice and Election is the foundation of just Authority and that none can rule over them but whom they appoint, they would not then be drawn into controversies and debates, whether it be Treason in them to cast off a bad Governor, who have the only power of choosing a good one; and on the other side, if Kings and Princes( for to reduce all to them who have been most guilty of the abuse of Government) had but the continual sense of the root from whence they sprung, and the duties annexed to their Offices, they could not look on themselves as Rulers, but Tyrants, when they acted for their own private Prerogative, in distinction from, and contrary to, the Liberties and Freedoms of the people; but these considerations have been by time and prescription worn out of the mind and memories of both, partly through continual insinuations of Court Maxims, and the Spirit of Bondage in the people, and by force and usurpation in the Magistrate, whereby it hath gone a long while for currant, that the people have no power, nor the Prince no account to give but to God, from whom they challenge an immediate title, as if Kings and Princes, all their names and successions were let down from Heaven, in the same sheet that the Beasts were in Peters vision, and had no their root in the Earth as all other Magistrates besides. We have had much ado of late, to beat off from these Royal notions both by pens and swords, and yet still they have too strong a hold in most mens hearts, though to their own undoing.  
Whereas all men are equally born free, and naturalised into all the privileges of Freedom and just Liberty, no man can obtain a special power over any, but either ex pacto aut scelere, either by willing agreement and consent, which is the right and just way of title, and most natural, or by conquest and usurpation, which is most exotic and unjust; for the Original of Kingly power, in the Scripture, we all know it came in as an effect of the wantonness and discontents of the Israelites, against that special way of Government God himself had set over them; And view the Character God gives to them of that Government, and not a blessing he gives them with it; for its rise among the Heathens and Nations( which knew not God among whom that Government most prevailed; it was certainly first good, and grounded on the exorbitancies and excess of other Magistrates, and a high opinion of the justice and virtue of some particular persons, as Cicero lib. office. 2 excellently expresseth it; Mihi quidem non apud Medos solum( ut ait Herodotus) said etiam apud majores nostros, servandae justitiae causa videntur olim been morati Reges constituti: nam cum premeretur initio multitudo ab iis qui majores opes habebant, ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem. As if taking it for granted that among all Nations that preservation and execution of justice, with enjoining of virtue, was the first ground of the constitution of Kings; But they having got by their own goodness chief Power and Authority, use that favour they had gained from their own deserts, to advance their own family, and having got in the affections of the people, through the sense of their own present worth, what by power and force, and what by policy and craft, got the same power entailed on their heirs, and so by custom have made succession the only right, or at least the most just to Crowns and sceptres.  
A principle which hath more hindered the advance of Government, and run it on more hazards and mischiefs then any other, where by a fatal Custom, people must be irreparably content with what they can find, and reducing all to a blind Fate and Fortune, be he good, or prove bad talis, qualis, give up both their own Wills and Liberties to such a succession, not only by a natural necessity, but a divine institution: How the world came to be so blinded, as thus to give away their Rights and Liberties, and mortgage their understandings and freedom, as bankrupts do their lands, is not to be determined, but by supposal of a Judgement of God, and an over-reach of power and force, or by an Ignis fatutis of Policy and subtlety.  
For this natural and hereditary succession( which is now adored as the grand title) if truly considered, is nothing else but a continuation of conquest, or a surprisal by the good nature of the people, when they have been either low, and in fear, and taking advantage of their high esteem of some eminent person, who hath been more then ordinary instrumental to them, have got the people to convey the same honour to their posterity after them; the peoples consent being thus ravished from them, itis made a Law, both civil and divine to after generations; but the world is now, or should be, grown wise: Let us consider the nature and use of this succession, both in general and particular, especially as it hath been acted in England.  
Among all the Catalogue of vanities which Solomon reckons up in his sacred retractions, there is none he puts such a character on, as for a man to spend his time and strength in getting of riches, and knows no● who shall succeed him in the enjoyment of the profit and good of his labour, or whether he may be a wise man or a fool; But what a misery, and worse than vanity is this, that the supreme power of Government( in the right execution of which all the concernments of millions of men are interested) should be entailed on one Man( though never so deserving in his own Person) and the heirs of his body, be he good or bad, a wise man, or very nigh a fool, and so all their happiness depend on hap and hazard from generation to generation?  
It cannot be rationally or spiritually supposed, that any man should be born a Magistrate or Governor, especially not successively, when the best men, and most choice spirits, who have had the highest Eminencies of virtue, and best Improvement of Education and natural Genius, are hardly fit for so great a Work. If Kings have such a vis formativa in their loins, as to beget Kings in the likeness of their Office, as children in the image of their natures, it must be necessariy supposed, that they must generate all these Royal qualifications together with them, and by the same natural necessity trans●er all their princely endowments to them also.  
Whereas I had almost affirmed it,( and I hope no man can account it either heresy or Treason) that God himself cannot entail on any particular line of mankind, the Power and Authority of Government out of his wisdom and love to their happiness( without he meant to do it in judgement, and to plague the World) and not give them suitable and successive qualifications also, fit for that employment; It being Gods use( according to his wisdom and righteousness) neither ordinarily nor extraordinarily to call out persons to any place, but he anoints them with proportionable gifts to it.  
And yet the poor people( whom God hath naturally made free, and to make use of their own understandings and affections for their own good) are by this succession, bound up from the improvement either of Soul or Body, fain to be content with what they can get for the present, and to shift it out from age to age( with the loss of all opportunities of choice) only with what corrupt Nature brings them forth, which oftentimes travels sorely in pain with the curse of the Fathers who begot these Governors. Hence also it comes to pass, that oftentimes Children are made Kings, and though they are uncapable at present for the actual exercise of that office, yet are proclaimed, as having the right and title, and all things acted in their name, and the whole Commonwealth, it may be of many Nations must wait for his capacity with fear and hope, which capacity is also at best to be judged by his years, rather then fitness or qualification for so high a trust; and in the mean while the Kingdom must be governed by some favourites of the last King, or some next kinsman to this; and while the King is thus in pupillage, we may well ask, who governs the Kingdom? And yet oftentimes it hath fallen out, that their Government hath been better ordered in their nonage by others, then in their own by themselves, as appears especially in the reign of Henry the third, and Henry the sixth, Kings of England; the first being but nine years old when his father died, the latter but nine Months; who while they were young, and under the protection of wise and sober men, the Laws were administered uprightly, and with much Justice; but when they themselves came to the years of Kingship and Prerogative, so Royalled, that both Law and Liberties were soon altered and abolished, as anon the Reader shall have a more exact account; And how sad is it, that when Government may be advanced as well, if not better by others in their minority, without their presence or influence, the world must be at such vast charges for a title, and to maintain it ere they can use it, and which is worst, that when they come to exercise it themselves, should make their title the ground of their Tyranny. But if it so happen( for itis a mere chance) that the next Heir prove somewhat more then ordinary capable, yet what the next may prove, who knows? If he be an Infant,( as it many times falls out) then there must be patient and hopeful Waitings, to see what he will be when grown up; until that, there can be no further progress made in the alteration or Reformation of Affairs, though of never so great, and present concernment; and when he comes to these Years, which Custom pronounceth him capable, how unreasonable is it, that nothing can hinder, or exclude him from his Authority, but that he is incapable of being begged for a Fool? It being enough, if he can know his own Name, and be able to writ himself Rex, though he knows little what belongs to the Office, or Relation of a King.  
If he be one of Riper Years and Statute, on which this Succession falls, then must all the Observation of his Nature, and the ominous, and more than Astrological Aspects of his Constitution and Education be forgotten; and although silenced in his Pretended Title, and a full compliance looked after, though oppressed with never so many fears, and secret wishes of a more hopeful Governor; yea, and though he hath been never so active against the liberties of the people, when but a Prince, and given demonstrations what a Governor they may expect, yet his succession must be his qualification and indemnity, and his Title his virtue.  
On this ground also it comes to pass, that oftentimes women come to hold the Reigns of Government, and to steer at the Helm, as well as men; for if there be any defect of the male line, the female succeeds; and that feeble and weaker sex, whom God and nature have ordained to be only particular helps and good Subjects,( only to keep up the name of a Family) must be invested with the highest authority, over the choicest, and most select spirits of many Nations, and all further thoughts of bettering the State of things utterly extinguished by a female pretence.  
And which is most desperate by this succession, and its plea of the only and absolute right) the Fundamental liberties of the people are not only insensibly undermined, but absolutely rooted up, and that Birth-right, privilege of the people, their Election and Choice, then which they have nothing more natural, and which is far more hereditary to them and theirs, then by all the Laws of God, nature and reason Crowns can be to Kings and their heirs, is quiter extinguished; For pass by the first King,( who it may be as with us it hath been came in by Conquest) you must go back in some Kingdoms five hundred, in others a thousand years, ere you can but recover the clear notion of a free Election( wherein the people's power and privilege is alone and peculiarly seen) and yet that so faintly and hardly extorted from them, as great loans of money from a cruel miser, without use or advantage; and though Election must be acknowledged at last, the first just ground of Government, yet custom in successions soon wears out its right, and transfers it on the next Blood; And though in England it appears by the Coronation Oath, that there is even in succession a kind of Election, yet itis so limited in the line, that itis as good as nothing, and so weak and implicitly manifested, that it s but mere customary Ceremony, which always is pursued by the natural title, and only used to deceive the people, and as a step to the further confirmation of a more Fundamental and sure right; and itis easy to demonstrate it; for our Kings soon forget it, ere they come from Westminister to White-Hall, or from the Chair of Inauguration to the Presence Chamber. In a word, what gives all this ground of such an inevitable and successively insensible encroachment on the Laws and Liberties of Nations, but this lineal title, whereby the Son without remedy goes on where the Father left off, and by a divine pretence seizeth on what by nature is due to the meanest Subject, as to himself? And what makes the present Kings so daring, and venturous to raise their own Prerogative, but this that they know there can be no alienation of the Crown from his Heirs, and that they may make it better( that is more Tyrannical?) but surer they cannot: And thus there is a constant hope and possibility, by continuation and propagation of principles and designs, backed with Title and Authority, that what cannot be done in one Kings reign, may be done in the next, and so on; For the minds of Princes are not usually contracted, or contented with present enjoyments; especially if there be any restraint on their wills, or more of height, or advancement to be attained unto.  
Yea, this is one of the main reasons( that in our times can be rendered) why we have had such uneven actings, and such strange alterations in several Kings reigns; the principles, and Laws; the people have been always the same, who are capable of small or no variation or change, but as higher, and supreme influences move them, of which none hath been so powerful as Princes, who as they are Stars of the first magnitude, so of the strongest operations; and though the people be compared to the Sea, yet as the Sea, they have no turbulent motion of their own, but what is occasioned by violent and uncertain winds; but the great change hath been by the temper and actings of Princes, and commonly the next successor hath been the omen and fate of the times; if any way good, then the Nation smiled, and his reign began the Spring; if probable, there was hopes; and yet both these at first promised, but at length frustrated; and however the beginnings were, yet the succession of acts demonstrated how the Title was created; for until they have made their succession sure, none have been more fair, and promising; but afterwards both Laws and Liberties, like favourites, have been advanced ad placitum; and what they have got an interest in by nature, that by Prerogative they have centred in their own proper persons, even the most fundamental privileges of the people, and have only granted Leases unto the people of their own inheritances, and dated them not for life( which would have been too great a mercy) but as long as the Royal pleasure lasts, which changes always with advantages. Yea, by this succession Tyranny is so entailed, and all things so necessary acted, as if the Prince were not only the civil, but natural Parent of the people, and that Kings had begot the people as so many Bastards to obey, as they do beget one lawfully to reign over them.  
Its too well known, that good and wise men are the fewest of the Sons of men, and are commonly picked out here and there, as rich Pearls on the shore of violent torrents; but to expect in one Line and Family, a succession of good, wise and governing men is almost as probable to Christians, as to expect Mahomets second coming among the Turks, after so many hundred years delusion; and although it must be acknowledged, that there have been some good Kings, yet they have been so few, that as their names from the beginning of the World can hardly make up the Dominical Letters in the almanac, or possibly supply the Holy days in the year, so a little goodness hath gone far, and at the best we shall find it but comparative; good Kings instead of better Governors, as some of the Roman Caesurs, choose these to succeed them who were worse than themselves, that they might commend, and set off their own Reign, though tyrannical enough in itself; and we may without any passion demonstrate, that the design by Succession hath been rather to keep up the Governors, and palliate their vices, than ever to maintain or heighten the glory and splendour, or carry on the benefit of the Government itself in the execution of good and righteous Laws.  
But to come nigher home, and leave generals( granting Succession in itself to be a good Title let us view without partiality, the succession of the Kings of England, whereby they pled their Title to the Crown, and we shall find in our Histories, that nothing hath been more commonly interrupted, than a Succession of the next Heir, and for this seven or eight hundred years( if not more) we have not had succession continued in any even line or justright, and no Title was ever more broken and unjust than of our Kings, if they make a Lineal and Hereditary succession the foundation of their right; Let us look but a little back to those which preceded the Norman race, especially among the Saxons and Danes, the ancient competitors for the Government of this Nation, and it will appear, that the right Heir hath been commonly past by; and Strangers or Usurpers preferred; to go no further back then to Alfred King of the West Saxons, and the twenty fourth Monarch of the English Men; as soon as he died, Athlestan his Bastard was preferred before his legitimate Son Edmond, and after him got his own Brother Edmond to succeed him( Dan. Hist. p. 14. Speed.) and though this Edmond left two Sons, Edwin, and Edgar, yet as he and his former Brother had Usurped the Government, so Edred his Brother stepped into the Throne, and put them by until he had finished his Reign, and then they took their turns; Edwin first, and Edgar after him; this Edgar had two Wives, Ethelsled his First, and Elfrida the Second: by the first he had issue, Edward, surnamed the Martyr, who succeeded his Father in Title; but having hardly felt the Crown warm, and fast on his Head, was cruelly murdered, to make way for the second Wives Son Ethelred who succeeded him, as Daniel well expresseth it, whose entrance into his Reign was Blood, the middle Misety, and the end Confusion; and though he left his Son Edmond, Sir name Ironside, to succeed him, yet Canntus the Dane by compact got half of the Kingdom from him, and soon after the whole, setting up his Danish Title, and murdering the two Sons Edmond had left, with his Brother Edwin, that no further pretence might be made by them of their Title; and now come the Danes to convey their Title by Canatus; and yet Harold his Bastard gets the Crown before Hardicanute, who was his legitimate Son; and among these three Kings( for the Government under the Danes continued but twenty six years;) and only under these three was none Usurper, & immediately interrupted the right of succession. And the Danes Government being ended,( which was but an interval of conquest) the Saxons regain their Title; and Edward, called the Confessor, the seventh Son of Elthelred( who came in with the murder of the right Heir) being kept as a reserve in Normandy) is Elected King, and the Saxons Title now begins to revive, but soon it is extinguished, not only by the Norman pretence, but by the next successor, Harold the Second, Son to Goodwin, Earl of Kent, who came in with the expulsion of Edgar Athlings the proper successor( Vide Speed.)  
And with Harold ended the Saxon race, which had lasted about five hundred years, after the coming in of Hengist, and their Plantation in this Kingdom; and yet you see what have been the Titles successively of these former Kings, wherein the Line hath not only been now and then through force and violence cut off and discontinued, but usurpation solemnized with as much Ceremony as any natural pretence: but these Instance are but as representations of objects afar off, which may seem otherwise then they are; we will go on and review the Title of our Kings from William the Norman, surnamed the Conqueror, and by whom, not only the line, but all the whole frame of Laws and Liberties were not only curtailed but changed, for though in the Reigns of the former Kings, every Conqueror made his impression, and drew his Picture in England, yet never was the whole Scene of State changed until now, and a new Model so peremptorily( and without repeal) introduced, as by him: The first jus, or right of his Title( the only foundation of all the rest of our latter Kings) we all know was by mere Conquest, which as it is a disseisin in Law, so an unjust Title in Reason, and common to one as unto another: yet he thought a Bastard,( and so had less Title to his Dukedom then to England which he won by the Sword) made himself the principal of that divine Succession we now stand upon, and all our Kings have no other pretence then by the succession of his Sword; and certainly, if the Fountain, and Head-Spring be corrupt, the stream cannot be Christial and pure; and yet( as Baron Thorpe declares in his Charge given at the Assizes holden at York the twentieth of March, 1648 and now in Print) of all these twenty four Kings, which have King'd it amongst us since that William, there are but seven of them that could pretend legality to succeed their former( predecessors, either by lineal, or collateral Title, and he might have contracted that number,( and have been modest enough.) But that the Reader may not be prejudiced, or wrap up his understanding in any expression, let him but follow the descents of the Kings of England in the line,( and pardon the first strange and exortick way of right) and he will discover, that as the first Title was created by force, so the succession hath been continued by usurpation. Speed( too Royal a Writer) gives us a hint to go on upon in the Life of Henry the Fourth, page. 746( asketh by way of Interrogation) What right had Will the Conqueror, the Father of all our glorious Tyrants? What right( we speak, saith he, of a right of equity) had his Son William Rufus, and Henry the first, while their Elder Brother lived? and so he goes on. But to give a more particular account to the Reader, how every King came to his Crown, let us begin with the first of the first.  
After that the first William, who laid the foundation of his right in the Blood of the English, had left this World, as well as his Kingdom, great strivings there were who should succeed; and though he left three Sons, Robert, William and Henry, yet could leave but one Heir, which was Robert; yet William surnamed Rufus, gets the Crown set on his head, notwithstanding the elder brothers title, and though Robert fights for his right, yet being too weak in the field, is forced to a composition, on these terms that he should enjoy it after his decease, if he happened to survive; and yet notwithstanding, Henry the youngest Brother( called Henry the First) steps in, and makes use of his Brothers absence to set up himself in his place; and Robert yet surviving, he wears it in his stead; and however he striven to regain his right, he at last was fain to yield up, not only his Title, but his Person to Henry, who not only unjustly excluded him from the succession to the Kingdom, but cruelly put out his Eyes that he might only feel his misery, and never see his remedy. The line male of the Conqueror is now extinct, as well as it was irregularly diverted; as William got his right by his Sword, so all his successors maintained it in imitation of him, rather then by any legal pretence they could derive from him. But Henry the first( though he had come in over the back of his Elder Brother) that he might make more sure work for a succession, wanting issue male living, pitcheth on Maud his Daughter, formerly married to the Emperor Henry the Fourth, who left her a Widow, and died without issue; and having sworn all the Nobility( especially Stephen) to her, ordained her and her issue to be his successors in Englands Throne, and married her again to Jeoffrey Plantagenet, the Son and her Heir apparent of Fulk, then Earl of Anjou, by whom she had three Sons, Henry, Jeffrey, and William; to Henry the Crown belonged as next Heir after his Mother( by the usurped Title of his Father,) yet Stephen, Earl of Mortain, and Bulleign, Son to Adelincia the third Daughter of Willaim the Conqueror, by Maud his wife,( notwithstanding his Oath to the last King) gets the Crown set on his own head, and excludes her, and her issue for the present; yet after he died, Henry, called the second, surnamed Shortmantle, though his Mother was alive, enjoys it. This Henry had six Sons, William, Henry Richard, Jeoffrey, Philip, John; the two first dying, Richard the third Son, the first of that name, surnamed Ceur de lion succeeded his Father; this Richard dying without issue, his youngest Brother John usurps the Crown, notwithstanding Jeoffrey his Eldest Brother had left a young Son, name Arthur Plantaganet King of britain, who was Heir apparent to the Crown; and after he dyed, Henry his Son the third of that name succeeds him, though Arthurs Sister was then alive,( though in prison) who was next to the Title( such as it was) after him Edward surnamed Longshanks, called Edward the first, lays hold on the Crown and wore it with much Majesty, and after him Edward the second his Son goes on, but still on the old account, and on the ruin of the most proper Heirs; this Edward was deposed by the Parliament for his ill Government, as anon shall be more fully related; and his Son Edward the third of that name set up in his room; after him followed Richard the second, Son to the black Prince, who was also deposed, after whose dethroning, Henry called the fourth, Son to John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, and Uncle to the former King, snatcheth up the Crown, though of right it was to descend to Edmond Mortimore, Earl of March, the Son and Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the third Son of Edward the third, and an Elder Brother of John Duke of Lancaster; and thus we have nothing hitherto, but interruption and usurpation; and those which in their own reigns can pretend a Divine Title by succession, which must not be altered, can for their advantage put by the succession of the issue of others. But to go on, Here now began the Bloody Wars and Contests between the House of Lancaster and York, which made the World to ring of the misery of the Civil Wars of England, and all about a Title, and neither of them( if seriously weighed) had a right Title by succession, if the first Title of their Ancestors were to be the original; But that custom might be the best right, he got in his Son Henry, who was the fifth of that name, to succeed; and his Son Henry the sixth( though an infant) takes his place, until Edward Duke of York overthrew his Army in the battle at Towton Field, and got him deposed, and was Proclaimed King by the name of Edward the Fourth, though the Title had been carried on in the House of Lancaster thorough three descents; thus favour and fortune, not lineal succession always gave the best Title; this Edward left two Sons behind him,( to maintain the succession of the House of York) Edward and Richard Duke of York and five Daughters. His Eldest Son Edward who was the fifth of that name, succeeded him in Claim and Title, but rather lived then reigned( being an infant) had never any actual exercise of his Government; for Ric. Duke of Glocster, and Uncle to this Infant and made his Protector, that he might set up himself, causeth both the young Titular King and his Brother,( these two Royal Infants) to be barbarously murdered in their Beds, and so wears the Crown himself, by the name of Richard the Third, until Henry Earl of Richmond( a twig of a Bastard of John of Gaunt) by his valour at Bosworth field having overthrown his Army, slay the Tyrant himself and created by his sword( for other he had none) a new Title to himself, and was crwoned King, by the name of Henry the Seventh, who, what by his power and by a marriage of the Lady Eliz. the Eldest Daughter of Ed. the Fourth confirmed his succession, and from him do all our later Princes derive their Title, as Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, King James, King Charles, I. &c. This Henry, the foundation of our great ones, was himself but a private man, who as Speed says, had scarce any thing of a just Title, or of a warrantable intention but to remove an Usurper; besides there were many natural Heirs of the House of York, which were Children of Edward the Fourth, and George Duke of Clarence Richards Elder Brother, who had better right, but when once a Title is made, it must be maintained, and if it can but get throw two or three Successors, it's presently Proclaimed to be jure divino, and pleaded as the only just Title and Right.  
Thus you have a faithful and true account of the succession of our Norman Monarchs; we can only say we have had so many persons reigning, and as Kings of England; but for a Title by lineal succession, there is none, but what every man may make as well as any man, and what is as proper to a stranger, as to an Heir; power, and favour, murder and deceit being the most common principles of the right of most of our Kings to their Government over us. If it be asked, as Speed doth, what right had William the Conqueror? then it must follow, what right had all the rest? but supposing his right, what right had these, who so many times cut off the line, and made themselves the Stock of future succession? and what misery is it that this broken and usurped Title must still be forced on us, even by an Ecclesiastical and Divine Institution, who have now a way of redeeming our Liberties, and bettering our conditions, and following the direct line of just and true Titles, the Election and choice of the people? Is not five or six hundred years enough for England to be under the succession of a Norman Bastard( pardon the expression, itis true though plain) and to be sold with all its liberties, from usurpation to usurpation, as well as from generation to generation? I need not be very zealous in application, the History is enough to make all wise men consider, by whom we have all this while been governed, and upon what terms; How Tyranny and usurpation comes to be adored, if it have but a Royal name added to it. Shall the Parliament of England be now blamed for cutting off Usurpers and Tyrants, and reducing affairs to their first natural and right principle; or will the people of England after all their experiences, centre their Liberties and Freedoms in a customary usurpation of succession, and lose their Commonwealth for the personal Glory of a Pretender? especially, when they have fought against the Father, and cut him off as a Tyrant, endeavour to set up the Son to follow on both the first cause, and revenge, merely because he was supposed to be proceeded of his loins: this blindness will be our misery, and endear us to a more perfect and more Tyrannical slavery then ever yet England felt.  
But to go on, the Reader hath seen what a line we have had in England, and how pure a Title our Kings have had to their Crowns; Lets now but have patience to view their actings successively, and yet shortly, and we shall better guess of their right by their reigns; for though one would think that they should endeavour to make good a bad Title by a good reign, yet it hath been far otherwise; every man having made his right by force, maintained it by Tyranny; and when they have gotten power, never remembered how, or to what end they attained it; if we look back again, and make a new and strict survey of their several actings in their Government, and go over every Kings head since Willam the Conqueror, we shall not much mistake if we pass by turkey, Russia, the Moors, and yet call Englands Kings Tyrants, and their Subjects Slaves; and however in the Theory and System it have been limited and bounded by good and distinguishing Laws, yet in the exercise an practic part almost of every King's reign we shall find it deserve as bad a name as others who are called most absolute; for the Laws and privileges which this poor Nation hath enjoyed, as they have been but complementally granted for the most part, and with much design, so they have ever( upon any occasion) proved but weak and low Hedges against the Spring-tides, and Land-floods of the Prerogative of the Prince, which hath always gained more on the privileges of the people, then ever the Sea by all its washing and beatings of its boisterous and unmerciful Waves hath gained on the Land; for if, at any time the poor Commons( through much struggling, and a good and present necessitous mood of the Prince) have got off any present oppressions, and forced out the promise for enacting of any good and seasonable Laws: yet either the next advantage, or at least the next successor, hath been sure, either to silence, or disannul it, and encroached upon it; and never was privilege or good Laws enacted, or gained to the people, but by hard pressure of the Subject, and with a predominant ingredient of the Kings advantage, and still rather out of courtesy then right. We shall find also that England for three or four hundred years together( some lucida intervalla excepted) hath been a stage of Blood, and the astonishment of all Nations in civil Wars, and that merely, either for the clearing of the Title of the Crown ( which yet at last was only made lawful by the prevailing power, and as soon made illegal when another side got the better) or else by the Subjects and Barons, taking up Arms to defend themselves, and make carriers( if possible) against the inundation of Prerogative, and rather preserving, then obtaining any additions of liberties, and yet they were commonly defeated at last; for if for the present by some eminent advantage, they got a little ground, they soon lost it again by royal stratagems, and were either forced, or complemented into their old miseries, with a worse remembrance of former actings, But to enter into the particulars of this sad Story.  
All men know( or may) the tyrannical domination of that First William who behaved himself as a Conqueror indeed, and a most perfect tyrant( since whom we have never had an English Man, but one, who hath been naturalised by the succession of his Conquest as King of England) he presently changed most of our Laws, especially those wherein the English liberties were most transparent, and preserved; and made new Laws, and those which he left, writ them all in French; disweaponed all the Natives, sent the children of the best and most faithful of the Nobility into Normandy as Hostages, and the most gallant of the English were transported by him into France to serve his Wars, that he might extinguish their Families; he advanced his Normans into all places of the Nation, and kept them as a guard over the English; brought in the Cruel forest Laws, and dispeopled for thirty miles together in Hampshire, pulling down many Towns and Villages, with Churches, chapels, and Gentlemens Houses, making it a forest for wild Beasts,( which is ever since name the New forest, but was the old ensign of our misery and slavery) he laid on innumerable Taxes, and made Laws royal, very severe, and in an unknown Language, that the English offending might forfeit their Estates and Lands to him, which they often did, through ignorance: But alas, what need I mention these? who ever reads but our Histories( and the most favourable, and fawning Royalist) will see more then now can be expressed; and yet here is the first fruits of our Kings and of their righteous Title, whose succession hath been as much in tyranny after him, as in title: and yet we must, by a sacred obligation be bound to maintain with our blood and lives, the branches of this rotten root, notwithstanding all the providential and divine opportunities of casting off that miserable yoke which our forefathers, so sadly groaned under, and would have triumphed in the pouring out their blood( which they  shed freely, but to little purpose) but to have foreseen their childrens children might have but the hopes of attaining to.  
But although William the First made sure his Conquest to his own Person, yet by his Tyranny he gave ground of designs, and hopes of recovery after his death, & therefore the People who but murmured and mourned in secret formerly, consider now their condition, and that Robert the right Heir was wanting, and his second Son endeavoured to be set up, begin to capitulate, and repeat their former grievances: and to stand upon their terms, with the next Successors; But William Rufus who longed for the Crown, and saw what advantage he had by his Brothers absence, through the mediation of Lanke-Frank the Arch-bishop of Canterbury( a Man for his virtue and Learning in great Esteem with the People) got himself to be accepted, and crwoned King( with exclusion of his Elder Brother) by fair promises, and engagements to repeal his Fathers Laws, and of promoting the Liberties of the English( any probability being then taking to the poor people.) But no sooner had he got the Crown fastened on his Head,( and defeated his Brother in battle) but he forgot all his own promises, follows directly his Fathers steps, grows excessive covetous, lays on intolerable Taxes, and merciless exactions, returns their longings, and hopes after their just Liberty into a sad Bondage and Slavery. The poor people having thus smarted for their credulity, and renewing their sense of their misery, under the two former Tyrants, take heart once again, and refuse to admit any after his death, until( as Judge Thorpe well expresseth it in that forementioned Discourse) they were cheated into a second Election of Hen the first, his youngest Brother; for the People standing for their Liberties( and yet, alas, but negatively, rather to be freed from excess of oppression, than knowing what true freedom was) having felt the misery of their loss in the two former persons( shall I call them Kings?) reign; denied any consent to another person of that stock without solemn capitulations and covenants to settle just Laws, and to engage for the execution of them, with abrogation of all former mischievous and inconvenient ones( which Matthew Paris calls unworthily a politic, but traiterons way of capitulating.) Whereupon Henry, who had nothing of Title, made Friends by his engagements, and Roberts absence in the Holy-Land, and doth absolutely promise to begin all anew, constitute just Laws, reform his Fathers and Brothers oxorbitances, and to be as a Nursing Father both to Church and State; these fair insinuations got him the Crown, though Robert was to have it first by his own right, and next by his Brother's Covenant and Will.  
And that he might not seem altogether disproportionable to his engagement, the first action of his government was to bait the people, and sugar their Subjection, as his Predecessor in the like interposition had done, but with more moderation and advisedness( see Dan. Life of Henry I.) but having once secured his Title from his Brothers jus, and settled some affairs abroad, began much after the old strain( yet not altogether so violent) yet these cruel and savage Laws of the foreste, he revived, and put in execution, yea, urged as the most fundamental Law of the Realm, and many sore Impositions he levied, which the People were not able to bear, that these two sons, tho they ended the direct Line, yet they propagated their Father's Tyranny; only he got the Throne by Force, they by subtlety, and delusive engagements; and now the poor People, who had still been cozened, and are commonly passive, begin in the next Kings reign, viz. of Stephen another Usurper, to be active, and to struggle for their liberties more seriously and thoroughly, and not contented with promises of abating former pressures, drew up the Sum of their desires in a more exact method, and demand publicly the restoring and re-establishing of St. Edward's Laws, for such a rarity was that former Prince, as they canonised him a Saint, which were many years before granted, but by new and strange Successions butted, and Stephen, who came in oddly to the Crown, and was continually in various Motions to maintain it, confirmed all these Laws, and to gain the People, ratified them by Parliament, the best security in these cases: But soon after Prerogative, like a Lion in chains, breaks forth again with fuller rage, and devours all these grants, with the hopes, and expectations of the people; for though in the two next Kings Reigns these grants were not actually repealed, yet were laid by, and only wrapped up in parchments, and hushed by the noise of Drums, and Trumpets For Henry the Second, the next King, spent most of his time in clearing the controversy, between Regnum & Sacerdotium, the Crown and the Mitre, as in settling his own Title both here, and in Normandy, and Ireland; a while he and Thomas Becket were standing in the special Rights and privileges of the Church and State, the liberties of the people were laid asleep, and certainly he hated the former grants, because made by Stephen, I who had stolen the Crown both from his Mother, and himself; the notablest story in this Kings Reign( setting by his warlike achievements) is, that after Becket had often foiled him in his Authority, he was handsomely whipped by the Monks, in going to visit Beckets shrine, which was part of his pennance, for giving secret order to Assassinats to make him away; And that he kept Rosamond as his Concubine, to the vexation of elinor his Wife, who at last vented her revenge on her, having found her out in that intricate Labyrinth made on purpose for her at Woodstock, by the clew which Rosamond had carelessly untwisted.  
The next that laid claim to this Crown, was his Son Richard the First, surnamed Ceur de Lion( as before) who was to be commended rather for his personal Valour, in other Nations, then for any good done to this; He began well in enlarging his Mother elinor, whom his Father had im●risoned, because she could not abide his lascivious living with his wanton Pa●agon Rosamond, and advanced many persons by special favours; yet these respects were more particular, then of any public advantage to the State; for out of a blind zeal in those times, after he had been in England but four Months after his Coronation, he went into the Holy-land, against the Turks, leaving the Regency of the Kingdom to an Ecclesiastical Person William Lonchampe, Bishop of Ely, who to please the King, and by special Command, undid the People, and committed great exactions, and as Hoveden says, Clerum & populum opprimebat confundens fasque nefasque did all as he listed, and little cared by what means he filled the Kings Coffers, and his own;( acting but by Proxy and in imitation of what his Master would have done, if at home & by many a private command) as it afterwards proved; for when Richard undertook his voyage, that he might not seem at first burdensome to the people when he left them, and to maintain both his design, and absence on their purses( and so alienate the affections from him when at so great a distance, and give grounds to his Brother John to try an experiment for the Title) wisely sold much of his own Estate to raise him moneys, as the Castles of Berwick and Roxborough, to the King of Scots for ten thousand pounds, and the Lordship and Earldom of Durham, to Hugh then Bishop of that See, for much money, as also many Honors, Lordships, manors, Offices, privileges, Royalties, to many of the Nobles, and rich Commoners, whereby he furnished himself with a vast treasury of money for that service; and that you may see what interest he and his companions think they have in his peoples goods( however they dissemble it) he often protested that he would sell his City of London( as my Author saith) to any that would buy it rather then be chargeable unto others; but notwithstanding all this, as the people were sadly oppressed in his absence by his Viceroy, so much more when he returned by himself; for he then began to redeem his time, and to play Rex with a witness; he fell presently to plunder all Religious Houses, laid on new and unheard of Taxes onthe people, and resumed into his hands again all the Lordships, manors, Castles, &c. which he had sold to his Subjects, and confirmed it by all the security they could have from man; this is the misery of depending on Royal promises, and engagements, which are usually nothing else but complimental engines to move up the people affections, while they more easily, and insensibly drain out their Blood, and purses, this was the end of this Rough, and Lionlike King; who reigned nine years, and nine months, wherein he exacted and consumed more of this Kingdom then all his Predecessors from the Norman had done before him, and yet less deserved it then any, having neither lived here, nor left behind him a monument of piety, or any public work, or ever shewed love or care to this Common-wealth, but only to get what he could from it; we see hither to what a race of Kings we have had, and what cause we have to glory in any thing but their Tombs; and yet if we expect better afterwards, we shall be as much mistaken of their actings as they were of their right.  
The next that reigned( though without any hereditary Title) was King John, Stephens Brother; whose government was as unjust as his Title, for he( having by Election out of fear and policy of State, got the Crown, with expulsion of Arthur the right Heir ut supra) embarked the State, and himself in these miserable incumberances, through his violence and oppression, as produced desperate effects, and made way to those great alterations in the Government which followed; the whole reign of this King was a perfect Tyranny; there is in History hardly one good word given him; the Barons and Clergy continually opposed him, struggling for a confirmation of their long desired Liberties, but were most commonly either cluded, or defeated by promises which were never intended to be performed, until at last being more entirely united with the Commons, and sloutly resolved and confirmed by an Oath, taken at St. Edmonds-Bury in a general Assembly, they then swore on the high Altar, never to lay down Arms, if King John refused to confirm and restore unto them these Liberties( the rights which this Kingdom was formerly blessed with, and which all the late Kings had cheated them of) the King knowing their power, and considering their engagements, makes use of policy, and desired time to answer them, entertaining them with smooth and gentle Language, and courtesy, until he had got strength, and then he began anew to try experiments of securing himself, and frustrating their desires: But the Lords continuing their resolution, and knowing nothing was to be obtained but by strong hand, assembled themselves with a great Army at Stamford; from whence they marched towards the King, who was then at Oxford; sent him a Schedule of their claimed Liberties, with an Appendix of their absolute resolutions, in case of his denial; this Tyrant having heard them red, with much passion replies: Why do they not demand the Kingdom as well? and were he would never grant these Liberties, whereby himself should be made a servant: The Barons upon his Answer being( as Dainel saith) as hasty as he was averse, resolve to seize on his Castles and Possessions; and repairing to London, being welcomed by the Citizens, who had too long groaned under the same Tyranny they get a great access of strength by new confederates, and renew their Spirits and Oaths for the thorough prosecution of the War; the King seeing himself in a straight, which by no ordinary strength he could evade, by gentle an teeming Messages sent to the Barons, he obtained a Conference in a Meadow called Running-mead, between Windsor and Stanes, where armed multitudes came from all places, crying nothing but Liberty, Liberty, so sweet was that tone to them then: After many hard Conferences, the King seeing it no time to dally, and that they would not trust him with any complimental expressions, whom they looked on as formerly perjured grants their desires; not only, saith Speed, for Liberties specified in Magna Charta and Charta Forrestae, but also for a kind of sway in the Government, by five and twenty selected Peers, who were to be as a check over the King, and his chief Justiciar, and all his Officers to whom any appeal might be made in case of breach of any Article or privilege confirmed by that Charter; And now one would think the people were secure enough; but though they seem now to have the liberty, yet they had not the seisin; for presently the King having got new credit by the loathness of his grants, gets liberty with less suspicion to undo all; and in a short time( pretending these grants to be acts of force) having got power, renounceth his engagement by them, and afterwards repeals them, and despoiled all these of their Lands, and possessions, who had any hand or heart in procuring the former grants; and by new and additional Laws made them more perfect slaves then ever they were before, until at last he was poisoned by a Monk, instead of being deposed.  
But though he be dead, yet the miseries of this Nation ended not with him; for his Son Henry the Third; who succeeded him, though he could not at first follow on his Fathers designs, being an Infant, yet at last did not only imitate, but outstripped him; yet the English Nation,( who are much given to credulity, and apt to be won by fair and plausible promises,) notwithstanding all the Fathers iniquity, embrace the Son, having taken an Oath of him to restore, and confirm the Liberties they propounded to his Father, which he had often granted, and as often broken; but for all his first Oath, they were fain, not only to remember him of it, by petitions, but oftentimes by Arms and strength. And though there was in this Kings reign twenty one Parliaments called, and many great Subsidies granted, in confirmation of their Liberties, yet every Parliament was no sooner dissolved, but the engagement ceased; a hint of two or three special Parliaments, and their success will not be amiss to be set down in this place.  
This King not being able to suppress the Barons and people by his own strength,( they having gotten not only heart, but power) sends to foreign Nations for aid, and entertains Poictovines, Italians, Almains, Provincioes to subdue his own people, and set them in great places; which dangerous and desperate design the Barons much resenting, raised their Spirits, and engaged them in opposition to his Government, and set them on with more courage to look after their Liberties; therefore they several times stand up against the violence of Prerogative; but what through want of strength or caution they were commonly disappointed; yet rather( if we may speak truly) from the unfaithfulness of the King then any other defect, except it were their easiness to believe Kings, when their Prerogative, and the peoples Liberties came in competition; for after they had many times got, or rather extorted many promises, and confirmed them by Oaths,( the best human security) they were put to new designs, through either the suspension, or breach of them, witness these Instances, after many foils, and tedious and various delusions by this King( whose beams attracted most, dazzled others) the Barons, and people( who were then u●nimous through mutual oppressions) fall more close, and severe on their principles, and will not endure either delays, or delusions, and therefore effectually to redress their grievances, came very well Armed to a Parliament then holden at Oxford( intended rather for getting Subsidies, then removing oppressions) in which Assembly they put the King to it, urge their former complaints with more zeal and reason, and with an addition of a mighty Spirit, demand the absolute confirmation of Magna Charta, and in a larger edition( wherein are comprised those Gallant privileges of the Commons of England, which have yet been but kept by Ink and Parchment) and not trusting the King, got his Son, Prince Edward, to seal it, with an addition of twenty four( some writ twelve) Peers which Fabian stiles the douze peers, not only to see these privileges truly observed, but to be as joint Regents with the King; and all the Lords, and Bishops in Parliament took a like Oath to maintain these Articles inviolable, yea, and all that would have any benefit of residence in the Kingdom, were enjoined to take the same; But these were too strict bonds for such a Princes will, he soon finding advantages( as he sought them) recalls all, gets a dispensation from the Pope for his forced Oath and to countenance his perjury, and acts in the old account; the Barons again stand up with the people stoutly for the performance of the Articles of Oxford, and sometimes brought him into straits; yea, fully defeated him in many Bloody Battels, and regained the confirmation of the same Laws, with security; that all the Castles through out England should be delivered to the keeping of the Barons, that the provisions of Oxford be inviolably preserved, that all strangers should be dismissed the Kingdom, but those which by general consent should be thought sit to remain; this necessitous act though as it gave the people some peace and hopes, so it gave the King time to consider of new mediums, and therefore still to delay, and blind, he assemblies a new Parliament at London, where having( by the sprinkling of Court water) won many Lords to take his part, begins to surprise as many of the Barons as he could get, and spoiled their Castles and Houses, that success and authority grows strong on his side, and the Barons with some calm provisoes mediate a peace, insisting only in general that the Articles of Oxford might be observed; But the King relying on his strength, defies them as Traitors; which done, the Peoples two Generals, the Earls of Leicester and gloucester, seeing no other means but to put it to a day, supply their want of strength by their wit and diligence, and carefully and artificially placing their battle( which was fought at the Town of Lewis in Sussex) overthrew the Kings Army, took the King, the Prince, the Earl of cornwall, and his Son Henry, the Earls of Arundel, Hereford, with many other Lords and Gentlemen, both English and Scottish.  
And now having the King and Prince, and most of the Nobles, and a new confirmation of all, one would think the great Charter was out of danger, either of blotting or razing; especially if we consider the solemnities formerly used in the ratification of it,( as Daniel excellently relates it in his History p. 169.) The People knowing that no civil Promises, or verbal Professions would hold in Kings raptured by Prerogative and devoted to Perjury to maintain their Tyranny, take a more Ecclesiastical and divine way of obligation, swearing to excommunicate all that should be found Infringers of that Charter; when the People with the King, and all the great Nobility were assembled with all the Prelates, and the chief Bishops in their reverend Ornaments( with burning Candles in their hands) to receive that dreadful sentence; the King having one great Candle in his hand, gives it to a Prelate that stood by, saying, it becomes not me being no Priest to hold this Candle, my heart shall be a greater testimony; and withall laid his hand spread on his Breast all the while the sentence was pronouncing, which was Autoritate omnipotentis Dei, &c. which done, he caused the Charter of King John his Father to be red, and in the end having thrown away their Candles( which lay smoking on the ground) they cried out, so let them that incur this sentence be extinct and stink in Hell: And the King with a loud voice said, As God help I will, as I am a man; a Christian, a Knight, a King crwoned and anointed, inviolably observe these things. Never were Laws saith he( whose words express the thing most emphastically amongst men( except those holy Commandments from the Mount) established with more Majesty of Ceremony, to make them reverenced and respected, than these were; they wanted but Thunder and Lightning from Heaven,( which likewise if Prayers could have effected they would have had it) to make the sentence ghastly, and hideous to the breakers of it; the greatest security that could be given was an Oath( the only chain on Earth besides love) to tie the Conscience of a Man, and human society together; which should it not hold us, all the frame of Government must needs fall quiter asunder; yet so( almost a Miracle( though over common among our Kings, saith Mr. Prin out of Mat. Paris p. 8. 9.) the Parliament being thus dissolved( by a sacred and most solemn conclusion) the King presently studies how to infringe all the premises, his Parasites telling him the Pope could soon absolve him for a sum of Money, which afterwards the Pope did, and the King returned to his former oppressive courses with more violence, and hardness; and taking advantage by the division of the Barons, two Generals, the Earls of Leicester and gloucester, the latter of which joined with the young Prince Edward and Sir Roger Mortimer the Kings wicked counselor, a new and potent Army is raised by them, against the Earl of Leicester( who had the King Prisoner) and those which kept constant with him, for the Peoples Liberties; and he with the rest of the Barons are overthrown; and immediately after a Parliament is called, and all these Laws and Decrees made voided; and that Parliament held at Oxford, wherein all these Laws were first confirmed by him, called Insanum Parliamentum, the mad Parliament; and all these Patents, Commissions or Instruments made to ratify these Articles, were brought forth, and solemnly damned; and so bright and resplendent did Prerogative break forth, that it was Proclaimed Treason in any but to speak or mention any of these Grants with the least approbation; and because the City of London had engaged with the Barons and People as a principle Part of the whole, he would needs have burnt the City, had not some wise and potent Favourites interposed, and yet they could hardly dissuade him from that barbarous and impolitic wickedness; but what he spared in their Houses, that he got out of their Purses, and made up all his losses with a through subjection of their Persons, and suppression of their Liberties. I need relate no more of this King, nor make observations, the Reader will be amazed at the repetition; he at least twenty times gave his promise for the comformation, and execution of these just decrees( contained in Megna Charta) and as many times was perjured, notwithstanding all the solemnities, both Civil, Moral, and Ecclesiastical, used in the acts of ratification; this may learn us how to trust the most positive Engagements of Princes, which across their own interest, and what to think of that word and promise they call Royal; this King reigned fifty six years, the longest of any King of England: But we have had too much of the story of him, as he had too long a time to Rule, considering his ten per and design. Its well if we can be wa●y for the future, and be more cautious then to trust the most promising and insinuating Princes with our Liberties and privileges, which can be no longer expected to be preserved by them, then they may serve as scotst●ols to advance them in the Throne of absolute Majesty: But no more of this King; never were there more hard strivings and wrestlings between Tyranny and Liberty with such had success to the People; I only conclude his Reign with the Exhortation of the Psalmist, Psal. 146. O put not your confidence in Princes, sUrely Men of high degree are a lie.  
King Henry is by this time laid in his Grave, and one would think Magna Charta butted with him; his Son Edward, who was his right-hand in his Wars against the Barons, and the principal Agent in their ruin, succeeds him in the Throne; and instead of lessoning goes on and makes an higher improvement of that Royalty which his Father left him; having in his own person got the victory over the Peoples Liberties in his Fathers time, and having won or worn out the greatest of those which opposed, and being long experienced in the World, so secured and advanced the Prerogative, that as one saith, be seemed to be the first Conqueror after the Conqueror that got the domination of this State in so absolute and eminent a manner, as by his Government appears; He laid unsupportable Taxes both on the Clergy and Laity, even unto Fifteens and halfs of their Estates. As for Tenths, that was comparatively accounted easy; the Barons and People for a long time durst not move for removal of grievances, until that the King( being always in Wars in France, Flanders, Wales and Scotland, and so needed continually vast sums of Money) called a Parliament wherein he demanded a great treasure of Money from the People, that he might give them somewhat in lieu of their expenses, confirmed the two great Charters on the Petition of the Barons and People,( and so stopped their Mouths) and this he did as often as he had extraordinary occasions for Money; But( like all other Royal promises) they were performed by leisure. Never was Royalty more majestic and Glorious then in this Kings reign, and the People less able to oppose; he was always so watchful and eager to enlarge his own power; I shall end his reign, also with what Daniel that impartial and witty Historian faith of him, He was more for the greatness of the Kingdom then the quiet of it; and never King before or since( except the late Civil Wars)  shed so much Christian blood within this Isle of Britain, and was the cause of more in that following, and not one grain of benefit procured unto the People by all their expenses on him, which was but to make themselves more perfect slaves.  
The next King was Edward the Second his Son, who though more vicious than the Father, yet not more Tyrannical; he gave more advantage to the People through his lewd life and unmartial nature, to seek the confirmation and establishment of Magna Charta, and other good Laws which were utterly suppressed, and darkened in his Fathers reign. This Prince gave himself over to all wicked courses, and surrendered his Judgement, and the management of all affairs of State unto evil and corrupt Counsellors; especially to one pierce Gaveston, who had both his Ear and Heart, unto whom he was so much endeared, that he ventured the loss of Kingdom, and all the Hearts of his Subjects for his company and preservation; and though the Barons had by often Petitions, and earnest solicitations prevailed with the King to banish him, yet he soon after sent for him home, and laid him more nigh his bosom then before; on this the Barons raise an Army against the King; and sand him word, that unless he would observe the late Articles( which they had formerly by much ado got him to sign in Parliament) and put from him pierce Gaveston, they would rise in Arms against him as a perjured Prince; the King( whom they found, was apt to be terrified) yields again to his banishment, with this clause, that if he were found again within the Kingdom he should be condemned to death as an Enemy of the State. All places were now dangerous to Gaveston; both Ireland( where he formerly was protected), and France also too hot for him; in this extremity, finding no security any where else, he again adventures on England, and puts himself once again into the Kings bosom( a Sanctuary which he thought would not be polluted with blood) and there he is received with as great joy as ever Man could be; the Lords with more violence prosecute their svit to the King for delivering up, or removing him once more, but to no purpose; they therefore set forward with an Army, lay siege to the Castle wherein Gaveston was, took him, and notwithstanding the Kings earnest solicitation for his life, they condemned him to the Block, and took off his Head; this obstacle being removed out of the way, the Lords having now the better end of the staff make advantages of it for demanding the confirmation, and execution of all those Articles formerly granted, threatening the King, that if he would not consent to it, they would force him by a strong hand; with this message they had their Swords also drawn, and march towards London: A Parliament is called, where the King, after a submission by the Lords to him for that act done against Gaveston, contrary to his consent, and will, grants the Articles and pardon to them. But the King goes on his old way, adheres to wicked counsel( waving the grave advice of his Parliament) and is ruled by the two Spencers, who acted with mighty strain of injustice, which causEd the Lords again to take up Arms, and stand for their Liberties, but are, through the revolt of some, and the treachery of others overthrown at Burton upon Trent, and two and twenty Noblemen, the greatest Peers in the Realm executed in several places for nothing but opposing his evil Counsellors: this was the first blood of Nobility that ever was  shed in this manner in England since William the First, which being so much, opened Veins for more to follow; and now the beam of power being turned, regality weighs down all. But by degrees, through the continuation of his ill government, whereby he daily lost the Peoples hearts, the Lords get an Army, and take the King Prisoner, and by general consent in Parliament deposed him as a Tyrant, and elected his Son Edward the Third to succeed, and his Son was crwoned before his Eyes. Thus ended his Reign, but not his life.  
Poor England which had laboured so long and successively under so many Tyrants, and had contested so long with Royalty for their dearly purchased Liberties, might now hopefully expect, at least a dawning of Reformation, especially when they had got so much power as to depose Authority; and began, as it were, on a new account; and the truth is, affairs were now promising, and distempers seemed to wear away with the former Governor; yet the condition of the Kingdom, had but a new face on it, and grievances were rather not aggravated or multiplied than any whit removed, and oppressions may be rather laid to be charged from one Shoulder to another then abolished.  
Prince Edward who succeeded, who was crwoned in his fathers life, had observance enough to remember his fate, and was much warned by it, both to prevent and suppress insurrections, knowing by experience the full state of the controversy, and therefore began his Government very fairly, and with much applause; only to prevent factions, and sidings, he privately caused his father, the deposed King to be cruelly murdered, and so sate more securely, though with more guilt upon the Throne; his Reign was fifty years, and odd Months, the longest next Henry the Third; he spent most of his time in the Wars of France to regain his Title to that Crown; which the poor Subject felt in their Estates and Families, and it was a happiness( say some) that he was so much abroad; for when ever he came home, as he wanted Money to supply his expenses, so the People got ground to urge their privileges, and Magna Charta was at least twelve times ratified in this Kings reign, and so often broken; yet because he goes under the name of the best Prince that reigned so long, and so well, let the Reader take but an Instance or two concerning his engagements to perform the grand Charter. This King in the first Parliament made the fifteenth year of his Reign, had granted the enacting of divers wholesome and seasonable Laws, which he willed and engaged unto for him and his Heirs, that they should be firmly kept, and remain inviolable for ever, for the ratification of Magna Charta, and other good Laws formerly enacted; and that all the Officers of State, as Chancellor, Treasurer, Barons of the Exchequer, Judges, &c. should at that present in Parliament, and for ever after, take a solemn Oath before their admission to their Offices, to keep and maintain the point of the great Charter, and the Charter of the forest, &c. But no sooner was the Parliament dissolved, but the very same year he publicly revoked these Statutes, pretending that they were contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Realm, and to his Prerogative and Rights Royal, &c. wherefore we are willing( saith he) providently to revoke these things we have so improvidently done; because( saith he) mark the dissimulation of Princes( even in Parliaments) We never really consented to the making of such Statutes, but as then it behoved Us, We dissembled in the Premises, by Protestations of revocation, if indeed they should proceed to secure the dangers, which by denying the same we feared to come, with many more such passages; and yet this King is the Phoenix of our more ancient Monarchs; but the Reader may still learn what the best of our Princes have been, and what weak assurances any engagements from them are, where power is wanting from them and advantages present to them.  
Another instance of his actings we may take up from the success of his first siege of Tourney in France, having laid on heavy and excessive taxes to maintain that war, and the people seeing no fruits of all promises for executing the Articles of Magna Charta, they refuse to pay any more, without more faithful performance of his Vows, and solemn engagements to them, whereby he wanting money was fain to quit the place, and return for England, full of revengeful thoughts, and in much fury breaths out destruction to all the refusers; But the Archbishop of Canterbury  told him publicly, but plainly, that he had oftentimes as well as his Father offered manifest violences to the Liberties of the English Nation, comprehended in that grand Charter, and if he expected Subsidies, from the people, he must more carefully maintain their privileges so justly due. But the King vexed with such language, both storms against the Arch-bishop, and as much as possibly he then could sought the ruin of all that had made any refusal of payment of these taxes, although he had not in any manner performed his own promises. Yet I will end his Reign, because he hath the name of a good King,( though as Speed saith, by the General vote of Historians, he committed many foul Errors in his Government) with a good act he did at the fiftieth year of his age( which he kept as his Jubilee) he called a Parliament, and there freely heard the grievances of the people, and redressed many, especially a Petition of the Commons against the doublings of Lawyers; he caused the pleas which were before in French to be made in English; a necessary Law( saith Speed) if it had been as carefully observed, especially if he had ordered( saith he) that the same should not have been written in French, That the Subject might understand the Law by which he holds what he hath, and is to know what he doth. But all this is not for nothing; for as he imparted grace unto his people( faith the same Author) for so all acts of Justice are termed, when granted by Kings, so he took a care to replenish his own Purse by it, that the poor Commons obtain not any thing which they pay not too dearly for.  
Here ends the Life of the best reputed Prince; and yet you see wherein his excellency lay; the best happiness the People had in his reign, was, that they had more Engagements for their Liberties with more cost, and the remembrances and sense of the goodness of them more fresh and sweet by the often repetition of them; but for execution or addition to them, they were as far to seek as in former times. And if it do possibly happen that in one Kings reign either through the goodness of his Nature, or rather want of advantages, there be an intermission of oppressions;( for that is the utmost to be expected) yet the next King will be sure to make it up, and if they give the People a little breadth, itis but that they may sow for the next to reap, or as they do with Men on the Rack, let them down, and give them Cordials, and spiritful liquours, that they may be the longer and more sensibly tormented; which was made good in the next Kings reign, viz. Richard the Second, who presently dashes and utterly nips these blossoms that sprung out in the former Kings reign, devoting himself to all uncivil and lewd courses, and to enable him the better unto it, lays on sad and miserable Taxes on the People without so much as a mention or hint of their Liberties, and as the parallel of Ed. the Second, both lived and died; Its enough to decipher his reign by his end; for he was deposed by the universal consent of the People in Parliament as a tyrannical and cruel Governor, and not a good word spoken of him to commend him in his Government, and its pitty to aggravate his misery after his death, and yet( as we say) Seldom comes a better; when one is cut off, another like the Hidra's head springs up in his place. Henry the fourth who overthrew him in Battle, and was made King in his stead( though by a wrong Title) at first promised the new modeling of Laws to the Peoples ease, and did, as in a compliment( rather to secure his Titile, then out of affection to the People, or sense of his relation) redress many grievances, which were more gross and less concerning the Common-wealth; and as he did strive by these common acts to engage the People to him, so( as one that had continual sense of guilt on him) he got the deposed King to be barbarously murdered in the Castle of Pomfret, that no competition might endanger his Title by his life, He spent most of his reign in continual Wars about his Title, and was often opposed as both a Tyrant and Usurper; but he still got ground on both the Liberties and Laws formerly granted; yet not so sensibly as in the former Kings Reigns, that the People may be said to have a little respite from the Violence and Height of Prerogative by him; but they may thank the Unjustness and Bitterness of his Title, for that he being more in fear of losing it, than out of Love with the Excess of his Ancestors. I shall only add one Story to conclude this Kings Reign, which is universally reported by most of our Historians, worth observation, because it hath much of ingenuity in it, and because they were his dying Words; being cast into an Apoplexy, and nigh his End, he caused his Crown to be placed by him on his Pillow, least in the Extremity of his Sickness it might have been delivered to some other, who had better Right thereunto than he had; but when his Attendants,( through the Violence of his Distemper) supposed him to be dead, the young Prince of Wales seized on his Crown, whereat the King started up, raising himself on his Arms, demanded who it was that had so boldly taken away the Crown? the Prince answered that it was he, the King fell back into his Bed, and fetching a deep Sigh, and sending forth many a pensive Groan, replies thus; My Son, what Right I had to this Crown, and how I have enjoyed it, God knows, and the World hath seen: But the Prince( ambitious enough of a Diadem) answered him thus; Comfort yourself in God( good Father) the Crown you have, and if you die, I will have it, and keep it with my Sword, as you have done, and so he did soon after, maintaining his Fathers Injustice by his own.  
And now comes up his Son Henry the Fifth as the next Heir, who though while a Prince was given to many wicked practices, yet when a King became moderate, and hath better Commendation than most of his Ancestors; the People had two Advantages and Comforts by him; first, that his Reign was short, and that he was much employed in the War with France, for regaining a Title to that Crown, which he accomplished, and so they were free of Civil Wars; though they had still heavy Taxes, yet they thought it better to pay for maintaining War abroad than at Home, and truly, the People thought themselves very happy in this Kings Reign,( though their Privileges were laid asleep) that they had little breathing time from domestic and Civil Wars, and had hopes to regain by degrees a reviving of their Spirits.  
But the next King, Henry the Sixth, makes up what was wanting of Tyranny and Oppression in his Fathers Reign. He was crwoned King about the eighth or ninth Month of his Age, and so had not present opportunity to show his Royalty. Until he came to Age, the Kingdom was well governed by his three Uncles, Humphrey Duke of gloucester, John Duke of Bedford, Thomas Duke of Exeter; who by their Wisdom and Justice, kept up the flourishing Estate of the English Nation; but when his Years of Nonage were expired, and he came to wield the sceptre with his own Hands,( what as some favourably think out of Weakness, for he was no Solomon) all things went presently out of order, and Prerogative breaks forth beyond bounds; which gave occasion to Edward Duke of York to try Conclusions for his Title against the House of Lancaster, and making use of the Discontents of the People through his evil Government, opposed him, and afterwards deposed him, and reigned in his stead by the Name of Edward the Fourth, and so by Conquest he got the Title to run through the House of York, having cut it off by his Sword from the House of Lancaster, notwithstanding actual Possession of three Descents, many Overtures of War were yet between them; for Henry was not yet dead, though for the present outed, but as a dying Man striven for Life, but being quiter overthrown, was imprisoned, and afterwards murdered to secure the Title; there was in these two Kings Reign, but merely for a Title, fought ten bloody Battles, besides all lesser Skirmishes, wherein many thousands of Lords, Gentlemen and Commons were slain, and yet not one jot of Advantage gotten by it for the Peoples Liberties; it being the Misery and Folly of the People, to venture all they have, to set up those over them, who afterwards prove most Tyrannical, and to low Seeds of future Misery, by spilling their Bloods for an usurped Title.  
In this Kings Reign, as in the former, the whole Land was miserable rent by unnatural Divisions against his Title and Government; and though neither or these two had a just Title( if, we will begin from the Root) yet all the Blood of the Nation is thought too little to be spilled to maintain their Pretences; yet we may not reckon this King among the worst, had it not fallen out that his Title must be kept up with expense of so much Blood, and ruin of the English Nation; yet in his last five years, he laid on such extraordinary Taxes, and changed the Form of Laws, that he lost the Love of all his Subjects.  
For Edward the Fifth his Son, who succeeded him in Title, we need but mention him, for he had but the Name of a King( being an Infant) and his Reign may well be called an Inter regnum, for e're he came to know what Government was, he was cruelly murdered with his Infant Brother, by his Uncle Rich. Duke of gloucester, who reigned both for him, and afterwards for himself, by the Name of Richard the Third, a bloody and cruel Man, rather a Monster than a Prince, his Name stincks in the English Dialect; the shortness of his Reign was the Happiness of the People; for after three years Usurpation, he was slain in the Field by the Earl of Richmond, who by his Valour, more than is Title, got the Crown, by the Name of Henry the Seventh; this was the best Act that was done by him, in easing the Kingdom of such a Viper. In his Reign( who is the first Root of our Kings since) the People had more Hopes than Benefits, and were rejoiced and made happy more by Expectations, than Enjoyments of any real privilege or Liberty. For though he took all the ways to secure his Title, by his Marriage to the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to Edward the Fourth, yet many Stratagems were laid to disturb his Peace, which put him on Acts of Policy and Diligence( which he excellently demonstrated) to free and extricate himself out of Dangers and Designs; many sad Divisions were still in the Kingdom, all men were not pleased either with his Title or Government, and that they might but disturb him, or hazard his Crown, they made Stage-Kings, dressed up pretty Lads in princely Robes, and carried them up and down the Kingdom as Puppets for the People to gaze on and admire; all this while King Henry had not time to advance his Prerogative, while he was but securing his Title; but after he had done that, and now began to look on himself as free from either foreign or home Competitors, and the cost of State seeming clear from all thickening Weather, he thinks of redeeming what he had lost by Factions, and employs his Wit for bringing down the height of the English Nation, and plucking down their Courage, and was especially( saith one) jealous over his Nobility, as remembering how himself was set up; and how much more did this humour increase in him after he had conflicted with such Idols and Counterfeits as Lambert, Simnel and Perkin Warbeck? the strangeness of which Dangers made him think nothing safe; and thinking that the Riches of the English occasioned their Rebellions, he took a Course to empty their Coffers into his; and the Plot whereby he meant to effect it, was by taking the Advantage of the Breach of Penal Laws, which he both found, and made for that purpose; his Instruments which for this Work were picked, and qualified sufficiently, were Sir Richard Empson, and edmond Dudley, Men learned in the Law, and of desperate and subtle Heads, and forward in executing the Kings Commands, these two attended by Troops of base Informers, Promoters, Catch-poles, Cheaters, Knights of the Post, &c. went up and down the Kingdom, cruelly polled and taxed all sorts of People, and prosecuted in every Shire the most deserving and generous Men, that the Kingdom in a little time was more beggared, than by most of the Civil Wars; and all this done by the Kings special Command and Countenance, that we may see what was the reason he began not sooner to play the Rex; want of Opportunity, and fear of losing his Crown while he was advancing it; but the latter end of his Reign was too soon, and too long for such Actings. This King ends his Reign with the greatest Acts of Tyranny; he made himself a rich King by beggaring his Subjects, after he had freed his own Person out of danger, he employs all his Wits to enslave the English; the Fruits both of his Title and Tyranny, we have felt ever since, in these that followed him.  
His Son Henry, the Eight of that Name, succeeds him; in his first beginnings he seemed to be tenderly affencted to the Common-wealth, and redressed many Grievances, especially those which were laid on by his Father, and executed by Empson and Dudley, doing Justice on them for their Cruelty and Oppression. But those Affections were too good, and too violent to last long; the Sound of Drums and Trumpets soon quashed them, and many Encroachments grew on the Peoples Liberties; many tempestuous Storms and Controversies there were in this Kings Reign; but they were more Ecclesiastical than Civil, and so more dangerous and strong. In a Word, he was accounted a better soldier than a governor, and more fit for a General than a King to govern by just and unequal Laws; the best Act he did, was the Discovery of the Wickedness of the Clergy, and casting off the Popes Supremacy, which yet he took to himself, and annexed it to his own Crown; as the most of his Reign was full of Controversies and Tempests, so all Affairs were managed in a ranting and turbulent manner, not with that Gravity and Soberness as becomes civil and prudential Transactions; he was very Lascivious, and delighted much in Variety and Changes of Laws, as Wives; he oftentimes much pleased himself to be in the Company, and was over-familiar with swaggering and loose Fellows; and the People ever and anon found the Power of his Prerogative at home, as his Enemies did of his Sword abroad. Edward the Sixth, his only Son succeeds him, a Prince that was too good to live long, the Phoenix of English Kings, had he had time to prosecute his Intentions, and mature his Genius; but the Sun in him did shine too bright in the Morning; God gave England only the Representation of a good King, but would not in judgement let us be blessed long with him; Religion began to revive, Liberty to bud forth, the People to peep out of their Graves of Slavery and Bondage, and to have their Blood fresh and blusHing in their Cheeks; but all is presently blasted by his Death, and the People( who have seldom more than Hopes for their Comforts) are now fainting for fear; England is benighted, and hung with black. Queen Mary, that allecto, and fury of Women, succeeds, and now both Souls and Bodies of the people are enslaved, and nothing but bonfires made of the Flesh and Bones of the best Christians: But itis too much to name her in the English Tongue; Queen Elizabeth succeeds her, who being prepared for the Crown by suffering, came in a most seasonable time, both for her self and the People, who were made Fuel for the Flames of her Sisters Devotion.  
And now England begins to flourish again, and to recover its Strength; many Inlargments were granted, both to the Consciences, and Estates of the People; yet if we speak impartially, we were kept further off Rome than Royalty; yet doubtless she may be Chronicled for the best Princess, and her Reign the most even, and best managed, with more Fruits to the People than any of the former Kings, especially if we consider how long she governed this Nation; I end her Reign with this Character, That she was the best Queen that ever England had, and the Glory of her Sex to all Ages.  
The English Line is now ended, we must go into Scotland to seek for a King, because a Daughter of Henry the Seventh was married to James the Fourth, King of Scotland; but I will not question his Title.  
King James the Sixth of Scotland, and first of England, succeeded on the English Throne; a Prince that had many Advantages to set up Prerogative, which he improved; he was too timorous to act, but most subtle in council and Designs, and no King did more insensibly and closely undermine the Liberties of England than himself; he gave us cause to remember from whence he came; but his peaceable Reign was the Rail to his Design, and did chaok suspicion; we were brought by him very nigh Rome and Spain, and yet knew it not; he had an inveterate Hatred against Puritans, as he had a Fear of Papists, and made more of Bishops than ordinary, by remembrance of the Scots Presbytery; he had as much of Royalty in his Eye as any Prince could have, but had not so much Courage to prosecute it; the Puritan always lay in his Spleen, the Papist on his Lungs, that he durst not, that he could not breath so clearly and strongly against them; but the Bishops lay in his Heart. I will not ripp up his personal Failings after his Death; he was the most profane King for Oaths and Blasphemies that England had besides, &c. He now grows old, and was judged only fit to lay the Plot, but not no execute it; the Design being now ripe, and his Person and Life the only Obstacle and Remora to the next Instrument, he is conveyed away suddenly into another World, as his Son Henry was, because thought unsuitable to the Plot, it being too long to wait, until Nature and Distemper had done the dead.  
We are now come to Charles the First, the perfect Idea of all the rest, and the most zealous Prosecutor of the Designs of all his Ancestors, who, if Divine Providence had not miraculously prevented, had accomplished the utmost of their Intentions, and for ever darkened the Glory of the English Sun; so much I must say of him, that he got more Wisdom by Action, than could possibly be expected by his Nature; Experience that teacheth Fools, made him wise; he endeavoured to act what others designed; he dissembled as long as he could, and used all Parties to the utmost; but his Zeal and Hardiness brought him to his Death. He needed no physic for his Body, had he remembered his Soul. But what need I mention him? he would have been what other Kings are, and endeavoured to attain what others would be; he lived an Enemy to the Common-wealth, and dyed a Martyr to Prerogative.  
Thus you have seen a faithful Representation of the Norman Race, under which we have groaned for about six hundred years; the first Title made only by the Invasion and Conquest of a Stranger and Bastard, continued by Usurpation and Tyranny, that take away but two or three Persons out of the List( and yet these bad enough if we consider all things) and all this while England neither had a right Heir, or good King to govern it; and yet by Delusion and Deceit, we must be bound to maintain that Title as Sacred and Divine, which in the beginning was extorted, and usurping, as if gray Hairs could add Reverence to Injustice. For my part, as I do not give much to that Monkish prophesy from Henry the Seventh's Times; Mars, Puer, allecto, Virgo, Vulpes, lo, Nullus( yet I wonder how the Devil could foresee so far off, and must needs say, that it hath yet been literally fulfilled, both in the Characters of the Persons of most of our Kings.  
Can we think( and retain our Memories and Reasons) that Charles the Second can forget Charles the First; that Custom and Education can easily be altered? that the true and real Engagers with him and his Father, shall be raised out of his Heart, or that he can hearty love his Opposers, but as he may make use of them? or that when some Banks and Rocks are out of the way, the Waters and Floods of Tyranny will not run in its wonted Channel? Can reason think or dream, that Breach of Coronation Oaths will not eat out Sincerity? or that Law and Liberty can flourish in that State where boundless Prerogative is the Ascendaut? or is that Person fit to be the Medium of Peace, and the Glory of this Nation, who was the conjunct Instrument of the War, and the Survivor both of the War and Peace? a Person that durst not stay in his own Nation to pled his Right because of his Guilt, whose Youth and Wilfulness is most unapt for the settling the Storms and Tempests of a distracted Nation. It was said of Tiberius Caesar in a satirical Expression, yet it proved true.  


Su●ton. ● 3. c. 52.  Regnabit Sanguine multo,  
Ad Regnum quisquis venit Sanguine multo.   

Who first exiled, is after crowned,  
His Reign with Blood will much abound.   
Certain it is, that never any Prince, so long exterminated as he had been, was restored with more Alacrity and Unanimity of the People, with greater Applause and Expectaions, and with louder Acclamations of Joy and Triumph. For all which, never did any Prince so well require the Kindness of his doting Subjects, as our second Charles, grateful to the highest Degree, in yielding, and poorly submitting to the Counsels of all those that sought to betray their Properties and Liberties to French Slavery and Arbitrary Power, and give up their Religion first to the Subjection, and then to the Revenge of Rom.  
For when our Second Charles returned into England, true it was, that the balance of Europe was on the French side, and that by the Assistance of cromwell, who for his own Ends, had sacrificed the Interest of the Nation, by joining with the stronger Side, to suppress the Power of Spain, which it became him to have supported. But when Charles the Second returned, all the World knows that he was followed with the Courtships of all the Nations abroad, to be speak the Friendship of a Prince, who, besides his other Greatness, was much more considerable, by his being re-established with the Love of his People. France saw this, and therefore to put the King of England into such a Condition that he might not be able to give any Opposition to his Designs upon Flanders, for which he had an incurable Passion, resolved to commit a Rape upon the Lady, which he could not otherwise win to his Embraces: A thing that he knew would not be easy to accomplish, so long as Holland and England were agreed, and resolved to rescue her, whenever they resolved to cry out to them for Help. To which end, the French King gave those Philters to the King of England, which contrary to the Nature of Love potions, that when they have done working, cause an Aversion for them that gave them, made our Charles the Second so in love ever afterward with the Person that gives them, as made him ever afterwards dote upon the King of Franee's Charms and Counsels till he had almost ruined the Nation, only leaving a little for his Brother to consummate; for whom he had such an Affection, so entire and baneful to this Nation, that he might be only said to Reign while his Brother ruled.  
Well then, to dissolve this Union between the Dutch and England, we must be set together by the Ears. To this purpose Amboyna and the Fishery were talked of here, and the preservation of Trade, and the Freedom of the Sea were disputed in Holland, and there being combustible Matter enough on both sides, it took fire in a little time. What vast Supplies were furnished out by the Subject for defraying that War, is too well known, and yet after all, saving one brisk Engagement, ill managed, though with some Loss to the Dutch, at length no Fleet set out, and the choicest of the Royal Navy, either burnt or taken in their Harbours to save Charges. While the French, during that War, joined themselves in Assistance with the Dutch against Us, and yet by the Credit he had with the Queen-Mother, so far deluded Charles the Second, that upon Assurance that the Hollanders would have no Fleet out at Sea that Year, no more than himself, forbore to make ready, and so incurred that shameful Disgrace at Chatham, the like to which the English never suffered since they claimed the Dominion of the Sea. And which was more, as he had been beholding to the King of France, for the Ignominy he had suffered, so was he glad to receive the Peace from his Favour, which was concluded at Breda.  
And now the King of England was at leisure to observe how the French King had taken his Opportunity, while we were embroiled and weakened by the Dutch, though with the Violation of the most Sacred Oaths and Treaties, and had invaded and taked a great Part of the Spanish Netherlands, which had been always considered as the Natural Frontier of England.  
This alarmed the King of England to that Degree, that he entered into a Defensive League with Holland, and made another for opposing the farther Progress of the French in the Spanish Netherlands. The Swede also shortly after made a Third in the Confederacy; from whence it was called the Triple Alliance.  
But in a very short time, these Counsels, which had taken effect so much to the King of Englands Honour, and the general Satisfaction of the Nation, were all changed of a sudden. For the King of France being stopped in his Career by the Triple League, and by the Peace of Aix la Chapelle, soon after concluded, though for a while he dissembled his dissatisfaction, yet he resolved to untie the Triple Knot, whatever it cost him. To which purpose, the duchess of Orleans was sent over, as one who would be a welcome Guest to her Brother, and whose Charms and Dexterity joined with her other Advantages, would give her such an Ascendant over him, as could not fail of Success. And indeed she quitted her self so well of the Commission, a double laid Foundation for a new strict Alliance with France, quiter contrary to that wherein the King of England had been so lately engaged; which made him soon looked upon by the Confederates as an Apostate from the common Interest. And this invisible French League was struck up with France to that height of Dearness and Affection, as if upon the ensuing sudden Death of the Princess, the Reconciliation with France had not been to have been celebrated with a less Sacrifice than that of the Blood Royal of England.  
But this French League being made in the Dark, and as yet undiscovered, the Parliament soon after meeting, were soothed up by the Lord Keeper Bridgman, under pretence of Great Advantages, to give the King in three Bills, no less than two Millions and a half, as it were to fix the Triple League with a Triple Supply. But the Parliament having given the Money, and consequently being prorogued, all Applications to foreign Ministers to enter into the Warrants of the Peace of Aix la chapel cleared, and those that desired to be admitted were refused, insomuch that the Emperor himself was turned off with idle Excuses and blind Reasons. Upon which, followed a second War with the Dutch, treacherously began by H. according to his Instructions from Court, at a time when the Dutch least suspected any such Thing, as relying upon the Faith of their Treaties and Alliances with Us; and as unfortunately carried on to the Loss of the English; not so much through the cowardice of the Commanders, as by our unlucky Conjunction with the French, whose Business it was not to do us any Good, but to see us batter one another, to found our Seas, to spy out Ports, to learn our Building, and contemplate our manner of Fighting, to consume ours, and preserve his own, Navy.  
However, the King having wasted all those vast Sums, which had been already given him, of which, there appeared, to the discerning part of the Kingdom, but a very bad account to be given, wanted a new Supply, and then the Parliament, who were seldom summoned for any other Purpose, had leave to sit again; and in exchange of a Bill against the Papists, voted him one Million two hundred and fifty thousand Pounds. So easily was the King induced to exhaust and squander away the Treasure of his Protestant Subjects, and to make them pay for their own Designed Destruction, and supply those with continual Sums of Money, who had undertaken for the Change of their Religion and Government.  
Had it been twice as much more, it would have gone all the same way as the other had done, in Expenses of Pleasure and secret Services; for the Sea-men were fed with a Bit and a Knock. But by this time the French having raised the Indignation of the English, by their ill Behaviour at Sea in all the Engagements, and perceiving their pernicious Counsels tended to nothing else, but by frequent Levies of Men and Money, to exhaust and weaken the Kingdom, and by their Conjunction with us, to raise a rational Jealosie of Poperty and French Government, till it should insensibly devolve into both, by inclination or necessity; began to be for an honourable Peace with the States, which when it could be no longer resisted, was concluded.  
And thus was the French King, who made all his Wars, as he wrote to the Pope, for the Extirpation of heresy, and a mortal Enemy of the English Protestants, not only assisted by the Councils of the Defender of the English Protestant Faith, but also with his Forces and his Arms, as appeared by his numerous compliments of English, Scotch, and Irish, always in the French Army, as often as need required, still recruited and re-inforced, and by their Valour, as often prejudicial to the Allies of the King of England, against whom they were to fight, though he at the same time in Peace with them. Besides that, the King of England's Magazines were daily emptied to furnish the French with all sorts of Ammunition; of which, the following NOte contains but a small parcel, in comparison of what was daily conveyed away, under colour of Cockets for Jersey.  

led Shot, 21 tons.  
Gun-powder 7134 Barrels.  
Iron Shot, 18 Tun.  
Match, 88 Tun.  
Iron Ordnance, 441.  
Carriages, Bandeliers, Pikes, &c. proportionable.   
granades without number, shipped off under the colour of unrought Iron.  
And thus was the French King gratified for undoing the Nation by Sea, by contributing all the King could wrap and rend of Men and Ammunition at Land, to make the Kingdoms, and the Protestant Religion's Enemy more potent and formidable in his Enterprizes against both.  
Nor will Story forget the frequent Prorogations of the Parliaments in this Reign. And indeed the Parliament was never summoned to sit, but when the Court wanted new Supplies for what had been extravangantly spent, and when they began to inquire into the Miscarriages of the Government always dismissed.  
More particularly remarkable was one Prorogation, from the 22d. of November 75. to the 15th. of February 76. and then holding it after Dismission: there being no Record of any such thing done since the being of Parliaments in England, and the whole Reason of the Law, as well as the practise and Custom of holding Parliaments being quiter against it.  
Nevertheless, the Duke of Buckingham, for arguing by all the Laws of Parliament, and with great strength of Reason, that the Prorogation was null, and consequently, that the Parliament was dissolved, and the Earls of Salisbury and Shaftsbury, and the Lord Wharton, for upholding the same Argument, were sent to the Tower, under the Notion of Contempt. And thus a Prorogation without President, was warranted by a President without Example.  
Neither will Story forget the Coming of the Duke of Crequs, the Arch-Bishop of rheims, and Monsieur Barillon into England, and their attending the King at New-Market, and so to London, and their being sent away again just upon the Parliaments being ready to sit again. The Matters that passed between the French Lords and the King, were, as it was said, for a Confirmation of continuing the Kings Subjects in the Service of France: An Abolition of all Claims and Demands from the Subjects of France, upon account of all Prizes made of the English, from the Year 74. and for the future from that Day. And a Demand of a farther Supply of French Money. However it were, so soon as the French Lords were departed the Land, and not before the Parliament met. And the first Message from the Court was for six hundred thousand pounds, for that the King could neither speak nor act without it, as the Secretary then declared. But the Commons insisting that an Alliance might be made with the Dutch, and that the King would recall his Subjects out of the French Service, were not only checked by the King, but put off by three Adjournals, contrary to the Usage of Parliaments, to the end the French King might have the more leisure to complete his Design upon Flanders, before the Grand Council of the Nation should have the Opportunity of interposing their Advice with the King to prevent it.  
Nor will Story forget, how that upon the Discovery of a Horrid Plot, even against the Person of the King himself, and for the Subversion of the Protestant Religion, and established Government of the Nation, and that the King well knew by Colemans Letters, and other significant Evidence, how deeply his Brother and the French King were combined therein, yet he sate down patiently, suffered the Discoverers of the Plot to be discouraged and discountenanced, and the Plot itself to be cried down and ridiculed for an Imposture, while Sham-plots were set up by the Conspirators themselves, to cut off the most powerful Opposers of the King of France's Designs and the Popish Interests.  
By all which Transactions it is apparent, that the whole Reign of this Prince was only a Combination of two great Monarchs, to reduce the English Dominions under the Slavery of France, and Jurisdiction of the Spiritual Tyranny of Rome; or at least, to make it more easy for a Popish Successor.  
For to what other Design else could tend the setting up a standing Army, contrary to the Fundamental Constitutions of the Kingdom; the abandonning of a Nephew in Holland for so many years, in Compliance with the French Designs upon Flanders and the United Provinces; the suffering of French Depredations and Cruelties exercised at Sea upon the English, to the spoiling the Trade, and impoverishing the Wealth of the Nation, the patiently brooking the Treacheries and insolences of the French, more especially relating to the Kings Affairs. The taking away of the Charters of all the Cities and Towns in the Kingdom, to frustrate the due Elections of Parliament Men. The countenancing the Irregularities and unjust Proceedings of the Courts of Westminster. And lastly, the diligent Search all over the Kingdom, for Men of Arbitrary Principles, in order to promote them to public Commissions and employments, but disgracing and displacing such as durst in such an universal Depravation, be faithful to their Trusts, which caused a Defection of several considerable Persons, both Male and Female, to the Popish Religion, though more for their Temporal Safety, than in order to their Salvation.  
But Charles the Father is gone to his Place, and so is Charles the Son. And as for the Brother James the Second, he has withdrawn himself into France, after a short, but violent Reign, according to the Maxim of Nullum Violentum est Diuturnum.  
'Tis true, when he stepped into the Throne, he thought himself pretty sure, as well he might, having in his Brothers time got all the Keys, the strong Holds of the Kingdom, and the Navy into his Hands, besides a considerable standing Army, which he often exercised upon Hounslow-Heath, to terrify the Nation. He had taken away all the Charters of all the Cities and Towns Corporate of the Nation, to have both them, and any Parliament that he should call, to do his own and the Popes Business. However, notwithstanding all these Advantages, he thought it his most proper way to enter like a Lamb, rather than like a Wolf. And to that purpose he publishes a Declaration, where he solemnly promised not to invade the Properties of any one of his Subjects, and to protect the Professors of the established Religion of the Church of England, in the peaceful Exercise of their Divine Worship, and the unmolested Enjoyment of their Spiritual and Temporal Rights. Yet in compliance with that grand Popish Maxim, That there is no Faith to be kept with heretics, no sooner did he feel himself warm in his Seat, but he erected an Arbitrary Ecclesiastical Court, to inquire into all Offences of Ecclesiastical Persons, from the Highest to the Lowest; and that their Commission might be effectual, they had an unlimited Power to call Offences whatever they deemed to be so. It being therefore an Offence for the Bishop of London, upon the Kings Letter, not to silence Doctor Sharp, for uttering certain Expressions in a Sermon, which displeased the Court, this Court therefore fell upon him, and suspended him from the Exercise of his Episcopal Function.  
And because they might not want a share to entangle the whole Clergy of the Nation, a Declaration was put forth, and commanded to be red in all the Churches and chapels throughout the Kingdom, for the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws against Papists, which they that refused to red, were liable to the Censure and Sentence of this same new erected Arbitrary Court.  
It was expected that the Bishops should have been the first to promote the distributing and publishing this Declaration in their several dioceses. But instead of so doing, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and six Suffragan Bishops presented their Answer in an humble and short Petition, That in regard his Majesties Command for their distributing and publishing his Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, was grounded upon a Dispensing Power, declared illegal by several Acts of Parliament, they humbly besought his Majesty not to insist upon it. For which, the Arch-Bishop, and six more Bishops were committed to the Tower, and afterwards arraigned at the Kings-Bench-Bar, to the eternal Infamy of the Prosecutors. And thus far the Declaration was broken, in reference to the maintaining the Rights of the Church of England. In the next place, because the Fellows of Magdalen college in Oxford refused a Mandamus for admitting a Papist into their Society, all the Fellows of that House were not only outed of their Properties as Fellows of that college, but so severely used, as to be denied all means of Subsistence and getting daily Bread. And this was an Invasion upon the Property and Possessions of the Subject, contrary to the solemn Engagements of the forementioned Declaration.  
And because the King was afraid, that, growing into years, he might not live to complete the great Work he had begun, the next Attempt was to pretend an Heir of the Queens Body; and by a borrowed Impostor, to have defeated the right Heir to the Crown.  
By which indirect Proceedings, the King had so alienated the Affections of his People from him, that when his Highness the Prince of Orange came in to the Re-save of this distressed Nation, the King found himself so generally deserted by his People, that he looked upon it as his best way to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom.  
Since then we have given our Thanks to Heaven forth is happy Deliverance from Popery and Slavery, it behoves us to be the more careful, that we may not be said to dally with Divine Mercy, how we involve ourselves again in those fatal Interests, that were so near the procuring our Destruction.  
Thus expired the unfortunate Reign of James the Second, a Misfortune incident to the Second of a Name in England; after he had swayed the sceptre the best part of four years; and it is credibly reported, that to excuse the Miscarriages of his short Government, he should declare to some that followed him, that he had been ruined by a furious Woman, and a hot headed Fool. A certain Testimony from his own Lips, that he was not a Person of that Resolution which his Flatterers extolled him to be.   

A POLITICAL CATECHISM: Serving to instruct those that have made the Protestation concerning the Power and privileges of Parliament; taken out of his Majesties Answer to the Nineteen Propositions.  
QUESTION I.  
HOW many simplo kinds are there of Civil Government of States and Common wealths?  
Answer. There are three kinds of Government among Men; Absolute Monarchy, Aristocracy and Democracy, page. 17.  
Qu. 2. Are there any of these simplo Forms perfect?  
Ans. All these have their particular Conveniences and Inconveniences, page. 17.  
observe. 1. Experience hath taught Men every where to aclowledge this, and accordingly there never was long( if at all) continued any of these Forms exactly simplo; though some have more seemed such than others. Also in all Mixtures there is commonly some one of these Forms more conspicuous than the rest, from whence such a particular Government hath its Denomination.  
Q. 3. Is the State of England governed by any one of these kinds simply?  
A. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath moulded this[ Government] out of a mixture of these, page. 18.  
Q. 4. What kind of Government then is that of the State of England?  
A. Regulated Monarchy, page. 18.  


observe. 1. If this Government be a Mixture of all these, and a Regulated Monarchy; then it is a fond thing with us to talk of an Absolute Monarchy, and what an Absolute Monarchy is, or may do. And it is only the Language of Flattery that holds such Discourses.   

2. It needs not be accounted a Solecism( as some would persuade us) to speak of free Subjects in a Monarchy, such a Monarchy as ours is.   

3. If this Government be a Mixture of all three, then the House of Commons, the Representative Body of the People, must needs be allowed a share in Government( some at least) which yet is denied, page. 19.   

4. If this Government be a Mixture, then is not the Government according to these Laws, solely trusted to the King, as seems to be affirmed, page. 18.   

5. If the Government be regulated, why do Men tell us that the King is above all Law? for it is by Laws that he is regulated.   

6. If the King be regulated by the Law, then is the King accountable to the Law, and not to God only, as Men would make us believe.   

7. If the Monarchy or Regal Authority itself be regulated, then whatsoever is done by the King, undeniably without, and beyond the Limits of that Regulation, is not Regal Authority. And therefore   

8. To resist the notorious Transgressions of that Regulation, is no resisting of Regal Authority. And   

9. It is so far from being a Resisting of the Ordinance of God, that it is not so much as Resisting the Ordinance of Man.    
Q. 5. By whom was this Government framed in this sort? or who is to be accounted the immediate Efficient of the Constitution thereof?  
A. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this, page. 18.  


observe. 1. If our Ancestors were the Moulders of this Government, then the King hath not his Power, solely or immediately, by Divine Right.   

2. Much less hath he his Power or Authority by Right of Conquest.   

3. But the immediate Original of it was from the People. And if so, Then—   

4. In questioned Cases, the King is to produce his Grant( for he hath no more than what was granted) and not the People to show a Reservation; for all is presumed to be reserved, which cannot be proved to be granted away.    
Q. 6. Is this regulated and mixed Monarchy as good as an Absolute Monarchy, or better, or worse?  
A. This excellent Constitution of this Kingdom( the Ancient, Equal, Happy, Well-poised, and never enough commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom, page. 17.) hath made this Nation so many years both Famous and Happy, and to a great degree of Envy, page. 20.  
Q. 7. How comes it to pass that this Constitution is so excellent?  
A. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this, out of a Mixture of these, as to give to this Kingdom( as far as human Prudence can provide) the Conveniences of all three, without the Inconvenience of any one, page. 18.  


Observe. 1. Then those that would place in the King an Absolute and Arbitrary Power to do what he list, are destructive to the Nations Happiness, and Enemies to the Kingdom.   

2. If this Mixture cause this Happiness, then it is not the Greatness of the Kings Power over his People, but the Restraint of that Power that hath made this Kingdom Famous and happy, for other Kings have Power as large, but not so much restrained; which loathness of their Power, hath raised those Kings indeed,( but not their Kingdoms) to a great degree of Envy.   

3. Hence we discern, that it is possible for Kings to envy their Peoples Happiness, because the largeness of the Peoples Happiness depends much upon the Restraint of the Kings Exorbitant Power.   

4. If this Mixture and well▪ poised Constitution have raised this Kingdom to so great a Degree of Envy, no marvel if Jesuitical Councils be active to overthrow this happy Constitution.    
Q. 8. What is the Conveniency or Good of Monarchy?  
A. The uniting of a Nation under one Head, to resist Invasion from abroad, and Insurrection at home, page. 18.  


observe. 1. What pernicious Counsellors are they then to a Monarch, that advice him to bring in from abroad German Horse, or an Irish Army, or a Fleet of Danes to invade this Kingdom; or to employ Dunkirk Ships to seize upon his Merchants, which is so formally contrary to the proper Good or End of Monarchy itself?   

2. Or are they better or worse that advice him to Authorize, or even permit any in his Name to Plunder, Rob, Spoil or Imprison any of his Subjects, whom they have found peaceably in their Houses, or at work in the Fields, and have not disobeyed any legal Command o● his?    
Q. 9. What is the Ill of Absolute Monarchy? or the Inconvenience to which it is liable?  
A. The Ill of Absolute Monarchy, is Tyranny, page. 18.  


observe. 1. Therefore the more Absolute a Monarch is, the more prove to be a Tyrant.   

2. Therefore also it is safer to restrain the King of some Power to do us good, than to grant him too much opportunity to do us hurt; and the Danger is greater to the People in enlarging the Kings Power, then in restraining it somewhat.    
Q. 10. What is the Good or Conveniency of Aristocracy?  
A. The good of Aristocracy is the Conjunction of Councils in the ablest Persons of a State for public Benefit, page. 18.  


observe. 1. Then surely it is for the public Benefit of the State that this Conjunction of Councils in Parliament should be made use of more than once in thirteen or fourteen years; and the Law for a Triennial Parliament( if there were not others before for the holding of a Parliament yearly) was a most necessary Law, as also that it should not be dissolved for fifty days.   

2. It was not then intended in the Constitution of this Government, that the King in the greatest Matters of Importance for public Benefit, should only hear what they say, and then follow it, or reject it merely at his own Pleasure; for this may be as well done in an Absolute Monarchy.   

3. Neither is it agreeable to the Constitution of this Kingdom, to withdraw the King from affording his Presence to his great Council of State, that so the private Counsels of private Men may be preferred before those whom the Law and the Constitution of the Kingdom, counts the ablest to judge of public Benefit.    
Q. 11. What is the Ill of Aristocracy, or the Inconvenience to which it is liable.  
A. The ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division, page. 18.  
observe. What shall we say then to those private Counsellors that have abused the King, by persuading him first to withdraw himself from his Parliament, and then to call away the Members of both Houses, when yet without the Consent of both Houses, this Parliament cannot be adjourned to another place, much less dissolved? Yet if all would have come away at call, had it not been dissolved for want of legal Numbers remaining? And what greater Faction or Division can there be, than such as divide between King and Parliament, and between the House and their Members? Are not they most pernicious Instruments, that make Monarchy itself( whose end is to unite, as was said before) thus far Guilty of Faction and Division?  
Q. 12. What is the Good or Conveniency of Democracy?  
A. The good of Democracy is Liberty, and the Courage and Industry which Liberty begets, page. 18.  


observe. 1. Then the more Liberties are encroached upon, the more the People will be rendered cowardly and poor, as may be plain enough seen by comparing the Valour and Riches of this Nation in Queen Elizabeth's days, with what hath been of late Days.   

2. The King himself, when once his Subjects, by having lost their Liberties, shall lose withal their Courages, will prove the greatest loser; for then his Kingdom will be an easy Prey to any Foreign Invader, or even to a Home-bred Usurper, that could gather any sudden Strength, and would promise more Liberty.    
Q. 13. What is the Ill of Democracy, or the Inconvenience to which it is liable?  
A. The Ills of Democracy, are Tumults, Violence and Licentiousness, page. 18.  
observe. If these be the Evils for which the Peoples Liberty ought to be restrained by the Mixture in this Government, then the Restraint of the Liberty should be measured according to the Exigency of these Evils, and so much Liberty need only be restrained, as is sufficient for the Prevention of these Evils.  
Q. 14. What is the Mixture of this Kingdom, which gives it the Conveniences of all the three forementioned kinds of Government, without the Inconveniences of any one.  
A. In this Kingdom the Laws are jointly made by a King, by a House of peers, and by a House of Commons chosen by the People: All having free Votes, and particular privileges, page. 18.  


observe. 1. Whereas there hath been great question made by many what is meant by the Power and privileges of Parliament, mentioned in the Protestation, which hath been so generally made throughout the Kingdom: There is no reason to doubt but those things which the King grants afterward, to be the particular privilege of each House, and of both, are their certain privileges according to Law, and the Constitution of the Kingdom; and to the maintaining of them, every one that hath made the Protestation is most strictly bound, without peradventure or shift.   

2. That the privileges which the King challenges to himself, are to be yielded to, only so far forth as they are consistent with the acknowledged privileges of the two Houses; because the Monarchy being acknowledged to be a regulated Monarchy, and the Government mixed of Aristocracy and Democracy, as well as Monarchy; it is the privileges of the two Houses of Parliament that makes the Mixture, and so they must regulate and interpret the privileges of the King, and not the privileges of the King regulate or interpret theirs, save only to the maintaining still the Regal Dignity, and the Succession according to Laws.    
Q. 15. What privileges doth the King challenge to himself?  
A. The Government according to these Laws, is trusted to the King Power of Treaties of War and Peace, of making peers, of choosing Officers, and Councellors for State, Iudges for Law, Commanders for Forts and Castles; giving Commissions for raisig Men to make War abroad, or to prevent or provide against Invasions and Insurrections at home, Benefit of Confiscations, Power of Pardoning, and some other of like kind are placed in the King, page. 18.  


observe. 1. That all these are ordinarily in the King, Experience and Custom teaches, even those that know not the Law, by reading, but by what hath been noted before, and follows after, it is to be understood only so, as not to prejudice the privileges of the Houses of Parliament, especially in Cases of Necessity( of which hereafter.) Also—   

2. It is acknowledged here, that the Government, Trusted, is to be according to the Laws, and so all these things are not absolutely in the King; as for instance, Pardons, the Law denies Power of Pardoning wilful murder; and Benefit of some Confiscations belongs to some private Lords of manors.   

3. If Government only according to Law be trusted to the King, then to resist notorious illegal Violences is not to resist the Kings Authority.    
Q. 16. For what end is this Authority trusted to the King, and placed in him?  
A. For our Subjects sake these Rights are invested in us, page. 17. The Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Power to the Hurt of those for whose Good he hath it, page. 19.  


observe. 1. Then the Good of the Subjects is ever to be preferred before the Monarchical Greatness of the King( the End is ever more considerable than the Means) Salus Populi is Suprema Lex.   

2. Whosoever counsels the King to any thing against the Good of his Subjects, is the Kings Enemy as well as the Common-wealths, by attempting to turn him from that which is the end of his Authority.    
Q. 17. To what purpose especially are the privileges of the House of Commons and the House of Peers?  
A. That the Prince may not make use of his high and perpetual Power to the Hurt of those, for whose Good he hath it; and make use of the Name of public Necessity, for the Gain of his private favourites and Followers, &c. page. 19.  


observe. 1. The Law then supposes, that such Cases may fall out, though it then charge the Blame upon those favourites and Followers, and not upon the King( as we shall see by and by.)   

2. We need not wonder then why private favourites and Followers are such Enemies to Parliaments and their privileges, which are on purpose to hinder their Gains: Of which also more anon.   

3. The two Houses are by the Law it seems, to be Trusted, when they declare that the Power is made use of for the Hurt of the People; and the Name of public Necessity made use of for the Gain of Private favourites and Followers, and the like.    
Q. 18. What are the special privileges of the House of Commons towards this?  
A. The House of Commons, an excellent Conserver of Liberty— is solely entrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levies of Moneys, which is the Sinews as well of Peace as of War, &c. page. 19.  


observe. 1. It seems then the House of Commons is presumed to be more careful for the Subjects Liberties, than either the King, or the House of Peers.   

2. Then it must needs be strange for any to conceive( as the Kings Declarations would persuade) that the House of Commons would fight against and subvert the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and the Kings favourites and Followers fight for them, and protect them.   

3. Then no Moneys may be levied, neither for Peace nor War, no, not under pretence of public Necessity( as Ship Money and Monopolies were) without the House of Commons first propound and grant it.   

4. If the House of Commons be an excellent Conserver of Liberty, it must needs have some power in some cases to levy Money, even without the Kings Consent; or else it will be utterly unpossible to conserve Liberty at all. Of which likewise more anon.    
Q. 19. But if the Kings private favourites and Followers have actually persuaded him to any thing against the Laws and Liberties of the Subject, with what further Power and privilege is the House of Commons entrusted toward the Conserving of Liberty?  
A. With the impeaching of those, who for their own ends, though countenanced by any surreptitiously gotten Command of the King, have violated that Law, which he is bound( when he knows it) to protect; and to the protection of which, they were bound to advice him, at least not to serve him in the contrary, page. 19.  


observe. 1. Then it is no Excuse to any that violate the Laws, that they serve the King in it.   

2. The Law counts all Commands from the King, which are any way contrary to the Law, Surreptitiously gotten.   

3. Then the Parliament speaks according to the Law, when they constantly lay the Blame of all Violations upon the Kings favourites and Followers, and their getting surreptitiously Commands from him, and not upon the King himself.   

4. No Command of the King is to hinder the Commons from impeaching such as have violated the Law.   

5. The King is bound not to protect any of his Followers and favourites against the Commons Impeachment of them; because he knows and affirms, that he is bound to protect the Laws, and that this is the Law, that the Commons are to impeach such.    
Q. 20. What is the special privilege of the House of Peers in the former Case of such favourites and Followers of the Kings, as are impeached by the Commons? and so to decide all Matters in Questions between the King and People.  
A. The Lords being trusted with a judicatory Power, are an excellent Scréen and Bank between the Prince and the People, to assist each against any Encroachment of the other, and by just Iudgments, to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three, page. 19.  
Q. 21. But have the two Houses Power to put their Judgments into Execution, as well as to Impeach and Judge?  
A. The power of punishment is already in your Hands, according to Law, page. 20.  


observe. 1. Then again, it is no wonder that the Kings favourites and Followers hate Parliaments,( who not only hinder their Gain, but have power to punish them) when they have violated the Laws.   

2. Then the Lords( and much more the two Houses together) are supreme Judges of all Matters in difference between the King, and the People, and have power to prevent all the Kings Encroachments upon the People,, as well as the Peoples upon him.   

3. Then the King is bound not to protect any, whom the Lords, upon the Impeachment of the Commons, have judged Delinquents; for he hath granted that he is bound to protect the Law, and that according to Law, the Power of Punishing( even of his favourites and Followers, fore-spoken of) is in their Hands, and they cannot punish them, so long as he protects them.   

4. Then the Law allows them as the supreme Judicatory( even that which must be a screen between the King and the People, and assist the People against the Kings Encroachments, and punish the Kings favourites and Followers, though countenanced by Surreptitiously-gotten Commands from the King) a power to bring such as they have judged( or are to judge) to condign Punishment, which is granted to all inferior Judges in their Circuits and Jurisdictions.   

5. Then if those Delinquents get the King to protect them, or surreptitiously get Commands of him, to raise Arms to shelter themselves against the judgement of the two Houses; the two Houses have power by the Law, to raise not only the Posse Comitatus of those Counties where such Delinquents are, to apprehended them, but also the Posse Regni, the Power of the whole Kingdom, if need be; or else the Power of Punishment is not in their hands according to Law, and it would be safer contemning and scorning and opposing the highest Judicatory, the Parliament, than any inferior Court, a Judge of Assize, or the like; and they that could get Commands to violate the Law before, would easily get protection against the Parliament, when they are questioned, if the Parliament had no Power to raise Arms to suppress them.    
Q. 22. But if there be an Attempt or Danger, that the Kings favourites and Followers go about to change this Regulated Monarchy into an Arbitrary Government, and so into a tyranny; is there Authority in the Houses sufficient, according to what was fore mentioned, to remedy this?  
A Power legally placed in both Houses, is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of tyranny, page. 20.  


observe. 1. Then at least whatever power is necessary to prevent or restrain the power of tyranny, is confessed to be legally placed in both Houses; for else there is not Power sufficient, much less, more than sufficient.   

2. Then it is lawful for the two Houses to raise Arms to defend themselves, in case an Army be raised against them, for else they have not power sufficient to restrain the power of tyranny. There is no greater Attempt of tyranny than to raise Arms against the Houses of Parliament, and there is no way to restrain this tyranny, but by raising Arms in their own Defence. Less than this cannot be sufficient.   

3. If a Legal Power be placed in them, not only to restrain, but prevent the Power of tyranny, then they are the Legal Judges, when there is danger of tyranny; and they have Legal Power to Command their judgement to be obeied, for prevention as well as restraint of tyranny.   

4. Then it is lawful for them to provide for their own and the Kingdoms Safety, and they have legal power to command the People to this purpose, not only when Arms are actually raised against them, but when they discern, and accordingly declare a Preparation made towards it: for if they let alone altogether the Exercise of their Power, till Arms are actually raised against them, they may in all likelihood find it too late, not only to Prevent, but even to Restrain the Power of tyranny.   

5, Then they have legal power in such times of Danger, to put into safe hands, such Forts, Ports, Magazines, Ships, and Power of the Militia, as are intended, or likely to be intended, to introduce a tyranny; for else they cannot have Power sufficient to Prevent or Restrain the Power of tyranny.   

6. Then they have legal Power to levy Moneys, Arms, Horse, Ammunitions, upon the Subjects, in such Cases of Danger, even without or against the Kings Consent; for it cannot be imagined, that in such Cases, when the Kings favourites and Followers have gotten Commands from him, to protect them in their Delinquencies, and Attempts to introduce tyranny, that ever he will consent to Levies of Monevs against those favourites and Followers of his, or to the raising Arms against them, especially he being still in their Hands, and among them, and not with his Parliament; and without such Levies of Money, &c. it is not possible for the two Houses of Parliament to prevent or restrain sufficiently the Power of tyranny.   

7. They that have made the Protestation, to maintain and defend the Power and privileges of Parliament, may see in all these things( acknowledged by the King, and clearly following from this acknowledgements) what is that Power, and what are privileges of Parliament, which they have so solemnly in the Presence of Almighty God, vowed, promised and protested to maintain, &c.   

8. And finally, since the two Houses of Parliament have so often and fully declared their Intentions in settling the Militia, securing Hull and the Magazine there, and the Navy at Sea, with the Ports and Forts, and afterward in raising Arms under the Command of the Earl of Essex, and last of all, levying Moneys by voluntary Contributions and Assessments; they have only used that Legal Power which is in them for the Punishment of Delinquents, and for the Prevention and Restraint of the Power of tyranny, of all which they are the Legal Judges; and all the Subjects of this Kingdom are bound by the Laws to obey them herein, and those doubly bound that have made the late Protestation.     

That the Reader may the better discern how the Answers here applied do agree with the Words of His Majesties Answer to the Nineteen Propositions, I have here transcribed so much of it as concerns this Particular.  
Pag. 17. WE call God to witness, that as for our Subjects Sake these Rights are vested in Us, so for their Sakes( as well as for our own) we are resolved not to quit them, nor to subvert though in a Parliamentary way the ancient, equal, happy, welpoised, and never-enough commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom.  
There being three kinds of Government amongst Men, Absolute Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy, and all these having their Particular Conveniences and Inconveniences.  
Pag. 18. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this out of a Mixture of these, as to give to this Kingdom as far as human Prudence can provide) the Conveniences of all three, without the Inconveniences of any one, as long as the balance hangs even between the three Estates, and they run jointly on in their proper Channel and getting Verdure and Fertility in the Meadows on both sides) and the overflowing of either on either side, raise no Deluge or Inundation. The Ill of Adsolute Monarchy is tyranny: The ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division: The Ills of Democracy are Tumults, Violence, and Licentiousness. The Good of Monarchy is the uniting a Nation under one Head, to resist Invasion from abroad, and Insurrection at Home: The Good of Aristocracy, is the Conjunction of council in the ablest Persons of a State for the public Benefit: The Good of Democracy, is Liberty, and the Courage and Industry which Liberty begets.  
In this Kingdom the Laws are jointly made by a King, by a House of peers, and by a House of Commons chosen by the People, all having free Votes and particular privileges. The Government, according to these Laws, is trusted to the King, Power of Treaties of War and Peace, of making peers, of choosing Officers and Counsellors for State, Iudges for Law, Commanders for Forts and Castles, giving Commissions for raising Men to make War abroad, or to prevent and provide against Invasions or Insurrections at home, Benefit of Confiscations, Power of Pardoning, and some more of the like kind are placed in the King— Again, Pag. 19. That the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Power to the Hurt of those for whose Good he hath it, and make use of the Name of Public Necessity for the Gain of his private favourites and Followers to the Detriment of his People; the House of Commons, an excellent Conserver of Liberty, but never intended for any share in Government, or the choosing of them that should govern) is solely entrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levies of Moneys( which is the Sinews as well of Peace as War) and the impeaching of those, who for their own Ends, though countenanced by any surreptitiously gotten Command of the King, have violated that Law, which he is bound( when he knows it to protect, and to the Protection of which they were bound to advice him, at least not to serve him to the contrary: and the Lords being trusted with a judicatory Power, are an excessent Scréen and Bank between the Prince and People, to assist each against any encroachments of the other, and by just Iudgments to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three—  
Pag. 20. Since therefore the Power legally placed in both Houses is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the Power of tyranny:— since this would be a total Subversign of the Fundamental Laws, and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom, which hath made this Nation so many years both famous and happy, to a great degree of Envy; unce to the Power of PunisHing which is already in your Hands according to Law) if— since the Encroaching of one of these Estates upon the Power of the other is unhappy in the Effects both to them and all the rest— Pag. 22. Our Answer is, Nolumns Leges Angliae mutari. But this we promise, that we will be as careful of preserving the Laws in what is supposed to concern wholly our Subjects, as in what most concerns ourself: For indeed We profess to believe that the Preservation of every Law concerns Us, those of Obedience being not secure, when those of Protection are violated.  
FINIS.