A short State of our Condition, with Relation to the present PARLIAMENT.  
IT is too sad a Subject to admit of Raillery, otherwise a man might say that we may defy all the Plots of the Jacobites & the Machinations of Republicans, since there is so good an understanding between the King and his People, since the People have chosen him a Parliament, of which he thinks so many of the Members are fit to be employed by him, as well as entrusted by them. A man might Droll on, but he can have no English heart, nor thinking head, who can sport himself with our Calamities. There cannot sure be any Circumstance which can make England more impregnable, more Glorious and happy than when the King and Parliament jointly agree in National Designs. But neither can there be any juncture more fatal than when an House of Commons seem as much in a Separate Interest from that of their Country, as Parasites in these latter Reigns have persuaded our Kings to be. Such an House of Commons will make Slavery Authentic, will bubble us out of all sense of Liberty. What with talking of the Church and the Monarchy at one time, and the French and Popery at another, they will first cheat themselves, and then delude as well as betray the Nation. They will most easily betray the Nation, because we are not apt now to find fault with any thing that has a Parliamentary Sanction. That two hundred thousand Pounds a year bestowed upon the Parliament, has already drawn out of the Subject's Pockets, more Millions, than all our Kings since the Conquest have ever had from this Nation; and that without any rude complaint, is a Proof, that if a King can manage well Mr. Guy's Office he may without much ado set up for Absolute. VENALIS EST ANGLIA, for VENALE EST PARLIAMENTUM. Heretofore indeed it was not necessary only that a Parliament should give, but that they should give reasonably; as Flammocks Rebellion, and others in King Henry the Sevenths Reign witness, and yet I believe our Rolls will not furnish us with many Sessions wherein money was given, and no one Country Bill granted. But our Ancestors were wise enough to instruct their Members, and our Constitution so regular, that we had frequent Elections. But when think you shall we have a new Election now, since the King has about Sixscore Members, that I can reckon who are in places, and who are thereby so entirely at his Devotion; that although they have mortal Feuds when out of the House, tho' they are violently of opposite Parties in their Notions of Government, yet they Vote as lumpingly as the Lawn Sleeves, never divide when the Interest of the Family (as they call it) is concerned, that is to say, when any Court Project is on foot. The House is so Officered, that by those that have Places, and Pensions, together with their Sons, Brother;, and Kinsmen, and those who are fed with the hopes of Preferment, and the too grea● influence these have upon some honest mistaken Country Gentlemen, (who are possibly overfrighted with the French) the King can baffle any Bill, quash all Grievances, stifle Accounts, and Ratify the Articles of Limerick. I call them mistaken Country Gentlemen, who can be persuaded that an Honest Bill can be at any time out of Season. I confess they must adore Kings more than I do, who when their own Management has brought them into Difficulties and straits, don't love to make good use of their Humiliations. I would trust an Elected King a great way, if I saw he understood Election to be his Title, if our Generosity would engage him to Reformation, but when I see he knows neither his own nor our Interest, Employs many of those who have been our Enemies all along, and were his when the Debate of the Crown was on foot; when I see him hate and Nickname as Commonwealth's men those whose Principles made them the Authors of his Greatness, and those that would have him do the Business for which he came, for which both he and we said he came: when I see him sometimes soliciting in person in the House of Lords, at others by my Lord Portland, besides what he does by all his Under-Officers, when I hear he sends Commands to some Lords, and Bribes to others, and turns out of his Place the gallant Lord Bellamount, merely for giving his Vote in the House of Commons according to his Conscience, and thereby intends to terrify others; when I find the Money the Nation gives to defend our Liberties from Foreigners abroad, is like to undermine them at home, in a word, when I see neither the one nor the other House can withstand the power of Gold, I say when I perceive all this, it is time to give Warning, it is time to look about us. I once thought to have affixed to this Paper a List of those that are in Office, which if I had, it would not only have shown how many Members are bought off, but would have pointed out many amongst the Number of Favourites and Pensioners, who we expected should rather have been punished. Had we intended to have justified what we have done to aftertimes. Had any thing but personal Grandeur been the real intention of him who we intended should have been and valued himself most upon being our Deliverer; these men must have been marked down as Betrayers of their Country, who are now made the chief Supporters of his Throne. I thought we called over the Prince of Orange to get or give us all the Laws we wanted; to have made the Elections of Parliament secure and frequent, Trials impartial, the Militia our standing Force, and the Navy our strength. I thought we had called him over to call Ministers to an account, and to have put it out of their power Impunibly to abuse us hereafter. If any spirit of Liberty Remains, if we are not destined to destruction, sure the Nation will take some way to let the King and both Houses know that they expect they should not only provide for a Campaigne in Flanders, but (if we should yet have our wished for Success) for our Security even against our own Victories, and such Laws as may make it worth while at this time to defend our Country; I say worth while to defend it; for if we are to be Slaves, it's no matter to whom we are so. I would not embarrass the Government, but I would have those that are in it undestand that it is for our good and not to gratify their own Ambition that they are put into those posts.  
It was the Custom formerly for the People to pay their Members, and those Members were trusted by the People to keep the Balance between their Liberties and the King's Prerogative. But since they are retained by him with such Over grown Fees (such Places and preferments) to be Council on his side, how can the People hope they will be just in their Arbitration? But after all I would not be thought to insinuate, that all that are in Places give up the Interest of England; there are some, and those in great Places too, of whom I can't allow myself to have one hard thought, tho' there are others of whom the world had a very good opinion, who since they have had Preferment, have taken care to convince us, that we were mistaken in their Characters. Lest the good should not be distinguished from the bad, I forbear making a List, which most Members, if they please, can make for themselves and their Neighbours, and more exactly than I can do it, and I think the best aught to suspect & examine their own Consciences, whether their Employments don't bias their Votes. If men are to make fortunes by being of our Senate-House, we had better ourselves pay the Disbursements of those we send, we had better ourselves allow them plentiful Salaries for sitting there, each particular County would save by it in the public Assessments, and find their account in it, whilst they preserve their Members from the temptation of being hired out of their Interest, and consequently get good Laws for what they give. We can scarce pay too much for good Laws, and if we have not some that we have not yet we shall not when the War is over (let it end which way it will) be able to call what we have our own. If the Members of Parliament are to overlook all the ill Husbandry of the Government, that they may share in the Profuseness and bribery of it, if our Rights are set to Sale by some, and neglected by others, when the very Being of the Government depends upon our being pleased, what amendment, what confirmation shall we have of our Constitution when all our Dangers are over? This is a thought that deserves our most serious Reflections. In the Late times the City of London often petitioned for passing of Laws; will they always lend Money now, and never expect a thorough alteration of the Ministry, and Securities for the future against Court Projectors? In King James the first's time there were certain Sparks that undertook for Parliaments, they were called Undertakers, and there is a certain Secret that has Stole out of our Cabinet, that one there immediately upon the Kings refusing the Triennial Bill last Sessions, undertook that it should be thrown out the next time they Sat, with as much scorn and contempt as was the Judge's Bill. It is time to have Annual Parliaments instead of Triennial, since Privy Counsellors and Lords of the Treasury (both which stations this Person enjoys) can so perfectly feel the Pulse of a Parliament, during an Interval. I could name a certain Gentleman who exactly resembles Harry Guy, that the last Sessions when the House was a little out of Humour, disposed of no less than sixteen thousand Pounds in three day's time, for secret Service. Who are in Places we may find out, but God knows who have Pensions, yet every man that made the least observation can remember that some who opened loudly at the behinning of the last Sessions, who came up as eager as is possible for Reformation, had their Mouths soon stopped with Hush-money. It has been of some time whispered, that if this will not at first preingage to do what will be exacted at their Hands, we shall have a new Parliament. I can't tell whether a new Parliament will not be practised upon by the Carmarthen Art; however it is our last and best remedy; for if this continues, God have Mercy upon poor England; for hitherto we have been and we are like still for aught I see, to be repaid for all our expense of Blood and Treasure, with the mere Smoke that Boccaline mentions in his Advertisement from Parnassus, whereby the Enemies of the Government have but too great advantage given them to ridicule us for our foolish credulity.  
FINIS.