ALL THE WORKS OF THAT Famous His; torian SALLUST.  
Containing, 1. The Conspiracy and War of CATILINE, undertaken against the Government of the SENATE of Rome. 2. The War which JUGURTH for many years maintained against the same STATE. With all his HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS. TWO Epistles to CAESAR concerning the Institution of a COMMONWEALTH and one against CICERO: With Annotations. To which is prefixed the Life of SALUST.  
Made English according to the present Idiom of Speech.  
Printed for R. wild, at the Map of the World in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1692.   

 portrait of Sallust   

To the READER.  
AMong the several Histories that Salustwrote when living, by which he acquired the Title of Prince of Historians, there are none that have reached our times entire, nor many Ages before, but only the Conspiracy of Catiline, and the War of Jugurth. The rest were stifled, as some conjecture, by the Admirers of Cicero and Livy, Mortal Enemies to the Fame of Crispus. The Orations also in his Fragments and his two Epistles to Caesar are without all doubt his own; So that there is nothing to be questioned but his Declamation against Cicero. Yet that stands fair too in the Opinion of Jerom and Fabius. But let the Nicer Critics dispute that point; certain it is, that Salustis one of the greatest LatinAuthors Extant, both for Style and Language. Of whom Quintilian says, That Livy was fitter to be read by Boys, than Sallust, as being the Nobler Historian of the two, whom rightly to understand both Age and Judgement were required. Conformable to which, L. Vivesspeaking of this Famed Historian, Salustsays He, the most florid Writer of theRoman Achievements, is very frequently thumbed by Schoolboys, but in my Opinion much more deserves to be handled by Men of riper years and understanding.  
There are two things, for which Salustis applauded and admired above all others, except Thucydides of whom he was an imitator; Fidelity and Conciseness. As to the first, Vibius Sequester and St. Jerome gave him the Encomiums of Author Certissimus; and St. Austinstiles' him an Historian of ennobled Truth.  
His Conciseness and the Gravity of his Sentences acquired him by the unanimous consent of all the Learned Men of martials Time, to be Romana Primus in Historia: and Quintilian affirms the Salustian Brevity to be such, that nothing can be more perfect to a Learned Ear.  
Nevertheless, and altho' these curtailed Sentenses, these unexpected Cadences of Periods, this obscure brevity of Sallust, might well be apprehended and understood by them whose mother Language was the Latin Tongue, yet they that are not accustomed to the natural Idiom of any Speech, will find it a hard task to unravel the Sense of Sentences including much in little. As if these Mystic Authors made it their strife to imitate Nature, that holds her most precious Treasures in the Earth, to make us delve and labour before we can come at 'em. And therefore I cannot choose but laugh at those who tell me 'tis an easy thing to Translate Sallust, Translate! there's no such thing to be done. For to Translate him word for word into English, were to set the two Languages together by the Ears: You may as well make Brains and Stairs to Rhyme, as make that sense in English which is sense in the Original. As may be seen by those Hidebound Transtionss of Heywood and Cross; especially the latter; so pitiful, that the very Ribs of verbal Deformity appear through the slender skin of the Translation: especially when they come to the knotty Orations and Moral Excursions of their Author. For his compacted Latin is like a solid piece of Gum that must be melted into English Phrase, before it will dlate itself.  
But nothing plagued me more than to observe that insipid clutter which that impertinent and trifling Chiurm of Pedants make, that call themselves Expositors: a sort of Pismires, whose laborious toil produces nothing but the most Chaffy and Husky part of all Learning. They fill the Text with Stars and little Letters; but when you think to meet with a Clue to guide ye through the Labyrinth of the Obscurity; Heavens! How your expectations are deceived! There's nothing but a scuffle about the Genitive or the Ablative case, whether Locupletum or Locupletium; whether Locupleti or Locuplete; whether ac or et. When you look for the unravelling of a dark sentence, Satis, cries Thomas a Didimus, is absent in four Manuscripts. Apage At, cries another in great Wrath: another as furiously sends Queen to the Gallows, or to use their own words, ad Gemonias Scalas. Another storms, and says it must be written Plancia and not Plautia with a Dipthong: another will have it right or wrong ab Numidis, and not a Numidis; another tho' it cost him a fall will have it Arteis and not Arts; Omneis and not Omnes. Another finds that his changing ne into nec will do the business, and then he crows out like a Cock of the Game, Heureca, Heureca, as if he had made a new discovery of a Fifth part of the Earth: with a thousand more such Fopperies as these. As if it were not better to cite the variations of Manuscripts, for others to make a judicious choice, or else to be careful in Correcting the truest Edition, without such a deal of trifling Ostentation, and bringing all the Old Roman Engines upon the Stage of an Annotation to defend an Autem or an Etiam, in hazard of Eternal Extirpation, All this while not a word of the Author's meaning: not the least Darklanthorn Light into the Obscurity of the Sense. Besides when that there is a gap indeed, there like Hounds at a fault, they sinell about, and snuff up their Noses i'th' Air, but all to no purpose; they are got into a Wood, and the Game is lost.  
Thus finding little aid from them, after a more serious Study and Meditation I found Sallust to be the best Expounder of himself: only that it would take up a little more Time and Industry. Both which produced at length this new Attempt to make the choicest of the Latin Historians more moderately familiar with the English Tongue. Wherein however I do not think myself so absolute, but that I am ready to submit to any other, who may think to gain a better Credit by correcting what I have done amiss.   

The Life of C. Salustius Crispus.  
C. Salustius Crispus (not to trifflle as Vossius and others do, whether Salustius were spelt with a double or single L) was born at Amiternum (formerly a Great City of the Sabines; now S to Victorino a smallage in that part of Italy called La Sabina) the next year after Catullus was born at Verona, or the same Year that Athens was taken and Sacked by Sylla 's Army.  
He was descended of the Noble Family of the Salustii, which for a long series of years retained the splendour of its ancient Dignity. It is by all allowed that from his Childhood he had his Education in Rome, and that his Genius led him to the milder Studies of the Liberal Arts. But happening to live in those unfortunate times of Faction and Popular siding, when Virtue and Learning wanted their due Encouragements (His Inclinations being depraved in a City so corrupted) he was easily vanquished by voluptuous Allurements. So that being called to public Employment, so soon as his years rendered him capable of it, he suffered many Misfortunes, through the Iniquity of the Times; in regard the Commonwealth was then turmoiled and beset with Sylla 's Party.  
However this is certain that Sallust had a ready Wit, and was well versed in all kind of Learning, though his chiefest Excellency lay in writing History. Wherein he was much beholding to Atteius Philologus the Grammarian, who furnished him with an Epitome of all the Roman Achievements to pick and choose what he pleased himself.  
He was a Tribune of the People the same year that Clodius was slain by Milo, Seven hundred and two from the building of the City; at what time Pompey the Great was Consul alone for several Months without any Colleague. In that Tribuneship, wherein his got no repute at all, he was a great Enemy as well to Cicero as Milo; for that being taken with Fausta, the Daughter of L. Sylla, he was ordered to be well scourged by Milo; and not so discharged neither, till he had paid a sum of Money. For which Gellius brings the Testimony of M. Varro, in a Book which he Entitled de Pace. And several other Authors, among the rest the Author of the Invectives against Sallust ascribed to Cicero, says, That he was expelled the Senate for his Fornications and Adulteries, by Appius Claudius Pulcher, and L. Calpurnius Piso, than Censors in the year from the City built 703. Of which expulsion Dio likewise makes mention. Suetonius also in his Book of the Famous Grammarians, relates how he was Lampooned by Leneus the Enfranchised Bondman of Pompey the Great, who never scrupled to call him Glutton, Whoremaster, Varlet and Debauchee; a Monster of Contrarieties in his Life and Writings: In Confirmation of which, Lactantius says of him, That he was a slave to his Lusts, and defiled his own Sentences by the wickedness of his Life. So hard a thing it is for a Man to say well and do well.  
However by the favour of Julius Caesar, when he came to have the Power in his own hands, he recovered his Senatorian Dignity, was made Questor; and then Praetor; in which Employment he was commanded by Caesar, then bound for Africa against Scipio, to sail with part of his Navy to the Island of Cercina, to fetch Corn. Afterwards, when Juba was killed, and his Kingdom reduced into a Province, Caesar left him with an Army Proconsul or Deputy Lieutenant of Numidia; where, by Peeling and Polling the Country, he so well lined his Coffers, that he bought a whole Forum or Marketplace in Rome, where now stands the Temple of Sta Susanna; The Village of 
* Now Villa d' Adriano.  Tiburtum, and those Gardens which still to this day retain the Name of Salustian. Caesar forgave him his depredation; but he could never wipe of the Ignominy of being so sharp a Reprover of other Men's failings, who was so Vicious himself.  
He Married Terentia, Cicero 's Wife, after her being Divorced from her Husband; and at the Age of threescore Years, some say threescore and two, died presently after the Murder of his Patron, Julius Caesar; and was Buried in the same place where he was Born; leaving behind him those living Monuments, that will preserve his Memory so long as Learning endures.   

THE WAR OF CATILINE, BY Caius salustius Crispus.  
IT behoves all Men that labour to excel all other Creatures, to make it their chief Endeavour not to waste their Lives in Silence like the Brute Beasts, formed by Nature prone to the Earth, and only Slaves to their Bellies. But our whole strength and vigour is sòated as well in the Mind as in the Body. We make more use of the command of the Mind than of the service of the Body. The one we share with the Gods, the other is common to us with the Beasts. Whence it appears to be a nobler way to purchase glory rather by our Ingenuity, than our Strength of Body; and because the life itself which we enjoy is but of short continuance, to render our Memories the longest that we can. For the Spendor of Form and Riches is frail and transitory; but Virtue is accounted Illustrious and Eternal. 'Tis true the Contest has been long among Mortals which most prevailed in War, vigour of Mind, or strength of Body. For first, before we begin, it behoves us to consult, and after deliberation, nothing more requisite than speedy Execution. Thus both defective of themselves, the one becomes effectual by the assistance of the other. Therefore at the beginning Kings (for that was the first Title of Sovereign Dignity upon Earth) predominant in several places, some made use of their Parts and Ingenuity, others exercised their Bodies. Then also was the Life of Man without Ambition; while every one was pleased with what himself enjoyed. But after that in Asia Cyrus, in Greece the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, began to subdue Cities and Nations, that they made Ambition of Dominion the cause and foundation of War; and measured the extent of Glory by the spaciousness of their Territories, than Danger and Business taught the world that War was chiefly managed by Wit and Ingenuity. So that if the Virtue and Magnanimity of Kings and Emperors were alike in Peace as in War, Human Affairs would be less subject to inconstancy; nor should we see such Changes, such Revolutions, nor such Topsy Turvies in the world. For Empire is easily preserved by the Arts, by which it was at first acquired. But when Sloth, instead of Industry; when Ambition and Pride, instead of Equity and Moderation, invaded once the Breasts of Men, than their Fortune with their Customs underwent a universal change. Thus is Empire always translated to every one that is most excellent from the Inferior and less Brave. The toils of Ploughing, hazards of Navigation, and expense of Building, all submit to Virtue, as being obedient to her Instigations. But many Men addicted to Luxury and Sleep, Illiterate and void of Education, consume their Lives like Travellers upon the Road; to whom, quite contrary to Nature, their Body is a Pleasure, but their Soul a Burden. Now their living and their dying, I look upon to be the same, as being both buried in Silence. But he it is, who seems to me to live and enjoy a Soul, who finding himself employment, labours for the Fame of some great Action, or some noble Science. Though in such a vast variety of business, Nature chalks out distinct and various Roads for differing Undertakers. Among the rest 'tis highly Commendable to act well for the Commonwealth; nor is it absurd to speak well in its Honour; for thus may Fame be purchased both in Peace and War; since many are applauded that acted themselves, and many that wrote the Achievements of others. And for my own part, although I never thought the same Renown attended the Writer as the Accomplisher of great Affairs, yet it seems to be no such easy task to commit to writing Public and Memorable Transactions. First because that Deeds require Words to equal their Grandeur: for that most People believe the Reprehensions of Crimes and Miscarriages, to be the Reprimands of Envy or Ill will: where the Author insists upon the Virtue and Honour of good Men, there, whatever every one deems easily performed he patiently endures; but whatever is extraordinary, that he accounts as Fiction. For my part from my youth, my Inclinations carried me to Public Affairs, where I met with many Crosses and Obstructions of Misfortune. For Modesty, Abstinency and Virtue were over ruled by Insolence, Profuseness and Avarice. Which though my disposition abhorred, as unaccustomed to the Practices of Evil, yet among so many Vices, my weak and tender Age could not resist the strong Corruptions of Ambition. And though averse to the lewd Customs of the Age, yet the same Ambition tormented me as well as others, with thirst of Fame and envied Greatness. Therefore, when after many Miseries and Dangers, my thoughts came once to be at Rest, and that I had resolved to spend the Remainder of my days remote from Business, my Intentions were not to consume a happy leisure in Sloth and Vanity, nor to waste my time upon those meaner and more servile Employments of Husbandry and Hunting; but returning to the same designs and purposes, from whence unruly Ambition had before withdrawn me, I determined briefly to write the several Transactions and Achievements of the Roman People, as they occurred most worthy the Remembrance of Posterity: So much the rather, as knowing myself no way engaged by Hope or Fear, nor any way biased by prejudice or Interest. In pursuance of which Determination I shall endeavour a concise, and to the utmost of my Ability, a sincere Relation of Cataline's Conspiracy. For that same perpetrated Act of Villainy do I esteem most Memorable, as well for the novelty of the Crime as of the Danger. Of the Manners and Inclinations of which Person it will be expedient in the first place, to give a short Account before I begin my Relation.  
L. CATILINE, descended of a Noble Family, was a Person of Great Strength and Vigour both of Body and Mind; but of an Evil and Vicious Disposition. From his early Adolescency nothing was more grateful to him than Civil War; Slaughter, Rapine and Domestic Discord were the Pastimes of his Youth. He had a Body enured to Hunger, Cold, and want of Sleep beyond Belief. Daring beside, and Crafty, Inconstant, able to counterfeit and dissemble what he pleased himself; greedy of other men's Proprieties, Prodigal of his own; Ardent in his Desires, and Burning in his Lusts; sufficiently Eloquent, but his stock of Prudence very small; A vast Mind that always Thirsted after things Exorbitant, Incredible, and two High above his Reach. This Man, after the Domination and Tyranny of L. Sylla, nothing would satisfy but an unreasonable desire of invading the Common-weal. Nor by what means he might obtain it, so he might grasp a Kingdom to himself, did he at all regard or value. But every day his Thoughts were more and more turmoiled, himself grown wild through his Domestic Wants, and the Gild of his Crimes. Both which he had accumulated by his Depraved and Vicious Life, augmented moreover by the corrupted Customs of the City; which two the worst Distempers of a Commonwealth, and most directly opposite one to another, Luxury and Avarice, infected at that time. For which reason, the Subject itself seems to require, since opportunity has put us in mind of the Vices of the City, to go a little Back, and take a short view of the Constitutions of our Ancestors; after what manner they governed the Commonwealth, how they left it, and how being altered by Degrees, from most beautiful and famous, it became deformed and flagitious.  
The City of ROME, as I have gathered from Tradition, at first the Trojans built and then possessed; who under the Conduct of Aeneas, Fugitives from their native Country, wandered up and down without any certain Habitations; with whom also joined the original Offspring of the Land; a savage sort of People, living at their full swinge of Liberty and Licence without Laws or Government. These after they were mustered together within the same Walls, of differing Race, and different Language both, and no less different in their Manners and Ceremonies of living, incredible it is to think how easily they embodied. But when their Power, enlarged with Number of Citizens, with Constitutions and Extent of Territory, began to seem sufficiently prosperous and prevalent, as generally it happens among Mortals, Envy sprung from Opulency. The neighbouring Princes and States disturbed 'em with Invafions; few of their friends would stir to their Relief; the rest dismayed with fear kept far enough from danger. The Romans therefore sedulous at home and no less diligent abroad, make haste, prepare, encourage one another; march forth to meet the Enemy, and with their Arms protect their Liberty, their Country and their Aged Parents. Afterwards, when they had foiled all Danger, and repelled it from their own Walls, they lent their Succour to their friends and Allies; and established Amity and Leagues among the neighbours more by giving than receiving benefits. Legitimate was their Form of Government; and the Title of their Form was Regal. Certain Persons selected, whose bodies were infirm with years, but active Brains were vigorous in wisdom, consulted for the Common Good; who either for their Age, or the Resemblance of their Cares, were called Fathers. Afterwards, when Regal Dominion, made choice of at the beginning for the preservation of Liberties, and enlarging the Territories of the Commonwealth, degenerated into Pride and Tyranny, changing their Custom, they set up Annual Governments, and became subject to two Supreme Commanders. For by that means they thought to prevent the Pride of Dignity from growing too exorbitant. But at that time every one began to advance himself more and more, and to show the sharpness of his Wit upon all Occasions. For Kings are still more jealous of the virtuous than the wicked; and always that virtue which displays itself in others is most formidable. But the City, so soon as once it had recovered its Liberty, incredible it is to think how suddenly in grew into Renown; such was the universal desire of Fame and Glory. Immediately the Youth of the City were no sooner able to endure the Hardships of War, but in the Camp continual Labour taught 'em the practice of Military Discipline; while their delight was only in their burnished Armour, and their Warlike Steeds, contemning Effeminate Lewdness and Voluptuous Riot. To such men therefore Labour was no unusual thing, not any Cliff seemed steep and rugged, nor armed Enemy frightful: their virtue subdued all things; while the chiefest Contests among them were only for Fame and Honour. Every one hastened to give his Enemy the first Blow; to scale the Wall, and be conspicuous in the Action. In such Achievements they placed their chiefest Riches, their greatest Honour, and most Illustrious Nobility. Covetous of Applause they were, but liberal of their Money; Vast Fame, but moderate Wealth was their desire. I could call to mind in what pitched Fields the Roman People with a small handful of Men have overthrown most numerous Armies of their Enemies; what Cities Fortified by Nature they have wrested from the Defendants by bare fight, but that I fear so great a Task would draw me too far from my design. Nevertheless Fortune assuredly prevails in every thing, she Celebrates or Eclipses all things more according to her own will and pleasure than adhering to truth. The Actions of the Athenians were sufficiently great and magnificent, in my Opinion; however somewhat less than Fame reports 'em. But in regard that there it was so many Writers flourished, matchless for their Ingenuity, the Athenian Achievements are those which are celebrated above all others over all the World. And the Virtue and Courage of those that performed those great Actions are deemed to be as great as those high soaring Wits had with their Eloquence extolled 'em to be. But the People of Rome had never that abundance, because that the most prudent were still most publicly engaged: no man exercised his Wit without his Body; every one chose rather to act than speak; and that his deeds of Merit should rather be applauded by others, than that he should be the magnifier of other Men's Exploits. And therefore both in Peace and War good Customs were religiously observed. There was most of Unity, the least of Avarice. Right and Justice among them prevailed by Nature more than through the Terror of the Law. Their Quarrels, their Discords and their Contentions were only with their Enemies; Citizen with Citizens contested only for pre-eminence in virtue: Magnificent in their Adoration of the Gods, thrifty in their Houses, and faithful to their Friends. By these two never failing means, in War by daring Boldness, and when at Peace by Justice, they preserved both themselves and the Common-weal. Of all which things I have these signal Proofs to produce, for that in War, they more severely punished those, who disobedient to command adventured to fight the Enemy, or latest left the field when ordered to retreat, than such as durst forsake their Colours, or give ground to their Adversary. On the other side, in Peace they rather chose to oblige by beneficial Indulgence, than constrain by Fear: and having received an Affront they rather chose to pardon than to prosecute.  
Thus while the Commonwealth enlarged itself by Labour and Justice, Kings vastly Potent were subdued by War, Barbarous and Populous Nations were tamed by Force: Carthage jealous of the Roman Empire was utterly ruined; All Seas and Continents lay open; Fortune seemed to rage and ranverse all the world. They who had undergone all sorts of Labour, Dangers, Hardships and Uncertainties of chance, Leisure and Riches so much desired by others, to them were but a Burden and Affliction. First therefore Thirst of Money, then of Rule increased. They, were the Materials of all ensuing mischiefs: for Avarice subverted Fidelity, Probity, and all other virtuous Practices: in stead of these it taught 'em Pride, Cruelty, to neglect the Gods, and to put all things to Sale. On the other side Ambition enslaved her Captives to Treachery; to conceal one thing within their breasts, and utter quite the contrary with their Tongues: to estimate friendship and hatred not as they are in themselves, but according to the dictate of Interest: and to carry rather an honest Countenance than an honest Intention. These things at first insensibly grew up, and sometimes were punished. But when the Contagion once began to spread, the face of the whole City was altered, and that Government which was the justest and the best, became not only Cruel but intolerable. But first of all Ambition more than Avarice employed the thoughts of Men. A Vice that approaches the nearest of the two to Virtue. For that the sedulous and slothful are equally covetous of Glory, Honour, and Dominion. However the one takes the Right Course to obtain his lawful ends; the other wanting virtuous means, by fraud and treachery aspires to what he never deserved. Avarice, Toils and Labours after Money; of which no wise man ever coveted the Superfluity. That Vice, envenomed as it were with poisonous mixtures, effeminates the body and the Masculine Soul of all Mankind: 'tis always unlimited and insatiable; neither does abundance or penury exhaust it.  
But after L. Sylla, having by force of Arms laid violent hands upon the Common-weal, turned good beginnings into ruinous events, than there was nothing but rending and tearing; one must have a House, another Lands; the Victor's observed no bounds, no moderation, but fowl and heinous were there Cruelties to their fellow Citizens. To which we may add, that L. Sylla, contrary to the Custom of our Ancestors, obliged the Army which he had Commanded in Asia, thereby to render it more affectionate and faithful to his Interest, by a Toleration of all manner of Luxury, Debauchery; and the delightful Quarters where they wallowed in pleasure and ease, had soon softened the fierce and martial Dispositions of the Soldiery. And then it was that the Roman Army first began to be in Love, to drink, to admire Pictures and embossed Goblets of Gold and Silver, to commit public and private Robbery, to Plunder the very Temples, and to Pollute all things both sacred and Profane. Therefore those Soldiers, after they had once obtained the Victory, left nothing remaining for the vanquished: For Prosperous success never leaves tiring out the Minds of wisest men with her Importunities, lest they themselves, their Manners being corrupted, should moderate their Conquests, or know which way to consult for the best.  
When Opulency thus began to be in high Esteem, and that Renown, Dominion, Power attended upon Riches; Virtue began to grow Numb and Stupid, Poverty to be derided, and Innocence to be taken for Ill will. Therefore from the Source of Riches, Luxury and Avarice together with immoderate Pride first assailed the Roman Youth. And then their business was to catch and snatch, consume, despise their own and covet other Men's; to cast off shame and modesty, make no distinction of Divine or Human, nor any reckoning of thrift or moderation. It might be worth the while for him that first has viewed so many Houses and Palaces, reared up as big as Villages, to visit the Temples, which our Ancestors, the most Religious of Mortals, erected to the Gods. You find 'em much the lesser Fabrics; yet they adorned their Temples with Piety, their Houses with Fame and Honour; nor did they deprive the Vanquished of any thing but only the Liberty of doing wrong. But these men, quite the contrary, of Mortals the most slothful, most wickedly, and ingloriously wrest from their Friends and Allies those things which their Courageous and Victorious Ancestors left their very Enemies, as if doing wrong were the true Exercise of Dominion. For wherefore should I call to mind those things, which, unless to such as have beheld 'em, are hardly Credible, that is to say, great Mountains levelled, and whole Sea's built over by several Private Persons, that in so doing seemed to me to make a May-game of their Riches? since what they might have honourably enjoyed, they made such haste in scorn to fling away. Nor is the Rage of adulterous Lust, of Brothel-haunting and other Bestialities less prevalent, while Men as Women suffer, and Women make public Prostitutions of their Chastity: to satiate their Riot, they ransack Sea and Land: They sleep ere need of Rest requires: Nor will they stay in expectation of Hunger or Thirst, of Cold or Weariness; but all those things their Luxury prevents. And those Exorbitances inflamed the Roman Youth, when once their Patrimonies failed, to seek for new supplies, by Acts of Horror and Impiety: for when the Mind is seasoned thoroughly with evil Courses, it never fails of loose desires; and for that reason so much the more profusely raves after extravagant Gain and wild Expense.  
In so great and so corrupt a City, Catiline, a Peice of Pomp most easily to be obtained, walked the Streets attended by whole Troops of Dissolute Ruffians and Debauchees that followed his Heels, like so many Guards of his Body. For whoever he were that void of shame, an Adulterer, a Glutton or a Gamester had dissipated his Paternal Fortunes either with his Hand, or kindness to his Belly, Venereal Member, or run himself up to the Ears in debt, to purchase the Pardon of his Villainies: all Parricides, Sacrilegious Persons, Convicts after Sentence, or such as feared the Judgement of the Law for their Misdeeds; moreover such whose Hands or Tongues earned 'em their Bread by Perjuries or Shedding Civil Blood; and lastly, all whom Villainy, Penury, or guilt of Conscience agitated with Continual Terror, These were Cataline's Familiars and Favourites. Or if any Person blameless and free from miscarriage happened to light into his friendship, by daily Practice and repeated Allurements, he soon was taught to be alike and equal to the Rest; for above all he coveted the acquaintance of young men, whose disposition's being soft and yielding, were easily entangled in the snares of crafty Temptation. For still as he observed the Flame of their youthful Inclinations, some he dazzled with the Charms of Courtesans; while others were won with Dogs and Horses. Nor did he spare for Cost or to expose his own Reputation, so he might render 'em obnoxious and faithful to himself. I know there were some People who shrewdly suspected, that the Young Gentlemen frequenting Cataline's House, were somewhat too undecently lavish of their Chastity: But that Report was raissed and believed, rather upon other Grounds, then that any Person could affirm it upon knowledge. Catiline had been Guilty of several Nefarious Fornications, as having Debauched a Lady of Noble Extraction, and a Vestal Virgin, besides sundry other Crimes, of the same Nature, which he had Committed in Contempt of Gods and Men. At length, falling in Love with Aurelia Orestilla, who had never any thing in the World to Commend her in the Opinion of any honest Man, besides her Form, because she delayed to marry him for fear of her Son-in-Law that was of Age, 'tis certainly believed, that he murdered the Young Man, and extinguished the Family to enjoy an Impious Wedlock. Which Fact of his seems chiefly to me to have been the Cause of hastening his Villainous Design. For his Polluted Soul abominable both to Gods and Men, could take no rest awake or asleep; in such a manner did his Conscience perplex and terrify his restless and distracted Mind. Therefore was his Complexion pale and wan; his Eyes hollow, his Pace sometimes swift, sometimes slow; in a word, Madness and Fury displayed themselves in every Lineament of his Countenance. And for the Young Gentlemen whom he had thus debauched, he was not wanting so to instruct 'em, as to make 'em serviceable to all his pernicious purposes. For out of them he culled False Witnesses and Forgers of Wills and Deeds. Them he taught to despise their Credit, their Fortunes and all manner of Danger. And when he had thus ruined their Honour, and their Modesty, than he Commanded other greater Villainies. And if he could not meet with a present Opportunity for Mischief, they were to circumvent and massacre the Innocent as if they had been guilty; merely to keep their thoughts and hands in ure; while their Tutor rather chose to exercise his Cruelty gratis, then to lie idle in drowsy wickedness. Confiding in such Friends and Associates as these, Catiline began to consult how he might grasp the Sovereign Power, and subdue the Common-weal: so much the rather because he knew his own Retinue to be so vastly every where in debt, and for that the most of Sylla's Soldiers having spent their ill got Plunder, and calling these Victorious days to mind, when they wallowed in Rapine and Massacre, both the one and the other thirsted after Civil War. In Italy there was no Army. Pompey was waging War in the remote parts of the World; he had great hopes, if he stood for the Consulship, of obtaining it. The Senate were careless and minded little business; all things were quiet and a kind of Calm of Affairs: which were all seasonable Opportunities for Catiline.  
Therefore about the first of June, Lucius Caesar, and Caius Figulus being Consuls, first he discourses 'em in private one by one, encourages some, of others he feels the Pulses, urges his own Power, the unprovided Condition of the Commonwealth, and the vast rewards of a Successful Conspiracy: and when he had sufficiently tented every one in particular, he summons 'em all together, whom he knew to be most in want and daringly bold. Upon this summons there appeared of the Senatorian Order Publius Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, Cassius Longinus, Caius Cethegus, P. and Ser. Sylla, the Sons of Servius; Lucius Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Q. Curius. Moreover of the degree of Knights, M. Fulvius Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Mar. Gabinius Capito, and Caius Cornelius. Besides those there were also many out of the Roman Colonies, and Municipal Towns, who were of Noble Extraction at home. Nor were there wanting a good number of other Accomplices, who more privately and closely favoured and abetted this design, excited rather by the Hopes of Domination, than through any want or necessity. However, the Greatest part of the Younger sort, especially the Nobly descended, wished well to Cataline's Proceedings: who having sufficient wherewithal to live in Pomp and Luxury, yet rather chose Uncertainties for Certainties, and War instead of Peace. There were also some at the same time who verily believed that M. Licinius Crassus was not ignorant of the Design, in regard that Pompey, whom he hated, then Commanding a numerous Army, he minded not what Party he supported in Opposition to his Power: Confident moreover, That if the Conspiracy prevailed, he should easily be able to make himself chief Head of the Faction. Yet some few there were, who joined in a Conspiracy against the Commonwealth before: of which design it is my purpose now, as truly as I can, to give a plain and unbyass'd account.  
L. Tullus, and M. Lepidus being Consuls, P. Autronius, and P. Sylla being designed Consuls, being accused of using indirect means to attain their Honour, had undergone the Punishment of the Law. A little after that, Catiline being condemned for Bribery, was forbid to stand for the Consulship; so that he could not give in his Name within the days appointed by the Law. At the same time there was also Cn. Piso, a Young Gentleman of Noble and Ancient Extraction, most daringly Arrogant, Needy and Factious, whose wants and wicked course of Life, spurred him forward to disturb the Commonwealth. With him Catiline and Autronius having consulted together upon the Fifth of December, agreed upon the First of January ensuing to Assassinate Lucius Cotta, and Lucius Torquatus, the two Consuls, in the Capitol. Which done, they themselves, after they had seized upon the Fasces, or Ensigns of Consular Dignity, were to have sent Piso with an Army to take Possession of both the Spanish Provinces. But this Plot having taken wind, they deferred the Execution of the Murder till the Fifth of February following, but contrived in the mean time the Massacre, not only of the Consuls, but of most of the Senators; so that had not Catiline been too hasty to give the Signal to the rest of his Confedrates, since the first Foundations of Rome were laid, never had an Act of Villainy so execrable been perpetrated within her Walls. But the Conspirators not meeting so early as they ought to have done, that Opportunity was lost. After this, Piso was sent Treasurer or Questor into the hither Province of Spain, with Praetorian Power, Crassus conniving at it, because he knew him to be a bitter Enemy of Pompey's. Neither was the Senate averse from decreeing him the province, as being desirous to remove from the City a Person of his Vicious Principles. Besides, they thought that many good men might rely upon him; for that Pompey's greatness began already to be formidable. But Piso, in his Journey toward his Province, was slain by certain Spanish Horsemen that he carried along with him in his Army. Some there are who report, the Barbarians could not brook his unjust, his haughty and Cruel Commands: though others say, that those Horsemen, having been long patronised by Pompey, and being become his faithful Clients, had by his connivance made that attempt upon Piso: for that the Spaniards had never enterprised so foul a fact before; although they had suffered formerly many more Severities of Lordly Imposition: However it were, we shall leave the Question undetermined: and so let this suffice concerning the first Conspiracy.  
Catiline, when he saw the Persons, by me already mentioned, to be Assembled all together, though he had frequently discoursed the Point with every one apart, however, deeming it more advantageous to his Design to bespeak and encourage'em all together, withdrew into the remotest part of the House, and there excluding all others that were not absolutely concerned, he made 'em an Oration to this Effect.  
Were I not sufficiently assured of your Courage and Fidelity, in vain this Opportunity had happened; in vain had I conceived these Noble hopes of Absolute Dominion; nor should I go about to grasp at uncertainties upon the weak support of Sloth, or fickle Irresolution. But because I have found ye stout and faithful to me in many and most desperate Attempts, therefore it is that my undaunted Bravery has begun the Greatest and Noblest of Designs: as also for that I understand you have no other Felicity or Miseries but what are still the same with mine; for to have still the same desires, and the same disaffections, that's the only firm and perfect Friendship. Now what it is I have been thus revolving in my mind, you have already severally heard. And I must tell ye, that this Resolution of mine is every day still more and more inflamed, when I consider what our future Condition of Life must be, unless that we ourselves redeem our own endangered Liberty. For when the Commonwealth is once reduced under the Power and Jurisdiction of a few, then shall Kings and Tetraches be their Slaves and Tributary Vassals. People, Nations must pay Them their Taxes and Impositions: all others, as well the Brave, the Stout, the Noble must be the Vulgar Herd, dishonoured and without the least Authority, in subjection to Them, to whom, did but the Commonwealth retain its perfect Health and Vigour, we should be a Terror: while they engross to themselves all Favours, Honour, Dignity and Riches, or else bestow 'em where they please, but leave us nothing but Dangers, Repulses, Condemnations and Poverty: which how long will ye at length endure, most Courageous of Men? Is it not far more glorious to die Magnanimously and Bravely, then Ignominiously to lose a miserable and contemptible Life, after ye have been the sport and scorn of others domineering Pride? But by the Faith of Gods and Men the Fault's our own; The Victory is in our hands; Our years are in their Prime; Our Courage undaunted and Vigorous; They, on the other side, grown old and feeble with Age and Wealth. We only want but to begin, the rest would follow. For who among the Race of Mortals, endued but with a Masculine Spirit, would ere endure, that they should wallow in wealth, which they profusely lavish in rearing Palaces upon the Sea, and levelling Mountains, while we are pinched at home with want of necessaries? That they should have their Change of Sumptuous Houses, while we can no where find a Cottage of our own to harbour our Misery? They purchase Pictures, Statues, Sculptures and Embossments of all sorts to pamper their Eyes; pull down, build up again, and by all manner of extortions hale and torture Money to themselves, unable still with all their Luxury to subdue their Wealth; we Starve at home, abroad our debts ore-whelm us; miserable our Condition, and our hopes more desperate: Then what remains for us besides a wretched Life? Why sleep ye therefore? Behold that Same, that very Liberty which ye have so often sighed for: Moreover Plenty, Splendour, Honour, show themselves in view: For all those things does Fortune offer to the Victors. Let the Enterprise itself, the Opportunity, the Dangers, your own Wants and the magnificent Spoils of War inflame your Courage beyond my Oration. And whether you make use of me as your Commander or a Private Soldier, my Valour nor my Person shall be absent from ye. For these are still the things which I intent to act in Common Consultation with ye; unless perhaps my Courage fail me, and you prove more prepared to serve, then to Command.  
These things were heard by People abounding in Misery, but to whom not any hope survived: and though they looked upon it as a sufficient recompense to be disturbers of Public Tranquillity; nevertheless the greatest Part desired him to declare the Conditions of the War; what rewards the success of their Arms might Challenge; how their wants and how their expectations might every way be satisfied. Then Catiline promised 'em New Tables, or the Cancelling of their Debts, the Proscription of the Wealthy, Offices, Priesthoods, Rapines, Plunder, and all those Advantages which War and the Victor's Fury render lawful. Moreover he assured 'em that Piso possessed the Hither Province of Spain, that in Mauritania P. Sitius Nucerinus was lodged with an Army, Both privy to his design. That C. Antonius stood for the Consulship, and as he hoped would happen to be his Colleague, his Familiar Friend, and a Person under the burden of utmost Indigency. That being Consul with him he would then begin to act. Moreover all whom he thought Honest he loaded with Invectives and Reproaches: then calling every one of his own Confederates by their Names, some he applauded, others he put in mind of their Penury, several of the danger of Punishment and the ignominy that attended 'em; and many of Sylla's Victory, especially those who had tasted the sweets of Pillage and Rapine. Then beholding a cheerful unanimity in their Countenances, after he had admonished 'em to be mindful of strengthening his Party against he stood for the Consulship, he dismissed the Assembly. Some there were, who at that time reported, that Catiline, after he had concluded his Oration, when he took the oath of secrecy from his Confederates, caused Human Blood to be mingled with the wine, and then to be given about to every man his Cup. Of which, when after the Repetition of the Curse, they had all sipped, according to Custom at the Solemn Sacrifices, than he revealed the depth of his design, and told 'em the reason of his urging such a Ceremony, which was to engage 'em to the greater Secrecy and Fidelity one among another, while soddered thus together, equal in Gild, and equal in their Fears. Yet some there were who deemed these Stories feigned, and many things invented besides by those, who believed, that the Antipathy conceived against Cicero, which broke out soon after, might be assuaged by improving the heinousness of their Crime, who had suffered punishment. However 'tis my Opinion, That had the Crime been so great as was reported, it could not have escaped our knowledge.  
But notwithstanding these precautions, there was in this Conspiracy Quintus Curius, a Person of no mean Parentage, tho' infamously branded with all manner of Lewdness and Villainy, whom therefore the Censors had expelled the Senate as a Public Nuisance.  
This Person was a Man no less vainglorious than insolently bold: He neither could contain the Secrets which he heard, nor conceal the Crimes which he himself committed. Among the rest he had been long familiar with Fulvia, a Woman however of Noble Descent, to whom at length when he became impertinent and troublesome by reason of his Indigency, that could no longer present and treat her as he was wont; of a sudden, as if he had commanded all the World, he began to promise her whole Seas and Mountains; at other times threatening her with his drawn Sword, unless She complied with his desires; and in short, to behave himself after a more Lordly and Domineering manner then formerly. Fulvia therefore, having sifted out the cause of this unsual swaggering of her Paramor, ne'er went about to conceal a danger that so nearly threatened the Commonwealth, but suppressing her Author's name, recounted to several whatever She had heard concerning Catiline's Conspiracy. This Rumour first of all stirred up the Favour and good Will of most Men, to procure the Consulship for M. Tullius Cicero. For before that time the greatest part of the Nobility burned with disdain, and thought the Consulship defiled by admitting a Person but newly known to the World, though otherwise of soaring and egregious Parts, to that degree of Honour. But when Danger was so near their doors, Malice and Pride were laid asleep. Therefore upon the day of Election M. Tullius and C. Antonius were declared Consuls. Which was the first thing that shook the Abetters of the Conspiracy. However, Cataline's Fury was nothing abated; but every day made new Progresses to advance his Design; making Provision of Arms in all Convenient Places all over Italy: and taking up Money either upon his own or the Credit of his Friends, sent it away to one Manlius, then dwelling or residing at 
* Now Fiesoli, two Miles from Florence.  Faesulae, and afterwards Captain General for the War.  
At the same time he is reported to have purchased to himself several Men of all Sorts and Conditions; nay, and some Women too, who first of all had maintained themselves at a prodigious Rate by the Prostitution of their Bodies; but afterward, decay of Youth and Beauty limiting their Gains, though not their Luxury, had vastly run themselves in Debt. By their Assistance Catiline thought to solicit and inveigle the City Rabble, to set the houses on fire, and either to gain or murder their Husbands. In this Number was Sempronia, who had frequently Committed several Facts of Masculine boldness. This Woman was for her Birth and Beauty, in her Husband also and her Children sufficiently happy; well acquainted with the Greek and Latin Learning; Sung and Danced with much more exactness and elegancy than was necessary for a Woman professing Chastity. With many other Graces also that heighten Lasciviousness was she endowed; but still she prized all other things above her Modesty. Whether she were more Prodigal of her Money or her Reputation you could not easily discern; and such was the heat of her Lust, that she more often courted Men, than Men Her. False to her Promise, to her Trust Forsworn, and Driving headlong wherever the Torrent of her Luxury and Poverty carried her. Otherwise a Woman of no mean Wit: for she made Verses, jested facetiously, could vary her Discourse to Modest or Obscene according to her Company: and in a word had all the Charms of Speech and Breeding.  
All this Provision thus far made, Catiline nevertheless put in to be Consul the next year, hoping if he were elected, that he should govern Antonius at his own pleasure. Nor was he Idle in the mean while, but laid all Ambushments imaginable for Cicero, who on the other side wanted neither craft nor subtlety to guard himself; for from the beginning of his Consulship, making great Promises by Fulvia's means he had brought it to that pass, that Quintus Curius had already laid open to him Catiline's Designs. And besides that, he had made sure of his Colleague Antony, by confirming to him the Grant of his Province, that he should not descent in any thing from him to the Prejudice of the Commonwealth. He had his Guards of Friends and Clients also always within call.  
Therefore so soon as the day of Election was past, and that Catiline had not only missed of the Consulship, but also failed in all the Snares and Plots which he had contrived against Cicero, he resolved upon a War, and to make trial of all Extremities, since what he had Clandestinly attempted, had proved so difficult and unsuccessful.  
Therefore he dispatched away C. Manlius to Fiesoli, one Septimius Camertes into the 
* Now called La Marca D'Ancona.  Country of Picenum, C. Julius into Apulia; and some one way, others another, as he thought every one might prove most serviceable to him. In the mean while himself at Rome had many Irons in the Fire, to get the Consul Murdered; to order the firing of the City, to seize and fill convenient Posts with Armed men; some he commanded; others he encouraged, to the end they might be always ready and prepared: Day and Night in a continual Hurry; restless, waking, and yielding neither to want of sleep, nor labour. Lastly, When after many meditated Mischiefs, nothing succeeded, again in a tempestuous Night he summoned the Ringleaders of the Conspiracy by M. Porcius Lecca. Who being met, he chid 'em first for their Remissness, than gave 'em to understand, how he had sent Manlius before to head such Forces as he had got together ready to take Arms: Others to other convenient Places: and that he was prepared to go to the Army himself, so soon as he could but get Cicero murdered; for that mainly obstructed his Designs. Thereupon, when all the rest were in a kind of amazement and tottering in their Resolutions, C. Cornelius, a Roman Knight, and with him L. Vargunteius, a Senator, promising their Assistance, they agreed to go that Night, with an armed Retinue, as if it were upon a Visit to Cicero; and ere he were aware to Stab him unprovided in his own House. Presently Curius, when he understood the Danger that so nearly threatened the Consul, by Fulvia gave him swift Intelligence of the sudden Plot upon his Life. So that the Assassinates not being permitted Entrance into the House, they undertook in vain a Fact so Heinous.  
In the mean while Manlius Solicits the Rabble in Tuscany, where want and the smart of former sufferings had prepared the People for Change; for that under the Tyrannical Usurpation of Sylla, they had lost their Lands and all their Goods. Nor did he leave uninveigled the very Thiefs and Robbers, who were very numerous in that Country; and some that Sylla himself had planted there by way of remuneration, who by their Luxury and Prodigality, had wasted what before they had got by Plunder and Rapine.  
When Cicero had Intelligence of these Proceedings, startled at the Apprehension of a double Mischief, and finding he could no longer, by his single care and assiduity, Protect the City from menacing Contrivances, nor certainly knew how numerous Manlius' Forces were, nor what his Counsels drove at, he reports the whole Matter to the Senate, which had been tossed already to and fro in common Rumour and vulgar Discourse. Thereupon, as usually was done on all Important Occasions, the Senate decreed, That the Consuls should take care, lest the Commonwealth received any Damage. Which Power, the greatest that could be, was granted by the Senate to the Supreme Magistracy, according to the Roman Custom; to raise Armies, carry on the War, and by all ways whatever to suppress and curb both Subjects and Allies: and both at Home and in the Field to Exercise both Sovereign Empire and Judicature. Otherwise, without the Command of the People, no Consul has any Authority to act in those Affairs.  
Some few days after, L. Senius, read certain Letters in the Senate, which he said were brought him from Fiesoli; of which the purport was, That C. Manlius had taken Arms with a numerous Multitude, about the beginning of November. And some there were, as is usual upon such occasions, that talked of great Prodigies and Wonders: Others discoursed of frequent Assemblies in several places, of Arms carried to Capua, and that the Slaves would rise in Apulia. Thereupon by a Decree of the Senate, Q. Marcius Rex was dispatched away for Fiesoli, and Q. Metellus, Surnamed Creticus, was sent into Apulia and the neighbouring Parts. Both these returning to the City, were debarred their triumphal Entrance, through the malice of some few Detractors, whose Custom it was to put all things to Sale, whether honest or dishonest. But for the Praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus, Q. Metellus Celer, the first was sent to Capua, and the latter into Picenum, or La Marca D' Ancona, with Power to raise an Army according to the Importance of the Occacasion and the Danger. Moreover if any one should make any discovery of the Conspiracy on foot against the Commonwealth, Rewards were promised; to a Servant his Liberty, and Two Thousand Five Hundred Crowns; To a Freeman, a General Pardon and Five Thousand Crowns. They also farther decreed, That the Families of the Gladiators should be separated and distributed into Capua and such other Municipal Towns, that were most wealthy and populous; That at Rome the Guards should be doubled through the whole City; and, That the inferior Magistrates should take charge of the Watches. These things put the whole City into such a Consternation, that the Countenances of the People were quite altered; instead of Jollity and Wantonness, the effects of long repose, all Men were seized with sudden Sadness and Perplexity: all in a Hurry; all in Fear; not knowing whom to trust, or where to be secure; neither at War, nor in Peace, but every one measuring his danger by his fears. Nay the very Women too, to whom the Terrors of War, in such a Potent Commonwealth, were altogether unusual, bemoaned themselves; spread their suppliant hands to Heaven; bewailed their tender Infants; enquired the News; dreaded all things; and laying aside their Pride and Pleasures grew distrustful of their own and the safety of their Country. But Catiline's cruel fury acted still with the same Vigour, notwithstanding the Preparations of Military opposition, and that he himself were impeached upon the Plautian Statute by L. Paulus. But then to show how well he could dissemble, or else to justify himself, as if the Quarrel had been picked out purpose to tease him, he went into the Senate. At what time M. Tullius, the Consul, either dreading his Presence, or incensed with Anger, made a splendid Speech, highly to the benefit of the Commonwealth, which afterwards he published to the World. But so soon as he sat down again, Catiline, who was a person well prepared for all manner of Dissimulation, with a dejected Countenance and suppliant Tone, besought the Fathers not over rashly to credit vain Reports concerning him; that the Family was such from whence he was descended, and such the Life which he had lead from his Youth, that he had all things great and good to hope for: Nor to believe that he, a Person of Patrician Quality, whose own and the services of his Ancestors had been so beneficial to the Roman People, stood in need of a ruin'd Common-weal, especially when M. Tullius forsooth preserved it, an Adventitious Citizen of Rome. Which words being closely followed with other Reproachful Invectives, all hummed him down, and called him Enemy and Parricide. Then in a Rage, Because, said he, Thus circumvented, I am driven headlong by my Adversaries, I'll extinguish the Conflagration of my Fortunes with Ruin. And so saying he flung out of the Senate, and made directly home; there musing and revolving many Mischiefs in his Mind: for that he saw his Plots upon the Consul had no success; and understood besides, that the City was sufficiently guarded from all Attempts of Fire. And therefore deeming it his wisest course to augment his Army, and before the Legions were enroled, to be beforehand with many things that might be useful to him in the War, with a few Attendants in a Tempestuous Night, he posted to the Manlian Camp. But first he left strict Orders with Cethegus, Lentulus and others, whose daring Boldness he sufficiently knew, to strengthen the Power of the Faction by all the ways they could; to hasten the Destruction of the Consul, to provide for Slaughter, Conflagration, and all the dismal Executions of War: and that he himself in a short time would appear before the Walls of the City. Now while these things were thus acted at Rome, C. Manlius sent certain Commissioners selected out of his own Number, to Q. Marcius Rex, with Instructions to the following Effect:  
We call both Gods and Men to witness, Noble General, That we have taken up Arms, neither against our Country, nor to terrify others with the fears of danger; but only to protect our Bodies from Oppression. Who miserable, indigent, and overwhelmed with Violence and Cruelty of Usurers, are most of us devested of our Country, but all despoiled of our Reputation, and our Fortunes. Neither is it permitted any of Us, according to the Custom of our Fathers, to have the benefit of the Law; nor after the loss of our Patrimonies, to enjoy the freedom of our Bodies. Such was the severity of the Bankers and the Praetor. Yet your Forefathers in Compassion to the Roman People by their Decrees relieved their Wants: and lately, in our Memory, by reason so vast a a number were every where indebted, by the consent of all good Men, three parts of the Silver Credit were abated, and only a fourth part paid in Brass. Nor is it the first time that the Common-People themselves, either affect Dominion; or provoked to Arms by the Pride of the Magistrates, have revolted from the Fathers. But neither do we desire Empire or Wealth, the general Causes of all the Wars and Contests among Mortals: 'tis only Liberty we see, which no man of Courage ever loses, but his Life together with it. We conjure both Thyself and the Senate, that you will consult the good of your unfortunate fellow-Citizens; that you will restore us the benefit of the Law, which the Injustice of the Praetor has wrested from Us: and that you will not impose that dire Necessity upon Us, to seek which way to perish, chiefly in revenge of our own Blood.  
To this Q. Marcius returned for Answer, That if they had any thing to Petition the Senate, they should lay down their Arms, and repair in an humble manner to Rome. That the Senate and the Roman People were endued with that Meekness and Compassion, that never any Supplicant in vain implored their Assistance. On the other side Catiline, while he was upon the Road, sent Letters to all the Consular Personages, and the chiefest of the Nobility, That being oppressed with false Aceusations, because he could not withstand the Faction of his Enemies, he had therefore submitted to Fortune, and was retiring, a willing Exile, to Marseilles: not that he was guilty of so great a Crime; but for the Repose of the Common-weal; and that no Sedition might arise from his contending with the Public. But Q. Catulus read other Letters in the Senate, quite different from these; which he affirmed to be delivered to him in Catiline's Name, and of which the following Copy gives the sense.  
L. Catiline to Quint. Catulus, Greeting. Thy singular Fidelity, being assured of the thing itself, so grateful to me in these my threatening dangers; gives me the Confidence of this Recommendation. 
* These three Periods are acknowledged to be very imperfect in the Original.  Wherefore I have determined not to ground any Defence upon new Consultations; yet I have decreed to propound satisfaction, as no way conscious of offending: which in good truth it is not improper for thee to know. At length provoked with Slights and Contumelies; for that being deprived the fruits of all my Labour and Industry, I could not obtain the Dignity I stood for, according to my innate disposition, I have undertaken the public Cause of the Unfortunate. Not but that I could pay my own Debts by the Sale of my Lands; and for what I stand engaged for others, the Liberality of Orestilla has been such as to take care to discharge it out of her own and her Daughter's Revenues; but because I saw unworthy Persons advanced to Honour, myself neglected and thrown by, through jealousy and counterfeited suspicion. For that reason I have pursued those Hopes for preserving the remainder of my Reputation, which, considering my Condition, I deem to be sufficiently honest. While I was about to have written more, Intelligence was brought me, That Force is preparing. I recommend Orestilla to thy Care, and deposit her in Trust with thee, Conjuring thee for the sake of thy own Children, to protect her from all Injury. Farewell.  
But Catiline himself after he had stayed some few days with C. Flaminius in 
* Now Campo Pendente.  Reatinum, to to Arm the Neighbouring Parts, already solicited and drawn to his Party, he Marched directly to the Camp, to join Manlius with the Consular Fasces, and other Ensigns of Supreme Authority born before him.  
When these things were known at Rome, the Senate pronounced both Catiline and Manlius open Enemies. To all the rest of the Multitude, those only excepted that were convicted of Capital Crimes, they prefixed a certain day, before which time, if they departed from their Arms, they should incur no Penalties. Farther also they decreed, That the Consuls should proceed to a Muster, that Antony should follow Catiline with his Army, and that Cicero should stay to take care of the City. At that time, the vast Dominion of the Roman People seemed to me beyond extremely miserable. To whom when all the Conquered World, from the Rising to the Setting Sun, paid Homage and Obedience; when they wallowed at home in Plenty and Tranquillity, which Mortals deem their chiefest Blessings; that among Them there should be such a Crew of fellow-Citizens, so fatally, and with such obstinate Fury bend to ruin themselves, their Fortunes and the Common-weal. For after two Decrees of Senate, among so vast a Multitude, neither did so much as one, assured of great Rewards, make the least Discovery of the Conspiracy; nor any one desert the Camp of their Rebellious Leader, Catiline. Such was the violence of the Distemper, which like a Contagion had infected the Minds of all those People. Neither did this Pestilence spread itself, to alienate the Affections of those alone, who were guilty of the Conspiracy; but even all the Commonalty, covetous of Innovation, applauded Catiline's Proceedings. But this they seemed to do according to their usual Custom. For always in a City, they who labour under Penury, envy the better Fortune of others; extol the Wicked; abominate the ancient Constitutions, covet Novelty, and detesting their own Conditions, study Change of all things: they are nourished, void of Care, by Tumult and Sedition; For that want is easily supported and cherished with public damage. But many Motives carried headlong the City Rabble. First of all, who ever they were that in any corner of the Country, surpassed in Impudence and Debauchery; whoever had wasted their Patrimonies by expensive Lewdness; And lastly, all whom Villainy and Crimes the most Enormous had Outlawed from their Native homes; all these together emptied into Rome, as into the Common Sewer of all Disorder. Many others remembering Sylla's Conquests, while they beheld some raised from Soldiers to the degree of Senators; others so Wealthy, that they lived like Princes in the height of Ease and Plenty; promised every one to themselves the same Enjoyments from successful Victory. Moreover the Younger sort, that wrought hard for a poor Living in the Country, finding the sweets of Private and Public Liberality, preferred the City Ease before severe and painful Labour. However both Them and all the rest, the Public Calamity supported. So that it is the less to be admired that Men so badly. Principled, so wrapped up in Expectation, should be as little careful for the Common good, as for themselves. And then again, all those whose Parents upon Sylla's Victory, were proscribed, who lost their Estates, and were deprived of their Right of Freedom, had the same Interest in the Success of the War. To which I may add, that whoever sided with any other Faction than that of the Senate, rather desired to see the Commonwealth disturbed, than grow too Potent. And this was a Mischief, that many years after this time returned again to the City. For when the Tribunitial Authority was restored to. Cn. Pompeius, and M. Crassus, Young Gentlemen having got the Supreme Power into their hands, whose Years and Courage were full of mettle and fury, by calumniating the Senate, they began to put the Vulgar into a Ferment; then by Gifts and Promises more and more to inflame 'em: and so became Eminent and Powerful themselves. Against them the greatest part of the Nobility contended with all their Might, under colour of defending the Honour of the Senate, to support their own Greatness. For to conclude in few words, Whoever in those times disturbed the Public Peace, made use of specious pretences; while some made a show of Protecting the Privileges of the People, and others pretending to advance the Authority of the Senate, had all their different Aims to promote their own Interest: neither did they observe any Limits of Moderation in their Contests, both exercised cised their Victories with Cruelty. But when Pompey was sent against the Pirates, and soon after against Mithridates, the Authority of the People fainted, and the Power of a few increased. These few disposed of Magistracies, Offices, Provinces and all things Else. They, not to be controlled, and flourishing lived free from fear; yet terrifying the Tribunes with their Sentences and Condemnations, to prevent their exasperating the People against their Proceedings; to which purpose they were compelled to abate of their former severities. But so soon as first the hopes of introducing Change in dubious Affairs was offered, than the old Contest set their thoughts and courages at work: So that had Catiline been Victor in the first Battle, or that the Combat had been equal, certainly a most Prodigious effussion of Blood, and Calamity had afflicted the Commonwealth: neither would it have been in the Power of the Victorious to have made any advantage of their Conquest; for that whoever had been more prevalent would have wrested the Supreme Dominion and the Public Liberty from the weary and enfeebled. However there were several without the pale of the Conspiracy, who at the beginning went to join with Catiline. In which number was Fulvius, the Senator's Son; who being Apprehended upon the Road, and brought back, his Father commanded him to be put to death. At the same time Lentulus also abiding at Rome in pursuance of Catiline's Orders, made it his business to solicit all such Persons, whose loose manner of Living, or decayed Fortunes rendered 'em fit for State-Innovation; not only Citizens, but all sorts of Persons whatever, that might be useful in the War. To that purpose he gave Commission to one P. Vmbrenus to tamper with the Ambassadors of the 
* A People which then Inhabited that part of France, of which the chief Cities are now Geneva, Chambery, Vienne, c.  Allobroges and if he could, to draw 'em in to be Confederates in the War. Believing, that in regard they were both publicly and privately vastly in Debt; besides that the Gauls were naturally a Warlike People, they might be easily inveigled to lay hold of the Opportunity. This Vmbrenus having traded much among the Gauls, was known to most of the Chief Princes of the Cities, and likewise knew Them. Therefore without delay, so soon as he beheld the Ambassadors in the Forum, or Place of usual Concourse, after some few Questions concerning the Condition of the City, and as it were bewailing the Public Calamity, he began to ask 'em, what they thought would be the Issue of such destructive beginnings. In answer to which, when he heard 'em complain of the Covetousness of the Magistrates; accuse the Senate, as from whom there was no hopes of redress; and making Lamentations, that only death could terminate their Miseries; But I, said he, will show ye a way, provided ye will be but Men, how ye may avoid all these great and Terrifying Misfortunes. The Allobroges, their Expectations thus screwed up, besought Vmbrenus to compassionate their Condition; assuring him, there was nothing too desperate or difficult which they would not most readily undertake, provided it might conduce to discharge their City out of Debt. Thereupon he carried 'em to D. Brutus' House, as being near the Forum, and not altogether a stranger to the Conspiracy, because of Sempronia, for that Brutus himself was not then in Town. Moreover he sent for Gabinius, to the end that Credit might be given to his words. In his hearing he says open the whole Conspiracy, names the Confederates, together with several others, who were no way concerned, to give the Ambassadors the more Encouragement; and having so done, after they had made him fair Promises, he sent 'em to their Lodgings.  
However the Allobroges when they came to consider, were long uncertain and hesitating what Course to take. On the one side, there was a Ponderous Debt, a prompt Inclination to War, and a charming Prospect of great Gain from the hopes of Victory. On the other side there was greater Wealth and Power, the safer course, and for uncertain hopes assured 
* No less than 200000 Sesterces, which amounts to 750000 l.  rewards. And long they rolled and tumbled these Considerations in their Minds; but at length the Fortune of the Commonwealth obtained the Victory. Therefore away they go to Fabius Sanga, and to him as Patron of their City, discovered the whole Plot, as far as it had been laid open to them. Cicero being informed of this Discovery by Sanga, gave order to the Ambassadors to dissemble strongly their Approbation of the Conspiracy; that they should apply themselves to the rest, and to do their utmost endeavour to assure themselves of their Names and Persons.  
At the same time there were also some Commotions in the 
a Lombardy and Piedmont.  Hither and 
b France itself.  Farther-most Gaul, as likewise in 
c La Marca d' Ancona.  Picenum among the 
d Calabria.  Bruttii and in 
e Now Puglia.  Apulia; but they proved to be only Tumults and no more. For the Persons whom Catiline had sent thither, acted without any consideration like so many Mad men; and with their Midnight Assemblies, their disposing to and fro of Arms and Darts, their Hurrying and Bustling about, occasioned more of Terror than Danger. So that Q. Metellus Celer the Praetor, when he understood by the Senate's Decree, the Reason of their Diligence, Apprehended and Imprisoned a great Number of those Busy fellows; and the same did also C. Murena in the Hither Gaul, being Lord Lieutenant of that Province.  
But at Rome, Lentulus with the rest of the chief Ringleaders of the Conspiracy, having as they thought a sufficient strength about 'em, resolved, that so soon as Catiline was advanced as far as Fiesoli with his Army, Bestia the Tribune of the People, in a set Speech should inveigh against Cicero's Proceedings, and lay the odium of a most terrible War upon the best of Consuls; which being the Signal, the next Night the whole Body of the Conspirators was to rise, and every one to act his Part: Though they were reported to have been thus ordered to their several Posts. That Statilius and Gabinius, with a considerable number, should set fire to twelve convenient Places of the City: to the end that in the Hurry of that Tumult, there might be the more easy access to the Consul, and such others as were designed to be murdered. That Cethegus should beset Cicero's House, and by main force make way to his Person. Others were to attempt others; and the Sons of the Families, of whom the greatest part were of the Nobility, were to murder their Parents; and thus when all the whole City was in a general Consternation, dismayed with Fire and Sword, the next work was to force their way through the Guards, and march directly to meet Catiline. In the midst of these Preparations and Counsels, Cethegus often complained of the sloth and slackness of the Confederates: that by hesitation and delay, they lost great Opportunities; that in dangers of that Nature, Execution not Consultation was required: and then proffered, if only a few would stand by him, since others were so faint and tender hearted, himself to lead the way into the Senate House: for being naturally fierce, choleric, and prompt of hand, his chiefest Confidence was in Expedition.  
In the mean time the Allobroges according to Cicero's Instructions, being introduced by Gabinius, met the rest of the Conspirators; at what time they required from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius and Cassius an Oath which they might carry Signed to their Magistrates and fellow Citizens; for that else they would never be induced to engage in such a weighty Enterprise; which they, suspecting nothing, readily gave. Cassius also promised to be with 'em in a short time, but left the City a little before the Ambassadors. But when they went, T. Volturcius of Crotona was ordered to attend 'em, and to procure a mutual Confirmation of the League between the Allobroges and Catiline, and an Exchange of the Articles on both sides. He also sent a short Letter by Volturcius to Catiline, to this effect.  
Who I am thou wilt understand by the Messenger I have sent thee. Be sure to consider the vastness of the Danger wherein thou art; and remember that thou art a Man. Consider, what thy Affairs require; and beg Assistance from all, even from the Lowest.  
Moreover he had Instructions to admonish him by word of mouth, that seeing he was adjudged an Enemy by the Senate, for what Reason would he refuse the worst of Slaves? that all things were ready in the City according to his Orders; and that he should not delay to make his Approach a little nearer.  
Having thus far in this manner proceeded, upon the Night appointed when they were to go, Cicero, who was informed of every thing by the Ambassadors, gave Orders to the Praetors, C. Pomptinius, and L. Valerius Flaccus, to surprise the Ambassadors and their Train so soon as they, arrived at the Mulvian 
* Now Ponte Molle two miles from Rome.  Bridge; unfolded to 'em the Reason, why they were sent, and bid 'em act in other things as they saw occasion. They being Military men that understood business, having Posted their Guards without the least disturbance, as they were commanded, beset the Bridge; so that when the Ambassadors, together with Volturcius came to the Place, presently there was hideous bawling and tearing of Throats on both sides. But the Gauls understanding the Design, yielded forthwith to the Praetors. Volturcius at first encouraging the rest, defended himself a while with his Sword from the Multitude; but finding he was deserted by the Ambassadors, after he had with many Imprecation's adjured Pomptinius, with whom he was acquainted, to serve him with his Interest, at length fearful and distrustful of his Life, he surrendered himself to the Praetors, as if they had been Enemies.  
This being done, an exact Relation of all things was sent to the Consul; who at the same time was no less over anxious than over joyed. He rejoiced, for that the Conspiracy being now discovered, the City was wrested from the Jaws of danger. But his trouble was no less extreme, seeing so many Eminent Citizen's the detected Authors of so foul a Crime, what was to be done. Their Punishment was grievous to him, and their Impunity the ruin of the Common-weal. But at length recovering his Resolution, he commanded Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius to appear before him; also Ceparias of Tarracina, who it seems was gone for Apulia, to raise the slaves; the rest attended without delay. The Consul himself, taking Lentulus by the hand, because he was a Praetor, lead him into the Senate; the rest he ordered to be sent to the Temple of Concord under strong Guards. Thither he summons the Senate, and before a great Appearance of that Order, causes Volturcius and the Ambassadors to be brought in; and commands Valerius Flaccus to bring in the little Packet of Letters which he had received from the Ambassadors.  
Volturcius being Examined concerning his going out of Town, and the Letters, what was his design, or what the cause of his Journey; at first framed several fictitious stories, and shifted off the Conspiracy; but being commanded to declare the Truth upon the Public Faith, he unfolded all things as they were transacted; that he was some days before drawn in by Gabinius, and Ceparius; but that he knew no more than the Ambassadors; only he had heard from Gabinius, that P. Autronius, Ser. Sylla, L. Vargunteius, and many others were involved in the same Confederacy. The Gauls confessed the same things. But as for Lentulus, who dissembled and veiled the Truth, they convinced him not only by Letters, but from several brags that he was wont to make in Public, That the Kingdom of Rome was ascertained to three Cornelii by the Prophecies contained in the Sibilline Books. That Cinna and Sylla had had their Turns, and that he was the Third, whose Fate it should be to rule the Roman People: Moreover that from the Burning of the Capitol, the twentieth Year was now arrived, which the Soothsayers from several Prodigies had foretold, should be deeply died with Civil Blood. Therefore the Letters being read, after the Criminals had all acknowledged the Seals to be Lentulus', the Senate decreed, That Lentulus, being degraded from the Magistracy, and the rest, should be confined in free Prisons. Therefore Lentulus was committed to the Custody of P. Lentulus Spinther who was 
* The Aediles were Officers who had charge of repairing the Temples and public Houses, and look`d after the Weights & Measures.  Aedile, Cethegus to the care of Q. Cornificius; Statilius to C. Caesar; Gabinius to Marcus Crassus; Ceparius (for by this time he had been apprehended upon the Road and brought back) to Cn. Terentius the Senator.  
And now the Conspiracy being detected, the Common People, who before, out of their usual desire of Change, had too much favoured the War, now vearing about, cursed Catiline's Designs, applauded Cicero to the Skies, and as if they had been snatched from the Jaws of Bondage, by their Gestures and their Countenances filled the Streets with Joy and Exultation. For other Acts of War would rather afford 'em the Advantages of Plunder, than bring detriment to Them; whereas they looked upon firing of Cities to be cruel, excessive and chiefly pernicious to themselves; since all their Riches consisted in their clothes and Householdstuff.  
The next day after, one L. Tarqvinius was brought before the Senate, who was reported to have been apprehended upon the Road, going to Catiline. This Man promising to make great Discoveries of the Conspiracy, if he might be assured of his Pardon; and being thereupon commanded by the Senate to declare his knowledge, informed the Senate the same things which Volturcius had done, concerning the Firing of the City, the Massacre of all the honest Party; and the March of the Enemy; and farther, that he was sent by M. Crassus, to give him an Account of what had happened, lest he should be deterred to hear that Lentulus, Cethegus, and so many others of the Conspirators were in Custody; and to advise him so much the rather to hasten his March to the City, as a means to revive the Spirits of the rest, and the better to secure 'em from the danger they were in. But when Tarqvinius named Crassus, a Person Illustrious by Extraction, vastly Rich and most eminently Potent, some deeming the thing incredible, others, tho' they thought it true, yet because at such a Conjuncture, the Power of so great a Man was rather to be appeased and qualified, than exasperated, the most part obnoxious to Crassus, upon the score of their Private concerns, unanimously cried out, That the Witness was Perjured, and demanded a Reference upon the whole Matter; therefore by Cicero's Advice, it was Decreed in a in full Senate, That the Evidence was looked upon as false, that Tarqvinius should be laid in Irons: and that he should never be admitted more to give his Testimony, unless he discovered the Person who had put him upon inventing such a falsehood. Some Persons at that time were of opinion, that this same Evidence was contrived by P. Autronius, to the end that Crassus being Impeached, might be the more ready to Protect the rest by his Power, when involved in the same danger. Others reported that Tarqvinius was Suborned by Cicero, lest Crassus, undertaking the Patronage of wicked Miscreants, according to his Custom, should join with Them to disturb the Public Peace. And I have afterwards heard Crassus himself declare, that the Affront, though of so high a Nature, was put upon him by Cicero.  
At the same time neither Q. Catulus, Precedent of the Senate, nor C. Piso could either by Favour, Importunity or Bribes prevail with Cicero, that C. Caesar might be falsely accused either by the Allobroges, or any other Evidence: For they were both his Mortal Enemies. Piso, as being 
* But being defended by Cicero himself.  Condemned upon an Impeachment of Bribery, under pretence that he had unjustly punished with death a certain Piemontane. Catulus burning with Revenge, for that upon his standing for the Supreme Pontificate in his Hoary years, C. Caesar a young man had carried against him. And now they thought they had an Opportunity put into their hands, for that Caesar, partly through his excessive Liberality in Private, and partly through the Profuseness of his Public Presents, had run himself deeply in Debt. But when they could not persuade the Consul to such a dishonourable Compliance, they themselves by running personally from place to place, and spreading false Reports of what they had heard from Volturcius and the Allobroges, had heaped no small Odium upon him, insomuch that some of the Roman Knights, who guarded the Temple of Concord with their Partisans in their hands, whether moved thereto by the Greatness of the Danger, or the Inconstancy of their own Affections, to make their zeal for the Commonwealth the more remarkable, threatened him with their naked Weapons as he came forth of the Senate.  
While these things were transacted in the Senate, and that Rewards were decreed to the Ambassadors of the Allobroges and Volturcius, Lentulus' Enfranchised slaves, and some few of his Clients taking several Roads, made it their business to solicit Handicraft Tradesmen and Slaves, and incense 'em to his Rescue; while others sought out every where for the Ringleaders of the Rabble, who for Money were wont to perplex the Commonwealth. Cethegus also by Messengers, besought his Family and his Enfranchised slaves, all fellows culled and exercised in Insolence, to make a Body, and by force of Arms to break in upon him. The Consul therefore understanding how these Plots were laid, having placed his Guards as the time and the occasion required, after he had summoned a Senate, made a Motion what should be done with those Prisoners that were under Custody. For not long before a full Senate had adjudged 'em to have acted against the Commonwealth. Upon that Motion therefore D. Junius Silanus, being first of all desired to deliver his Opinion, in regard he was at that time designed Consul, had declared, That not only they who were in Prison, but also L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Vmbrenus, and Q. Annias, so soon as they were apprehended, should be put to death. Though afterwards being mollified by Caius Caesar's Oration, he had protested his Compliance altogether with Tiberius Nero's Vote, which Report he did not think however fit to have been made till the Guards were doubled. But Caesar being asked his Opinion by the Consul, delivered himself in these words.  
It behoves all Men whatever, Conscript Fathers, who deliberate in dubious Affairs, to be void of Hatred, Friendship, Anger and Compassion: for where these things obstruct, the Mind can never have a perfect Prospect of Truth: neither was there ever any man who at the same time, could indulge his private desires and the public good. When we fortify our resolution, it grows vigorous; If Passion possess us, that prevails, and Resolution languishes I want not plenty of Precedents, Conscript Fathers, to show what Kings, and People upon the Motives of Anger or Pity, have ill consulted in the main. But I rather choose to cull out what our Ancestors have done in Opposition to their Passions. In the Macedonian War, which we waged with King Perseus, the City of the Rhodians, mighty and magnificent, and grown up to that height by the Assistance and Support of the Roman People, became treacherous and injurious to Us. Yet when the War was ended, and that the Rhodian Ingratitude came to be debated, our Ancestors, lest any might say hereafter they had begun a War in thirst of Riches, rather than sensible of suffered wrongs, they dismissed the Rhodians home unpunished. Also in all the Punic Wars, when frequently the Carthagenians, both in Peace, and by breach of Treaties, had perpetrated many abominable Acts, never did they, when opportunity offered, do the like; they rather sought what might become their own Dignity, than what they might justly retaliate upon them. This therefore, you are to take care of, Conscript Fathers, that the Impious Crime of Lentulus and the rest, do not sway your Passions more prevalently than your honour; and that you be not more indulgent to your Anger, than your Flame. For if there might be found a punishment to equalise their Misdeeds, than I approve your Counsel newly taken; but if the vastness of their Crimes surpasses all our Invention, 'tis then my Judgement, that we make use of those which are provided by the Law. Most of those Persons, who before me, have declared their Opinions, have sedately and nobly compassionated the Condition of the Commonwealth: they have numbered up the Cruelties of War, and what most usually befalls the vanquished: Rapes of Virgins, and Young Boys; Infants torn from the Embraces of their Parents; Mothers of Families at the Lustful pleasure of the Victors; Temples and Private Houses robbed and and plundered; nothing but Fire and Sword; All placed lastly strewed with scattered Arms and Carcases, besmeared with Blood, and filled with Lamentations. But by the Immortal Gods, what did that long Oration drive at? was it to raise your Antipathy to the Conspiracy? that is to say, who e'er he be, whom so prodigious, and so terrible a Fact cannot exasperate, that same Oration shall incense. It cannot be so; neither does any Man look slightly upon his own Injuries: nay, many bear 'em with less Patience than they ought to do. But, Consceipt Fathers, there is one sort of Liberty to some allowed, another sort to others. They who lead their Lives in Obscurity, if at any time they commit an Error in heat of Anger, few take Notice: their Reputation and their Fortunes are alike. But they who being arrived to large Command, live in the soaring height of Greatness, are always in view, and their actions are beheld by all men. So that in Fortune's most conspicuous, there's the least of Liberty; there's no permission to Love or Hate, much less to be in Wrath. What is called Anger among others, in Government bears the name of Pride and Cruelty. I must confess, 'tis my Opinion, Conscript Fathers, that all the Tortures in the World are far inferior to their Crimes. But most Men still remember what was last; and in the sufferings of the most Impious, forgetting the Fact, discourse of nothing but the punishment, if more severe than ordinary. As for Decius Silanus, a Man most Brave and Stout, I am certainly convinced, that what he has said, he has spoken out of his Affection to the Commonwealth; and that he is biased neither by Favour nor Enmity, in a concern of this Importance; so well I have been acquainted with the Conditions and Moderation of the Person. But his Judgement in this case seems to me not cruel, no, (for what can be thought cruel when inflicted upon such Men) but without precedent in our Commonwealth. For certainly, Silanus, either Fear or Injury oreruled thee, being the designed Consul, to decree an unusual sort of Punishment. To talk of fear is altogether now superfluous, seeing that by the propitious diligence of our most Illustrious Consul, such numerous Guards are up in Arms. As to the Punishment, I shall say no more, than what is obvious from the thing itself; that in Sorrow and Affliction, 'tis death not torment that surceases all our Miseries: that puts an end to all the sufferings of Mortals: beyond that, there is no room for Care or Joy. But wherefore, by the Immortal Gods, didst thou not add this farther to thy Sentence, that first they should be rigorously scourged? Was it because the 
* By which no Roman Citizen could be Whipped.  Porcian Law forbids it? However there are other Laws that Privilege condemned Citizens from loss of Life, commanding only Banishment. Or was it because it is more grievous to be Whipped then to be put to Death? Pray, what can be too grievous or severe for men to suffer, once Convicted of so great a Crime? But if it be the slighter punishment, why so observant of the Law in the Lesser Infliction, when thou hast broken it in the Greater? But who dares question what shall be Decreed against Parricides of the Commonwealth? A time, a day to come; nay. Fortune herself, that at her pleasure governs all the World: Then, whatever happens will deservedly befall 'em. But as for you, Conscript Fathers, consider what ye decree against these Men. All bad Examples derive their Original from bad beginnings. For when the Government shall fall into the hands of the Ignorant and Unjust, that new Example will be transferred from the worthy and fit, to the unworthy and unfit to rule. The Lacedæmonians having vanquished the Athenians imposed upon 'em Thirty Persons to manage the Public Affairs. These, first of all, began to put to death, though uncondemned, the worst of Men, and only such as had deserved the General hatred: at this the People rejoiced, and cried 'twas justly done. But when this Liberty augmented and grew bold, then Will and Pleasure reigning, Good and Bad were put to Death without distinction, and the City under Bondage and Oppression, paid severely for their foolish joy. In our remembrance, Sylla then Victorious, caused Damasippus and others that were grown up to the prejudice of the Commonwealth, to beput to Death; and, Who did not applaud the Fact? Such as they, they cried, Men Impious and Factious, that with Sedition did nothing but dicturb the Public Peace, deserved a Public Execution. But that very thing was the beginning of horrid Calamity and Bloodshed. For as every one had a fancy to this or that Neighbour's House or Farm, his Furniture or his clothes, he took care to get him Listed in the number of the Persons that were to be proscribed. And thus, they who rejoiced at the death of Damasippus, soon after themselves were dragged to Massacre. Nor was there any end of Slaughter, till Sylla had gorged his followers with the wealthy Spoils of the Innocent. Not that I am jealous in the least of M. Tullius, or fear the same Confusion in these times. But in a spacious Commonwealth, there are men of various Inclinations and Designs. At another time, and by another Consul, that has an Army at his heels, something may be believed that may beget misunderstanding. And when the Consul once by virtue of this Precedent has drawn his Sword in pursuance of a Decree of Senate, who shall then limit his Ambition, or moderate his Passion? Our Ancestors, Conscript Fathers, never wanted either Counsel or Courage: nor was their Pride so great, but that they could imitate Foreign Customs when they found 'em Advantageous. Their Military Weapons and Darts they borrowed: from the Samnites; and most of their Ensigns of Majesty from the Tuseans. Lastly, whatever they beheld proper and useful either among their Enemies or their Allies, that they put in Execution with an eager Industry, choosing rather to imitate then to despise. Therefore at that time, they only Scourged offending Citizens, and those that were condemned for greater Crimes they put to death. But when the Commonwealth increased in Power, and Factions became Potent through multitude of Citizens, than the Porcian Law and other Statutes were ordained which only punished Capital Offenders with exile. Which is the Reason, Conscript Fathers, that I take to be of highest Importance, why we should not make any Innovations in our Counsels. For certainly their Wisdom and Virtue was greater, who raised so vast an Empire from such small beginnings, than ours who hardly can preserve what they so bravely won. Would we therefore have the Prisoners set at Liberty to increase the number of Catiline's Army? No, but this is my Opinion, that their Estates be put to Sale; their Persons kept in durance apart, in the several Municipal Towns, which are most responsible for their forthcoming: that after this, the Senate be no farther moved, nor the People tampered with in this Matter, and that whoever shall do otherwise, the Senate shall adjudge him to act against the Commonwealth and the Public Safety.  
After Caesar had made an end of speaking, some by word of mouth, others to various Opinions variously delivered their Assents. But M. Portius Cato, being asked his Judgement, made the following Oration.  
I am quite of another Opinion, Conscript Fathers, when I consider our Affairs and our Dangers, and ponder in my mind the Judgements of some Persons. They seem to me to have discoursed concerning the punishment due to those Persons who have raised a War against their own Country, their own Parents, their Religion and Liberty. But the Conjuncture admonishes us to debate, rather how to preserve ourselves from their Attempts, than what Penalties to inflict upon 'em. For other Mischiefs we may prosecute when acted; this, we must take care to prevent; least after it has done the fatal Execution, it be too late to consult Opinions. But by the Immortal Gods, I appeal to you yourselves, who always had a greater value for your Houses your Manors, your Statues and your Pictures, then for the Commonwealth, if you have a desire still to hold fast those things whatever they be, which you embrace and hug with so much Affection and Content; whether this be a time of leisure for your Pleasures: therefore for shame awake at length, and save the Commonwealth. Neither our Tributes, nor the Wrongs of our Allies, but our Liberty and our Lives lie now at stake. Frequently, Conscript Fathers, I have delivered myself in this Assembly: often have I complained of the Luxury and Avarice of our fellow Citizens; and for that reason have contracted the Enmity of many Men. I who never pardoned in myself the least Error of my own Thoughts, could not easily forgive the Misdemeanours of Passion and Ambition in others. Of which though you took little Cognizance, yet such was then the same Condition of the Commonwealth, that its united Power could brook your negligence: But now the question is not whether we shall be able to support ourselves by good and laudable Customs; nor how large, nor how magnificent the Roman Empire is; but whether these things, whatever they be, shall be ours, or that our Enemies must be allowed their share. In this case, shall any man talk to me Mildness and Pity? Certainly we have long since lost the true Significations of words. Since the Prodigal disposal of other men's Estates is called Liberality; and Boldness in evil Enterprises goes by the name of Fortitude. And between these two Extremes the Commonwealth is seated. Well then, since their good Natures are such, let 'em be Liberal of their Friends Estates; let 'em be merciful to those that rob the Public Treasury; let 'em not be prodigal of our Blood; and while they are so sparing to a few notorious Villains, go about to ruin all honest Men. Well and Learnedly has C. Caesar discoursed of Life and Death in this Assembly; deeming, as I believe, those things to be Fables, which are taught us concerning Hell; that the Wicked are reserved in Places horrid, dark and frightful, at a distance from the Just. Therefore it was his Opinion that their Estates should be put to sale, and their Persons be sent to the particular Municipal Towns, lest if they should be kept in Rome, they might be rescued by their Confederates in the Conspiracy, or by the tumultous Rabble. As if all the profligate Villains were only at Rome, and not dispersed over all Italy; and as if audacious boldness were not like to be more prevalent in places where there was less power to oppose it. Wherefore certainly this advice was very frivolous, if he have any fear of them, as dangerous Persons; but in the general Consternation of all Men, if he alone be not afraid; the more it concerns me to look both to myself and you. Therefore when you shall make any Decree concerning P. Lentulus and the rest, assure yourselves the same Decree will reach both Catiline's Army and all the Conspirators: the more sedulously and vigorously you act in those Affairs, the more their Courage will be daunted; but if they find you once remiss and timorous, there's nothing then will stop their Fury. Never believe our Ancestors enlarged our Commonwealth from small to great by force of Arms. For were it so, it would be much more spendid now, since we are much more numerous in Allies and number of People; far better provided with Weapons and Horses: But other things were those that made them Great; all which we want: Sedulity at home and just Command abroad: a Mind in Consultation free, nor favouring the Crime, nor obnoxious to Passion: Instead of these, we flourish in Luxury and Avarice; in public want, and private opulency: Wealth we applaud, but follow Sloth: between the Good and Bad there's no distinction: but Ambition enjoys all the Rewards of Virtue. Nor is it a thing to be admired; because you never advise together for the common Good, but separately consult your own Interests: because at home you serve your Pleasures, and here enslave yourselves to Profit or Favour. From whence it comes to pass that Violence invades the empty Commonwealth. The most Illustrious of our Fellow-Citizens have conspired to burn their Country; to revolt and war they inflame the Gauls, the mortal Enemies of the Roman Name; and the General of the Rebels himself is with his Army almost at our doors. And do ye now at such a time as this sit lingering and staggering what to do with Enemies apprehended within your walls? My Opinion is, ye should take pity of 'em. They are young men that have offended through Ambition; and therefore give 'em their Liberty and their Weapons to boot; but assure yourselves, this Clemency and Compassion of yours, if they have liberty to use their Armies, will turn to all our Sorrows. 'Tis true, Misery is a grievous thing, but you are not afraid of it. Yes, most of all; but through Sloth and want of Courage, you sit staring one upon another, expecting help from the Immortal Gods, who oft have saved this Commonwealth in all her greatest Dangers. But the Assistance of the Gods is not obtained by Female Importunity and Supplication: Prosperity attends on watchfulness, activity, and well consulting. When we abandon ourselves to Sloth and Pusillanimity, 'tis in vain to implore the Gods, who are offended and angry. Among the rest of our Progenitors, A. Manlius Torquatus, caused his own Son to be put to death, because he had fought the Enemy contrary to his Command; so severely was the valiant Youth chastised for his overhasty Courage. And do you hesitate what to decree against the most cruel of Parricides? Oh! but 'tis pity to punish 'em, considering their former virtuous Lives: However, I'll give ye leave to be merciful to Lentulus' Dignity, if ever he were merciful to his own Chastity, his own Honour; if e'er he spared the Gods or Men. Pardon Cethegus' his Youth, because this is but the second time he has rebelled against his Country. For what do I talk of Gabinius, Statilius and Ceparius, who had they had the least Grain or Sense of Virtue and Reputation, would never have engaged in such Designs against the Commonwealth. Lastly, Conscript Fathers, were there any room for an Oversight, readily would I brook that you should be corrected by the Matter of Fact itself, since you so little regard my words; but we are every way surrounded. Catiline with his Army is advanced to the very Passages of the Apennine; other Enemies we have within the Walls of the City, and even in our Bosoms; no private Preparations can be made, no secret Consulations taken: For which reason, we must use the greater diligence. Therefore 'tis my Opinion; since the Commonwealth is now upon the Brink of Danger through the Sacrilegious Machinations of profligate and impious Wretches, who being detected by the Discoveries of Volturcius, and the Ambassadors of the Allobroges, have confessed their joint Confederacy to murder, burn, and utterly destroy their Country and their Fellow-Citizens, together with other enormous Cruelties and public Havoc by them intended, That capital Punishment be inflicted upon Them confessing, as if they had been actually convicted of the Crimes.  
So soon as Cato sat down, all the Consular Personages, and the greatest part of the Senate applaud his Opinion, and extol his Courage to the Skies; while others are upbraided with the Name of Cowards; but Cato is looked upon by all as great and famous; and a Decree of Senate passes in compliance with Cato's Opinion. And here, as being a person who have heard and read much more of what renowned Achievements the Roman People have performed both in Peace and War, by Sea and Land, by chance it came into my Mind to consider, what it was that upheld the management and accomplishment of such glorious Actions. I knew, That frequently with inconsiderable Bands they had vanquished numerous Legions of their Enemies: That with small Forces they had waged War against potent Princes; moreover, That they had many times experienced the Violence of Fortune: That for Eloquence, the Greeks; in Military Glory, the Gauls were superior to the Romans. But after many serious Reflections and Considerations, it was plain to me at length, That the surpassing Courage of a few Citizens had brought all things to pass; and thence it fell out, That Poverty overcame Opulency, and Multitudes were vanquished by a few. But when the Commonwealth was once corrupted by Luxury and Sloth, than the Commonwealth by her own Vastness supported the Vices of her Commanders and Magistrates; for that, like a Woman that has done bearing Children, for several Intervals of Time, Rome could not show a famous Person: But in my Memory there were two Great Men of different Dispositions and Manners of Living, yet in Virtue both surmounting; M. Cato, and C. Caesar; whom therefore, since so fair an Opportunity offered, I could not think it became me to pass by in silence, before I had given a true Character, as far as my Wit would reach, of the Genius and Nature of Both. For Nobility of Descent, for Years and Eloquence, the difference of Equality was very small between 'em. In Magnanimity likewise equal, as also in Glory, though treading different Paths to purchase Fame: For Caesar's Bounty and Munificence made him great; Cato, his Integrity of Life. The first, his Clemency and Compassion rendered Illustrious; the other was admired for his Severity: Caesar, by giving, relieving, pardoning; Cato, by bestowing nothing, got Renown: In the one, the Miserable found a Sanctuary; the other was a Terror to the wicked: The one for his easy Temper, the other was applauded for Constancy of Resolution. Caesar had made it his business to labour and watch; intent upon the occasions of his Friends, to neglect his own; to deny nothing that was worthy giving; thirsting after great Command, an Army and a new War, that so the Lustre of his Courage might shine brightly forth. On the other side, Cato studied Modesty, Temperance, Decency, but Austerity above all the rest: He never contended for Riches with the wealthy, nor with the Factious for Command: but who was most courageous with the Stout; most modest with the Bashful; and with the most abstemious, who more temperate and continent? He rather chose to be, then seem to be good; so that the less he courted Honour, the more she followed him.  
Now then so soon as once the Senate had approved the Opinion of Cato, the Consul, believing it the safest way to take the advantage of the Night approaching, for fear of any unexpected Accident in the mean time, commanded the 
a Who were a sort of High-Sheriffs, who had the Charge of the Prisons, and were to see Malefactors punished.  Capital Triumvirs to make ready the Place and Instruments for Execution. He, after the Guards were set, brings Lentulus himself to the Prison, as the Praetors also did the rest. Within the Jaul there is a certain place called 
b The Dungeon, so called, because it was added to the Prison by K. Tullus.  Tullianum; after a small Ascent to the left hand about Twelve Foot under ground, being walled about on every side, with an Arch of Stone over head; but nasty, dark, offensive to the Smell, and frightful to the Sight. Into this Dungeon Lentulus being let down, the Lictors or Executioners, according to their Orders, strangled him with a Halter. Thus fell that great Patrician, descended from the Illustrious Family of the Cornelii, that frequently had held the Consular Dignity of Rome, meeting that fatal End which the Course of his Life, and his Actions justly merited. In the same manner also Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius and Ceparius were executed at the same time.  
While these things are thus transacted at Rome, Catiline, of all the Men which he had raised himself, and those that Manlius had mustered together, made two 
a A Legion consisted of six Thousand Men.  Legions, and filled up his 
b Every Cohort consisted of 555 Foot, and 66 Horse.  Cohorts proportionable to the Number of his Men. Then as Volunteers or Friends came in to him, he made an equal distribution of their Number; insomuch, that in a short time he completed both his Legions, whereas before he had but Two Thousand in all. Of these, not above a fourth part were armed with Soldier like Weapons; the rest supplied by Chance and Fortune, carried either Country Pike-staves, Javelins, or Stakes made sharp at the end. But when Antonius approached with his Army, Catiline keeping the Mountains, bend his March sometimes towards the City, sometimes towards Gallia, carefully avoiding Combat with his Enemy; for he was in hopes of numerous Reinforcements, so soon as his Confederates had accomplished their work at Rome. In the mean time, he refused the Assistance of Slaves and Servants, of which, a great Number had resorted to him at the beginning, confiding in the strength of the Conspiracy; and deeming it might also disadvantage his Interests, to have intermixed the Complaints and Cause of Free Citizens with 
* For if a Servant were discovered in a Muster of Roman Freemen, he was presently thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Rock.  Slaves.  
But afterwards, when News was brought to the Camp that the Conspiracy was discovered, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest were executed, the greatest part, whom hopes of Plunder, and desire of new revolutions had inveigled to the War, dropped from him: with the rest Catiline swiftly retires through the rough and difficult Passes of the Hills, into the Territory of the 
a Now Pistoia.  Pistorienses, with a Design to steal away privately under the shelter of the Woods and Mountains into Lombary: But Q. Metellus Celer lay with three Legions in the Territory of Picenum, rightly conjecturing Catiline's Intention, considering the distress of his Affairs. Therefore having intelligence of his March, by certain Fugitives, he presently raises his Camp, and posts himself at the foot of the Mountains, where Catiline must come down in his March for Hither Gallia. Nor was Antonius far behind, as he that followed the nimble Fugitives with a numerous Army through more level and less encumbered ways.  
Catiline therefore, when he perceived himself enclosed with Hills and numerous Enemies, that all things had failed his Expectations in the City, and that there was no safety in flight, nor hope of Succour, believing it his wisest course in such a condition, to try the chance of War, he resolved to hazard his Fortune with 
b Believing that he being privy in part to the Conspiracy, would have yielded him an easy Victory.  Antonius: And to that purpose, at the Head of all his Army he made this Oration to his Soldiers:  
I am convinced by Truth of History and Experience, fellow Soldiers, that Words afford no addititon of Courage unto Men; or that a General's Harangue renders a slothful Army stout, no Cowardly numbers Valiant. Only what Courage is by Nature or generous Practice inherent in the Soul of every Man, so much displays itself in Battle. The Person whom neither Glory nor Dangers can excite, in vain we seek with Speeches to inflame: for Consternation stops his Ears. However I have called ye here together, partly to inculcate some few things into your Breasts, but chiefly to unfold the cause of this my sudden Resolution. You understand too well, fellow Soldiers, how great a Calamity the sloth and negligence of Lentulus has brought upon himself and Us; and how I am debarred from Marching into Gallia, in Expectation of considerable Succours. And now you likewise know, as well as myself, what is the desperate condition of our Affairs at present. Two Armies of the Enemy, one from the City, another from Gallia lie posted in our way. To stay longer in these Parts, had we never so great a Desire, scarcity of Provision and other Necessaries will not permit. And wheresoever we design our March, we have no other way but what our Swords must open. Wherefore I exhort ye, be resolute, and still prepared for vigorous Encounter, and when ye are ready to join Battle, that you carry Riches, Honour, Grandeur, your Liberty and your Country in your hands. If we vanquish, all these things will be secure, plenty of Provision, Municipal Towns and Colonies, will be at our Devotion. But if through Cowardice we turn our Backs, than all the World will be our Enemies; no place nor friend will shelter them, whose Arms could not protect 'em. Moreover, Fellow Soldiers, the same necessity binds not them, that strictly obliges us. We Combat for our Country, our Liberty and Lives, 'tis only a superfluous kindness in them to defend in fight the Usurpation of a few; the reason wherefore you should be more daringly mindful of your Ancient Virtue. You had your choice to spend your ignominious Lives in shameful Exile; or else to live at Rome, your Patrimonies and Fortunes lost in Expectation of other men's Estates. But because these things seemed base or not to be endured, you determined to follow these resolutions. If these your last determinations please not, the more need of Courage at this time. For no man but the Victor, Exchanges War for Peace. And to expect Security in Flight when we have thrown away our Weapons that were the Protection of our Bodies, that's a piece of Real Madness. Always in Battle they are most in Danger who are most afraid, for daring Boldness guards ye like a Wall. When I consider your Persons, Fellow Soldiers, and put an estimate upon your Actions, my hopes of Victory are exceeding Great. Your Valour, Age and Stoutness, all encourage me. Moreover, your Necessities which renders even Cowards Valiant: nor will the nature of these narrow passages permit the Enemy to surround us with their numbers. However if Fortune frown upon your Valour, beware, that unrevenged you do not lose your Lives, or choose to be taken, and be massacred like Sheep, rather than fight like Men, to leave the Enemy a Bloody and mournful Victory.  
Having thus spoken, after he had made a little Pause, he commanded the Trumpets to sound, and leads down his Men in good order into a Champion ground. Then, sending away all the Horses, to the end, the danger being equal, the Soldiers might be the more encouraged, himself a foot Embattles his Army, as his number and the Nature of the Place would permit. For finding that the Plain lay between Mountains on the Right, and rugged and steep Rocks on the Left, he made a Front of Eight Cohorts. The rest he drew up more close in Reserves. Out of these he brings all the choice Centurions and Honorary Reformades, together with the stoutest of all the Common Soldiers well Armed, into his first Array. To C. Manlius he gave the Right, to a Commander of Fiesoli the Left Wing. Himself with his enfranchised Bondmen, and some of Sylla's old Soldiers, that had been distributed into 
* Where being suddenly before enriched by Plunder, they had as soon by Prodigality consumed their Fortunes.  Colonies, he posted himself next to the Eagle, which as they said, had been the Standard which Marius made use of in the Cimbric War. On the other side, C. Antonius being then sick of the Gout, because he could not be present at the Battle, gave the Command of his Army to his Legate, M. Petreius. He placed the Veterane Cohorts, which he had raised of a sudden, in the Front; and behind them, the rest of his Men for a Reserve. Himself Riding about from Rank to Rank, calls every one by their Names, encourages, and entreats 'em to be but mindful, that they fought against unarmed Robbers, for their Country, their Liberty, their Altars and their Household Gods. This Man, an old Soldier, who had been for above thirty years together, either a 
a A Tribune seems to be a kind of Major of a Regiment. For it was his Duty to see the Soldiers Exercised, and well Disciplined, and to attend the Consul for Orders.  Tribune, or 
b A Perfect supplied the Legates place in his absence.  Perfect, or 
c The Legate was a kind of Adjutant General to the Consul.  Legate or Praetor, and all along acquitted himself with great Honour, knew most of the Soldiers, was acquainted with their stoutest Actions, and by bringing 'em fresh to their Memories, greatly inflamed their Courages.  
Now than Petreius having diligently observed the Enemy's Array, and given out his last Orders, by sound of Trumpet Commands the Signal of Battle, and the Cohorts at the same time to move slowly forward. The same did the Enemy; but when they were so near to one another, that the Lighter armed might well begin the fight with their Missive weapons, the Legionaries never stood to throw their 
d Piles were a sort of Darts like a Boar-Spear, about two Cubits and a half long in the wood, and a Cubit and a half in the Iron head, which was heavy and sharp, and being thrown with Art, would strike through any Armour; with this the Legionaries began the fight at a distance and then closed.  Piles as they were to do, but running with a hideous shout on both sides to the Combat, began a close fight foot to foot with their Swords. The Veteranes, mindful of their Pristine Bravery, bore vigorously upon the Enemy; nor did their Opposites make a Timorous Resistance, so that the Combat was sharp on both sides. All the while Catiline, with the most active and smartest of his followers kept still in the head of his Men; succoured those that were overpowered, supplied the places of the wounded with fresh Men; frequently charged in Person, and performed all the Duties of a stout Soldier, and experienced Commander. Petreius therefore perceiving that Catiline made a stouter Resistance than he expected, order the Praetorian Cohort to Advance and Charge the very thickest of the Enemy; and than it was that all things went to wrack on Catiline's side, his Men being every where disordered, and every where put to the Sword: which done the Legate flew upon both the Enemy's Wings at the same time with the same fury. Manlius and the Faesulane fell among the first. But as for Catiline, when he saw his Army routed, and himself left naked with a small Remainder, remembering his Descent and his Ancient Dignity, he threw himself into the thickest of his Enemies, and was there slain with his Sword in his hand.  
But after the Battle was over, than you might see the wonderful Audacity and Resolution that had reigned in Catiline's Army. For generally the place which every one had stood on when alive, the same when dead he covered with his Body. Some few indeed, whom the Praetorian Cohort had routed in the middle, lay more dispersed, yet all had received their wounds before, and no man turning his back. Only Catiline was found at a distance from his own Men among the Carcases of his Enemies, with some remainder of Life, retaining in his Countenance that Fury and Fierceness of Mind which inspired him when alive: and the last thing remarkable is this, that of that whole Number, neither in the Fight nor in the Pursuit was any Freeborn Citizen taken Prisoner, so equally merciful had they all been to their own and the Lives of their Enemies. Nor can we say that the Army of the Roman People enjoyed a Victory to be rejoiced at, or at the expense of little Blood. For not a Man of forward Bravery, but either fell in the Battle, or was carried off desperately wounded. So that of many, that either out of Curiosity or greedy of Plunder, going to view the Field of Battle, turned up the Carcases of the Slain, there were hardly any but either knew their Friends, their Guests, or their Kindred: and some there were who knew their Enemies. Thus Joy and Sorrow, Mourning and Gladness variously affected the Victorious Army.  
The End of the Catilinarian War.   

C. Crispus Sallustius' JUGURTH OR, JUGURTHINE War.  
1. FAlsely does Human kind complain of the Condition of Life, as if it were too frail and short, and rather under the Dominion of Chance then Virtue. For entertaining contrary thoughts, we shall find that there is nothing greater, nothing more excellent than Man himself, and that he neither wants power nor length of years, but only Industry. For the Captain and Commander of human Life is the Soul, which while it journeys with an eager pace toward Glory, through the paths of Virtue, is sufficiently prevalent, powerful and eminent, not needing Fortune's aid; which neither can bequeath or take away from any Man his Probity, his Industry, or any other virtuous Endowments. But if enslaved to lewd desires, we plunge ourselves in Luxury and Corporeal Pleasures; by degrees accustomed to pernicious sensuality; when we have once misspent our Parts, our Strength, our precious Hours in Sloth and Oscitancy, the Infirmity of Nature is then accused, for that the Guilty lay the blame of their folly upon the difficulty of Business. Whereas if Men were but as sedulous in laudable Professions, as they are eager in the pursuit of things unprofitable, and many times extremely hazardous, they would rather govern then be governed by Fortune; and would advance themselves to that degree of Grandeur, that instead of being Mortal, they would become Eternal in Glory.  
2. For as all Mankind is compounded of Soul and Body, so do also all our Affairs and all our Studies follow, some the nature of the Body, others of the Soul. Therefore lovely Form, superfluous Riches, strength of Body, these in a short time all decay; but the glorious Achievements of Wit and Parts, are like the Soul, Immortal. Lastly, as there is a beginning, so there is an end of all the Blessings of Body and Fortune; all things rising set again; and as they grow, grow old. But the Soul, Incorruptible, Eternal, the Guide and Ruler over all Mankind, acts and possesses all things, not possessed itself. And the depraved humour of those Men is so much the more to be admired, who abandoning themselves to the felicity of bodily Pleasures, consume their days in Luxury and Idleness, and suffer the Wit of Man, than which there is nothing more sublime, nothing more boundless in human Nature, to grow stupid and lie fallow through sluggishness and want of careful Manuring. More especially since the Gifts and Sciences belonging to the Mind, are so many and so various, by which we may arrive to highest degree of Reputation.  
3. Yet in the midst of this Diversity, neither Magistracy, nor Empire, nor any Administration indeed of Public Affairs to me at this present seem so eagerly to be thirsted after: for Honour is not bestowed on Virtue: Neither are they that by Fraud have obtained Advancement, safe; or for their eminent Authority the more honest. For, for a Man to rule his Country or his Parents by force, though he have Power, and be never so much a Corrector of Misdemeanours, yet is it troublesome to the Sufferers; especially since all Mutations of Affairs portend Slaughter, Exile and other Effects of Hostile Violence. Vainly therefore to take pains, and acquire nothing else by restless toil but Hatred of himself, is Extremity of Madness; unless there be any so possessed with a slavish and pernicious desire to surrender their Honour and their Liberty to the Power of a Few.  
4. But among the Crowds of Business, which are proper for the Exercise of the Wit, the Remembrances of great Transactions seem chiefly beneficial. Of the Excellency of which Application, since many have discoursed, I deem it not fit to be repeated: lest some besides, may think it Insolence in me, by Praises to extol the Study which myself affects. 'Tis true, that I believe there may be some, who, because I have determined to live remote from Public Affairs, may give the name of Idleness to this same Toil of Mine so great and profitable: though surely none but such, whose chiefest Industry it is to court the Mobile, and to ingratiate themselves by Popular Banquets. Who if they again consider, both at what time I obtained the Magistracy, and who they were that could not gain that Honour, and afterwards what sort of Men were brought into the Senate, certainly they will be then convinced, that the Change of my Judgement proceeded rather from Desert then loitering Drowsiness, and that greater Advantage will accrue to the Commonwealth from my Leisure, than the Business of others. For I have frequently heard, that Q. Maximus and P. Scipio, the most renowned Persons of our Commonwealth, were wont to say, That when they beheld the Statues of their Ancestors, their Minds were ardently inflamed to Virtue; not that the Wax or the Figure had such an efficacy in its self; but only that the flame was kindled in the breasts of those Illustrious Persons by the remembrance of past Transactions; nor could be extinguished, before their Virtue and Courage had equalled the Fame and Glory of their Predecessors. Quite otherwise, who is there now adays that does not strive to outvie his Ancestors in Riches and Expenses, rather than in Probity and Industry? Upstarts also, who formerly were wont by their Virtue to anticipate Nobility, now by Stealth and private Bribery, contemning worthy means, press forward to Commands and Honours. As if Pretorships and Consulships, and all high Employments whatever, were Noble and Magnificent in themselves, and not to be esteemed and valued according to the merit of those Persons that enjoyed 'em. But I have been too free, and ran too high, in detestation of the corrupted Manners of the Commonwealth. I now return to the Design in hand.  
5. A War I am about to Write, which the Roman People waged with Jugurth King of the 
* Where now lie the Kingdoms of Constantina and Bugia, both contained within the Kingdom of Argier: to which also belongs the Gulf of Estora, formerly Sinus Numidicus.  Numidians. First because it was a great and furious Contest, and Victory various on both sides: and in the next place for that than it was, the first Opposition was made against the Nobility. Which Contention made a Confusion of all things both Divine and Human, and proceeded to that degree of mortal Rage, that only War and the Devastation of Italy, put an end to their Intestine Animosities. But before I enter into the beginning of this Story, I must look back a little into Antiquity, to the end that all things may be more clearly displayed in ordered to the better understanding of the rest.  
In the second Punic War, when Hannibal, Captain of the Carthaginians, had broken the Strength of Italy, more than ever any one, since the Grandeur of the Roman Name, Massinissa, King of the Numidians, being admitted into a League of Friendship by P. Scipio, Surnamed Africanus for his Valour, had performed many noble and famous warlike Exploits. In recompense of which, the Carthaginians being vanquished, and Syphax taken Prisoner, whose Power was great, and his Dominions in Africa spacious at that time, the Roman People freely bestowed upon the King what Cities and Countries they had then subdued by force of their own Arms. For which reason he continued in his Friendship to Us advantageous and sincere, till his Life and Sovereignty ended both together. After that, his Son Micipsa obtained the Kingdom, and reigned sole Monarch, Manastabales and Gulassa his Brothers being carried off by Sickness. To him were born in lawful Wedlock, Adherbal and Hiempsal, with whom he bred up Jugurth, the Son of his Brother Manastabales, and gave him Royal Education in his Palace, notwithstanding that Massinissa had left him only in a private Condition, in regard his Mother was no more than a Concubine.  
6. Who, when he arrived to years of maturity, surpassing in strength, lovely to behold, but far more vigorous in Parts and Wit, would not be corrupted by Luxury and Ease; but according to the Custom of that Nation, enured himself to Riding, Darting, and to outrun his Equals, to outdo all, and yet to be beloved by all. Sometimes he spent his time in Hunting, and was still the foremost, or among the foremost that first wounded the Lion or any other wild Beasts: thus performing most, but speaking least of himself. With which, altho' Micipsa were well pleased at the beginning, as believing Jugurth's Courage would be an Honour to his Kingdom; but when he found, in his declining years, and while his Children yet were small, the sprightly Youth improving daily more and more, then violently disturbed with Jealousies and Fears, he began to revolve many things in his Thoughts. The Nature of Mortals, greedy of Dominion, and precipitately prone to gratify their Ambition, terrified him; besides the opportunity of his own and his children's Age; enough to overturn the Loyalty of meaner Courages: Add to this the Affections of the Numidians kindled toward Jugurth; which made him anxious whether to contrive the Death of such a man or no, to remove all Occasions of Sedition or War.  
7. In the midst of these Difficulties, when he saw that a Man so acceptable to the People, could neither be destroyed by Force nor Treachery, in regard that Jugurth was. a Person prompt of his hands, and covetous of Military Honour, he resolved to expose him to danger, and to try his Fortune that way. Therefore in the Numantine War, Micipsa designing to send the Romans a numerous Assistance both of Horse and Foot, and hoping his destruction, either by dating too far, or through the severity of his Enemies, he gave him the Command of the Numidians, which he sent into Spain. But it fell out quite contrary to his Expectations: for Jugurth, a Person indefatigable, and of a piercing Wit, when once he came to understand the Disposition of Scipio, than General of the Roman Army, and the Enemy's manner of Fight, by his extreme Labour and Diligence, by his modest Obedience, and frequent exposing himself to Danger, arrived to such a degree of Reputation, that he was not only greatly beloved by our People, but equally formidable to the Numantines. And indeed, a thing most extraordinary, and rarely to be met with in one single Person, he was not only strenuous in Battle, but safe and shrewd in Counsel: Of which, the one from foresight generally begets Fear; the other from dating and inconsiderate boldness, usually produces Rashness. The General therefore for the most part made use of Jugurth in the execution of his most difficult Erterprises, took him into the number of his Friends; and daily more and more augmented his Respect and Favour toward him; as being one whose Counsel and Courage seldom failed. Besides all this, he had a large Soul, and a Genius most industrious, by which means he had contracted a most familiar Friendship with many of the Romans.  
8. At that time were several Upstarts and Noble Persons in our Army, that preferred Wealth before Justice and Honesty, factious, powerful at home, and among our Allies more eminent for their Riches then Virtue; who by ostentatious Promises, did not a little inflame the hopes of Jugurth, that so soon as Micipsa dropped into his Grave, himself should reign sole Monarch of Numidia; That he was a Person accomplished for Sovereign Rule, and that all things were put to Sale at Rome.  
After this, when Numantia was levelled with the Ground, and that Scipio had determined to dismiss his Auxiliaries, and return home, he took Jugurth along with him magnificently rewarded, and laden with Encomiums, into the Praetorian Pavilion, before the whole Assembly of the Chief Officers; and there admonished him in secret, rather publicly then privately to continue his Friendship with the Roman People; lest by ill bestowing his Bounty, he might happen to purchase with danger, from a few, that which belonged to many: That if he took the right Course, Glory and the Kingdom would drop of themselves into his Bosom; but that if he made too much haste, his own Money would throw him headlong into Ruin.  
9 After these Admonitions, he dismissed him with certain Letters which he was to deliver to Micipsa, to this effect:  
Thy Jugurth's Courage has been highly conspicuous in the Numantine War, which I am assured will be acceptable News for Thee to hear. By Us he is highly respected for his Merits; and that he may have the same Esteem from the Senate and People of Rome, we shall mainly endeavour. I congratulate thy Happiness for our Friendships' sake; for thou enjoyest a Subject worthy of thyself, and thy Father Massinissa.  
The King therefore, when he found true by the General's Letters what he had heard before by Report, smitten as well with the Courage, as the Loveliness of the Person, allayed his Anger, and resolved to try whether he could vanquish him by Acts of Grace and Favour: To which purpose he adopted him, and by his last Will left him Co-heir of the Kingdom with his Sons; and some few years after, wasted with Age and Sickness, perceiving the Conclusion of his Days at hand, he is said to have used the following Admonitions to Jugurth in the hearing of his Friends and Kindred, as also of his Two Sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal.  
10. When thou wert young helpless, Jugurth, after thou hadst lost thy Father, without Hopes or Maintenance, I took thee into my Kingdom, believing thou wouldst prove equally grateful both to me and to my Children, should I have any, for favours heaped upon thee: Nor was I deceived in my good Opinion: For, to omit thy other many great and famous Explots, lately returning from Numantia, thou hast honoured both Me and my Kingdom with Martial Reputation; and by thy Prowess hast made the Romans, Friends before, most friendly to Us. In Spain the Name and Lustre of our Family is again renewed; and which is the hardest Task for Mortals to perform, thou hast vanquished Envy with Renown. Now then, because that Nature puts an end to my Life, by this Right Hand, by the Truth of the Kingdom, I beseech and conjure thee, That these Young Men, by Birth thy nearest Kindred, and Brothers through my Favour, may be always the dear Objects of thy real Affection; and that thou wilt not forsake the Friendship of thy own Flesh and Blood, for the Alliances of Strangers. Neither Armies nor Treasures are Guards sufficient to defend a Kingdom, but Friends; which thou canst neither compel by Force, nor purchase with Gold: They are only to be gained by Duty and Fidelity. But where should Friendship then be most sincere, if not between Brother and Brother? Or where shall he find a Friend among Strangers, that is an Enemy to his own Relations? I leave yet a Kingdom strong and durable, while virtuous and unanimous; but weak, and of short continuance, if wicked and perverse. For by Concord small Beginnings thrive; through Discord the most Sinewey Establishments shrink to nothing. Till then these Striplings are grown up, Thee, Jugurth, it behoves, their Senior both in Years and Prudence, to take care, that nothing may disturb this happy Union. For in all Contentions, the more powerful though he receive the Injury, yet because his Force is greater, seems to do it. And as for your parts, Adherbal and Hiempsal, respect and reverence so great a Man as this; imitate his Courage; and let it not be said, That I adopted better Children than I first begat.  
11. To all this, Jugurth, altho' he knew, That what the King had uttered, was all but craftily dissembled, and that he had other Designs in his Head, nevertheless observing the Season, he answered as if nothing but Submission and Duty had inspired him. Within a few days after Micipsa dies. Whom, when they had magnificently Interred with all the Royal Pomp befitting his Dignity, the three lesser Princes met together, to consult among themselves concerning their Affairs. At that time, Hiempsal, naturally fierce, and contemning Jugurth's mean Descent by the Mother's side, placed himself upon Adherbal's Right Hand, to prevent Jugurth's sitting in the middle, which is accounted the chiefest Place of Honour among the Numidians. Nor would he give way to Age, till tired with his Brother's Importunity, he was forced to change his Seat. There, after they had discoursed many things concerning the Government of the Kingdom, Jugurth, among other passages, throws in a word by the By, That it was but reasonable that all the Decrees and Acts for the five Years last passed, should be made void; in regard that during all that time, Micipsa being wasted with Age, had not had the right Use of his Understanding. To which Hiempsal made Answer, That the Proposal pleased him well; for that it was but three years ago, since he had obtained his share of the Kingdom by Adoption. Which Expression descended deeper into Jugurth's Breast than they that heard it were aware of: Therefore from that time, turmoiled with Indignation and Fear, he toils, provides, and in perpetual agitation of Thought, sets all his Trains and Engines at work by Treachery to ruin Hiempsal: Which in regard they had but slow Success, and yet his cruel Mind could no way be appeased, he resolved to accomplish his Design whatever it cost him.  
12. At the first Meeting of the three Princes already mentioned, in regard they could not agree, it was adjudged requisite, That the Treasures should be divided, and that the Limits of their Territories should be settled. For the Execution of which Decrees, a Time was prefixed, but first of all for the distribution of the Money. Now it happened that Hiempsal had hired a House in a Town called Thirmida, which belonged to Jugurth's chief Gentleman-usher, but a Person greatly caressed & beloved by himself. This Officer, so opportunely in his Service, Jugurth loads with rich Presents; and constrains him to go, under pretence of viewing his House, and get false Keys made to all the Doors (for the true ones were in Hiempsal's possession) and to let him know when all things were ready; for that then he would come with a sufficient Strength. The Numidian fulfilled his Commands, and as he was instructed, in the Nighttime let in Jugurth's Soldiers; who were no sooner rushed into the House, but several ran to seek out the young Prince; some killed those that were asleep; others slew all they met; all the private Corners were ransacked, Doors broke open, nothing but Noise and Tumult every where; at length Hiempsal is found in a Cottage belonging to a young Woman his Servant, whither at first in fear, and ignorant of the Country, he had fled for shelter. The Numidians, as they were commanded, carried his Head to Jugurth.  
13. But the Report of such a Bloody Fact was soon spread over all Africa, so that all that were under the Dominion of Micipsa, were in a dreadful consternation. The Numidians divide themselves into two Parties: More adher'd to Adherbal, but to the other the more strenuous in War: Therefore Jugurth arms all the Forces he could raise, and adds to his Territories several Cities, some by Force, others by willing Surrender, and prepares to make himself Master of all Numidia. Adherbal, although he had sent Ambassadors to Rome, to inform the Senate of the Murder of his Brother, yet confiding in the Number of his Soldiers, resolves upon a decision of the Quarrel by the Sword. But when the Business came to Battle, constrained to quit the Field, he fled into the Roman Province, and thence made haste to Rome. Then Jugurth, having accomplished his Designs, and now Lord of all Numidia, revolving more at leisure, in his Mind, the Fact he had committed, began to dread the Roman People, nor had he any hopes of appeasing their displeasure, but in the Avarice of the Nobility, and his own Money. Therefore within a few days he sent his Ambassadors to Rome, loaden with Gold and Silver, with his Instructions, first to cram the Purses of his old Friends, then to purchase new; and lastly, by scattering their Bribes, to make: sure of all they could, for fear of haesitation.  
Upon this, when the Ambassadors came to Rome, and had dispersed their Presents according to their Master's Instructions, among the King's Friends, and others that bore the greatest Sway in the Senate, there was such a Change ensued, so that whereas no man before had more incurred their displeasure then Jugurth, no man was more in their favour.  
14. Thereupon, when the Ambassadors thought their Game sure, a Senate was appointed to hear both Sides; and than it was that Adherbal, as we have heard, thus delivered himself:  
Conscript Fathers, Micipsa my Father, upon his Deathbed, gave me in charge, that I should look upon the Kingdom of Numidia, so far as concerned the Administration only to be mine, but that the Right of Jurisdiction and Dominion was vested in yourselves: and that I should make it my business both in Peace and War, to be as serviceable as possible I could be to the Roman People. That I should value and respect you as my Parents and nearest Kindred and Relations: which if I did, I should find in your Friendship, Armies, Riches and the safety of my Kingdom. These Instructions of my Father, while I was meditating carefully to put in Practice, Jugurth, a Man of all men upon the Face of the Earth, most Impious, contemning your Authority, me Massinissa's Grandchild, and consequently by Lineal Descent an Ally and friend of the Roman People, has expelled his Kingdom and deprived of all his Fortunes: I must confess, Conscript Fathers, since Fate had destined me to these Calamities, I could have wished that rather for the sake of my own, than the services of my Ancestors, I might have implored your Aid; and that the People of Rome might have owed me those favours which I had no need of, that then, if occasion required, I might have reaped the advantage of my Debts. But in regard Integrity is not secure of itself, neither was it in my power to foresee what sort of person Jugurth would prove, I fled to you for Succour, to whom, which is my worst misfortune, I am constrained to be a burden, before I could be useful. Other Princes either vanquished in War, have been admitted into your Protection, or in the tottering condition of their Affairs, have sought your Alliance. Our Family engaged in Amity with the Roman People, in the time of the Carthaginian War, at such a Conjuncture, when their Fidelity rather than their Fortune was to be desired. Whose Offspring, Conscript Fathers, my own self, t●● Grandchild of Massinissa, permit not to implore your Aid in vain. Had I no other reason for my Suit, but only my Misfortune, that deserves Commiseration; lately a Potent Prince, no less Illustrious in Birth and Fame; now disfigured with Calamity, reduced to Poverty and begging Aid of others, yet it became the Majesty of the Roman People to prohibet Injury; and not to suffer any Man whatever to enlarge his Kingdom by Sacrilegious Acts. But I, alas, am here expelled those very Confines, which the Roman People bestowed upon my Ancestors, from whence my Father and Grandfather assisting your Victorious Arms, ejected Syphax and the Carthaginians. Your Favours, Conscript Fathers, are wrested out of my hands; and you are contemned in the wrongs I suffer. Wretch that I am! Are thy kindnesses come to this, Father Micipsa, that he whom thou mad'st equal with thy Children, and sharer of thy Kingdom, that he should be the first to extinguish thy Race and Lineage? Shall our Family never be at quiet? Always must Boodshed, Exile and Slaughter be our Portion? While the Carthaginians flourished, there was some reason for our suffering; the Enemy close by our sides; you our Allies far distant: all our dependence was upon our Swords. But when that Pest was exterminated out of Africa, we enjoyed a gay Tranquillity: for than we had no Enemy, unless whom you commanded so to be. But now upon a sudden, Jugurth, advancing himself, through unsufferable audaciousness, and vaunting in Villainy and Pride, having murdered my Brother and his nearest Kinsman, has first seized the Kingdom as the booty of his Impiety; then when he could not ruin Me by the same Treachery, yet expecting nothing less than Violence and War, within your own Empire, he has stripped me as you see of House and Home and Native Country, and sent me hither an exiled Beggar, overwhelmed with misery, and any where more secure than in my own Kingdom. I was of the same opinion, Conscript Fathers, with my aged Parent, when I heard him oft repeating, that they who inviolably embraced your Friendship, underwent indeed much hardship, but of all Men upon Earth were most secure. What was in our Family's Power to do, they did; still your Auxiliaries in your Wars: and it is in your Power that we may be as well secure in Peace as others under your Protection. My Father left two Brothers of us, and Jugurth the third he thought would have been riveted to us by his continual kindnesses. The one of these is Butchered, the others Impious Clutches myself could hardly escape. What shall I do? Or whither, unhappy as I am, shall I repair? All my expectancies of support from Consanguinity are lost. My Father, by necessity of Fate, has surrendered himself to Nature: My Brother, He whom it least became, has impiously robbed of Life. The rest of my near Kindred, Relations and Friends, one sort of ruin some, another others have destroyed; taken by Jugurth, part nailed upon the Cross; and part exposed to the Fury of Wild Beasts; the small remainder closed up in Darkness with mourning and lamentation, lead a Life far worse than Death. Were all things, which either I have lost, or which instead of proving necessary have fallen out averse and contrary, had been still unhazzarded and safe; yet if any thing had happened unforeseen, I should however have addressed my Supplications, Conscript Fathers, to yourselves, to whom, considering the Grandeur of your spacious Empire, belongs the care of all justice and Oppression. But now an Exile from my Country, from my House and Home, by all deserted, and indigent of necessary subsistence, to whom shall I make Application or whose Aid invoke? Nations or Princes, who all, because in League with you, detest our Family? Is there any Place left for my approach, where there are not more than many Hostile Monuments of my Ancestors? Can any Person take Compassion upon Us, who at any time was once your Enemy? Massinissa, Conscript Fathers, gave us those Instructions, that we should pay fidelity to none, but to the People of Rome: that we should accept of no new Alliances or Leagues, there being superfluity of safety in your Friendship: and that if the Fortune of this Empire should happen to change, that we should fall together with it. By your Courage, and through the favour of the Gods, you are mighty and opulent; all things prosperous, all things obedient to your Commands: whereby you have the Power to take Cognizance of injured Allies. Only this I fear, lest some there may be, whom Jugurth's private Correspondence, closely carried, hurries topsy turvy; who as I am well informed, with all their Might endeavour, solicit, and weary with their Importunities particular Persons, that nothing be decreed against the Person absent, ere the Cause be heard: that I counterfeit words, and dissemble Flight, when I might stay in my Kingdom if I pleased. But I wish to Heaven I might see the Traitor, whose Villainy has plunged me into these Calamities, dissembling here the same Things; and at length that either You or the Immortal Gods would be mindful of Human Affairs; to the end that He, who is now become Haughty and Illustrious by his perpetrated Crimes, tormented then with all imaginable tortures, might receive the dismal reward of his Impiety toward the Parent of us both, in the murder of my Brother, and rendering me thus miserable. And now Brother, to my Soul most dear, although thy life was robbed untimely from Thee, and by him whom it behoved most charily to have preserved it, yet I am apt to think, thy Fate affords us an occasion rather of Joy then Lamentation. For together with thy Life, 'tis but a Kingdom thou hast lost; thou hast escaped the terrors of Flight, Exilement, Indigency, and all those miseries that weigh down my Soul: While unfortunate as I am, thrown headlong from my Native Kingdom into so many disasters, I am only a Spectacle of Human uncertainties; Uncertain what to do, whether to prosecute thy wrongs, myself a suppliant for Succour; or whether to take farther care of my Kingdom, whose Power of Life and Death depends upon the Charity of Strangers. I wish to Heaven that Death might be the virtuous end of all my Grandeur; lest I should seem contented, were it but only to live, if tired with my Misfortunes, I should sink under the burden of the Oppression. Now therefore, Conscript Fathers, impatient of Life, yet not permitted to die without disgrace, for your own, for the sake of your Children and your Parents, by the Majesty and Grandeur of the Roman People, vouchsafe your Succour to Me unfortunate; stop the Career of Injustice, and suffer not the Kingdom of Numidia, which is your own, to consume and pine away, while harassed by Impiety and the Effusion of our Blood.  
15. When the King had made an end of speaking, Jugurth's Ambassadors, relying more upon the profuseness of their Presents, than the justice of their Cause, answered in few words,  
That Hiempsal was by the Numidians put to death for his Cruelty; that Adherbal, having begun a War without any provocation, when he saw himself vanquished came to complain, because he could not do the wrong he intended: and therefore Jugurth besought the Senate, that they would not think him any other Person, than what he was known to be at Numantia; nor prefer the Stories of an Enemy, before his own apparent Deeds.  
Which said, they both withdrew. Immediately the Senate took the business into Consideration. At what time the favourers of the Ambassadors and several others corrupted by Dependency, made slight of Adherbal's Complaint, highly applauded Jugurth's Virtue; spared neither for Affection or Words, but laboured with all their Might imaginable, for the Villainy and Treachery of a Stranger, as if it had been for their own Honor. On the other side some few there were, to whom Justice and Equity were of more value than Riches, who were of opinion that Adherbal was to be supported, and that the Death of Hiempsal was to be severely revenged. But among all the rest chiefly Emilius Scaurus, Nobly descended, indefatigable, factious, ambitious of Power, Honour and Wealth, but one that cunningly knew how to conceal his Vices. For he, perceiving the notorious and scandalous Bribery of the King, fearing, as oft it happens in such cases, lest a Pollution so licentious should bring an Odium upon him, checked his inordinate Desires, and kept his Avarice within bounds.  
16. However in the Senate that Party carried it, which preferred Reward and Favour before Truth. A Decree was therefore made, That Ten Commissioners should divide Micipsa's Kingdom between Adherbal and Jugurth; In which Commission L. Opimius was the Chief: a Person of great Eminency and then Potent in the Senate; for that being Consul, after C. Gracchus and M. Fulvius were slain, he had prosecuted more severely the Victory of the Nobility, and gratified their Indignation with a great slaughter of the Plebeians. This Person, though at Rome he had not found him favourable to his Interests, Jugurth received with all the caresles imaginable; at length profuse in Gifts and Promises, he so brought it to pass, that Reputation, Fidelity, Justice laid aside, he preferred the King's profit above all things. With the same Baits the Numidian tempted the rest of the Commissioners and the greatest part swallowed the Silver Hook; only some few valued their Credit above Gold. In the Partition, that Part of Numidia which Borders upon Mauritania, far the better Country both for the Richness of the Land, and Number of Inhabitants, was assigned to Jugurth. The other more beautiful for Prospect, then beneficial, as being full of Havens, and replenished with fair and sumptuous Buildings, fell to Adherbal's share.  
17. Here the Occasion requires, That we should give a brief Description of the Situation of Africa, together with a slight Account of those Nations, with which we were either at War, or joined in Alliance: Though as to those Places and Nations, which by reason of the Heat, the Rudeness of the Country, and Vastness of the Deserts, are less frequented, I find but little Discovery made; the rest I shall dispatch in as few words as may be.  
In the Division of the Terrestrial Globe, most Geographers have allowed a Third Share to Africa, though some few there are who acknowledge no more than Two Parts, Asia and Europe; affirming that Africa belongs to Europe. It is bounded to the West by the straits, between our Sea and the Ocean; to the East, by a steep Descent, which place the Inhabitants call: 
* Now Porto d' Alber, formerly a City, now a small Village upon the Coast of Barca, in the Dominion of the Turks.  Catabathmos. The Sea adjoining Tempestuous, and ill furnished with Havens; the Soil fruitful in Corn, and abounding in Pasturage, but naked of Wood; the People healthy, patient of Labour, and generally long-lived, unless cut off by War, or destroyed by wild Beasts, as being seldom injured by Diseases: only they are pestered with several sorts of venomous Creatures. And now what Race of Mortals first inhabited Africa, who succeeded them, and how they came to be intermixed one among another, although it vary from that Report, which generally prevails among most Men, nevertheless according to what was translated for our Use out of the Punic Books, which were said to be King Hiempsal's, and as the People of that Country believe it to be, I shall concisely declare.  
18. The People that first seated themselves in Africa, were the Getulians and Libyans, rude and barbarous, whose Food was the Flesh of wild Beasts, or the Grass upon the Ground, like so many Herds of cattle. They were neither governed by Customs, Laws, nor under any Command; roving and wand'ring, where Night constrained, there they took up their present Quarters. But after that Hercules died in Spain, as the Africans believe, his Army, composed of several Nations, having lost their Leader, while many sought to lay the Foundations of particular Dominion, shattered into several Parties. Of that Number, the Medes, Persians and Armenians, crossing over into Africa, took possession of those places that lie upon our Sea: But the Persians nearer to the main Ocean; who made use of the Keels of their Ships, the Bottoms turned upward, for Cottages; for that there was no Timber in the Country, nor had they any conveniency of buying or exchanging out of Spain, by reason that the wideness of the Sea and ignorance of the Language prevented Commerce. These, by degrees, by intermarriages intermixed the Getulians among themselves: and because that in search of convenient Habitations, they sometimes tried one Country, then another, they called themselves Numidians. And as yet, the Buildings of the wild Numidians were oblong, and bowed on both sides, like the Keels of Ships. With the Libyans, the Medes and Armenians joined; for these lived nearer the African Sea. The Getulians more under the Sun, not far from the scorching Heats; and these built themselves Towns betimes. For being separated only by a narrow Straight from Spain, they had settled a Trade one among another. Their Name also the Libyans by degrees changed, calling them instead of Medes, Maurs, according to the Pronunciation of their Barbarous Idiom. As for the Persians, they grew potent in a short time; and afterwards retaining the Name of Numidians, by reason of their Multitude, they left their Parents, and took possession of those Places which being next to Carthage, are called Numidia. Then both together, confiding in each others Strength, they compelled their Neighbours, either by Force, or through Fear, to submit to their Jurisdiction; thereby gaining both a Name and Reputation to themselves; but They the greater, that advanced as far as our Sea; for that the Libyans are not so warlike as the Getulians. Lastly, The lower part of Africa was for the most part possessed by the Numidians; while all the rest being vanquished and subdued, acknowledged only the Name and Government of the Victors.  
19 Afterwards, the Phoenicians, partly being too numerous at home, partly through desire of Dominion, having prevailed with the People, and others no less covetous of Novelty, to follow 'em, built 
a Now by the French called Bone; by Arabs Bened el Vgueb, in the Kingdom of Argier.  Hippo, 
b Now Mahometta, in the Kingdom of Tunis.  Adrumetum, 
c Now Lebeda, in the Kingdom of Tripoli.  Leptis, and other Cities upon the Sea-Coast: Which being afterwards much enlarged, some served for Srength, and some for Ornament. For as for Carthage, I think it proper rather to say nothing at all, then to be too concise, Time calling us another way. Therefore from Catabathmos, which Place divides Egypt from Africa, observing the Tide of the Sea, the first City is 
a Now Caicoan in the Kingdom of Barca.  Cyrene, a Colony of the Island of Thera, now Gozi in the Aegaean Sea; then the two 
b The one now called Le Secche di Barbary, and the other Golfo di Capes.  Syrteses; between which Leptis, and then the 
c Now Porto di Sobia; or Nain; so called from two Carthaginian Brothers, that suffer' themselves to be there buried alive for the Good or their Country.  Altars of the Phileni. Which was the Limits of the Carthaginian Empire next to Carthage. All the other Countries as far as Mauritania, the Numidians possess; and next to Spain, are the Moors, Beyond Numidia the Getulians inhabit, some in Cottages, others more barbarously roving from place to place: Beyond them lie the Ethiopians. and then the Deserts all parched up by the scalding heat of the Sun. Therefore in the Jugurthine War, the Romans by their Magistrates governed most of the Punic Towns, and the Territoties of the Carthaginians, which they had latest won. The greatest Part of the Getulians and the Numidians, as far as the River 
* Now Molochath.  Mulucha, were under the Dominion of Jugurth.  
Over all the Moor's King Bocchus reigned, to whom the Romans were little known, unless it were by Name; neither was he known to Us, by any Occasion either of War or Alliance.  
20. After the Commissioners had divided the Kingdom, they returned home. At what time, when Jugurth saw that he had obtained the full Reward of his Treachery, contrary to the Fears of his Heart, believing it certain, as he had learned by his Friends at Numantia, that all things were vendible at Rome; as also encouraged by the Promises of those whom, but a little before he had glutted with his Presents, he bends his Thoughts upon Adherbal's Kingdom. He himself stirring, and warlike; the Person he designed upon, peaceful, and effeminate, of a mild Temper, and cut out for an Object of Injustice; rather fearful, then to be feared. Unexpectedly therefore Jugurth enters his Territories with a great Army, sweeps the Country both of People and cattle, burns the Houses, and in an Hostile manner approaches most of the Cities with his Cavalry. Then with all his Booty he marches back into his own Kingdom, believing that Adherbal thus incensed, would revenge the Injury done him; which would be a fair Pretence for a War. On the other side, Adherbal, because he knew himself to be no way equal to his Adversary; and for that he trusted rather to the Friendship of the Romans, then in his own Numidians, sent his Ambassadors to Jugurth, to complain of the Injuries he had done him; who, though they returned with only contumelious Usage, yet he determined to suffer all Indignities, rather than begin a War, wherein he had had such ill Success before. However, Jugurth's Ambition abated never the more for that, as one that had already devoured his Brother's Kingdom in his Heart. And therefore not now; as before, by way of Inroad, but with a great Army he began the War, and openly to lay claim to the whole Empire of Numidia: wherever he came, he laid waste City and Country, drove all before him, encouraged his own, and struck terror into his Enemy.  
21. Adherbal, when he found it was come to that height, that he must either abandon his Kingdom, or maintain his Right by Force of Arms, constrained by Necessity, raises an Army, and marches to meet Jugurth. Thus both Armies met by the Seaside, not far from the City of 
* Now Constantina.  Cirta; but in regard it was then toward the Evening, they did not fight that day; but when the Night was far spent, and that Daylight began to glimmer, Jugurth's Soldiers, the Signal given, fall pellmell into the Enemy's Camp, where they kill, rout, and put to flight the scarce awake Numidians, ere they could put themselves into a posture of Defence: Adherbal, with some few Horsemen gains the City of Cirta; and had it not been for the great number of Italians that kept off the pursuing Enemy from the Walls, in one day between two Kings a War had been begun and indeed. Jugurth therefore surrounds the Town, and prepares with his 
* Vines were Hurdles, eight Foot high, seven broad, and sixteen in length, covered over with raw Hidess under which the Soldiers made their Approaches to the Walls of a City  Vines, Towers and Engines of all sorts, to storm the Walls. Making the more haste to anticipate the Ambassadors, which, as he heard, Adherbal had sent to Rome before the Fight. However, so soon as the Senate had intelligence of the War, three young Men were sent into Africa, with Instructions to attend both the Kings, and to let 'em know that it was the Pleasure and Decree of the Senate and People of Rome, that both should lay down their Arms; and for any Controversies that were between 'em, That they should suffer the Law, not War to determine 'em.  
22. The Commissioners arrive in Africa, which they made the more haste to do, in regard that while they were preparing for their Journey, News was brought to Rome of the Battle fought, and the Siege of Cirta; though the Truth were very much minced, and favourably reported. To whom, when Jugurth had heard their Message, he made Answer, That there was nothing more awful nor more sacred to him, than the Authority of the Senate: That from his Youth he had so endeavoured to regulate his Behaviour, that he might gain the Applause of all good Men: That his Courage, not his evil Deeds had rendered him grateful to Scipio, the greatest Person in the World: That for the same reason, and not for want of Children, he was adopted into the Kingdom by Micipsa: but that the more he had well and strenuously behaved himself, the less could he frame his Mind to brook Affronts: That Adherhal had Treacherously laid Wait for his Life, which when he understood, he only opposed him with open Force: That the People of Rome would neither Act justly nor as became good Men, to forbid him the Right of all Nations: Lastly, That he would in a short time by his Ambassadors give the Senate an Account of all his Proceedings.  
22. Jugurth when he thought the Commissioners were departed out of Africa, and found that by reason of the natural strength of the place, he could not take Cirta by Storm, surrounds it with Trenches and Breast-works reared up several Towers, which he stuffed with Armed Men: left no thing unattempted Day and Night, either by Force or Stratagem; at the same time alluring and terrifying the Defendants with Rewards and Objects dreadful to the sight; inflaming the Valour of the Assailants by continual encouragements; and sedulously performing all things requisite upon such an occasion. Adherbal therefore, finding all his Fortunes reduced to the last Extremity, the Enemy pressing furiously on, no expectation of Relief, nor hope of spinning out the War for want of Necessaries, among the rest that fled with him to Cirta, he made choice of two brisk Men of undaunted fidelity, and partly by large Promises, partly by raising up their pity of his low Condition, prevailed with 'em to break through the Enemy's Guards in the Night time, to the next Shoar, and thence with all imaginable speed to make for Rome. The Numidians in a few days accomplish his desires, and Adherbal's Letters were read in the Senate to this effect.  
Not any fault of Mine, but Jugurth's violence, Conscript Fathers, constrains me so often to implore your Aid: whose Ardent Thirst to drink my Blood is so extreme, that he regards neither yourselves nor the Immortal Gods: nothing will gratify his impatience but my destruction. Therefore now five Months together have I, the Friend and Ally of the Roman People been closely Besieged; not will my Father Micipsa's Kindnesses, nor your Decrees afford me any Succour. My misfortune dissuades me to write any more of Jugurth; before this time also, having had experience, how little Fidelity is reserved for the Miserable. However I am satisfied, that his desires are far beyond what I at present am; nor does he hope Your friendship and my Kingdom both together: and which he deems of most importance, there's no Man but may easily discern. For First he murdered Hiempsal my Brother, than chased me from my Native Kingdom. What were our private Injuries, was no concern indeed of Yours: but now with Armed Force he usurps your Kingdom; and Me, whom you appointed Governor of Numidia, he closely keeps penned up in Misery. How much he regarded the Commissioners Message, my dangers fully evince. What remains, but only your own Power to remove him. I must confess, I could heartily wish, that what I have written and all my former Complaints in the Senate, had rather, then, been feigned and idle Stories, then that now my misfortune, should verify my words. But seeing I was only born to be the Sport of Jugurth's wicked Insolence, I deprecate neither Calamity nor Death, but only the Tyranny of my Enemy, and the Torture of my Body. Provide as you please yourselves for the good of the Kingdom of Numidia, which is your own; But by the Majesty of the Empire, by the Fidelity of you Friendship, wrest me out of Impious hands, if yet there be remaining among ye, any remembrance of my Grandfather Massinissa.  
24. This being read, some were of opinion that an Army should be forthwith sent into Africa, and that Adherbal should be speedily relieved; and that in the mean time, they should consider what was to be done with Jugurth, for disobeying the Commissioners. But Jugurth's Party laboured might and main, against the passing such a Decree. Thus the Public good, as it happens in most Affairs, was overcome by Private Favour. Nevertheless they sent into Africa some of the Signior Nobility, who had been advanced to the highest Honours. Among the rest was the above mentioned Scaurus, a Consular Person, and then Precedent of the Senate. They, because the the Senate were in a heat, and besides being earnestly importuned by the Numidians, took Shipping in three days and soon after Landed at 
* Now Biserta in the Kingdom of Tunis.  Utica, whence they sent Letters to Jugurth, that he should repair forth with to the Province; for that they were sent to him by the Senate. He, when he heard that Men of that Note, whose Authority was great in the Senate, were arrived contrary to his Expectation, at first distracted between Fear and Ambition, was virously turmoiled. He dreaded the Anger of the Senate, should he disobey the Ambassadors; on the other side his Mind blinded by Ambition, hurried him to complete the Outrage he had begun. However the worst Result obtained the Victory in his covetous Inclinations. To that purpose, surrounding the whole City with his Army, he endeavours by main force to break into the City; chiefly hoping that while the Besieged were divided to defend many Posts at once, some lucky Chance would give him either by force or Stratagem a Victorious opportunity. Which not succeeding to his mind, and finding he could not effect what he intended, which was to get Adherbal into his Clutches, before he met the Ambassadors, lest by longer delay he should incense Scaurus, with a small Retinue He hastened into the Province. But notwithstanding he was sharply reproved, severely rebuked, and smartly threatened in the Name of the Senate, unless he raised his Siege; nevertheless, after much Altercation to no purpose, the Ambassadors departed without effecting any thing.  
26. The News of which arriving at Cirta, the Italians, whose Courage had defended the Walls, not doubting but that after a Surrender, in Consideration of the Roman Grandeur, they should be secure and safe, persuaded Adherbal to surrender himself and the Town to Jugurth, upon Quarter for his Life: and that for other things the Senate would take care. Upon which, though he knew nothing more false than Jugurth's word, nevertheless because he knew himself in the hands of those, who if he refused had power to constrain him, he submitted to the pleasure of the Italians, and yielded up the Town. Presently Jugurth, in the first place tortures Adherbal to death; then he slew all the Numidian Youth and Merchants promiscuously, as they fell in the Soldier's way.  
27. Which after it was known at Rome, and that the matter came to be debated in the Senate, the King's Stipendiaries interposing, partly by favour, partly by unnecessary wrangling, qualified the heinousness of the Fact. So that unless C. Memmius, Tribune of the People Elect, a Person vehement, and a great stickler against the Power of the Nobility, had not informed the Roman People, what contrivances were a brewing, that Jugurth's Villainy might be pardoned, all the Heat and Passion of the Senate had vanished into nothing, through delay of Consultation. But the Senate, Conscious of their miscarriage, were afraid of the People, and therefore according to the Sempronian Law, Provinces are decreed the succeeding Consuls: the Consuls Elect were P. Scipio Nasica, and L. Bestia Calpurnius. Numidia fell to Calpurnius, and Italy to Scipio. Thereupon an Army is raised to be Transported into Africa; Money, Provision and Ammunition decreed for the support of the War.  
28. Of which when Jugurth had intelligence, contrary to his Expectation, as one who was fully persuaded that all things were to be bought at Rome, he sends Ambassadors to the Senate, his own Son, and two of his familiar Friends, with the same Instructions as he gave to those which he sent after the Murder of Hiempsal, that they should not spare to tempt all Persons whatsoever with their Money. Upon their approach near Rome, Bestia moved the Senate whether it were their Pleasure that Jugurth's Ambassadors should be admitted within the Walls of the City: who thereupon made a Decree, that unless they came to surrender the Kingdom and the King's Person, they should depart Italy within ten days: which Decree the Consul ordered to be carried to the Numidians; so that they were forced to return without performing any thing. In the mean time, Calpurnius having got his Army in readiness, chooses for his Legates, Persons noble and factious, whose Authority might guard him, should he happen to commit any miscarriage; in which number was Scaurus, whose Qualities and Conditions we have already described. For indeed the Consul was endued with many excellent Qualities both of Body and Mind, though pestered all, and encumbered with Avarice. Patient of Labour, a sharp and penetrating Wit, sufficiently provident, a good Soldier, resolute in danger, and most wary of Stratagem. The Legions were Shipped from 
* Now Reggio.  Rhegium for Sicily, and thence for Africa. And then it was that Calpurnius having made Provision of Victuals, smartly entered Numidia, takes a great number of Prisoners, and several Cities by main force.  
29. But when Jugurth by his Ambassadors began to dazzle him with Money, and then to lay before him the difficulty of the War which he had undertaken, his Mind, sick with Avarice, easily suffered an Alteration. However he did nothing without Scaurus, whom he made his bosom Companion and sharer of his Counsels. Who though at first he fiercely opposed the King's Interest, when most of his Faction were corrupted; yet at length the vastness of the sum was such, that it drew him from Honour and Justice to vile Depravity. All this while Jugurth had only purchased a Cessation of War, believing in the mean time that he should make a better progress either by Price or Favour. But when he understood that Scaurus was come in for a share, encouraged then with all the hopes imaginable of recovering Peace, he determined to treat in Person upon the particular Conditions. To that purpose as it were for a security, Sextius the Questor is sent by the Consul to Vacca, a Town belonging to Jugurth, upon pretence of receiving an Imposition of Corn, which the Consul had openly commanded the Commissioners to get ready provided; the Truce being continued under a daily expectation of surrender. The King therefore, as he had resolved, arrives in the Camp, where after he had made a short Speech in the Council of War, in excuse of the Crime that was laid to his charge, and formally petitioned that he might be admitted to surrender, the rest he transacted in private with Bestia and Scaurus. And then the next day, the opinions of the Council being demanded in a huddle and overruled by the Consul, his Surrender was admitted. However according to the Imposition of the Council, Thirty Elephants, Cattle, a great number of Horses, and no inconsiderable sum of Money were delivered to the 
* Or Treasurer at War.  Quaestor. After which Calpurnius departs for Rome to be present at the Election of new Magistrates, while all was quiet both in Numidia and our Army.  
30. But after Fame had spread abroad the Proceedings in Africa, and how things had been managed, at Rome there was nothing discoursed of in all Places and Meetings, but the strange management of the Consul; among the Commonalty terrible disgust; The Fathers troubled, and at a kind of Loss; nor did they know well what to do, whether they should approve so scandalous a Misdemeanour or disannul the Consul's Decrees. But such was the Power of Scaurus, who was reported to be both Bestia's Confederate and Adviser of the Act, that it stopped 'em very much in the course of Honesty and Justice. Yet C. Memmius whose freedom of Speech, and inveteracy against the Nobility we have already mentioned, while the Senate sat wavering and hesitating, encouraged the People by Popular Harangues to Revenge; exhorts 'em not to desert the Commonwealth nor their own Liberty; laid open many haughty and cruel Acts of the Nobility, and sedulously kindled up the Indignation of the People by all manner of ways. Which gives me an opportunity since the Eloquence of Memmius was at that time in such high esteem, and so powerfully persuasive upon all occasions, to recite one among so many of his Orations; more especially what he discoursed in a particular Assembly, presently after the return of Bestia in these words;  
31. Many things dislwade me, gentlemans, why our Affection to the Commonwealth should not be so highly preferred above all other things. The Power of Faction; your patient Sufferance; no Justice; but more especially, for that there is more Danger than Honour attends upon Innocency. For it grieves me to utter what I am about to speak, That for these fifteen years, during which time you have been the Laughter and Contempt of the prevailing Power of a few, how shamefully, how unrevenged your Champions have perished, as if your Courage were infected with Sloth and Oscitancy; who neither at this time rouse up in opposition of your criminal Enemies; and are also now afraid of those, to whom ye ought to be a Terror. But yet in this unhappy Condition of Affairs, my Zeal constrains me to oppose the Predominancy of Faction. I shall certainly make trial of that Liberty, which my Parents left me as part of my Inheritance, but whether in vain, or to the purpose, that's only in your Power. Neither do I persuade ye, as frequently your Ancestors have done, to arm yourselves against these Violences. There is no need of Force or Tumult; for you'll find they will run headlong after their usual manner. Tiberius Gracchus being slain, whom they accused of designing Regal Sovereignty, grievous were the Bloody Executions of the Roman People. After the Murder of C. Gracchus and M. Fulvius, many of your Quality and Degree were slaughtered in Prison. Neither did the Law, but their Ambition put a stop to both those cruel Havocks. Yet certainly the Reparation of the Government should rather have consisted in restoring the Commonalty their Privileges. Whatever cannot be sufficiently punished, without shedding the Blood of Fellow-Citizens, let it be done by Law. Of late years you tacitly murmuted to see the public Chequer robbed; to see Kings and Free People pay their Tribute to a few of the Nobility; Supreme Dignity at their Command, and Riches most exorbitant in their possession; yet took little notice of their exercising these unequal Usurpations with impunity. And thus at length the Laws, your Dignity, all things Divine and Human were delivered up into the hands of Enemies; yet neither are they that acted those Enormities ashamed or penitent; but trample over your Faces magnificently, boasting their chief Pontificates, their Consulships, and many their Triumphs; as if they looked upon those things as Honours, and not Rapines rather. Servants bought with Money, brook not the unjust Commands of their Lords and Masters: And will you, gentlemans, born to Empire, patiently endure Servitude? But who are They, who have thus got Possession of the Commonwealth? The most abominable among Men; their Hands besmeared with Blood; insatiably covetous, most injurious, and the Same most lofty. By whom Fidelity, Honour, Piety; lastly, All things honest and dishonest are put to Sale. Some of 'em have placed their chiefest Safety in murdering the Tribunes of the People, others in inflicting unjust Punishments; but the greatest part in committing bloody Violence upon yourselves. Thus, by how much every one acted most facinorously, so much the more secure he thought himself. They transferred their Dread from their own Crimes upon your Remissness. And all these the same Desires, the same Hatred, and the same Fears combined together. But this same Friendship among good Men, is Faction among the wicked. But had you the same care of your Liberty, as they are vehemently inflamed with Love of Dominion, upon my word, neither the Commonwealth would be laid waste, as now it is, and the most worthy, not the most audacious would reap the benefit of your Favours. Your Ancestors, to obtain their Right, and to establish their Dignity, twice in a divided Body from the Nobility, fortified themselves upon the Aventine Mountain: and will not you with all your might endeavour the Recovery of that Liberty which you received from them? and so much the more eagerly, by how much the greater Ignominy it is to lose what once you have achieved, than never to have won it? It may be asked me, What is my Opinion then? That they be severely punished who have betrayed the Commonwealth to the Enemy; not by strength of Arms, nor force, which had been more unworthy for you to have done, then dishonourable for them to suffer, but by the Examinations Confession of Jugurth himself: for if he have surrendered himself, certainly he will be obedient to your Commands: but if he contemn your Orders, than you yourselves may judge, what that same Peace or Surrender is, from whence Jugurth obtains the Impunity of his Crimes; whence some few Powerful Noblemen heap such Treasures to themselves,; whence so much Loss and Shame befalls the Commonwealth. But perhaps you have not had enough of their Lordly Domineering; and those then these Times please your humour better, when Kingdoms, Provinces, Laws, Privileges, Judgements, War and Peace, all things Divine and Human were in the power of a few; but You, that is to say, the People of Rome, to your Enemies invincible, and Lords of sundry Nations, thought it a sufficient happiness to breath. For who among ye durst refuse to be a Slave? But for my part, though I do think it the most heinous thing in the world for a man to have an Outrage done him, and yet the Malefactor go unpunished; yet could I willingly endure, that you should pardon the most abhorred of Men, provided they were Citizens, did I not think your Clemency might prove pernicious. For They, whatever vexation and interruptions they may meet with, will never lay to heart their doing mischief, unless they be deprived of the power of acting, but your Fears will be eternal, when you find that either you must be Slaves, or vindicate your Liberty by force of Arms. For what hope is there either of Fidelity or Concord? They resolve to domineer, and you desire your Freedom; they to do Injustice, you to prohibit 'em: Lastly, They use your Allies as Enemies, and your Adversaries as Friends. Can there be Peace and Friendship in Minds so diametrically opposite? Wherefore I desire and exhort ye not to suffer an outrageous piece of Violence to go unpunished. The public Treasury is not robbed; nor Money violently extorted from your Friends, which though offences of a high Nature, yet now adays are looked upon as merely Trifles. No— the Authority of the Senate is betrayed to a most bitter Enemy; the Commonwealth is set to sale both at home and abroad, which unless they be narrowly examined, unless the Guilty be brought to condign Punishment, what remains, but that we must live in Servitude to those that have committed these notorious Crimes? For to act without fear of punishment, that's to be a King. Not that it is my meaning you should be glad to see your Fellow-Citizens were all involved in equal Crimes; but that you should distinguish, and be careful how ye pardon the wicked, lest thereby you occasion the destruction of the Good. Besides that it is much more beneficial to the Commonwealth, to forget a kindness then an injury: For good men only grow more careless if neglected; but bad men more audacious. To which we may add, That if Offenders were but duly punished, you would not stand so frequently in need of Tribunitial Aid.  
32. By these, and such like Reasons often urged, Memmius persuades the People of Rome, That Cassius who was then Praetor, might be sent to Jugurth; and that he should bring him to Rome upon the Public Faith, to the end that by the Confession of the King, the Misdemeanours of Scaurus, and the rest, who absconded upon the score of taking Bribes, might be made manifest.  
While these things were thus transacted at Rome, they who were left by Bestia, to command the Army in Numidia, following the Example of their General, committed many and most facinorous Enormities. Some there were, who corrupted with Gold, delivered back the Elephants to Jugurth; others sold the Fugitives; others robbed and spoiled the Provinces that were at Peace: Such a violent rage of Avarice had cankered their very Minds, like a general Contagion. But Cassius the Praetor, the Choice being reported by C. Memmius, to the Terror of the Nobility, goes to Jugurth, and persuades him, fearful, and guiltily mistrustful as he was, in regard he had surrendered himself to the Roman People, to make trial rather of their Clemency, than their Force; and privately gave him his own Word, which he thought to be equal to the Public Faith. Such was the high Reputation of Crassus at that time.  
33. Upon that, Jugurth contrary to the Grandeur and Majesty of a Prince, comes to Rome in pitiful and sordid Habit: And though he were endued with a vast Courage and Confidence above measure, being confirmed by all whose Power or Impiety had encouraged him to act what he had done, however he made sure of M. Bebius Tribune of the People, to the end that by his Impudence he might be safe from all dangers of Popular violence. But Memmius, summoning an Assembly of the People together, though the Commonalty were heinously incensed against the King, and some commanded him to be laid in Irons; and others, unless he revealed his Confederates, threatened him with Capital Punishment, according to the Custom of their Ancestors; yet consulting more their Honour, then to gratify their Fury, he made it his business to qualify their Heats, to appease their Indignation; and lastly to convince 'em that the Public Faith was to be observed. Then silence following and Jugurth being produced, Memmius made a Speech, wherein he rips up all his Misdemeanours both at Rome, and in Numidia, lays open his Crimes committed against his Father and his Brothers; telling him withal, That although the People of Rome, were well informed already who were his Agents and Assistants, yet they were desirous of farther proof, and discovery from himself; that if he confessed the Truth, he had great Encouragement to rely upon the Clemency and Faith of the Roman People; but that if he would not be ingenuous, he would do his Confederates no kindness, but would certainly ruin himself and all his Hopes.  
34. When Memmius had made an end, and that Jugurth was commanded to answer, C. Bebius the Tribune, whom Jugurth had largely Bribed, as we told ye before, commands the King to hold his Tongue; and although the Multitude who were present at the Assembly, being highly incensed, threatened the Tribune not only with their Looks and hideous Clamours, but with all those other acts of Violence that Anger makes use of; yet nothing could deter his Impudence, so that the People broke up their Assembly contemned and scorned: on the other side, Jugurth, Bestia and the rest, whom that same Examination strangely disordered, resumed fresh hopes, much more enlivened than they were before.  
35. There was at that time at Rome a certain Numidian, by name Massiva, the Son of Gulussa, and Grandchild to Massinissa, who because he was an Enemy to Jugurth, when the three Kings were at variance, upon the Surrender of Cirta, and murder of Adherbal, fled out of Africa. This Man was persuaded by Sp. Albinus, who was Consul the next year after Bestia, with Quintus Minucius Rufus, in regard he was Descended in a direct Line from Massinissa, to lay claim in the Senate to the Kingdom of Numidia, while Jugurth's fears and the abomination of his Crimes lay heavy upon him. The Consul, thirsting after War, was clearly for creating any disturbance rather than lie idle. More especially because Numidia was fallen to his Lot, as Macedonia to that of Minucius. So that when Massiva began to bestir himself, and Jugurth found he was not safe enough in the Protection of his Friends, for that in some their Gild of Conscience; in others their lost Reputation and Apprehensions of Mind had extinguished the heat of their Solicitations, he order Bomilcar, his near Kinsman, and his intimate and trusty Agent, with a round sum of Money, the main Instrument with which he had brought to pass all his mischievous Designs, to procure certain Russians to watch Massiva, and hurry him out of the City, with all the privacy they could; or if that Plot failed, to murder him outright. Bomilcar swiftly puts in Execution the King's commands, and by fellows that understood their Trade, observes his walks, his goings out, and comings in, his haunts, and seasons of being abroad; and then, when every thing was fixed, he lies perdue. At what time, one of those that were hired for the Murder, somewhat over hastily setting upon Massiva, struck off his Head: so that being apprehended, at the persuasions of many, and chiefly of Albinus the Consul himself, he makes a Confession; upon which Bomilcar, who accompanied Jugurth to Rome, upon the Public Faith, is adjudged Guilty, rather by the Law of Nature then of Nations, by which he seemed to be exempted from Punishment. But as for Jugurth, though no man were so well acquainted with the Fact as himself; yet would he never give over labouring against the certainty of Truth, until he found that the Abhorrency of the Fact had got the upper hand of Favour and his Gold. Therefore though upon the former Information, he had given in Fifty of his friends as Sureties for Bomilcar's forthcoming, however being more mindful to secure his Kingdom, then careful to discharge his Bail with honour, he privately sent away Bomilcar into Numidia, afraid lest Popular fears might shake the Loyalty of the rest, if once they heard that he were put to death: and he himself within a few days after followed, being commanded by the Senate to depart Italy. Of whom it is reported that as he was upon the Road still in view of the Walls, he frequently turned his head not saying a word, till at length, casting a wistful look upon the City, he broke forth into this Exclamation; Adieu fair City to be sold, and ripe for ruin, could it find a Chapman.  
36. In the mean time Albinus, the War being thus renewed, sends away Provisions, Money and other necessaries for the Soldiers, into Africa, and swiftly also follows in Person, that before the Election of new Magistrates which grew on apace, he might conclude the War, either by force of Arms, upon Composition, or by any other means. On the other side, Jugurth spun out the time, to the utmost of his power, pretending sometimes one, sometimes another Excuse for his delay, promised Surrender, and then dissembled his fears; sometimes he retires, and by and by, for fear of discouraging his own Men, he makes a stand: thus lingering out the War, and sometimes with proposals of Peace he eluded and baffled the Consul. And some there were who thought Albinus was not unacquainted with the King's designs, for considering the Hast he made at first, they could not believe but that the War was rather prolonged through the Remissness of the Consul, than Policy of the Enemy. But the season being spent in vain; and the day of Elections at hand, Albinus, leaving his Brother Aulus Propretor in the Camp, departed for Rome.  
37. At that time was Rome most terribly harassed by the Mutinies and Contentions of the Tribunes, P. Lucullus, and L. Annius, Tribunes of the People, who notwithstanding the Opposition of their Colleagues, obstinately endeavoured to continue in the Magistracy. Which contention Prorogued the Elections for a whole Year. Upon which delay, Aulus, who was left Propretor in the Camp (as we have already declared,) building fair hopes, either of putting an end to the War, or by the terror of his Army to extort some considerable sum of Money from the King, in the Month of January, draws his Army out of their Winter Quarters into the Field; and with long Marches in a sharp Season, presents himself before the Walls of Suthul, where the King's Treasure lay. Which although, in regard of the hardness of the weather, and the Situation of the place, it could neither be taken nor besieged; for that a Boggy Plain, by reason of the Winter showers, now become a spacious Marish, surrounded the Walls, that were built upon the Point of a Craggy Rock; yet either in a Bravado, to terrify the King; or blinded with eager hopes of gaining the Treasures of the Town, set up his Vines, opened his Trenches, and in a word, omitted nothing that might further his design.  
38. On the other side Jugurth, perceiving the vanity of the Legate, & his want of Military experience, craftily to heighten his Madness, sent Messengers to him, with offers of submission, while he himself as it were to avoid his fury, leads his Army through the Woods and Places of most difficult access. Lastly upon hopes of Agreement he had so charmed Aulus, as to make him raise his Siege and follow him still feigning flight, into Countries with which he was not in the least acquainted; that so his oversights might be less subject to disclosure. In the mean time he employed most active and cunning Gamesters, Day and Night to sound the Army; and to Bribe the Centurions, and Captains of Horse, either to revolt, or upon Signal given to desert their Stations; which when he had accomplished according to his desire, of a sudden in a Tempestuous night, he surrounds Aulus' Camp with a vast multitude of Numidians. The Roman Soldiers, amazed at such an unusual Alarm, some stood to their Arms; some ran to hide themselves; others heartened up the Timorous; some stood quivering; while the Enemy thundered in upon 'em on all sides. The Sky all overcast with Clouds and darkness; the danger doubtful; nor could the most daring well resolve which was the safest course, whether to fight or fly. In this hurry, among those whom the King's Gold had poisoned, the Ligurian Cohort, with two Troops of Thracians, and some few Common Soldiers revolted to the King; and the 
* He was the chief of all the Centurions of the Legion, and had the guard of the Eagle: as being the Captain of the Triarij, one of whose weapons was a dart, in Latin called Pilum.  Primipile Centurion of the third Legion gave admittance to the Enemy at that Quarter, which he had undertaken to defend: and there all the Numidians poured in like a Torrent. Shameful was the flight of our men, of which the greatest part possessed themselves of the next Hill, leaving their Arms behind 'em. Night, and the eagerness after Plunder prevented the Enemy from making that advantage of their Victory they might have done. The next day Jugurth entering into a personal Parley with Aulus, told him, that tho' he had him safe with all his Army Surrounded with Famine and the Sword, yet considering the Inconstancy of humane Affairs, he was content upon condition of a League and Peace by him Confirmed, and that they should depart Numidia within ten days to save their Lives, first passing under the 
* The Yoke was two Spears fixed in the Ground, and a third fastened overthwart from one to the other, like a Gallows, under which the Soldiers were to go one after another, and was the greatest Ignominy that a vanquished Enemy could undergo.  Yoke. Which Conditions tho' grievous and highly dishonourable, yet because the Soldiers tottered under the Fears of Death, were accepted, and a peace concluded amply to the King's desire.  
39 But when this Fatal News arrived at Rome, Fear and Mourning invaded all the City; part bewailed the Honour of the Empire; others not accustomed to the various Events of War, trembled for the mistrusted loss of their Liberty. But all were offended at Aulus, especially they who had been often Famous in the Wars, for that he, having stifl his Arms in his hands, had sought to save his Life, rather with dishonour, then by Dint of Sword. Therefore Albinus fearing lest the Miscarriage of his Brother might procure him Hatred, and Danger in the next Place, consulted the Senate concerning the Validity of the League.  
In the mean time new Recruites were listed to reinforce the Army; and aid was sent for from their Associates and the Latins; and this with all the Expedition imaginable. Moreover the Senate, as it was but reasonable, pass a Decree, that no League could be valid but by their Command and the Consent of the People. The Consul, tho' forbid by the Tribunes to transport his new Levies, in a few days, arrives in Africa. For all the shattered Army having quitted Numidia, by agreement wintered in the Province. When he came thither, though he burned with an eager desire, to prosecute Jugurth, and revenge his Brother's Disgrace, yet understanding that the Soldiers, besides the discouragement of their Flight, were debauched by dissolute Licentiousness, arising from superfluous Plenty, and want of good Government, he determined to lie still that Year.  
40. In the mean while, at Rome, C. Mamilius Limitanus, Tribune of the People, publishes an Edict of the Commons, for calling to a strict account all those Persons who had countenanced Jugurth to contemn the Decrees of the Senate; also such as in their Embassies or Generalships had been corrupted by his Bribes; such as had delivered back either Elephants or Fugitives; and lastly all that had capitulated with the Enemy, either of War or Peace, without Warrant. Against this Edict, some conscious to themselves, others mistrusting danger from the Odium they had drawn upon themselves, because they durst not openly make opposition, they pretended to be well pleased, both with this, and all other Edicts of that Nature. But underhand by their Friends, especially the Latins and Italians, they endeavoured to give it all the obstruction they could. On the other side, the Commons, it is incredible to think how earnest and intent they were, with what noise and clamour they Commanded, decreed and urged the Execution of their Edict; more out of an Antipathy against the Nobility, against whom those Mischiefs were contrived, then out of any true Zeal for the public good. So violent was the Rage of both Parties. Therefore while the rest were struck with fear and dread, M. Sc●urus, who was Bestia's Confederate, as we have already related, between the Insulting of the People, and the Frights of the Nobility, the whole City at the same time being under a strange Consternation, finding there were three Commissioners intended to be ordained for Execution of the Inquisition, so ordered it that he got himself to be one of the Number. Besides, the Inquisition was urged with that violence and exasperated malice accompanied with clamour and rude Licentiousness, that whatsoever severities the Senate had exercised in former times upon the People, they were now in their prosperity, no less insolent in their revenge.  
41. This custom of Bandying Parties among the People, of Senate-Factions, and all other wicked and corrupt Practices derived its Original in Rome, from Idle, ness and Superfluity of those things which Mortals deem their chiefest Felicities. For before the destruction of Carthage, the People and Senate of Rome managed the Public Affairs with Unity and Moderation: no contentions for Honour and Superiority among Fellow-Citizens: Hostile Fears retained the City within the bounds of Just and Honest. But when those Fears were once removed, immediately Wantonness and Pride, the bad Effects of Prosperity, took place. So that what they wished for in their mean Condition, after once they came to enjoy Tranquillity and Ease, was a Burden and Disturbance of their Quiet. For then the Nobility began to turn their Superiority into domineering Pride, the People their Liberty into Petulancy: Usurpation, Rapine, tearing this way, rending that way, and every one for himself, was then the public Mode. So that the whole being rend into two Factions, that which lay in the middle was sure to be torn in pieces. But the united Faction of the Nobility was most prevalent, the Strength of the Commons disjointed, and scattered into Multitude, could do little: And thus the Commonwealth, as well in times of Peace, as War, was managed at the Pleasure of a Few. The Public Chequer, the Provinces, all Offices, Honours and Triumphs were at their disposal; the People were kept under by Poverty and Military Duties. The Generals with a few shared all the Spoils and Booty taken in War. All this while the Parents and Children of the Soldiers, as every one lay nearest Neighbour to the Potent Nobleman, were thrust out from their Habitations. Thus Avarice in League with Power, invaded, polluted, and made prize of all things, regarding neither Measure nor Moderation, trampling Morality, spurning Sanctity under their feet, till it threw itself headlong into Ruin. For so soon as there were found among the Nobility some that preferred true Honour before usurped Dominion, than the City began to be all in Combustion, and Civil War, like a Confusion of Heaven and Earth, began to break forth.  
42. Thus, after Tib. and C. Gracchus, whose Ancestors, both in the Punic and in other Wars, had much advanced the Honour of the Commonwealth, began to vindicate the Liberty, and disclose the wicked Miscarriages of a few; the Nobility, guilty, and struck with Terror of Punishment, sometimes by the assistance of their Allies and the Italians, sometimes of the Roman Knights, whom Hopes of being admitted into equal Society, had drawn off from the Commons, opposed the Proceedings of the Gracchis; and first they slew Tiberius; then in a few years after, Caius, together with M. Fulvius Flaccus, treading the same steps; the one a Tribune of the People; the other a Triumvir for the Transportation of Colonies. Tho', to speak Truth, the Gracchis were too immoderate and vehement in the pursuit of Victory. Since it is the wiser way to yield in a good Cause, then illegally to revenge an Injury. Therefore the Nobility, prosecuting that Victory, as they pleased themselves, what by the Sword, and what by Exilement, destroyed a great number of People: procuring for the future more of Terror, the Power to themselves. A sort of rigorous Policy that many times becomes the Ruin of great Cities, while the Citizens strive to vanquish one another, they care not how, and prosecute their Revenge to the utmost extremity upon the Vanquished. But should I go about to discourse particularly of the Heats and Animosities of the Factions, and all the Encroachments of bad Customs into the City, Time would sooner fail me then Matter; And therefore I return to the Business in hand.  
43. After the Peace agreed by Aulus, and the ignominious Flight of our Army, Metellus and Silanus being designed Consuls, shared the Provinces among themselves; by which means Numidia fell to Metellus, a man altogether for Action, and though an Enemy to Popular Factions, yet of an untainted and unviolable Reputation, and so acknowledged by both Parties. At his first entrance into his Office, after he had settled all Affairs wherein his Colleague and he were equally concerned, he wholly bend his Mind upon the War which he was to undertake. To that purpose, not daring to confide in the Old Army, he listed New Soldiers, sends for Auxiliaries from all parts, makes provision of Armour, Weapons, and all other Instruments of War; stores himself with all manner of Provisions, and all things requisite in a dubious Contest, often subject to the want of fresh Supplies. Toward all which great and vigorous Preparations, the Allies, the Italians, and Foreign Princes, nay the whole City itself largely contributed, even to emulation, both Forces and Money. So that all things being now in a readiness, to his own content, he puts to Sea for Numidia, filling the City full of fair Hopes, knowing him to be a Person of great Virtue, and more especially bearing a Mind impregnable to the Assaults of Gold: Which they looked upon then as a great Matter, considering, how before that time, through the Covetousness of our Governors in Numidia, our Forces had been foiled and weakened, and the Strength of the Enemy augmented.  
44. When he arrived in Africa, the Army was resigned to his Command by Spuricus Albinus the Proconsul; debauched and out of heart, neither daring to look Danger in the Face, nor endure Labour; prompter of their Tongues then Hands; preying upon their Friends, but a Prey to the Enemy; under no Command or Discipline. So that the new General was more troubled to reform their corrupted Manners, than any way encouraged to expect Assistance or Service from their licentious Numbers. Metellus therefore determines, though the proroguing the former Summer-Elections, had shortened his Time, and that he knew the Eyes of his Fellow-Citizens were all upon him, not to meddle with the War, till he had first enured his Soldiers to Labour and Hardship, according to the Discipline of their Ancestors. For Albinus being terrified with his Brother's Disaster, and the Overthrow of the Army, after he had resolved not to stir out of the Province, during so much of the Summer-Season as he commanded the Army, kept his Soldiers in standing Camps, and never dislodged, but when Stench or Want of Forage compelled him to remove. And then also, neither were the Watches observed, and Sentinels placed according to the Custom of Military Discipline. But every one at random left his Colours, and wandered where he pleased; the Sutler's and Camp-Boys intermixed with the Soldiers, roamed about the Country day and night, laying waste the Fields, pillaging the Villages, driving off great Booties of Prisoners and cattle, which they exchanged with the Merchants for Wine and other Commodities. Moreover, their public Allowances of Corn they sold, and bought their Bread every day as they used it. Lastly, whatever Scandals of Sloth and Luxury could ever be uttered or devised, were all to be really found in this our Army, and more if possible.  
45. In the midst of these Difficulties I find Metellus to be a Person no less prudent and politic, then expert in Affairs of War; such was his Temperance and Moderation, between an eager desire of Reformation and Severity. For by his first Edict, he prohibits all the Incentives and Pandarisms to Idleness; That no man within the Camp should sell any Bread or Flesh ready dressed; That no Sutler's or Camp-Boys should follow the Army; and That no Common Soldier should presume to keep either in the Camp or upon a March, any Slave, or Beast of Carriage: what else remained, he limited according to the Rules of Discretion. Moreover, he often dislodged his Camp, marching sometimes one way, sometimes another, and (as if the Enemy had been at hand) still fortified himself with Trenches and Breast-works. He frequently relieved the Watches, and often went the Rounds himself with the Legates. And when he was upon a March, sometimes he would be in the Front, sometimes in the Rear, and often in the middle, to prevent the straggling of the Soldiers from their Colours: and when they marched in a full Body, they were ordered to carry their Provision, as well as their Arms: and by prohibiting, rather than by punishing Miscarriages, he reduced the Army to perfect Discipline.  
46. In the mean while Jugurth, when he heard by his Spies, the Courses which Metellus took, as also being ascertained from Rome of his Integrity, he began to mistrust the Issue of his Affairs, and then at length began to think of making a real Composition. To which purpose he sent his Agents to the Consul, with Offers of Surrender, and full Commission to desire only his own and his children's Lives, but refer all other things to the good will and pleasure of the Roman People. But Metellus was not ignorant by former experience, that the Numidians were a perfidious Nation, inconstant in their Humour, and always inclined to Novelty. And therefore discoursing the Agents every one apart by themselves, and sounding 'em by degrees, when he found 'em sincerely pliable, he persuades 'em with large Promises to deliver up Jugurth into his hands alive, if possible, or slain, if otherwise it could not be accomplished; but what farther Message they had to carry to the King, he openly informs 'em at a Public Audience. After this, he enters Numidia with a well resolved and powerful Army; where contrary to the countenance of War, the Houses were full of People, and the Fields of cattle and Husbandmen. Then out of the several Towns and Villages the King's Officers came forth to meet and congratulate the Consul, professing themselves ready to furnish him with Corn and Carriages for his Provision, and in a word, to do whatever he commanded. But notwithstanding these fair shows, Metellus was never a jot the less circumspect, marching in the same order and wariness, as if the Enemy had been at hand, sent his Scouts and Forlorns every way round about; believing all pretences of Surrender to be only Wiles and Stratagems to draw him into Mischief. And therefore he marched himself at the Head of his Army with some of the nimblest Cohorts, and a select Band of Archers and Slingers. The Rear C. Marius, his Legate, brought up with his Horse: and upon each Wing he had divided the Auxiliary Horse at the Command of the Tribunes of the Legions, and Captains of the Cohorts; to the end that the light Armed Foot and the Horse being thus intermixed, they might be able to withstand the Enemy's Cavalry, which way soever they make an Impression. For Jugurth was so politic, so well acquainted with the Situation of the Country, and the Art of War, that whether he were more dangerous absent or present, treating Peace, or actually in War, was hard to be resolved.  
47. There stood not far from the Road which Metellus took in his march, a Town belonging to the Numidians, which was called 
* Whatever it were, there is now no footsteps of it remaining.  Vacca, the most famous for Trade of any in the Kingdom; and greatly frequented by the Italian Merchants. Here the Consul, as well for a Trial whether they would obey or no, as also considering the Advantages of the Situation, places a Garrison. Moreover he commanded the Inhabitants to furnish him with a Quantity of Corn and other Necessaries useful in War; believing, as it was most rational to think, That the great Concourse of Merchants, and plenty of Provision would be a great Assistance to his Army: besides that the Place lay convenient for a Magazine of necessary Preparations for the future. In the midst of these Transactions Jugurth sends again submissive Messengers, and much more earnestly than before sues for Peace, with Offers to Metellus, to surrender all things to his Mercy but his own and the Lives of his Children; whom the Consul, as he did the former, sent back again with Temptations to betray their Master; but as to the Peace which the King desired, he neither gave any positive Grant or Refusal; delaying on purpose, in expectation of the Agents Promises.  
48. But Jugurth, when he compared the Words and Deeds of Metellus together, and found himself matched at his own Weapons of Delay and Dissimulation, while Peace was dissembled in Words, but actually a sharp and vigorous War in the Bowels of his Kingdom; one of his chiefest Cities in the Enemy's Hands, the Country discovered, and the People staggering in their Allegiance, constrained by the Necessity of his Affairs, he resolves to fight it out. And therefore by his Spies having throughly discovered and observed the March of the Enemy, conceiving great hopes of Victory from the Opportunity of the Place, he raises all the Force he could make of all sorts of People, and so by private ways, and shorter Cuts, he gets before Metellus' Army. There was in that part of Numidia, which upon the Division of the Kingdom, fell to Adherbal's share, a River rising Southward, which was called Muthul, from whence, at the distance of about a Thousand and Twenty Paces, a great Mountain showed itself, wild by Nature, and altogether untilled and uninhabited: from the middle of which, there grew as it were another Hill to a very great height, covered over with wild Olives, Myrtles, and such other sorts of Trees as delight in barren and sandy Grounds. All the surrounding Plain for want of Water, lay desert; only those parts that bordered upon the Stream, which were thick set with Bushes and Hedges, full of cattle and Husbandmen. Upon this Hill, which ran cross the Highway, as we have said, it was, that Jugurth drew up the Vanguard of his Army thinly Marshaled, giving Bomilcar the Charge of his Elephants, and some part of his Forces, with full Instructions what to do. He himself with his Cavalry, and some selected Battalions of Foot, plants himself nearer the Mountain; then riding from Troop to Troop, and Rank to Rank, he exhorts, encourages, and conjures them not to forget their pristine Valour and victorious Conquests, but bravely to defend themselves and his Kingdom from the Avarice of the Romans: That they were to deal with only such as they had forced to pass the Yoke already: That their Captain only, not their Courage was changed: That his Care and Foresight had prevailed against all Accidents, as became an expert Leader: That he had taken the upper Ground, and intermixed 'em so, Veteranes with the raw and undisciplined, to the end that they might not be afraid to grapple a few in number with many, or less expert, with their Superiors in War: therefore that they should be all in a readiness, and forward to assail the Romans upon the Signal given: That this was the Day which would either prove the end of all their Toils by glorious Conquest, or the beginning of unavoidable Calamities. Then culling out by Name every particular Person, that for their Martial Deeds he had either enriched with Gold, or advanced to Military Honours, he admonishes 'em to be mindful of his Favours, and bids 'em encourage others with the same Expectancies. Lastly, as if he understood the particular Genius of those he spoke to, some he promises, others he threatens, but emboldens and encourages all by all the ways imaginable. All this while Metellus, ignorant of the Enemies Approach, is discovered marching with his Army down the Hill. Who suddenly descrying an unusual sight, began to consider; for the Numidians kept themselves and their Horses snug within the Trees and Bushes, which nevertheless were not so high as to shelter 'em sufficiently from being seen; and yet the nature of the Place was such, that they could not fully be discovered, besides that they had cunningly hid all their Military Ensigns. But in a short time the Truth being fully found out, and the General made a steady halt, Then hastening to embattel his Army, he changed the Order of his March, and in the right Wing which was next the Enemy, he places three Bodies of Reserves. Between the small Divisions he disperses the Slingers and Darters, and plants all his Cavalry upon the Wings. Then after some few Exhortations to the Soldiers, for shortness of time would not permit him to use many words, he brings his Army thus Embatelled into the Plain, only that the first Ranks changed their ground in Marching.  
49. But when he perceived that the Numidians lay still, and would not come down from the Hill, fearing lest his Men should be distressed for want of Water, he sent Rutilius before with some of the nimblest Cohorts and part of the Horse, to the River to secure a place for his Camp, believing that the Enemy would then power down upon him, and by Charging him in Flank, endeavour to prevent him; and because they durst not rely upon their own Courage, would seek to tyre out his Men with heat and drought. After Him, the Consul followed, slowly descending the Hill, as the nature of the Place would give leave. Marius' brought up the Rear; himself marched with the Cavalry upon the Left Wing. On the other side Jugurth, when he found that the Rear of Metellus' Army was just past by the Front of his own Men, places a Guard of two thousand Foot upon the Mountain, from whence Metellus had descended, to prevent the Enemy from regaining it, and fortifying themselves in that place, should they be put to a retreat; then giving the Signal, he flew upon the Romans. The Numidians soon made havoc in the Rear, while others Charge in the Flank, some upon the right, others upon the left side: they press on, and lay about 'em, every where endeavouring to break the Ranks of the Romans; among whom, they who with greatest resolution laboured to come to a close Fight, were disappointed by the uncertain Assaults of the Enemy, who fought and wounded at a distance those that could reach to revenge themselves. For the Horsemen had been instructed before by Jugurth, that when they were pursued by any of the Roman Troops, that they should not retreat in a Body, but scatter several ways; by that means, if they could not deter the Enemy from pursuit, they were in a Condition, being Superior in number, to Charge 'em when dissipated on all sides, Rear, Front and Flanks: and then a gain, if the Hill were more advantageous to secure their Flight then the Plain Fields, that then they should retire thither, where their Horses accustomed to scour through the Bushes, could not be followed by our Men, easily encumbered among the Shrubs and Thickets.  
50. All this while the Event of things looked but with an ill Aspect; uncertain, various, bloody and miserable; dispersed from their own, some fled, others pursued; neither Ensigns nor Orders observed; wherever danger attacqueed any Man, there he made resistance, Arms, Weapons, Horses, Men, Enemies and Friends lay all intermingled together; nothing was acted by Counsel or Command, but Fortune governed. And now the day began to be far spent, and then the Issue was also uncertain; But at length, both sides being spent with toil and heat, Metellus observing the Numidians fury to abate, rallies his Men together by degrees, reduces 'em into Order, and places four Legionary Cohorts against the Enemy's foot: To those Cohorts, of which the greatest part, weary and tired, had possessed the upper Grounds, Metellus gave good words, and desired 'em not to desert their fellow Soldiers nor suffer an Enemy half vanquished to wrest the Victory out of their hands; that they had neither Camp nor Fortification to retreat to, but all their hopes was in their Swords. Neither was Jugurth idle, he road about, exhorted; entreated, renewed the fight, and in person with the select Guards of his Body, tried all places, relieved his own, pressed furiously upon those that wavered; and against those he could not move, he fought at a distance. Thus these two famous Generals bestirred themselves, in Courage and Experience, in their Forces not so equally matched. For Metellus had the more valiant Soldiers, though the Ground was disadvantageous; Jugurth had all Advantages of his side but only Soldiers. At length the Romans understanding they had no place of Refuge, and finding that the Enemy would not hazard a close Fight, besides that it was now toward Evening, by the Generals Command they briskly charge up Hill; and than it was that the Numidians having lost their footing, were soon routed and out to flight, few were slain, in regard that the swiftness of their Heels, and the Country unknown to the Roman, protected their Lives.  
51. In the mean time Bomilcar, to whom Jugurth had given the Command of his Elephants, and part of his Infantry, as we have said already, when Rutilius was Marched past him, brings his own Men into the Champaign ground by degrees; and whilst the Legate hastened to the River, whither he was sent before, order his Army with great silence, as it behoved him, not neglecting however by his Spies to observe the Motions of the Enemy in every place. So soon as he understood that Rutilius was Encamped in a careless posture; and found that Jugurth was engaged by the hideous Noises that reached his Ears from the Battle, fearing lest the Legate when he understood the cause, would hasten to the Assistance of his own Party, he extends the Front of his Army, which before, upon distrust of their Courage he had drawn up thick and close, and to stop the March of the Enemy, Marches directly toward Rutilius' Camp. The Romans of a sudden perceive a prodigious Cloud of Dust; for the fields being thick set with low Trees hindered a clear Prospect: and believes at first that it was raised by the Wind; but afterwards when they saw it continue, and approach nearer and nearer to themselves, then readily conjecturing what the matter was, they betake themselves to their Arms, and range themselves before the Camp according to command. When the Enemy drew near, both sides join Battle, with a hideous clamour and noise: The Numidians stood fast, so long as they thought there was any hope in their Elephants, but when they saw them entangled among the Boughs, and by that means overthrown and surrounded by the Romans, they betook themselves to their Heels, and throwing away their Arms, by the benefit of the Hill and the Night, which was then at hand, escaped with little Execution. Four Elephants were taken, the rest to the number of forty killed. But the Romans, though tired with their March, with raising the Fortifications of their Camp, and the heat of the Battle; yet because Metellus stayed longer than was expected, they March forward Embattled, as they were, and with an extraordinary Resolution to meet him. For the Craft of the Numidians will admit of nothing negligent or remiss. At first, through the darkness of the Night, when they came within hearing one of another, being taken for Enemies, there was nothing but fear and hurry one among another. And through imprudence, a fatal Accident had like to have happened, had not the Forelorns on both sides rectified the mistake. But then their fears were changed of a sudden into joy. The Soldiers merrily call to one another, relate and hearken to one another's Exploits; and every one extols his own Valour to the Skies. For such is the Condition of human Affairs, that after Victory Cowards have leave to boast, but ill success casts a reproach on the most Valiant.  
52. Metellus stayed four days in the same Camp; orders the wounded to be carefully looked after; those that had well deserved in the Battle, he well Rewards according to the Military Custom, applauds 'em all in general, and gives 'em thanks in a Public Assembly. As to what was behind, which would now prove easy, he exhorted 'em to behave themselves with equal Courage; that they had already fought sufficiently for Victory, their other Toils would only be for Booty. In the mean time he sends the Fugitives and other proper Spies to bring him News where Jugurth was, what he was doing, what force he had about him, and how he brooked his loss. But Jugurth had retired himself among the Woods and Places strongly fortified by Nature; there he levied an Army more numerous that he had before; but such as had neither Mettle nor Strength. Which happened so, for this reason, because unless it were the Royal Cavalry, not one of all the Numidians accompanied the King in his Flight, but every one took his own Course, as his Fancy lead him; neither is it accounted any shame for a Soldier so to do, as being the Custom of the Country. Metellus therefore, when he found that the King's Courage was not yet cooled; but that the War would be renewed, which could not then be managed but as Jugurth pleased himself: Moreover that he fought upon unequal terms with an Enemy, to whom it was less prejudice to be vanquished, then to overcome his Men, he determined to fight no more pitched Battles, but to carry on the War after another manner. Therefore he Marches into the Richest Parts of Numidia, harrasses and lays waste all the Country, taketh and burns several Castles and Towns either slightly fortified, or else without any Garrisons; puts all the Young men to the Sword, all other things he gives free Booty, to the Soldiers. These severe Proceedings cause several to send Pledges to the Romans; Corn and all other necessary Provisions, are plentifully supplied, and where ever need required, there he placed a Garrison. Which manner of Warlike management terrified the King much more than the ill success of a Battle. For that be, whose hopes of safety were all in flight, was now constrained to follow: And he that could not defend the Territories that were left him, was now forced to wage War in the Conquests of another. But in this distress and exigency of choice, he took that course which seemed to him to be the wisest.  
He order the Body of his Army still to lie in the same place: He himself with a select number of Horse follows Metellus: and in regard his Nocturnal Marches, and unfrequented ways were not subject to quick Discovery, he frequently met with the Roman Foragers and Stragglers; of which the greatest part were slain or taken; nor did one escape unwounded: which done, before Assistance could be sent from the Camp, the Numidians were vanished to the next Hills.  
55. In the mean time there was extraordinary rejoicing at Rome, upon the News of Metellus' success; that he had governed both himself and the Army according to the Custom and Discipline of their Ancestors; that in a disadvantageous ground he had obtained the Victory by his Valour; that he was Master of the Enemy's Country, and had constrained Jugurth, vaingloriously puffed up and grown insolent through the Cowardice of Aulus, to hide his head in Deserts, and to place all his hopes of safety in Flight. Therefore the Senate ordered Supplications to the Immortal Gods for the success of their Arms: The City trembling before, and solicitously dreading the Event of the War, were all in Festivals and Jollity; and Metellus' Fame spread far and near. For this reason he laboured more vigorously after Victory: He leaves no stone unturned; yet provident all the while how he fell into the Ambuscado's of the Enemy; mindful that after Glory Envy follows. Therefore the greater his Reputation was, so much the more Careful and Vigilant also was he; neither after the last Attempts of Jugurth, would he suffer the Army to forage at random: and therefore when he wanted either Corn or Fodder, he sent several Cohorts, and all the Cavalry to guard the Foragers. He himself led one part of the Army, and Marius the other: the Country was laid waist, rather by Fire then driving of Booty; they Encamped in two several Places, not far distant one from the other. When there was occasion for reinforcement they joined both together: and when they designed to clear and ravage the Country, and spread the Terror of their Arms, than they acted asunder. At the same time Jugurth followed close at their Heels, but still keeping the Mountains. Where ever he could perceive the Enemy bent their March, there he destroyed all the Forage and poisoned the Wells and Fountains, of which there was great scarcity. Sometimes he would show himself to Metellus, sometimes to Marius; by and by fall upon the Rear; neither engage in Battle, nor suffer 'em to be at rest; only to obstruct the Enemy's designs.  
56. Therefore the Roman General, when he saw himself tired out by a crafty Adversary, that would not be drawn to a fair Encounter, he determined to Besiege a great City called 
* Now Zamora a 120. miles from Carthage, and a 100 from Mahometia.  Zama, in that Quarter of the Country, the Key and Bulwark of the Kingdom, believing as it was but rational, that Jugurth would come to relieve the Place, and so give him the Opportunity of a Battle: But he being informed by the Fugitives of Metellus' designs, with long Marches gets before him; encourages the Townsmen to defend their Walls, and leaves 'em all his Fugitives to reinforce their Garrison; which were a sort of People the stoutest and most resolute of all the King's Forces; as being under a constraint of being faithful: and having thus settled his Affairs, away he slips into the most private lurking holes he could meet with. Soon after he understood that Marius was upon his March, being commanded with some few Cohorts to Convoy a considerable quantity of Corn from 
* Formerly a Colony of the Assyrians from Succoth Benoth, or rather of the Phoenicians; called also Sicca Venerea, by reason of a Temple therein Dedicated to Venus: but now utterly demolished, without any footsteps remaining. Tho' some will have it to be the Town now called Antoangues.  Sicca. Which was the first Town that revolted from the King after his Defeat. Thither Jugurth hastens in the Night time, with some select Troops of Horse, and Engaged the Romans as they were just Marching out at the Gate; and at the same time cried out to the Inhabitants to fall upon the Cohorts in the Rear; withal encouraging 'em, for that Fortune had put into their hands a noble Opportunity; which if they laid hold on, he should for the future enjoy his Kingdom, and they their Liberty in Peace and Tranquillity. So that had not Marius fallen on with all the fury imaginable, made his way out of the Town, and broke through the Enemy at the same time, either all or most of the Inhabitants, had changed their Fidelity: so mutable and inconstant is the Numidian Faith. But Jugurth's Soldiers being a while supported by the presence of their Prince, when they felt the smart strokes of the Enemy, who pressed in hard on the thickest and most forward, with the loss of some few, betook themselves to speedy flight; and Marius comes safe to Zama.  
57 This Town was seated in a Plain, rather fortified by Industry then Nature, provided with all Necessaries, and stored with Men and Ammunition. Metellus therefore having prepared all things in readiness so far as the Time and Place would permit, surrounds the Walls with his whole Army, and giveth Orders to the Legates what Posts to take. Then upon the Signal given, a hideous Clamour fills the Skies on every side: but all their noise nothing terrifies the Numidians; they stand resolute and fixed without any Tumult; & so the Assault begins. The Romans played their parts as they thought best themselves; some fought with Slings and Darts at a distance, others make close Approaches, some to undermine, and some resolved to set their Ladders to the Walls, and make a speedier trial of their Swords. On the other side, the Numidians power down Stones, pointed Stakes and Darts upon those that were nearest, together with flaming Firebrands all besmeared with Pitch and Tar. Nor could their Fears protect those that kept farthest off: For the Darts continually discharged from the Engines, or else flung out of Hand, both reached and wounded the greatest part: Both the Timorous and the Valiant underwent the same danger, though not with equal Reputation.  
58. While both Sides vigorously thus dispute for Zama, Jugurth of a sudden, and when least expected, falls upon the Roman Camp, and forcing the Turn-pike, breaks in upon our Men. Who being amazed with sudden Fright, shift every one for themselves according to custom; some fly, some betake themselves to their Arms; and a great many are either wounded or slain. Of all the Number, not above Forty, remembering they were Romans, embodied together, betake themselves to a Rising Ground, and made it good, notwithstanding the Force of the Assailants; the Darts thrown at 'em they returned again, which from a few lighting upon many crowded together, did never fall in vain: if the Numidians durst approach 'em, than they showed their Courage, with a strange Fury routing, kill, putting all to flight. At the same time Metellus in the heat of the Assault, hearing a great Noise and Tumult behind him, turned about his Horse, and perceiving a Rout, and that they that fled, made toward him, he readily conjectured what the Matter was. Thereupon he sends away all his Cavalry forthwith to the Camp, and after them Marius with the Cohorts of the Allies, conjuring him with Tears in his Eyes, by the Friendship that was between 'em, and by the Honour of the Commonwealth, not to suffer any Disgrace to slain the Victories of his Army, nor to leave the Enemy ere he had had his full Revenge. Marius vigorously performed his Command. So that Jugurth being encumbered with the Fortifications of the Camp, while some threw themselves headlong over the Rampire, others crowding through the narrow passages to get out, hindered one another, with the loss of many of his Men, retired to his Fastnesses. Metellus also at the same time, not able to prevail, in regard that Night drew on, retreated with his Army to the Camp.  
59 The next day before he returned to the Assault, he drew up all his Cavalry before the Camp on that side where he expected a second Attempt from Jugurth, and commanded 'em there to keep a strict Watch. The Turn-pikes and Places next adjoining, he commits to the Guard of the Tribunes; and then surrounding the Town, as he did the day before, gives a second general Assault. Presently Jugurth makes a second Attempt likewise upon our foremost Men; who being somewhat terrified at first, are soon disordered; but the Reserves fly speedily to their Relief. Nor could the Numidians have longer withstood their Force, had not their Foot, being intermingled with the Cavalry, made a great Slaughter at the first Charge. For being assisted by this intermixture, they did not, as it is usual in other Charges of the Horse, sometimes press forward, sometimes give Ground; but fell in pellmell, Horse Head to Horse Head, thereby encumbering and disordering the Ranks, at what time the Foot breaking in, had almost routed the Enemy.  
60. At the same time the Dispute was no less desperate at Zamara. Where every Legate or Tribune was posted, there most vigorously they performed their Duties, no man confiding more in another, then in himself. On the other side, the Townsmen made a strenuous Resistance, they fought to wonder, and provided against all Accidents; more eager to wound others, then mindful of their own Safety. Hideous and different were the Cries of both Parties, Encouragements, Shouts of Joy, and bitter Groans of Lamentation; the Clattering of Weapons filled the Skies; and Showers of Darts fell thick on every side. At length they who defended the Walls, when they perceived the Fury of the enemy a little to slacken, stood still upon the Battlements to behold the Fight between the Roman Jugurth's Cavalry; and as Jugurth either prevailed, or lost Ground, sometimes you should see 'em overjoyed, then again all in consternation. And as far as they could be seen or heard by their fellows, some they besought, others they encouraged, making Signs with their Hands, and Motions of their Bodies, like men avoiding or darting forward their missive Weapons. Which when Marius perceived, for he had the Charge of that Quarter, on purpose he slackened his Fury, and dissembled a Mistrust of the Event, suffering the Numidians to have an unmolested Prospect of their Prince's Bravery. But at length, while they were busily gazing upon their Fellows, Marius attacks the Walls with a more than ordinary violence. And the Soldiers by the help of their Scaling Ladders, had almost gained the Battlements, when the Townsmen embodying of a sudden, plied 'em with Stones, Fireworks, and other Missive Weapons. Our men made stout resistance at first, but after two or three of the Ladders were broken, they that stood upon 'em were miserably mortified; the rest, few safe, every one, as best they could, shifted for themselves, and very few escaping unwounded, the most part hurt and maimed, quitted the Assault: at length Night parted the bloody Fray.  
61. When Metellus found such ill Success of his Enterprise, and that neither the Town could be taken, nor Jugurth drawn to fight, but where he had the advantage of Ground or Ambuscado's, and that Summer was spent, he raised his Siege from before Zama, and placed Garrisons in those Cities which had revolted from him, and were either naturally or artificially fortified; and the rest of the Army he quartered in that part of the Province which borders upon Numidia. Nor did he spend that Time as others were wont to do, in Ease and Luxury, but finding Force so little prevailed, he therefore betook himself to Stratagem: To this purpose, with fair Words and large Promises he attempts Bomilcar. This was he who accompanied Jugurth to Rome, and after he had given Sureties for his forthcoming, upon the Murder of Massiva, secretly made his Escape, for fear of being put to death; and therefore by reason of his intimacy with Jugurth ', had the fairer opportunity to betray his Friend. The first thing Metellus did, was to bring him to a private Meeting: in the next place he gave him his word, That if he would deliver Jugurth into his hands alive or dead, the Senate should not only grant him Impunity, but his own Demands. The Numidian is easily persuaded, being not only naturally treacherous, but also misdoubting, lest if the Romans should make a Peace with his Master, he might be excepted out of the Articles, and delivered up to condign punishment.  
62. He therefore, upon the first Opportunity he could meet with, coming to Jugurth, and finding him troubled, and bewailing his Misfortunes, with Tears in his Eyes beseeches and conjures him, that at length he would take pity of himself, his Children, and the miserable Estate of the Numidian People, so well deserving at his hands: further he put him in mind, That still in all Encounters they were vanquished; the Country was laid waste, numbers of his Subjects carried away Captive, or slain, and the Treasures of the Kingdom utterly impoverished; That he had sufficiently tried his Fortune, and the Courage of his Soldiers; and therefore that he should take heed, lest while he delayed, the Numidians did not consult for their own Safety. By these and other Arguments of this Nature, he mollifies the King's Inclinations to a Surrender. Commissioners are therefore sent to the General, to let him know, That Jugurth was ready to obey his Commands, and without any Composition to surrender both himself and the Kingdom to his Generosity: Metellus presently sends for all that were of Senatorian Degree, from their Winter Quarters, and advises with them, and such others as he thought convenient. Thereupon, according to the ancient Custom, by his Messengers He commands Jugurth to send him two hundred pound weight of Silver, all his Elephants, such a number of Horses, and such a quantity of warlike Ammunition; which being done, he commands all the Fugitives to be delivered up in Chains. The greatest part of them were also sent accordingly; only some few upon the first Report of a Surrender, immediately fled to King Bocchus into Mauritania. Thus was Jugurth despoiled of his Arms, the Flower of all his Forces, and his Money. But when he was summoned to appear before the General, then residing at Tisidium, than he began to change his Mind, and through Gild of Conscience to dread what really he deserved. At length, after he had wasted many days in hesitation, sometimes as it were tired with his Misfortunes, deeming all things to be endured before the Calamities of War; then again reflecting with himself, how terrible a Fall it would be from a Kingdom into Slavery, at last he makes choice of War. At Rome, the Senate being moved concerning the Provinces, decree Numidia to Metellus.  
63. At the same time Marius being by accident at Utica, and there making his Offerings to the Gods for his Success in the last Expedition, the Soothsayer told him, That the Signs portended great and wonderful Events in reference to himself, and therefore whatever he had in his Mind, he might boldly act, in confidence of the Favour of the Gods; That he might venture Fortune as often as he pleased, for that he should prosper in all his Undertake.  
64. Some time before this, a violent Ambition of the Consulship had harassed his Thoughts. For the Achievement of which, beside the Antiquity of his Family, he stood fair in all other respects Industry, Probity, Military Experiennce, a vast Courage in War, great Frugality, a Contemner of Pleasure and superfluous Wealth, only impatient of Honour. He was born and bred up during all the time of his Childhood at 
* Now Arpino in the Terra di Lavoro in the Kingdom of Naples.  Arpinum, where he first learned to undergo the hardships of War, wherein he spent his Youth, serving all along for Pay; not in the Study of Grecian Eloquence, or City Courtship: and thus in a short time he attained to a perfection in virtuous Exercises. And therefore when he first stood for the Military Tribuneship at an Assembly of the Commons, most People not knowing his Face, when once they heard his Name, he presently carried it by the Voices of all the Tribes. From that Office he advanced himself still higher and higher by degrees, and in all Employments so behaved himself, that he was always deemed worthy of a Nobler than that he possessed at present. But till that time, notwithstanding his matchless Bravery (for still Ambition hurried him headlong) he durst not stand for the Consulship. For then the Commonalty disposed of other Offices, but the Consulship the Nobility shared successively among themselves. No upstart Person never so famous, never so celebrated for his great Achievements, was thought worthy, but rather a Defilement of that Honour  
64. Marius therefore, when he saw that the predictions of the Soothsayer tended the same way that his Ambition carried him, desired Metellus to spare him from the Army, that he might have liberty to stand for the Consulship; who, though he were a Person in whom Virtue, Honour, and all other Qualities, noble and desirable, were brightly eminent, yet were they accompanied with a disdainful Mind and lofty Pride, the common Failings of the Nobility. Moved therefore at first with the Novelty of Marius' Demand, he wondered at his Design, and as it were in Friendship advised him not to act so preposterously, nor to advance his Thoughts above his Fortune: That all things were not proper to be desired by all men; That it became him to be contented with his present Preferments, which were sufficient. Lastly, That he should consider well before he made a Request of so high a Nature to the People of Rome, that might be lawfully denied him. After he had given him these and many more Admonitions of the same Nature, yet could not divert Marius from his settled Intentions, he made him answer, That so soon as the Public Affairs would permit, he would grant him his Desires. And afterwards when Marius urged him with greater importunity, it is reported, That he should advise him, not to be too hasty, adding withal, That it would be time enough for him to stand for the Consulship with his Son; who at that time was a private Soldier in his Father's Pavilion, about twenty years of Age. Which Taunt of Metellus not only vehemently incensed him to prosecute the Honour which he affected, but also against Metellus himself. For that reason he followed the Dictates of his Ambition, and his Wrath, the worst of evil Counsellors: All his Words and Actions now tended to Popularity: The Soldiers which he commanded, he permitted to live more loosely than before: Among the Merchants, of which there was a great number at Utica, he scattered many scandalous and ostentatious Reports concerning the War: That if he might have the Command but of half the Army, he would in a days time have Jugurth in Chains; and that the War was on purpose spun out by the General, as one that being a Person vainglorious, and of Princely Pride, too much affected Power and Command. Which the Merchants more readily believed to be true, for that by the continuance of the War, their Trade was very much hindered; and to a Covetous Mind all Procrastination seems a Crime.  
65. There was at that time in our Army a certain Numidian, by Name Gauda, the Son of Manastabales, the Grandchild of Massinissa, whom Micipsa by his Will had left the next Heir of the Kingdom, full of Diseases, and for that reason somewhat crazed in his Senses: to whom Metellus, upon two Requests, that according to the Custom of Princes, he might have his Chair set next the General's Seat, as also a Troop of Roman Horse for the Guard of his Body, had denied him both: The Honour, because it represented that Majesty, which the Romans termed Regal, and could not endure to suffer always in their sight: The Guard, because it looked disgracefully for the Roman Horse to attend upon a Numidian. This Person therefore thus repulsed, and vexed in his Mind, Marius' attempts, and emboldens him to take his Revenge upon the General for the Affronts he had put upon him, as he should direct him. He magnifies the Man distempered in Mind through bodily Distempers, with flattering and glozing Speeches, puts him in mind of his being a Prince, a great Person, the Grandchild of Massinissa: That if Jugurth should be taken or slain, the Kingdom of Numidia fell immediately to him by right of Inheritance; which would suddenly come to pass, if he might once be sent as Consul to manage the War. By this means he persuades the Numidian, the Roman Knights, the Soldiers, and Merchants, some by his own Authority, others upon hopes of sudden Peace, to write to their Friends at Rome, and in their Letters sharply to inveigh against the dilatory Proceedings of Metellus, and at the last to desire Marius for their General. And thus it came to pass, that by the fair Suffrages of many Men the Consulship was laboured for in his behalf. Besides it so happened, seasonably for him at that time, that the Nobility being curbed by the 
* By which it was provided, that when the Nobility in the management of warlike Affairs had any ill success, that the Commonalty should have power to elect new Men.  Manlian Law, the Commonalty had Power to advance new Men: allthings fell out luckily for Marius.  
66. In the mean time Jugurth, after he had falsified his promise of submission, and renewed the War, with great Industry makes vast preparations, uses all expedition, Levies an Army; those Cities which had revolted from him he solicits with Rewards, or regains by Terror; fortifies his strong Holds; replenishes his Stores with Ammunition and Warlike Furniture; entices the Roman Slaves to revolt, and those that were in Garrisons he tempts with ready Money: Lastly he leaves no stone unturned, nor suffers any Soul to rest in quiet; but casts about every way to procure disturbance. At Vacca therefore, where Metellus, when Jugurth first began to treat of Peace, had placed a Garrison, wearied with the Importunities of the King, and never truly alienated in their Affections from him, the chief Inhabitants of the Town conspire together among themselves, (for the common People according to their usual Custom, especially the Numidians, naturally fluctuating and inconstant, seditious, and despisers of Harmonious Concord, were still thirsting after Novelty, and Adversaries to Peace and Tranquillity) and having laid their Plot sure, agree upon the third Day, which happened to be one of their most Solemn Festivals, and strictly observed over all Africa, and therefore gave them an opportunity to assemble without suspicion, under pretence of Sport and Pastime. Thereupon when the time came, they invited to their Houses the Centurions, Colonels and the Governor himself F. Turpilius: all those they slew in the midst of their Cups, except Turpilius: which done they fell upon the Soldiers, straggling up and down without their Arms, being then obliged to no duty, by reason of the day. The same did all the Rabble, part instructed before hand by their Superiors, others out of their natural Affection to disorders; to whom Tumult and Novelty, though they neither understood the Cause nor Motives, were things pleasing and delightful. The Roman Soldiers surprised thus of a sudden, uncertain and doubtful what Course to take, fled in a panic fear to the Castle belonging to the Town, where their Ensigns and Targets lay: but the Garrison of the Enemies, having shut the Gates before, prevented their Flight, and to add to their Misfortune, the Women and Children flung down Stones and such other Materials as the place would afford, continually upon their Heads from the tops of the Houses. Thus there was no avoiding the uncertain Mischief, neither was it in the power of the stoutest to make resistance against the weakest: Valiant and Cowards, strong and feeble fell all together, and many were slain. In the heat of this Massacre, while the Numidians were exercising their utmost fury, and all the Gates were shut, Turpilius made a clever escape untouched, whether it were through the Civility of his Host, or upon a Composition of Ransom, or by accident, we never could discover. This is only to be said, that because in such a Calamity, he preferred an ignominious Life before an unblemished Reputation, he appeared to be a wicked and detestable Coward.  
68 When this fatal Butchery at Vacca reached Metellus' Ears, pensive for a while, he retired from Company. But when his wrath and sorrow once were interblended he hastens withal expedition to revenge the Outrage. To that purpose, he draws forth the Legion that wintered with him, and as many of the Numidian Horse as he could, just about Sunset. The next day; about One in the Morning, he arrived at a certain Valley surrounded with little Hillocks: there he rests his Soldiers tired with a long Night's march, and murmuring to go any farther: but he gave 'em good words, told 'em that Vacca lay not above a mile off; that it was their duty to endure patiently the remainder of their Toil, until they had fully revenged the Deaths of their Fellow-Citizens, the bravest but most unfortunate of Men: and then largely lays before 'em the Temptations of Plunder. And having thus inspired 'em with new Courage, he places his Horse in Front, and causes his Foot to March in close Order, and to hide their Ensign.  
67. The Vaccensians when they perceived an Army marching toward 'em, at first believing (as indeed it was) that Metellus was at hand, shut up their Gates; but then again, finding no waist committed upon their Lands, and beholding the Numidian Horse that Marched in the Front, confidently assured it was Jugurth himself, they poured forth with loud Acclamations to meet him. But then, upon the Signal given, Horse and Foot fell on pell mell; some put the rabble to the Sword; others flew to the Gates, while others seized upon the Towers. Thus provoked Fury and hopes of spoil prevailed above their instant Lassitude. For the Vaccensians enjoyed the pleasure of their perfidiousness not above two days: while their City, large and oppulent, becomes a Sacrifice to Plunder or Revenge. As for Turpilius, who was Governor of the Town, as is before related, he being Tried by a Council of War, and having little to say for himself, was by Metellus Condemned to be first well Scourged, and then to have his head struck off: for he was no more than a 
* That is to say an Italian only. Otherwise he could not have been whipped by the Portian Law.  Citizen of Collatia.  
70. At the same time Bomilcar, by whose persuasions Jugurth began to incline to that submission, which he afterwards through fear abandoned, being suspected by the King, and he no less suspicious of him, projected new disturbances; to seek the King's destruction by Treachery; Night and Day to tyre his restless thoughts; and lastly after he had tried all ways, he draws into the same Conspiracy one Nabdalsa, a Nobleman, vastly rich, and greatly beloved in his Country; who frequently in the King's absence was wont to Command the Army, and manage all Affairs, when Jugurth was either weary, or intent upon more important business: which got him not only great Honour, but infinite Wealth. Thereupon, by an agreement among themselves, a day is appointed for execution of the Treason. But how it was to be done was left to time and opportunity. After this agreement Nabdalsa returns to the Army which he had under his Charge, and lay near the Winter Quarters of the Romans, to prevent their wasting the Country without opposition. But he, being terrified with the Enormity of the Fact, and dissuaded by his fears, and not meeting again according to appointment, Bomilcar wavering between the eager desire he had to expedite his Treachery begun, and the dread of his Associates discovery, yet unwilling to quit his first design for new Contrivancies, by trusty Messengers sends him a Letter, wherein he upbraids his negligence and irresolution; calls the Gods to witness by whom he had sworn; admonishes him to beware lest Metellus' Bribes did not turn to his perdition; tells him withal, that Jugurth's destruction was at hand; only the Question was, whether he should perish by theirs or the Courage of Metellus.  
71. When these Letters were brought, Nabdalsa by accident, being wearied with hard exercise, was a Bed. So that after he had read the Contents, at first a thousand cares distracted his thoughts, and after that, as is usual with men disturbed in Mind, sleep seizes him. There attended upon him at that time, a certain Numidian, that carefully looked after all his business, highly caressed by him, and partaker of all his Secrets, but the last. Who hearing that a Letter was brought to his Master, and believing it some business that concerned him according to his usual Custom went into the Chamber; and as his Master sound slept, he takes the Letter, that lay carelessly upon his Pillow, reads it, and understanding the Treachery, hastens forthwith to the King. Nabdalsa, waking soon after, and first missing both the Letter and his Servant, then by his Guards understanding how things stood, immediately he posted after the Discoverer, thinking to overtake him, but finding that to be labour in vain, away he goes to Jugurth, and in hopes to make up the breach, tells him, That what he intended to have done, the perfidiousness of his Servant had prevented; and with tears in his Eyes, by all the friendship he had for him, and by all the faithful services he had done him, besought him not to think him Guilty of so foul a piece of Treason.  
72. To which the King, contrary to what he had in his heart, returned a soft and mild Answer, That Bomilcar and several others, whom he had discovered to be Confederates in the Conspiracy, having suffered according to their deserts, he had qualified and subdued his Indignation, that no further trouble might arise from any farther scrutiny. But from that time forward, Jugurth ne'er enjoyed a quiet minute day or night. All Persons, Places, Times and Seasons were suspected by him. All the night long he skulked from place to place, beneath the Majesty of a Prince: in the day time starting out of his slumbers, he would lay hold of his Sword, and disturb all that lay near him; so like to Madness were the fears that turmoiled his thoughts.  
73. Metellus therefore when he was informed by the Fugitives of Bomilcar's death, and the Discovery of the Conspiracy, makes all the speedy preparations he could, as for a War but newly begun. And for Marius, daily importuning him for his dismission, he discharged him, as not deeming a Person that bore him a Grudge, and otherwise distasteful to him, would do him any service. At Rome also; the Commons understanding what the Letters had dispersed abroad in reference to Metellus and Marius, entertained with equal violence the Reports of both. The General's Nobility, which before was an Honour to him, was now a disgrace: and the meanness of the other's Parentage procured him favour. However the Partialities of the Factions were so moderate, as never to question their Virtues or their Vices. Moreover, the Seditious Magistrates exasperated the the Common People; in all their Assemblies, they accuse Metellus, as worthy of Death, but the Courage of Marius they magnify as far above his desert. Lastly the Rabble were so incensed, that all the Handicraft Tradesmen and Ploughman, whose Estates and Credit lay all in their hands, leaving their Shops and Husbandry never omitted a public Meeting to cry up Marius, postponing the daily supply of their own Indigences to his Advancement. Thus the Nobility being cowed and dismayed, the Consulship, after many tempestuous contentions, is decreed to an Upstart. And after that, the question being put to the People by L. Manlius Mantinus, whom they would have to carry on the War with Jugurth, in a full Assembly they commanded Marius.  
74. At the same time, Jugurth, having lost his friends, the most of which he had put to death himself, the rest, part out of fear, had made their peace with the Romans, or were fled to King Bocchus, knowing that a War could not be carried on without Assistants, and deeming it dangerous to hazard the fidelity of Strangers, after he had found his old Acquaintance so unfaithful, was variously tossed and tormented with unquiet thoughts: neither the Design, nor the Counsel, nor the sight of any Person could please him: every day he altered his Commanders, and varied his Marches, sometimes towards the Enemy, sometimes into the Deserts; Sometimes he looked upon flight as his securest Refuge; and then again he had some glimmering hopes of success: yet still in doubt, which less to trust, whither the Courage or Fidelity of his People. And thus which way soever he turned himself, Adversity still frowned upon him. At length in the midst of these uncertainties and disastrous Reflections, Metellus shows himself with his Army. Presently Jugurth marshals his Numidians as the time would give him leave, and the fight begins. Where the King was present in Person, there for a while was some resistance; all the rest of his Army, upon the very first Charge were routed and put to flight; leaving their Ensigns, their Arms, and a considerable number of their fellows in the Possession of the Romans. For in all Battles the Numidians were more beholding for their safety to their Heels then to their Swords.  
75. After the loss of the Battle, Jugurth, now more than ever despairing of success, with the Fugitives and part of his Cavalry, betakes himself into the Desert; and from thence to 
* Now utterly unknown, and the place of its Situation forgot.  Thala, a large and stately Town, where most of his Treasure, and all the costly Wardrobe beonging to his Children lay. Of which when Metellus had Intelligence, though between Thala and the River adjoining to his Camp, he knew there was nothing but vast and sandy Deserts for Fifty miles together, yet in hopes of putting an end to the War, if he could but make himself Master of that Town, he resolves to break through all the difficulties, and to overcome Nature herself. To this purpose he order all the Beasts of Carriage to be laden with the Baggage, except only flour for ten days, which the Soldiers were to carry in their Snapsacks: he also makes great Provision of Leathern Bottles and Casks for his Water: He picks up all the Cattle he can find in the Neighbouring Parts, and them he order to be laden with an infinite number of wooden Vessels, which they found in the Numidian Cottages. Moreover he order the Borderers that had surrendered themselves after the flight of the King what quantity of Water he expected at their hands, and appoints 'em a day and place where they should be ready: and then fills his own Vessels from the River, which we have already mentioned: and thus furnished with all things necessary, he Marches directly for Thala. When he came to that place where the Numidians were Commanded to tarry for him, after he had pitched his Tents and fortified his Camp, such violent showers of Rain are reported to have fallen on a sudden from the Sky, that there was Water enough and to spare for the whole Army. Provisions also were plentiful beyond expectation; in regard the Numidians, as is usual while the awe of a new Conquest continues, had been extremely double diligent. Upon the Soldiers, also the Rain had wrought a Superstitious effect, while the seeming Miracle gave new boldness to their Courage; believing that now the Immortal Gods took care of their Persons, and favoured their Enterprise; and thus the next day, they arrived before Thala, contrary to Jugurth's expectation. The Townsmen, who thought themselves secure by reason of their inaccessible Situation, amazed to see themselves so unexpectedly surprised, were nevertheless industrious to prepare for stout Resistance, and with the same alacrity did ours prepare for the Assault.  
76. But Jugurth now believing there was nothing impossible to Metellus, as one against whose Industry no Arms or Weapons, nor inequality of Ground would prevail, but had overcome even Nature herself, with his Children, and the greatest part of his Treasure deserted the Town, and fled away in the Night; nor did he afterwards tarry in any one place above one day or a Night at most. Nevertheless that he might not seem to abandon the Town, he pretended urgency of Affairs and new Designs, but indeed because he was afraid of Treason, which he thought to prevent by a speedy retiring himself: for that such contrivances of Treachery were hatched by leisure and opportunity. On the other side Metellus, when he saw the Townsmen resolved to defend themselves, and that the Town was also strongly fortified as well by Nature as by Art, he entrenches his Army round about the Walls, and then places his Vines, and Engines in such places as he thought most proper. Behind them he also raises Bulwarks, and upon them Towers to descend the Soldiers and Pioners. On the other side, the Townsmen labour might and main to frustrate his Approaches, neither was any thing of Art or Industry omitted on either side. At length after much toil, and several Combats and Onsets, the Romans, forty days after they sat down before it, became Masters of the Town only, in regard the Fugitives had set Fire to the Plunder. For they, when they perceived the Walls began to totter through the fury of the Battering Rams, and that their Affairs were in a desperate Condition, carried all their Gold, Silver and other precious moveables into the King's House, where after they had stupefied their Senses with Wine and good Cheer, they set Fire to the House, and burned themselves and all that was in it, of their own accords inflicting upon themselves the same punishment, which they dreaded at the hands of their Enemies.  
77. But at the same time that Thala was taken, certain Messengers sent from Leptis to Metellus, arrived at the Camp, beseeching him to send 'em both a Garrison and a Governor. That there was one Hamilcar among 'em, a Person of Noble Extraction, but Factious, who went about to raise disturbances in the City, and solicited the People to revolt. Neither was the Power of the Magistrate, nor the Authority of the Law sufficient to put a stop to his Proceedings: and that unless he made great haste, the Safety of the City, and their Allegiance to the Romans would be in great danger. For the People of Leptis at the first beginning of the Jugurthine War, had sent to Bestia the Consul, and afterwards to Rome, requesting Amity and a mutual League. Which after they had obtained, they continued just and faithful, and whatever they were commanded by Bestia, Albinus or Metellus to do, they diligently and sedulously performed; and for that reason the General readily condescended to their Desires: sending 'em a Garrison of sour Ligurian Cohorts, and C. Annius for their Governor.  
78. This Town was built by the Sidonians, who being forced to abandon their Native Country by reason of Civil Discord, came by Sea into those Parts; seated between two vast Banks of Sand, and derives its Name from the Nature of the Place. For upon the utmost Limits of Africa, two Bays extend themselves not far distant one from another; unequal in Bigness, but in Nature both alike. The Parts next the Land are very deep; the other Parts, as the Wind lies, sometimes deep, sometimes shallow; for when the Sea runs high, and the Wind blows hard, the Billows drive the Sand and Ouze, together with the massy, loose & rocky stones before 'em: and thus the whole Surface of the Bottom changes with the violence of the Wind and Tide: and therefore are they called Syrteses, from drawing the Stones and Sands from one place to another. The Language of the City is now quite altered by their vicinity to the Numidians. The most of their Laws and Religious Ceremonies are Sidonian; the more easily retained, because they live remote from the King's Court. Besides that between them and the inhabited Parts of Numidia, lie vast and unfrequented Deserts.  
79. And now since the Affairs of Leptis have drawn us into these Parts, it will not be amiss to rehearse an Action of two Carthaginian Brethren, of which the Place itself puts me in mind; there being few that more deserve the Remembrance of History. At what time the Carthaginians were Masters of the greatest part of Africa, the People of Cyrene likewise were both powerful and opulent. The Country between is sandy, and altogether level, not so much as a River or Mountain to ascertain the Limits of their Territories; which was the occasion of an outrageous and lasting War between 'em. After many Armies defeated, many Sea-Engagements with great Loss on both sides, when they had almost ruined one another, fearing at length, both Victors and Vanquished, their becoming a Prey to a Third Enemy, they make a Truce, and then an Agreement, That upon such a certain day they would send their Ambassadors from home, and wheresoever those Ambassadors met, that Place should be the certain Bounds of both their Dominions. To this purpose, two Brothers being sent from Carthage, both called by the Name of Philaeni, they made all the speed they could; the Cyrenians travelled flowly: but whether it were through negligence, or by chance, I am not able to say. Yet in those Places a contrary Wind is no less troublesome to a Traveller then at Sea. For when Tempestuous Gusts blow hard, and brush those level Sands, naked of all manner of Coverture, the Dust & Pebbles so terribly molest the Sight and Faces of Travellers, that not daring to open their Eyes, they are no longer able to proceed in their Journey. Howe'er it were, the Cyrenians finding they had loitered behind, and fearing Capital Punishment for their Negligence, at their Return, quarrelled with the Carthaginians, and accused 'em of setting forward from home beford their Time; made a hideous Bustle, ann resolved whate'er it cost 'em, not to reture home Losers. Whereupon, when thy Carthaginians proffered to accept of ane Condition that was but reasonable, thr Greeks made this Proposal, That eithes the Carthaginians should suffer themselves to be buried alive in that Place which they claimed for the Limits of their Empire, or else upon the same Condition, That they would travel forward as far as they thought fit. Whereupon the Philaeni, accepting the Proposal, surrendered themselves and their Lives for the Good of the Commonwealth, and were buried alive without more ado. In remembrance of which pious Act, the Carthaginians erected Altars, which they consecrated to the Memories of the Two Brethren, besides other Honours which were decreed 'em at home. Now I return to the Matter in hand.  
80. Jugurth, after the Loss of Thala, thought nothing sufficiently secure against the Conduct of Metellus; and therefore crossing vast Deserts, with a small Retinue, at length he comes to the Getulians, a fierce and barbarous sort of People, and at that time unacquainted with the Roman Name. Of these, he musters together a vast Multitude, and by degrees accustoms 'em to keep their Ranks, to follow their Ensigns, to obey Commands, and several other Points of Military Discipline. Moreover, by great Gifts and larger Promises he procutes the Favour of such as had the Ear of King Bocchus, and by their Assistance addressing himself to the King, he persuades him to undertake a War against the Romans. Which Bocchus was the more easily inclined to do, in regard that at the beginning of the Jugurthine War he had sent his Ambassadors to Rome, to desire a League and Friendship with the Romans. Which Overture, most advantageous at the beginning of that War, some few obstructed, blinded with Covetousness, and according to their usual Custom, putting all things to Sale, both honest and dishonest. Besides, Jugurth but a little before had married the Daughter of Bocchus. But that same Tie of Relation is little valued among the Moors and Numidians; because they marry several Wives, some Ten, and others more, according to their Estates, and Princes consequently a far greater Number: So that being thus distracted with variety, the King advances none to his Society particularly, but looks on all as equally vile, and equally inferior.  
81. Therefore at the Rendezvouz by both appointed, both Armies meet; and there both Princes giving and taking mutual Oaths of Fidelity and Constancy, Jugurth in a set Speech, the more to exasperate Bocchus, tells him, That the Romans were unjust, immensely covetous, the common Enemies of all Mankind; That they would make the same Pretences serve for an occasion of War with Bocchus as with him, and other Nations, Ambition of Rule; as having a perfect Antipathy against Monarches. That at present Himself; a little before the Carthaginians, and King Perseus were the Objects of their Fury; and that hereafter the Power and Opulency of any Prince would be a sufficient Provocation for the Romans to quarrel with him. This said, away they bend their March for Cirta, for that Metellus there had stowed his Booty, Captives and his Baggage. Thence Jugurth considered, That either the taking of the Place would be worth his while; or if the Romans attempted to relieve it, he should have the opportunity to fight 'em. For it was his Policy, to make haste; to engage Bocchus beyond the Hopes of Peace, lest by delay his Mind might vary, to accept of any Conditions rather than enter into a War.  
82. But the General so soon as he had Intelligence that there was a League between the two Kings, would not rashly, not upon every slight occasion proffer Battle, as he was wont to do after he had overthrown Jugurth; but having fortified his Camp not far from Cirta, there he waits the coming of the Kings, believing it his wiser course to fight upon Advantage, after he had made Trial of the Courage of the Moors, as being an Enemy with which he had never yet engaged. In the mean time he had Advice by Letters from Rome, that the Province of Numidia was given to Marius: for he had heard before that he was elected Consul. The News of which so strangely moved him beyond all measure, and put him so beside himself, that he could neither refrain from Tears, nor moderate his Tongue: a Man so excellent and so accomplished in all other things, yet not able to brook his inward Vexations. Which some attributed to his Pride, others to the Generosity of his Naturet that could not suffer an Affront: but many to his Indignation, that the Victory now as good as won, should be wrested out of his Hands. But we are satisfied, that Marius' Honour more tormented him, than the Injury done to himself, and that he would not have taken it so impatiently, had the Province when taken from him, been bestowed upon any other then Marius.  
83. Metellus therefore sick of this Distemper, and because he deemed it a folly for him to procure Triumphs for another at the hazard of his own Life, sends Ambassadors to Bocchus, to caution him, how he quarrelled with the People of Rome, without any provocation: That now he had a fair Opportunity to obtain the League and Alliance which he had before desired, and which would be far more advantageous to him then War; That though he might rely upon his great Power, yet 'twas not the safest way to hazard Certainties for Uncertainties; That a War was easily begun, but not so soon ended; That the Beginning and Conclusion of it were not at the disposal of the same Person, That any Coward might begin a War, but the End of it was at the pleasure of the Victor only; and therefore that he should consult his own, and the welfare of his Kingdom, and not adventure his flourishing Prosperity in the same Bottom with Jugurth's Misfortunes. To which the King in mild and gentle Terms returned for Answer, That Peace was his desire, only he pitied the miserable Condition of Jugurth; so that if he might be included in the Articles, all things would be soon concluded. Again the General in Answer to Bocchus' Demands, sends other Commissioners; some things he approved, others he refused; and thus by sending to and fro, Time wasted, and the War was spun out without a Blow struck, to the great satisfaction of Metellus.  
84. But Marius, as I said before, being made Consul by the vehemency & tumultuous Affection of the Commonalty, so soon as the People had commanded him to undertake the Province of Numidia, if before he hated the Nobility, now he began to show himself much more fierce and domineering; sometimes affronting particular Persons, sometimes all in general; boasting that he had carried the Consulship from Them, as the Spoils of a Conquered Enemy; casting forth many other Expressions, great of himself, but full of bitter Sarcasms in derision of their Honour. In the mean time his chiefest Care was to make ample provisions of all things needful for the War, to require a Re-inforcement of the Legions; to demand Aid of all the Neighbouring Princes and People in Alliance with the Romans; to cull out of Latium all the stoutest persons he could pick, most known to himself in particular Services, few by Report; and by fair Words and Promises to procure all the old Soldiers that had been discharged upon the score of Age and long Service, to resume their Arms, and accompany him in the Expedition. Nor durst the Senate, though they mortally hated his Demeanour, contradict him in any thing; but joyfully decreed him all Supplies, whatever he demanded, in hopes that the Commonalty when they came go be pressed, would refuse to serve, and so that Marius would lose the Fruits of the War, or the Affections of the Vulgar. But it fell out quite otherwise. For such an eager desire of going with Marius, had possessed the greatest part, while every man believed he should return enriched with Plunder; and victorious home, that these Considerations and Expectancies dragged them headlong after the Consul; besides that, Marius did not a little inflame their Courages with a set Speech. For after all his Demands were decreed him according to his hearts desire, and he had completed his Musters, as well to curry Favour with the Commons, as to fret and gall the Nobility, he summoned an Assembly of the People, where he thus delivered himself.  
I am well assured, most worthy Romans, that most men do not observe the same Method in procuring Places of highest Trust at your hands; or manage 'em after the same manner when obtained. At first, they are industrious, humble and moderate; then waste their days in Sloth and Pride; but I am of vanother humour. For by how much the whole Commonwealth is of greater value than a Consulship, or Praetorship, with so much the greater Care ought the one to be governed, than the other eagerly sued for. Nor am I ignorant how great a burden I bear upon my Shoulders through your obliging favour. To provide for War, to be frugal of the public Treasury, to compel those to bear Arms, whom you are unwilling to offend, to have an Eye upon all things both at home and abroad; and to discharge all these duties among so many envious, thwarting, and factious Spirits, is a task, most worthy Romans, far more difficult, than most men are aware of. Nevertheless if others miscarry or commit any foul Misdemeanour, the Antiquity of their Descent, the famous Exploits of their Ancestors, the Wealth of their Kindred and Relations, multitude of Tenants and Followers, all these things are their Security and Protection, while my Reliance is only upon myself: so that of necessity I must support myself by my Valour and my Innocency; since all other Dependences of mine are weak and inconsiderable: And this I likewise understand, most worthy Romans, that the Eyes of all Men are fixed upon me; that good and just Men love me; as one whose Actions have tended to the good of the Public benefit; only the Nobility lie at lurch to procure my disgrace. For which reason it behoves me the more industriously to labour, that you be not deceived, and that They may be disappointed. From my Childhood until now, I have hitherto so lived, as to be enured to all sorts of Hardship and all manner of dangers. What before your favours bestowed, I acted gratis, 'tis not my design, most worthy Romans, now to forego, as having received my wages. 'Tis a difficult Thing for such Men to tempt their passions in great Authority, who only to advance Ambitious ends dissembled Honesty: but in Me, that have always lead my Life in virtuous Exercises, to do good is now by Custom become a second Nature. You have commanded me to wage War with Jugurth, a thing which the Nobility took most heinously. I beseech you to consider with yourselves, whether you think it proper to alter your Resolutions, or to send some one culled out from this same Crowd of Nobility, a Person of ancient Descent; a Person whose Family is honoured with many Statues, but himself a Man of no Conduct or Experience; such a one as being ignorant what he has to do in such a weighty undertaking, shall tremble, make a bustle, and at length choose out some paltry Confident, to be his Instructor and Adviser. For so it generally falls out, that He whom you have ordered to Command, is to seek for another to command himself. Yet I could tell you of some Men, most worthy Romans, who after they have been chosen Consuls, have then began to study the Actions of their Ancestors, and the Military Precepts of the Greeks: Preposterous People. For the knowledge of Government in time succeeds Election, but in reality and practice ought to precede it. Compare me now, most worthy Romans, an Upstart of Yesterday, with their presumptuous Pride. What they are wont to hear and read, part of these things myself has seen, and others personally performed: what they have learned from their Books, the same have I by Military duty. They contemn my sudden Rise; and I their Cowardice. They upbraid me with my Fortune, I them, with their Enormities. Though I believe one Nature common to us all, Yet I esteem the stoutest to be still most Generous and Noble. So that if the Question could be put to the Ancestors of Albinus, or Bestia, which they would have rather chosen for their Offspring me or them, what think ye would be their Answer, but that they desired the best of Children? Therefore while they debase Me, they throw the same Contempt upon their Ancestors; who raised their Original Nobility, like myself, by their Virtues. They envy my Honour; let 'em also envy my Innocency, the Hardship and the Dangers I have undergone. But Men corrupted with Pride, so lead their Lives, as if they disdained your Honours; but sue for 'em, as Persons that had always lived uprightly and justly. Certainly they are mistaken, who expect at the same time to enjoy two such contrary satisfactions, the delights and pleasures of slothful Ease, and the rewards of Virtue. And when they make Speeches either to yourselves or in the Senate, spend the greatest part of their Time in magnifying their Ancestors, believing themselves the more famous for repeating their loud Achievements; whereas quite the contrary, the more Illustrious was their Renown, the more sordid and degenerate are they. For to say truth, the Renown of Ancestors is a Light that shines upon their Posterity, and suffers not their Evil deeds to be obscured in Darkness. This is a thing I want, most worthy Romans; but that which is more noble, I can speak of my own Actions to myself. Now consider, how unjust they are. What they arrogate to themselves from the Virtue of others, they will not allow me for the sake of my own: because forsooth I have no Statues, because my Nobility is but of Yesterday; which certainly is more worthy for me to have won, then for them to have corrupted. I am not ignorant, that were they now to answer me, they have Eloquence enough, and would be flourishing with their lofty strains and high flying Language. But understanding how in all places, for this your favour conferred upon me, they wound and tear both mine and your Reputation, I could not refrain speaking my mind; lest any one should traduce my Modesty as an effect of Gild. Though in my Opinion, these Orations can do me no prejudice. For if true, they must speak well of me; if false, my Life and Manners evince the contrary. But because your Consultations and Decrees are accused, because you have vouchsafed me the highest Honour, and the most important of all our present Affairs; I beseech ye consider over and over again, whether you have any cause to repent. 'Tis true, I cannot, as a security and pledge for my worth, produce the Statues, or Records of the Triumphs and Consulships of my Ancestors: but if need require, I can show ye Spears, Ensigns 
* The reward of a Horseman, that dismounted his Adversary.  Gold Chains, and other such like Military guerdons, besides several Scars in my Body. These are my Statues, this is my Nobility, not left, but which I have purchased by Inheritance, with many hardships and dangers. My words perhaps are not so Elaborately studied: That I value not. Virtue sufficiently displays itself; but words want artifice to fucus over vile and shameful Actions. Neither did I ever learn Greek. For I had no desire to learn a Language that so little contributed to reform the Vices of those that had it so readily at their Tongue's end. But I am learned in those things that are much more beneficial to the Commonwealth; I know how to fight an Enemy, to take Towns, to fear nothing but Infamy; to endure cold and heat; to lie upon the Ground; and at the same time to undergo both want and labour. This Learning also I shall teach the Soldiers: neither shall I harrass them with hard and continual Duty, and yet indulge myself: neither will I purchase my Honour by their Labour. This is a profitable and civil Government. Whereas to live in ease, and wallow in Effeminacy thyself, and terrify thy Army with continual rigour, this is to play the Tyrant not the General. By these Actions and such as these, your Ancestors immortallized both themselves and the Commonwealth. On which the Nobility relying, though far different in their Manners, despise Us, with emulation tracing their renowned steps; and claim from you all Honours as their due and not by merit: But their lofty Lordships are very much out of the way. Their Ancestors left 'em all things that were within their Power, Wealth, Statues, Pedigrees and undying Memories, but they did not leave 'em Virtue, neither could they. That, is a gift neither to be given or received. They say I am a Slovenly fellow, and one that wants Breeding; because I know not how to instruct a Bill of Fare; maintain no Buffoons and Zanies about me, nor give more Money for a Cook than I do for a Bauly: all which I must confess, most worthy Romans. For I have been taught by my Father and other venerable Persons that nicety and spruceness belong to Women; but that toil and labour better become Manhood: and that all Heroic and generous Spirits, aught to value Fame above Wealth, and take a greater pride in their Arms then in their Household Furniture. Therefore let 'em always follow their Pleasures and Delights; let 'em keep their Misses, let 'em Drink and Revel; as they spent their Youth, so let 'em employ their old Age in Banquets and Riot, devoted to their Bellies; and the most shameful part of their Bodies; let 'em leave Sweat and Dust, Industry and Toil to Us, that prefer those hardships far before the effeminacy of Junketting. But that they will not do: For when unworthy Bruits as they are, they have dishonoured themselves, with all manner of Debauchery, nothing will satisfy 'em but the Rewards of the Brave and Virtuous. So that Luxury and Sloth, the worst of evils never prejudice their Adorers, which is a great piece of Injustice, but frequently prove baneful to the Commonwealth. Now then having as far as my own Modesty would permit me, though not in so many words as the heinousness of their abuses required, made answer to the objections of the Nobility; give me leave to speak somewhat concerning the State of the Commonwealth. In the first place, most worthy Romans, hope well of Numidia; You have now removed all those things which hitherto protected Jugurth, Avarice, ill Conduct and Pride. Then you have an Army there that understands the Country; but however more Stout than Fortunate. For the greatest part of 'em have been very much harassed through the Covetuousness and Rashness of their Captains. And therefore all you that are arrived at Soldier's Age, labour with me, take the Commonwealth into your own hands, and let no Man be discouraged at the Calamity of others, or the foolish Pride of preceding Generals. I shall be as well your Companion in danger, as your Counsellor in all your Marches and Battles, and take the same care of you as of myself. Nay, by the Assistance of the Gods, I make no question, but all things are already ripe for us to share, Victory, Booty, Honour: which though they were doubtful or remotely distant from our expectations; yet it behoved all good Men to succour the Commonwealth. For never Sloth raised any Man to Immortality: neither did ever any Parent wish, that his Children might live eternally, only that they might live a virtuous and honest Life. I would say more, most worthy Romans, were it in the Power of words to inspire the Timorous with Valour; for to the strenuous, I think I have already said enough.  
86. This Oration thus Concluded, finding the People all in fury and mad to be at work, with all imaginable speed he puts his Provision, Money and other necessaries aboard, and with these Preparations sends away Aulus Manlius before. In the mean time he falls to listing Soldiers, not according to the ancient Custom, out of the several Ranks and Degrees of the People, but only Volunteers, and such as paid neither Scot nor Lot to the Commonwealth. Which way of proceeding, some imputed to the want of able Soldiers, others to the Ambition of the Consul, because he was cried up, and advanced by that sort of People: for to a Man that aspires to Power and Command, the more indigent are still the fittest Instruments upon several occasions; in regard they have nothing to care for of their own, and therefore look upon all things to be just and honest, by which there is any thing to be got. Marius therefore, putting to Sea, with something a larger Number than was Decreed him, landed in a few days at Utica. The Army is delivered over into his hands by P. Rutilius the Legate. For Metellus avoided the sight of Marius, that he might not see those things which he could not endure to hear.  
87. But the Consul having recruited the Legions and auxiliary Cohorts, marches into a fruitful Country, where he might be sure to find Booty enough. There he gave all the Pillage to the Soldiers. This done, he takes in all the Castles and Towns that were but slightly fortified either by Art or Nature, and least able to make defence, and has several slight Skirmishes with the Enemy, some in one place, some in another: and all the while he ordered the raw Soldiers to stand and look on; to behold the Routed killed or taken; and thereby taught 'em how the most Valiant were still in most Safety; That the Sword was the only Protection of their Country, their Liberties, their Wives and Children: and how Honour, not Riches, was the noblest Aim. Thus in a short time both Raw and Veteranes became all one, and the Courage of all was equally alike. But the Two Kings, when they understood of Marius' arrival, retired several ways into the Fastnesses of the Country. This was Jugurth's Design, in hopes that the Romans might be surprised so soon as they thought themselves a little more secure. For that the Romans, like most other People, grew careless and remiss in their Guards, when once their Fears were over.  
88 In the mean time Metellus arriving at Rom●, contrary to his Expectations, was joyfully received: and so soon as once their Passion was over, equally beloved as well by the People as by the Senate. But Marius indefatigably and with extraordinary Prudence minded both his own Business, and the Motions of the Enemy: he was still considering what was advantageous, what was prejudicial to both: he had his Spies continually abroad to observe the Marches of the Kings; thereby to prevent their Designs and Ambuscadoes; suffering no remissness in his own, nor any security in the Army of his Enemy. By which means he often met in his Marches with the Getulians and Jugurth ravaging the Territories of our Allies, whom he assoon defeated, and not far from Cirta, forced the King himself to leave his Arms behind him. Which being only brave Exploits, but no way conducing to the Conclusion of the War, he determined to besiege all such Towns as either through the strength of the Garrison, or the situation of the Place were of importance to the Enemy, and prejudicial to the Romans. By which means Jugurth must be despoiled of all his Garrisons if he lay still, or else must come to a Battle. For Bocchus had often sent him word that he was for his part desirous of a League and Friendship with the Romans; and that he should not need to fear any thing of Hostility at his hands. But whether he dissembled in this particular, to the end his unexpected Onset might give the greater Blow, or whether out of natural instability of Mind, it were his Custom to make frequent Exchanges of War and Peace, could never be certainly known.  
89. The Consul however, according to his Determination, visits all the Towns and strong Holds: some he takes by force, some through fear surrender; and others upon the Offers of large Rewards set open their Gates. At first he dealt with those that were less considerable, hoping that Jugurth, coming to the Rescue of his Subjects, would give him the opportunity of a Battle. But understanding that he was gone a great way off, and busily intent upon other Affairs, he thought it time to bestir himself in greater and more difficult Erterprises. On the other side of the Country, beyond several wide and spacious Deserts, lay a large and strong Town by name 
* Now Capi, lying not far from the Bay called Golfo di Capes.  Capsa; Of which the Libyan Hercules is said to have been the Founder. The Inhabitants enjoyed great Privileges under Jugurth, free from Taxes, and therefore most faithful to him: being not only guarded by their Walls and a strong Garrison, well furnished with all sort of warlike Ammunition; but much more by the difficult situation of the Place. For excepting those Fields and Pastures that lay round about the Town, all the Country round about lay barren, desert, and unmanured, wanting Water, and much infested with Serpents; whose Fury, like that of all other Creatures, is the more exasperated through scarcity of Food; besides that, the pernicious Nature of those Serpents is by nothing more provoked then by Drought. Marius was inflamed with an eager desire to take this Town, as well for the Service of the War, as for the Difficulty of the Enterprise: besides that Metellus, highly to his Honour, had won the City of Thala, not much unlike this Place, both for Strength and Situation; only that not far from the Walls of Thala there were several Springs: They of Capsa had but only one Well of Fountainwater; all the Outparts supplied themselves as the Rain happened to fall. Which both there, and in all Africa, that lies remote from the Sea, and more uncultivated, is the more easily endured, for that the Numidians for the most part feed upon Milk and the Flesh of wild Beasts, wanting neither Salt, nor any other Sauces to whet their Appetites. Their Diet only served 'em to prevent Hunger and Thirst, not for Luxury, nor yet to please their Palates.  
90. The Consul therefore having made a full Enquiry into every thing, relying certainly upon the Favour of the Gods; (for humane Wisdom could never provide against so many Difficulties; especially there being but small store of Corn in those parts, in regard the Numidians delight more in Pasturage then Tillage, and what they had upon the Ground, by the King's Order was secured in their strong Holds; besides that, the Fields were at that season parched up, without any Crop at all, for it was toward the latter end of Summer) however he makes sufficient Provision out of that Plenty which he had; ordering the Auxiliary Horse to drive before 'em all the cattle, which they had made Booty of upon their last Incursions. A. Manlius the Legate, he commands to march with the Light-Armed Cohorts to Laris, where he had secured his Money for the Soldiers Pay, and his Provisions, giving out that he would march that way himself within a few days, and meet him there. And thus concealing his Design, he sets forward, directly for the River Tana.  
91. Upon his March, he made an equal distribution of his cattle among the Soldiers, so much to the Foot, and so much to the Horse: of the Hides he caused Bottles or Water-Bags to be made. This he did, no man knowing his Design, to prevent the waste of Corn, which was to stand him afterwards in stead. Upon the sixth day, by that time he came to the River, he had an infinite number of Water-Bags ready made. There pitching his Tents, and slightly fortifying his Camp, he ordered his Soldiers to their Repast, and commands 'em to be ready to march so soon as the Sun began to set, leaving all their Baggage behind, only loading themselves and their Beasts of Carriage with Water. Then at his time appointed he sets forward, and having marched all Night, he makes a Halt all the next day. Thus he did the second Night; and the third Night, long before daybreak, he came to a Place full of Hillocks, not above two Miles distant from the Town; where, as privately as he could, he lay close with all his Army. But in the Morning, when the Numidians, lest dreaming of an Enemy, began to stir abroad about their Occasions, he commands all the Cavalry, and the swiftest of his Foot to fly to the Town, and seize the Gates. Immediately he himself followed, strictly commanding the Soldiers to refrain from Pillage. Which when the Townsmen perceived, their dangerous Condition, unspeakable Consternation, Calamity unlooked for, and besides all this, a great part of the Inhabitants without the walls, in the power of the Enemy, constrained 'em to a speedy Surrender. Nevertheless the Town was laid in Ashes, & the Numidian Youth were put to the Sword; all others sold, and the Booty divided among the Soldiers. Which severe Act of the Consul's, against the Law of Arms, neither his Avarice, nor his Cruelty urged him to commit. But because so strong a Place that lay so necessary and convenient for Jugurth, was no less difficult of Access to the Romans: the People fickle and perfidious, neither to be ●urb'd by Fear, nor kept in Obedience by mild Usage.  
92. Marius' having thus performed an Exploit so considerable without any loss of his own Men, as he was great, and in high Repute before, so was he now ten times greater, and more famous than ever. Not only what he acted with Prudence and Foresight, but whatever proved by Fortune successful, was all ascribed to his Virtue and Conduct. The Soldiers under gentle Command, and enriched withal, extolled him to the Skies: the Numidians dreaded him as if more than Humane: in a word, both Allies and Enemies believed, that either he was inspired with a Divine Foresight, or else, that he acted altogether by the immediate Assistance of the Gods. The Consul therefore upon this Success, hastens to several other Towns; of which, some he takes after a small Resistance of the Numidians: others he finds deserted by the Inhabitants, dreading the sad Fate of the Capsensians, all which he lays in Ashes: nothing but Slaughter and Lamentation over the whole Country. Thus having made himself Master of several Places, and most without the Loss of my Roman Blood, he undertakes another Enterprise, not so toilsome as that of Capsa, yet no less difficult. Not far from the River Mulucha, which separates the two Kingdoms of Jugurth and Bocchus, stands a Rocky Mountain, of a prodigious height, in the midst of a large Plain, upon the Top of which, where there was Space enough, stood an indifferent Castle; to which there was but one, and that a very narrow Ascent. For every way else it was by Nature so perpendicularly steep, as if it had been the Labour of Art and Industry. Which Castle, because it was one of the Places where the King's Treasure lay, Marius resolves to win, whatever it cost him. But here his Fortune befriended him above his Conduct: For the Castle was furnished with a strong Garrison, and all manner of warlike Ammunition and Provisions, a Fountain of Water, but no way assailable by the help either of Bulwarks or Towers, and as it were, standing in defiance of all sorts of Engines whatever: besides, the Passage to it was narrow and steep on both sides. The Vines by which we make our Approaches, were brought and set up with vast Labour and Danger; for no sooner were they raised to something of perfection, but they were presently destroyed with Fire and Stones. The Soldiers could neither stand to their Labour, by reason of the steepness of the Place; nor work secure under the covertures; they that were most forward and courageous, were slain or wounded, others were dismayed and discouraged.  
93. Marius therefore after the Toil and Labour of many days consumed in vain, perplexed and pensive, began to consider whether he should draw off, or wait a favourable opportunity, since his Fortune had been hitherto so prosperous. Which while he was pondering for several days and Nights together, chafed and fuming in his Mind, by chance a certain Ligurian common Soldier in the Auxiliary Cohorts, going out of the Camp to fetch water, not far from that side of the Castle which was opposite to that part where the Assaults and Defences were made, spied several Periwinkles creeping among the Rocks. Of which when he had tasted one or two, desirous to have more, he was got up by degrees, ere he knew where he was, to the top of the Rock; where observing nothing but Silence and Solitude, after the custom of humane Curiosity, desirous to see what he never had seen before, he stands and listens. By chance there grew in the same place a Holm-Tree, which had made its way through the Stones, stooping forward at first, then winding back, and shooting up to a considerable height, as it is the Nature of all Vegetables. By the help of whose Boughs, and the Stones jutting out from the Wall, the Ligurian clambered so high, that he discovered the whole Platform of the Castle, and perceived how the Defendants were all busily employed where the Assailants forced 'em to make Resistance. After he had thus taken a sufficient view of all things that he thought requisite, he returns the same way he got up, not in haste, but leisurely observing and taking notice of every Particular conducing to his purpose. This done, away he comes to Marius, informs him of the Accident, and advises him to attempt the Castle on that side; and promises to lead the way, and be foremost in the Danger. Immediately Marius sends away with the Ligurian some of those that were then present, to examine the Truth of his Information; who, according to their several Fancies, upon their Return, reported the Enterprise, some to be easy; others, difficult. However, the Consul began to pluck up a good heart; and liking the Design, picks out of all, his Trumpets and Cornets, five of the nimblest and most active he could meet with; and appoints 'em for their Guard four Centurions with their Companies, commanding 'em to follow the Ligurian's Instructions: and appoints the next day to put the Enterprise in execution. And now the time appointed being come, and all things fixed, away they go to the Place: at what time the Centurions, according to the Directions of their Guide, changed both their Arms and their Apparel, and went with their Heads and Feet bare; to the end they might the better look about 'em, and clamber with more ease. Their Swords and their Targets, which after the Numidian Fashion, were of Leather, as well for Lightness, as to prevent their ringing against the Stones, they tied at their Backs. The Ligurian also clambering foremost, fastened Ropes to the Stones and Stump of Trees and Shrubs that grew about the Rock, for the Soldiers to ease themselves in climbing: others that were not so well versed at the sport, he pulled up by the Hand; and where the Ascent was more steep than ordinary, he ordered 'em to climb without their Arms, and carried their Arms after 'em. Those Places which seemed most difficult and dangerous he chiefly tried; and by often ascending and descending the same way, then by and by giving room, and stepping to another place, he encouraged the rest. At length long and very much tired, they got to the Castle, as it were abandoned on that side; for that all the Garrison, as at other times, were facing the Enemy. Marius, when he understood what Progress the Ligurian had made, though he had plied the Numidians all that day, yet then encouraging his Soldiers, appearing foremost himself without the Approaches, & running under the 
* The Testudo was when a Body of Soldiers serried to their close Order, & stooping with their Bodies, covered their Backs with their Shields, to bear off the Stones and other Instruments of Mis. chief that were thrown upon 'em: and then moved forward under that shelter like a Tortoise in her Shell.  Testudo, against the Wall, not only shook the Foundations below, but with his Slings, and other Missive Engines, kept the Enemy hard at work above. On the other side, the Numidians having often burnt and destroyed the Roman Vines, were grown so hardy, that as if they had no need of Walls, they would frequently in the daytime leap over the Battlements upon the Rock, and standing there, defy the Romans, call Marius' Coward in his own hearing, and threaten the Soldiers to make 'em Jugurth's Slaves, with all the Bravadoes of prosperous Insolence imaginable. At last, while Assailants and Defendants were eagerly exasperated in sight, the one contending for Conquest and Honour, the other for Safety of their Lives, on a sudden the Trumpets and Cornets began to sound behind their Backs; and first the Women and Children that came to be Spectators of their Husbands and their Father's Manhood; then such as were next the Walls, and lastly, the whole Company, as well those that were armed, as those that had none, betook themselves to flight. Which the Romans observing, charged more furiously with their Slings and Engines, some they wounded, others they slew, and made Steps of their dead Bodies out of eagerness to ascend the wall: neither was there any one that made a stop for greediness of Spoil. Thus Fortune found a Salvo for the Rashness of Marius, and procured him Honour from the Error of his Conduct.  
95. In the heat of this Action, L. Sylla the Quaestor, arrived at the Camp, with a great Body of Cavalry, which he was left at Rome to raise in Latium, and among the Confederate Allies. Now therefore since the opportunity puts us in mind of so great a Personage, it will not be amiss, briefly to say something of his Conditions and Education. For we shall have no occasion in any other place to make any farther mention of his Actions. Besides that L. Sisenna, who of all others that have written of him, has with greatest Industry and Fidelity pursued his History, seems to have been too sparing of his Commendations. Sylla therefore, was descended from a Noble Patrician Family, but gone to decay, and near extinct, through the Sloth of his Ancestors. He was equally skilled and accomplished both in the Greek and Latin Learning; of a lofty Courage, addicted to his Pleasures, but more greedy of Honour; luxurious at his vacant hours, yet his Pleasure never took him off from Business; only he might have better consulted his Reputation in the choice of a 
* For he married Valeria, one that over-wantonly courted him in the public Theatre.  Wife. He was eloquent, subtle, nothing coy of his Friendship, but easily familiar; but for dissimulation, and disguising his own Thoughts, the Depth of his Wit was incredible: liberal in his Gifts, but especially of his Money. Before the Civil War, the most happy Person living, his Fortune never surmounted his Industry; so that it was a Question which many could never decide, Whether he were more Fortunate or Virtuous. For as for his latter Actions, I am at a loss whether to repeat 'em with greater Grief, or greater Shame.  
96. Sylla therefore when he arrived in Africa, and came once to be conversant in Marius' Camp; in a short time proved to be one of the most sedulous and expert of all the Roman Commanders. Moreover, he treated the Soldiers affably and kindly: liberal to many that asked him, to others of his own accord: in those things much more forward and willing then to pay his own Debts. He never demanded whatever he lent: making it his Study, rather that others should be beholding to him. His Custom was to jest and be merry, and sometimes to be serious with the meanest. He loved to be present with the Soldiers in all their Duties of working, marching and watching: neither would he all the while, according to the Custom of depraved Ambition, speak ill either of the Consul, or any other Person. Neither in Direction or Execution of any Orders, would he suffer any man to be before him, but was generally the foremost himself. And these were the Ways and Means by which he endeared himself both to Marius and won the Affections of the Soldiers.  
97. In the mean time Jugurth, after he had lost Capsa, and several other Towns, strongly fortified and of great importance to his Affairs, besides a vast Treasure, sent Messengers to Boccbus, to hasten his Army into Numidia; for that now was the Time to decide the Controversy by Battle one way or other. But when he perceived him to procrastinate and spin out the time, then full of doubts, he began to consider the Advantages of Peace and War; and as before, renewed his former Practices of Bribing his chiefest Favourites. He also promises the Moor himself a Third Part of Numidia, upon Condition the Romans were either chased out of Africa, or that the War were so concluded, that he might enjoy the full extent of his Kingdom. With this Temptation Bocchus allured, hastens to Jugurth with a numerous Power of Men. Thus the two Armies being joined, as Marius was Marching to his Winter Quarters, about what time, scarce the tenth part of the day remained behind, they fell on furiously, believing the approaching Night, would be to them a Security were they overthrown; or if the Victors, could be no Impediment, because they were well acquainted with the Country: on the other side assuring themselves, that whether Victors or vanquished, the dark Night would be equally troublesome to the Romans. So that the Enemy was upon him ere the Consul had Intelligence of the approach of the Army; and before the Legions could be Embattell'd, or the Baggage disposed of and secured; before he had time to give the Signal, or give out his Orders, the Moors and Getulian Cavalry had charged our Men, not ranged in order, nor drawn up in warlike manner, but at a venture in single Troops and scattering Parties. The Romans thus surprised with sudden Fear, and unprovided, yet calling to mind their wont Valour, some betook themselves to their Arms, others defended their fellows while they made themselves ready: The Cavalry mounted, and hastened to stop the Enemy's Career; so that the Fight looked rather like a Rancounter of Freebooters than a Battle; observing neither Ensigns nor Ranks, Horse and Foot mixed one among another; some giving ground, others being slain: many, while stoutly engaged with their Adversaries, had the Enemy upon their Backs; neither Valour nor Steel were a sufficient Protection; for that the Enemy was more numerous, and made their Attacks on every side. For remedy whereof the Romans as well Veteranes as the raw Soldiers being instructed by their fellows, as Chance or Place gave them an opportunity, threw themselves into Oval Bodies, and so facing the Enemy every way substained their Fury with a much more safe resistance. All this while, Marius, thus hard put to it, was nothing at all dejected, nor showed the least sign of fear more than at any other time; but with his own Lifeguard which he had made choice of, not for favour but for their Bravery and Stoutness, flew from one place to another, relieving those that were over powered, and sometimes charging the Thickest of the Enemy, instructing 'em by acts of personal Examples; since as a General all Commands were vain in such a terrible Confusion. And now by this the day was well nigh spent, and yet the Enemy abated nothing of their Fury, but according to Jugurth's instructions relying upon the darkness of the night, rather pressed on more eagerly. When Marius taking resolutions from the necessity of his Affairs that he might have a place of Retreat orders his men to take possession of two small Hills that lay close adjoining one to another. Upon the least of these Hills, which was not spacious enough to pitch his Camp, there was a large Fountain of Water; the other more for his purpose, for that being high and steep, it wanted the less fortification. Therefore upon the first he commanded Sylla to keep a strict Guard with the Cavalry all the Night; He himself takes care to rally his Men, and to disengage 'em from among the Enemy who were in no less confusion than the Romans. Which done he retreats in a full Body to the second Hill. The two Kings being thus discouraged by the difficulty of the place from making any farther attempts however would not leave the Consul so, but lay all Night surrounding both the Hills with their extended Multitude. All the Night long the Enemy made great and many Fires, were merry and jocund, skipped and danced about and made several strange noises with their feet and throats, after their Barbarous Custom. The Kings themselves were puffed up, and full of high thoughts, because they had not been constrained to fly, but like Victors lay Besieging the Romans. But all these things were easily descernible by the light of the Fires to our Men from the higher ground, and gave them no small encouragement.  
99 Marius therefore emboldened to see the Enemy's defect of Discipline, commands a most exact Silence in his own Camp; not suffering the Trumpets to sound upon relieving the Watches, as they were wont to do, but as soon as Day began to peep, when the Enemy tired with their Jollity were gone to their repose, and all in a profound Sleep, of a sudden he causes all the Tributary Trumpeters, and all the Trumpeters of the several Cohorts, Troops and Legions all to sound together, and the Soldiers at the same time with loud shouts and Military clamours to rend the Air, and pour out of the Camp upon the Enemy. On the other side, the Moors and Getulians, wakened with the unusual and horrid noise, could neither fly, nor stand to their Arms; neither resolve nor prevent. In such a manner were they stupefied and hared with noise, clamour, tumult, terror, fright, amazement, want of succour, and the Inundation of the Enemy: and at length all routed and put to flight; most of their Arms and Military Ensigns taken, and more slain in that Battle then in all the Encounters before: for being scarce awake, and scared out of their Wits, they had not sense enough to fly.  
100 Marius thus a Victor, according to his first determination, hastened to his Winter Quarters, which he resolved to take up in the Sea Towns, for the conveniency of Provision. Yet in the height of his success ne'er the more negligent or puffed up, but as if still the Enemy had been in the field he Marched with his Army divided into four Battalions. Upon the Right-wing Sylla lead the Horse; the Left was guarded by A. Manlius with the Slingers and Darters, and a Cohort of Ligurians. In the Front and Rear he placed the Tribunes with certain Bands of light Armed foot. The Fugitives, as being little valued, and exactly acquainted with the Country, were put upon the Forlorns to to observe the Motion of the Enemy. The Consul, confined to no Place, as if there had been no other Overseers but himself, had an eye every where, was present with all, praised or reproved according to Desert. He road about completely armed, and made it his business to keep the Soldiers from straggling; no less vigilant, then as if he had been upon a March, to fortify his Camp, to set the Sentinels to order what Cohorts, what Auxiliary Horse should be upon the Guard without the Trenches, which to watch upon the Brest-works, within the Fortifications; and go the Rounds in Person, not so much mistrusting disobedience of his Commands, but that the Soldiers might be the more willing to endure hardship, when they beheld the General himself so painfully sharing their laborious Toil. And indeed Marius may be said both then and at other times, during the Jugurthin War, to keep his Army in awe rather by shame, than severity of Punishment, which many attributed to his Ambition; but others more soft in their censures, ascribed to his being enured to Hardship from his Cradle, which made him take pleasure in those things, which others looked upon as Tribulations. However it were, this is certain, He was no less profitable and successful to the Commonwealth, then if he had been the severest Commander in the World.  
101. Upon the fourth day, being not far from Cirta, the Scouts came all thundering into the Body of the Army: which was a certain sign the Enemy was at hand. But because they had been all several ways, and all brought the same Intelligence, the Consul uncertain which way to Embattel his Army, would not change any thing of his Order, as being already prepared to attend the Enemies coming with a Front every way.  
By this means he disappointed Jugurth's Expectations; for having divided his Forces into four Battalions, he made full account, that one or other of the Four, would have an opportunity to fall upon the back of the Enemies. In the mean time Sylla, who was first Attacked, after some few Exhortations to his Men, with several single Troops, joining Horse head to Horse head, he and several others, charge the Moors: the rest keeping firm in their Places, cover their Bodies from the Darts, that were flung at a distance; and if any of the Enemy came within their reach, he was sure to pay for his venturing. While the Horse were thus engaged, Bocchus with the Forces which his Son Volux had brought to reinforce his Army, and which were not in the last Fight, having stayed by the way, charges the Rear of the Romans. Then was Marius in the Front, where Jugurth found him play with a numerous Body; but the Numidian, understanding that Bocchus had charged the Romans in the Rear, privately with a small Company conveys himself to the Foot, and their cries out in Latin, which he had learned to speak at Numantia, that our Soldiers fought to no purpose, for that he had slain Marius but a little before with his own hand, and at the same time brandished his Sword all besmeared with the blood of a Common Trooper, whom after he had long fought him hand to hand, at length he slew. Which when the Soldiers heard, they were more astonished at the Cruelty of the Fact, than the Relation of the Messenger: at what time the Enemy resuming fresh Courage, press in more eagerly upon the Romans. And indeed they were within a very little of betaking themselves to their Heels, when Sylla, returning from the Rout of those which he first encountered, and charging the Moors in Front, put Bocchus immediately to flight. As for Jugurth, while he labours to support his own Men, and to keep the advantage of a Victory almost gained, being surrounded on every side by the Horse and all his followers slain, breaks through the thickest of his Enemies alone. Marius in the mean time, having put the Horse to flight, hastens to the Relief of his own Men, who as he was told were ready to give ground. But then the Enemy being utterly broken and routed on every side, hideous was the Tragic Spectacle that presented itself over all the Field; Pursuing, flying, kill, taking: many wounded, bleeding, striving and staggering along, till fainting, down they fell: the surface of the Earth, as far as you could see, all strewed with Weapons, Arms, and mangled Carcases; and all the spaces between filled up with clotted gore.  
102. Thus the Consul after two great Victories obtained, arrived at Cirta: where about five days after the last Battle, he was attended by Ambassadors from Bocchus, who in the Name of the King their Master, request the General to send him two Commissioners of his most faithful Friends, with whom he had a desire to treat of several things that concerned both his own and the welfare of the Roman People. Thereupon the Consul presently orders L. Sylla, and A. Manlius to go along with the Ambassadors. These Gentlemen though they were sent for by the King, and ought first to have heard his proposals, yet they were clearly for speaking first, either to abate his Courage, if they found him incensed against the Romans, or else render him more pliable to their Conditions, if they perceived him inclinable to Peace. Whereupon Sylla, to whose Eloquence, not his years, Manlius gave the precedency, in few words delivered himself to this effect.  
King Bocchus, more than ordinary has been our joy, for that the Gods have inspired the Breast of such a Man, at length rather to make choice of Peace than War, nor any longer to contaminate thy Dignity, by intermixing Interests, thyself the best of Men with the worst of Caitiffs, Jugurth: while we at the same time are freed from a bitter necessity of prosecuting as well Thee beguiled and led astray, as Him debauched in Villainy, Besides that from the very Infancy of their State, the Romans have always deemed it much more noble to covet Friends then Slaves: as thinking it more safe to Rule the wilingly submissive, than such as they constrained to forced Subjection. Nor can any Mortal reap a greater benefit from our Friendship then thyself: as being in the first place far remote: So that the occasions of injury can seldom or never happen, but the opportunities of mutual assistance will be as equally balanced as if we were near at hand: In the next place we have Subjects enough; but neither we nor any Potentate living, can boast to have more friends than are needful. And I wish to Heaven thou hadst followed those determinations at the beginning; for certainly by this time thou hadst reaped far greater Advantages from the Roman People, than hitherto thou hast suffered prejudice. But in regard that Fortune governs the greatest part of human Affairs, and since it has been her Pleasure, Thou shouldst make trial as well of our Force as of our Favour; now, since she affords the Opportunity, make haste to embrace it, as thou hast begun, proceed. Thou hast many and fair Advantages, to redeem thy former oversights by succeeding Kindnesses. Lastly, let this descend into thy Breast, that the Roman People were never outdone in Gratitude. For what their Courage is in War, thou knowest thyself.  
To this Bocchus briefly returns a fair and plausible Answer, in extenuation of his former Errors, That he did not take Arms with any Hostile design, but only to secure the Kingdom: for that he could not brook, that Part of Numidia, whence Jugurth had been expelled, being his own by right of War, should be laid waist by Marius: besides that having sent his Ambassadors formerly to Rome, his friendship was rejected; but that now laying aside all past Grudges, with the good liking of Marius, he would send another Embassy to the Senate. But after he had obtained leave, the Barbarian altered his Resolutions overruled by the Importunity of his Friends, whom Jugurth understanding of Manlius and Sylla's being sent to the King, and mistrusting their Errand, had Bribed with great Presents.  
103. Marius in the mean while, haing disposed of his Army into their Winter Quarters, with the Light Armed Cohorts, and part of the Cavalry takes a swift March toward the Deserts, to besige the Royal Tower, where Jugurth had placed all his Fugitives in Garrison. And then again it was, that Bocchus, either considering with himself what had befallen him in the two last Battles, or else being better advised by his Friends and Favourites, whom Jugurth had left unbribed; or else scorned his Pensions, out of the vast variety of his Kindred and Relations, of which he had a numerous Train, he picks five, the most Trusty and the most able he could make choice of. These he sends his Ambassadors first to Marius, and from thence, if he thought fit, orders likewise to go in the same Quality to Rome: with Plenipotentiary power upon any Terms to put an end to the War, and in all other Matters to act and conclude at their Discretion. They make haste to the Winter Quarters of the Romans. But being met upon the Road by certain Getulian Freebooters and robbed of all their Equipage, frighted as they were, and meanly habited, they fly to Sylla's Quarters, whom Marius upon his March into the Deserts, had left Praetor in his room.  
These Men did Sylla treat not as vain and fickle Enemies, but genteel and Bountifully supplied their wants. So that the Barbarians finding Sylla so munificent and so friendly withal, readily altered their Opinion of the Roman Avarice. For in those very days many there were that understood not the reason of expensive Liberality; only a Man was accounted munificent, because his Bounty seemed his voluntary Act, and all Gifts were looked upon as Retalliations, or in expectation of Kindness. Therefore they discover Bocchus' Instructions to Sylla, and withal beseech him to stand both their Friend and their Adviser. They extol the Strength, the Integrity, and Grandeur of the King their Master, not omitting any thing that might be advantageous to their Negotiation, or to gain the good will of the Praetor. Nor did Sylla scruple to promise 'em all Assistance, but gave 'em full Instructions how to manage their Affairs, how to behave themselves as well toward Marius, as before the Lords of the Senate, and thus recruited and directed, they waited about forty days for the Consul's return.  
104. At what time Marius not succeeding in his Design, returned for Cirta; where being informed of the arrival of the Ambassadors, he sends for them, and Sylla, together with L. Bellienus the Praetor from Utica, as also from all other Parts, for all that were of the Senatorian Degree. In their presence he makes known the Commands of Bocchus to his Ambassadors, and gives 'em leave to repair to Rome; but in the mean while the Consul demands a Cessation of Arms. These Proceedings were approved by Sylla and the greatest Part: some few were more hot and furious in their Opinions, ignorant of Human Affairs, which being inconstant and subject to a thousand Accidents, often alter for the worse. At length the Mows having obtained all their desires, three of 'em set forward toward Rome with Octavius Bufo, who being Treasurer at War, had brought the Money into Africa, which was to pay the Army. The other two returned back to the King; and gave him an account of their Proceedings; in Conclusion highly magnifying Sylla's great civility and kindness. At Rome, after the Ambassadors had submissively confessed the King's oversights, as being lead away by the Insinuations of Jugurth, and humbly desired a League and mutual Amity, the following Answer was returned.  
The Senate and People of Rome are mont to be no less mindful of Kindnesses than Injuries. But as for Bocchus, because they find him Penitent, they pardon his Offence. A League and Friendship shall be granted him, when he deserves it.  
These things being made known to Bocchus, by Letters he desires Marius to send Sylla to him, that according to his pleasure and good liking, there might be a final Conclusion of all differences. Thereupon he was dispatched away with a Guard of Horse and Foot, the Balearic 
a Which were taken from the Islands of Majorca and Minorca; accounted the best Slingers in the World; for that they never missed their Aim, and slung their Darts with that force, as if they had been sent out of an Engin.  Slingers; together with the Archers, and the Pelignian Cohort, with their 
b Which were only a Sword a Javelin, and a light Buckler.  Light Arms, for expeditions sake: with those slighter Arms as well defensive as offensive, no less secured, then by Arms of greater Force, from the Darts of the Enemy, which were as slight and easily avoided. Upon the Road, after they had travelled five days, of a sudden Volux showed himself in the open Field with about a Thousand Horse, who riding scattered and without any Order, not only seemed to be more than they were, but begot a kind of mistrust of Hostile Treachery both in Sylla and all the rest. Thereupon every one began to make ready, to fix their Weapons, and put themselves into a Posture of defence. Something of Fear, but more of Hopes, as being Victors, and to fight against those whom they had often vanquished. But in the midst of this hurry, the Vancurriers that scouted before, returning brought word, that all were friends. Then Volux coming up called to speak with the Quaestor, and told him, that he was sent by his Father Bocchus to meet him and attend him as his Convoy. So that the Moors and Romans joined together and Marched all the next day without any mistrust one of another. But in the Evening so soon as the Camp was pitched, Volux with fear and disorder in his Countenance, comes galloping to Sylla and informs him, that he was ascertained by his Spies, that Jugurth was at hand, and therefore with great Importunity entreats and beseeches him privately in the dead of the Night to consult his own safety by speedy flight. But Sylla with an undaunted Courage denies that he feared the Numidian whom he had so often vanquished; that he was sufficiently assured of the Valour of his Soldiers; and though certain destruction stared him in the face, he would rather stand his ground; then deserting those that were committed to his Conduct, by shameful flight endeavour to spare a frail and uncertain Life, which perchance soon after, sickness might deprive him of. However he follows his advice to dislodg by Night: and to that purpose order the Soldiers to take their Suppers, make a great number of Fires, and at the first Watch without Noise or Tumult to be ready to March. The next morning by Sun rise, the Soldiers being wearied with travelling in the dark, Sylla pitches his Tents; at what time the Moorish Scouts bring Intelligence, that Jugurth lay within two Miles before 'em. Which news being spread in the Camp, our Men were not a little terrified, believing themselves betrayed by Volux, and brought into an Ambuscado. And some there were who cried out that such a Peice of Treachery ought not to escape unpunished, but that they should revenge themselves upon the Traitor with their own hands. But Sylla, though he thought the same, however he protected the Moor from any Injury: encourages his Men to behave themselves Valiantly; that it was not the first time a few Courageous and brave had Fought against a Multitude with Success; that the less they spared themselves in Battle, the more secure they were; and that it no way became any Man, who had Arms in his hands to expect safety from his unarmed feet; or in the midst of certain danger to turn the naked part of his Body toward the Enemy. After that, invoking the mighty Jupiter to be a witness of the Treachery and Falsehood of Bocchus, he commands Volux to depart the Camp, as one that might assist the Enemy. He on the other side with tears in his Eyes, beseeches the Legate not to have such mistrustful thoughts of him; that there was nothing of deceit in Bocchus, but that all proceeded from the subtlety of Jugurth, who had by his Spicss discovered his March: and therefore, in regard that Jugurth had no great Forces with him, besides that all his hopes and welfare depended upon his Father, desired him to believe the Numidian durst not make any open Attempt, where the Son of such a Father was present. For which reason he thought it the best way to March boldly through the middle of his Camp: and that for his part, he would accompany Sylla alone, either sending his Moor before, or leaving 'em behind in the same Place. This Counsel, as it happens in cases of the like nature, was approved, and so marching forthwith, because they came of a sudden, while Jugurth was doubtful and hesitating what to do, they passed without any opposition. After that, within a few days they arrived at their Journeys end.  
108. At the same time a certain Numidian, Aspar by Name, was very frequent and familiar with Bocchus, being sent before by Jugurth, cunningly and closely to pry into Bocchus' secret Resolutions. Besides him, there was also another, whose Name was Dabar, the Son of Massugrada, and Kinsman of Massinissa by the Mother's side (for his Father was the Son of a Concubine) highly caressed and favoured by the Moor, for his many excellent Endowments, whom Bocchus had also upon many occasions before found very faithful to the Romans. Him therefore he sends to Sylla, to let him understand, That the King was ready to perform whatever the Roman People commanded: That he himself should appoint the Day, the Place and Time for Conference: That he intended to keep all his Consultations with him entire and private: That he had no reason to be afraid of Jugurth's Ambassador: for that he was sent for on purpose, to the end the Common Good might be debated with more freedom; there being no other way to prevent the Frauds and Wiles of Jugurth. But in my Opinion Bocchus kept the Treaty afoot both with Romans and Numidians, rather out of a Punic Piece of Treachery, then upon those Pretences which he publicly spread abroad: and that he had frequently Combats in his Mind, whether to deliver up Jugurth to Us, or Sylla to Him; while his Natural Inclinations pleaded against Us, but his Fears persuaded for Us. However it were, Sylla made Answer, that he should say little before Aspar; the rest privately, none or very few being present. He likewise tells Dabar what Answer he expected. After this, both meeting according to appointment, Sylla tells the King, That he was sent by the Consul, to know whether he were for Peace or War. Then the King, as it was agreed between 'em, desired him to return again the Tenth day after, That he could determine nothing at that time, but that then he would give him his Answer. Thus both departed to their several Camps. But when the Night was far spent, Sylla was privately sent for by Bocchus, and faithful Interpreters made choice of on both sides. Or rather, Dabar, with consent of both Parties, a Person of clear Integrity, was sworn to interpret truly between 'em: and then the King thus began.  
110. I never thought it would have come to pass, that being a King, the Greatest of all within this Continent and of all the most Powerful that I know of, should ever have been reduced to be obliged to a private Person. And truly, Sylla, before I knew Thee, I have succoured many that sued to me, others of my own accord, never in need of Relief myself. This Diminution of my Dignity which others are wont to lament, makes me rejoice. It is my Happiness to stand in need of thy Friendship, than which there can be nothing dearer to my Soul. Of this make Trial: Arms, Men, Money, whatever thou hast a mind to, take and use: and as long as thou liv'st, ne'er think thy Friendship sufficiently remunerated: which I shall always deem a Debt that never can be repaid: for in my Opinion it is less dishonourable to a Prince to be overcome by force of Arms, then in Munificence. Now as to the Affairs of your Republic, in the behalf of which you here are come to Treat, thus much in short. I never made War upon the People of Rome, nor ever consented to a War. Only in defence of the Confines of my Kingdom, the Armed I opposed with Arms. But let that pass: Continue as you please yourselves, the War with Jugurth. I will never so much as stir over the River Mulacha, the Bounds between me and Micipsa, neither will I ever suffer Jugurth to pass it. Moreover if there be any thing farther that you require of me fit for me to grant, or you to ask, you shall not return with a Repulse.  
111. To this Sylla, as to what concerned himself, made Answer concisely and modestly: in reserence to the Peace, and the Common Affairs, he discoursed at large. Lastly, He gave the King to understand, that the Senate and People of Rome would not take it for any obligation what he had last promised, as being much superior to him both by Sea and Land: That there was something to be done, that might seem to show him more zealous of their Welfare then his own Interest. Which he had an Opportunity to do, as having Jugurth in his Power: who, if he were by himself surrendered up to the Romans, there could not be a greater Obligation laid upon a grateful People: besides that the League, the Friendship, and that part of Numidia which he now sued for, would then be freely offered him. At first the King made a kind of slight Denial; pleaded Kindred, Affinity, and the League between 'em: then pretended his Fears of incurring the Hatred of the People, to whom Jugurth was dear, the Romans no less odious, should he falsify the Confidence reposed in him. At length o'ercome by Importunity, he submits, and promises to do whatever Sylla desired him. Then they settle all things which were thought necessary to make a show of including the Numidian within the Peace, which he most earnestly desired, as being quite weary of the War. And so the Plot being laid, they take their Leaves for that time.  
112. The next day the King sends for Aspar, who was Jugurth's Agent, and tells him, That Dabar had fished out of Sylla, that the War might be composed upon Conditions: and that therefore he should do well to know the King's Mind. Thereupon, he hastens with great Joy to Jugurth's Camp. From whom after he had taken full Instructions, away he posts again, and in eight days returns to Bocchus, and assures him, that Jugurth was ready to yield obedience to whatever was imposed upon him; only that he durst not confide in Marius: for that formerly Articles of Peace concluded with the Roman Generals had been voted ineffectual. And therefore if Bocchus intended the Welfare of Both, and desired a firm Ratification of the Agreement, that he should make it his Business, that they might meet all three together, under pretence of concluding the Peace, and then that he should deliver Sylla into his hands; for that when he had such a Person at his disposal, the League would of necessity be confirmed by the Command of the Senate and People of Rome; who were not wont to suffer a Person of his Dignity, (not enslaved by his own Oversight, but in the Service of the Commonwealth) to lie long in the Power of the Enemy.  
113. This the Moor, revolving daily several Imaginations in his Mind, at length promised to do. But whether Fraud or Ingenuity were the Motives that occasioned his delay, we never could be fully satisfied. For as the Determinations of Princes are quick and hasty, so are they no less inconstant, and frequently repugnant one to another. Soon after, the Place and Time being fixed where they were to meet all three together for the Conclusion of the Peace, Bocchus sometimes sends for Sylla, sometimes for Jugurth's Agent; entertains both with equal. Civility, and promises to both the same thing: on the other side, they are both well pleased, and both alike full of successful Expectations. But upon the Night preceding the Day appointed for the Conference, the Moor, sending for his Friends, and by and by altering his resolutions, and dismissing 'em again, was a long time in a great Agitation of Mind alone by himself; by his Looks the going and coming of his Colour, by his Actions and Gestures showing no less Disturbance of Body then of Mind; which during the silence of Utterance, he displayed in the alterations of his Countenance. However, at length he sends for Sylla, and by his Direction lays the Plot to entrap the Numidian. To which purpose, when the Day was come, and that News was brought him, that Jugurth was not far off, as it were to honour his Confederate, accompanied with some few Friends together with our Questor, he rides up a little Hillock in view of those that lay in Ambush: Whither the Numidian approaching with some few, the most of his Kindred unarmed, upon the Signal given, he is surrounded by the Ambuscado. The rest were all cut in pieces; Jugurth in Chains is delivered to Sylla, and by him guarded to Marius.  
114. At the same time, two of our Generals, Q. Coepio and M. Manlius fought with bad Success against the 
* Or rather the Cimbrians.  Gauls. Which put all Italy into a great Consternation. For not only of ancient times, but even in our days, the Romans held this for a Maxim, that all other Erterprises lay prostrate to their Courage, but that with the Gauls they contended for Safety, not for Honour. But after the Numidian War was at an end, and that the News arrived, how Jugurth was coming in Chains to Rome, Marius was again made Consul in his absence, and the Province of Gallia decreed him. About the middle of January, with great Honour he made his Triumphal 
* After which Jugurth was thrown naked into a Dungeon, where in six days he starved himself to Death.  Entry into the City: and from that time forward the Hopes and Welfare of the Commonwealth were all entirely fixed in Him.  
The End of the Jugurthine War.   

FRAGMENTS Out of other HISTORIES OF SALLUST.  

The Oration of M. Aemilius Lepidus, Consul to the People of Rome, against Sylla.  
YOUR Clemency and Integrity, most Worthy Romans, which have rendered ye so great and famous above other Nations, create in me a more than ordinary fear of the Progress of L. Sylla's Tyranny, lest while you ne'er suspect in others, what in yourselves you deem abominable, you be beguiled and circumvented (especially since all his hopes are grounded upon Villainy and Perfidiousness, and that he does not think himself otherwise safe, then by proving far worse and more detestable than you can fear him to be, that so your Miseries may exempt ye, his Slaves as he accounts ye, from the care of your Liberty) or if ye provide for yourselves, that ye may be employed rather in fending off your apparent dangers then in revenge of offered violence. The Pensioners of his Guard, Men that make a great Figure in the world, and no less eminent for imitating the worthy Examples of their Ancestors, I cannot too sufficiently admire, to see how they enslave themselves, to tyrannise, over you; choosing Both out of a natural inclination to Injustice, rather than uprightly and legally to live in Freedom. Most noble Offspring of the Brutus', the Aemilius', and the Lutatii; born to subvert those things which their Forefathers purchased by their Virtue and their Courage. For then, what else did They defend, but their Liberty and their native Mansions from the Violence of Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philip and Antiochus, that we might not be obedient to any but our own Laws? All which, this same cruel Romulus, as if wrested from Foreigners, holds fast in his own Possession; not satiated with the slaughter of so many Armies, nor of the Consul, nor of so many others of the Principal Nobility whom the Fortune of the War had destroyed; but then more cruel, when prosperity turns the hearts of other Men from Fury to Compassion: The only Person in the World, since the memory of Man, that ever invented punishments for those that were to come; who were certain to be wronged before they were born: and became most wickedly secure in the Inhumanity of his barbarous proceedings, while you, for fear of more grievous servitude, were deterred from the recovery of your Liberty. But you must to work, and make head against this Torrent, lest your spoils come once to be at his Command. 'Tis now no time to dally, or to stay for Succour in answer of our Prayers. Unless you hope, that either a weary, or ashamed of his Tyranny, he will venture to quit with danger, what he has ravished into his Possession by violence. But he has gone so far' that he accounts nothing Honourable but what is safe, and deems all things just and honest that serve to uphold his Usurpation. Therefore that same Rest and Tranquillity with freedom, which many good Men rather chose then labour accompanied with Honour, are now quite vanished from the World. At this time we must either serve, or domineer, Most worthy Romans, be afraid ourselves, or be a terror to others. For what is more to be expected? What is there, either Human or Divine that has escaped without Pollution? The Roman People, ere while the Lords of Nations despoiled of all Command, their Glory and their Privileges, without life or motion, and contemned as useless, have hardly left 'em the allowances of Slaves: a great number of our Allies and all the Latins, whom you for many and important services, made partakers of your Franchises, are now prohibited by one; and a few Life Guard-Pensioners possess the hereditary Habitations of the Innocent Commonalty, as the wages of their Villainies. Our Laws, our judicial Proceedings, the Public Treasures, the Provinces, nay Kings themselves, are all at the Disposal of one man's Will: in a word, absolute Power of Life and Death lies prostrate at the Pleasure of a single Tyrant. Ye have beheld at the same time human Victims offered to his Fury, and the Sepulchers of the slain besmeared with Civil Blood. Does there any thing then more remain for Men to act; then either to dissolve the Injustice, or to die Courageously? For Death has still determined the same end to all Men, though environed and immured in Steel; nor is there any Man that waits the last constraint of Fate, afraid to dare, unless effeminately abject. But I am Seditious, as Sylla terms me, because I seem to affect the rewards of Tumult and Faction; and a promoter of War, for redemanding the Privileges and Rights of Peace. That is to say, because you never will be otherwise secure, or safe in your Empire, till Vettius Picens, and the Notary Cornelius have made a wasteful sale of other men's Estates acquired by Pains and Industry: unless you approve all the Proscriptions of the Innocent, because they were wealthy; the Tortures of Illustrious Men; the City laid Desolate by Banishment and Slaughter: and the Estates of your Afflicted Fellow-Citizens, either sold or given away in Recompenses, like the Cimbrians spoils.  
But he Objects against me Possessions bought with the Plunder of Persons proscribed. Which was indeed the most enormous of all. his own Committed Crimes, that neither myself, nor any man else could be safe, if we acted fairly and honestly. However what I then purchased out of fear, when I had paid down my money, I restored to the Right Owners: Neither is it my design to make a prey of any of my Fellow-Citizens. Certainly, those Calamities might have been sufficient, which infected with the same Fury, we suffered for a while; Roman Armies sharply encountering one another, and Foreign Weapons turned upon our own Breasts. Let there be end of all these Injuries and Oppressions. Of which Sylla is so far from repenting, that he gloried in what he had done, and might he but have been permitted, would have far more greedily perpetrated. Neither now do I fear, what your Opinion is concerning him, but how far you dare adventure: lest while ye stand gaping one upon another, who should lead ye on, ye be prevented (not by his Forces, which are inconsiderable and weak, but by your own Cowardice) ere you are prepared to anticipate him, and be so far happy as you shall dare to act. For setting aside the Debauched Pensioners of his Guard, who takes his part? Rather, who does not desire a Change of all things, excepting Victory? Surely not the Soldiery that have only spilt their blood to enrich Tarrula and Scyrrus, the worst of Slaves: Certainly, not they, before whom Fusidius was preferred when advanced to several Offices; a Beastly male-Chambermaid, a defilement and Scandal to all Honours. And therefore I have a great Confidence in the Victorious Army, who after all their Wounds and Hardship, have only gained a Tyrant. Unless they went about to subvert the Tribunitial Authority, which their Ancestors erected by force of Arms; or to wrest out of their own hands their Laws and Privileges. Rarely well repaid indeed, when sent back again to the Bogs and Woods, they found their wages, I mean contempt and hatred, to be at the Disposal of a few. Why then does he March with such a Body, and so elated in mind? Because Prosperity wonderfully obscures and mantles Vice. But when this Prosperity begins to fail, then as formidable as he was before, as much will he be afterwards contemned and scorned unless pretence of Peace and Concord give him Confidence, which has appropriated Names to his Villainy and Parricide. For, says the Tyrant, the Roman People otherwise can have no end of War, unless the Commonalty, expelled from their Inheritances, to Him become a Civil Booty; unless the Right and Arbitrement of all things be at his disposal, which formerly belonged to the People of Rome. Which if you acknowledge to be Peace and Concord, approve the most pernicious plagues and grievances that can befall the Commonwealth: embrace Leisure with Servitude; and transmit to Posterity a Precedent, that once the People of Rome were deluded and fooled at the expense of their own Blood. For my own part, though as you see, By this same High Command I have as much as in reason I can well desire, to keep up the Grandeur of my Ancestors, to support my own Reputation, and to secure myself, 'twas never my design to Study my Private Interest, as preferring a dangerous and hazardous Liberty before quiet servitude. Which if it be your opinion likewise, resume your wont Courage, and with the Favour of the Gods follow the Consul M. Aemilius, your Captain and Leader, for the recovery of your Liberty.   

The Oration of L. Philippus against Lepidus.  
THere is nothing which I more eagerly desire, Conscript Fathers, than the Tranquillity of the Commonwealth; or that it should be defended when in danger, by the Stoutest and most forward of its Members. In a word I heartily wish, that all wicked erterprises may prove the ruin of the Contrivers. On the other side, all the whole Frame of Government is unhinged by Factions; and these Factions encouraged by those whom it rather became to endeavour their total Suppression and Extirpation: and what the worst and most extravagant of men's decree, the most virtuous and most prudent are obliged to execute. A War at present you believe unreasonable, yet you must take Arms, because forsooth, 'tis Lepidus' pleasure; but perhaps there may be some that love Peace best, yet can endure War. Good Gods! that Men should rule this City, yet lay aside all Care of Governing. M. AEmilius, of all Flagitious Caitiffs the most wicked, and whether more Villain or more Coward cannot well be determined, has got an Army to oppress your Liberty, and he that was contemned has made himself more formidable while you sit whispering together, and regardless of the sayings and the Prophecies of the Sibyls, seem rather to wish for Peace then to defend it: not understanding, that by the Lenity of your Decrees you lessen your own Authority, and render him exempt from fear. And that deservedly: since he has obtained the Consulship by Rapine, and a Province together with an Army, to carry on Sedition and Faction. What would he have received for his good Services, whose vile misdeeds ye have so liberally rewarded? It was perhaps, because that they who even to the last, gave up their Votes for Legates, Peace, Concord and the like, were favoured and promoted by him. No; for They, despised, and thought unworthy of the Commonwealth, were looked upon as only fit to be made Booty of; as suing again for Peace with the same fears which they had about 'em when they lost it. Truly at the very beginning, when I saw Hetruria in Rebellion, the proscribed Persons recalled, and the Republic rend and torn with Bribes and Pensions, I thought it high time to hasten, and with some few others followed the advice of Catulus. But they who extolled the Aemilian Family for their good Services, and magnified the Roman People for augmenting their Grandeur by Pardoning and Clemency, never discerned that Lpidus also was a Branch of the same Stock: when he took up Arms as a private Person to subvert their Liberty, every one labouring after wealth, or the Protections of great Personages, destroyed the Public Interest. And then was Lepidus a mere Robber surrounded with Camp-Boys, and some few Ruffianly Bravoes: among whom there was not one that did not value a days wages above his life. Now he is a Proconsul in high Command, not purchased; but conferred upon him by yourselves, with Leiutenants as yet Legally obedient: and to him resorted Men of all Degrees the most corrupt and vicious; inflamed with lust and want: whirled to and fro with the Gild of their Crimes: people never at rest but in Sedition; in peace most turbulent: sowing Tumult upon Tumult, and War upon War; the Pensioners of Saturninus formerly, afterwards of Sulpitius; then of Marius and Damasippus, and now of Lepidus. Besides Hetruria up in Arms, and all the Embers of extinguished Wars now breaking forth again: Both Spain's Solicited to Insurrection, Mithridates the next Neighbour to our Tributaries, by whom we are as yet supported, watches round about an Opportunity for Invasion: so that there is nothing but a proper Captain wanting to subvert the whole Body of the Empire. Which I beseech and implore ye, Conscript Fathers, to consider; and that you will not suffer Licentious Villainy like a pestilence, by contagion to infect the sound. For when Rewards attend the wicked, there's no man easily will addict himself to virtue gratis. Do ye think it fit to wait till with a new embodied Army they once more invade the City with Fire and Sword? Which seems much more like and nearer to its present Condition, then from Civil War to Peace and Concord. A War which he has inflamed in contempt of all things both Divine and Human; not for any wrong done either to himself or at least as he pretends to others, but for the Subversion of our Laws and Liberties. For he is tortured and harassed in his mind with Ambition, and dread of ill success, void of Counsel and Restless; Trying this, attempting that, he fears Tranquillity, hates War, foresees a Curb upon his Luxury and Licentiousness, and in the mean time makes an Abusive Advantage of your Remissness. Which I know not what to call, whether Fear, or Sloth or Madness. While every one singly seems to pray that the threatening mischief, may not like Lightning dart upon himself, but no man stirs an inch to prevent the gathering Cloud. I beseech ye consider how the Natural Order of things is ranversed. Formerly public Contrivances of mischief against the State were secretly carry`d on; the Remedies openly provided; and by that means good Men had the Advantage of the Wicked: Now Peace and Concord are openly disturbed, but secretly defended. They who delight in War and public Calamity are up in Arms, and you in fear and Consternation. What are your Hopes? unless perhaps you are ashamed, or look upon it as an irksome Toil to do your Duty. Do the Commands of Lepidus, appease your Indignation? Who tells ye, 'tis his pleasure that every Man should have his own, yet has nothing but what belongs to other Men: who would have all Claims of War cancell`d, yet all the while compels by force of Arms: who desires the Freedom of the City to be confirmed, yet denies the Citizens their Franchises of which they were deprived; who for Concord's sake would have the Tribunitian Power restored to the Commons, from maintenance of which all our Discords have derived their Original. Most villainous and impudent of all Mankind, canst thou be thought to mind the wants, the grievances and lamentations of thy Fellow Citizens, who canst call nothing thy own, unless what forcibly thou hast gained by Plunder and Rapine? Thou standest for a second Consulship, as if thou hadst resigned the First. Thou seekest for Peace by that same very War, by which it was disturbed when fairly once obtained: Traitor to Us, faithless to Them; the Enemy of all good People; regardless both of Gods and Men whose Laws Divine and Humane thou hast violated by Treason and Perjury. Who being what Thou art, I advise thee to continue thy Resolutions, and not to quit thy Arms; nor to keep Us in continual Cares and Anxieties, thyself so restless when Seditions are delayed. Neither Provinces nor Laws nor Household Gods allow thee for a Citizen? Go on then, as thou hast begun, that so thou mayst the sooner meet with thy Reward. But as for You, Conscript Fathers, how long will you by tedious lingering suffer the Commonweath to be in jeopardy, and only talk of taking Arms in its Defence? Soldiers are daily listed against ye; vast sums both publicly and privately extorted: The Laws commanded to be serviceable to Ambition, Will and Pleasure, while you sit voting Lieutenants, and considering what Decrees to make. And upon my word, the more earnestly you sue for Peace, so much the sharper the War will be, when he finds himself more strongly suported by your fears, then by the Justice of his Cause. For they that tell ye they abominate Tumults, and the Slaughter of their Fellow Citizens, and for that reason detain ye unarmed from opposing Lepidus in Arms, believe you will more readily, suffer what the vanquished must endure, when ye so loosely brook what might be in your power to chastise. Thus they dissuade him from Peace with you, and you from War with him. If these things please ye; if such a Lethargy benumb your Senses, that forgetful of Cinna's Devastations, upon whose return to the City, all Majesty and Degrees of Dignity were trampled under foot, you will nevertheless surrender up yourselves, your Wives and Children to Lepidus, what need of more Decrees? to what Purpose the Assistance of Catulus? in vain both he and all good men take care to support the Commonwealth. Do as you think fit; sue to Cethegus and other Traitors for their Protections, that long to glut themselves with new Rapines and Conflagrations, and to brandish once more their naked Swords against their Household Gods. But if Liberty and Justice be more acceptable; Let your Decrees become your Grandeur; and fortify the Commonwealth with men of Virtue and Courage. There is a new raised Army at hand; moreover Colonies of Veterane Soldiers, all the Nobility, most expert Commanders, and Fortune ready to attend the Best. In a short while the Forces already mustered together will disband and melt away through our Remissness. Wherefore it is my Opinion clearly, since Lepidus of his own head is Marching to the City with an Army composed of Russians and Enemies to the Commonwealth, in contempt of the Authority of this Senate. that Appius Claudius, as 
* In Latin Interrex, who was a great Officer created by the Romans in troublesome Times when the Grand Elections could not proceed through the Sickness or Rebellion of the Consul: whose Dignity lasted only five days, at the end of which he surrendered his Dignity to another.  King pro tempore together with Q. Catulus, and others that are at present in Command, be appointed to guard the City, and to take care that no Detriment befall the Commonwealth.   

The Epistle of Cn. Pompey to the Senate.  
IF as your Enemy, and the Enemy of my Country, and your Household Gods, I had undergone as many Hardships and Dangers, as from my early Adolescency the most Barbarous of your Foes have been vanquished under my Conduct, and your Security thereby established, you could not have enacted any thing against me in my absence more severely, than your present Unkindness, Conscript Fathers, makes me sensible of. Me, whom exposed to a most cruel Enemy, 'ere scarce my Age was capable of Action, together with an Army most deserving, as much as lies within your power you have betrayed to perish for want of Food, the most miserable of all Deaths. Was it with this Design the Roman People sent their Sons to War? Are these the Guerdons of our Wounds, and Blood so often shed for the Honour of our Country? Tired out with writing and sending Messengers, I have wasted all my private Wealth and Hopes, While you for three Years time have scarce allowed me a single Years Expense. I call the Immortal Gods to witness, whether you think me to be a Bottomless Exchequer, and whether I am able to Support an Army without Food or Pay. I must confess indeed I hastened to this War with a more eager desire, then prudent Consideration; as one who having from you received the Title of General, in forty days levied an Army, and from the Alps drove back the Enemy already pressing upon the Neck of Italy, into Spain. Through them I opened another Passage, more than ever Hannibal did, and more convenient for our Marches. I recovered Gallia, the Pyrenaeans, Lace●ania 
a Parts of Cataloma.  and Jergetum, and with raw Soldiers, and much fewer in number stood the first shock of Victor Sertorius; and surrounded with a cruel and barbarous Enemy, wintered in the field, not in warm Quarters, nor of my own choice. But why should I enumerate Battles, or winter Expeditions, Towns levelled with the Earth, or taken by Composition? Deeds are more prevalent than Words. The Enemy's Camp surprised near the River 
b Now Xucar.  Subro, the Battle by the River Durius 
c Duero.  and C. Heremius chief Leader of a Potent Adversary, vanquished, and his Army with the City of Valencia utterly ruined, are sufficient Testimonies of the Truths I utter: For which, most grateful Fathers, you repay Us with want and starving Hunger. So that the Condition of mine, is no better than that of the Enemy's Army. Neither of the two are paid; and both ready to March Victors into Italy. Of which I put ye in mind, and beseech ye to take care That I may not be constrained to take private Resolutions in the midst of these Necessities. The hither Spain, of which the Enemy has no part, either ourselves or Sertorius have laid waist even to utter destruction, unless some Maritime Towns which are rather a burden and a charge to Us. The last year Gallia supplied the Army of Metellus with Corn and Money. Which now, by reason of bad and blasted Harvests is scarce able to support itself, And for my own part, I have not only wasted my particlar Estate, but lost all my Credit. Our last Hopes are in yourselves, who unless you relieve our distresses, must expect no other, than what I now foretell ye, and which I never shall be able to prevent, that the Army will March from hence, and with it all the whole War of Spain must be removed into Italy.   

The Oration of Marcus Licinius, Tribune of the People, to the Commonalty of Rome.  
IF, Worthy Romans, you were not well acquainted with the difference between the Rights and Privileges which you inherit from your Ancestors, and that same servitude designed by Sylla, my Discourse would then require a longer time, and it behoved me to instruct ye for what Oppressions, and how oft the Armed Commons made a separation from the Fathers. Now it suffices only to encourage ye, and first to lead the way, which I esteem most proper to redeem our Liberty. Nor am I ignorant, how vast a Power and Interest among the Nobility, I am about to pull down from domineering Usurpation, myself alone, without assistance and unguarded: only with the shadow of Magistracy: and how much safer it is for a whole Faction to act in Combination, then for Persons innocent to move singly by themselves. But besides the good Hopes which I have in you, This has overcome all my fears, that the Misfortunes of Contending are far more satisfactory to a generous Courage, than never at all to have contested. Tho all others who have been created Tribunes to secure your Franchises, have turned all their Power and Authority to your prejudice, o'er swayed by Favour, Hopes, or by Rewards; and rather chose to sin for Hire, then do justly Gratis. For these reasons they all submitted under the Domination of a Few, who by their Reputation in War have got Possession of the public Treasure, Armies, Kingdoms, Provinces, and make your spoils their Tower of safety: while you, the Multitude, like to many Sheep surrender your selus in Vassalage to this and t'other Paramounting Lord, despoiled of all those Blessings which your Forefathers left you. But perhaps it is, because as formerly you gave your Suffrages for Rulers, now you give the same for Masters. Therefore all your Tribunes flock to them; and if it be your chance to recover your own again, you shall see 'em upon the Turn of the Tide return to you again. For few have the Courage to defend what best they like; the tother are the stonger Party that fight in their own wrong. But can you dream of meeting an Obstruction when unanimous and resolute, from those that feared ye when remiss and negligent? unless you think that Cotta, a Consul of the middle Faction, restored some certain Privileges to the Tribunes for any other reason then out of fear: for though L. Sicinius, first adventuring to open his Mouth in behalf of the Tribunitian Power, was disappointed while you only muttered at it, yet they that opposed him first began to dread your Hatred, 'ere you would be brought to resent the Oppression. At which I never can sufficiently admire, most worthy Romans. For you knew it was a vanity to tyre your Expectations. After the Death of Sylla, who imposed that heavy Bondage, you thought that then the end of all your Mischiefs was at hand? But there sprung up a far more Cruel Catulus. A Tumult broke out when Brutus and Aemilius Mamerous were Consuls; But then C. Curio played the Tyrant, even to the fatal destruction of the innocent Tribune. You saw last year how furiously Lueullus threatened L. Quinctius, and wrought him from his Purpose. And lastly now, how I am plagued and harassed among 'em! A needless Trouble, would they but once surcease their Usurpation before you made an end of serving: Especially, seeing whatever are the pretences for their civil Broils, the main Contest on both sides is for Dominion over you. Those other Figments of Licentiousness, Hatred or Avarice are but Flashes that extinguish in a short Time. Only one thing continues permanent, the end at which both sides with ardour drive at: and that is to dispoilye perpetually of the Tribunitial Power, the only Buckler which your Ancestors provided to shield your Liberty, which I admonish and beseech ye to consider: and that you would not, oddly changing the Names of things to favour sloth, call Servitude Tranquillity; which it were not now a Season to enjoy, if Wickedness have vanquished Truth and Honesty; but had been, had You been altogether lulled asleep. Now therefore mind your Business: for unless ye overcome, since all Oppression is by its weight the more secure, they will be sure to press more bard upon ye. What's my Opinion, then, some one will say? First then, you must lay aside your present manner of Behaviour; Tongues let loose at random, Hearts of Mice; no longer mindful of your Liberty, then in the Public Place of Meeting. Neither do I exhort ye to those Masculine Proceedings, as when your armed Ancestors obtained Patrician Magistracy to be conferred upon the Tribunes by the free and unextorted Votes of the Senators: although, most worthy Romans, it be in your Power that what you suffer commanded now for others, you may either dispose or not dispose of for yourselves. Expect ye then great Jupiter, or some other Deity to be your Adviser? Those high Commands of the Consuls and Decrees of the Fathers you confirm by Execution; and hasten of your own accords, that Licence that is made use of to your prejudice. Nor do I advise ye to the revenge of Oppression, but rather to sit still and be quiet upon that Account. Neither desirous of discord as they recriminate upon me, but wishing an end of all disorders, do I repeat and recall to your Memory their Miscarriages; which is no more than the Law of Nations allows me: yet if they obstinately persist, 'tis neither Force of Arms, not a Secession that I encourage; only I exhort ye, that ye will no longer afford 'em the Advantage of shedding your Blood. Let 'em rule, and manage the Government after their own manner, let 'em hunt after Triumph; Let 'em prosecute Mithridates, Sertorius, and the remainder of the Exiles, to dignify their Illustrious Statues. Let not them incur the hazard and the danger that have no part of the Profit: unless you think your Services repaid by that same sudden Frumentarian Law. A mighty purchase, to value your Liberty at Five Bushels of Wheat, which is no more than the Allowance allotted to the Prisoners in the Common Goal. For as that same sorry Pittance keeps 'em from starving, yet decays their strength; so neither is so small a Portion sufficient to support Your Families; but frustrates the slender hopes of every Coward. Which, though large and munificent, considering it to be the Hopes of Servitude, yet what a piece of sottishness it is to be deluded, and to be thankful for your own deuce, so parsimoniously scattered among you? For any other way they neither could prevail, nor durst they strive against ye all in General. Nor are you less to guard yourselves against their cunning Artifices. For therefore it is they give ye good words on purpose to amuse and put ye off, till the return of Pompey. Whom though they reverence and dread at present, and carry about exalted upon their Shoulders, yet when those fears are over, you shall hear, how they will rend and mangle his Reputation. Neither are these Assertors of Liberty, as they pretend themselves, ashamed to acknowledge their own weakness, so many without one, neither daring to forgive an Injury, nor being able to defend their Rights. For I am certainly convinced, that as for Pompey, a young Gentleman of such high and early Renown, will rather choose to be your Chieftain with your own Consent and Approbation, then associate with them in Tyranny and Usurpation; and that you will find him no less forward to assert the Tribunitian Authority. However worthy Romans, in former times, 'twas the Custom for particular Citizens to have Protection of many; never did the entire Body of the People rely upon one single Person: neither was it in the Power of any one particular Man to dispose by Gift, or tear away such Privileges. Therefore we have said enough. Neither is it a matter closed up in Ignorance. But I know not what Stupidity has seized your understandings, that neither Honour, nor vile Oppression can move ye: you have made a base Exchange of all your former Bravery, for a little present Idleness; believing you enjoy sufficient Liberty, because your Backs are spared or else because you are admitted to the Public shows, the Munificences of your wealthy Lords and Masters, Privileges indeed not granted to the Country Peasants; who are slaughtered and crushed to death between the Contentions of the Potent; or bestowed in free Gift upon the Magistrates in their Provinces. Thus a few both fight and vanquish: But the Victory, whatever happens, lights heavy upon the Commons: and daily will do more and more: while they are so industirous to defend their Usurpations, you so negligent to redeem your Liberty.   

A Copy of a Letter sent from Mithridates' King of Pontus, to Arsaces' King of the Parthians.  
KIng Mithridates to King Arsaces, Greeting. All men who are invited to a Confederacy in War, ought well to consider with themselves whether at that time it be at their choice or no to live in Peace; then whether what is by the Sword contended for, be honourable, safe, and just, or wicked and illegal. 'Tis true; Thou mightest perhaps enjoy perpetual Peace, wert thou not so near a Neighbour to the most wicked and vexatious of Enemies; and were it not for that same high Renown that will attend thy prosperous success in subduing the Romans. Nor had I otherwise adventured to crave thy Alliance, out of a vain hope to recover my loft Affairs, by blending my Misfortunes with thy Triumphs. Now, that there should be no delay of this Conjunction, if thou wilt but rightly consider the Conjuncture of Affairs, the storm of a new War at this time threatening Tigranes, and my own unfortunate Condition, are at present the greatest Arguments that may be. For He, surrounded with his fears, will accept of an Alliance upon any Terms. And for myself, my adverse Fortune, after many Losses, has rendered Me more fit to give the best of Counsel upon all Occasions. And what the Prosperous wish for most, Me you shall have daily before your Eyes a Precedent, what to embrace, what to refrain in all your future Conduct. For there is one and the same cause of warring against the Romans common to all People, Nations and Princes, a profound Ambition of Empire and thirst after the Riches of the World; which was the only occasion of their first War with Philip the Macedonian King. While the Carthaginians pressed hard upon 'em, they craftily diverted the Relief of Antiochus with a feigned Concession of all Asia. Yet no sooner was Philip vanquished, but Antiochus was despoiled of all his Territories on this side, 
* If the Talents were of Silver, it makes the sum one Million two hundred and fifty thousand pound Sterling: if of Gold, Four hundred and fifty hundred thousand pound.  Taurus, and ten thousand Talents to Boot. Then Pereus, whom after many Bloody Conflicts with various Fortune, when he had betaken himself to the Sanctuary of the Samothracian Gods, these crafty Contrivers of Treachery, seduced into their Clutches; and because they had granted him his Life by Articles murdered him for want of sleep, while Guards were put upon Him, that would not suffer him to take a wink of Rest. Eumenes, whose Friendship they pretended so highly to value, they betrayed to Antiochus, the Price of Peace: Attelus, the Guardian only of a subjugated Country, after they had rendered him ridiculous by their Taxes and their Contumelies, of a Sovereign Prince they made the meanest of their Slaves; and having forged an impious Will, led his Son Aristonicus in Triumph like an Enemy, because he only laid claim to his Paternal Inheritance. Asia is by them entirely usurped: and lastly Nicomedes being dead, they have laid violent hands on all Bythinia, tho' the Son of Nysa, to whom they had been pleased to give the Title of Queen, were then without doubt among the Living. For wherefore should I name myself? with whom though every way distinctly bounded from their Empire by Kingdoms and Tetrarchies, because reported opulent, and one that would not be a slave, they found a way to quarrel, and set upon Me Nicomedes, not ignorant of their Impiety, and as it happened afterwards, before attesting, that only the Cretans and Ptolemy lived free and uncontrolled at that Time. However in revenge of that Injustice, I expelled Nicomedes out of Bythinia, recovered Asia, the spoils of King Antiochus, and rescued Greece from ponderous Servitude. My farther Progresses the basest of my Vassals Archelaus put a stop to, by betraying my Army; and they who either through Cowardice or wicked subtlety, withdrew the Assistance of their Arms, thinking to be secure by the Hardships I endured, now reap the fatal harvest of their Treachery. Ptolemy, well bribed, can find no just occasion for a War. The Cretans already assaulted are to expect no other Issue, but utter devastation.  
Assuredly, for my own part when I understood, that by reason of their Intestine Broils, Battle and Bloodshed rather were delayed, than peace confirmed, contrary to the Opinion of Tigranes, who too late approved my Counsel, and notwithstanding thy remoter distance, while my Neighbours were their Slaves and Vassals, yet I undertook a second War: at what time I overthrew by Land M. Cotta the Roman General near 
* Now Scutari by Constantinople.  Chalcedon; and by Sea despoiled 'em of a goodly Fleet of Ships. But sitting down before Cyzicum, and lingering there with a numerous Army, Provision failed me, without the least Relief of all my Allies: and more than that, the Winter debarred me the benefit of the Sea. Thus without any molestation of the Enemy was I constrained to retreat into my own Kingdom, no less unfortunate in the Loss of the best of my Soldiers, together with my Fleets, that were Shipwrackt within sight of Para and 
* Now Penderachi under the Dominion of the Turks.  Heraclea. But then having recruited my Army Cabira 
a The Royal Seat of Mithridates of which there remains no footstep at this time.  after several Conflicts between Me and Lucullus, both Armies laboured under pressing Necessities. However Lucullus had at his devotion the Kingdom of Ariobarzanes, as yet untouched by War: I retreated into Armenia, all the Countries round about Me, being utterly destroyed and laid waist. At what time the Romans following not alone, but their Custom of subverting all Kingdoms, because the Nature of the Country would not suffer Multitudes to engage in set Battles, they boasted the rash imprudence of Tigranes for a Victory. Now consider, I beseech thee, whether if we should be subdued, it would be advantageous any way to thee to make a more powerful Resistance, or whether it be thy Opinion, that then the War will be at end. I know thee to be vastly Opulent, and stored, to infinite abundance, with Men, with Arms and Money. And for that Reason 'tis we covet such an Associate in the War; They, such an Enemy for booty. But 'tis the judgement of Tigranes, while his Kingdom remains entire, that the War may be made an end of against an Enemy far from home, with little labour, by the Valour of my own well disciplined and experienced Soldiers: since we can neither vanquish, nor be vanquished without hazard and prejudice to thyself. Canst thou be ignorant, that the Romans, after the Ocean had set limits to their Western Conquests, turned the fury of their Arms upon these parts? That from the beginning they ne'er had any thing but what they got by violence, not so much as their Wives and Houses, much less their Lands and Empire? A medley of Vagabonds, having neither Country nor Kindred, born to be the Plague and Destruction of the whole World. Whom neither Laws divine nor human, no fear of Gods or Men can restrain from Ransack, Ravage and Destruction both of Friends and Allies, whether remote or neighbours, Powerful or Indigent; professed and mortal Enemies of all Mankind, that are not Vassals to themselves; of Sovereign Princes more especially. For only few desire Liberty, the greatest Part are contented with just Masters: So we are suspected to be their Rivals, and dreaded perhaps lest we should prove the future Chastizers of their Insolences. But thou, the Monarch of Seleucia, the biggest of Cities, and Sovereign Lord of Persia, what canst Thou from Them expect, but Treachery at the Present, and War hereafter? The Romans draw their Swords against all Nations, and People, yet most keenly sharpened against those, who being vanquished yield the richest spoils. By daring and deceiving and raising War, they are become Potent. By such havocks and destructive Courses as these, they will either extirpate all before 'em, or perish themselves; which Latter seems not so improbable to happen, if thou from Mesopotamia, and We from Armenia surround their Armies, wanting Provision and destitute of all Assistance; and only secure by some strange favour of Fortune, through our own Divisions or our Cowardice. And then will that Renown attend Thee, having succoured once two mighty Kings, to have subdued the grand Robbers of the Nations. Which I admonish and exhort thee to do, unless thou hadst rather to our perdition, a while prolong thy single Empire till they have leisure to subdue thee, then be a Conqueror by our Alliance.   

The Oration of C. Cotta the Consul to the People.  
MAny dangers, most worthy Romans, have befallen me in Peace, and as many Misfortunes have I met with in War; of which, some I have been forced to undergo, others I have warded off by the Assistance of the Gods and my own Virtue. In all which, neither my Courage was wanting to my Business, nor my Industry failed my Resolutions. Adversity and Prosperity made an Alteration in my Estate, but not of my Natural Inclinations. On the other side in these Calamities all things deserted me, when Fortune left me. Moreover Old age, cumbersome of itself, redoubles my cares: considering myself in that miserable Condition, that it is not permitted Me to hope for so much as an honest death. For if I have been the Parricide of your security, and being born by Restoration from Exile, have dishonoured my Household Gods, my Country and the highest Degree of Magistracy, what Torment can be thought sufficient for Me living, or what punishment after my Decease? From my first years of Adolescency, your Eyes were still upon me both a private Person, and a Public Magistrate: They who desired it had all my Elocution, my Advice, my Money at their Service; nor did I ever make a Crafty use of Eloquence to uphold the Knacks of Law, or Exercise my Parts in Mischief. But covetous of private favour, was forced to bow under the weight of ponderous Animosities for the good of the Commonwealth. At what time depressed when she was quite subdued, and expecting daily nothing but utter ruin, You, most worthy Romans, restored me to my Country, and my Household Gods, with accumulations of Dignity. For which excess of Favours, I could not show myself too grateful, should I for every single Kindness expend as many Lives. For Life and Death are only Claims and Rights of Nature; but for a Man to live blameless among his fellow-Citizens, entire in his Fortunes and his Reputation, that's a gift kindly as well bestowed as acceptably received. You have made us Consuls, most worthy Romans, now that the Commonweath is in a most distracted Condition. For the Generals in Spain demand Money, Soldiers, Arms and Provisions: and 'tis but what necessity constrains 'em to: For that by reason of the revolt of our Allies, and the Flight of Sertorius among the Mountains, they neither can come to blows, nor get the necessary supports of Nature. The Excessive Power of Mithridates compels us to maintain great Armies both in Asia and Cilicia. Macedonia is crowded with Enemies. Nor are the Maritime Coasts of Italy, and the Provinces less infested. In the mean time our Tributes being small, and by reason of the Wars, but ill and uncertainly paid, hardly defray a part of the Expenses: So that we are forced to lessen the number of our Ships that used to carry and convoy our Provisions. These things whether they befall Us through fraud or negligence do you consider; and as you find it, punish the Offenders. But if it be a general Misfortune and Calamity that attends Us, wherefore is it that ye enterprise things both unworthy of yourselves, of Us and the Commonwealth. For my own part, whose years are near the Precipice of death, I do not wish one minute longer of Life, if that might prove the least Advantage to your safety: not deeming this same freeborn Body of mine can more be honoured, then by submitting to its dissolution for your welfare. Here then behold the Consul Caius Cotta ready: ready to do what oft our Ancestors have done in times of dubious War. I freely devote and offer up myself a Victim for the Commonwealth. Of which, to whom you afterwards shall recommend the Care, yourselves be circumspect. For no good Man will be covetous of such an Honour, when either he must give an account of the success of Peace or War by others carried on, or suffer ignominious death. Only remember this, that I was not cut off for acts of Villainy or Avarice, but willingly surrendered up my Life in gratitude for exceeding favours. For your own sakes therefore, most worthy Romans, and by the Glory of your Ancestors I conjure ye, a while to be patient in your adversity, and consult the welfare of the Commonwealth. Great is the Care and many are the toils that accompany supreme Command; which in vain ye refuse, yet seek the Opulency of Peace; when all our Provinces, Kingdoms, Seas and Lands are harassed and tired with the Calamities and Hardships of War.   

Two * Orations to C. Caesar attributed to Sallust.  
* MAny Learned Men have made a Question whether these Orations were really written by Sallust or no. But Douza, one of his Commentators stiffly maintains 'em to be the Genuine Productions of the same Author. Nor are the Arguments he brings without great probability and reason. For he alleges not only the Consent and Agreement of the velum Originals but the congruity of stile and censorious Notions, natural only to that Satirical and Grave Historian. Further he asserts that there is not that Purity of Latin in Tacitus, besides the vast difference between the Writers of the Flavian and Julian Times. Whereas it is objected that there is not the same conciseness in these Orations as in the rest of Salust's Writings, that seems of little moment, since there can be nothing more concise nor more agreeable to Salustian brevity than the Style and Language of these Orations. But the same Commentator mislikes the Title of Orations: and that not without just Cause, since the Author himself gives them the Appellation of Epistles. Forsitan, says he, Impera tor, perlectis Literis, decernes, c. So that allowing these two small Pieces to be the Works of Sallust and no other we shall only alter the Title, and call 'em,   

Two Epistles concerning the Ordering of a Commonwealth, directed to C. Caesar.  

The First Epistle.  
IT was the Common Opinion that formerly the Roman people by Fortune had Kingdoms and Empires, in her Gift, besides those other things which Mortal Men so greedily thirst after; because they are frequently possessed by Persons without Desert, conferred as it were at Will and Pleasure, and never any Man could boast 'em stable and permament to himself. But experience has taught us how true it is what Appius tells us in his Verses, That every Man is the Architect of his own Fortune. A sentence more especially verified in Thee, who hast so far outgone all others, that Men are tired first with applauding thy Achievements, ere thou art weary of performing Deeds deserving Praise. But virtuous Acquisitions like sumptuous Edifices, are still to be preserved with sedulous Industry; least through negligence they run to decay, or fall to the ground, while the foundations fail. For no Man willingly surrenders Empire and Command to another; And though he be Just and Mild who is in Power, yet because it is at his Choice to be rigorous and tyrannical, he is dreaded. This comes to pass, because the most that are in high Authority take wrong Measures, believing themselves so much the more secure, by how much the more pusillanimous and servile the People are whom they Command. But quite the contrary to this aught chiefly to be aimed at; that is to say, being Virtuous and Brave thyself, thou shouldst endeavour to Command the best of Subjects: for he that is lewd himself impatiently brooks a Ruler. But thou hast a more difficult Task than all that were before thee, to settle what thou hast won by force of Arms. For thou hast waged a War more soft and gentle than the Peace of others: besides the Victor's demand their Booty; and the vanquished are thy fellow-Citizens. In the midst of these difficulties there is an honest Medium to be found out, that the Public Welfare may be established not by force, as a Foreign Enemy is curbed, but which is more noble and much more difficult, by the profitable Arts of Peace. Therefore is this a Matter of such importance, as summons together all Men, as well those of great as of moderate Wisdom, for every one to give the best advice he can. And indeed it is my Opinion that as the Victory is composed, the settlement of all other things will be the same. Now therefore that thou mayst more readily and firmly order this Establishment, accept of some few Notions that occur to my mind.  
Thou hadst a War, most Noble Emperor, with a Man Illustrious for his Birth, of vast Riches, most greedy of Superiority more 
* Contrary to the Opinion of Lucan and Cicero, who say that Pompey had a good Cause, but that Fortune and the Gods were against him.  Fortunate than Wise. Of his Party were but few: some through their own Injustice became thy Enemies; others whom Affinity or other Obligations drew to his side. For never was any man a sharer with him in the Supreme Authority, which if he could have endured, the whole, Terrestrial Globe had never been so violently shaken with War. The Inferior Multitude, more out of Custom than judgement flocked after him as, the more prudent Person.  
At the same time, upon the scandalous rumours daily spread abroad, inflamed with hopes of Usurping the Commonwealth, many men contaminated with Lewdness and Luxury, resorted to thy Camp; and openly threatened those that were at Peace with Murders, Rapines, and all the worst of Outrages to which their impious Minds could prompt ' 'em. Of whom the greatest part, when they saw that neither their debts were paid, nor Fellow-Citizens by thee despoiled and harassed like Enemies, deserted Thee: only some few remained, who thought the Camp would be a safer Place than Rome, where they were continually Dunned and Prosecuted by their Creditors. But for the same Reasons, incredible it is to relate, both the Quality and the Number of Persons that trooped after Pompey; whom All that were in debt made use of, during the whole time of the War, as of a most sacred and inviolable Sanctuary.  
Therefore since now both War and Peace fall under thy Consideration as the Victor, to the end thou mayst gently and mildly surcease the one, and that the other may be just and permanent, meditate seriously with thyself, at whose disposal the Composition is, and what is most proper to be done. For my part I am apt to believe all cruel Dominations more oppressive than Diuturnal, not that any one single Person can be dreaded by many, but that the same fear returns from many to himself. Such a Life wages a continual and doubtful War within a Man; for that being neither safe before, behind, or on either side, always thy Lot will be to live surrounded with fears and dangers: on the other side they who have tempered the Severity of Command with Humanity and Clemency, to them all things have appeared with a joyful and smiling Prospect; by their Enemies more cheerfully obeyed and reverenced, than others by their own Subjects. Be there any who for this advice will deem me a Depraver of thy Conquest, or count me a well Wisher to the Vanquished? Perhaps, because it is my Judgement that what both we and our Forefathers have granted to Foreign Nations, naturally our Enemies, are equally to be allowed to Fellow-Citizens; and that neither Slaughter with Slaughter, nor Blood is to be atoned with Blood after the manner of the Barbarians. Has Oblivion cancelled those Cruelties, that before this War were condemned in Pompey and Sylla's Victory? He slew Domitius, Carbo, Brutus, and others that were Weaponless; not slain in Battle, according to the Laws of War, but Butchered afterwards when Suppliants with the greatest Impiety imaginable: the Commonalty of Rome were Slaughtered like Sheep in the Public Palace ordained for the Reception of Ambassadors. Heavens! What hugger mugger Funerals of Citizens, what sudden Massacres committed in the very Arms of Parents and Children! What flights of Women and Infants! What devastations of Houses! Before the Victory by Thee obtained, nothing but Outrage, nothing but Cruelty enraged. To which the same Persons exhort and spur thee on: insinuating as if the Contest between you two had been, which should have the absolute disposal of Oppression and Injustice: that thou didst not recover, but win the Commonwealth by force of Arms, and for that reason, the stoutest and the oldest of the Soldiers were still ready to take Arms against their Fathers, Brothers, nay their very Children; that so the most wicked of Mortals, from the Miseries of others, might have wherewithal to supply the Expenses of their Gluttony and exorbitant Lust, or rather to be the Scandals and Reproaches of thy Victory; as being such, whose Debaucheries were a Contamination to the Praises of good Men. For I cannot forbear to mind thee, what was their Behaviour and their Modesty, even when it was 
* For Caesar witnesses, that in Pompey 's Camp the Tents of the Captains were spread with Persian Carpets and great Cupboards of Plate exposed to view, That the Pavilions of Lentulus and others were covered with Ivy; perfect demonstrations of their Luxury and confidence of Victory.  dubious which way Victory would incline and how, when the Enemy was in the field those very Persons abandoned themselves to Strumpets and Luxurious Banquets, whose Age in times of Peace could not without Reproach have pretended to the Taste of such immoderate Pleasures. Thus much concerning War.  
Now as concerning the Establishing a secure Peace; which is the present main Design of Thee and all thy Followers; Consider I beseech thee in the first place what it is thou art about to consult: for so, by separating the Good from the Bad, thou wilt proceed in the open way to Truth. 'Tis my Opinion, since all things that have a Beginning must have an End, that whensoever the Fate of Rome's destruction shall happen to approach her Walls, Citizens shall be engaged in Civil Broils with Citizens; at what time exhausted and languishing for want of Blood, they will become a Prey to some Prince or Nation. Otherwise not the whole Globe of Earth, nor all the People of the World united and mustered together, can either move or bruise this Empire. Therefore the Blessings of Concord are to be established upon sure Foundations, and the Mischiefs of Discord to be expelled. That will so come to pass, if you remove the Licence of expensive Riot and Rapine. Not recalling antiquated Constistutions, which upon the general Corruption of Manners are now become contemptible; but if you limit the Expenses of every particular Family to the Condition of their Fortunes. For now, 'tis the prevailing Custom for Young men to think nothing more brave and generous, then prodigally to waste their own and the Estates of others; to deny nothing to their Pleasures, or that they take for Gallantry and Magnanimity; despising Continency and Reservedness, as the Effects of Cowardice.  
Therefore a Haughty Disposition, once launched into destructive Courses, when his accustomed Allowances fail, flies out, inflamed with inconsiderate fury, sometimes upon Allies, sometimes upon his Fellow-Citizens; unsettles the composed Order of things, and by Old Practices of Villainy seeks for New Disturbances. Wherefore let not the Usurer for the future be suffered any longer; that every one may mind his own affairs. That's the true and Plain way, to Officiate in the Magistracy for the Benefit of the People, not the Profit of the Creditor; and to show Magnanimity in augmenting not diminishing the Commonwealth.  
'Tis true, I know how difficult a thing this will be to accomplish at first; especially with those who thought, when Conquerors, to have lived with greater Liberty and Licence, not under a more strict Control. For whose safety if you rather provide then to uphold their Luxury, you will secure both Them and Us and our Allies in a firm and lasting Peace. But if you still connive at the same Practices and Debaucheries of our Youth, assuredly that High Renown of thine, and that Great City of Rome, will in a short time fall to Ruin both together.  
In the last place, Prudent Men make War for the sake of Peace, and undergo hardships in hopes of rest and leisure. Until you fix and ascertain that Tranquillity what matter is it, whether we are vanquished or Victors. Wherefore in the name of all the Gods, hold fast the Helm of the Commonwealth, and boldly break through all Contending opposition as you were wont: for either you must heal us, or all Men else must lay aside all thought of Cure. Neither does any Man incense ye to cruel Punishments, or dismal Executions, by which a City is rather depopulated, then reformed; but rather to restrain the vicious Practices and luxurious Debaucheries of the young Nobility and Gentry. That will be real Clemency, to have put a curb upon their Folly and false Pleasures, that Citizens may not come to be deservedly expelled their Native Country; to have established Peace and Concord; not to have been always a Conniver at their present Enjoyments, which sudden Sorrow follows at the heels; indulgent to Vice, and remissly permitting Offences. And indeed such is my Courage, that it chiefly relies on that which scares and daunts most undertakers, the Difficulty of the Business. And because you are now to reform the Disorders both of Sea and Land and restore Tranquillity to the whole World (for such a soaring Mind can never stoop to little things) the greater the care, the greater will be the recompense. Therefore your Care is mainly to be expended, that the Commonalty, corrupted with Bribes, and public distributions of Corn, may be so employed and kept from Idleness, as neither to have Leisure nor Opportunity for Public Mischief: but that the Young Men may be enured to Probity and Industry, and not to hanker after vain Expense, and Riches. Which may be effected, if you take away the abuse and Reputation of Money, the chiefest Plague and Destruction of Human Kind. For often revolving in my Mind, by what means the most renowned Men attained their Greatness; what things had raised People and Nations to their most flourishing Estates; and lastly what had occasioned the Ruin and Destruction of mighty Kingdoms and Empires, I still observed that the same things were good, the same things Evil; and that always the Victors were Despisers, the Vanquished always Covetous of Money. Neither can any Man exalt his grovelling Thoughts, or Mortal as he is, attain Divine Perfections, unless neglecting the Delights of Gold and Bodily Enjoyments, he forbear to Flatter and pamper the Vanity of his Mind, to gratify perverse Desire; but rather exercise it in Labour, Patience, wholesome Precepts, and magnanimous Achievements. For to build a City House, or Country Palace, and furnish 'em with Statues, Pictures, Persian Hangings, and other sumptuous Ornaments; and tomake a Splendid Show of all things but Himself; This is not to enjoy Riches as an Ornament, but for the Owner to make himsef a Reproach to his Wealth. Moreover they, whose Custom it is twice a day to stuff their Paunches, and not a Night to sleep without a Courtesan, when they have oppressed with servitude the Mind which ought to Command, in vain expect to make use of it as duly exercised, when lame and drowsy. For through Imprudence they precipitate themselves and most of their designs. But these and all other Mischiefs will cease with the Adoration of Money, when neither these Gaudy Pomps, nor any other Things so much thirsted after by Magistrates and Vulgar are any longer set to sale.  
Morever care is to be taken that Italy and the Provinces may be more secure: wherein there is not so much difficulty neither. For the same Men lay all the Country's desolate, deserting their own Habitations, and through Oppression seizing those of other Persons. Moreover let not the Stipends of the Soldiers, or their years of service be either unjustly or impartially numbered. While some are 
* Which occasioned that terrible Sedition in Germany, mentioned by Tacitus in the first of his Annals.  compelled to serve out thirty Stipends or Years of Duty, others scarce obliged to one. And let the Corn, which was formerly the reward of Sloth and Cowardice, be distributed through the Municipal Towns and Colonies, to the dismissed Veteranes returning home after the expiration of their Stipends. And thus as concisely as I could I have declared my thoughts of what I deemed either advantageous to the Public, or to your Honour; and now it may not seem amiss to speak something in Justification of this presumption.  
Most men have wit enough, or think they have, to censure others; and every one is forward and quick to find fault with the deeds and sayings of other Men; their Mouths are scarce wide enough, nor their Tongues sufficiently nimble to troul out the hasty Conceptions of their Envy or their private disgust; Though notwithstanding all the Blasts of their censorious Descants, I do not at all repent me of the Enterprise; rather it would have been a trouble to me to have been silent. And now the Best of my wishes only remain behind that whatsoever thou shalt decree, the Immortal Gods may well approve, and Crown with happy Success.   

The Second Epistle to C. Caesar, concerning the ordering of a Commonwealth.  
THis Epistle shows the great Familiarity between Caesar and Sallust, and seems to have been written before his expedition into Spain against Petreius and Afranius, or at least in the seat of the War.  
I Am not ignorant, how difficult and dangerous and Attempt it is to give Counsel to a Prince or Emperor. or indeed to any Man, who sits in the Upper Region of great Authority; Considering that they can neither want Advisers, and that no man is sufficiently circumspect or prudent to foresee future Events. Besides, ofttimes it so falls out that precipitate and evil Counsels are attended with more prosperous success, than the most grave and serious of delivered Opinions, by reason Fortune rules the World at Pleasure. I must confess, when I was Young, my Inclinations lead me to the management of Public Affairs; and my greatest Care and Study was to understand the depth of those Mysteries. Not only that I might appear great in Offices and Employments of high Dignity, which many had obtained by wicked and corrupt means; but that I might be acquainted with the true State of the Commonwealth both at home and abroad, and what her intrinsic strength might be of Warlike Provisions, of Men and Money. At length revolving many things in my Mind, I determined to prefer your Dignity before my own Reputation and Reservedness, and to run any hazard that might be advantageous to your Honour. Nor did I make this Resolution rashly, or in Adulation of your good Fortune; but because in you I observed, one particular Excellency above all the rest, to be egregiously admitted; I mean, a greater Courage always in Disaster, then in Prosperity. But this is still no more than what is yet more manifest from other men, who are tired with applauding and admiring your Munificence, before you are weary of performing Deeds deserving Fame Immortal. And I am firmly persuaded there is nothing so sublime or so profound, but what is within the easy reach of your thoughts. Nor have I sent ye my Opinion and Judgement concerning the ordering of a Commonwealth, as having a higher conceit than becomes me of my Advice and Parts; but because I thought it necessary in the midst of Military Toils, in the hurry of Battles, Victories and high Command, to retrieve back your thoughts, sometimes to the Consideration of Civil Affairs.  
For if it be your only design to secure your Person from the violence of your Enemies, or how to retain the favour of the People, that you may be able to cope with the Consul, you harbour thoughts unworthy of your Courage. But if your Magnanimity still continue such, as from the beginning disturbed the Faction of the Nobility; recovered the Roman People out of heavy Bondage into Liberty; that during your Praetorship, unarmed and naked as you were, outbraved and daunted the insulting Fury of the Enemy; and both at home and abroad performed so many and such far famed Exploits, that your very Adversaries have nothing to object against ye but your Greatness; vouchsafe to accept these few Notions of Mine, touching the Grand Concerns of the Commonwealth, which you will find to be true, or at least not far remote from Truth. For since that Pompey either through oversight, or else because he cared not what he did to obstruct your Proceedings, fell into such a Fatal Error, as to put Weapons into the hands of his Enemies, by the same means that he brought all things out of Order, the same Courses must you take to restore Tranquillity to the Commonwealth.  
In the first place he resigned his absolute Power of disposing of the Imperial Revenue, the Public Expenses and the Penal Laws into the hands of a Few Senators: but as for the Roman Commonalty, in whom the Supreme Power was vested before, he left 'em without so much as the Relief of Common Justice. For Causes and Actions are still committed to the determination of the three Orders, yet the same small Number of Tyrants are above all, govern all, place and displace as they think fit; They circumvent and oppress the Innocent; and advance their own Tools and Favourites to Honour. Neither Iniquity nor Scandal, nor the most heinous of Crimes are any obstruction, to debar their assuming Offices of Trust and Dignity: Whatever is commodious and profitable they haul and tear away by violence: Lastly, as if the City were taken by Assault, absolute Will and licentious Domineering are the only Laws they will endure. And yet it would not grieve me much thus servilely to be enthralled, according to their usual Practice, had they obtained the Victory by their Bravery and Valour. But it perplexes me to see the most slothful among Mortals, all whose Vigour and Courage lies in their boasting Tongues, insolently exercising a Tyranny offered 'em by Chance, and through the Remissness of another. For what Civil Sedition and Dissension ever extirpated so many and such Illustrious Families? Or whom did ever Victory so precipitate and render so enormously Outrageous? L. Sylla, who had some pretence as a Victor, to plead the Laws of War in justification of his Cruelty, though he knew his Interest, could no way better be secured then by the Capital Punishment of his Enemies; yet after he had put some few to death chose rather to restrain the rest by Clemency then Fear. But now, besides Cato, L. Domitius and others of the same Faction, above Forty Senators, and many Young Gentlemen of great Hopes have been slaughtered like Victims on the Altar; and yet the most cruel of all Mankind, cannot be satiated with the Blood of so many miserable Fellow-Citizens. Neither Orphans, nor aged Parents, not the Moans of Men; nor the Lamentations of Women could mollify their inexorable Inhumanity: but every day more violent than other, and raging both in Word and Deed, some they degraded from their Dignities, while others were expelled their Native Country. Nay what shall I say of You yourself, whose ignominious fall the basest of Men, were it permitted 'em, would purchase with the loss of their own Lives? Whose Tyranny is not so great a Pleasure to 'em (though it befell 'em unexpected) as your high Dignity a Grief and Disturbance to their Minds. Men that would rather choose to bury their own Liberty in your Calamity, then that the Empire of the People of Rome should by your means of Glorious be made the most Glorious in the World: So much the more than it ought to be your daily care to fortify and establish your own Interest. For my part what my own thoughts are, I will not be afraid to utter: 'tis in your prudence only to make Trial of what you think most probable and beneficial.  
The City, according to what I have heard from my Ancestors, I take to be divided into two Parts; the Fathers, and the Common People. Formerly the Chief Authority rested in the Fathers; but the greater Force by far was in the People. Thence frequent Secessions in the City, and still the Power of the Nobility lessened; but the Privileges of the People were enlarged. By that means the Commonalty lived in Freedom, because the Power of no Man was above the Law: the Noble surpassed the ignoble not in Wealth or Pride, but in Reputation and valiant Exploits. Every one alike humble at the Plough or in War, wanting nothing of honest and necessary accommodation, thought he had sufficient to serve himself, enough to serve his Country. But when expelled by degrees from their Possessions, Laziness and Poverty compelled 'em to seek uncertain Habitations, than they began to thirst after other men's Estates, and to set to sale, both their Liberty and the Commonwealth. Thus insensibly the People, than the Lords of many Nations, dwindled into Contempt; and instead of Empire in Common, every particular Person procured his own Slavery.  
This Multitude therefore, first infected with ill Manners, then dispersed into sundry Trades and Courses of Life, no way united among themselves, seems to Me by no means fit to manage the Commonwealth. But being intermixed with new Citizens, my mind gives me, that so, they may be all awakened and roused up to Liberty; while the one would be careful to preserve their Freedom, the other glad to shake off the Fetters of their Servitude. These Citizens thus blended, old and new together, my Judgement is, you should distribute into Colonies. By which means your Militia will become more Numerous, and the Common People, honestly employed, will forbear crowding after Mischief and Sedition.  
But yet I am not ignorant, when this is put in Execution, what Storms and Tempests the Nobility will raise; how they will rage and clamour, that things are turned Topsie Turvy; that the ancient Citizens are enslaved; and lastly that there will be a change of the Government, from a Free State into a Monarchy, when by the favour of one single Person an infinite Multitude shall be admitted sharers of the City Privileges. However I am firmly convinced that he admits a wicked Crime into his Bosom, who to the disadvantage of the Public welfare strives for the favour of a Private Faction. More especially where the Public good redounds to particular Benefit, to hesitate in such an Enterprise, I look upon to be the greatest mark of Sloth and Cowardice immaginable.  
It was always the Design of M. Livius Drusus, in his Tribuneship, to contend with all his might, for the Nobility: nor did he intend at the beginning to have acted any thing of Importance but in pursuance of their Decrees. But certain Factious Persons prising Fraud and Malice above Honesty and Fidelity, when they understood that by the Means of one Person so great a Benefit would accrue to such a vast number of People, every one, Conscious to himself of his own wicked and Treacherous Disposition, had the same ill Opinion of Drusus as of themselves. Therefore afraid, least by so great a Favour he should get the sole Power into his hands, contriving all they could to hinder him, they broke the Neck of his and their own Designs together.  
Therefore, Noble Emperor, 'tis your Business to make a more Industrious Provision of Friends and Guards, all Persons of approved Integrity. 'Tis no great difficulty for a Man of Courage and daring Boldness to suppress an Open Enemy; but the best of Men as they scorn the Contrivance, so are they less easily induced to suspect, and consequently shun occult and treacherous Stratagems.  
For this reason when you have introduced those new Members into the City, because the Commonalty will be then recalled, study to your utmost the Introduction likewise of good and laudable manners; and by Concord to Unite the new and old together. But a far greater Benefit will accrue to your Country, your Citizens, yourself, your Offspring, and lastly to all Mankind, if you can but quench that Immoderate Thirst of Gold, or at least abate it to that degree that the Season of Reformation will bear. Otherwise it will be impossible to regulate either private Misdemeanours or public Abuses, either at home or abroad. For where the raging Desire of Riches has once got Footing, neither Discipline, nor Virtuous Industry, nor Generous Ingenuity can ever Flourish; but early or late, at last the Soul will Flag, and Languish under the Burden of loose Temptations.  
I have often heard what Kings, what Cities and Nations once grown Opulent, have lost great Empires, which when Indigent, they won by their Courage: which is no Miracle at all. For when a stout man sees another weaker than himself more Illustrious for his Wealth; more cringed to and courted, he's chafed at first; and with a thousand Agonies torments his mind: At length, as every day more and more Desire of Glory vanquishes Honour, and Opulency overcomes Virtue, the Mind revolts from Truth to Pleasure. For Glory is cherished by Industry; take that away, Virtue of itself, becomes bitter and unpleasant. Lastly, where Riches are in high Esteem, all things good and sacred then are undervalued, Fidelity, Integrity, Shame and Modesty. For to Virtue there's but one, and that a steep and rugged Passage: to Money, every Body chooses the Road that likes him best; for Wealths acquired as well by honest as by evil Practices.  
Therefore in the first place take away the Reputation and Authority of Money: for no Man will make a Judgement this or that way in Point of Life or Honour; when 'tis apparent that neither Praetors or Consul are created according to their wealth, but as they Merit. However in the choice of Magistrates let the Election of the People be free. Where the Judges are approved by few, it is an Argument of Royalty; to choose 'em for Money, is dishonest. Wherefore I could wish that all the Judges were of the first Classis, but more in number then at this time. For neither the Rhodians nor any other Cities ever repent of their Determinations, where Rich and Poor promiscuously, as they came into Court, debated as well the most Important as the slightest Affairs. But as to the Creation of Magistrates, I think I may without absurdity commend the Law, which C. Gracehus propounded to the People in his Tribuneship, that the Centuries should be summoned out of the five Classes, without any premeditated Choice or Order; by which means being alike equal in Dignity and Wealth, they would strive to excel one another in Virtue; and these I deem to be the chiefest Remedies against Riches. For all things are applauded or desired, according to the Use which is made of those things: Rewards are the incentives to Wickedness; take away the Hire, there's no Man will do an evil Act for nothing. But Avarice is a Savage, cruel and intolerable Monster; wherer'e it bends its Bulky force, it tramples and lays waste whole Cities, Fields, Temples, Houses; turns all things both Divine and Humane into a Chaos and Confusion; neither Armies nor Walls can withstand its Fury: in a word it robs all Mankind of their Reputation, Chastity, Children and Parents. But take away the Glory of Money, and that impetuous Force of Avarice will soon be vanquished by good Manners. And though all Mortal men both just and unjust, know these things to be true, nevertheless you will have a sharp Combat with the Faction of the Nobility; whose Wiles and Stratagems if you can warily escape, the rest will succeed of course, according to your Wishes. For these Men, had they but so much Courage, would rather emulate, then envy the brave and generous. But being totally possessed with Idleness, Stupidity, and Cowardice, they make a noise, detract and look upon the Reputation of another to be their Disgrace. But wherefore should I make more words as if I spoke of Men that were unknown to the World? The Fortitude and Valour of M. Bibulus made open way to the Consulship; one that scarce had the use of his Tongue; and for his Parts, more wicked than crafty. How far can such a one presume to dare, to whom the Consular Dignity, the highest of Commands was but a mere Disgrace? Can greater Abilities be ascribed to L. Domitius, a Man that has not a Member, but what is contaminated with Villainy and lascivious Intemperance? A boasting Vainglorious Tongue; Hands embrued in Blood; Heels nimble and speedy in flight; besides his other Incontinences not proper to be named. Cato's the only Person among 'em, whose Parts are not to be contemned, a Crafty, Talkative, Double-dealing Fox, the Effects of Grecian Education: but neither Industry, Virtue or Vigilancy are to be found among the Greeks. For can it be imagined, that they who have lost their Liberty through sloth at Home, should be able to instruct others to command? The rest of the Faction are a Crew of noble Drones; who Statue-like, besides the Name, can Challenge nothing else of worth but Form and Feature. L. Posthumius, and M. Favonius seem to me like the superfluous Lading of some great Flyboat, which if the Vessel arrive safe in Harbour, may be some way useful, but in a Storm are the first undervalued things thrown overboard. And now, having thus far, to my own thinking, sufficiently discoursed the Point of renewing and reforming the Commonalty, I shall speak somewhat of what may seem proper to be done in reference to the Senate.  
So soon as I grew Ripe in years and understanding, I was not so much for Exercise of Arms, or managing of Horses, but rather for the studious part of Learning: that is to say, finding where my strength lay, I betook myself to the Labours of the Brain. During which retirement, by reading and hearing much, I found that all Kingdoms, Cities, Nations, were prosperous so long, and flourished in Command, while they were guided by True and uncorrupted Counsels: but that when those Counsels came to be tainted once by Favour, fear or Interest, soon after their Power decayed; in the next place, they lost their Dominion, and lastly were enslaved. And therefore 'tis my absolute Opinion, that whoever is advanced to a more Conspicuous and Illustrious degree in his City, above all things, aught to be more especially careful of the public Welfare. For all the rest are only safe in their Liberty, so long as the City is secure: They who by their Virtue have acquired Riches, Honour, and Authority, when they perceive the Commonwealth in a declining Posture, they are presently alarmed, and their restless Minds are vexed with various Cares and Toils: they are presently for defending their Honour, their Liberty or their Estates: they bestir themselves, they are here and there, all in a hurry; The more they flourished in Prosperity, the more grievously and impatiently they brook Adversity. Therefore when the Commonalty obeys the Senate, as the Body submits to the Soul, and respectfully execute their Commands, it behoves the Fathers to be able in Council; for subtlety and cunning are superfluous in the People. Our Ancestors therefore, when low reduced by dangerous and cruel Wars, after they had lost their Men, their Horses, and their Money, were never weary of contending with their Swords in their hands for the Empire. Neither want of Treasure, nor the prevailing Power of the Enemy, nor threatening Calamity could subdue their generous Courages, but that what they had won by their Valour they resolved to defend to the last drop of Blood. Which they did rather by sage and prudent Counsels, then fortunate in Battle. For among them there was but one Commonwealth: for the Welfare of that they all consulted: Faction was contrived and sowed among their Enemies. All Men exercised their Bodies and their Wits for the good of their Country, not to advance their own private Interest.  
But now the Case is altered; the Nobility, possessed with sloth and Cowardice, knowing neither what Hardship, Enemies or Warfare mean, meditating nothing but Faction at home, proudly Lord it over all the Nations. Thus the Fathers, by whose prudence the tottering Estate of the Commonwealth was formerly re-established, now under Oppression, are driven fluctuating this way and that way, with the Tyrannic blasts of Will and Pleasure; sometimes they decree one thing, than another: as if they thought there were no other public Good or Evil, but what the private Grudges or the Arrogancy of their Lords and Masters dictated. Whereas if all had equal Liberty, or the Decrees were rendered less Authentic: The Commonwealth would grow more powerful; the Nobility less potent. But because it is impossible to please all Men, or to levelly the Degrees of Quality and Birth, while the Nobility enjoy the Acquists of their virtuous Ancestors, Honour, Dignity and numerous Tenants; on the other side the multitude are for the most part ignorant and illiterate, let 'em be free in the Delivery of their Opinions. Thus the Power of others no way reaching themselves, and consequently less discernible, will be the more easily brooked. The good as well as the bad, the Coward and the Valiant, all are desirous of Liberty. But the more silly sort of Men, which are the greatest part, desert it out of Fear: and while the conflict is dubious, before the Victory be won, basely submit their Necks as vanquished to the Yoke of Servitude.  
Therefore in my Opinion, there are two ways to restore the dignity of the Senate: First, that the number of Persons being augmented, they may be ordered to deliver their Votes in 
* Of these Tables two were to be given to every Senator; in the one of which were written these two Letters U. R. or, Let it be as you ask: in the other a great Roman A. They that liked the Decree threw into a little Chest for that purpose the first Tablet; they that disliked it the latter with the A. that is, Antiquo, I deny it. The Tables thus cast in were numbered, which and which, and then the difference of both sides set down in another void Table in little Pricks or Dots: Thus neither could any Man recall his Vote; nor could it be known who was for or against the Decree.  Tables.  
The Tables will be a means that every Man may be bold to use his Freedom: In multitude there will be more assurance, and ampler Benefit. For now adays it falls out so, that many being taken up in hearing public Controversies, others employed in soliciting their own and the private Affairs of their Friends, there are few that attend the Concerns of the Public. Besides that many times it is not business so much, as the Commands of their domineering Superiors, which deter 'em from making their Appearances. The Grandees forsooth, with some few of the Senatorian Order, Chips of the same Block, They are the Men that whatsoe'er they please to approve, revoke, annul, decree, and then at Pleasure put in execution. But when after the number of the Senators shall be augmented, they shall be forced to give their Votes by Tables, you shall find they will lay their Loftiness aside, when they must be obedient to those, o'er whom before they Tyrannously domineered.  
Perhaps, most noble Emperor, upon reading these Letters, you may desire to know, what number of Senators I think sufficient, and how they may be distributed into sundry and various Employments; and because 'tis my Opinion that the Judgements of the first Classis ought to be abrogated, what number of Judges, what Method of Election may be most convenient? To every one of which particulars, it would be no difficult thing to return an Answer; but it behoves Us first to discharge ourselves of the grand Concern of Counsel, and to ascertain the Truth of what we have delivered in that Point. If you resolve to make use of this Method of proceeding; there will be little Difficulty in what comes after. 'Tis my desire, that my Advice may be both wholesome and profitable. For then according to your Success my Reputation will extend itself. But that which I am much more zealous for at present is this; that the Commonwealth may be relieved and regulated as soon as may be, let the Manner and the Methods be what they will, Liberty is that which I more highly prise then Honour. And therefore, most renowned Emperor, I beseech and beg it of ye, that since the Gallic Nation is so happily subdued, you will not suffer the mighty and invincible Empire of the Roman People to consume away with Age, or by Discord and Dissension to be dissolved. For should that come to pass, assuredly neither Day or Night would ease the Anguish of your Mind; but still a restless Fury, that were would give ye leave to close your Eyes, would be the Torment of your latter days. For I am certainly 
* Some think these Exhortations of Sallust to Caesar, proceeded from his believing him addicted to the Epicurean Sect, as Cato seems to inimate in his Speech against Catiline.  convinced, that the Lives of all Mankind are observed by the Allseeing Eye of the Divine Deity: that there is an account taken of all the good or evil Deeds of Men: and that naturally various rewards attend the good and bad. Perchance they move with a slower pace; yet every man hopes according to his Conscience. Certainly had your Country and your Progenitors the Liberty to discourse ye, they would use no other than these Expressions. Oh Caesar, we most valiant Men begat thee in a most noble City, to be to Us our Honour and Protection, a terror to our Enemies. What we, with many Hardships and Dangers won, that we delivered to thee as soon as born, together with thy Life; the most renowned Country upon Earth; the most illustrious Family in all that Country: a virtuous Education, and Riches honestly obtained: moreover all the Dignities of Peace, and the rewards of War.  
For these most extraordinary Kindnesses we do not require from thee, any Act of Lewdness or Impiety; but to restore our Liberty subverted. Which being once performed, the Renown of thy Virtue will swiftly fly through all the habitable World. For as yet, though thy Achievements have been famous both in Peace and War, however thy Glory is but equal with that of many other illustrious Persons. But if thou dost restore almost from utter Ruin, a City the most celebrated for its Name and large extent of Empire, who will be more renowned, who more illustrious upon Earth? But if otherwise it befall this Empire through thy lingering Sickness or Death, who so stupid not to dread the Devastations, Wars and Slaughters that will ravage all the Nations of the World.  
Thus if you have an honest Intention to gratify your Country and your Ancestors, succeeding Ages enjoying the fruits of your Labours, and living in Peace and Liberty, will pay their acknowledgements to Your Virtue, and your Death will prove far more Illustrious than your Life, For the Living sometimes Fortune, sometimes Envy worries; but when Life has paid the debt of Nature, Detraction ceasing, Virtue more and more exalts itself. And thus what I thought necessary to be done, and advantageous to Yourself as briefly as was possible, I have laid open; beseeching the Immortal Gods, that whatsoever course you take, all your endeavours may be Crowned with prosperous Success for your own good and the welfare of the Public.    

The Declamation of C. Crispus Salustius against M. Tullius Cicero.  
I should not easily be induced to brook thy scurrilous Reproaches. Marcus Tullius, if I thought it were not rather the distemper of thy Mind, than thy Judgement that provoked thee to this Petulant Humour. However, because I find, thou hast neither Moderation nor Modesty, I will vouchsafe thee an Answer; to the end that if thou hast taken any Pleasure in Obloquy, thou mayst be quit of it, by being sharply told thy own. Where shall I complain? To whom shall I make my Moan, most noble Conscript Fathers; that the Commonwealth is rend in pieces, and obnoxious to the Treachery of every Audacious Sycophant? Must it be to the People of Rome so corrupted with Bribes and Exhibitions, that they put both themselves and all their Fortunes to Sale? Or to you, most noble Conscript Fathers, whose authority is the scorn of every lewd and wicked Rakeshame? More especially when M. Tullius defends the Laws and Judicial Proceedings of the Roman People, and Governs in this Senate, as if he were a Branch of the Renowned Scipio Africanus, and not an Upstart, an Inn-mate, and but lately admitted to the Privileges of this City. Thinkst thou, Marcus Tullius, thy Words and Actions are unknown to the World? Hast thou not so lived from thy Childhood, as not to believe any thing a Defilement to thy Body, which another took delight in? Did it not cost thee the loss of thy Chastity to learn that Scolding Eloquence of thine from M. Piso? No wonder then that thou putst it as ignominiously to sale, as thou didst lewdly purchase it. But I am apt to believe, thy Domestic Splendour elevates thy Thoughts: Thy Sacrilegious Wife, besmeared with Perjury: Thy Daughter a Whore, that goes snips with her Mother, more gamesome and obedient, then is decent, to a Father: Thy House thou gottest by Violence and Rapine, fatal to thee and thine; as if it were to let us understand, how strangely this City is ranversed, while thou the most vile of Men, Usurpest the Habitation of M. Crassus, once a Consular Person.  
Which being so, yet Cicero makes his Brags, that he hath sat in Council with the Immortal Gods; and thence that he was hither sent a Guardian, and Protector of the City; not to give him the Title of Hangman, who derives his Glory from the Public Calamity: as if thy Consulship were not the Cause of that Conspiracy; and the Commonwealth half ruined, when she had Thee for her Preserver.  
But perhaps those things advance thee more, which in Consultation with thy Wife Terentia, after thy Consulship, were acted by thee for the Public good: when at home ye contrived the Judgements of thy 
* Which enacted the choice of Judges from among the Common People, fifteen out of every Tribe.  Plautian Law; condemning some of the Conspirators to death; and fining others. When one built up the Tusculanum for thee, another the Pompeian Country Palace; another purchased thee a City House. But he that could do nothing, he was sure to be accused; either he came to storm thy House; or he had plotted to Murder the Senate; in short, thou hadst evidence enough against him. If I accuse thee falsely, give an account how thou cam'st by such an Estate; what were thy Gettings by bawling and wrangling at the Bar? where thou hadst the Money to erect those sumptuous Edifices, the Tusculanum, and the Pompeianum? Or if thou hast nothing to say, who can be so silly as to doubt, thou didst rake thy Wealth out of the Blood and Bowels but of thy fellow Citizens?  
But perhaps this Upstart of Arpinum, descended from the Family of C. Marius, imitates his Courage; contemns the private grudges of the Nobility; takes care of the Roman People neither terrified by Threats; nor coaxed with Favour. But is this an Argument of his Amity and Virtue? A very probable Story: the most inconstant of Men, a Cringer to his Enemies, contumelious to his Friends; sometimes of this, sometimes of that side; faithful to no body; a Shuttlecock of a Senator; a Mercenary Patron; no part of whose Body is free from the Contamination of Lewdness: a vain Tongue, rapacious Hands, an Abyss like Throat, and speedy Heels to run for his Life: qualities so lewd, that 'tis a shame to name 'em. Yet being such as we have here described him, this very Man is not ashamed to boast and cry 
O Fortunate Rome, reborn when I was Consul  Fortunate when thou wert Consul, Cicero! rather unhappy and miserable, which suffered the most cruel Proscription of her Citizens; when thou, in the Distractions of the Commonwealth, constrained'st all good Men, dismayed with fear to obey thy Tyranny; when all Penal proceedings, all the Laws were in thy hands; when after thou hadst abrogated the Porcian Law, and made a Rape upon our Liberty, Thou hadst assumed to thyself the Power of all our Lives and Deaths.  
But 'tis not enough that thou hast done what thou hast done unpunished; thou puttest us always in Mind of it; and throwest it in our Teeth: we are not permitted to forget our Slavery. Prithee, Good Circero, be contented with what thou hast acted; Pride thyself in what thou hast accomplished: 'tis enough that we have been the sufferers. But why shouldst thou still load our Ears with what we hate, thy odious Name? Wilt thou persecute us with thy presumptuous surquedry?  
Arms yield to Gowns, and Laurels to the Tongue.  
As if thou hadst performed those things of which thou boasts, not armed, but with thy hands in thy Gown sleeves; or that there were any difference between thee and Sylla the Dictator, but only the Title of Command.  
But why should I talk any more of thy Insolence? whom Minerva instructed in all the Sciences, the Mighty Jupiter admitted into the Council of the Gods; and Italy when banished, brought back upon her Shoulders. I beseech thee, dear Romulus of Arpinum, who hast surmounted in Valour all the Paulus', Fabius', and Scipio's, what Office dost thou hold in this City? what Faction Suits with thy Humour best? What Friends, what Enemies hast thou? The lewdest in the City are thy Friends, thy Enemies all those that love the Commonwealth. The Persons, whom fain thou wouldst have betrayed in the City, thou courtest like a Courtesan. Else, returning out of Exile from Dyrrachium, wherefore didst thou follow them? They who were Tyrants formerly, their Grandeur now delights thee: They who were thy Patriots before, are now Madmen, and Lunatics. Thy Tongue is oiled for Vatinius: Sextius is a Knave. Thou mak'st nothing, saucily to wound the Reputation of Bibulus: but Caesar's extolled. Him whom thou couldst have eaten once, obsequiously now thou fawn'st upon. Thou think'st one thing sitting, another standing; of the Commonwealth: a Hare-brained Fugitive, that knows not where to put his Confidence.  
The END.