woodcut portrait of man 
CATILINE  
Printed for james Norris at the King's arms without Temple Barnes    

Patriae Parricida: OR, THE HISTORY OF THE Horrid Conspiracy OF CATILINE AGAINST The Commonwealth OF ROME.  
Translated out of Sallust, By C. C.  
Plots, true or false, are necessary things  
To raise up Commonwealths, and ruin Kings.  Absolom & Achitophel. 
LONDON: Printed by J. C. and F. C. for James Norris, at the Kings-Arms without Temple-bar. 1683.   

TO Sir JOHN fowel Bar. WILLIAM CARY Esq; And JOHN GLANVILL Esq; My Quondam Worthy Schoolfellows.  
SIRS,  
SInce Books (as well as Authors) want Patrons, under whose protection they may pass free and undisturbed through the whole series of Censure, nor be carped at by every pretending Zoylus, and Factious Critic; the aspiring Catiline, dressed in his English Garb, lies at your mercy for his Doom. He was once raging in his Passions, and immoderate in his Ambition, affecting no less than the Sovereignty of the only Empire of the World; but that same Civil War which he was the only Author of, turned at last to his own ruin, like Envy in Ovid became his own Tormenter and Executioner: Or like that foolish Bird that stole a Coal from the Altar, which burned and consumed he whole Nest.  
Thus we see to what Ruins and Precipices the Igni● fatuus of his Ambition decoyed him. But 'tis not only the fate of Catiline, but all, whose shallow brains entertain such extravagant Chimaeras, and are puffed up with the empty bubble of haughty Ambition; and 'tis the rarest thing in nature, if ever they at last compass what they aim at, though to the attaining but the least part of it, they render themselves the most contemptible of Mankind. Catiline, who could content himself with no less Power than that of Sylla, yet condescended to be a public Pander to procure Whores and Horses for the Roman Gentlemen, whose Heads and Purses he made use of, and whose Ruins he caused as well as his own.  
The first ambitious men in the World, the old Giants, are said to have made an heroical attempt of scaling Heaven in spite of the Gods, and they cast Ossa on Olympus, and Pelion upon Ossa, two or three Mountains more they thought would make them absolute Masters of Heaven, as well as Earth, but the Thunder came and spoiled all, when they were come to the third story.  
The great Attempt was all in vain;  
They reaped their labour for their pain.  
Cromwell, the great Giant of our Nation, one of their Offspring, when from an inconsiderable Captain he made himself Lieutenant-General of a little Army of Titans, which was his first Mountain; afterwards General, which was his second; and then absolute Tyrant of three Kingdoms, which was his third; is really believed to have died of Discontent, because he could not attain the name of King, and the formality of a Crown: But if he had compassed that, yet still something else had been necessary to complete his Felicity; either the Title of an Emperor, or a God.  
And to this day what are the minds of many men infected with, but the same Disease? what mean else these Plots and Conspiracies (of which Catiline is but the Model)? and these flyings from Justice, but the cursed fruits of Ambition? What makes men of profligate Lives and lost Consciences endeavour the Death and Ruin of their own Monarch and the best of Princes? a Prince whom Wonders and an inscrutable Providence have preserved, and attended from his Cradle to his Crown; whose Grace has warmed into life the Vipers that would have stung him, and entertained the croaking Vermin into his own Palace.  
We might well now reflect on the Iron Age of Ovid, Filius ante Diem Patrios inquirit in annos: Or the days of Sylla, when the Sword had free sway, and acted what it pleased, and was as familiar with Entrails as the Augurs. And may not we as well imagine that Catiline or Cethegus is now raised from the dead, and like Mahomet's Pigeon inspires men with the horrid principles of Blood and Rebellion? What puts the Nation into Frights and Jealousies, what ruins Friendship and Commerce among men, and turns the whole course of Nature into Chaos and Confusion, but Ambition and its pernicious Attendants?  
Thus have I made so large a digression in an Essay of Ambition: all that I have to say is, That Gratitude and a sense of Honour for my Countrymen and Schoolfellows, was the only cause (in this interval of my business) why I were so ambitious to attempt so difficult a Task. The Original in Latin we learned at School; and I know some will object, that like a Schoolboy I have handled it: but as I covet not their Smiles, so I fear not their Anger, but am much of martials humour, that only studied to please and gratify the Nobility; 
Let Poetasters beat their Brains  
To please the Vulgar, what's their gains?   
But my ambition was only to please myself, and if possible, gratify my Friends; (but especially you, who are my Holiday Friends, and aught to be distinguished from Pretenders): If I have done this, my ambition is at its height; and 'tis but reason I should study not only to requite, but if possible, erect so lasting a Monument, Quod nec Jovis ira, nec ignis should be ever able to demolish their Names, who have so largely and generously obliged me, and I doubt not but will continue it.  
I pass by your Virtues and your Pedigree, and hate to be thought guilty of the least of flattery: for as I acknowledge you my Friends, I should be far from being so, should I in the least endeavour it. If Virtue be Nobility (as the Satirist observes) you have a double Claim to it: Virtue to a Noble Extraction adds Lustre, carrying a Majesty with it, and claiming a veneration from every one, especially when conspicuous in such young Personages. Which that it may still flourish, as it is the Wish of all that love you, so of none more, than,  
SIRS, Your most humble and obliged Servant, CALEB CALLE.   

THE INTRODUCTION.  
LVcius Sergius Catiline was sprung from an Illustrious Family, and endowed with a vast strength both of Mind and Body, but of as wicked and villainous a disposition: to him, even from his youth, Civil Wars, Blood, Rapine, and Dissensions, were ever grateful and welcome, and in them did he altogether exercise his Youth. He had a Body that could endure Hunger, Heat, and Watching, almost beyond belief: His Mind was bold, subtle, various, that could counterfeit or dissemble any thing; greedy of another's Estate, and very prodigal of his own; raging in his Passions, and more Eloquent than Wise: His Desires were of so vast an extent, that they immoderately coveted things incredibly beyond his ability. As soon as the Government of L. 
* A Noble Roman of the Families of the Scipio's: He first served under Marius; afterwards aspiring to the power of a Dictator, became a great Enemy to Marius, and at last his ruin. Then had he power to overrule all Rome, which he did by cutting off his Foes, and enriching his friends. At last he died at Puteoli of the Lousy Discase, (a sit death for all such aspiring Usurpers,) after he had slain 10●000 men, 90 Senators, 15 of the Consular dignity, and 2000 Gentlemen. Of his Life, vid. Plutarch.  Sylla had its Exit, an ex-travagant desire seized him of invading the management of the Commonwealth; neither did he ever value by what means he attained it, so he got the Reins of Sovereignty into his own hands. Still the wants of his Family and the guilt of his Villainy more and more blowed up the Coals of Discontent in his turbulent breast, besides the corrupt Manners of the City; which Luxury, Avarice, and other complicated Debaucheries, never ceased to foment. Nor can I omit (the matter itself requiring it) to repeat and treat of the Acts and Institutions of our Forefathers, both in Peace and War; by what means they founded the Commonwealth, in what a prosperous condition they left it, and how Rome, from the most flourishing and best of Cities, became the most wicked and debauched.  
The Trojans (I have read) were the first that built and inhabited the City of Rome; who like Vagabonds wandered from place to place under one 
* The Son of Venus and Anchises, who when Troy was taken, came into Italy. He began his Reign over the Latins (saith Buchole) about the year of the World 279. at which time Samson was Judge of Israel. Ante urb. Conned. 427.  Aeneas their Commander, to-ge-ther with the 
† Quasi sine Origine, by reason of their antiquity; Velure Aberrigines, ex aberrando, a wandering People, whose Offspring is not known.  Aborigenes, a brutish kind of People, without Laws, without Government, free and absolute. 'Tis almost incredible to relate how both these, of a different Offspring, different Language, and different Manners, did so easily mix and incorporate, as soon as they were settled in one place; and afterwards when the number of their Citizens, the goodness of their Manners, and the extent of their Territories, had advanced their fortunes, their Condition seemed very prosperous, and their power formidable.  
But 'tis a general Maxim, that the abundance of all things begets Envy: for we find that the bordering Kings and People began to wage War against them. Some few of their Friends came to their assistance, others out of fear and cowardice shun d all dangers; but the Romans were very active to encourage and exhort one another to encounter their Enemies, and with their Arms defend their Liberty, their Country, and their Fathers. But as soon as their Valour had dispelled the Mist of Danger, they immediately sent Aids and Supplies to their Friends and Confederates, and became more beloved by giving than by receiving of Favours; insomuch that their lawfully-acquired Power obtained at length the Royal name of Empire.  
They had * Delicti Delegates, 
A Deligendo: No sitter term for it in English than Deligates.  men chosen out to consult the good of the Commonwealth, whose bodies as age had rendered weak and infirm, so their Wisdom was the more strong and valid: To these, either in regard of their years or Office, they gave the honourable appellation of Fathers.  
But as soon as the City had assumed its Liberty (so much did the desire of Glory inflame them, that) 'tis incredible to relate in how short a time, to how great an height they arrived.  
For the Roman Youth, as soon as they were capable, learned in their Tents Military Discipline by labour and practice, and took greater delight in shining Armour, and warlike Horses, than in the sordid pleasures of Banquets and obscenities: And by this means it came to pass, that nothing they undertook was strange, or unusual to them; no place, though never so difficult, impassable; no armed Enemy in the least formidable; but a true Valour subdued and made every thing easy.  
But the greatest emulation of Glory was among themselves; for every one strove to give the first onset to the Enemy, who should first scale a Wall, or do the most noble action: this they accounted their greatest Treasure, their greatest Fame, and the most honourable Nobility. They were ever covetous of Praise, and liberal of their Money, and affected a great deal of Glory and a competent Estate. I could tell ye in what places the Roman Valour with a small Party has conquered vast Armies of their Enemies, what Cities armed both by Art and Nature, they have besieged and took; if I should not make too great a digression.  
The Achievements of the Athenians were indeed very great and magnificent, but somewhat less and obscure than what Fame has reported them; but because Athens abounded with such great and eminent Writers, their Actions were so hyperbolically celebrated, and their Valour had as great an Encomium, as the best Wits of the Age could express in words.  
But the Romans had never that Vacation, because every of the most prudent and sage men, were ever employed in the most weighty Affairs; and no one amongst them exercised the Gifts of the Mind without those of the Body: the 
* Esse quàm videri bonus malibat. sic Aeschilus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  best men knew that Virtue consisted in Action, and were more addicted to do, than talk; and had rather their good deeds should be commended by others, than that they themselves should be Trumpets to sound forth their own Praise. Every where, both at home and abroad, good Manners were their only study: Joined with the greatest Friendship, and the least Self-interest, 
† Vid. D. August. de Civit. Dei, lib. 2. cap. 18.  Goodness and Honesty more prevailed with them by the Law of Nature, than of Nations: Their Enemies were the only Objects of their Wrath, Hatred, and Discontents; and the only Strife among themselves was, how one Citizen should out do another in works of Virtue; in their Devotions to the Gods they were liberal; parsimonious at home, and very true and faithful to their Friends: They maintained themselves and the Commonwealth by these two Arts; in War, Courage; and in Peace, Justice.  
For I have known punishment to be inflicted oftener on those who contrary to command have fought against their Enemies, and though called home, returned but unwillingly, than on those who have basely deserted their Colours, and given way to the Enemy. But in Peace they exercised their Authority more by Mildness than Severity, and had rather pardon and pass by an Injury, than endeavour to revenge it. But when by Industry and Justice they had raised the Republic to its Grandeur, great (yet conquered) Kings, mighty Nations, and vast Multitudes, were subdued by the Roman Valour; and Carthage, that was emulously fired at the Glory of the Roman Empire, lay buried in its own Ruins; both Sea and Land lay open to them, and Fortune began to play mad freaks, and make a mixture of every thing: Those who had undergone all Labours and dangerous Adversities, left Riches and Idleness to be wished for by others, and accounted them as a burden too heavy to be born.  
And therefore first an immoderate desire of Riches, and then of Sovereignty, so far increased, that they became the Subject and Original of all Mischiefs: for Covetousness having subverted Faith, Honesty, and all good Arts, taught men Pride, Cruelty, Contempt of the Gods, and Bribery, and compelled the greatest part of Mankind into Falsehood, to speak one thing and think another, and to value Friendship not for its own sake, but for the profit that attended it; and to regard more the outward countenance of the Face, than the inward beauty of the Mind. These things at first grew by degrees to an height, at length to be pleaded for and vindicated.  
Afterwards when this Contagion like a Pestilence had infected the whole City, the Empire, which before was most just and excellent, was metamorphosed into cruel and intolerable. At first indeed Ambition possessed the minds of men more than Covetousness, being the more plausible Vice, and nearer resembling Virtue: for the nature of the wise man and the ignorant are alike desirous of Glory, Honour, and Command; but the one takes just and true measures, and the other (blinded with unlearned Ignorance) by unjust and deceitful Fallacies, endeavours to attain them. Covetousness is no other than a strict search and a fixed desire after Riches; which not wise man was ever guilty of, because it has that poisonous quality, to render both the Mind and Body weak and effeminate: 'tis infinite and unsatiable; neither is it possible for Plenty or Want to hinder or diminish it.  
But after the Commonwealth was retaken by L. Sylla, his good beginnings were attended with far otherwise events: for the Army fell immediately to Rapine and Violence; one coveted this house, and another that field: neither had they any Conscience or Modesty, but made the poor Citizens the deplorable Objects of their Cruelty and Outrage.  
Hence it came to pass that L. Sylla, that he might the more endear the Army (he led into Asia) to himself, gave it a toleration for all Luxury and Debauchery: for the bewitching delicacies of the Place, and the pleasures of Peace, soon turned the flinty breasts of Soldiers into softness and effeminacy.  
There was the fatal place where first the Roman Army grew to an habit of Lust and Intemperance; here they first came to admire painted Tables and embossed Cups, and privately and publicly to steal and plunder, rob Temples, and make no distinction at all between things sacred and profane; so that wherever they came and were victorious, they never left any thing for the conquered to enjoy.  
For prosperous Events are a great clog to the Spirits of wise men, lest they too should become Slaves to their own Victory; but when the richest men were accounted the most honourable, and that only they were invested with Command and Authority, the edge of Valour was soon blunted, Poverty was accounted a Reproach, and Innocence a morose Ill-nature.  
So that Riches were the unhappy cause that Luxury, Avarice, and Pride, so generally invaded the whole Roman Youth, that they were given up to Rapine and Prodigality; to be profuse of their own Estates, and yet very covetous of another's; to set no value either on Shame or Modesty, but to mingle divine and humane things promiscuously alike.  
It was a Golden time when whole Houses and Villages, built after the forms of Cities, came to visit the Temples of the Gods, founded by our most religious Ancestors; when they adorned the Temples of the Gods with Piety and Devotion, and their own houses with Renown and Honour; when they never debarred the Conquered of any thing, but only the liberty of doing Injuries.  
But on the contrary, these (rather Bruits than Men) by the greatest Injustice, and the height of Villainy, (as if to do Injuries was only to make use of Authority) have stripped their Companions of all those Privileges that were left them by their most valiant Conquerors: For why should I tell you things which unless seen are incredible, that many private men have levelled Mountains, and drained Oceans, to whom their Riches seemed as a Play-game, and though lawful enough in themselves, yet were wilfully abused to all manner of Impiety.  
Neither did they rest here, but no less immoderate desire of Filthiness and Folly, and other unlawful Extravagancies, did possess them: even men changed the course of Nature, and acted the parts of women; and women did no less impudently prostitute their shame in public; both Sea and Land were ransacked to afford them Delicates to please the witty gluttony of a Meal; and they took greater delight in Sloth and Drowsiness, than in a moderate Sleep and natural Refreshment: No longer did they undergo Hunger, Thirst, Cold, or Hardships, but made every thing subservient to their Luxury.  
These things, when their Prodigality had brought their Estates to a low ebb, fired the Roman Youth to some rash Attempt; for a mind once polluted, or tainted with debauched principles, never wants fuel to maintain them: and therefore in every respect they gave Prodigality a greater scope, and a freer career.   

Patriae Parricida: OR, CATILINE 's Conspiracy.  
IN so great and so debauched a City, Catiline had every day Cabals of Pensioners for Mischief and Villainy; for every Debauchees that had either by Riot, Gaming, or Whoring, consumed his Patrimony, or had mortgaged his Estate to procure a Pardon for some notorious Crime; besides all Parricides, Sacrilegious, arraigned at the Bar, or deserved and feared it; besides Thiefs, perjured, and Murderers; and lastly, all those whom any notorious Villainy, want, or an evil Conscience had made infamous, were by Catiline picked up as the fittest persons for his purpose. These were his very Family and Domestics; and if any one of an honest Reputation, free from those Enormities, ever happened into his acquaintance, by perpetual Persuasions and insensible Allurements, he becomes a Proselyte as bad as the worst. But for the most part he coveted the acquaintance of young men, because their Spirits are more pliable in the bloom of their age, and consequently swallow the Bait with less difficulty; therefore he adapted a particular Temptation to every particular Constitution: To some he would become a Pander, for others he would procure Dogs and Horses; and without regard either to Modesty or Expense, he would never refuse the most vile and abject services, so he could but bring them over to his humour, and make them true to his interest.  
For Catiline, when but a Youth, committed several notorious Rapes, first on a noble Virgin, then on a Vestal Nun, and was guilty of many such egregious incestuous Extravagancies, contrary to all Law and Nature. At last he sell in love with Aurelia Orestilla, in whom no good man found any thing commendable but her Beauty; and because she doubted to marry him, fearing her Son-in-law, then in age, 'tis really believed he poisoned his only Son, to make way for their unlawful Marriage; which thing in my opinion was the chiefest cause why Catiline so soon endeavoured to ripen his Conspiracy: For a mind polluted with Impiety, is hateful both to Gods and men, and can never be sedate nor composed with sleep nor watch. Thus did self-guilt weary and waste his enraged, turbulent breast: from thence proceeded that languid bloudless colour in his face, staring eyes, his pace confused, now quick and then slow; and the uneasy discontent, and War within him, discovered itself too apparent in his looks and gestures.  
But he not only betrayed a great part of the Roman Youth, but he taught them divers Formula's and Methods in the commission of notorious Villainies. Out of them he furnished himself with false Evidences and counterfeit Seals, insomuch that they Set all their Credit, Fortunes, and Dangers at a very despicable value.  
But after he had made shipwreck of their Reputations, he soon commanded things of far greater consequence: for if but a small cause or opportunity for Mischief did occur, lest their hands should grow dull for want of use, yet their minds should be gratuitously mischievous to circumvent and ruin the Innocent as well as guilty.  
Catiline reposing so great a trust and confidence in these his Friends and Allies, (considering that there was no Country but to which he and they were deeply indebted, and that Sylla's Soldiers were in want, who reflecting on their former Victories, wished once more an opportunity for a Civil War) began to consult by what means he might best curb the Commonwealth, and take the Government into his own hands. In Italy there was no Standing-Army, and 
* Father-in-law to Julius Caesar, for his valour surnamed Magnus. He was of such an Heroic Spirit, that he could not admit of an Equal; and Caesar so stout, that he could not endure a Superior: whence arose the Civil Wars in Rome.  Cn. Pompeius was waging War in the utmost confines of the Roman Empire, that he himself stood very fair for the Consulate, and the Senate nothing at all cautious and suspectful, but every thing moved in a safe and undisturbed Sphere; all which wonderfully favoured his design. And to that purpose, about the 
† Which was about the beginning of Junei, for the Calends were the first day of every month. Vid. Godw. Antiq. Rom.  Calends of June he first began to discover it apart, to persuade some, and allure others, and promise all, that the Aids and Forces he should have (considering the Commonwealth was careless and unprovided) would make the rewards of the Conspiracy great and answerable. When he had discovered what he thought convenient, he summoned all those, the greatness of whose wants afforded them the greatest stock of Resolution and Boldness.  
Thither came of the Senatorian Order, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius, L. Cassius. C. Cethegus, the two Sylla's, P. and Seru. L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Lecca, L. Bestia, and Q. Curius.  
Of the Equestrian Order (or Knights) came M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Stanlius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius, besides many nobly descended out of the Colonies, and free Towns. Many more Noblemen were made more privately acquainted with it; whom the desire and hopes of Command, more than Want or Necessity, persuaded to be Traitors. The rest that favoured the Design were for the most part of the Roman Nobility, who desired to live in ease either splendidly, or effeminately; preferring 
* Sic in bello Jugurthino. Quanquam opibus suis consideret, tamen non debere incerta pro certis mutare. Irem Plautus, in Pseud. Certa amittimus, dùm incerta petimus. Et Hesiodus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Chimaeras before Realities, and the dubious events of War, before the certain tranquillity of a settled Peace.  
At that time there were some that thought that M. Licinius Crassus was not altogether ignorant of the Association, because he bore an inveterate hatred to Cn. Pompeius, who was then General of a great Army, and was very willing to raise any Forces whatsoever to curb his growing Greatness, hoping that if the Plot had took effect, to make himself Commander in his stead.  
When they were all met, Catiline, though he had discovered several things before apart, yet thought that in this matter 'twas expedient to convene all, to give them a sufficient satisfaction of the goodness and justice of his Cause; took them apart into a private Room, and thus bespoke them.  
In vain were all opportunities of time and place, and pregnant hopes of Dominion and Sovereignty, if either your Valour or Integrity were in the least to be suspected; neither would I through ignorance or a capricious humour, leave a substance to embrace a shadow, or refuse solid certainties to grasp empty hopes, or Clouds of Air: but since in many and prodigious difficulties I have had sufficient experience of your Courage and Honesty, my mind prompts me on to undertake the greatest and the most honourable Enterprise imaginable: for I know what things will turn to the profit and disadvantage of us all; and for you to Will and Nill the same with me, is the very height and compliment of Friendship. What I now design, you have been severally acquainted with, how glorious and honourable our Undertaking is; but my Spirit is more inflamed, when I reflect how miserable the residue of our lives will be, unless by some noble Attempt on the public Liberty we endeavour to evade it.  
For as soon as the Commonwealth was delivered to a few rich and powerful men, mighty Kings and Tetrarches became their Tributaries, vast Multitudes and whole Nations became their Vassals, and paid them Stipends; and we that are truly valiant, honest, and nobly born, have been ranked with the ignoble Vulgar, and been basely subject to their humours, without any Authority, or the least mark of Greatness, to whom (were things justly managed) we should appear great and formidable: for we see that all Command, Honour, and Riches, are absolutely possessed and disposed of by them, when only Dangers, Disgrace, and Poverty are all our fortunes; which how long (O invincible Spirits) will ye undergo! Is it not much more honourable to die in the Bed of Honour in a Righteous Cause, than lose a miserable and a sordid life in the base service of a Great man's Pride? But now (O the faith of Gods and men!) Victory smiles, and seems ready to put her triumphant Palm into our hands; and what should hinder? Is not the power in our hands? our Age in its full strength and vigour? and our Courage equal to our Age? and every thing as it were conspires to make us absolutely happy? When on the contrary, to them, Age, Riches, and Security, render every thing old and tedious. Nothing now remains but the Attempt itself. Other things the justice of our Cause and the necessity of our Action will consequently dispatch: for what one of us, that hath the true Roman blood flowing within him, can endure that such men should have so great an affluence of Riches, even whole worlds of Treasure, which they profusely waste in Riots and Excess, in levelling Mountains, and draining Seas; when we, who are far more meritorious and deserving, cannot supply the necessitous wants of ourselves and Families: they are happy in the number of their Palaces, and we miserable in the want of a small House, or a settled Habitation. They can purchase rich Attic Tables, carved Images, and embossed Cups; pull down this new Structure, and raise another, and endeavour by all means imaginable to consume and even torment their Treasures, which are as boundless as their Passions; while we labour under the intolerable burden of Wants at home, Debts abroad, in a deplorable condition, and much more deplorable hopes: and therefore what should hinder an immediate Insurrection? Lo, Liberty, Liberty! the Goddess whom you oft have courted, now courts you, attended with that inestimable Dowry of Riches, Honour, and Renown. Fortune has designed these Rewards only for Conquerors; and now the Cause, Opportunity, Danger, Want, and all the splendid Spoils of glorious War, should have a greater influence upon your Spirits, than an excellent Oration, though decked with the choicest Flowers of pleasing Rhetoric. Either use me as a Commander, or a Soldier; both my Presence and my Courage shall ever attend you. These things when I am Consul, with your advice and help, I hope to effect, unless perchance my Trust fail me, and you more inclined to live slavishly, than command victoriously.  
Soon as the Conspirators had heard this, though they had neither money nor probable hopes of carrying it on, yet they thought they should reap sufficient satisfaction in disturbing the Peace of the Commonwealth; and to that end they required him to propose in what nature or condition the War should be, what Rewards, what hopes of Aid did seem to favour it. Catiline immediately promised them new Laws, the 
* They were properly said to be proscribed, whose Names were very fairly written and set up in the Forum (or Exchange) to give notice that for some Misdemeanour their Goods were to be sold, and the Malefactors banished.  Proscription or Sequestration of the rich men's Estates, their Magistracies, Church-lands, Plunder, and every thing which the will of the Conqueror should lay claim to.  
Besides this, Piso was with an Army in the yonder Spain, and P. Sitius Nucerinus in Mauritania with another; both his Friends, and both Partners in the Conspiracy: that C. Antonius, his familiar Acquaintance, a man every where surrounded with wants and necessities, endeavoured the Consulship, whom he hoped should be his Colleague; and as soon as he had acquired that, he would begin the Attempt. Soon as he had spoke this, he fell a railing on all the Loyal Party with opprobrious Language, and dire Imprecations; then naming every one of his own, began to praise them for the nobleness of the Undertaking; to one he objected his Poverty, to another his Ambition; many he advised of the danger and disgrace they should contive in without it: but mostly he insisted on the Victory of Sylla, and the rich Spoils and Plunder that attended it. At length, when he perceived the joy of their hearts appear in their looks, desiring them to consider what he had recommended to them, he dismissed the Conventicle.  
At that time there were some that reported that Catiline, after he had made an Eloquent Oration to allure the Instruments of his Mischief to an Oath of Secrecy, gave each one a Cup of Wine mixed with 
* Hac de re Florus sic scribit. Additum est pignus Conjurationis Sanguinis humanus, quem circumlatum pateris bibere. Summum Nefas, nisi amplius esset, propter quod biberunt.  Human Blood; which when (with an Execration, as is usual in solemn Sacrifices) they had drunk off, he discovered every Circumstance of his hellish Intrigue. And this they report he did, that, seeing they were scared with the horridness of the Plot, they might be the more faithful one to another, and keep the Design more secure from discovery.  
In this Association there was one Q. Curius of a Noble Family, but involved in all debauched and villainous practices, whom the Censors banished the Senate for his scandalous deportment. This man as he was bold and daring, so he was very foppish and idle; he could neither be secret in things imparted to him, nor cease to be the Divulger of his own Debaucheries, making no distinction at all between what he did or said.  
Betwixt him and Fulvia, a Lady nobly descended, was contracted a very intimate and immodest Familiarity; to whom when Poverty had rendered him less acceptable, he immediately boasted of and promised Golden Mountains, and I know not what impossibilities; sometimes threatening her with death if she did not incline to his lawless humour; at length came to be more boldly rude than usual.  
But Fulvia so prudently managed him, that by degrees she got out of him the Cause of his insolence, and thought that a matter of that dangerous consequence to the Commonwealth, ought not to be longer kept private; insomuch that many whom she made acquainted with it, were very desirous to intrust the management of the Commonwealth to M. Tullius Cicero, whom before most of the Nobility envied, and thought it a degradation to the Consular dignity, that so great an honour should be conferred on such a new Upstart person, though of extraordinary Parts and Abilities; but when dangers made things look with so ill an aspect, that Envy and Pride suddenly vanished and gave place to Safety.  
Therefore in the next Senate, M. Tullius Cicero and C. Antonius were declared 
* Sic dicti, à Consulendo Populo: No Citizen could be made Consul, till the forty third year of his age.  Consuls; which at first struck the Conspirators with a Panic fear: Neither was the rage and madness of Catiline any whit abated, but urged him to greater and more fatal Resolutions.  
For now he began to fortify several of the most convenient and chiefest places in Italy, and sent Money to Manlius at Faesulae, which he had borrowed both on his own and the account of his Friends. This Manlius became afterwards the Head of the Rebellion.  
He betrayed likewise a vast number of all sorts and conditions, besides some women who had got vast Estates by the prostitution of their bodies. Even these Catiline designed to be instrumental to his Association, who by Courtship and other verbal Services, should engage their Husbands to his interest, and if not, to kill them.  
Amongst these was the Lady Sempronia, a true Virago, who commonly committed many notorious Mischiefs with a masculine impudence. This woman was very nobly descended, and of an excellent beauty, very happy in a Noble Husband and lovely Children, learned in the Greek and Latin Tongues, could sing and dance more 
* Semproniam hic reprehendit Salustius, non quod saltare, sed quod optimè scierit, quod ut vitium Notavit Aemilius Probus in Epaminondae vita.  ingeniously than an honest woman ought to do, and had several more qualifications subservient to her wanton Luxury: she accounted any thing at an equal value with Virtue and Modesty; and it would be very difficult to discern whether she was more prodigal of her Money or her Reputation; being so naturally lascivious, that rather than not be courted, she would court others.  
But this woman had before this made shipwreck of her Fame and Credit, was perjured, guilty of Murder, and involved in all manner of Luxury and Necessity.  
But her Wit and Parts were not in the least despicable; she could compose Rhymes and Sonnets, was very jocular in all Society, and could talk either modestly, moderately, or lasciviously, and had indeed a great deal of Complaisance and Gentility in her Conversation.  
These things done, and the Plot so far laid, Catiline the ensuing year endeavoured no less vigorously for the Consulate than before, hoping that if he was chosen, he should manage C. Antonius, and cast him in what mould he pleased.  
Neither was he now quiet, but sought by all means possible to entrap Cicero, who was no less sedulously cautious to prevent him: for from the beginning of his Consulate he so managed Fulvia, that she promised to induce Q. Curius to discover the whole Association. Moreover, he sent away C. Antonius his Colleague to the Government of a Province, suspecting lest he also should have some private grudges against the Commonwealth; and had continually a private party of his Friends and Clients about him for the safeguard of his person.  
But when the Council-day came, and Catiline saw that none of his Designs and Stratagems against the Consul took effect, resolved immediately to take Arms and absolutely try the utmost event of all things, since all his Contrivances met with a far different Event than he expected.  
Upon this he dispatched away Manlius to Faesulae, and other parts of Etruria; Septimius to the Territories of Picenum; and C. Julius into Apulia; some one way, and some another, as he thought convenient.  
In the mean time he himself was not idle at Rome, but still plotted the ruin of the Consul, to prepare fit Instruments and Materials for firing the City, and to beset strong and convenient places with armed men, to be himself armed, to command and exhort others to be prepared and in readiness for what they were to execute, to be active and vigilant both by night and day, and let no labour nor hardship in the least weary nor discompose them.  
But at last, when he saw nothing take effect, at an unseasonable time of night he summoned the Chief of the Conspiracy by M. Porcius Lecca, complaining of their sloth and tardiness in so weighty an Affair. He gave them to understand, that he had sent Manlius before to those Forces which he had ordered to be in Arms, and others into other opportune places, to commence the War; and that he himself desired to hasten to the Army, if by any means possible he could first kill Cicero, because he was the chiefest hindrance and countermine to all his undertake.  
At this they were all startled, and very dubious what the Event might be. At length C. Cornelius a Roman Knight, and L. Vargunteius a Senator, resolved that very night or the next morning to take a few armed men, and go by way of visit to salute Cicero, and so surprisingly to kill him at his own house.  
But when Q. Qurius understood how great and imminent a danger threatened the Consul, he immediately made Fulvia the happy Instrument of its discovery, insomuch that when they came to the door, they were denied entrance; and for so great and noble an Exploit, had only their labour for their pains.  
In the mean time Manlius raised the Rabble in Etruria, who were very desirous of Reformation, because their present Wants and Grievances brought to their remembrance, that in the Usurpation of Sylla their Estates were sequestered, and their Goods confiscated.  
Besides these, there were a great number of Banditi or Robbers (of which that Country abounded) and some of Sylla's old Soldiers; though they had such rich Plunder and large Spoils, yet their Lust and Luxury left them nothing to enjoy.  
When Cicero understood this, a dubious fear presently possessed him, lest the City could no longer be defended from their Treachery by a private Council. Neither was he sufficiently satisfied how strong the Army of Manlius was, nor what it immediately designed to do, but makes the Senate acquainted with the whole matter, which was heightened and aggravated before by the Rumours of the common people.  
Upon this, the Senate immediately decreed (as is usual in matters of great consequence) that it should be the care of the Consuls, what in them lay, to endeavour the Security of the Commonwealth, and gave Commissions to the Magistracy to raise an Army, wage War, to engage Friends and Citizens, and to exercise full power and authority both abroad and at home.  
Not long after, L. Senius (or Servius) read some Letters in the Senate, which he reported to come from Faesulae; the Contents of which were, That Manlius was in the Field with a great Army, the 5th of the Calends of November: Some related several ominous Portents and Prodigies; others, that there were several private Cabals and Consults, how to send Arms to Capua, and raise a servile War in Apulia. Therefore the Senate decreed that Q. M. Rex, and Q. Metellus Creticus, should be sent, the one into Faesulae, and the other into Apulia, and the neighbouring places.  
But the 
* Quod praeirent Populo: That judged matters within the City, and had usually places of Command in the Army; the number at last came to sixteen.  Praetors Q. Pompeius Rufus, and Q. Metellus Celer, were sent the one into Capua, and the other to the Territories of Picenum, with orders to raise such an Army as the time and danger did require.  
Moreover, the Senate decreed that large Rewards should be given to any one that would make any discovery of the Conspiracy, (viz.) To a Servant Freedom, and an hundred Sesterces; to a 
* Libertus: He or she that had served as an Apprentice, and was afterwards manumised, was called Libertus, or Liberta.  freed man a Pardon, and two hundred: They decreed likewise, that the Companies of the Gladiators should be drawn out and sent into Capua, and other municipal places, as there should be occasion; and that continual Guards and Watches should be set over the whole City, and some inferior Magistrate should command them.  
Upon this the whole City was in a Consternation, and every thing looked with a far different Aspect than before; for instead of their excessive Mirth and Wantonness, (the effects of Idleness) Sorrow and Grief invaded every one; Terror and Panic Fear so disordered them, that they would neither trust to the safety of any place, nor the honesty of any man; they were so confused that they were unfit to make War, or live in Peace, measuring the greatness of their Danger by the greatness of their Fear.  
Moreover, the tender women, whom the unaccustomed fear of War had affrighted, had regard to the greatness and glory of the Commonwealth, neither ceased they from being the Afflictors and Tormentors of their own breasts, and with uplift hands to Heaven implored its mercy on their poor Children. Often would they ask confused Questions, and tremble at every shadow. Pride and Delicacy were now no more, since they disinherited their own Country, and themselves too.  
But the cruel and enraged breast of Catiline still persisted in the carrying on of his Villainies, notwithstanding such strong Watches were set every where. To dissemble his Hypocrisy, and excuse himself as if justly provoked, he came into the Senate; Then M. Tullius Cicero, either startled with fear at his presence, or moved with indignation, made a very eloquent and profitable Oration for the Commonwealth. When he had done, Catiline, who had the gift of Dissimulation, with a demure look, and a low voice, requested the Fathers not to give a rash credit to every idle Report, but should consider, that as he was descended of a Noble Family, so he ever framed his life from his Youth up, that he had a prospect of every thing good and honourable; that they should reflect he was one of their own Order, a Patrician, whose Ancestors had well and nobly deserved for their many Favours and Kindnesses to the Roman Commonalty; that there would be no need of conspiring the Ruin of the Commonwealth, so long as M. T. Cicero, an Inmate, private Citizen of Rome, sat at its Helm for its preservation.  
Soon as he had spoken these and other opprobrious words against the Consul, they were all startled, and began to brand him with the dishonourable terms of Enemy, Monster, and Parricide: He, with a furious and raging transport answered, Since I am thus circumvented by my Enemies, the Fire that I have kindled shall be quenched by their Ruin. With that he went hastily out of the Senate to his own house, and there ruminated on many things to himself, that since all his Snares for the Consul proved ineffectual, and that the City was so well secured, that there was no possibility left of firing it, he thought best to increase the number of his Army, and before the Legion should be mustered, to take several things with him that might be serviceable to him in the War: so late at night he departed the City, and set forward to the Camp of Manlius; but gave orders before to Cethegus and Lentulus (in whose boldness and resolution he had the greatest confidence) that they should what in them lay, strengthen the Faction, hasten to dispatch the Consul, and get ready the Instruments of Ruin, and Fire, and other Engines of War, and that he himself within a few days would meet them with his Ensigns at the City-walls.  
In the mean time Manlius sends a Messenger to Q. Martius Rex, with such a Message as this:  
We call the Gods and men to witness, O General, that we took Arms not to the ruin of our Country, nor to the hazard and detriment of any other; but only for our own security, that we being made miserable and indigent by the Cruelty and Exaction of our Usurers, are out of all hopes of our Country, Fame, and Fortune: for their and the Praetors boundless Extortion has been such, that we are not allowed (as our Forefathers were) the use and privileges of our own Laws; and since the loss of our Patrimonies, have not had the liberty of our bodies. Many times have our Ancestors in compassion to the Roman Commons, supplied their necessities, and very lately, within our own memories, the greatness of their Debts being such, that by the consent of all good men, Brass has passed currant instead of Silver.  
For the common People being fired with the desire of Command, and justly provoked by the pride and injustice of their Magistrates, have oftentimes degenerated from the virtues of their Fathers, and shook off the heavy Yoke of the Roman Senate.  
But for us, we neither desire Command nor Riches, (the unhappy Original of all the Jars and Discontents of mankind) but only Liberty, which no good man will ever part with, without life. We conjure you and the whole Senate, to consult the Quiet and Welfare of the miserable Citizens, and restore them the safeguard and defence of those Laws which the Injustice and Avarice of the Praetors have taken from them: for we would not have it said, that you should impose on us the necessity of requiring by what means and methods we should fall in the Revenge of our own Blood.  
To which Marcius returned answer, That if they intended to have any favour of the Senate, they should quit their Arms, and return submissively to Rome: that the Senate and Roman People were ever of that Generosity and Clemency, that no Petition of Redress of Grievances was ever in vain, or ineffectual.  
But Catiline as he was on his Journey, sent Letters to many of the Chief of the Senate, intimating that he was falsely accused of Crimes he knew not; and because he could not withstand the faction and malice of his Enemies, he thought better to submit to Fortune: that he was gone an innocent man to Exile into Massilia, not because he was guilty of what was laid to his charge, but only for the quiet of the Commonwealth, whose Peace he more studied than any seditious Contention, or the vindication of his own Innocence. Several Letters of this purport Catulus read in the Senate, delivered to him in the name of Catiline; of which, this was one.  
L. Catiline to Q. Catulus, health.  
YOur extraordinary love and favour that were ever grateful to me in my greatest dangers, hath given me the boldness for this Commendation; wherefore I thought fit not to speak any thing in my own defence in a new Senate, nor to propose any satisfaction out of any self-guilt of what I am accused: which (I take Heaven to witness) that you may know the truth, being so much provoked by the continual Injuries and Affronts put upon me, being deprived of the Fruit and Profit of all my Industry, and not obtaining the state of Dignity I stood Candidate for, I undertook (as I am wont) the Cause of the Afflicted; not but that I could make sufficient satisfaction for all the Debts contracted on my account out of my own Estate, and the Generosity of Aurelia Orestilla can satisfy the rest out of her own and her Daughter's Revenues: but because I saw men worthy of all Honour not preferred, and myself alienated from the affections of the Senate by a false suspicion, on this account I prosecuted very honourable hopes of preserving the residue of the Dignity for my own sake. I would write more, but news is brought me that the Senate prepares for Arms: wherefore I commend Orestilla to your care and protection; defend her from all Injuries, since it is the request of us both. Farewell.  
But he himself stayed a few days with Flaminius at Rheatium, to supply that City with Arms; then with the 
* Bundles of Rods carried as a mark of Honour and Justice before the Consul, and other great and eminent Officers.  Fasces, and other Imperial Ensigns went to the Camp to Manlius.  
Soon as these things were known at Rome, the Senate immediately proclaimed Catiline and Manlius Enemies to the Republic, and appointed a day for the rest of the Conspirators, and those that were already condemned for capital Crimes, before they could possibly quit their Arms; decreeing likewise that the Consuls should have a Dilectum, and that Antonius should hasten to follow Catiline with his Army, and Cicero be lest for the safeguard of the City.  
At that time the Roman Empire seemed to be in a very low ebb of Fortune; though all their Conquests from the East to the West were at their beck, at home Pleasures and Riches (the summum bonum of some men) flowed in with a Springtide, yet there were some factious Citizens of that perverse and obstinate Spirit, who then endeavoured what in them lay the Ruin of the Commonwealth and themselves too, for the lucre of the Reward promised by the two Decretals of the Senate, had not that influence on one of so great a Multitude as to prompt him to discover the least particle of the Conspiracy: neither did one of Catiline's Soldiers prove a Renegado, so much did the Witchcraft of Rebellion possess the minds of most of the Citizens: Neither was it the opinion only of those concerned in the Association, but the greatest part of the common people were so in love with Reformation, that they favoured and approved of his Undertake, or at least seemed so.  
For always in a great City all good and loyal persons become the Envy of the poor and factious: whereas on the contrary, wicked Incendiaries are most extolled; who hating Antiquities, were in love with Novelties, willing to exchange present Realities for future Uncertainties; being bred and fostered only by Noise and Sedition, without any care or foresight.  
For Poverty is easily obtained without loss, but the common Citizens urged themselves headlong to their own ruin, especially those who excelled others in Cheats and Cozenage; secondly, those whose loss of Patrimony was attended with disgrace and necessity; and lastly, those whom any wicked and nefarious Villainy had banished Rome: These at that time fled to the City as to a Brothel; and many calling to remembrance the Usurpation of Sylla, that they saw some from common Soldiers become Senators; others so opulent, that they lived rather like Princes than common Subjects; every one hoped that if Victory attended their Swords, the same or a better fortune: Besides, the Country Youth, who earned their Bread in the fields by the sweat of their brows, being fired with their profuse prodigality both in private and public, preferred the idle life and pleasures of the City before the ungrateful toil and labour of the Country.  
Not only these, but all, were infected with the same disease; by which it is the less to be admired that indigent persons, endued with ill principles, having such hopes, consulted not so much the good of the Republic, as their own interests: besides, those whose Parents were banished, and had their Estates sequestered, and their Rights and Privileges lessened by the Usurpation of Sylla, expected the Event of this War to be little different from that. Moreover, those who were of a different Opinion and Party from that of the Roman Senate, had rather the Commonwealth should be disturbed, than they themselves be the less quiet. Thus the old Mischief, after the revolution of some years, returned to infect the City once again.  
For when the Power of the 
* Of which there were two sorts, Tribunis militum, who had only authority in matters military; and Tribuni Plebis, Protectors of the People, Anglicè, Sheriffs.  Tribunes was restored (in the Consulate of Cn. Pompeius, and M. Crassus) the Roman Youth, having attained the height of Power, their Age and Spirits being alike sierce and untamed, began to irritate the Rabble by criminating the Actions of the Senate; and by degrees incensing them more and more by Bribes and Promises, made themselves very popularly famous. On the contrary, most of the Nobility of the Senate, for the honour of the Commonwealth, and their own Grandeur, endeavoured what in them lay to oppose them.  
But after that Cn. Pompeius was sen● to the Maritime and Mithridatick War▪ the Riches of the common People were diminished, and the Empire fell into the hands of a few. These men had al● Magistracies, Provinces, and every thing else in their own possession, and were altogether absolute and ▪ leading their lives without any fear o● danger, and awed all others by the terror of their Laws to reduce the Commonalty into a better Obedience: bu● the first opportunity that offered any hopes, blew up the Coals of Dissension afresh within them. But to return.  
If Catiline had departed Rome at first, with an Army equal to the Commonwealth, a mighty Slaughter and Calamity had inevitably befallen it; neither would those who had been victorious have been long able to retain their Conquest, but he that had the stronger Party would obtain the Empire from the more weak and infirm.  
Besides those that were now concerned in the Conspiracy, there were some who sided with Catiline before; among these was one Fulvius the Son of a Senator, whom being taken in his Journey, his Father commanded to be slain. At that time at Rome was also Lentulus, who by the instigation of Catiline seduced (either by himself or others) all, whose Manners and Fortunes he thought rendered them desirous of Reformation; not only Citizens, but all sort of People that might aid a War.  
To that purpose he employs one Vmbrenus to solicit to Ambassadors of the 
* A very fierce and Warlike People that inhabited some part of Gallila, and were tributaries to the Roman Empire. Now Inhabitants of Dauphiny and Savoy.  Allobroges, and decoy them, if possible, into the horrid Association, supposing (as indeed they were) that they were deeply taxed both abroad and at home. Moreover he knew the 
† Justinus ex Trogo. Non reges Orientis sine Mercenario Gallorum Exercítu, ulla bella Gesserunt, tantus terror Gallici Nominis, sive armorum, invicta felicitas erat, ut alter neque Majestatem suam tutam, neque amissam recuperare se posse, sine Gallica virtute arbitrarentur.  Gauls were naturally a fierce and warlike People, and might easily be brought over to such a Design. This Vmbrenus was known to, and well acquainted with the Chiefs and Magistrates of all their Cities, because he had for some time been employed in Gallia by the Roman Senate; and therefore he took an opportunity when he saw the Ambassadors in the 
* Forum has several significations; but I suppose this to be the place where Orations were made to the People, and where Controversies in Law were judicially determined.  Forum, ask them a few Questions concerning the state and condition of their City, and as it were condoling their Misfortunes, he began to inquire of them what end they hoped to expect of all their Miseries; but when he heard them complain of the covetousness of their Magistrates, that they accused the Roman Senate because they afforded them no Redress, and that they expected nothing but Death to be their Remedy; But I (said he) provided you will show your ●s; elves men, can put you into a method how you may easily avoid these Extremities.  
When he had said this, the Allobroges, big with expectation, entreated Vmbrenus to commiserate their Condition, and promised that there was nothing so hard and difficult, but they would to the utmost of their power endeavour to accomplish, if by any means possible he could deliver their Citie● from the rigour of their Taxes.  
Presently he leads them into the house of Decius Brutus, because 'twas near the Forum, and was their general Rendezvouz, for the sake of his Wif● Sempronia; (for Brutus was at tha● time absent from Rome:) to his aid h● calls Gabinius, who was endued with the better Art of Persuasion; in his presence he opens the whole Plot, and to induce them the more, discovers th● Confederates and the rest that were concerned therein: and when they had consented, and promised what Aid they could afford, they were dismissed.  
But the Allobroges were long in suspense what Course to steer; on the one side, were their Debts and Exactions, desire of War, and a prospect of the vast Rewards of Victory; on the other, greater Riches and Aids, safe Counsel, and instead of uncertain Hopes, certain Rewards. Consulting these things, at length Fortune favoured the Commonwealth; upon this they discovered what they knew to Q. Fabius Sanga, (under whose Patronage their City then was) Cicero being acquainted with it by Sanga, ordered the Ambassadors still seemingly to favour the Conspiracy, accordingly to meet them, promise them well, and do their Endeavour to make themselves acquainted with as much as possible. About the same time were there Insurrections in both Gallia's, in the Territories of Picenum, and at Brutium in Apulia; for those whom Catiline had sent away before, rashly and inconsiderately managed every thing, according to their own Will, and caused more Fear than Danger by their nightly Cabal●, Conveyance of Armour and Darts, by their urging and hastening every thing; of which number Quintus Metellus Celer (being made acquainted with it by the Senate) put many into Chains and Irons; the like did C. Muraena in yonder Gallia, who was Lieutenant of that Province.  
But at Rome, Lentulus, with the rest of the Chief of the Conspiracy that were ready with their Forces, so designed it, that as soon as Catiline was come into Faesulae with his Army, L. Bestia, the Tribune of the People, should in a select Oration lay the blame of the whole Proceeding upon Cicero, and lay the Envy of the most unheard of Wars upon the best of Consuls, and by a certain signal the rest of the Conspirators the next Night should severally prosecute their intended mischiefs, but in this method, that Statilius and Gabi●ius, with a small Party, should set fire on twelve chief Places of the City; by which means they might the better come at the Consul and the rest for whom they had laid wait; that Cathegus should beset the Gate of Cicero, and assassinate him, some one way and some another; but the Sons of Families (of which the most part was of the Nobility) should kill their own Parents. So that every one being thunderstruck as it were with Blood and Fire, should confusedly run out, and join with Catiline.  
Whilst these things were designing and preparing, Cethegus continually complained of the Sloth and Laziness of his Companions, that their doubting and delays had lost them several fair and promising Opportunities, and that there was more need of Action than Council, in a matter of so great and dangerous a Consequence, that he himself with the help of a few more (since the rest were so remiss) would set upon, and massacre the whole Senate. This Cethegus was naturally fierce and cruel, very dexterous, and successful in what he undertook, and ever thought the greatest Honour of any Action consisted in Celerity.  
But the Allobroges, according to the Command of Cicero, met Gabinius and the rest, and required an Oath of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, which being sealed, would be a sure Pledge or Confirmation to their Citizens, without which it would be very difficult to induce them to favour so great and hazardous a Design, which they (not at all suspecting) freely gave. Cassius promised to come thither in a short time, to command what Aid they should afford, and accordingly departed the City a little before the Ambassadors. He also sent with them P. Vulturtius, to the end the Allobroges, before they returned home, should confirm the Association with Catiline, by a mutual Obligation, himself likewise delivered Letters to Vulturtius for Catiline, of which this is one.  
Who I am the Bearer shall acquaint you, Consider in how great a Calamity you at present are, remember that you are a man, and a Roman, and what the present posture of your Affairs require, get what Aid you can from every one, even the most vile and abject.  
He ordered likewise Vulturtius to inform Catiline, that since the Senate had declared him Enemy to the Commonwealth, by what means he should refuse their Conditions if offered, that all things were ready in the City, which he gave Orders for, and that he should no longer delay to advance nearer.  
These things done, Cicero being informed of all by the Allobroges, Commanded the Praetors, L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Pomptinius, by ambush to seize the Allobroges, and their retinue on the Milvian bridge. The same night that they departed, accordingly they appointed some armed Men without any noise or tumult to beset the Bridge; where, when the Ambassadors with Vulturtius came, the word given, on both sides the Ambush broke forth, the Allobroges, knowing the Design, willingly surrendered themselves; but Vulturtius at first encouraging the rest, defended himself from the multitude with his Sword, but when he saw himself deserted by the Ambassadors, he entreated many things of Pomptinius, for his own safety; and fearful, and distrustimg his life, delivered himself Prisoner to the Praetors, of which thing Cicero had very seasonable notice, and 'twas hard to discern whether his Joy or Care was the greater, he was glad when he considered, that by the Discovery of so great a Treason the City was secure from all its threatening Dangers, and was Anxious and Doubtful what to do, since such great Citizens were apprehended in so dangerous a Design, whose Envy he must needs incur, and considered that their punishment would be the trouble, and their Impunity the ruin of the Commonwealth; therefore with a resolute Courage he commanded Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius to be called before him, likewise Ceparius, who was preparing to go for Apulia, to raise Forces; the rest immediately came, but Ceparius a little before going from home, happened to understand the Design, and fled the City. The Consul taking Lentulus by the hand because he was Praetor, led him into the Senate, but the rest he commanded to attend him in the House of Concord, thither he assembled the Senate, and several of that Order introduced Vulturtius and the Allobroges, and Flaccus the Praetor, with the Packet of Letters he found with the Ambassadors. Vulturtius being demanded several things concerning the Journey and Letters, what was their Design and Purpose, and on what account he did so, at first feigned, and dissembled every thing, pretending he knew nothing, and was only travelling for Gallia, but when he had the Senate's faith, and the Consul's word to fortify him, he made a full discovery of every Particular, that he was drawn in by Gabinius and Ceparius into the Conspiracy, that he knew no more than what he heard the Ambassadors say, that they understood by Gabinius, that P. Autronius, Ser. Sylla, L. Vargunteius, and several others were Confederates in the Association, the same was Declared by the Ambassadors, but they proved Lentulus guilty, not only by the Letters, but by some Speeches which he usually made use of. Concerning the Books of the 
* Of which there were ten, who all prophesied of the Incarnation of our Saviour: The place wherein their Books were kept, was within the Capitol, under ground, in a Chest of Stone, where they remained safe till the firing of the Capitol, wherein they were burnt too.  Sibyls, that three Cornelii were to reign in Rome, that Cinna and Sylla were passed before, and that he was the third, whose Fate it was to obtain the Sovereignty of the City that year, the Twentieth from the Firing of the 
* So called from a man's head sound in the diging the foundation, on the Tarpeian mount, begun to be built, An. urbis 127, perfected Anno urb: 247, burnt Anno urb: 670.  Capitol, which by Prodigies, the 
* Sic dict: ab aras Inspiciendo, that divined, or foretold things by the Entrails of Beasts sacrificed.  Aruspices predicted to be very fatal to the City by a Civil War.  
When they had read all the Letters, and every of the Conspirators had acknowledged their Seals, the Senate decreed, That Lentulus should put off his Praetorship, and with the rest be committo free Prisons. Lentulus was committed to P. Lentulus Spinther, who was then Aedile, Cethegus to Q. Cornificius, Statilius to C. Caesar, Gabinius to M. Crassus, Ceparius (who was taken in his flight) to Cn. Terentius.  
The Plot thus far discovered, the Common People, who before were so desirous of Novelties, and too much favoured the War, changed their Opinions, and began to execrate the Designs of Catiline, extolled Cicero to the Stars, and celebrated all manner of Joy and Triumph, as if they had been freed from an Egyptian Slavery; for they knew that War, undertaken upon any other terms, was more for plunder than destruction: but this being designed for fire and ruin, they knew to be immoderately cruel and calamitous to themselves.  
The next day after, one L. Tarqvinius was brought to the Senate, who was taken as he was going to Catiline; he, when he promised to discover as much as he knew of the Conspiracy, had the Public Faith for the security of his Life. Being commanded to it by the Consul, he related almost the same with Vulturtius, of the preparations for firing the City, the massacring of the Loyal Party, and the March of the Enemy.  
Moreover, he said he was sent by M. Crassus, to tell Catiline that he should not be discouraged at the calamitous misery of Lentulus and Cethegus that were apprehended, but should the rather hasten to approach the City, that he might put fresh Courage into the Breasts of the rest, and more easily deliver them from the threatening Danger. But when Tarqvinius named Crassus, a Nobleman of vast Riches, and no less Power, some thought it to be incredible, others, though they thought it true, yet thought better that the power of so great a Person should be rather pacified than exasperated. But many that depended on Crassus, for their own interest, gave out, that the Evidence was false, and desired that the matter might be laid aside; and therefore by the advice of Cicero, the whole Senate decreed, that the Evidence of Tarqvinius was altogether false, and that he should be kept close Prisoner in Irons; Neither should confess any more till he discovered by whose Advice he should frame so great a Lie on so Worthy and Noble a Citizen.  
At that time, there were not wanting some that imagined this trick to be contrived by P. Antronius, that Crassus being made a Confederate in the Danger, the greatness of his Power might protect the rest. Others reported, that this Tarqvinius was sent in by Cicero, lest Crassus should take the Conspirators into his Patronage, and so disturb the Quiet of the Commonwealth. Not long since, I heard this Crassus himself declaim, wherein he affirms Cicero to be the Author of so great a Contumely; yet at the same time Q. Catulus and Cn Piso, could neither by Favour, Entreaties, nor Bribes, prevail with Cicero, that C. Caesar should be falsely accused, either by the Allobroges, or any other Evidence, for both these were great Enemies to Caesar, Piso being by him accused of Bribery in the open Senate, for the unjust punishment of a certain 
* So called from the other side of the River Po in Italy where they inhabited.  Transpadanian; and Catulus hated him because in his latter years, having undergone all Offices and Honours, when he stood Candidate for the Pontificate, 
The Pontificate was an Office to have the over sight of a Wooden Bridge, called Pons Sublicius, being so great that Carts might pass over it, having no Arches to uphold it, but only great Posts and Piles of Wood, and that which is most remarkable in it is, that it is joined together only with wooden Pins, without any Iron at all.  yet young Caesar was preferred before him. But when by no means imaginable they could make the Consul guilty of so great a Villainy, they themselves by counterfeiting his Seal, and insinuating what they pretended to understand from Vulturtius, and the Allobroges, contracted on him a great deal of Envy; insomuch that some Roman Knights, who were there placed, armed with Darts for a Defence to the House of Concord, whether out of apprehension of the Greatness of the Danger, or greatness of Spirit, that their Zeal to the Commonwealth might be the more apparent, threatened Caesar, as he went out of the Senate, with their Swords.  
While these things were doing in the Senate, and Rewards decreed to Vulturtius, and the Allobroges for their approved Evidence, the Servants and Clients of Lentulus were continually soliciting the Tradesmen, and Hirelings in the Streets, to deliver him by force; others made Interest with the Ringleaders of the Rabble, who usually for Pay and Reward, made factious Insurrections in the Commonwealth: Cethegus on the other side sent Messengers to solicit his own Family, and the Chief of his Liberti, that were trained up in bold and daring Erterprises, that getting an head, they should rescue him by force of Arms.  
As soon as this came to the Consul's Ears, he set such Guards and Watches over them as he thought convenient and necessary, and assembling the Senate, demanded what they intended to do with the Conspirators they had in Custody, who in a full Senate were found guilty of Treason against the Commonwealth.  
Then D. Junius Silanus, because he was next designed Consul, being asked his Judgement, not only against those that were already in Custody, but also against L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, and Q. Annius, if they should be taken, he Decreed they should suffer such punishment as the Laws require.  
But when Caesar was asked his Judgement he spoke after this manner.  
Conscript Fathers,  

Sic Demosth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  THose who consult of things dubious and dangerous aught to be free from all Hatred, Love, Wrath, or Pity; for that Man can never throughly look into the end of any thing when he is byass'd by any one of these; neither can he at the same time indulge his own Humour and be serviceable to the Commonwealth; where once Fancy takes place 'tis always prevalent, if Lust, it always commands; so that Reason becomes lost and ineffectual: I could give you large Examples, Fathers, of several Kings and Nations, who, led either by Prejudice or Pity, have given wrong Judgements; but I had rather treat of some of the Actions of our own Forefathers, who against the Current of their own Humours and Inclinations, have rightly and impartially administered Justice.  
In the Macedonian War, which the Roman Empire waged with King Perseus the Great, and stately City of Rhodes, which grew famous by the Riches of the Roman People, was very treacherously revolted from us. Our Ancestors, when they were to give Sentence on the Rhodians, lest any should report he made War for the sake of Wealth or Injuries, sent them home unpunished. So likewise in all the Carthaginian Wars, though in Peace, and Cessation of Arms, they committed many nefarious Villainies, yet they consulted more their own Honour than the Rigour of the Law. So these, O Conscript Fathers, should be your Examples. Let not the Treason of Lentulus, and the rest, make your Dignity strike sail to your Revenge; neither let any immoderate Passion prevail more with you than the Sense of your own Fame and Grandeur: for, if you could find out any Punishment equal to their Crimes, I should willingly consent to it; but if the greatness of their Wickedness is beyond all humane Apprehension, I think such Punishments are to be inflicted as the Laws provide.  
Those who have given their Judgements before, have very accurately and ingeniously commiserated the sad Condition of the Commonwealth, and summed up what the inhuman Cruelty of the War would be, and what dismal Extremities had been the Fate of the Conquered, our Virgins would have been ravished, Children pulled from the dear Embraces of their frighted Parents, and Matrons suffer all the base Abuses that the unbridled Lust of Conquerors can invent, Temples and Houses sacked and plundered, Slaughter, and Fire raging in our Streets, and every thing look with the horrid Aspect of Blood and Ruin. This was the only Mark they aimed at; but to what Purpose is all this Oration? Is it to incense you more against their Treason? Or can a fine Oration make it more hated than its own Nature? Every Man thinks his own Injuries not light and trivial, and most endeavour to revenge them with greater Passion than they ought; inferior States and petty Republics may change and alter upon Humour, when if they offend and punish partially, 'tis known but to a few, because they are obscure; for both their Fame and Fortunes hang in an Aequilibrio, and run in one and the same Channel; but they that are the Masters of the Universe, and live in that seen and conspicuous height of Fortune, all Mankind become Spectators of their Actions: so that the more great and honourable they are, the less is their Liberty: for they must not in the least hate or favour any one, nor in the least be angry, for what in others is accounted Anger, in Men endued with Command and Empire is called Pride and Cruelty. I think, Fathers, that the most exquisite Torments are inferior to their Crimes; but most Men have respect to things past, and on impious Persons, forgetting their Wickedness; they differ, only concerning the Punishment, if any thing more severe than ordinary. I know Sylanus, who spoke before me, to be a Loyal and Courageous Gentleman, and what he spoke to be only for the Good and Honour of the Commonwealth, that he would not in so great a Business make use either of Favour or Hatred; neither are his Manners nor his Moderation unknown to me, nor do I think his Sentence cruel or severe, (for what can be too much so against such Delinquents) but that it is unusual and hating to the Republic; but indeed, Sylanus (our designed Consul) fear must certainly possess thee, thus to decree ● new and unheard of kind of Punishment; but 'tis superfluous to talk of Fear, when every thing is made so safe and secure by ●he Diligence and Conduct of so worthy a Consul and such strong, Guards.  
Concerning the Punishment, I can only ●ay what the nature of the Thing requires; for 
* Sic Cicero, ita vivere, ut non sit vivendam, miserrimum est: mori autem nemo sapiens misirum duxit, ne beato quidem. Et Eurip. in Theseo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Death is the end of all Grief and Misery's, and is rather a pleasing Rest than a tormenting Punishment; it dissolves all humane Troubles and Afflictions, and is the only Period to all Pains and Pleasures; but (by the immortal Gods) Why did you not condemn them to be scourged? Is it because forbidden by the Portian Law? But other Laws also command Banishment, and not Death, to condemned Citizens; or is't because Death seems a greater Punishment than Stripes? For indeed there can be nothing too cruel and severe on Men convicted of such palpable and notorious Villainies? Or because it is more tolerable for Men to fear the Law in a less Matter when you neglect to inflict it in a greater? But who is there can find fault in any Punishment decreed on Parricides? For whatever is inflicted on such is just and deserved; but consider, Fathers, that all ill Examples had their first Springs and Original from good but when base and undeserving Persons are invested with Command and Empire, the Example too is altered, and the Empire translated.  
The Lacaedemonians, when they had conquered Athens, imposed on them thirty Men (or rather Tyrants) to manage the Affairs of the Commonwealth; these at first began to put to Death every base and hated Citizen, which the Common-people commended as just and meritorious; but soon after, when with their Power their Lust increased, they made no Distinction to put to Death Innocents' and Malefactors alike, and used Threats and Menaces, as the only means to keep the rest in awe. Thus the City became oppressed with Slavery, and suffered a just Punishment for their foolish Commendation. Within our own Memories, the Usurper Sylla, when he commanded 
* A Base Roman, that took part with Marius against Sylla, and sacrificed Men among Beasts.  Damasippus and the rest of his Accomplices, (who endeavoured the Subversion of the Commonwealth) to be strangled, who was there did not applaud his Justice? Every one praised it, that wicked factious Citizens, that sowed Seditions in the Republic had deserved Punishment indicted on them; but that was but the Prologue to a far greater Ruin; for as then any one that coveted fewer House, Farm, Vessel, or Garment, and could not obtain it, endeavoured to put the other into the Number of the Proscript, so those that then rejoiced at the Death of Damasippus were themselves made Partakers of his Fate; neither did their Blood and▪ Ruin cease till Sylla raised the Fortunes of his own Party to a considerable height; but we at present have no Reason to fear the like under the Government of so good a Consul as M. Tullius▪ but in so great a City as ours are a multitude of factious and various Humours At another time, and under another Consul, who has the Command of the Army in his own Hands, what may now seem impossible may then pass for true and real; and when once the Consul shall give the first Example of drawing the Sword, who is there will oppose or control him? Our Ancestors Fathers never yet needed either Courage or Counsel, neither were so swayed by Pride and Arrogance, as not to imitate the manners of others, if good and virtuous: They had first their Arms and Military Darts from the Sammites, the Trophies of the Magistracy from the Tuscans, and wherever they saw any thing useful and honourable, either in Friends of Enemies, that, with the greatest Care and industry, they embraced and followed: they had rather imitate than envy any thing good and commendable; but at that same time imitating the Manners of Greece, they inflicted Stripes on Citizens, and Death on other condemned Malefactors; but when ●he Commonwealth grew up, and the multitude of Citizens produced likewise a multitude of Factions, both the Innocent and Guilty partaked of one and the same Punishment; then the Portian, and other Laws were provided, which Laws imposed only Banishment on condemned Citizens; therefore I think the Reasons I have given why they should not die, are very weighty; for indeed the Virtue and Wisdom of our Forefathers was the more eminent and conspicuous, who from such small Aid and Treasures raised the Empire to so great an height, than in us, who can scarce preserve what they with so much Labour and Industry have obtained. But do you think I would have them sent out, and make an Addition to Catiline's Army? No, but my Sentence is, that their Estates should be confiscated, and they themselves remain Prisoners in Irons in the Municipal Towns which are most fortified, neither hereafter shall they have any relation to the Senate, or any thing to do with the Roman People, which if they have, the Senate should decree it done against the Republic, and the common Safety of us all.  
As soon as Caesar had ended, some applauded, others disliked it; some were of one Opinion, some of another, but M. P. Cato, being asked his Sentence, spoke to this purpose;  
My Judgement, Fathers, is much different from that of Caius Caesar, when I compare the Association itself and our own Danger with the Sentence already given; they dispute what kind of Punishment to inflict on those that have conspired to make War against their Country, Fathers, and their own Religion, for we should rather study to beware such, than what to inflict on them; other Offences the Laws may prosecute when committed, but this, if ye prevent not e'er it happen, if once happened, whatsoever you decree against it, will be vain, and to no purpose; for if once they make themselves Masters of the City, we that are the conquered shall have nothing left us to enjoy, wherefore I conjure you, that if ever you thought your Houses, Farms, Statues, and your Attic Tables to he continued, by the Public Peace and Quiet, if you intent still to continue what you now enjoy, and to have time and leisure to indulge your Pleasures; now at length awake, and consult the Preservation of the Commonwealth; for we do not now contend for Stipends, and Tributes, nor complain of the Injuries of our Confederates, but our Liberty and very Lives lie almost on the very brink of Ruin. Oftentimes, Fathers, in this Senate, have I declaimed against the Covetousness and Luxury of our own Citizens, and have raised many Enemies to me for that very reason: for I, who never in any measure favoured the Offences of any one, would not now be easily induced to pardon the many Traitorous Extravagances of others Lusts; but these things, though you accounted trivial, made the Commonwealth remain secure and undisturbed, for their extraordinary Riches gave their Negligence a greater toleration. But the Dispute is not now whether we should regulate our Lives by good or ill Examples, nor how to render the Roman Empire more great and Splendid, but all these things, we at present enjoy, and seem to have in a quiet possession, will by our own Sloth and neglect, become a Prey to our Enemies. In vain therefore doth 
* C. Caesar.  He use the Names of Clemency and Pity, since long since we have lost the use of both, because profuse spending another man's Estate has obtained the specious term of Liberality, and a wicked Impudence that of true Valour; and by this means comes it that the Commonwealth is in so dangerous a posture. But allow men to be lavish of other men's Fortunes, since 'tis the mode, and let pity be shown to those that rob the public Treasury; but let them not be prodigal of our Blood, and under pretence of being pitiful to a few lost and dissolute men, promote the ruin of all the Good.  
C. Caesar here hath very well and subtly discoursed of Life and Death, as if he thought those things only fictitious which are delivered to us, of Hell, and Furies, and the shades below, and of the different ways that wicked men go from good, to gloomy, dark, and ugly abodes, and therefore decrees that their Estates should be confiscate, and they kept Prisoners in the free Towns, fearing, lest if they should still remain in Rome, either by the Confederates of the Association, or the giddy Rabble, they should have Rescue, as if Rome was the only Nest and Receptacle of wicked Debauchees, and not all Italy; or that a daring Impudence would not commit most outrage, where it met with the least resistance. Wherefore I think his Counsel to be vain and frivolous, and if in so great a Constersternation he alone stands unfrighted, we have all reason to fear him. Those things which you decree concerning Lentulus, I would have you to resolve against the whole Army of Catiline, for by how much the more severely you do this, the fainter and the more infirm will their Courage be, but if they see you in the least remiss and languid, the fiercer Assault must ye expect from them; flatter not yourselves therefore with the Opinion, that your Ancestors raised the Republic to what it now is, from small and indigent, to so great and famous; for if it were so, we have much the more reason to continue it in its present Splendour, because we have greater Forces, of Allies and Citizens, Armour and Horses, than ever they had. But there were other things that rendered them renowned, which we have not; at home Industry, abroad, a lawfully acquired Empire, a mind free in Council, not in the least swayed by Pride or Debauchery: Instead of these, we abound in Luxury and Avarice, in Discredit and Debts abroad, at home in Ease and Plenty; we commend Riches, but embrace Idleness, and make no difference between Good and Ill, since Ambition ingrosses all the Rewards of Virtue; neither is it strange, since ye all consult the Good of the Republic, only apart and separate, while in the mean time you are Slaves to your Pleasures at home, and here to Interest, and the Favour of others. Thence it is that Attempts are made upon the Naked and unarmed Commonwealth: but I pass this by.  
Here the Noblest Citizens have conspired to embroil their Country in a Civil-War, and called to their Aid the Gauls, a People warlike and fierce, ever envious of, and full of Hatred to the Roman Greatness: the Commander of our Enemies is just upon us, and you yet still delay to suppress them, and are yet dubious what Punishments to inflict on Traitors apprehended within our own Walls. I suppose you are pitiful, since such Young Noblemen have offended only through Ambition, and you would fain dismiss them armed; yet your Clemency and Pity would, if they should take Arms, turn to your own Misery. The matter itself is really dangerous, but you neither fear nor apprehend it: here, through Sloth and a Womanish Softness, you look one on another, as if you trusted to the Immortal Gods, who have often preserved the Commonwealth in its greatest Dangers. No faint Wishes nor effeminate Prayers can draw them to your Succour, but by 
* Cicero sic de finibus, minime convenit, cum ipsi inter nos abjecti, neglecti sue famus pestulare, Si diis immortalibus Chari sumus, & ab his diligamur. Et Gellius, Quid nos à diis immortalibus diuti●s expectemus, nisi malis rationibus sinem facimus?  Vigilance, Counsel, and Action, you may justly expect a prosperous Delivery: but, when once you give yourselves up to Sloth and Idleness, (which they hate) all Prayers and Devotions to the Gods are lost and ineffectual.  
Amongst our Ancestors, Aulus Manlius Torquatus commanded his own Son to be slain, because, contrary to Command, he fought for the Republic against their Enemies. But that extraordinary young Man suffered Death as a just Punishment for such an immoderate and unseasonable Valour, and yet you differ concerning the Punishment of the most unheard of Parricides: yet I would have you in some measure to commiserate the Honour and Dignity of Lentulus. If he had had any pity for it himself, or any regard to the Honour of the Gods and the Lives of us all, pardon the Extravagance of Young Cethegus; if ye are so far in love with Civil War, as to let him make another Attempt; and what shall I tell you of Gabinius, Statilius, and Ceparius? who, had they any love for the Commonwealth, and their own Country, had never so dangerously conspired against them. Indeed, Fathers, (should I not offend in saying so) I could be easily content the Plot itself should convince you, since my words are so lightly regarded; but now every where Danger surrounds us, Catiline dares us with his Army, besides other secret and unknown Enemies within our own Walls, in the Bosom of our own City, ready for an Insurrection; neither can all the Preparations we can make, nor all our private Councils imaginable, be too soon put in practice to prevent it. Wherefore my Sentence is, that since the Nefarious Plots and Associations of some wicked and desperate Citizens, threaten so imminent a Danger to the Commonwealth, and the Conspirators convicted by the Evidence of Vulturtius and the Allobroges, and by their own Confessions have designed both us and Rome for Blood, and Fire, and other unparallelled Cruelties, 'tis necessary, by the Examples of our own Forefathers, they should suffer condign Punishment, as men convicted of Capital Offences.  
Soon as Cato had ended, all the Consular Order, and most of the Senate approved his Sentence, and mightily applauded the bravery of his Courage, branding others with the name of Coward, that seemed to oppose it, and accordingly passed a Decree for their Execution. As soon as the Senate broke up, the Consul, thinking it best to take the opportunity of the approaching night, gave Orders to the Triumvirs to make every thing ready for that purpose; accordingly, after he had disposed his Guards, he conducts Lentulus to the 
* Sic dict. à Coercendo, from restraining Men of their Liberty: it had two principal Parts, one called Tullianum, (into which Lentulus was cast) and the o●her Ro●ur: these two Places were assigned for Execution; in the Tullianum they only strangled Malefactors; it had its name from Seru. Tullius, a Roman King, who first invented it.  Carcer, the rest of the Conspirators were brought in by the Praetors. There is a place in the Carcer called the Tullianum, a little on the left hand, about twelve Foot deep, fortified on every side with Walls, and over it a Chamber built with stone Arches; but exceeding dark, stinking, and of a very horrid Aspect. As soon as Lentulus was let down into this Place, he was strangled. Thus that great Patrician of the most honourable Family of the Cornelii, who had been honoured with the Consular Dignity, met a Fate every way just and equal to the blackness of his Treasons. Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius, took their leave of Life in the same manner.  
Whilst these things were thus doing at Rome, Catiline, out of the Forces he brought with him and those which Manlius led, mustered two 
* So called à Deligendo. An ordinary Legion consisted of ten Cohorts, containing three Maniples, each Maniple two Centuries. So that it consisted of sixty thousand Men.  Legions, and filled up his Troops, according to the number of his Soldiers, when at first his whole Army consisted but of two thousand; but of all his Forces, only one fourth part was well disciplined and armed; the rest only carried small Darts, Lances, and other sharp Clubs, Armour only of Fortune and Necessity.  
But as soon as Antonius began to approach with his Army, Catiline took his march over the Mountains, and designed to remove his Camp, either towards the City or Gallia, and so to give no opportunity of Battle at all to the adverse Armies; for he hoped in a short time to have the Number of his Forces much augmented, if his Confederates at Rome had but begun the attempt: therefore he refused the Services of those of whom at first he might have had a considerable Force; and depending on the Strength and Aids of the Conspirators at home, he thought it then, beneath the Honour of the Cause to communicate it to every Slave and Fugitive.  
But when News was brought him, at the Camp, that the whole Plot was discovered at Rome, and condign Punishment inflicted on Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest, and that most of them, whom the hopes of Plunder and the desire of Reformation had inclined to War, were now fallen off, he immediately removed by great Marches over the rough Mountains into the Pistorian Territories, designing by byways secretly to fly into Gallia. But Q Metellus Celer, commanded three Legions at Picaenum, and imagined by reason of the Straits Catiline was in, that he designed some such thing; therefore when the Scouts had given him notice of his March, he seasonably removed his Tents, and encamped at the foot of the Mountains, on purpose to stop his Passage into Gallia. Neither was Antonius, with his Army far off, in the smooth and level Ground, that he might the better pursue the flight of Catiline; who when he saw himself environed with the Mountains, and the number of his Enemies, that in the City all his Undertake went cross and retrograde, and that there were no hopes of Flight or Safety, he thought best in such an Extremity to try the fortune of a War; and therefore resolved to engage Antonius as soon as possible. Calling a Counsel of War, he thus bespoke them.  

* Sic Salustius in Jugurtha. Plura dicerem si timidis virtutem verba adderent, nam strenais abande dictum puto. Et demosth. in Oratione, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  I know by Experience, Soldiers, that the greatest force of Words cannot have the least Influence to provoke Valour, nor can any Army of weak become strong; or of Cowards, valiant, by the insinuating Eloquence of a General's Oration; for every Breast whom Nature hath endued with manly Boldness and a warlike Propensity, should endeavour to render it the more splendid and illustrious in the dangerous Hazards of a just War: but him whom neither Glory nor Adversity can incite to Valour 'tis in vain to persuade, since the force of natural Cowardice hinders its Operation But I only called you together to advise you a few things and make you acquainted with my Design; for you all know, Soldiers, what miserable Calamities the Sloth and Folly of Lentulus have brought both upon himself and us, insomuch, that whilst I expected Auxiliaries from the City my Passage into Gallia is blocked up. Now indeed, with what an Aspect our Affairs look you all know as well as I: two Armies of our Enemies attend us; one stops our Progress for the City, the other for Gallia, and for us to remain longer here, (though we had designed it) yet the want of Provision, and other Necessaries, constrains us to the contrary; therefore wherever we go, nothing but the Sword must force the Passage, wherefore I advise you to be resolute and courageous; and since we must commence the Battle, remember that you carry Riches, Glory, and Honour, nay Liberty, and Rome itself, in your right hands. If we conquer they are all secure we shall have Provisions enough, and all the Colonies, and free Towns will lie open to us; but if Fear and Cowardice should prevail, we must expect the contrary, for no Place nor Friend will protect him whom Arms will not: besides, there is a great Difference in the Cause of War between us and our Enemies; we fight for our own Country, Lives, and Liberties, they only for the superfluous Power of a few great Men; wherefore that ye may the more courageously encounter them, remember that you are Romans, and set before you the old Roman Valour. No one, unless a Conqueror, will ever exchange War for Peace; and 'tis the greatest Madness imaginable, to hope for Safety by Flight, and turn your Backs upon your Enemies, when they are sufficiently defended by the Armour you carry. Always in fight they that fear most are in the greatest Danger; but Courage is like Walls and Bulwarks. When I consider, Soldiers, who you are, and reflect on all your former Actions, I have sufficient hopes that Victory will attend us; your Spirits, Age, and innate Valour, and which is more, the prevalent force of Necessity, which makes Cowards valiant, plainly confirms it. But if Fortune is grown envious of our Valour, fall not unrevenged, nor be taken, and killed like tame Beasts, but like true Romans die fight, and leave a dear, bloody, and a lamentable Victory for your Enemies to boast of.  
When he spoke this, after a short pause, he commanded them to sound an Alarm, and leads his Forces into a Plain, and then, to inspire them with the greater Courage, he himself mustered them on foot for, according to the situation of the Plain, which was between two Mountains on the left hand, and an huge craggy Rock on the right, he placed Eight Cohorts in the Front, and the rest in a more narrow compass, for a Recruit. In the Rear of these, he chose out the most experienced Centurions, and every the best disciplined and best armed of the Common Soldiers for the Forlorn Hope, and appointed C. Manlius to command the Right, and a certain Faesulanian the left wing of the Army, and he himself with his Freemen and Tenants betook themselves near the 
* The Eagle was the common Ensign of the Romans, but this was a particular Eagle which C. Marius had in his Army in the Cymbrian War.  Eagle. which C. Marius was said to have in the Cymbrian War.  
Of the adverse Army, C. Antoninus, General, being sick of the Gout, was rendered incapable of accompanying it, so committed the Charge of it to M. Petreius, who placed the Veteran Cohorts (which he raised in haste) in the Front, and the rest of the Army for a Supply in the Rear, and riding round the Body, calling them severally by their Names, encouraged, and entreated them to remember they were about to fight against unarmed Thiefs and Robbers, for no less cause than their own Country, Children, and Religion.  
This Petreius was a man altogether trained up to War, and had discharged with great honour and credit the Offices of Tribune, Praefect, Praetor, and Legat.  
When they were all prepared, and in a fit Posture, Petreius gave the signal, and commanded the Cohorts to move forwards, Catiline's Army did the same, till they approached one another so near, that the 
* These were Ferentarii, à ferendo, because they wear no Armour, Swords, etc. as others, but only slings and stones.  light harnessed Auxiliaries, armed only with Slings and Stones, could begin the Battle; immediately with a great shout and a deadly feud, they rushed on all together, and leaving their Darts, made use of no other weapons than their Swords. The Veteran Soldiers, fired with the remembrance of their former Valour, fought hand to hand very vigorously, and met with no less vigorous resistance. In the mean time Catiline was not idle, but was very often with the light-harnessed Auxiliaries in the Front, helping and encouraging those that fought valiantly, bringing in fresh Supplies in the places of the wounded, providing and taking care for every thing, fight nobly himself, and killing many of his Enemies, and discharged at once the duty of a Valiant Soldier, and an excellent Commander. Petreius, when he saw Catiline behave himself so valiantly, and fought with greater resolution than he expected, presently brought the Praetorian Cohort into the midst of the Enemy, and made a very great and surprising slaughter, and they but very weakly and confusedly resisted him, than made a very fierce and valiant assault on both Wings of Catiline's Army; in which Conflict Manlius, and the Faesulanian that commanded them, died fight. But when Catiline saw his Forces thus routed, and himself almost totally deserted, only a few remaining with him, reflecting on the Nobility of his Family and his former Dignity, scorned to become a prey to his Foes, and be taken tamely, desperately rushed in among the thickest of his Enemies, and was slain fight 
* Sic Florus. Pulcherrima morte si pro Patria sic cecidisset Catilina. .  
The Battle done, you might then see what resolute Valour and desperate Courage possessed the minds of Catiline's whole Army, for almost every one, when dead, covered with their Carcases the same places, where just before, when alive, they stood fight; but these few, whom the Praetorian Cohort had scattered and put to flight, partook of the same fate, but the Body of Catiline was found at a great distance from his own Army, in the midst of the whole Body of his Enemies, just expired, and seemed to retain the same fierceness in his looks when dead, which he had in his mind when living. Lastly, in both Armies, neither in flight nor fight was there one Noble and Ingenuous Citizen taken, but on both sides they valued their own Lives at no dearer rate than the Lives of their Enemies. Neither had the Roman Army any reason to boast they had obtained a joyful and advantageous Victory without Bloodshed; for every of the most valiant and courageous either died fight, or was severely wounded, besides many who came out of the Tents, either out of Curiosity, or for the sake of Plunder, tumbling the dead Bodies of the Enemy. One found a Kinsman, another a Friend, and some their Enemies; so, promiscuously over the whole Army, Joy and Grief, Gladness, and Mourning invaded every one.  
FINIS.   

Books Printed for James Norris at the Kings-Arms without Temple-Bar. 1683.  
1. MAssinello; Or, A satire against the Association, and the Guildhall Riot. Quarto.  
2. Eromena: Or, The Noble Stranger. A Novel. Octavo.  
3. Tractatus adversus Reprobationis Absoluta Decretum, Nova Methodo & succentissimo Compendio adornatus; & in duos libros digestus. Octavo.  
4. An Idea of Happiness, in a Letter to a Friend, Enquiring wherein the greatest Happiness attainable by Man in this Life does consist, Quarto.  
5. A Murnival of Knaves, or Whiggism plainly Displayed, and (if not grown shameless) Burlesqued out of Countenance, Quarto.  
6. Haec & Hic; Or the Feminine Gender more worthy than the Masculine. Being a Vindication of that Ingenious and Innocent Sex from the biting Sarcasms, bitter Satyrs, and opprobrious Calumnies, wherewith they are daily (though undeservedly) Aspersed by the virulent Tongues and Pens of Malevolent Men. Twelves.