REMARKS UPON THE D— of S—'s LETTER TO THE House of LORDS, Concerning Capt. SMYTH. Being a Vindication of his SERVICES from the Imputations therein laid upon them. With the D—'s Letter at large. To which is added, A LIST of those Persons to whom Warrants were granted to stay in England, pursuant to a late Act of Parliament. By MATTHEW SMYTH of the Inner-Temple Esq; — Vtcunque ferant ea facta minores, Vicit amor Patriae. — Virg. LONDON; Printed, and sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster; of whom may be had the Author's Memoirs of Secret Service. 1700. TO THE KING's most Excellent Majesty; And to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, AND Commons of England In Parliament assembled: The following Sheets are humbly offered By MATTHEW SMYTH Esq; PREFACE. NOthing can be more provoking to a Man of any Spirit, than Contempt. This I suppose my Adversaries are not ignorant of, and therefore will not be much surprised to find the Scorn they have treated me with, rejected upon ' 'em. They're mistaken if they think Quality an excuse for Insolence, or expect that any Title should be a sufficient Plea in defence of Injuries. They have represented me as a Fool or a Madman; one of which I confess they have a just ground for, otherwise I had not trusted them so long, till I was publicly affronted by those that aught to have made me another sort of return. I patiently bore all sorts of Injuries; I saw myself slighted, and misrepresented, and my Services not only stifled, but (as far as lay in some men's power) turned to my own destruction: For by some body's Order (whose it's not hard matter to guests) while the Business of the Plot was warm, I was taken up by a Messenger at midnight in my Lodgings, and my Papers seized. But Providence (for I can think it no less) put it into my head, to show the Messenger proofs of my Correspondence with the Secretary's Office; which convinced the Fellow that he was under a mistake, there being another Gentleman of the same Name hard by; to whose house he immediately went and broke it open, and took the Gentleman (who might well be surprised at such a Visit) into Custody. This gave me time to secure those Original Letters, for which the Messenger came as well as for me. The next Morning the Gentleman was set at liberty, and the Error of the Messenger corrected, and I again taken up. After which I was severely examined as a new sound-out Traitor, and confronted by one that they knew to be so. But when they missed the Prey (the Letters) they shuffled us both away, scarce offering a Reason why they brought us thither. I am very sorry for the trouble the Gentleman had on my account, but I am sure he will excuse my not thinking it worth while to be hanged to save him that trouble: For had my Papers been seized, and out of my own power, it is not to be doubted but they had Evidence enough; and truly I am convinced by what they showed me, that they had 'em in a readiness to prove my Correspondence with Traitors, and might have suppressed the Evidence of my Discovery, and the Commission I acted by, as they did the Discovery itself, and by that means have taken from me the Instruments of my Defence. The next Provocation was, the suppressing Sir William Parkyns' Petition, which after the ineffectual application of the Honourable House of Commons, I had the fortune to prevail with him to make. Upon this Compliance I applied myself to the Duke of Norfolk (whose noble Temper makes him ready to serve any Person in distress) and acquainted him with it: He prepared his Majesty to receive it at the Council Board; it was expected, and the Duke sent to inquire for the Lady Parkyns, who was to have presented the Petition. But a certain Person came to her, and sent the Lady away full of Sorrow and Despair, assuring her that the Petition would not be received. The next Morning Sir William was executed, to the great disappointment of the Nation, as well as of his Family, who expected other things from his Compliance. My forbearance upon these Provocations, has been interpreted Fear or Stupidity; and my unreasonable Enemies imagined that they might trample upon me with security, otherwise they would never have ventured to use me as they have done, both in the following Letter, and otherwise. They have publicly given out that I am a Madman. I suppose they did it upon presumption, that their own usage of me must needs make me so; but they are mistaken in my Constitution, 'tis too stubborn to be so easily bend, and too strong for them to break, how powerful soever they may fancy themselves. It was hard to raise me to this pitch of Resentment; and repeated Injuries, and Indignities were necessary to make me appear thus publicly in my own Defence. But perhaps they may have no occasion to triumph upon the Success of their Policy, especially if they provoke me to any unwilling prosecution of what I had rather should have lain dormant. They may think me mad for daring to be angry with them; but they are too insolent, upon a vain presumption of their own Power, if they think I am to be awed by their Frowns, or crushed by any shadow of Greatness. They may fright Booksellers and Printers, by threatening to ruin 'em, as they did in the case of my Memoirs last Winter; but they must stop my Breath, if they would stop my Mouth, since they have taken such violent Measures to open it. But after all, as mad as they would have me to be thought, I believe they will scarce be so mad as to go about to prove me so; lest it should call the soundness of their own Brains in question, that could not in a Year and a half's correspondence find out the Flaw in mine. I am told by some People, that having made my Discoveries to Persons that stifled 'em, I can pretend to no Merit upon that score, since the King had not the benefit of ' 'em. To this I can only answer, That I made my Application to the proper Minister; and when I found some things not so much taken notice of as I thought the Importance of the Case required, I applied to my Lord Portland, but was by him referred back to the same Person again as the proper Minister, which I suppose is a sufficient justification of my Conduct. Yet there are properer Judges of this matter than either they or I, to whose Decision I am obliged to submit the Consideration of it, without further canvasing. Men are undoubtedly bound in Duty to contribute all that lies in their power to the Public Security. But the only natural Reason that I can find for it, is, because as Members of the Public, they have their principal Security and Protection from it. But that Consideration alone does not carry men very far; Self-preservation is a principle of more Caution than Action, and renders men more careful to give no Offence, than to do any Service. It is Hope only that animates 'em for action, and makes 'em forward in its Service. They expect that what they do for the Public, should redound in some proportion to their own particular Benefit, and that themselves should be considered as Instruments, for the Advantages that may accrue to the Public, and the fatigue or hazard they expose themselves to. This is so universally true, that I doubt some who pretend to have done the Nation great Service, would abate of their zeal, if they did not find it as necessary and advantageous to their own private Fortune. I say not this invidiously to lessen the Services of any man, or to reproach him for the just Advantages he may make of 'em, but to obviate the Objections of some of my unreasonable Adversaries, who pretend my Services lose their Merit, when I appear to expect any Reward. It's true, some of 'em have been very bountiful in their Promises; but by late experience I find that he that can't live upon Air, may starve upon such Promises. But this is not all the injury I receive from 'em, for they endeavour to rob me of the benefit of his Majesty's Royal Word, by which I am entitled to his peculiar Protection and Assistance, a Title upon which no man before myself ever sued in vain. If I must be the first unhappy Precedent, I hope I shall be the last of this nature. The Consequences of Examples of this kind are so dangerous, that 'tis my wish, the spreading of 'em may be prevented. For if Services of the highest Importance, and of the greatest Hazard, shall be rewarded with Contempt, and those that do 'em exposed, such a prospect will cool men's Zeal, and make 'em rather wish Designs that may come to their knowledge were prevented, than venture to make the Discovery, and meet with so discouraging a return. What is now my Case, may be any man's: It may be his Fortune to know Secrets which he ought not to conceal, and which he will be loath to discover, if he expects the same usage that I have met with for it. But I hope those to whose care the Nation has committed itself, will take away the scandal of such an Example, and in spite of all the cunning and malice of my Enemies, remove those Obstacles that in a manner so unprecedented, and so pernicious in its Consequences, obstruct the course of his Majesty's most Gracious Favour towards me, and in so notorious a manner trample upon the Honour of his Majesty's Word, which He himself and all the rest of the Nation esteem so sacred. A Copy of the D— of S—'s Letter to the House of LORDS, concerning Capt. Smyth's Papers, etc. Eyford, 13th January 1696/7. My Lord, HAving received the Commands of the House of Lords to lay before their Lordships what Letters I received from one Smyth in February last; or in case I had kept none, then to acquaint the House with what I can remember was contained in them: I am very sorry not to be able so fully to comply with their Lordship's Directions as I wish I could; for having heard long since, that this man did pretend to great Merit for his Discoveries, and had on several occasions, in a very unhandsome manner; complained of me, I did then endeavour to collect what Letters he had sent me, that I might judge how his Intelligence appeared when put together; for as it came to me, I could make little of it. But I found I could retrieve so few, and those generally of an old Date, (when I had more value for his Intelligence than I had afterwards) that I am almost certain I have none of those Letters left which their Lordship's desire to see. I shall therefore apply myself to give them the best account I can of what he did inform, that is most material at this time; which I am the better able to collect, because several things he then mentioned fell out so true, that I was surprised how he could know them and not more, till I understood he had his Intelligence from one Hewet a Youth that lived with Major Holmes' Brother (I think) and was about that time often employed to wait on Sir George Barclay; by which means he had opportunity to guests or overhear particulars, which otherwise I suppose he might not be trusted with. I remember in Winter, Smyth writ very positively of an Invasion intended from France, which was to break out at the arrival of the Toulon Fleet; and that many Gentlemen of Quality, and Officers were sent from St. Germains on that Design. He named Mr. Henry Brown, my Lord Mountague's Brother, at one time; at another Sir George Barclay, Holmes, Counter, and others. Then he gave hints of some great Design, which he should soon discover the bottom of; and afterwards grew more particular, that it was to seize the King's Person, and named Barclay, Charnock, Holmes, and others, as employed in the Villainy; and that at the same hour this was to be executed, a general Rising was to be in all the Counties of England. He was different in his Accounts about the manner of seizing the King: Sometimes Mr. Latin Lodge near Richmond was to be attacked, and the Walls scaled by Foot, whilst he was there. Sometimes an attempt of the like nature was to be made on Kensington-House; and at other times the King was to be set upon going to, or coming from Hunting. Near to the day the Assassination was intended, he was very earnest for Money to buy a Horse and Equipage, upon which I desired Mr. V— n to talk with him, if he knew of his own knowledge any Person engaged in such a Design: for being never able to bring any thing in confirmation of what he asserted, from whom he had it, or at what time it was to be executed, I supposed there was no truth in the Story; or if there were, I might possibly have set him out to be engaged in it. He gave Mr. V— n no satisfaction upon discoursing with him, but proceeded in his Promises to him, that nothing could be attempted, but he would give him or me an account of it. When the whole was brought to light, and it appeared he was not enough in the Secret to have prevented it; I intended notwithstanding to have done something for him, and at his own desire concealed his Name, to give him an opportunity, as he pretended, to apprehend Chambers. In the mean time I had an account that in very public Places he began to threaten he would complain of me to the Parliament, whereupon I neither thought it safe nor decent to have any more to do with him. What I received relating to the Attempt on his Majesty's Person, or the Invasion, I always gave the King an account of it, whilst I was able to wait on him; but being much indisposed, I had his Majesty's leave to go into the Country for a few days, where I remained till I was commanded back upon the happy Discovery of that horrid Design. This, my Lord, is all I can collect on the Subject their Lordships are pleased to command; I beg the favour it may be communicated to the House, and am, My Lord, Your Lordship's most, etc. should— y. REMARKS upon the foregoing LETTER. BEFORE I enter upon the particular dissection of this Letter, it may not be impertinent to take a gross view of the body together, by which we shall be the better enabled to judge of the symmetry of the whole, ere we take it to pieces for a nearer Inspection. The whole drift of this Letter, is to stifle, or depreciate a Discovery, the Evidence of which his Gr— of S. was either not willing, or not able to produce. It is a kind of a Mystery, that his Gr— should use so much Artifice against one he so much despised. Fear and Contempt never lodge in one breast together, and therefore it is strange he should fear the opposition of a Man, whose Service he so much slighted. He that treads softly upon a Worm, gives more suspicion of the tenderness of his Feet than his Heart, and shows a stronger Argument of regard to himself, than of the poor Creature that he tramples upon. In this Letter his Gr— has reversed the Methods of all other Politicians. For would he have inspired others with as great a Contempt for my Services, as he himself pretends to have, he should have proved 'em inconsiderable, not called 'em so, which had they been, nothing could have so effectually demonstrated as the Letters themselves. We live in a jealous Age, that takes little upon trust, and is very apt to suspect the veracity of that Man that refuses to produce such Evidence as he has. But it seems his Gr— was not able to retrieve those Letters he received from me, or perhaps he thought it an easier matter to silence me than them. The Letters could neither be bribed nor awed, and therefore the House of Lords was no place for such bold Evidences, whose Ears are always open to Truth, however oppressed. It was hard to procure any one to confront them, it was impossible to make 'em retract, and therefore it was the safest way to keep them from coming there. It was surely a strange piece of Conduct in his Gr— to lose those Letters, and directly repugnant to that cautious Character which he assects towards the end of his Letter. But some men's oversights are of greater service to 'em, than their circumspection. Of how little importance soever he might think the Contents, it had been but Prudence to have preserved those Letters, especially since he owns he had heard I complained of him. A man that expected to be accused, even so far as to doubt his safety, would surely not part so negligently with the undeniable proofs of his Innocence. Had I harboured any such malicious Design, I could not have wished for a fairer occasion of charging what I pleased upon him, than when his own Negligence had cut off all means of making his Defence. But if they were not such Trifles, than they ought by no means to have been so carelessly disposed of: for any thing the D— knows, those very Letters might come into the hands of the King's Enemies, and make that which was intended for his Information, a warning to them, and a caution to act more closely for the future. But if the D— had so light an opinion of 'em, it must be either because he thought the Discoveries therein contained were of no Importance, if true; or because I had not Credit with him to enforce a belief. Now the subject of them was a Plot to further the intended Invasion of the Nation, and to assassinate the Person of the King. I presume he will not pretend that these were matters not worth his notice, if he believed my Informations to be true: It must therefore be that he had not Confidence enough in me to regard what I said. Yet in this very Letter his Gr— is pleased to confess that I did very early inform him of the Preparations that were making in France to invade England, and that he had then more value for my Intelligence. It may be observed, that while what I said was doubtful, it passed for Authentic; but Time, which fully confirmed the truth of it, destroyed the Credit. For when I gave him Information of the Toulon Fleet, while it was matter of secret Intelligence only, I was believed, though the certainty of my Discoveries was not yet brought to light. But when the truth of 'em was fully proved, which with a reasonable Man that had doubted me before, should have given me sufficient Credit; that which I before had, was blasted on the sudden, without any apparent reason, unless it were that my Discoveries were true. For when I came with a second of greater importance than the former, concerning no less than the Life of the King, it seems it was not regarded, notwithstanding the confirmation of the Descent; which was a matter concerning which my Intelligence was more remote, and consequently more dubious. But there are some unhappy Constitutions with whom every thing works the wrong way. Had my Informations been false, perplexed, or trifling, his Gr— had had some reason to have rejected what I should offer for the future: But he is pleased to own that the Accounts which I gave him, were surprisingly true; and he does me the further honour to say, that in Winter I writ very positively of an Invasion from France; which I mention because it shows my Accounts were neither wavering nor perplexed. And I leave it to the judgement of the Reader, whether an Invasion from so powerful an Enemy as France, was a thing to be slighted; and consequently whether an early notice (early enough it seems to surprise a Minister of State) was a trifle, or the Person that could give it, to be treated with neglect. But his Gr— alleges three things in justification of the singularity of his Conduct in this Case. The first is, That I had my Informations from one Hewet, a Youth that lived with Major Holmes' Brother. The next, That I was different in my Accounts concerning the manner of seizing the King. The third, That upon the whole it appeared I was not enough in the Secret to prevent it. To these three things it may be necessary to make some answer, though I think nothing can be a more sufficient Refutation, than to compare the several particulars of the Letter together. His Gr— insinuates that he had slighted my Informations upon the score of the Person from whom only (as he would intimate) I received my Intelligence, viz. one Hewet a youth that lived with Major Holmes 's Brother. By which he seems desirous to have more understood than he directly expresses, viz. That my Intelligencer was no better than a footboy: and therefore the Informations from such a Person were not to be regarded. But had it been as his Gr— would have the World to believe, had my Intelligencer been a Boy, and a Servant; if this Boy was entrusted with secrets of such Moment, he was for that the more proper Person to correspond with. For his Age would have rendered him the less cautious of imparting his Secrets, than an older man probably would have been: and the meanness of his Condition would have exposed him more to the temptation of Money; which his Gr— knows I was never sparing of, so far as I was supplied, and even farther to my own detriment. But I always thought that in Discoveries of this nature, the Importance of the matter had been to be weighed more than the Quality of the Discoverer. And it is plain if the D— had been of my mind, Mr. Pendergrass had never been thought the first that did his Country that Service; and the surprising truths (as his Gr— is pleased to style 'em) which I had before opened to him, aught to have supported the Credit of any thing that had come the same way. But neither was my Intelligencer so low in Age or Circumstances, as in that Letter is insinuated; for he was not a Servant to Major Holmes' Brother, but Nephew to Major Holmes himself, one of the principal Assassins': Nor was he so very young as not to be at years of Discretion, according to our Laws; and of an Age which all the World allows to be the sittest, if not to advise, at least to execute the boldest Enterprise. How far this Person was entrusted with the Secret, and engaged in the matter, I have already, in an Appendix to my former Book, delivered at large; where the Reader will find that he was present at many of the Debates, and actually included in the number of the Assassins': I shall therefore refer the Reader thither for his further satisfaction. Upon the whole, I believe you will conclude with me, that this was no improper Person for me to correspond with, since Informations of this nature are not so easily to be had from riper heads. Upon this occasion his Gr— uses an Expression, which looks something like an Equivocation, for he says, till I understood he had his Intelligence from one Hewet; by which its plain he would be understood to mean All my Intelligence. But his Gr— knew the contrary too well to say so in express terms, and therefore left the Reader to supply that comprehensive monosyllable, which his own Honour would not give him leave to insert. Memoirs from p. 31. to p. 67. I had corresponded with his Gr— a whole Year before I knew Hewet, and had made divers Discoveries to his Gr—, which he did not think so inconsiderable, as appears by his own Letter. For those Truths, of which he says he was surprised how I could know 'em, many of them were communicated to him before I knew Hewet; and most of 'em, both before and after my Correspondence with him, upon Authority in this matter much more considerable than his. Mem. p. 35. His Gr— knew my Relation to, and Interest in Sir William Parkyns, and that nothing that he did or engaged in, was a secret to me. He knew I was no stranger to Sir John Friend, Charnock, Mem. p. 97. Lea, Holmes, Capt, Stowe, Chambers, Boyse, and divers of the most considerable and zealous of the Party, as my Memoirs have shown. He must therefore have a very odd sort of Understanding that runs counter to his Knowledge, when he understands that I had all my Intelligence from Hewet, though he knew the contrary. Besides, this seems to me a new piece of State-craft, to doubt after Conviction, and argue against Demonstration. Yet this is his Method in this Case: for while the matter was a Secret, he never made the Quality of my Intelligencer an Objection to the Validity of his Intelligence; but when collateral Discoverers came in afterwards, and confirmed the truth of what I had said, he than gins to consider how far he ought to give Credit to me, and what value to put upon my Informations: and then finds the quality of my Intelligencer to be such, that it brings my Intelligence into disesteem with him; although he professes himself fully satisfied with the Discoveries of those who came in confirmation of what I had reported: As if what was true in their mouths, could be otherwise in mine. But perhaps it was convenient that their Informations should be true, and not mine, though the same; if so, I submit to his Gr— 's better Judgement. The Second Objection is, That I was different in my Accounts about the manner of seizing the King. Sometimes Mr. Latin 's Lodge near Richmond was to be attacked, and the Walls sealed by Foot whilst his Majesty was there. Sometimes an Attempt of the like nature was to be made on Kensington- House; and at other times, the King was to be set upon going to, or coming from Hunting. Granting all this to be true, I can't see where the force of this Objection lies. If they were irresolute or unsixt in their Measures, could I give a constant uniform account of ' 'em? But neither were they more wavering or unsettl'd than the nature of the Undertaking itself required: For they were steady in their Resolution, and the end of their Design, which was to kill the King, and differed only about the Method of putting it in Execution. It cannot be supposed that a number of Men who engage voluntarily in a Design of such hazard to 'em all, none having Authority over another, should jump so luckily upon the same Scheme, as to conclude their Measures upon their first meeting. Men are naturally too fond of their own Sense, and too ambitious of showing it, to acquiesce immediately in the Proposals of another, how reasonable soever; till by a new Turn, or Arguments of their own, they have stamped their own Image upon it, and pretend some Title to the Invention. What wonder then, if an Affair of this Danger and Consequence, in which every man pretends to be wise for himself, produce Debates and frequent Alterations of their Measures? But what need of reasoning in a Matter of Fact? It is now well known, and all the Depositions since concerning that matter have proved, that they did alter and vary their Resolutions: and the uncertainty which is objected to my Accounts of 'em, is a demonstration of their Truth and Exactness. It manifestly evinces, that I was constantly acquainted with the most minute Passages, and that I was nice and exact to a scruple, in the Informations which I gave his Gr—. Whoever will take the pains to compare the Evidences of Captain Porter, and Mr. Pendergrass, with my Memoirs, will find there a sufficient Confirmation of every Tittle that I say, though he will plainly see that they were even then but half informed of those things which I had long before fully discovered. But however, or for what Reasons soever it happened, this diligence and exactness of mine (it seems) likewise turned to my prejudice, as if my Accounts were of less value for being minute and clear. They had projected their Design different ways, of all which I gave his Gr— Information while they were under consideration among them. Some of 'em upon further canvasing were found not feizable enough, and therefore were laid aside: Yet that creates no perplexity, nor aught to raise any doubt of my Accounts, because I could not respite my Informations till all Points were exactly adjusted, lest I should be prevented by an immediate Execution. Such was the Project of conveying the King alive to France, which (as I have elsewhere hinted to his Gr—) may be supposed only a Pretence to gild the Pill to those whose squeamish Stomach would not so easily digest the Assassination naked, which was actually projected; and therefore I was obliged to give an Account of it, as I had it from them, though I hinted my Suspicion that something else was intended by it. Such likewise was the Design of attacking the King by Ambuscade in Richmond Park, in which they proceeded so far as to send Captain Porter, Vid. Charnock's Trial. Knightly, and King, to view the Ground, yet afterward laid it aside. And who knows whether that which now appears their last Resolution, had not likewise been changed for some other, had the Conspirators continued longer undispersed? The End and Aim of all, was to take away the Life of the King; the manner of doing it, whatever Scheme they might draw to themselves, must be taken from Time and Occasion, which only could suggest what was proper to be done. They were all resolved and provided to do the thing, and any convenient place or time had served their turn, how different soever from those they had proposed to themselves. His Gr— therefore very much overshoots himself, when he charges me with assigning no time for the Execution of this Design. For I was as particular in the time, as it was possible for any Man to be, without a supernatural Prescience. Mem. p. 116. I was positive that they were in a readiness to attack the King the first time he went a Hunting or Shooting, and themselves could tell no more; nor his Gr— in reason expect more from me, unless he would have me assign a time when the King should go a Hunting or Shooting. I hope therefore that my Informations were full and certain enough to have satisfied any reasonable Man of their Truth, if they did not the D—. I must for his Gr— 's Honour suppose he has some more substantial Reason than he produces: And till he does it, I shall presume that nothing is wanting to the satisfaction of my Reader. One thing more I must take notice of, that is, That though his Gr— charges me with differing in my Accounts, yet he is not able to make out any Inconsistency. For though in his Letter, by * Viz. The Discovery of the Arms which were seized in Warwickshire, and are now lodged in the Tower; with divers other Discoveries set forth in my Memoirs, to which I refer the Reader. suppressing, mutilating, disjointing, and altering, he has given such a Draught of my Informations, that were not my Name mentioned in the Letter, I should not think it meant of me; yet even his Account of my Services, lame and defective as it is, shows that I neither prevaricated, nor concealed any thing from those Ministers with whom I corresponded. Whether they can say as much for themselves, I leave others to judge. The third Article against me is, That I was not enough in the Secret to have prevented it. It is matter of Fact, that his Gr— is in the right of this. For though I made an ample and early discovery, time has shown that it signified nothing towards the preventing the Execution of that Design. But whose the fault was, and what was the Secret, which he says I was not enough in, his Gr— can best tell. It's plain he can't mean the Plot: For I gave him, long before any other Discoverer came in, a fuller and exacter account of that, than has yet been given by any other Person. Mem. p. 107, to p. 118. From the 10th of February 1695, I gave him daily an Account of what was in Agitation, and of all the Moves of that party. And upon the 14th, 18th, and 19th, I informed him and Mr. V— by his Order, particularly of the Design against the King's Person and Life. The latter may remember what I then said to him, by a particular Answer that he made me. When I had informed him fully of the design to kill the King the first time he went out to Hunt or Shoot, and had acquainted him with the Names of the principal Persons engaged in it; I desired that the King might be entreated for some time at least to forbear those diversions. He retorted, What would you have the King cooped up? Mem. p. 111. This Answer I take notice of, because it may give some light what was the Secret which I was not enough in. And this the more surprised me, because I always thought it the Duty of a Servant to acquaint his Master with things of this nature, and not to pretend to determine for him, before his Pleasure was known in it. On the 19th I wrote his Gr— a full Account of the intended Assassination, Mem. p. 115, to p. 118. with the Names of the principal Conspirators, and the Manner, Place, and Time, (as far as time could be set) which was the first time the King went out to Hunt or Shoot. This was in Substance what I had told Mr. V— the day before in a Personal Conference. I can't tell what his Gr— calls being in a Secret. But if to know all, be to be in the Secret, I think I was sufficiently in it, and his Gr— and Mr. V— too by my means. But why my Informations were not sufficient to prevent it, they only know. All that appears to me to have been necessary to prevent it, was, that his Majesty should be acquainted with the Design, and the Danger that threatened his Life, which I had put it in their Power to do. And that this was enough is apparent: Vid. Charn. Trial. For the Night before it was to be executed, Mr. Pendergrass' going to my Lord Portland, and acquainting him with the Design, was sufficient to defeat it, though he refused to give any Names. It may be worth our while to observe, how differently his Majesty and my Lord Portland thought on this matter from his Gr—. Mr. Pendergrass, an absolute Stranger, mean both in Condition and Figure, goes to my Lord Portland, and acquaints him with the Design in general, and refuses to name any Persons concerned; yet this does not destroy his Credit. He is admitted to the King, believed, and pressed to discover the Persons; no Vouchers are required for his Credit, nor Doubts or Scruples started about the reality of his Discovery, though a very obscure Man. He is only urged to make his Discovery more ample, and to inform his Majesty who the Traitors were, which he was hardly to be won to, though it was the King himself that pressed it, who is rather accused of being unwilling to receive Reports. Had his Majesty been as scrupulous in this Case as his Gr—, what had become of Mr. Pendergrass' Discovery? Undoubtedly his Majesty had gone out next Morning, and the Design had been executed. But his Majesty in his Wisdom considered the Nature and Importance of the thing, more than the Quality of the Discoverer. It will not cost us much trouble to show how much more difficult it is to satisfy his Gr— than his Majesty. Mem. p. 33. His Gr— knew what I was, and had been, before I entered into any Correspondence with him. Before this Business he had held about fourteen months' Correspondence with me, and had received Informations at divers times, which fell out so true, that he was surprised how I could know 'em; and how far he had a Value for my Intelligence, Mem. p. 41, 69, 73, 113. his settling a Pension, and promising further Rewards, may show. But whether he or Mr. V— were satisfied, is not so much my business to show, as that they had reason to be satisfied: Which I hope after what I have said, can be no Question. If to inform him fully of the Matter, the Manner, the Time, (as far as a movable time can be assigned) and the Persons engaged, were no satisfaction, they should have told me what would be. For I must confess at the time I corresponded with them, they did not appear to me so scrupulous, nor will they (I fancy) by their own Letters appear so to the World. In Winter he says, I writ very positively of an Invasion intended from France, which was to break out at the arrival of the Toulon Fleet. I did so; and whether that is true or no, is now past doubt. Then (he says) I gave Hints of some great Design, which I should soon discover the bottom of; and afterwards grew more particular, that it was to seize the King's Person, and named Barclay, Charnock, Holmes, and others, as employed in the Villainy. These hints (as his Gr— calls 'em) would from any body else have deserved another name: For they were not Hints, but positive Accounts of the whole matter from time to time, as it proceeded, with all its Alterations and Amendments. What was meant by seizing the King I have already said, which at that very time I made his Gr— and Mr. V— no strangers to. Of the several Methods that were projected for the execution of it, I gave them daily an account; in which I was so early, and so particular, that from the first conception of it, nothing was offered amongst the Conspirators, of which his Gr— had not an immediate and minute Information. Of my care and exactness in this matter, this I think may be a sufficient Evidence, that nothing escaped me; and yet I was so far from amusing him with Reports or Conjectures, that all my Informations have since been verified to a tittle. I gave him an exact and full account how, and when the project of the Assassination was to be executed; I named all the principal Persons concerned in it, Mem. p. 115. viz. Sir George Barclay, Major Holmes, Captain Charnock, Captain George Porter, Mr. Chambers, Captain Boyse, etc. and told them what Rewards they had articled for. And what I think I ought to take notice of, is, that I named not one Person whose Engagement in this matter has not since been sufficiently made out by others: Whereas upon latter Informations several thousand Pounds have been thrown away by Proclamation to take Persons, upon whom, when taken, nothing could be sixth. Which sufficiently evidences how careful I was to conceal nothing from him, and yet to wrong no body by false suggestions. By this time I suppose it may appear that I was enough in the Secret to have prevented it, and he too, and more than he that did it, however it fell out that we could not: this may still appear dark to some who are resolved not to see. But those that think to conceal plain matters, by winking themselves, ought first to be sure that all other men are blind. I hope by what has been already said, I have made it pretty evident, that if I did pretend to some Merit for my Discoveries, it was not without reason. And the manner in which his Majesty has considered others who came after me for the like, shows that in his Opinion such Services are meritorious. Nay however inconsistent it may seem with his Gr— 's charge upon me of pretending to Merit, his Gr— himself in this very Letter owns that he intended to do something for me. If I deserved nothing, I am extremely obliged to his Gr— for his bounteous Intentions, and must confess that no man could have been more rigorously just; for upon that supposition, they have been worth just as much to me as I deserved. What his Gr— intended is best known to himself, which for all that has been done may possibly be still a Secret: but what he promised I very well remember, though possibly his Gr— may have long since forgot. What those were, the Reader may find in my Memoirs, p. 41, 69, 73, 113. How the Conditions were performed on my part, is already sufficiently made out; and how on his Gr— 's, I suppose the Reader needs not to be told. What his Promises were is very plain, though his Intentions may be still in the dark: At least I am obliged to take his Gr— 's word for 'em, and I hope I shall never want a just value for that. The taking me up, and the attempt to seize my Papers, shows that some Reward was intended me, though I am modestly contented to have missed it. Whatever Reasons I think I have to complain, the Miscarriage of that well-meant piece of Service is none of ' 'em. His Gr— is pleased to say twice in his Letter, that I complained of him: and I appeal to the Reader, whether I had not reason. But that I did it in an unhandsome manner, or threatened to do it in Parliament, I must take the liberty to deny. It's true, I was taken and carried, in the Custody of the Sergeant at Arms, before the House of Lords; and my Papers which I had left sealed up in the hands of the Secretary of State, were by him brought into the House, where the Papers were read, and I being upon Oath, was obliged to justify ' 'em. Among these were Copies of all my Letters to his Gr—, with his, and Mr. V—'s Original Answers. If they could complain of him, he was complained of in Parliament; but it was far from my intention or desire it should be so. For did I say any thing there relating to his Gr—, which was not extorted from me by Questions, to which I was bound by Oath to make a true answer? Had I then had any such design, I had the fairest occasion in the World to have showed my Resentments, which I wholly waved, whatever Provocations I had to the contrary. After I found myself slighted, and had reason to suspect that my Discoveries were suppressed, I did then make my Applications elsewhere, in order to procure that the King might be acquainted, though late, with what I had done for his Service. Nor ought his Gr— to take that ill. For if my Discoveries deserved no more regard than I found he had paid to 'em, my applying to those Honourable Persons would only have exposed me, and justified him. But if they did really deserve to be considered, I had no reason to lose the benefit of 'em by another's Neglect, or to have any tenderness for a Person who had used me so ill. However I can appeal to those Honourable Persons, whose Names are to be found in the Introduction to my Memoirs, whether I reflected on his Gr—, or spoke unhandsomely of him. What therefore could move him to think it neither safe nor decent to have any more to do with me, is a mystery he can best unfold: For if his Gr— had done his Duty in this matter, what had he to fear from me? Had I ventured to accuse him of any thing that was false, the King, and even my own Letters would have justified him. But so far was I from giving him any just Umbrage of such a thing, that I purposely waved saying any thing more that was true of him, than as I have already observed was extorted from me, although I had then such an Opportunity as I could never expect again, which I was not ignorant of at that time. As for the Point of Decency, I can't see how it could be indecent, unless it be one way, which if he means I must agree with him, that it was by no means honourable to use the Service of a Gentleman whom he was resolved never to consider for it. His Gr— at the end of his Letter says, That what he received relating to the Attempt on his Majesty's Person, or the Invasion, he always gave the King an account of it, whilst he was in Town and able to wait on him. But being much indisposed he had his Majesty's leave to go into the Country for a few days; where he remained till he was commanded back upon the happy discovery of that horrid Design. If his Gr— did as he says, which I should be unwilling to question, did not two or three Expressions in this very Letter, and some in this very Paragraph give me just occasion to do so, I should think he had acquitted himself, at least to the King. For if he had acquainted his Majesty with all that I informed him of in this Matter, how comes he to talk of a happy Discovery made in his absence? It seems absurd to say, that horrid Design of which they had before been more amply informed, was then discovered: For if there had been occasion for his assistance in Town, it seems more reasonable to have stayed him than to let him go, and send for him back again: To what end should he be recalled to be made acquainted with what they knew he was thoroughly informed of before, and of which they had their first Advice from him? But the very wording of this Paragraph looks like Prevarication by the Limitations, whilst he was in Town, and able to wait on his Majesty. I can't tell whether he was able to wait on the King on Friday the 21st of February 1695. but he was able to go out of Town that day, which was the day before the Design was to have been executed, and must of necessity go through Kensington, if he took the direct Road to Stoner-house. But certainly if he was not able to wait on the King, he was at least able to have sent my Letter which was dated Wednesday the 19th, and delivered by Mr. V— Thursday the 20th in the morning; Mem. p. 119. and contained a fuller and more exact account than Mr. Pendergrass was able to give, who was the happy discoverer that occasioned him to be recalled. The Question than is, What sort of Account he then gave his Majesty; for if we may believe the beginning of his Letter, he could make little of it. I am sorry his Gr— was so puzzled with a plain matter; for I am confident any body else that reads that Letter, Mem. p. 110. and the Minutes of the 18th, will presently make enough of it. His Gr— does not seem to consult his Honour, when he so much undervalues his own Capacity. Had he submitted the Letter itself to his Majesty, a Prince of his acuteness and discernment would soon have informed him there was no Riddle in it. He seems to have more tenderness for the reputation of his Courage, when upon my pressing the Danger earnestly upon him, he slights it so far as to send me word by Mr. V—, that he was going out of Town for three or four days, Mem. p. 119. and thought it would be time enough to consider of my Demands at his return. By which time, had no collateral Discoverers come in, the Business had been over. But his Answer did not stop me from pressing my personal admittance to the King to Mr. V—, who put me off till the D—'s return: Mem. p. 122. And on Saturday the two and twentieth questioned me, Whether I had not been already with the King, or my Lord Portland? And when I answered him, No; told me that the King had received notice, and did not thereupon go a hunting. Whereupon I concluded that this notice had been from the D—. But he has appealed to Cesar, and to Cesar I leave him. There remain yet two things in the Letter to be considered, which I shall dispatch in as few words as possible: One is a piece of Caution, t'other of Kindness. He says, that near to the day the Assassination was intended, I was very earnest for Money to buy a Horse and Equipage; which is very true: For according to the Measures concerted betwixt his Gr— and myself, Mem. p. 98. I was to have made as forward an appearance in that Action as the most zealous of them all. The Design of this was, not only to have given information of all their Motions to a minute, Mem. p. 111. but to have put it into the King's power to have seized every Person appearing in the very Enterprise. This he knew could not be done without showing myself as forward, and as ready to engage in that Action as the warmest of 'em, whose Confidence it would create. And therefore he agreed that I should buy a Horse and Arms, in order to be the better able to execute what we had projected, as may appear by the Minutes of the 10th and 18th of February 1695. His Gr— did then believe that there was truth in the Story, whatever he has done since. He had then no little groundless fears, as if there were, he might possibly have set me out to be engaged in it. For, as I have already shown, it was not the Quality of the Design, but the Quantity of the Money that disappointed me: his Gr— was not afraid of the Treason, but the Price; Mem. p. 110. for he sent me a Bill of twenty Pound to equip me: but when he found that upon computation less than fifty pound would not do, he took time to consider of it, Ibid. p. 102. before he engaged in those great Expenses, till the time was over. So that had my Design been Traitorous, I might have had 20 Pounds towards it, though not 50. But if his Gr— had really any such fears, I was in his power, and he ought to have secured me. Certainly his Gr— took me for a strange sort of Politician that should come and discover Treason to him, Mem. p. 115, to p. 118. and tell him when, where, how, and by whom it was to be executed, only with a design to carry it on more effectually and securely, as if his Gr— 's Privity had been a furtherance to it. A Plot so unnatural and strained, as this would have been, I believe was never met with in a Play, much less in Nature. But this being a Reason thrown in ex abundanti, his Gr— did not much care whether it was a good one or no, nor can I find it concerns me much more, and therefore I leave it. The other thing I thought fit to take notice of, is, his kindness in concealing my Name, to give me an opportunity to apprehend Chambers. If his Gr— had any such kind Intentions, he took a very odd method to show 'em: For to take me up by a Messenger, and publicly to confront me with Hewet in the Secretary's Office, was (in my poor opinion) none of the surest ways to conceal my Name. But neither did I desire him to conceal my Name upon any such account: For had I aimed at the Thousand Pound Reward in the Proclamation, I could have secured that, by taking Holmes who lay with me, and divers others had I made that my business. But his Gr— who has lost my Letters, may perhaps have mistaken himself in this matter, as he has done in some others: For he had my own permission in the Letter of the 19th of February 95, Mem. p. 118. to name me. But this likewise is over and above, and therefore a tedious Answer may be superfluous, for which reason I wave it. Thus much I thought necessary in my one Defence, against so public and so solemn an attack upon my Reputation, as this Letter to the House of Lords. I hope I have sufficiently vindicated myself against the Imputations that are there laid upon me; and if it appears that there has been any trifling, I hope by this time, it is plain that it doth not lie at my door. If the Reader finds himself troubled with frequent References in proof of my Assertions, it is only to avoid tedious and unnecessary repetitions of what is already in print: the truth of which, my Enemies themselves don't think fit to contest; and I presume no indifferent Person can question. If any man thinks my Expressions sharp, let him put himself in my place, and consider the nature of the Provocation, and how ill he himself would take it, to be made any Man's Fool how great soever. The Coat is scandalous, and he must be of a dastardly Spirit that can be frighted into the wearing of it. Reflections on the Occasion and Manner of my being sent abroad in March 1697/8. AFter I had been examined in the House of Lords, and was thereupon forbidden the Court by a Message by Anthony Rowe Esq; one of the Clerks of the Green Cloth; I retired into the Country, with a resolution to lay my Case before the Parliament at the opening of the next Session. And upon my return to Town next Winter, I lodged a Petition in the hands of a Member of the Honourable House of Commons, who promised to bring it into the House, in order to have Justice done me there. But after a long attendance, instead of delivering my Petition, he brought me word that my Service would be well accepted, if I would go abroad and transmit from thence an Account of what was transacted by the Enemies of the Government, who were obliged by Act of Parliament to leave the Land. I was surprised at the Overture, having been so long laid aside, and was very desirous to know who it was that would engage my Service: But that Favour was at that time denied me, and it was thought sufficient that if I would undertake the Service, he would stand engaged for a monthly Pension to be duly transmitted to me, and a sum of Money immediately paid down to equip me out. Accordingly a hundred Pound was paid, and constant monthly Remittances promised, and that I should be considered for Services past. Upon the Honour of this Gentleman I was induced again to enter into Business; but not without the satisfaction of knowing (at least as I thought) at whose instance and desire he made this motion to me. For the treatment I had received for my former Services, had made me resolve not to have any thing to do with the same Persons again. Thereupon he told me, that it was the King himself, and that he himself (while he was in Town) was to be the only intermediate Person to convey all my Letters to his Majesty, and to receive, and communicate his Instructions to me, and to make the promised Remittances: And in case of his absence, or any other unforeseen incapacity for that Service, it was agreed betwixt us, that a Friend of mine then present, should be admitted to the Honour of waiting on his Majesty, and convey my Letters, and receive his Commands. To make this look more solemn, a Pass was given me, for myself and Servant under a shame Name to go for Harwich, and from thence to any Port in Holland, Vid. The List at the end of this Relation. and a List given me of all those Persons to whom Warrants had been granted to stay in England, pursuant to the Act of Parliament, Entitled, An Act against corresponding with the late King James, and his Adherents: My Instructions upon which, were to give notice of all such Persons that I understood came privately over contrary to that Act. Besides this, my General Instructions were to consort with those Persons who by that Act were obliged to quit this Kingdom, and to give constant Information of what was in agitation among them. With these Instructions I went for Holland, after which what passed betwixt us, it concerns not the Reader much to know, only that after some time, the promised Remittances not being made, I wrote for 'em, and received divers shifting Excuses. Sometimes the King was at Newmarket; at others, that no Money could be had, till the Civil List was settled, and at last, that I was not to expect any. Hereupon finding that I could get nothing but thanks for what I did, which was too slender a Subsistance for me to live upon, I immediately returned home. And applying myself to the Gentleman from whom I had the Pass, and the hundred Pound, to know the reason why I was so used, and who the Persons were that commissioned him to transact, he told me, that was a secret he must keep, and very much excused himself for having engaged me in so much trouble and danger. This was all the satisfaction I had from him. The management of this Affair, however mysterious it may seem, may perhaps need no Oedipus to unriddle it: For if we consider the time when this was done, the Reason why will not be hard to be guessed at. Nor perhaps will the Persons, who have presumed to make so bold with the King's Honour, as to abuse his Royal Name and Authority in this manner, be so absolutely in the dark, as they themselves may imagine. For the very timing of this Matter, shows very evidently what the Design of it was. I was just then come out of the Country with a full resolution to lay my Case before the Parliament which was then sitting. I had given a Petition to a Member of the House of Commons, in order to have it read in the House; but during the time he kept me in expectation of a proper Occasion, this Gentleman was gained by some body (whose Interest perhaps it was, that these Matters should not be so publicly examined) to make Overtures to me of serving abroad, and became the Instrument of sending me out of the Nation; under pretence of doing further Service, and receiving Satisfaction for what was passed. That Gentleman must excuse me, if I can no longer think that the King was any way privy to this Affair, and that whatsoever is pretended of it, is a direct Affront and Injury to his Majesty's Honour, who would never have sent away a Gentleman for his Service, and have left him destitute of Subsistance in a Foreign Land. The hand therefore of my Adversaries appears plain enough in this Intrigue, and the hundred Pound was a Bait to make me swallow the Hook: For no sooner did they think me far enough removed, and perhaps entangled beyond a probability of returning, but the Masque was pulled of, and a worse Face discovered; I was bid to expect nothing more, and to shift for myself as well as I could. However to their great surprise I got home before the Parliament risen, which put 'em upon new Measures: Great pains were taken to excuse this breach of Articles, and fresh Overtures made to me, with which I, who trusted to the sincerity and engagement of my Friend, was for some time amused, till the Parliament rising, all was again let drop; and I by that means let into the Drift, and Artifice of the whole Matter. I hope my Friend was overreached, and that he did not then dive into the bottom of this Mystery: Although he was to blame, to be so far influenced by any Person, how great soever, as to pretend an immediate Warrant from his Majesty for what he did; yet the concern he has since showed for it, makes me hope that he did believe those other Persons to act by Commission from his Majesty, and was over-persuaded to take it upon himself, because he had heard me declare, that I would have nothing more to do with certain Persons. A List of the Persons Names to whom Warrants have been granted, pursuant to the late Act of Parliament, entitled, An Act against Corresponding with the late King James and his Adherents: Which was given to me February 1697/8. A. EArl of Antrim Charles D. of St. Alban John Alexander Eliz. Arundel Mary Audly David Arnold William Amies' Sir Francis Andrew Mary Alexander. B. Ann Bagnal and her five Children John Bradey Thomas Bellasis Richard Lord Bellew Dorothy de Beuclair Sir Nicholas Buttler John Brown John Bromfield John Baurk, commonly called Lord Bophine Eliz. Bishop John Baker Humphrey Boislace Susanna Barry Philip Bell Barbara Brown Eliz. Brown Barbara Brown Mary Brown Samuel Boulton Lyster Blunt James Butler Captain Bellew Timothy Bagne Thomas Burdin John Bellasise William Beale Robert Bodine Benedict Bambore John Blackmore Hannah Brownsworth Richard Bowers George Bradshaw Daniel Bulls William Barefoot Thomas Blake Edward Butler William Boweman Edward Buiditt Henry Barker Edmund Brown William Bland Tobias Bowles Charles Banbridg Geo. Barkas John Brodt William Barnes David Baurk Capt. James Barry Charles Berty Esq; Walter Butler William Bromfield Henry Baxter John Brooks. C. Margaret Chilton Thomas Clofton Col. John Corbet Benedict Leonard Calverse Anne Cane Henry Carter Robert Clark Matthew Cooper Henry Carwin Philip Conner James Coleman Adam Colehough James Chiritch Sir William Compton Francis Courson John Coleman John Connoway Henry Cap Ormitha Cap Mary Cousins John Cantrill Richard Cherry Edward Callender Eliz. Basset Coffin, and Mary her Daughter Margaret Carletton Bartholomew Couley Francis Charas William Close Sir Edward Carteret Thomas Cusack Capt. Henry Courtney John Caddick Margaret Cromwell Stephen Creagh Edward Canron Charles Cross Robert Cham Garret Coshland Henry Courson William Cook Charles Cecil Anne Compton. D. John Digby Thomas Drew Henry Lord Dover John Darrell Doctor John Day Capt. Loftus Duckenfield Charles Dunster John Digby John Duddell Rob. Doudall Edmund Dalton Lieut. Col. Ar. Dilton Alexander Doyley. E. John Erington Esq; William Evay Major John Eames John Everse Edward Erington James Edgland Thomas Erington William Erington Philippe Elinston John Egan. F. Lord Visc. Fitz-Williams Richard Fitz-Williams William Farmer Robert Fielding Arthur French Robert Fagan Hon.— Fitz Gerald Henry Fall Jane du Four Owen Fitz Symmons Thomas Forster Stephen Field Capt. Edmund Fitz-Gerald Edward Fenwick Capt. James Fitz-Gerald Joseph Fox John Fulham. G. Doctor Samuel Garth Anthony Preston Lord Viscount Gormanston John Gazain Peter Galberry James Gough Daniel Gwin Reginald Graham Anthony Gazain Henry Gerrard Rich. Francis Griffith Geo. Toby Guigner Agatha Gillmore Caesar Gage Samuel Gawen William Goold Sir Thomas Gascoigne Edward Gibbon Edward Gifford John galway Thomas Guiborn Daniel Geny. H. Joseph Haly Geo. Haviland Lord Geo. Howard Henry Howard Esq; James Hacket Charles House Jeremiah Hollished Daniel Harvey Thomas Hawkins Eliz. hugh's William Herald Bridget Horton Mary Hooper Walter Hastings signior Walter Hastings junior John Hambleton Richard Howard Dorothy Hurst John Henborn George Hilton Lord James Howard Eliz. Hiddinson Ralph Hardwick. I. Bartholomew Isaac Mary Isaac Thomas Joy Thomas Johnston Agnes Jolly Richard Jones James Jones. K. Matthew King Marry Knight Almorick Brown of Kinnule Lord Keny Lord Kenmore Danish Kelly Major Charles King Charles Knowles Esq; Lord Banbury Walter Kennody Philip Kettle Anthony Kempt Capt. Edmund Keeting John L. Kingston of Ireland, his Wife and 2 Children Charles Kelly. L. Charlwood Lawton Esq; Dr. Thomas Lone Col. Henry Lutterill Lady Barbara Leonard Lord Longdale Marmaduke Longdale Martha Lowe Richard Langhorn Edmund Lo Ann Leozonby Cornelius Lampard George Jailer Edmund Leny Lady Ann Lawson James Lorre William Long William Lavely Lieut. William Long M. George Matthews Edmund Mellone Henry Morgan John Martin James Murray Luke Matthews Donnoth Mellony William More Dominick Mown Lieut. William Mannering Richard Masey William Mortagh Sir Rich. More Bar. Peter Morris Francis Milton Henry More Thomas Murphey John Mackay Sir John Magrath. N. Charles Newy Mary Duchess of Norfolk Dr. Daniel Nolon Thomas Newgent John Nelson Matthew Norris Thomas Newcomin O. James Oswaild Capt. Derby Obrian. P. Joseph Patterson Nicholas Pluncket Francis Povey Thomas Pendergrass Capt. Thomas Panton Jervis Parker William Plowden Esq; John Pluncket Robert Prujen William Philip's John Pulman Robert Parsons Edward Peirce James Passable, and Mary his Wife James Penderick Eliz. Pluncket Jeremiah Peirce Eliz. Peirce William Poor Mary Poole Charles Parker. R. Morgan Rugan Esq; William Rufton Catharine Rockley Edward Robson Richard Rudyard Edward Ryce Esq; Charles Duke of Richmond Felix Rouse Edward Richards Dr. Thomas Riddle Alexander Rigby William Rand Henry Rogers Thomas Rudd John Ryley Eliz. Roper Francis de la Rue William Rice. S. John Smith John Shipen Sir John Southcott Charles Stourton Robert Searisbrick William South Countess of Sussex Dr. Nicholas She John Smith Sir Edward Southcott Robert Shaw George Smith Alicia Scott James Sloan Esq; George Sheppard Philip Stapleton Dominick Shelborn William Stavely Anne Selby Edward Somerset Henry Scudamore Michael Smith Hugh Scalby Andrew Smallwood Robert Shepherd John Stephens Thomas Sackfield Jane Stratham John Seagrave Francis Sheldon Thomas Swinborn Alexander Stratham Peter Saltmarsh John Talbot Stoner Esq; T. George Talbot Mary Timperly John Lord Trimleston Francis Tenn Gent. Jeremiah Tinker James Tracy Edward Talbot Gent. Humphrey Trafford Rich. Trigeagle Thomas Taylor Geo. Throgmorton Esq; Rich. Trevannian Ralph Tempest Walter Trafford Gent. Charles Trinder Esq; James Tallant John Terry George Taylor. V Marry Valois Anthony Vane. W. William Walsh John Williams John Word Francis Williamson Esq; George Wilson Sir Drury Wray Capt. Daniel Wood Charles Walurn Thomas Wagleck William Wood John White John Widrington, and Mary his Wife William Wilmore Thomas Walsh. A List of Persons to whom Warrants were ordered to stay in England, and had not then taken them out, etc. B. Sir Henry Bond Jane Bell Capt. Tho. Bourk Owen Bonham William Bayes Capt. John Bradill. C. Capt. Henry Carter Thomas Conyers Major William Crosby Sir John Colliton. D. John Drake Wynn Davies. E. Francis East. F. William Fenwick. Arthur Fitz-Patterick. G. John Grace — Gardiner. H. Lady Hatton Widow Marbel Harding Widow Xeverius Harris George Harris. I. Edward Jones Lewis Janvair Catharine Jackson Robert Inwood. K. John Knight Miles Keagne. L. Peter Lion Charles Lake John Lambden John Lunt — Lone. M. Sir Terence Margrave John Murphey. P. Francis Peirce Henry Prince John Purcell. S. Thomas Smith John Spencer Charles Sherburn. W. Daniel Westney John Wynal William White Tecla Whaley. FINIS.