A Burghers delin. et sculp.    

A TREATISE Of the ROMAN Ports and Forts in KENT.  
BY WILLIAM SOMNER.  
Published by JAMES BROME, M.A. Rector of CHERITON, and Chaplain to the CINQUE-PORTS.  
To which is prefixed the Life of Mr. SOMNER.  
OXFORD, Printed at the THEATER, 1693.   

Imprimatur.  
H. ALDRICH Vicecan. Oxon. Febr. 18. 1693.   

TO HIS Excellency The Right HONOURABLE HENRY Ld. Viscount SIDNEY of SHEPEY,  
Baron of MILTON, Lord Lieutenant of their Majesty's Kingdom of IRELAND, Lord Lieutenant of the County of KENT, Constable of DOVER-CASTLE, Lord Warden of the CINQUE-PORTS, One of the Principal Secretaries of State, and One of their Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.  
My LORD,  
SInce I have had the honour to serve your Lordship in the Cinque-Ports, I have been frequently considering, what seasonable return of gratitude I might make, for the favours I have received from your Honour.  
But fearing, no production of my own might be worthy of Your acceptance; I am inclined to borrow something out of the common treasury of learning, wherewith to pay my first-fruits of duty and obedience.  
What I presume to lay before Your Lordship, may not prove perhaps unacceptable, since 'tis a small, but excellent Treatise, of very great esteem amongst the learned and judicious; and does now justly implore Your Lordship's Protection whether we consider the subject matter it treats of, or the places to which it relates; in both which Your Lordship is at this time very nearly and happily concerned.  
'Tis an Historical discourse of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent, wrote some years ago, by a very eminent Antiquary of Canterbury, but never before published; and therefore humbly desires to be ushered into the world under the gracious Patronage of Your Lordship; as being well assured, that the same auspicious effects, which daily attend both the Cinque-Ports, and County, from your great Wisdom and Sagacity, will as certainly here ensue, from Your Countenance and Authority.  
Their Sacred Majesties, who know best how to value what is really to be esteemed, and to place those persons in the highest trust, whose merits, and great accomplishments, deservedly entitle them to such honourable employments, have advanced Your Lordship (of whose faithful service they have had so large experience) to that noble Station of Government, in which you happily preside in Ireland; which never stood in greater need of such an able Patriot and Protector.  
Our Annals inform us, how infinitely Ireland stood once before indebted to the matchless Wisdom and Courage of one of Your Renowned progenitors, The Honourable Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy under Queen Elizabeth; who, for the space of eleven years, gave admirable proofs of dexterity and Conduct, in the managing of that untractable people; though he had little else to encounter with, but obstinacy and Rebellion. And, my Lord, whoever considers those Great and Noble Endowments of mind, with which Heaven has enriched You, for the general good and benefit of the world, may from hence easily conjecture how extremely happy at this juncture the Irish nation must needs be, under Your Lordship's present Lieutenancy; who seem in all respects, both born and formed on purpose, to be the Tutelary Guardian of that distracted Island.  
To render this Tract, if possible, a little more grateful and inviting; I have subjoined a Catalogue, from the most Authentic Historians, of those Noble Personages who have been Your Lordship's Predecessors in the Constableship of Dover-Castle, and Wardenship of the Cinque-Ports, which are both indeed Offices of as great Antiquity as Renown.  
The learned Mr. Camden has observed, that our Warden of the Ports, did resemble the Officer, whom the Romans established for the defence of our Coasts, called by them, Littoris Saxonici, or Tractus Maritimi Comes; who had then the charge of nine Ports, as the Lord Warden has now of five: and although there is no doubt, but during the Saxon Heptarchy, the Ports were under the Regency of some such sort of extraordinary Officer, as this was; yet if the famous Antiquary Mr. Lambard may have any credit, he tells us, that William the Conqueror was the first, that imposed upon the Limenarcha the name of Warden, out of his own Norman language: and Mr. Darell, in his account of these matters, saith, that William the Conqueror created John Fynes Constable of Dover-Castle, which title of honour he settled, by Deed of Gift, upon him and his heirs; which may occasion a conjecture, not altogether improbable, that under the reign of that Prince, those honourable offices began first to be united, in the person of one man: however, 'tis certain, they have never since been separated; but whatever great and eminent Persons have been thus nobly Dignified, by the grace and favour of their Prince, their names stand now upon this signal Roll of honour, in a successive series to this present generation.  
But, my Lord, I consider that your minutes are sacred.  
May your Lordship's great Merits, and honourable Achievements, both for their Majesties and their Kingdoms, make you still the Favourite of Your Prince, the Glory of your Age, the delight of your Country, and the Honour of the Cinque-Ports: may You live long and flourish, in an enjoyment of every thing, that may conduce to your Happiness; that so by the favour of Heaven, I may the longer enjoy an opportunity to pay my constant duty to Your Lordship, and be more and more capable to give a repeated testimony, how much I am,  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obliged Chaplain, and faithful Servant, JAMES BROME.   

THE LIFE OF Mr. SOMNER.  
To the Revd. Mr. JAMES BROME.  
Sir,  
I HAVE received the Transcript you sent me of Mr. Somner's discourse of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent: and I agree with you in the opinion, that the publication of it would do honour to our County, and service to the learned world. And since you have obtained leave of that Venerable Body, to whom the Original belongs; I am willing to assist in the Edition. You judge right, that the life of the Author is much wanting; and that some notes should be affixed to this Treatise, to explain what otherwise might stop the Reader. From which task I wish you had not excused yourself by a retired life, and want of access to books, and other notices of this kind. But since you devolve those cares on me, I will take up one half of the burden; and commit the other to our Friend Mr. Edmund. Gibson of Queen's College, a Person well versed in the subject of Antiquities, and therefore most fit to illustrate a discourse of this nature with such cursory remarks, as may adorn and improve the work. As to the Author's Life, since you have furnished me with so many faithful materials; I am content to tell the world, how great a Man lies buried, and how much his memory deserves to be revived.  
In doing this, I shall treat him not as a Courtier or a Patron, whose reputation must be raised by lines of flattery, and artificial disguise; but as an Historian and Antiquary, who is best represented in the same truth and plainness, with which he lived and wrote. There is this religion due to the ashes of an honest man, to let the Memoirs of him be simple and unaffected, to lay by all unnecessary shades and colours, and only draw him like himself.  
William Somner, son of William Somner and Ann his wife, was born on the 30. day of March 1606. within the Parish of St. Margatet's in the City of Canterbury. A fit birthplace for an Antiquary; this being one of the most ancient Cities in England 
1 Pref. Antiq. Canterb. 4●o. 1640. . And like a true Patriot, he proved his natural affection, and repaid his nativity by giving it a new birth. He restored the perished ruins, and brought back all its pristine glories. For his thoughts and affections having ever much inclined him to the search and study of Antiquities, he did more particularly, as bound in duty and thankfulness, apply himself to the Antiquities of Canterbury. He hoped the better acceptance of the work from the Author's thankful intentions towards the place of his birth, judging this a sufficient motive why he should of all other places desire to know the Antiquities and former stars thereof 
2 ib. .  
He was so well pleased with his lot of breathing first in this fair ground, that neither mind nor body could be moved to any distance from it: he took pleasure to call it the place of his Birth, Education, and abode 
3 ib. . Like the good old Citizen of Veron●, within the walls, or in sight of them, he lived, grew up, and died.  
Fashions he despised abroad, and learning he would have at home. So that here in studious content, he took up his cradle, his mansion, and his grave.  
He was descended of an honest and sufficient family 
1 Casaub. de Ling. Saxon. p. 141. . His father was Registrary, of the Court of Canterbury under Sir Nathanael Brent Commissary. This name had been eminent in other ages, and in other Counties. john Somenour of Multon near Croyland was a Commoner of some figure in the reign of Henry the fifth 
2 Hist. Croyland. contin. p. 502. . There was a public Hall or Inn within this University, that was called from the first owner of it Hospitium Somneri, or, Somenor shyn 
3 Hist & Antiq Oxon. p. 158. b. . And there is now a gentile branch of this ancient name in the County of Bucks. But let me observe this for the honour of our modest Author; that tho' the knowledge of Podigrees was one of his proper talents, yet in all his works he gives no one hint of his own Parentage or name.  
When his forward years made him capable of literature, he was committed to the Free School of that City, then governed by Mr. Ludd, which he after gratefully remembers as the place of his Education 
1 Antiq. Canterb. Pref. . What his improvements here were, I know none living who can attest, and it shall not be my vanity to conjecture. Tho perhaps he here imbibed the inclinations to Antiquity from the fresh memory of the late Master john Twine LL. B. who dying 1581. had been very inquisitive into former ages, had left a public monument of such knowledge 
2 De rebus Albionicis, etc. Lond. 1590. 8vo. , and had made particular collections of the Antiquities of this City 
3 Summoner Antiq. Cant. Pref. : whose fame in this part of learning might well incite an emulous youth, and raise that spirit, which carried him at last beyond this great example. However, here was our Author initiated in the elements of Rome and Greece, among many rival wits, of whom let me mention only Peter Gunning son of a Clergyman born at How in Kent, An. 1613. and bred at this School to the age of fifteen, when being remarkably ripe for the University, he was sent to Clare-Hall in Cambridge 
4 Wood Athen. Oxon. Tom. 2. pag. 577. , and left his school-fellow behind. Their acquaintance here contracted, settled after into a sacred friendship, and there happened good opportunities to confirm it, by Mr. Gunning's frequent visits to this City, and by his Preferment to a Prebend in this Church, An. 1660. But let the School be proud of this honour, that at the same time it instructed two of the greatest Men of their age and nation, one of the best of Divines, and one of the best of Antiquaries.  
When our young Scholar had made such progress in years, and in his studies, as qualified him for admission to either of the two greater Schools of Learning; then, either by the persuasion of his friends, who in tenderness would keep him near themselves, or by his own inclination to deal with ancient Records, he was placed as Clerk to his Father in the Ecclesiastical Courts of that Diocese. And when the usual time of apprehending was expired, he was soon preferred to a creditable office in those Courts by that true Judge of men, Archbishop Laud, to whom he after dedicated his first labours for the public, and gratefully declares, that the chief inducement whereby he was animated to appear in that kind, was his Grace's interest in the Author, as subsisting in his place and profession, under God, chiefly by his Grace's favour and goodness 
1 Antiq. Cant. Ep. Ded. . What made that great Patron of letters to prefer him, was no doubt a sense of his happy Genius, comprehensive of past ages. For that wise disposer of stations in the Church, made it his care and his glory to select such persons, whose abilities might best suit their respective employs. And being therefore to entrust the many ancient Records of his Metropolitical Church, he would provide a Man of that spirit, who should with integrity preserve them, and with industry apply them to the service of the Public; as seems modestly acknowledged by our Author, when he commemorates his Grace's extraordinary care and cost for the collection of Antiquities of all sorts from all parts, crowned by singular piety and nobleness in disposing them to the good and service of the Public 
1 Antiq. Cant. Ep. Ded. . Believe me (friend) however some narrow envious souls would detract from the merits of this glorious Prelate, and represent him so, as if even his memory were to be martyred: yet no one Governor of the Church ever did greater things, or promoted greater men. Where shall we find that spirit to serve the Public? where that noble zeal for Books and Scholars? Forgive me these expressions. We of this place had in him the most effectual Patron of our studies. He endowed us with many admirable Manuscripts, and encouraged those that would search them. Not that we now want an accession of such treasure to our Bodley Archieves. You will be pleased, I know, to hear that in one year elapsed, we have expended sixteen hundred pounds in the truest riches of the East, in the purchase of such Manuscripts as had been imported from those parts by two learned and judicious Men. Yet of these, the greatest part were in effect owing to the same Prelate; who supported the travels of Dr. Pocock, and enabled him to make that Return we now enjoy.  
But I hast to Mr. Somner, who prosecuted the duties of his office with prudence and integrity. An office (as he calls it) laudable, and enough honourable 
1 Pref. Diet. Saxon. . And when he had any hours relieved from the business of his called 
2 ib. , those he devoted to his beloved search into the mysteries of time: to which by the nature of his profession, he seemed the more determined; he himself observing, that to the study of Antiquities his particular calling did in some manner lead him 
1 Antiq. Cant. Pref.  He loved much, and much frequented the Cathedral service; where after his devotions were paid, he had a new zeal for the honour of the House, walking often in the Nave, and in the more recluse parts, not in that idle and inadvertent posture, nor with that common and trivial discourse, with which those open Temples are vulgarly profaned: but with a curious and observant eye, to distinguish the age of the buildings, to sift the ashes of the dead; and, in a word, to eternize the memory of things and Men. His visits within the City were to find out the Ancestors, rather than the present inhabitants; and to know the genealogy of houses, and walls, and dust. When he had leisure to refresh himself in the Suburbs and the fields, it was not merely for digestion, and for air; but to survey the British bricks 
2 Antiq. Canter. pag. 6. , the Roman ways 
3 ib. p. 22. , the Danish hills and works, the Saxon 
1 Ib. pag. 144.  Monasteries 
2 Ib. pag. 46  and the Norman Churches 
3 Ib pag. 156 etc.  At the digging up foundations, and other descents into the bowels of the earth, he came often to survey the Workmen; and to purchase from them the treasure of Coins, Medals, and other buried relics, of which he informs us, that many were found in almost all parts of the City, some of which came to his hands 
4 Ib. pag. 3.  Whenever he relaxt his mind to any other recreation, it was to that of shooting with the long bow, which no doubt he loved as much for the antiquity, as for the health and pleasure of that manly sport. He forgets not to give a worthy commendation of it, to confess himself grounded in a good opinion of Archery; and not unwilling to vindicate the undervaluing of it with other Men. He recommends to the Reader a judicious Elegy on this England's ancient glory, by Mr. John Bingham in his Notes upon Aelian's Tactics, which because the Book was dear and scarce, he presents a true copy of that whole passage 
5 Append. & Antiq. Canterb. pag. 476.   
This was his diversion: but his more constant delight was in classic Historians, in old Manuscripts, Leiger-books, Rolls and Records. Which made him so quickly known to be a man of use and service to his Country, that upon the great questions in descent of families, tenure of estates, dedication of Churches, right of tithes, and all the history of use and custom, he was consulted as a Druid or a Bard. While appeal to his judgement and deference to it satisfied contending parties, and stopped litigious suits. This honour and trouble done to him he modestly owns in the Epilogue to his Countrymen, where he mentions the recourse which some of them had to him for satisfaction and information, rejoicing to give content to them and others 
1 Ib pag. 510  And truly I know no one part of humane learning, that can render any Man a more agreeable Companion, and a more beneficial friend, than this knowledge of places, times, and people. Whoever is thus accomplished, can never want information to strangers, instruction to neighbours, and a turn of diversion and profit to all society. If he have prudence and good nature, he may be as Mr. Somner was, the Oracle of his Country.  
But the soul of our Author thought it too narrow a Province to resolve the doubts of private Men, and therefore would satisfy the whole inquisitive world. Hence when he had digested his elaborate collections made for the honour of that ancient Metropolis, and his good Affection to Antiquities, he dedicates them in a humble unaffected stile to the Archbishop of Canterbury, had them licenced by his Chaplain Guil. Bray, Octob. 23. 1639. and the next year published under this title. The Antiquities of Canterbury, or a survey of that ancient City, with the Suburbs and Cathedral, containing principally matters of Antiquity in them all, etc. Sought out and published by the industry and good will of William Somner; London 1640. 4●. In his Preface with wit and learning he celebrates the knowledge of ancient things, confesses his own thoughts and affections to lie that way, and owns the encouragement of worthy Friends, of whom he names Dr. Casaubon, one of the Prebendaries of the Church, and Thomas Den Esq.  
This accurate performance is the more laudable, because he could find no way, but what he made. There had indeed been two discourses of the like nature, Spot's History of Canterbury, mentioned by Bale, and Collections of the Antiquities of Canterbury, by john Twine, to which he refers in his Comment de rebus Albionicis; but both these were lost to the use of our Author, 
1 Pref. to Antiq. Cant.  and we do not hear they are yet recovered. So as he had no one writer to transcribe or imitate, but all the labour and glory were his own. And indeed this difficult honour is the reward of true Antiquaries, they tread in steps unknown, and bring to light the hidden things of past ages. While most other Authors write over again in new words: and do not discover, but only represent.  
In this useful book, he forgets not to justify his own profession. He inquires into the institution of Notaries 
2 ib. p. 287.  proves Ecclesiastical Courts to be Courts of Record, etc. 
3 ib. p. 288.  He often shows his duty and zeal to his Mother, the Church of England; defends her discipline, and justifies her constitution in his learned remarks on Church government 
4 ib. p. 225. , on Archbishops 
5 ib. p. 223. , on privilege of the Clergy 
1 Ib. p. 250. , on dedication of holy places 
2 ib. p. 5. 10. , mischief of Impropriations, 
3 ib. p. 5●.  and such other subjects, on which, by the best of arguments, reason and authority, he vindicates the establishment which then began to shake. And truly this justice must be done to Antiquities and the Church of England. None have been perfect Masters of the one, but what have been true Sons and servants to the other. It was eminently so in those great names, Camde●, Spelman, Twisden, Marsham, Dugdals. And might I mention the living, I know many who by improvement in these studies, have in the same way settled their judgement, and improved their zeal. For indeed there is a natural reason for this effects a good cause must appear best to those who look farthest back upon it. Our Church cannot have more genuine Sons than those, who by research into the primitive state of things, can refute the impudence of those abroad, who pretend to Antiquity; and can expose the ignorance of those at home, who affect Innovation. These Men can stand in the ways, and see the old paths, and are fit guides to those who are but of yesterday, and know nothing.  
But of one providence which attended this work, I must remind you. It was done in such a juncture as preserved the memorial of many Epitaphs, Inscriptions, and proper observations which otherwise had soon been lost to all succeeding ages. For immediately began that Rebellion and Sacrilege, which plundered and defaced most of the Cathedral Churches; and among other sad examples of popular phanatic fury, by the instigation of Richard Culm●r called in contempt Blew Dick (the same I think, who procured an Order from the House of Lords to Archbishop L●ud in the Tower Feb. 4. 1642. to have the Rectory of Chatham conferred on him, void by the death of Dr. Isaa● Bargrave Dean of Canterbury, to which his Majesty by Letters, recommended that Loyal sufferer Mr. john Reading 
1 Breviat of Archbishop Laud. p. ●7. ) this stately Cathedral was stormed and pillaged, the beautified windows were broke, the Tombs of Princes▪ and Prelates were ravaged, and every graceful ornament despoiled. So that ha●● no● Mr. Somner took a faithful transcript before the originals were thus erased, all had been lost in ignorance and oblivion. The like providence has often watched over and preserved many monuments of Antiquity, just before the fatal ruin of them. The days of defolation were coming on, when that excellent Antiquary, Mr. john Leland obtained a commission from Henry 8: An. Dom. 1533. to authorize him to have access to all the Libraries of Cathedrals, Abbles, Priories, and all other places wherein Records and ancient writings were reposed, for collecting and transcribing whatever pertained to the history of the Nation 
1 Woods Athen. Oxon. vol. 1. p. 67.  By virtue of this power he transmitted the knowledge of many Manuscripts, and other evidences which might have been dissperst by the dissolutions which followed in the years. 1536. and 1537. Thus the indefatigable Mr. Roger Dodsworth, just before the late destructive wars, transcribed most of the Charters and other Manuscripts, then lying in St. Mary's tower in York, which tower was soon after blown up, and all those sacred remains were mingled with the common dust and ashes. Thus again the worthy Mr. William Dugdale, (after honoured and preferred for his perfection in these studies) searched over all the Manuscript Books, original Charters, old Rolls, and other evidences relating to the Cathedral of St. Paul in London, copied out the monumental Inscriptions, and procured Sculptures of the whole Fabric, and all the parts of it, about the year 1656. when that Mother Church was converted into a stable, and ten years after to a heap of rubbish. So that had not that Antiquary drawn the image, as it were, before the loss of the original, all had been forgot, but what tradition had most imperfectly conveyed to us. Thus are Antiquaries, if not inspired, yet guided by the counsel of Providence, to remit to posterity the memorial of things past, before their final period. It was thus our Author recorded that flourishing beauty of holiness in that critical season; which had it been omitted, the Church had soon been lost within its own walls.  
I cannot forbear to recommend to you that ingenious Poem, which on this occasion was wrote by Mr. Charles Fotherbie, Grandson of a worthy Dean of that Church. It is inscribed  

I●d●reptionem Metr●politicae Eccles●e Christi  
Cantuariensis, ad fidissimum & antique  
probitatis virum, deque Clero Anglicano optimè  
meritum, Gulielmum Somnerum.   

He● lapidum vener anda strews! sic corruis! Aedes  
S●●rilegae has audent sic temerare manus?  
〈◊〉 fain strarum fracta est 〈…〉  
Amplius & vitreos nec pia turba stupet.  
Caeruleo quoties me pictus daemon amictu  
Terruit? Huic rabbiss Culmeriana favet.   

Hinc quantum nostro Somnero Ecclesia debet  
Hic raptas nulla lege recenset opes.  
Hic priscum templin instaurat honorem,  
Integra sunt scriptis & monumenta suis.  
Pro veris hic molitur chartacea temp●a,  
Et solidum marmor picta columna refert.  
Vel templum pinxisse pium est Exempla nepotes  
Quae seri plorent, quaeque imitentur, habent,  
Urbs satis antiqua haec non te, Somnere, silebit,  
Ingrata ob librum ni velit esse tuum.  
Nomine tu portas urbis signasque plateas,  
Per te distinctas novimus ire vias.   
This is but a part; I refer you to the whole Poem, as inserted in the Monasticon 
1 Monast. Ang. Tom. 1. inter p. 18. & 19 , out of pure respect to Mr. Somner. There were not wanting other pens to celebrate this first performance of our Author. It has a just character given by a proper judge, the learned Dr. Meric Casaubon, a pious and laborious work, and highly useful, not only to those who desired to know the state of that once flourishing City, but to all that were curious in the ancient English history 
1 Casaub. de ling. Saxon. p. 141.  The best Topographer since Camden, when he comes to the Roman station at Canterbury, does for its modern splendour and glory, refer us to courteous Mr. Somner's description of it 
2 Burton on Anton. Iti. p. 175, 176. , a very rational Gentleman, etc. Mr. Kilburne in his survey of Kent does only briefly touch upon the City of Canterbury, because Mr. William Somner had so elaborately, judiciously and fully wrote of the same, that there was left but little (if any thing observable) which he had not there set down 
3 Survey of Kent 4 ●●. p. 300. . And Mr. Philpot who had reason to envy him, breaks into this acknowledgement: Canterbury hath so exactly in all the parts and limbs of it been described and surveyed by Mr. Somner, that I should exceedingly eclipse the labours of so industrious a Pen, if I should go about to portray that in any contracted landscape, which hath been before represented to the public, penciled out in so large and exquisite a volume 
1 Villare Cantian. p. 93. .  
As this was the most ancient royal City, and the first Episcopal Church of the Saxon Christians: so had they both, a new precedence in this honour: they were the first whose Antiquities were published to the world. And how few have been since conformed to their example? The history of St. Paul's Cathedral in London from its foundation, etc. is an absolute performance 
2 Will Dugd. history of St. Paul's London, 1658. fol.  And the history of the Church of Peterburg will be its everlasting monument 
3 History of the Church of Peterb. by Simon Gunton, published by Simon Patrick D. D. Lond. 1686 fol.  But beside these two, I know of none but mean attempts. The historical account of the original, increase, and present state of St. Peter's or the Abbey Church of Westminster, is little more than a bundle of Epitaphs and Inscriptions 
4 Monument. Westmon. by Henry Keep, Lond. 1683. Svo.  The remarkable Antiquities of the City of Exeter 
5 By Richard Izaac Esq Lond. 1681. 8vo. , are a dry collection, full of mistakes. The history of the Bishops and Bishopric of Winchester, with a description of that City, 
1 By john Trussel, MS. Athen. Oxon. Tom. 1. p. 380. , I presume to be an imperfect work, and therefore not published. The brief account of the Monuments of the Cathedral of Norwich 
2 By Sir Tho. Brown.  was wrote for private use, and seems more to fear, than to deserve an Edition 
3 Tenison's Preface to Brown's Miscellan.  The ancient rites and Monuments of the Monastical and Cathedral Church of Durham 
4 Published by I. Davis of Kidwelly, London 1672. 120. , is an ignorant and pitiful Legend. The history of St. Cuthbert with the Antiquities of the (same) Church of Durham, was drawn by a much better hand 
5 By Robert Hag Fellow of C.C.C. Oxon. , but the Edition of it that has crept abroad is false and spurious 
6 London 1663. 8vo. . We expect the Author's own exact and neat original to be published, with fit notes and illustrations, by an ingenious person of singular industry, and great progress in these studies 
7 T. Tanner of Queens Coll. Oxon. . I hear of some others, who are now designing the Antiquities of York, Worcester, and Carlisle: all of character and abilities for such performance. How happily would it spread the glory of the English Church and Nation, if among Divines addicted to these studies, some one were preferred to a dignity in every Collegiate Church, on condition to employ his talon in the History and Antiquities of that Body, of which he was a grateful and an useful Member?  
Thus far Mr. Somner had searched only into the Latin writers, and such National Records, as had been penned since the Norman conquest. But there is a sacred ambition in the spirit of Learning, that will not let a man rest without new conquests, and enlarged dominions. Especially in Antiquities, every acquest heightens the desire, and the wishes are those of the Eastern Monarch, to have more than one old world to bring into subjection. This generous emulation invited our Author to proceed, and attain the British and the Saxon tongues. To acquire the first, there were rules of Grammar, explication of words, and other sufficient Memoirs, beside the living Dialect, to guide a man of industry and resolution. But the Saxon language was extinct, and the monuments of it so few and so latent, that it required infinite courage and patience, to attempt and prosecute the knowledge of it. To this trial he was encouraged by the advice of his constant friend Dr. Meric Casaubon, who gives this account of it: that while he was lamenting the obscure remains of that tongue, it happily fell out, that he grew acquainted with Mr. Somner, born of a creditable family, one of primitive probity and simplicity. Being extremely taken with his sagacious wit, and observing his wonderful industry in searching for the Antiquities of his Country; and much approving his sharp and solid judgement, tempered with the greatest modesty; he began earnestly to persuade and excite him to the study of the Saxon tongue, as a labour worthy his patient and ingenious spirit, promising his own assistance if he were able to give any, and to furnish him with any materials, that might aid and promote those studies 
1 Tractat. de Ling. Saxon. p. 140. . Mr. Somner, whose humility of mind made him obsequious to the counsel of his friends, and tractable to any motion of doing good, complied with the advice of that Reverend Person, confirmed by his own judicious thoughts, being sensible of the truth of what Sir Henry Spelman had found by his own experience, that the knowledge of the Saxon language was so far necessary, as without it the Antiquities of England be either not discovered, or at least imperfectly known 
1 Somneri Diction. Saxon. Ep. Ded. .  
When Mr. Somner began this task, give me leave to represent the difficulties he laboured under. When the Saxons had made the Britain's strangers in their own land, than the language which the Conquerors brought with them, soon grew into contempt among themselves. Even so early as the year 652. Many out of this Island were sent to the Monasteries of France for Education, and to bring back the manners and language of those parts 
2 Mon. Angl. Tom. 1. p. 89. . In the reign of Edward the Confessor, by the great resort of Normans to his Court, the whole Island began to lose their English rites, and to imitate the manners of the Franks; especially it was esteemed a piece of breeding for all the lesser sort to speak the Gallic Idiom, and to despise the language and customs of their own Country 
3 Histor. Ingulphi p. 62. sub an. 1043. . This inglorious affectation is confessed by an Historian who lived in that age. It looked like an omen of being to be shortly conquered by that nation, of whose tongue and fashions they were so industriously fond. The event was so. Three and twenty years after came in the Norman Lords, who threatened an extirpation to that language of which the Natives began to be ashamed. For these new Masters hated the English, and so much abburred their Idiom, that the Laws were all administered in the French tongue, the very children in Schools were kept from learning to read their Mother language, and were instructed only in the Norman; the English manner of writing was omitted 
1 Ib. p. 71. sub. an. 1066.  The ignominious marks of a conquered people. The same Author from his own experience does again lament, that the Saxon hand which had been used in all writings grew into disgrace, and the French hand, because it was more legible and more pleasing to the eyes, did every where obtain 
2 ib. p. 85. , so as in the very next reign, the Saxon letters were so obsolete and so unknown, that but few of the elder people were able to read them 
3 ib. p. 98. sub an. 1091. . Nay in the year 1095. Wulstan Bishop of Worcester was deposed, when scarce any other thing was objected against him, but that he was an old English Idiot, who did not understand the French tongue 
4 Mat. Par. sub an.  It is true, the next successor Henry the first, gave a Charter to William Archbishop of Canterbury, confirming to him the possessions of his See, in the Saxon language and characters 
1 H. Wharton Auctar. Histor. Dogmat. p. 388.  This was but a single instance, and perhaps done to oblige his Queen of the Saxon line, and to ingratiate himself with the English subjects, who might hope by this marriage they had a better title in him. And therefore it is a mistake in the learned Mabillon 
2 De re diplomat. p. 52. , and some other Authors, who assert the Saxon way of writing was lost from the very time of the Norman Conquest. It was with the Saxon characters as with signs of the Cross in public Deeds, which were for the most part changed into the Norman way of seals and subscriptions, yet some Charters were with the old form of Crosses. The Saxon Dialect obtained no doubt in Country Vills, with some borrowed variation from the French, and some remains of it did intermix with the Court language. But the Barons and Knights who were most of them Norman, were so afraid of their child's talking the old English, that in the reign of Henry the second, They sent them over into France for education, to wear off the barbarousness of the native tongue 
1 Gervas'. Tilbur. de otiis Imper. MS. in Bib. Bod.  At the beginning of the reign of Edward the third, Robert Holcot a Dominican, confess●●, there was no institution of children in the old English, but they first learned the French, and from the French the Latin tongue, which he observes to have been a practice introduced by William the Conqueror, and to have ever since obtained 
2 Rob. Holcot Lect. 2. supper sapient. . Tho from the first decline of the Barons, and advance of the Commons who were more of English blood, the Country language grew more into request, till at last the Commons in Parliament at Westminster the 36. of Edw. the third, showed so much of the English spirit, as to represent to the King the great mischiefs which would happen to divers of the Realm, if that the Laws were pleaded, showed, and judged in the French tongue, which is much unknown in the said Realm, etc. Upon which it was ordained and established, that all Pleas, etc. should be pleaded, showed and defended, answered, debated, and judged in the English tongue, &c 
3 Pulton Stat. 36. Edward 3▪ p. 119. . Yet this law did by no means restore the Saxon, either in the Alphabet or in the prime Dialect: It only redeemed the kingdom from an old token of subjection, and did honour to the then compound language, much vitiated by imported words and phrases. And still there seemed a dash of the Norman spirit, which by the same law provided that all such Pleas should be entered and enroled in the Latin.  
If there were any conveyance of the true Saxon tongue, it was in the Monasteries; but in those only which were founded before the Norman Conquest; for in such, interest did oblige them to understand the language of their original Charters. It was for this reason, that in the Abbey of Croyland, a Tutor was appointed to teach Saxon to some of the younger brethren, that in their old age they might be more fit to allege the Records of their Monastery against their adversaries 
1 Ingulphi Histor. p. 98. . And it was no doubt for the like reason, that in the Abbey of Tavistoke, which had a Saxon Founder about 691. there were solemn Lectures in the Saxon tongue, even to the time of our Fathers, that the knowledge of that language might not fail, as it has since well nigh done 
2 Camden Britan. in Danmon. .  
So that had Mr. Somner lived before, or in the age of reformation, the way of attainment had been less difficult. Or had he been reserved to these lower times, he had met with more of help and conduct. For we have since had a good part of the Scriptures more correctly published, with excellent notes 
1 Evangel. Goth. & Saxon. 1665. . We have had histories most correct 
2 Chron. Saxon. ab Edm. Gibson, Oxon. , But what above all facilitates the progress and perfection of learners; We have had methodical and accurate Institutions of Grammar by the Learned Dr. George Hicks, incomparably skilled in the Antiquities of our Church and Nation. So that now to be ignorant of that tongue is not the misfortune of a Scholar, but his fault. Common industry, and an easy application serves.  
But Mr. Somner had a much harder province; he was in a manner to invent the language, as well as to restore it. For upon his first essays that way, he had but two poor Manuscripts, and one of them on so obscure a subject, as might have exercised a Critic, sooner than instructed a Novice. But he had an active soul that would feel no impediment. This made him his own guide, to be not only the discoverer of a new world, but the Master of it. His success in those studies he himself congratulated in his own modest way▪ When by the advice and persuasion of Dr. Meri● Casaubon, I began to apply my mind to the Saxon tongue, in no long space of time I seemed to reap some tolerable fruits of my endeavours, which did abundantly compensate my labours, &c 
1 Diction. Saxon. Praef. . And that first moving friend does applaud the event of his counsel in these words. To be short, when he had approved my advice, he prosecuted the business with that 〈◊〉 industry, and such equal happi●●● of wit, that within few years he may be compared (to speak modestly) with the most eminent in that knowledge 
2 Casaub. de Ling. Saxon. p. 140. . Nor did he only surpass most of his Predecessors, but exceeded some that followed after: and is numbered among the few complete Critics by the best of Judges; who has rightly observed, that since the erection of Monasteries, where Saxon Books lay unknown to those that kept them, unto our own times, only two foreigners, and about twenty Natives, had by their own industry attained the faculty of this tongue. Of which small number few arrived to an accurate and critical knowledge; Jocelin●, Somner, Mareshall, and Junius, published all their Saxon purely and correctly: but from almost all others, it came with fault and imperfection▪ namely from those greatest men J. Selden, and Sir Henry Spelman, and even from the very Professor, Mr. A. Wheelock 
1 Hickesii Gram. Saxon. Praef. . I would not cite the approbation of lesser Writers after the testimony of so great a man. I would only add that his very enemies (if he had any) admired this accomplishment in him. He who was the only man that opposed any thing our Author wrote, does him this justice. His labours, says he, as they are pleasant to such who are delighted in the knowledge and observation of the manners and language of our forefathers; so have they been and ever will be, very profitable to all that are studious and inquisitive into Antiquity. For his success in the restauration of that our ancient speech, which had been almost lost, and in a manner so long huried in oblivion, is very eminently known and admired▪ and shall by me be always gratefully acknowledged 
2 Silas Taylor history of Gavelkind. Pref. 4●0. 1663. .  
Mr. Summoner by his absolute faculty in the Saxon tongue, was now enabled to make the more intimate search into all remote Antiquities. His next merit was on this occasion: his honoured friend and Countryman Sir Roger Twisden had published the laws of Henry the first, An. 1644. fol. to which was prefixed an old Glossary, which Mr. Somner observed to be faulty in very many places. 
1 Sumner's Glossarium ad X. Script. passim. . On this Edition he wrote notes and observations large and learned, with a very useful Glossary. 
2 Casaub. de Ling. Sax. p. 141. . To which he himself refers in his other Glossary on the ten Historians, on the words Gravatio, Mancusa, etc. of which he had treated more largely in his former, not then, nor alas yet published. If those papers are in your hands, you have an opportunity to serve and oblige the world.  
From his time of engaging in the memorial of Canterbury, he laid the foundation of a larger design, to collect all the remains of the state of the whole County, for a just and perfect History of the Antiquities of Kent. This projected labour he owns to have taken on him, in the kind Epilogue to his Countrymen. If by your good acceptance of these my labours for the City, I may receive discouragement to proceed in my endeavours ● it is in my thoughts, by God's assistance, in't convenient time, to do somewhat in like ki●● for you in the Country. 
1 Antiq. Canterb. Append. p. 105. . And to confirm the truth and honesty of these intentions, An account of what Saints had th● dedication of Parochial Churches within that Diocese he leaves with them in pawn, and as a pledge of those his future endeavours, for their farther content hereafter, if God 〈◊〉 He omitted no time, and spared no pain●, to prepare this work without, and to make it fit in the field, that he might afterwards build the house: a house that was not to be built in a day, but the foundations to be dug deep, and the materials to be fectht from afar, with great contrivance, great patience, and great expense. But he made a gradual progress, and in the Preface to his Tract of Gavelkind, which he wrote twelve years before the publication, i. e. An. 1648. He confesses it was now●full eighteen (I think it should be eight) years, since by solemn promise he became indebted to his Countrymen, upon their good acceptance of certain of his labours in behalf of their City, to proceed to the same or some other such like undertaking for the County: a thing which as he then really intended, so had he not since wanted that encouragement for it from the better sort, which he could expect. But (says he) being soon after (pro● dolour!) overtaken by that impetuous storm of civil war, not yet quite blown over; I was necessitated to betake myself to other thoughts. This was a just excuse, and he had the same reason to beg their longer patience. For ●he resolved the conception should be an Elephant before its birth, therefore he was still increasing his plentiful store, and still digesting and disposing the order of it. In the mean time▪ he hoped not only to be excused of his Countrymen for (what had not else been hitherto delayed) his County-undertaking, but also to obtain of them yet farther respite, in hope of a better opportunity to discharge that debt. In the year 1659. the time of publishing his Saxon Dictionary; he again renewed his promise, that when that work was finished, he would adorn and complete the Antiquities of Kent 
1 Saxon. Diction. sub voce ●bban●une. . In the following year 1660. he was so taken up with the joys of a returning Church and King; and so particularly involved in the cares of retrieving the scattered Records, and raising the Memoirs of the dead: above all so immersed in providing that all might justly refund their stolen portion of Church-lands, and in stating the accounts of Fines, Leases, and other emoluments o● the Dean and Chapter, who trusted all to his entire integrity and art: that he could not possibly attend to the finishing that long promised work. Tho' the generous design was still breathing, and expired only with himself.  
But let not the world lament its being deprived of those labours. For the Discourse here given of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent, was no doubt an apartment of that spacious Fabric, and was to have been joined to the rest of that Model. As is evident by this: in his Sax●n Dictionary on the names of Racul● Reculver, Limene mu●, mouth of the river or haven of Limne, Luu●●n-pi● or Sandwich, etc. he promises a better and more large account in his Kentish Antiquities; all which are largely dicussed in this Tract, which must argue it a part of the same work, to which he then referred. Besides, among all the intimations of his other performances, he never citys this by the title, under which he left it, Roman Ports, etc. which proves it was included under the general design of the Antiquities of Kent. There be some other loose papers on that subject, which are now, Sir, in your hands, and I know your spirit for the public interest, will embrace any fair opportunity to do good and to communicate. I doubt he set his last hand to that part of the argument only which you now publish, which really is a learned and judicious discourse; there runs through the whole such a vein of reason, and such a force of authority, as is not easy to find in any Authors, that write for a party, or for any thing but truth. He is singularly happy in fixing Limene or the mouth of the river Limene, or Rother, at Romney, since turned another way: which is much confirmed by some old Manuscript Annals that I have lately seen 
1 annal Saxonum MS. sub an. 892. . And in placing the Lapis Tituls of Nennius not at Stonar, but at Folkstone, wherein he has the honour to be followed by a most learned Prelate. 
1 Stilling fleet Orig. Britan. ch. 5. p. 322.  Had he lived to supply and methodise the whole, how would he have corrected the remarks of all that went before, and superseded the endeavours of most that could follow after. For I believe, it is your opinion, Sir, as well as mine, that what Lambard and Camden did before, might admit of emendations, and considerable additions. And what Mr. Kilburn and Mr. Philpot did since, was all modern and superficial. I wonder these two last who were cotemporary with our Author, should seem to have had no recourse to him, nor any knowledge of his more complete design; which could be only owing to their own pride, or want of address to an easy and communicative man. Mr. Philpot did engage to write another discourse of the Ports in Kent, speaking less of the Cinque Ports, because he intended to publish a particular Treatise relating solely to their immunities, and their just right to take cognisance of the fishery at Yarmouth 
2 Villare Cantianum. p. 14. fol. An. 1664. . This faith the writer might have kept, for he lived to the year 1684. but there is no dependence on a man who could afford to rob his own Father of the credit of that book. For the Villare Cantianum, or Kent surveyed and Illustrated republisht, London, 1659. and 1664. fol. under the name of Thomas Philpot, is said to have been done by john Philpot the Father, born at Folkstone, Somerset Herald at Arms, who died 1645 
1 Athen. Oxon. Vol. 1. p. 102. & Vol. 2 p. 719. . Let this only be observed for the honour of Kent, that while other Counties (and but few of them) have met with single pens to give the History and description of them; ours of Kent has had no less than four Writers to celebrate the glories of it, Lambard, Somner, Kilburn, Philpot. Let me observe farther in respect and duty to my native Town, that what Mr. Somner asserts of Dover, being the place where julius Caesar intended and attempted to arrive, is from Astronomical computation, fully demonstrated by the very ingenious Mr. E. Halley, who proves the year, the day, the time of day, and place, the Downs, where he made his first descent 
2 Philosoph. Transact. for March, etc. 1691. .  
Let not posterity censure Mr. Somner for this abortive design on the Antiquities of Kent, nor impute it to slothfulness, or change of mind, that he did not complete the model he had so long framed. It is a common infirmity of those who write nothing, to reflect on the delay of any one expected work: As if it were no more to do, than to talk of being done. Of the fatigues in a great performance, none are sensible but those who are engaged in them. Thought and reflections, searches and reviews, remarks and collations, method and stile, and ten thousand cares, all multiplied on the men of greater fidelity and caution, retard the Author, and protract his work: especially in matters of Antiquity, to be in haste does make the blinder birth. For those writers cannot at one prospect get a view of their design. Like the new improvement of Perspective, the scene opens wider by longer looking on: that is, the business multiplies on the undertaker's hand, and the burden increases on the weary Bearer. It is this has made more Antiquaries fail of their proposed attempts, than any other sort of writers. Mr. john Leland the first restorer of English Antiquities after the age of printing, undertook so immense a task, that the very thoughts of completing, did (as 'tis said, distract him 
1 Wood Athen. Oxon. Vol. 1. p. 67. . So as after the publishing some short and trivial essays, he left his four Volumes of collections, fol. his five Volumes of Itinerary, 4 ●. and some other monuments of industry in Manuscript, for the most part indigested without leisure, or without patience to complete them. The next Antiquary Mr. Robert Talbot, had a great genius and an equal diligence, to gather and preserve the fragments of time: but designing Annotations on the Itinerary of Antonine; and a Collection of ancient Charters, etc. he died with his thoughts and his papers in confusion. With what tedious application and gradual advances, did the great Camden conceive and nourish his famed Britannia? Had his life and strength endured, no doubt he had still been altering and augmenting the glorious work. But he fell, and left unfinished this and some other of his own, and the world's disappointed hopes 
2 Gul. Camd. Vita à T. Smith. STP. p. 45. . Mr. Roger Dodsworth filled above sixty Volumes with the most elaborate collections; but was still hunting for more, without the content of disposing what he had. And therefore excepting the Charters inserted in the two Volumes of Monasticon, which cost him little other pains than finding, and remitting to the press; he left nothing but infinite materials for those who would apply them better. Sir Simonds D'ewes, a great valuer of History and Coins, had laid a scheme for the Antiquities and state of Britain, wherein he pretends he would discover errors in every page of Camden 
1 Epist. of Archbishop Usher. p. 496. ; but by death he fell from his great and vain attempt. Mr. T. Allen, Mr. B. Twine, Mr. W. Fulman, and many other Antiquaries of this place, had the same ambition to collect, and the same misfortune never to methodise or publish. But beside these instances of general designs, the particular efforts on a History of single Counties, (like Mr. Somner's on Kent) have dropped into the graves of their intended Authors. Mr. Thomas Risdon drew up a Survey or Chorographical description of Devonshire; but had not time to make the Edition of it 
2 Athen. Oxon. Vol. 1. p. 516. . Sir Simonds D'ewes attempted the Topography of Suffolk 
3 R. Dodsworth MS Vol. 38. fol. 39 . Sir Edward Byshe promised the Antiquities of the County of Surry 
1 Woods Athen. Oxon. Vol. 2. p. 484. . Sir Matthew Hale made great collections relating to the County of Gloucester, but would not frame them into any disposition for the press 
2 Life of Sir. M. Hale by Dr. Burnet. . Captain Silas Taylor spent some years in picking up various remarks on the County of Hereford, but cast them into no just discourse 
3 Athen. Oxon. Vol. 2. p. 465. . Mr. Samson Erdeswick wrote a short view of Staffordshire, containing the Antiquities of the said County; but could carry it no farther than MS. notes 
4 Ib. Vol. 1. p. 275. . And Mr. Randal Catheral, got voluminous collections that respected this County of Oxford 
5 Ib. Vol. 1. p. 731. ; but never could cast them into a regular History, and took so little care to reposite his MSS. that to all my inquiries, they are now lost. Not to mention the reported designs of later men, Dr. Nat. johnston on the west-riding of Yorkshire. john Aubrey Esq on Wiltshire. Walter Chetwind Esq on Staffordshire; to whose labours, if still depending, I wish resolution and success.  
Forgive me this digression, and think it less impertinent; because it serves to justify the memory of our Author, when so many others have fallen short of the like intentions: and the nature of such attempts is more apt to absorb and discourage the aggressors. In the mean time, we should better accept and esteem this remnant that is saved of the Antiquities of Kent, and hang up the little plank, as more sacred than the whole ship.  
But it is a more just Apology for Mr. Somner, that he did not devote his whole time to this ineffectual labour; but was all along employed in some other duties to the public.  
He found it necessary, not only to know the places and persons, but the customs and tenors of his Country; of which none so eminent, and so peculiar, as that of Gavelkind. This the Lawyers informed him to be the local custom of Kent, whereby if the Antecessor died intestate, all the Heirs male did equally share in the inheritance of lands, which had not been held in capite, nor disgavelld by special Act of Parliament. But this account would not satisfy so inquisitive a mind as that of Mr. Somner, for his aim was always to understand properties and nature, more than names: according to that end propounded by himself in all his researches, which was to know things, not so much in their present as primitive state, more in their causes than effects 
1 Treatise of Gavelkind, Pref. . And to this enquiry he was the more induced, that he might satisfy his Countrymen, and gain excuse for delay of his County-undertaking. For the more easy purohasing whereof, that they and others might perceive he had not been altogether idle, he pitched in his thoughts upon the Kentish custom of Gavelkind, and to some more than vulgar discourse thereof, as a specimen and earnest of his farther intentions for the County. This discourse he divided into five heads. 1. The true Etymologis and derivation of the name, where he refutes the continued fancy of Lambard, Coke, Camden, Verstegan, cowel, Spelman, Dodderidge, and many other Lawyers and Antiquaries, who would derive it from the Saxon gipe●eal cyn give to all kindred, or to all alike. Whereas he proves the name is by no means borrowed from the partible nature of the land; but from gapol or gavel a tribute or customary rent, and gecynoe nature, sort or kind; implying it to be land not held in fee, as Knights service; but chargeable with such rents as made it socage tenure. 2. He inquires into the nature of Gavelkind-land in point of partition, and proves it was neither from the name, nor bare nature of the land; but partly from the nature of the land, and partly from a general custom extended thro' the whole County in such censual land. 3. He searches into the Antiquity of Gavelkind-custom (in point especially of partition) and why more general in Kent than elsewhere. 4. Whether Gavelkind be properly a tenure or custom? where he treats with incomparable learning of all feudatory right, and all menial service. 5. Whether before the statute of Wills (32, & 34, Henry 8.) Gavelkind-land in Kent were devisable or not? which he resolves in the negative, and answers all arguments of those who hold the contrary. All these points are discussed with that variety of knowledge, and that ingenuity of spirit, as will make the Author and the book valued, while learning and Law are valued. At the end is an Appendix of such Muniments, Charters, and other Escripts, as were quoted in the precedent discourse. This subject led him thro' a long course of Common Law, and thro' the sense of very many Statutes: for which he was afraid he might be thought too bold with the men of that robe, too much meddling with matters of their peculiar science; but hopes they would excuse him, being one that honoured their profession, and had an intent only in his way to do them service, and their profession right, by holding forth to public view some Antiquities, tending at once to the satisfaction of the one, and illustration of the other. What esteem this treatise bears among men of that honourable faculty, I might suggest by this familiar hint. I sought in vain for the book among many Libraries, till it was lent me by a worthy friend eminent in that profession. I hope in a short time a new Edition may spread it into more hands. But let me give you a farther history of it. When Mr. Somner had drawn all his thoughts and authorities into a just discourse, he sent his papers to his judicious friend Archbishop Usher, who returned them with this testimony: I have perused this learned treatise of Gavelkind, and judge it very fit to be published. Ja. Armachanus. Apr. 7. 1647 
1 Treat. of Gavelkind, Append. p. 216. . This approbation of so great and good a man, was the best Licence that could be asked, or given to the book. But there were two reasons that hindered the publication. First, the distress and persecution of the writer, which might take from him the appetite and ability of printing. Secondly, the ignorance and affectation of those times, that hated all Antiquity Ecclesiastical and Civil; and doted on a new Gospel, and new Laws: so that till the nation was dispossessed of this spirit, it was not fit to cast the pearl before them. The Author laid it up in his own Archives, and imparted it only to the perusal of some peculiar friends. Dr. M. Casaubon had seen and read it, and in the year 1650. told the world, that his friend had write a just Treatise in English, upon that most famous and most ancient custom in Kent, called Gavelkind, &c 
1 Casaub. de Ling. Sax. p. 142. . The Author himself upon occasion owned the hidden treasure, and pointed to it once or more in his notes to the words of Lipsius, An. 1650 
2 Not a adverb. Lips. Append. ad Casaub. de Ling. Sax. p. 16. . and very often in his Glossary, An. 1652 
3 Gloss. ad X. Script. in vocibus Feodum, Allodium, etc. . But when Monarchy, Episcopacy, and learning were restored, than the Author brought forth the things new and old, when the eyes of men were opened. Yet still his own modesty would have longer concealed the talon, if the importunity of friends had not prevailed. For he confesses An. 1660. That the Preface and Treatise had been written more than twelve years agone, and had lain by the Author ever since, and they had not now come forth but upon the encouragement of some worthy and judicious friends. At their request it appeared abroad with this title. Atreatise of Gavelkind, both name and thing, showing the true Etymology and derivation of the one, the nature, antiquity, and original of the other; With sundry emergent observations, both pleasant and profitable to be known of Kentish men and others, especially such as are studious either of the ancient custom, or the Common Law of this kingdom, by a Wellwisher to both, William Somner. London, 1660. 4 to.  
In this elaborate work, the Author is most happy in the Etymology and description of Gavelkind, and Socage, of the Norman's Fief de Haubert, and Fief de Roturier; of the Saxon's Boclan● and Folclan●; of the Feudists Allodium and Feudum, etc. wherein he is singular and dissenting from all precedent writers, with such a vein of modesty, and such a strength of reason and authority, as has yet satisfied all Readers, and silenced all Critics. He has farther explained all the different tenors In capite; Knights-service; Fee-farm; Frankalmoign; Divine-service; Escuage certain; Burgages; Villeinage, etc. with all lands denominated from their service, as Work-land; Bocland; Aver-land; Drof-land; Swilling-land; Mol-land; Ber-land; Wareland; Terra-susanna; Forland; Bord-land; Scrudland; Over-land; Mondy-land, etc. Wherein he supplies and corrects Littleton, and his oraculous Commentator: He fills up the defects of Spelman, and prevents the industry of Glossographers, that should follow after. And therefore the diligent Du-Fresne, in explication of most of these terms, barely translates the English of this book, and faithfully refers to it 
1 Du-Fresne Gloss. Lat. in vocibus Gavelkind, Gavel-man, etc. .  
By this one performance he has indeed showed himself an absolute Civilian, and a complete Common Lawyer; stating all tenors and methods of conveyance with exquisite judgement; and examming the Writ de rationabili parte bonorum, with that nice hand, as proved him Master of more than he professed. And in many of these disputes he could have been a more final Arbiter; but that his habitual modesty restrained him; So that when many other points of Common Law did offer themselves to his discourse, yet being out of his profession, he would not wade or engage any farther in the argument; lest he should be censured of a mind to thrust his sickle into another man's harvest. 
1 Treatise of Gavelkind, p. 170.   
To obtain this knowledge in the Laws of his Country, he had traced all the streams of justice to their fountain head; he had searched back into all the Institutions of the Norman and the Saxon ages. And having first diligently enquired into the Laws of Henry the first, and adorned them with Notes, and a Glossary, as was before observed; he went back farther, and reviewed all the policy of the Saxon Kings; a copy of whose Laws had been first gathered up by Mr. Alexander Nowell, (whom Mr. Camden 
2 Britan. in Danmoniis.  calls the Reviver of the Saxon language) in the year 1567. who going then beyond the seas committed them to his pupil in those studies, Mr. William Lambard, desiring him to translate them into Latin, and to make them public, 
1 Lambardi Epistola ad Archaionom. . Which was done the following year under the title of APXAIONOMIA, sive de priests Anglorum Legibus, etc. Lond●ni, 1568. 4 to. reprinted fol. at Cambridge, 1644. In the perusal of this work, our judicious Author found, that in the latin version there was a polite and elaborate stile, too much affected, that gave little or no help to the Reader in understanding the original Saxon 
2 Somneri Pr●fat. ad Saxon. Dict. . Which opinion was after confirmed by that stupendous Master of the Northern tongues, Fr. junius, who speaking of Mr. Lambard's publishing the Laws of the English Saxon Kings, translated by himself, tells us that he better approves the ancient version by Jo. Brompton, and advises all that love the genuine Monuments of Antiquity, rather to embrace the old interpretation of a rough and impolite age, than rashly adhere to the modern and more refined Translators. 
3 junii Catal. Lib ad Evang Goth. . The same censure was continued by the Annotators on the Life of Alfred, 
1 Aelfredi vita p. 66. , and by the last Editor of the Saxon Chronicle. 
2 E. Gibson Praef. . Upon this principle Mr. Somner did believe, that such an elegant and paraphrastic way of rendering old Records, was too much like paint on the face of a wrinkled matron, or a cap and feather upon grey hairs. He resolved to take off the disguise, and represent the true venerable aspect; by a new version plain and nigh to literal, for the benefit of all who were studious of the Saxon tongue; to which he added some Laws that were omitted in that collection by Mr. Lambard. 
3 Casaub. de 〈◊〉 Saxon. p. 142. . And designing farther; that such Gentlemen who would read only their mother tongue, might not be ignorant of these fundamental constitutions, he turned them all to modern English, and has left the Transcript thus entitled, The ancient Saxon Laws translated into English. Neither of these versions has yet seen the light, tho● most worthy of it. The first of them especially, will be of great use to the next Editor of the Saxon Laws. For Mr. Lambard's collection might be now greatly improved, as one, who best knows, assures the world, that beside the Laws first published by Lambard, and revised by Wheelock, it was probable that many others lie concealed in the Bennet and Cottonian Libraries, which it would be good service to send abroad into the world. And (says the same great man) I have by me a Transcript of the Laws of King Aethelbert, Hlothare, and Edric, from the Textus Roffensis, which Lambard, however diligent in searching out these Laws, had not seen before his Edition of Archaionomia. 
1 Hickesii Praesat. ad Gram. Saxon. . Let us not despair of a revisal and augmentation of this Codex of English Laws. Our Friend who has done so much honour to the Saxon Chronicle, is of abilities, and a genius fit for this other performance.  
In the mean time, let me observe, that nothing would more facilitate and perfect the study of our Common Law, than an application to Antiquities of this kind. It is pity the young Gentlemen of that profession should be content to learn only the present practice of the Courts, and look no farther into the original of judicial methods: which alone can admit them to the depth of reason, and the bottom of a cause. There is indeed little hope of this progress in those new measures, of first learning the practic forms in subservience to Attorneys, and bare entering of names for a title to the bar. But where men of parts are honoured with the more liberal education of spending some years in one of the two national Schools of learning, and thence transfer themselves to the Seminaries of the Law, to prosecute the Histories of use and custom: from such we might expect those degrees of knowledge, that would accomplish the Advocate, the Judge, and the Statesman; such would be truest Patriots of their Country, and would be the more unwilling to have the Laws of England changed, when they understood what they were from the beginning. I dare not speak more of my own sense; but I humbly refer to the words of a wise man, who when he has recommended ancient Histories and original Laws, concludes thus. This I thought good to say for the sake of our young Gentry, who adorn the Inns of Court, if possibly by my advice they would not spare their pains to attain the Saxon tongue, and run over the many monuments of venerable Antiquity in that language and Character, the peculiar treasure of their nation. 
1 Hick●●● Praefat. ad. Gra● Saxon. . Possibly Estates and some titles may have been obtained by lighter means; but the good name, and the abilities to serve a Kingdom, have been acquired only by these industrious studies. This keeps up the memory of Coke, Dodderidge, Noy, Selden, Hale, and many other oracles, whom no authority nor time can silence.  
But I proceed to tell you the next labour of Mr. Somner: which was a dissertation de Portu Iccio. For examining the expedition of Caesar into Britain, he found by his own account, 
2 C●●s. Comment. l. 4 , that his first voyage began from a Port of the Morini, from whence was the shortest passage into Britain. And where he took ship the second time, (which by description appears to be the same place) he expressly called Portus Iccius, Men of learning were not agreed in the site of this haven. Mr. Camden and Ortelius thought it to be Witsan. Raimundus Marlian, and Adrian junius, believed it the same with Calais. jac. Chifletius for the honour of his Master the King of Spain, would have it Mardike in Flanders. But Mr. Somner fixes it at Gessoriacum, now Bologne; wherein he was followed by Sanson, etc. Of later writers, Adrian Valesius 
1 Notitia Galliarum in unc. Iccius Portus.  concludes it to be Estaples nigh Bologne. The noble Du-Fresne 
2 Dissertatio 28. in not is ad vitam L. Ludovici.  and M. Baudrand 
3 Lex. Geog.  restore it to Witsan or Witsant. And Mr. Halley 
4 Philosoph. Transact. March 1691.  conjectures it was near Calais-clifts, either Ambleteuse on the one side, or Calais on the other. Other Critics may suspend their judgement, till they see this discourse of Mr. Somner, which deserves to be fairly published. The MS bears this title, A discourse of Portus Iccius, wherein the late conceits of Chifletius, in his Topographical discourse, are examined and refuted: the judgement of Cluverius concerning the same Port asserted and embraced, and the true site thereof more clearly demonstrated, by William Somner.  
Our Author's skill in the Saxon tongue, obliged him to inquire into most of the European languages ancient and modern. For there is a connexion in all learning, especially in the knowledge of tongues, which draws the student from one link to another, till he has passed over the whole chain of dependence. This made him run through the old Gallic, Irish, Scotch, and Danish dialects; especially the Gothic, Sclavonian and Germane. Of his perfection in the latter, he gave the world a public specimen on this occasion. While his Reverend friend Dr. Meric Casaubon was employed in an essay on the Saxon tongue, he happened upon an Epistle of justus Lipsuis to Henry Schottius, which contained a large catalogue of old Germane words, in use with that nation, about eight or nine hundred years before. The Dr. thought many of them had a great affinity to the Saxon; and therefore being then at London, sent down the Catalogue to Mr. Somner at Canterbury, and desired his opinion of them. Who within few days returned his Animadversions, and showed the relation of the Germane with the Saxon tongue. But because they were too long to be inserted by Dr. Casaubon, in the body of his discourse; he placed them as an Appendix under this title, Gulielmi Somneri Cantuariens●s ad verba vetera Germanica à V. Cl. justo Lipsio Epist. Cent. III. ad Belgas Epist. XLIV. collecta, Notae. This first part of Dr. Casaubon's Comment on four tongues, Hebrew and Saxon, (the other two Greek and Latin, the Dr. did not finish) was published at London, 1650. 8vo. Ou the mention of it, I will put you in mind of one mistake of a learned man, Du Fresne Ld. du Gange, who in the preface to his admirable Latin Glossary, reflects on those Critics, who would derive the modern languages from Greek originals: joachimus Perio●●us and Hen. Stephanus for the French; Monosmius for the Italian; Matutius and Aldretus for the Spanish, and Stephen skinner for the English. When this last must be a lapse of memory: for Dr. M●ri● Casaubon, who in this Comment on the Saxon tongue, does industriously refer it to the Greek, and gives a long Catalogue of Saxon words so deduced. Whereas Dr. skinner does indeed fetch the Saxon from the Northern dialects, and reflects on Dr. Casaubon for being so fond of that other conceit.  
These were the public services done by Mr. Somner, till the year 1650. at which time Dr. Casaubon reports, that he would have printed all his useful labours, and would have wrote much more: if that fatal catastrophe had not interposed, which brought no less desolation upon letters, than upon the Land. 
1 M. Casaub. de Ling. Saxon. p. 141. . And he himself had about three years before declared, that he had by him some other things in a readiness for the public, which should not, God willing, be much longer retarded, if the times permitted by the continuance of our Counties peace, peace that Mother of Arts 
2 Pref. to Treat. of Gavelkind. .  
His next opportunity of doing public good was this. It was an observation of the learned, that no one nation had so many various Histories of their own affairs, as that of England: wrote by Britain's, Saxons, and Normans; but most of them in a manner dissolved with the Monasteries, wherein they laid and slept. Some of them had been raised from the dust by joceline, Howard, Parker, Camden, Savile; but many were yet in chains of darkness; which it would be justice and mercy to redeem, and expose to view. The proposal was made by that industrious Bookseller Cornelius Bee, who about 1641. had importuned Sir Roger Twisden to supply him with materials of this kind for the press 
3 Twisdenus Lectori X. Script. . That worthy Baronet called in the assistance of Archbishop Usher and john Selden Esq 
1 Amanuensis Lectori X. Script. : by whose industry and good affection to learning, ten writers of the English history were transcribed from the originals in the Bennet and Cottonian Libraries, and faithfully collated with all different copies, by an expert Amanuensis Mr. Ralph jenning's. For the more elegant Edition, a new fund of letters was neatly cast, and a provision made of fine paper. To adorn the work, Sir Roger Twisden was to acquaint the Reader with the occasion of the book, and the conveyance of those MSS from which it was compiled. Mr. Selden was in a larger preface to give account of the ten Historians, and their writings. And Mr. jenning's to subjoin the various lections. But still the Editors were sensible that to complete the glory of the work, there wanted a Glossary, or explication of the more obscure and obsolete words, which often occurred in those primaeve writers. For this province, they knew none so well qualified as Mr. Somner: to him they commit the office, and he discharged it with infinite integrity and honour. So that when in 1652. this best collection of Historians came forth under this title, Historiae Anglicanae scriptores X. etc. ex vetustis Manuscriptis nunc primum in lucem editi, etc. The Appendix was Mr. Somner's labour, thus inscribed, Glossarium, in quo obscuriora quaeque vocabula, quae toto hoc opere continentur, copiose explicantur, & ad origines suas pleraque revocantur, Gulielmo Somnero Cantuar●ensi Auctore. Of this performance Sir Roger Twisden gives the Reader this character. One word of the Glossary, without which this work had been imperfect and little useful. Understand Reader, it was compiled for your sake by William Somner, a man of primitive probity and candour, a most sagacious searcher into the Antiquities of his Country, and most expert in the Saxon tongue. If some words are here glost upon, not found in these writers; know, this was not done out of ostentation, or the affected glory to appear learned; but it was granted at the importunate request of his friends, by a man of the greatest modesty and ingenuity; that if such terms occur in other Historians of our nation, and by none that I know of explained; you may from hence discover the sense of them: our design being not to give trouble to him, but satisfaction to you; such are Culvertagium, Witerden, Tenmantale, (the understanding of which I owe purely to him) and others of that kind.  
This key to recluse and antiquated words, improved whatever of this nature had been done before: it amends and supplies the old Gallic Glossary of Pontanus; the signification of words by Skon●us; the explanation of terms prefixed by Mr. Lambard to his Saxon Laws; the Onomasticon of Clement Reiner, in his Apost. Bened. in Anglia; the Glossography to the works of Chaucer; the Etymologicon of Io. Ger. Vossius; the Glossary of Dr. Watts, adjoined to his noble Edition of Mat. Paris; and above all the excellent Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman, then only published to the letter N. Nor has Mr. Somner like the former Glossographers, confined himself to the antiquated names of things; but with happy learning has commented on the names of this Island and several parts of it; to which he has affixed such new and apposite derivations, as delight and satisfy all judicious Readers. It is indeed a work of that extent, as may serve for a cla●is to all other Historians, and to all Records. Therefore when the learned Sir john Marsham wrote an Introduction to the Monasticon Anglicanum, he refers the Reader to this Glossary of Mr. Somner's, where a barbarous word creates him any trouble. And that living Author, (whom I often mention, but cannot enough commend) observes, That the Laws of the Saxon Kings may be read with some profit, as turned into Latin by Jo. Brompton, if the incomparable Glossary of Mr. Somner be consulted, wherein the more obscure words are fully explained 
1 Hickesii praefat. ad Gram. Saxon. . And after calls it, a truly golden work, without which, as Sir Roger Twisden writes, the ten historians had been imperfect, and little useful.  
How complete might this Glossary be made from our Author's several exercises of this nature, which now remain in the Archives of Canterbury? His marginal notes on Bracton de Legibus Anglia; on the collection of English and Latin Statutes, printed 1556. 8vo. on Mr. Selden's Spicilegium ad Eadmerum; on Verstegan's restitution of decayed intelligence: especially from his Glossari●● rerum & verborum difficilium in Legibus H●●rici 1. And his Adversaria in Spelm●●●i Glossarium, in Wat●ii Glossarium Mat. Par. additum: & in Tractatum Ger. Io. Vossii de vitio sermonis. Had the inquisitive du Fresne been informed of all these papers, how much would he have augmented his immense work? How much will the knowledge of all our Laws and usages improve, when these mighty materials come at last to be digested by an able and patient hand?  
The Author himself intended to publish more of this kind. For in his Addenda ad Gloss. X. Script. he does advertise the Reader, that if any other difficult words occur, which he had not there explained, (as omissions might be easy in so long a work) and read over as it were extempore, he would be glad to be informed of them, and would not fail with thanks to explicate them in the best manner that he could: at least in another Tome of Historians, shortly to be published. Sir Roger Twisden in his Preface gives the world the same encouragement, to hope for a second Tome, if this first were well accepted. But it was not allowed to Scholars to be so happy. The association of those Editors was dissolved by the death of Selden and Usher within few years. Tho possibly the greatest impediment was the ignorance and distraction of the times, that could not enough encourage the great expenses of the Bookseller Mr. Cornelius Be, to whom Mr. Somner gives this just character, that he was a man who had deserved very well of the republic of letters, by publishing, at his own care and cost, many books of better note, wherein he was so industrious, as literally to answer his own name 
1 Praef. ad Dict. Saxon. . He had indeed with great charge and pains, collected sufficient copies to have made up a second Tome; which lay dead in the hands of his Executors, till for a considerable sum they were purchased from them, by that generous promoter of learning, the right Reverend Father in God john Fell Bishop of Oxford; by whose encouragement some were published; and by whose never enough lamented death, others remain in private hands. I have seen the following copies, 1. Willielmus Malmsburiensis de Antiquitate Glastoniensis Ecclesiae ejusque Abbatibus. Ex Libro Roberti Cotton, quem ipsi dono dedit Tho. Allen, Aug. 12. 1672. exam. & collat. cum alio Manuscripto libro, quem Richardus Tychburn eques & Baronettus dedit Paulo Robinsono, qui eandem inscripsit Bibliothecae S. Gregorianae, Duaci, jul. 15. 1651. 2. Invictissimi Anglorum Franciaeque Regis Henrici quinti, ad ejus filium Christianissimum Regem Henricum sextum, vita per Titum Livium de Frulovisiis Ferrariensem edita. Ex Libro Cottoniano, collat. cum alio Libro Manuscripto in Bibl. Bened. Cantab. 3. Historia de tempore primaevae inchoationis sedis Episcopalis Wellensis, & ejusdem Episcopis, & de Episcopis in sede Bathoniensi. 4. Fragmentum Annalium Saxonum ab An. 726. ad An. 1055. 5. Fragmentum Annalium de rebus ad Hiberniam spectantibus ab An. 994. ad An. 1177. To most of these copies is a Postscript by the Amanuensis, Mr. Ralph jenning's, wherein he acknowledges the receipt of several sums of money, for his reward in transcribing and collating the said copies, and promises to compare them with the original, when desired. What honour to the nation had it been, if these and many other copies had been published, in the same method with the former Volumes. I am sure, we have since had no one Edition of Historians with that exactness, and that grandeur. Nor can we hope for any so correct and so august, till the same measures be taken, of several hands joining in the same work. For any one undertaker has either not opportunity to discover all copies, or not leisure to collate them; or not the advantage of attending the press for correction; or not patience to draw up (what is the main benefit of a large book) a full and faithful Index. So that we have lame and inaccurate Editions, for want of the wisdom of our forefathers to assist one another. It is by this mutual help, that the Societies in France give us such absolute Impressions. And could we resume that practice here at home, we should infinitely advance the good of letters, and the glory of Britain. I detract not from the public services of Mr. Fulman, Dr. Gale, and Mr. Wharton, who seem to have done as much, as private men can do.  
Mr. Somner's reputation was now so well established, that no Monuments of Antiquity could be farther published, without his advice and helping hand. Therefore when the noble Sir Henry Spelman had encouraged Mr. Dugdale to join with Mr. Dodsworth, to collect and publish the Charters and Monuments of Religious houses, and had communicated to them his own originals and transcripts, of the foundations in Norfolk and Suffolk: when Mr. Dugdale in Oxford had got many materials from the Bodleian and College Libraries: and in France had gathered from the papers of Du-Chesne, several memorial of our Priories Alien. When Mr. Dodsworth had preserved all that related to Yorkshire, and most Northern Counties; when they had both searched the Tower of London, the Cotton Library, and other Archives; they invited Mr. Somner to assist in that immense labour, who returned them the Charters of Christ-church, and St. Augustin's in Canterbury, with the ichnography of the Cathedral, the draught of the Monastery, and other Sculptures: furnished them with the original Charter of King Stephen to the Abbey of Feversham, then in his hands; and informed them in many other queries relating to the City and County: and then accepted the office imposed upon him, of bearing a peculiar part of the burden, by translating all the Saxon originals, and all the English transcripts from the Itinerary of Leland, and other Records, into plain and proper Latin: a necessary and useful ornament to those admirable volumes. Which service Sir john Marsham commemorates in his learned Propylaeum; There assisted in this work a man of the greatest knowledge in our Antiquities, William Somner of Canterbury, who has rendered into latin all the Saxon, and the English of Leland. To whose Glossary, lately published with the English Historians, the Reader is referred, if any barbarous word creates him trouble. The same person is now preparing for the press a curious Saxon Dictionary. The first Volume of this Monasticon was published, London, 1655. The book which now stands in the Library of the Church of Canterbury, has inserted after the Propylaeum a printed leaf in folio, containing six copies of verses made by Kentish men, in commendation of Mr. Dodsworth, Mr. Dugdale, and Mr. Somner, who are there said to be the joint collectors of that glorious work. The second Volume was deferred (as a punishment to the ingrateful world) to the year 1661. A third Volume of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, with Additaments to the two former, was published An. 1673. In these books are promiscuously comprised the most Authentic, because most genuine and inartificial, History of England. There be materials enough dispersed in several hands to complete a fourth Volume. Dr. Hicks recites the title of many Charters, in the Archives of the Church of Worcester, of which, he says, none are inserted in the Monasticon 
1 Append. ad Sax Gram. p. 171. . I have seen many originals and Transcripts of omitted Charters and Monastic Annals, in the hands of men of curiosity and public spirit; who would contribute their additions to such a work, when ever men of industry and courage dare to undertake it.  
Mr. Somner's friends knew, how farther to employ a useful man. They observed it impossible to cultivate any language, or recommend it to the industry of learners, without the help of some Dictionary for a standing oracle in obscure and dubious words. This was yet wanting to the Saxon language, and was the reason why so few were masters of it. For men care not to travel without a guide in lands unknown. This was a burden that wanted heart and shoulders equal to it; but they could impose it on none more able than Mr. Somner: on him they lay the mighty task, and adjure him to perform it. Above all, the Counsellor of his studies Dr. M. Casaubon, used all his interest of friendship to press him to this labour; as he thus informs us: When Mr. Somner by several essays on the Saxon tongue, had sufficiently proved himself a master of it; I ceased not then to importune him, that he would think of compiling a Saxon Dictionary; by which work I did assure him, he would best merit of that language, and would receive infinite thanks from all that were studious of it. But in such unhappy times, what can the Reader promise to himself, or what can I promise for the Author? I leave all to his own discretion. 
1 M. Casaub. de Ling. S●x p. 142. . Upon this hint given to the public, many other of Mr. Somner's friends, who knew his course of studies, did themselves hope, and made others expect, to see such a labour done by him. Especially when by his Glossary and Version of Saxon Charters, he had farther served the world: from that time he was incited by the daily request and importunity of many persons, to undertake and finish that work; many of his judicious and affectionate friends, considering his slender fortune, and offering to contribute in the charges of the impression: with assurance that the book would be very acceptable both at home and abroad, especially to all that were studious of the Teutonic Antiquities, which language was originally the same with the Saxon 
1 Praef. ad Lector. Sax. Dict. . But for a work that required so much time, and so great expense, his friends were to contrive some more competent support and reward: to which Providence (that seldom fails industrious men) ordained an opportunity. The great Sir Henry Spelman, while he was at Cambridge with Mr. jeremy Stephens, to search those Libraries, and collect materials for his designed Volumes of British Councils, finding very many Saxon Manuscripts, and very few that understood them; resolved to found a Lecture in that language, to restore and improve the study of it. This generous act was soon done by him, and he first conferred that office on Mr. Abraham Wheelock, one that had assisted him in some Transcripts of that tongue; and for endowment settled on him and his successors a sufficient yearly stipend, with presentation to the benefice of Midleton, nigh Lin-Regis in Norfolk 
2 Abr. Wheelock praef. ad ector. edit Bedae. . By the death of Mr. Wheelock An. 1657. the disposal of that Lecture fell to Roger Spelman Esq son of Sir john, son of the founder, who designed to bestow it on Mr. Samuel Foster, a learned and worthy Divine. But Archbishop Usher, a friend to Antiquities and Mr. Somner, recommended him to the Patron, that he would confer on him the pecuniary stipend, to enable him to prosecute a Saxon Dictionary, which would more improve that tongue than bore Academic Lectures 
1 Somneri Epist. Ded. ad Saxon. Diction. . And herein that Prelate was like himself, judicious. For the endowment of public Lectures has often met with this till success, to make the Readers neglect, and the hearers despise them. Whereas if the same rewards were given, on condition of printing those Lectures, or publishing some other remains of that Art or Science: men's industry would be greater, and the Republic of Letters much better served. This seemed the intention of the wise and pious founder Sir Henry Spelman, in establishing this Lecture. The words of his foundation being to promote the Saxon tongue, either by reading it publicly, or by the edition of Saxon Manuscripts, and other books 
2 Wheeloci Praefat. Edit. Bedae. . Which last design Mr. Wheelock had most answered, by publishing the Ecclesiastical History of Bede, with the Saxon Paraphrase of King Alfred. The Saxon Chronology with his own latin version, and Mr. Lambard's Saxon Laws, with some additions. Cambridge 1644. fol.  
This reason of the thing, and this Will of his Grandfather, inclined Mr. Spelman to comply with the advice of Bishop Usher, and to present Mr. Somner to the annual salary of that Lecture. Which this man of tenderness and modesty would not accept, without the free consent of Mr. Foster, before nominated to the place: who preferred the public before his own interest, and Mr. Somner before himself. Therefore content with the Ecclesiastical benefice, he left the annual portion of money to Mr. Somner, who receiving this reward, would not omit the duty for it.  
He was enough sensible, that to make a Lexicon in any tongue, was one of the hardest and most servile labours. Especially if no foundations were before laid; there to find materials, and to build the whole structure, was more tedious and expensive, than barely to augment, or adorn. On reflection he found those difficulties to press upon him: some faint endeavours, and forgotten promises, but no one public performance of this nature.  
The first example was given by Aelfric the Grammarian and Archbishop, either of Canterbury 
1 Cave Histor. Literar. p. 588. , or rather of York 
2 Whartoni dissertatio de duobus Aelfricis. . who flourished about the year 1004. and made two distinct Glossaries on this tongue; one of which F. junius transcribed from a very ancient copy in the Library of Peter Paul Rubenius of Brussels, and communicated to Mr. Somner 
3 Praef ad Sax. Dict. sect. 17. , who published it with the Latin Grammar in Saxon, by the same Author. This could be no great assistance to Mr. Somner, because short and imperfect, and indeed erroneous, and a little barbarous, as the Editor himself complains 
4 Ib. : and another expert in these studies does affirm, when Aelfric expounds the words in Latin, he is very oft mistaken 
5 skinner Etymol▪ in voce Bleak. . There is another Glossary Latin-Saxon, by the same Prelate, (distinct from the former) which he wrote as a Comment on his Grammar; and is found at the end of those copies of the Grammar which are now in the Cotton Library, and in that of St. John's Oxon: which seems to have escaped the knowledge of Mr. Somner. This latter may be the same with that Diction. Latin-Saxon: which Dr. Cave recounts among the Manuscripts of Aelfric 
1 Histor Literar. p. 588, 590. . And therefore a worthy Author is injurious to Dr. Cave, in taxing him with an error, for reciting this work among the Manuscripts of AElfric, when it was published by Mr. Somner 
2 Auctar. Hist. Dogmat. ● Usher p. 377. . No, that work is still in MS. and what was published by Mr. Somner is a different Tract, which the Dr. had before mentioned, as printed at Oxon. 1659. One writer should be tender of another writer's reputation, and not impute mistakes, but where he is very certain of them.  
There were two other ancient Saxon Glossaries by unknown hands, in the Cotton Library, the one a thin folio, the other a more thick octavo; what help Mr. Somner had from these, he freely owns, by referring to them. Since the Reformation, Mr. Laurence Nowell spent time in drawing up a Saxon vocabulary, which he designed to complete, and publish. But he dying in 1576. left the imperfect Manuscript, which Mr. Selden procured, and lent to Mr. Somner; who seems not to have received it, till he had in great part digested his own collections; and implies it to be a deficient work. F. junius after took a transcript of it, the original and copy are both with us. Next to him, Mr. I. joceline Secretary to Archbishop Parker, by advice of that learned Prelate, made some larger collections to the same intent, which were transcribed by Sir Symonds D'ewes Baronet, and remitted to Mr. Somner: who farther mentions a report that john de Laet of Antwerp, a man learned in Saxon letters, had projected a work of this nature; but no performance. After all, Mr. Abraham Wheelock, Spelman-Professor, did promise the world that he would compile a Saxon Dictionary; but he either forgot the promise, or death absolved him from it. It has been the infirmity of great men, when their first thoughts have laid the scheme of any work, to take occasion of proclaiming their design; to raise and deceive the expectation of the world. Prudence should temper this vain desire of glory. An imprinted promise is a very sacred thing: and men should not engage their faith to the public, unless they are sure to discharge it. How often are men weary of a warm resolution? How oft do second thoughts correct the former: and when the scene is laid, it must be took away? How oft do men's labours increase upon their hands, till the undertaking prove above their strength? How many accidents of business, sickness, and mortality may intervene? So as what wise man would enter into obligation, when it is such a hazard whether he shall be able to pay?  
But this mention of the few Saxon Glossographers, is only to do justice to the memory of Mr. Somner, by inferring what small assistance he had in so large a work. He had not that easy task of adding to things invented, or improving an old book; but was to compose all, and be properly an Author. We have been taught at School to honour the Lexicon of I. Scapula, and yet Vogler has called him the Epitomator of Henry Stephens 
1 Vogleri Introduct. Univers. p. 68 : and another eminent writer says, he cannot be absolved from the crime of Plagiarism and concealment 
2 Morhofii Polyhist. p. 83. . We admire the laborious Volumes of I. I. Hoffman: and yet it is observed with great indignation, that he has arrogated to himself the interpolated and depraved works of other men, suppressing the names of the true Authors. 
1 Baudrand praef. ad Geog. Au. 1682. . And a great Critic animadverts on him, for transposing the whole Lexicon of Baudrand into the first Tome of his work. 
2 Io. Alb. Fabri decas decadum, num. 78. . Nay Baudrand himself is by Sanson accused of theft from his own Father, without any dutiful mention of him. 
3 Gul. Samsonius Disquis. Geog. Epist. Ded. & Praef. 1683. . Nothing has been more familiar, than to hear Holyoak borrowed most from Rider, and he from Eliot, and so on. But I will give you one instance, which I have more lately observed. Tho. Cooper's Thesaurus Linguae Romanae, etc. first published London, 1565. greatly raised the reputation of that writer, and is said to have preferred him to his great station in the Church. Yet this mighty work is very little more, than a pure Transcript of the Dictionarium Latino Gallicum, by Charles Stephens at Paris, 1553. I have collated them in most parts, and find them literally the same in almost all words, and the direct order of them, and in every classic phrase; with this only difference, that those phrases are rendered in French by Stephens, and in English by Cooper: whose disingenuity is much the greater, because in his preface and Dedication, he mentions the Bibliothece of Sir Tho. Eliot, and the Thesaurus of Rob. Stephen's; but speaks not a word of this other Dictionary of Charles Stephens, which was the copy (I assure you) that he transcribed verbatim.  
When Mr. Somner had made an immense collection of materials, in order to compile his Dictionary, and had methodised them in two large Volumes, now remaining in the Canterbury Archives; he sent up his papers to Oxford, and the Impression was here made for the Author, Apr. 1659. with an elegant inscription to all Students in the Saxon tongue; a grateful dedication to his Patron Roger Spelman Esq, and a proper useful Preface. The Author and his work recommended by the ingenious verses English and Latin, of john de Bosco; Henry Hugford; joshua Childrey; and Will. jacob Physician; with an Appendix of the Grammar and Glossary of Aelfric. And at the end of all, is a Catalogue of those worthy persons who contributed to th● great charge of the Impression, whose names and example he commends to the present age, and to posterity; for the perpetual honour of Philologers▪ and as a testimony of the Author's grateful mind.  
Let none be offended, that so excellent a work was forced to be thrown upon the public stock, and brought up on common charity. Till the men on curiosity increase their number, this must be the fate of the best books, that they shall not bear the charges of their own Impression. It is this has stifled the conception of many glorious designs, to see exquisite Volumes thrown back upon an Author's empty hands; while Plays and Pamphlets reward the trifling writers. What else was the reason that most of our old Historians were first printed beyond the seas; but only, that cheaper methods, and quicker sale, made the Editors to gain abroad, what they must have lost at home? What induced Sir Walter Raleigh to burn the second part of his admirable History; but only a fordid complaint, that the first five books were a burden to the printer 
1 Life of the Author, Pref. Gen. Hist. of the world. ? What inclined Sir Henry Spelman so long to suppress the second part of his incomparable Glossary, but this only; that when he offered the copy of the first part to Bill the King's Printer, for five pounds in books; that light proposal was rejected, and he was forced to make the Impression at his own great charge? 
1 Editoris Praef. ad Glossarium. 1687. ? How could Dr. Brian Walton have carried on those six stupendous volumes of the Biblia Polyglotta, An. 1657. if there had not been a public fund, and Treasurer appointed to collect and dispose the contributions of worthy men? 
2 Wood Athen. Oxon. vol. 2. Fasti. ? In a word, it was a credit to this work of Mr. Summoner's, that it appeared so little the interest of the writer, and deserved so much the charity of public benefactors. Especially at a time, when the oppressed Royalists were more tempted to write for bread, than for glory; and were driven upon a double necessity, to beg for the support of themselves, and the Edition of their books.  
For this indeed is a farther honour to the work, and the Author of it; that it was done in the days of Anarchy and Confusion, of Ignorance and Tyranny; when all the Professors of true Religion and good literature were silenced and oppressed. And yet Providence so ordered, that the loyal suffering party did all that was then done, for the improvement of letters, and the honour of the nation. Those that intruded into the places of power and profit, did nothing but defile the press with lying news, and Fast-Sermons▪ while the poor ejected Churchmen, did works, of which the world was not worthy. I appeal to the Manas●icon, the Decem Scrip●ores, the Polyglot Bible, and the Saxon Dictionary.  
I need not tell of the good reception this labour met with among men of judgement; nor how the great progress in the knowledge of this tongue, was owing most to this one work. I would only remind you, that our eminent Linguist Dr. Tho. Mareshall, in the Preface to his Saxon Gospels, refers the Reader upon all doubtful words, to this complete Dictionary, which Mr. Somner composed with great diligence. And our first excellent Grammarian does gratefully acknowledge, that he collected many critical observations, which lay dispersed in this work 
1 Hickesit Praef. ad Gram. Sax. .  
It is true, this first public essay on the construction of the Saxon tongue, was not so full and absolute, but that it is now capable of additions, and great improvement. For how indeed can any works, but those of creation, be perfect, when they are first produced? Especially in a performance of this nature, that depends on the variety of words, and Author's various acceptation of them: here the prime birth can give no more than infancy: it is age and education must increase the stature, and mature the strength. Besides, our Author had this peculiar disadvantage, that while the abundant sense of words can be gathered only from a multitude of writers in all different times, and all different professions; he could procure but few books, and those of a short and ignorant age. This Apology I can better represent in the words of an ingenious Etymologist. How small a portion of our ancient tongue, like a few planks from a fatal shipwreck, has come into our hands? What a slender stock of words can be drawn out of three or four small Tracts? If of Roman Authors, none had been left to us but the Offices of Tully, and the Histories of Sallust and Tacitus. If of the Grecian, none but Herodotus, Thucydides, and Zenophon, how could Calepine and Stephanus have swelled their volumes to so great a bulk? If you compare our Summoner to those giant Authors, though in diligence not inferior to either of them, you would see there a Hercules and a Cyclops; here a Hylas and a Pigmy 
1 Skinneri Etymol. praef. ad Lectorem. . Tho certainly, if we look back on the first attempts of this kind, in all the ancient and modern tongues, we shall find no one Nomenclature, in its pure beginning so copious, and so exact, as this of Mr. Somner.  
He himself was most conscious, what was wanting to it, and therefore was always improving the stock, and soliciting all Scholars, whom he thought could be beneficial to him. Among others, Mr. George Davenport, a great proficient in that language, sent him many Notes and Observations. I have now before me an original letter of Mr. Somner to Dr. Casaubon, Canterbury. 12. Octob. 1664. of which part runs thus. I return many thanks for those papers of Mr. Davenport, which you were pleased to impart unto me. I have more than once perused them, and am so well pleased with them, and instructed by them, that I shall improve them to a good degree; in point of correction to some, enlargement and illustration in other parts of my Lexicon; not without the ingen●ous acknowledgement of my Author. Mean time, in order to such a use, I keep them by me, etc. But Mr. Somner lived not to execute the good design; nor has any yet resumed it; though materials lie ready gathered. For among the printed Authors, left corrected and illustrated by the hand of junius, there is this Lexicon of Mr. Somner, with other loose sheets, and the Grammar of Aelfric collated with some Manuscripts. Another of these printed volumes was in possession of Mr. George Davenport, much noted and enlarged by the curious owner; and is now in other hands, interleaved, and much farther improved. The want of a new Edition would indeed be superseded, could the world at last enjoy the Etymologicon Anglicanum, completed by F. F. junius in two volumes, and that Author's incomparable Lexicon of five Northern languages, which that most worthy Prelate Bishop Fell, took care to have transcribed in eleven volumes: and some few years since, we were encouraged with the hopes of a speedy publication. 
1 Hickesi● Catal. Lib. append. Gram. Sax. p. 147. . But chance and change have employed men's thoughts another way. Whenever the impression is resolved upon, it must pass through many hands, which will never join, if they must return empty. It wants and deserves a public spirit, and a public fund.  
The last service of our Author was to publish his Treatise of Gavelkind, etc. An. 1660. which I have already mentioned; and need only add, that some reflections were made on this discourse by Silas Taylor Gentleman, in his History of Gavelkind, with the Etymology thereof, etc. London, 1663. 4 to. who, in his Preface, does inform the Reader, that he took occasion to publish his notes of this Tenure, from the late printed Treatise of that industrious Gentleman, Mr. William Somner of Canterbury, that he has intermingled those first observations with these Animadversions on his learned discourses: that he entered not on this undertaking to quarrel with him, or with a design to carp at any thing, which he hath laboriously written, etc. This less accurate writer has only attempted to carry the original of the name and of the custom from the Saxons to the Britain's; and to prove it not proper to Kent, but of an ancient use in other parts of the Kingdom, etc. In all material points he confirms the opinion of Mr. Somner, who in other exceptions has made his own defence in marginal Notes, on Mr. Silas tailor's Gavelkind History, correcting his mistakes, etc. And his own printed treatise, when he was after conscious of any omissions, or lighter errors, he supplied and amended with his own hand. Both the books so annotated are now in the Canterbury Archives, and will be of great use to the next Editor of this very excellent Treatise of Gavelkind.  
Tho' our Author published nothing more in his own name; yet he was a fellow-labourer in many other works. Particularly in the second Tome of Councils, of which the first had been publish by Sir Henry Spelman London, 1639. who had projected two other volumes. After the Restauration, Archbishop Sheldon, and Chancellor Hido, importuned Mr. Dugdal● to perfect a second Tome, who is said to have added as many Transcripts as now fill 143. of the 200. printed sheets; of which he had several communicated to him by his old faithful Correspondent Mr. Somner, from the Registers of Canterbury. It was published London, 1664. full of mistakes. Mr. Summoner with great pains and accuracy, collated the printed copy with many of the original Records, and in the margin amended the infinite defects. He had before done the same justice to the first Tome; of which he publicly complained, that the version of the Saxon was faulty, and occasionally gave a more correct interpretation. 
1 Saxon. Diction. in vo●e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . Both these volumes so emended are now in your Canterbury Archives; and will lend a very great assistance to any learned man, who has spirit to undertake a second Edition of those Monuments of the Church; for which the world will praise him, and may God reward him. I have now done with the works and more public services of Mr. Somner, as an Antiquary and an Author. I would only invite you to look back upon his Loyalty to the King, his affection to the Church, and his integrity to all the world.  
His Loyalty was firm and constant, not depending on interest, which might change; but upon a judgement, which could not alter. He adhered to his Royal Master, and dared to suffer with him. A man of his parts and acquaintance, might have chosen his office from the usurping state, and his portion of lands from the dissolved Church. But he would accept of nothing from those who had no right to give; choosing rather to suffer affliction. He could influence his whole family to the same principles. Both his brothers were true and zealous in the same cause. john who was afterwards Wood-Reve to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and George a Major in the Militia of Kent; who appearing at the head of a party in the last effort, which was made by the Royalists in that County, 1648. engaged the rebels at Wye with very unequal force: and tho' he might have safely retired, or secured his life by ask, he fought on, and fell with honour. Our Author's profession and genius had less adapted him for arms; but he was no less zealous to assert the rights of the Crown, and the Laws of the land, by all the means which his capacity could use. When no endeavours could stop the madness of the people, nor save the effusion of Royal blood; he could no longer contain himself, but broke into a passionate Elegy, The insecurity of Princes, considered in an occasional meditation upon the King's late sufferings and Death. Printed in the year, 1648. 4●●. And soon after he published another affectionate Poem, to which is prefixed the Pourtraicture of Charles the first, before his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and this title, The Frontispiece of the King's book opened, with a Poem annexed, The insecurity of Princes, etc. 4 to. He waited all opportunities to serve his banished Prince; but it was the fate of the honest Gentry to be disappointed in all attempts, and draw down the greater persecution upon their own heads. Mr. Somner had his share of sufferings from the jealous powers, and, among other hardships, was imprisoned in the Castle of Deal for endeavouring to get hands to petition for a Free Parliament; which he foresaw would restore the Church and King. Within a month or two, this method, blessed by providence, gave liberty to him and all the Nation.  
If we next consider his zeal and affection to the Church of England, we shall find them arising from a sense of conscience, that no threats or flatteries could move. His own primitive spirit, inclined him to the Doctrine and discipline of true Antiquity; and made him naturally averse to change and innovation. He helped to sustain the old foundations, as far as his strength and art could do: and when he found they must be overthrown, he was content to be involved in the common ruins. He murmured not, but made a soft complaint, that he was overtaken by the impetuous storm, and necessitated to betake himself to other thoughts; chiefly how he might secure himself against the fury, in warding off the danger, etc. Yet his cares were more for the public interest, than for his own fortunes: as Keeper of the Archives, he had been alway faithful in the trust committed to him: But sacrilege and rapine, when they had devoured the holy things, would have embezzled or destroyed all the Deeds and Records, that conveyed and confirmed them. This was the practice of those blessed Reformers. At Peterburgh in April 1643. a Regiment of horse under Colonel Cromwell, forced open the Church doors, tore in pieces the Common-Prayer books, took away the Leiger-book of the Church, broke into the Chapterhouse, ransacked the Records, broke the seals, tore the writings, and left the floor covered over with torn papers, parchments, and seals 
1 Supplem. to Hist. of Cls. of Peterb. p. 334, 337. . About the same time a party under command of the Lord Brooks, stormed and took the Cathedral Church of Lichfield, broke and shot down all the ornaments of it, and cast into flames all the Registers, Charters, Books, and Vestments 
2 H. Whattoni praefat. ad. Aug. Sat. Tom. 1. p. 35. . At Worcester Septemb. 24. 1643. the Army under command of the Earl of Essex, profaned the Cathedral, rifled the Library, with the Records and Evidences of the Church 
3 Dugd. View of troub. p. 557. . The like outrages were committed in the Cathedral of Canterbury, Aug. 26. 1642. by the countenance of Colonel Edwin Sandys, and the madness of Culmer; and much greater spoil had been done to the Muniments and Histories of the Church, if the courage and prudence of Mr. Somner had not diverted the thiefs, and concealed the treasure. Some he reposited in unsuspected hands, and kept others in his own custody; and redeemed others from the needy soldiers, who (like the old woman with Tarquin) would have burnt them, if the price had not been given. Soon after professing, That his great care should now be to secure and rescue old. Records from that scorn, neglect and contempt cast upon them, in the days of so much novelty 
1 Pref. Treat. Gavel-kind. . Nor did he only preserve the writings, but other ornaments of the desolated Church. Particularly, when the beautiful Font in the nave of that Cathedral (built by the right Reverend john Warner Bishop of Rochester, late Prebendary of Canterbury, and consecrated by john Lord Bishop of Oxon. 1636.) was pulled down, and the materials carried away by the rabble, he enquired with great diligence for all the scattered pieces, bought them up at his own charge, kept them safe till the King's return, and then delivered them to that worthy Bishop; who re-edified his Font, and made it a greater beauty of holiness; giving to Mr. Somner the just honour, to have a daughter of his own first baptised in it.  
This Prelate was he, whom the Fanatics of that age condemned for a covetous man. His memory needs no vindication; but give me leave to mention this certain relation of him. When in the days of usurpation, an honest friend paid a visit to him, and upon his Lordship's importunity, told him freely the censures of the world upon him, as of a close and too thrifty. temper: the Bishop produced a Roll of distressed Clergy, whom in their ejectments he had relieved with no less than eight thousand pounds: and enquired of the same friend, whether he knew of any other the like objects of charity. Upon which motion the Gentleman soon after by letter, recommended a sequestered Divine, so whom at first address he gave one hundred pounds. Let me go on, and tell you; that by his last Will An. 1666. he left a personal estate to build an Hospital, for the maintenance of twenty Widows, the Relics of Orthodox and loyal Clergymen, to each an exhibition of twenty pounds annual, and fifty for a Chaplain to attend upon them. He gave one thousand pounds to increase the Library of Magdalan College Oxon. five hundred pounds to the Library at Rochester: eight hundred to his Cathedral Church, in addition to two hundred, which he had before given: one thousand and fifty pounds to the repair of St. Paul's in London: two thousand to the buying in of Impropriations within the Dioc●●● of R●chester▪ twenty pounds to the Church of St. Clement ●●nes: twenty to Br●●●ly and a yearly pension to St. ●●onyse B●ckchurch; and four score pounds! yearly for the maintenance of fo●● Scholars of the Scotch Nation, in Balliol C●ll-Oxon. All this was the charity of one single Prelate, who was deprived of his Ecclesiastic revenues, for more years than he enjoyed them. He was a peculiar friend to Mr. Somner, and the chief contributor to the Impression of his Saxon Dictionary, his name standing in the front of those encouragers of learning 
1 Ca●al. Append. Sax Dict. .  
Let us lastly reflect on Mr. Somner's integrity to all the world or This alone can prove Loyalty and Orthodoxy, not to be the affectation of a 〈◊〉, but the conscience of a Christian. Men may profess any faith, or adopt any cause; but it is innocence and honesty alone, that can prove it a belief, and not a pretention. This proof was given by Mr. Somner, who in all his writings had been so plain and sincere that he would not dissemble a truth, nor suggest a false invention. His profession was, That he loved truth (the end of all science) for itself; and was all together anbiast with any by respects, whether of vainglory, singularity, or the like: making it his constant endeavour, that truth alone might triumph ever falsehood, Antiquity over novelty 
1 Pref. to Gavel-kind. . How do most Historians betray a partial regard to their Nation, or their party? How many pretenders to Antiquity, have concealed the notice of whatever opposed their own fancy: and raised the apparition of Records, to justify the cause for which they wrote? Especially, how do most describers of their native soil, take pains to flourish and disguise; and (like Sir Henry Wotton's Ambassador) think it even a merit to lie for the honour of their Country? Mr. Somner had a probity and excellence of spirit, that made him abhor all such artifice and guile. Let one short instance serve. There were two specious traditions, that seemed much to illustrate the credit of our County. 1. That the Kentish-men were the only English who maintained their privileges against William the Conqueror, and under the conduct of Stigand Archbishop, and Aegelfina Abbot of St. Augustaines, marched with boughs, and made their composition at Swansco●●●. 2. That, of all Counties, Kent alone enjoyed an immunity from the tenure of villainage, a privilege continued to them by the said Conqueror. Tho for the honour of his mother County, he might have been glad to defend these titles; yet having found them false, he scorned to appear an Advocate for them; but refutes them as Monkish figments, and politicly devised 
1 Treat. of Gavelkind. p. 63, etc. .  
Mr. Somner's whole life was like his writings, void of prejudice and passion: he had that civility, which Caesar observed to have been peculiar to the inhabitants of Kent 
2 Caesar's Comment. 1. 6. ; and that firm resolution, which made our Countrymen claim an ancient privilege, of being placed in the front of a battle 
3 Lambards' Perambulat. p. 11. . He was courteous, without design; was wise, without a trick: and faithful, without a reward. Humble, and compassionate: moderate, and equal: never fretted by his afflictions: nor elated by the favours of Heaven, and good men. It was his charity, and purity of heart, that preferred him to the Mastership of St. John's Hospital, in the suburbs of Canterbury, An. 1660. In which station he did not subtract from the pietance of the poor, nor use any arts to rob the spittle; but was tender of their persons, and zealous of their rights. By his interest and courage, he recovered some parts of their endowment, of which by the Commissioners on the Stat. 37. of Henry 8. it had been fleeced, at other like places, by the sacrilegious pilferies of those ravenous and wretched times 
1 1. Antiq. Cant. p. 94. ▪ It was for the same plain and open honesty, that at the Restauration, he was appointed Auditor of Christ-church Canterbury, by the Dean and Chapter, to whom he was a Father and friend, more than an honorary servant. He entertained them in his own house, till their own were cleared from the Fanatic intruders, and made convenient for them. He delivered back all their preserved writings, informed them of all their late alienated lands: received all their Fines, and digested all accounts to universal satisfaction. This settled him such an interest in that Body, and all the members of it; that no private man had an equal influence and authority: which he never employed, but to promote some act of charity and justice. He was frequently entrusted by the Dean and Prebendaries, to supervise the public School, to examine Lads, that should be elected King's Scholar's; and, upon the like trial, to judge who were most fit for removal to the Universities: in which, his inquiries were exact; and his favours were impartial. His endeavours were to advance the interest and honour of the School, to as high a pitch, as while he was himself a member of it: when his master Mr. john Ludd, some years before he died, affirmed, he had thirty seven Masters of Arts of his own bringing up 
1 England described by Edw. Leigh. p. 108. . Dr. Tho. Turner the worthy Dean, had a most peculiar esteem for him, and paid him the frequent visits of a most familiar friend. All the neighbouring Clergy, whom he knew to be of good principles, and honest conversation, he assisted with his knowledge, his interest, and his free advice. I remember to have often heard my Honoured Father dwell much upon the fair character of Mr. Somner, and represent him as a Patron and protector of all the regular Clergy. Of his resolute and incorrupted honesty, there can be no greater argument than this. Among all his temptations, in several offices, to high and arbitrary fees: among the easy advantages to be bribed: and the just expectances to be rewarded: among the many opportunities of sharing in the Church's treasure: and taking leases of their land: among the most ready and effectual means to raise an estate, and advance a family: He left but a small competence, which if not frugally managed, could never have answered the support of his Widow, and the education of his Children.  
By his last Will he gave several Legacies to the poor, and a kind remembrance to Mr. Stockar then Minister of St. Aelphege. Canterbury. In the beginning of his last illness, he took an opportunity to tell his Wife, that through his whole life, he had never been let blood, nor taken any phisic, which is a just argument, not only of his happy constitution; but of his exact temperance and sobriety. The day of his birth was the day of his death, March 30. 1669. aged 63. years; according to the account given by his Wife and Son, who report it from tradition, and some better grounds. But a Certificate from the Register-book of St. Margaret's Canterbury; under the hand of of Mr. Tho. johnson, represents him to be baptised Novemb. 5th. 1598. by which, his age must reach to seventy years, five months, etc. Which length of days had almost made him (as Queen Christina, said lately of herself and Rome) one of the Antiquities of the City. He was buried Apr. the 2. within the Church of St. Margaret's, where many of his Ancestors lay interred. His grave is distinguished by no stone, or inscription on it. An omission, that, I presume, was more owing to his own modesty, than any disrespect of his surviving friends. Yet I cannot but admire and lament, that such learned ashes should lie without a letter on them: that he who raised the memory of so many great names, should himself sleep in a place forgotten: and after all his labours, to eternize the tombs and epitaphs of others, should have no such decent ceremony paid to his own dust. Sure the time will come, when some grateful monument shall be erected for him, either by some one of his family, whom providence shall enable to pay that duty: or by some one generous lover of Antiquities: or by that Capitular body, to whom he did such great service, and such great honour.  
He was twice married. His first wife was Mrs. Elisabeth Thurgar, born of a good family in Cambridgeshire, with whom he lived in love and peace about thirty years: and had by her four children, three daughters, and one son, all dead. His second wife was Barbara daughter of Mr. john Dawson, a Kentish Gentleman, (a great sufferer in the long Rebellion) by whom he had one daughter, that died unmarried, and three sons, of which two are now living: William Somner M. A. late of Merton Coll. Oxon. now Vicar of liming in Kent, our worthy friend: and john, who practices Chirurgery with good repute in those parts. His last wife is now the mourning Relict of Mr. Henry H●nnington, late Vicar of Elham.  
His many well selected books, and choice Manuscripts, were purchased by the Dean and Chapter, who knew the great value of them, and what a noble addition they would make to the public Library of that Church: where they now remain an inestimable treasure. The catalogue of his Manuscripts, I will subjoin to his life, in the same order and words, wherein you have transmitted the account, not doubting your care and exactness in it.  
Many of his notes, and loser papers were carried from his study to the Audit-house, within the precincts of Christ-Church; where they were unfortunately burnt, by a fire which happened in that place soon after his death. By this and other accidents, his letters and many memorial of his life are lost. Had they continued to us, we should have better traced his friendship and correspondence, with most of the men of honour and learning in that age. From the obscure hints, that now remain, I shall mention some of them.  
First. Archbishop Laud, by whose favour and goodness, he subsisted in his place and profession 
1 1. Ep. Ded. Antiq. Canterb. ; who made great use of him in his Articles and Injunctions, sent to the French and Dutch congregations in those parts, An. 1634. and in many regulations of the Diocese and Cathedral, An. 1636. For which dutiful assistance, Mr. Somner was publicly charged by those foreigners, as accessary to their troubles 
1 Troubles of the foreign Churches in Kent. 4 to. : and he bore from all Schisfmatic parties, a greater share of calumny and persecution, for being (in the brethren's language) one of Laud's creatures. The great esteem that Prelate had for him, was not so much for his faithfulness and dexterity in discharge of his office, as for his profound knowledge of Antiquities. For as no one part of learning was unrewarded by that Great Soul: so he had a most particular respect to Historians, and Antiquaries. Sir Henry Spelman does gratefully report him, a great encourager of his Edition of the Saxon Councils 
2 Pref. Council. Tom. 1. . Mr. jer. Stephens, by the Archbishop's favour was made Prebendary of Bigleswade in the Church of Linc. as a reward of assisting Sir Henry Spelman in that labour 
3 Athen. Oxon. Tom. 2. p. 230. . Fr. junius, that oracle of the Northern tongues, at his first coming into England, was recommended to the Earl of Arundel, and retained in his family by the interest of Dr. Laud, the● Bishop of St. David's 
4 F. Jun. de Pictura Veterum, Praef. 4 to. . john, son of Sir Henry Spelman, dedicates to the Archbishop his Latin Saxon Psalter, and celebrates him for a Preserver of ancient Manuscripts, and a Patron of the Saxon tongue 
1 Ep. Ded. Psalter. Lat. Sax. 4 to. . The same excellent Prelate countenanced the like studies of Mr. Somner, and made use of his assistance in collecting many of those various Manuscripts, which he sent hither to adorn our Bodley Archives, of which eighty at least are purely on the subject of National Antiquities. And it is probable, our Author was employed further in compiling or digesting that large book in velum, fairly written, containing the Records which are in the Tower, and concern the Clergy, ab anno 20. Edw. 1. ad an. 14. Edw. 4. which book the Archbishop got done at his own charge, and left it in his study at Lambeth for posterity, june 10. 1643. This was the prudence and honour of that Governor, to consider useful and beneficial men; and should indeed be the spirit of all Patrons, to respect such as can serve them, and the public. For this dependence, and these favours, Mr. Somner was humbly grateful. Of whom, (says he) to speak, is not a task for my pen, I leave it to posterity hereafter, and to better abilities, to set forth his constant piety, great wisdom, and spotless justice. Horobert, what all men take unto themselves a liberty to speak of him, I shall be hold to commemorate,— that never to be forgotten gift of his to the University Library of Oxford, of an innumerable multitude of choice and rare Manuscripts, with his great care and cost, gathered from all parts, not only of this kingdom, but also of the whole world 
1 Antiq. of Cant. p. 274, 275. .  
Archbishop Usher may be justly esteemed the next friend and Patron of Mr. Somner. How infinite the learning, and how large the goodness of this Prelate, is not to be here observed. It is only proper to remark his great zeal in restoring the old Northern Antiquities, buried in the Gothic and Anglo-Saxon tongues. He first moved Sir Henry Spelman to found a Saxon Lecture at Cambridge; he made the proposal in Sidney College 1640 
2 Abr. Wheeloci Epist. Deed Bedae, 1644. ; he recommeded Mr. Abr. Wheelock to that office 
3 ib. ; he advised him the method of reading the Saxon Gospels 
4 ib. ; he gave him direction and encouragement to publish his Saxon volume; and informed him that the Doxology in the Lord's Prayer, was to be found in the old translation of the Gospels into Gothic 
1 Versio & notae ad Evang. Pers. 1652. . He furnished Fr. junius with a MS copy of Caedm●n's Paraphrase on Genesis: and promoted the Edition of that work 
2 Somneri praef. Sax. Dict. : which very ancient Manuscript, the Bishop first communicated to Mr. Somner, for an account and more legible transcript of it 
3 ib. . On which occasion, his Lordship was so well convinced of the abilities of our Author, that he gave a public approbation to his Treatise of Gavelkind; he encouraged his attempts upon a Saxon Dictionary; he recommended him to Roger Spelman. Esq for enjoyment of the salary settled by his Grandfather on a Saxon Lecture 
4 Somneri Epist. Ded. Sax. Dict. : and did him all the other true offices of friendship.  
Sir Thomas Cotton of Connington Com. Huntin. Baronet, by an hereditary love of Scholars, was a great Benefactor to Mr. Somner, and his studies. He maintained an Epistolary correspondence with him, gave him free access to his immense Library; lent him Glossaries, and other remains of ancient letters 
1 Sax. Dict. Praef. ; entertained him in his house at Westminster some months, to collect and digest his Saxon Dictionary; and contributed to the expense of its publication 
2 ib. Append. .  
That great Master of History and Law, Sir Roger Twisden of West-Peckham in Kent Baronet, exchanged many kind letters, and intimate visits, with our Author; received from him notes, and corrections, to his edition of the Laws of Henry the first; furnished him with the chartulary of St. Augustin's Abbey in Canterbury, and other curiosities 
3 Treat. of Gavelkind p. 171. ; prevailed with him to adorn the X. Scriptores, with an incomparable Glossary; bore a generous share in the costly edition of his Saxon Dictionary; 
4 Sax. Dict. Append. ; and gave him the just character of a man of primitive probity and candour, a most sagacious searcher into the Antiquities of his Country, and most expert in the Saxon tongue, &c 
5 Twisdeni Epist. ad Lect. X. Script. . For which service and civilities, Mr. Somner does more than once acknowledge him his very noble and learned friend, the prime encourager of his studies. 
1 Treat. of Gavelkind. p. 171. & Sax. Dict in 〈◊〉 enajcian.   
That great example of industry Sir W. Dugdale, by his genius and parity of studies, was directed to the acquaintance of Mr. Somner, and contracted a fast friendship with him. He called in his assistance to the magnificent volumes of Monast. Anglican. 1655. and 1661. appealed to him for the etymology of names of places, to illustrate his Antiquities of Warwickshire, 1656. received from his hands very many of the materials, that filled up the second volume of Provincial Councils, 1664. depended upon his judgement and information, to complete the Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman. He seems to have attempted nothing without his advice, and to have published nothing without his approbation: giving among others, this testimony of his respect and love. In etymologizing the names of Towns and Places, I have not been over bold, etc. Nor should I have adventured thus far, had I not received much light from that learned Gentleman Mr. William Somner of Canterbury, my singular friend, unto whom I cannot attribute enough for his great knowledge in Antiquities, and those commendable works which he hath already, and is now taking pains in. 
1 Dugdales' Pref. to Warwickshire illustrated.  By this last, he meant the Saxon Dictionary, to which Mr. Dugdale contributed his knowledge and his money; and had this grateful acknowledgement made of it, The great retriever of our English Antiquities, my noble friend, Mr. William Dugdale, one (to do him right) without whose active and effectual assistance, in the publication of it, this work had never seen the light. 
2 Sax. Dict. in voce 〈◊〉.   
The treasurer of Antiquities Mr. Roger Dodsworth, knew the person, and the worth of Mr. Somner. He borrowed from him the chartulary of Hortonmonachorum in Kent 
3 Roger Dodsworth collect. vol. 55. f. 86. , and many other evidences of old devotion. He received from him farther satisfaction in the catalogue of Archdeacon's of Canterbury, which he had transcribed from his Antiquities of that City 
4 ●b. vol. 59 f. 161. : and from his kindness had a copy of many Wills, out of the Registers of that See. 
5 ib. vol. 17. f. 81.   
Sir Simonds D'ewes Baronet, of StomHall in Suffolk, a zealous assertor of Antiquities, was not so happy in the use of his own learning, as in his interest with Mr. Somner; who instructed him in the notice of many things; and made the better use of his inestimable records; taking occasion to tell the world, of a very rare Deed 〈◊〉 Charter, taken from an ancient Manuscript chartulary, thee remaining with Sir Thomas Cotton, which he must confess to owe to the courtesy of his late learned friend, Sir Simonds D'ewes.  
That excellent Philologer and Antiquary Mr. William Burton, had a knowledge and esteem of Mr. Somner; when he mentions Canterbury for one of the Roman stages, for its modern splendour and glory, he refers his Reader to co●●●tious Mr. Somner's description thereof, and approves the derivation of its name, given by that learned Antiquary 
1 Burton comment. ●n An●on I●●m. p. 185. : and in fixing other of these ancient stations, he rejects the opinions of Talbot, Harrison, Camden, etc. and adheres to Mr. Somner, as a very rational Gentleman, who places Noviomagus or Noviod●num at C●●yford in Kent, very judiciously, as he doth other things. 
Ib. p. 176.  And for the situation of Durolenum, he follows the same knowing Gentleman, whom (says he) for his 〈◊〉, and love to ancient studi●s, I singularly resp●●t: who 〈◊〉 it to have been 〈◊〉 f●r from Newington, a village on the road from Rochester to Canterbury. In this particular, not a little strengthened in his conjecture, by the multitude of Roman 〈…〉, found in digging there, as is already discovered, and discoursed of by the learned Meric Casau●on, his ever 〈◊〉 friend. 
1 Ib. p. 180.  This new designation of the Roman ways and stages, so happily determined by Mr. Somner, is allowed and confirmed by a Prelate of incomparable knowledge. 
2 Stillingf. Orig. Britan. chap. 2. p. 63. .  
Sir john M●rsham of Whornplace in Kent, valued at home, and admired abroad for his profound learning, had a just esteem of our Author: and gave him the public character of a man most expert in our national Antiquities, the Author of 〈◊〉 most useful Glossary, and the Projector of a Copious Saxon Dictionary 
3 Jo. Marshami 〈…〉 To●●. 1. ; the Edition of which he encouraged by a liberal contribution. 
4 Sa●. Dict. 〈◊〉. .  
Sir 〈◊〉 By●she, 〈◊〉 King of Arms, had the counsel and assistance of Mr. Somner, to improve him in his own profession of Heraldry: kept an Epistolary correspondence with him: and kindly advanced the impression of his Saxon Dictionary. 
1 Ib. .  
Another accurate Herald and Antiquary, Elias Ashmole Esq, exhibited to the same work of Mr. Somner 
2 ib. : furnished him with many select papers and tracts 
3 Sax. Dict. in voce Tima, etc. : and received from him the notice of many books and things, to carry on his complete History of the Order of the Garter, and to fill up his many volumes of elaborate Collections, which are now reposited in this place 
4 In Mus●o Ashmol●ano. , by the last Will of that generous Benefactor.  
Dr. Thomas Fuller, who laboured for the reputation of an Historian and Antiquary, courted the friendship of our Author: and, had he been more guided by him, would never have defiled his writings with puns and tales. He closes his discourse of Canterbury with these words, For the rest, I refer the Reader to the pains of my worthy friend, Mr. William Somner, who hath written justum volumen of the antiquities of this City. I am sorry to see him subject bound (betrayed thereto by his own modesty) seeing otherwise, not the City, but the Diocese of Canterbury, had been more adequate to his abilities. 
1 Fuller's worthies of England, p. 100 .  
Dr. William Watts, the learned and noble Editor of Matthew Paris, 1640. in the useful Glossary affixed to that work, was assisted by Mr. Somner, who conveyed to him many other informations, and at last laments him as his deceased friend. 
2 Treat. of Gavelkind. .  
Mr. George Davenport, an absolute Critic in the Saxon tongue, was a true and useful friend to Mr. Somner, and after publication of the Saxon Dictionary, contracted a more firm acquaintance with him: recommended to him some few emendations, and several additions to that work: for which our Author gave him the respectful language of his approved friend, of whose communicative goodness, he had formerly tasted, 
3 MS. Letter of Mr. Somner, 12. October 1664. , etc.  
But in recounting Mr. Somner's friends, it would be injustice to omit his most intimate guide and companion, Dr. Meris Casaubon, whose affection to his person, and influence on his studies, have appeared in many instan●●s before related. Mr. Somner very often express his grateful sense of obligation: confesses, that to the study of the Saxon tongue, he was encouraged by his precious friend, and ever honoured Maecenas, Dr. Casaubon, 
1 Pref. to Treat. of Gavel-kind. & Sax. Dict. ad Lecter.  who had admitted him is an entire friendship, and familiar daily conversation, whose good learning and good nature, he could never enough celebrate 
2 ib.  the only Patron of his studies; and one who deserved greatly from all that were ambitious of the Saxon tongue. 
3 Sax. Dict. in initio. .  
Many other worthy names rewarded the public spirit of Mr. Somner, and contributed to the service he did the world: Sir Orlando Bridgman, Sir Simon Archer, Sir Richard Leveson, Walter Chetwind, Thomas Stanley, Thomas Henshaw, Ralph Sheldon, etc. Esquires; of Divines, Bishop Warner, Dr. Langbain, Mr. Barlow, etc. of Physicians, Dr. Ferne, Dr. Pugh, Dr. Currer, Dr. Rogers, etc. and of our own County, all those Gentlemen who had an affection to virtue and good letters: The Honourable john Finch, Baron of Fordwich, Sir Edward Monins of Waldershire, Sir Norton Knatchbull of Mersham, Sir Richard Hardres of Hardres, Sir Henry Palmer of Wingham, Baronet's, Sir Christopher Harflete of Hackington, Sir Anthony Archer of Bishopshourn, Sir Thomas Godfrey of Nackington, Sir William Man of Can●erbury, Sir john Boys of Bonington, Knights, john Boys of Fredfield, john Boys of Hede-court, john Boys of Betheshanger, Edward Scot of Scots-hall, Richard Master of West-Langdon, Thomas Engeham of Goodnestone, james Brockman of Bitchborough, Arnold Brames of Bridge, Thomas Courthope of Stodmersh, Thomas Peke of Ashe, Laurence Rook of MonksHorton, Esquires. Edward Master of Canterbury, Herbert Randolph of Canterbury, William Randolph of Biddenden, joseph Roberts of Canterbury, john Lynch of Staple, Gentlemen, etc. These all did honour to their Country, and to their Families, by serving the interest of Mr. Somner, and the public.  
Pray, Sir, accept this plain account of the life of Mr. Somner: and my hearty thanks for your affection to the memory of this good man: and for your care in publishing this excellent part of his works. It is true, to send forth every postumous tract of learned men, from loose and indigested papers, is an affront to the world: and often seems a libel to the Author, and Editor of them; but where the remains of an accurate writer are left complete and absolute, and argue a design of being wrote for public notice: there, to convey such relics to the press, is an office of justice to the Author, and of charity to all the world.  
Your Obliged Faithful Friend, White Kennett. Edm. Hall. Oxon. Feb. 15. 1693.   

Mr. SOMNER'S Postumous Manuscripts, now in the Library of Christ's-Church Canterbury.  
Collections out of ancient MSS and Records, relating to the City and Church of Canterbury, and to other Towns and Churches in Kent.  
Large Extracts out of the Chronicle of William Thorn, with other extracts out of the Obituary of Christ-church, Canterbury; and out of the Registers of the Churches of Canterbury and Rochester, with Collections out of the Saxon Annals.  
Observations upon the Commissary of Canterbury's Patent; being a large discourse concerning the original Jurisdiction, Priveleges, Laws, etc. of the Spiritual Court.  
A discourse of Portus Iccius.  
A transcript of a large Saxon Theological Treatise.  
A large Collection, in order to the compiling his Saxon Dictionary, in two Volumes.  
Scholia & Animadversiones in Leges Henrici pr●mi, Regis Angliae, subnectitur Glossarium rerum & verborum difficilium in dictis Legibus. Dedicated to Sir Roger Twisden.  
Collections out of Transcripts of several ancient Saxon MSS. in two volumes.  
His Antiquities of Canterbury interleaved, with very large additions.  
Lamberti Leges Saxonicae. Where he has amended the translation.  
His emendations upon Spelman's two volumes, where he has Collated the text with MSS; and amended the Saxon Translation, and has gone through the whole work.  
His large notes upon Spebnan's Glossary.  
Some marginal notes upon the Grand custom of Normandy.  
Some emendations upon his Treatise of Gavel kind.  
Another Copy of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, full of Emendations and Annotations throughout.  
Marginal notes upon Mr. Silas tailor's Gavel-kind. History, correcting his mistakes.  
Marginal notes upon Bracton de Legibus Angliae.  
Marginal notes upon the old Collection of English and Latin Statutes, printed 1556.  
Marginal notes upon Horns Mirror of Justice.  
Marginal notes upon Mr. Selden's Spicilegium ad Eadmerum; especially an emendation of Selden's translation of the Laws of William the Conqueror, published by him. p. 173. etc.  
Some marginal emendations on Spel●nan's Saxon Psalter.  
Marginal emendations on Fox's Saxon Gospels.  
Marginal emendations on Liste's Saxon monuments.  
Large marginal notes upon Meric Cafaubon's book, De quatuor Linguis.  
Large marginal notes upon Verstegan.  
Adversaria in Spel●nanni Glo●farium, in Watfli Glossarium, Matth●●o Paris additum; In tractatum Gerardi Vossii de vitio sermonis. In one volume.  
Leges Anglo-Saxonicae, a V. C. Guil. Lambar do olim Editae, exintegro Latinè datae.  
Some Collections towards his intended History of Kent.   

THE HISTORY Of the ROMAN PORTS AND FORTS in KENT.  
FOR our discovery both of one and the other, the Itinerary vulgarly ascribed to Antoninus (
1 Vossius de Historicis Latinis, in the Life of Livy, mentioning the Itinerary, says sen Antonii, for Anto●●ii, seu Aethici; and afterwards speaking of that which Anuius ●iterbiensis published, he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Antoninus supposititius. Vide de hac re Philippi Cluverii Italiam. Andreae Schotti Praefationem ad Itinerarii Editionem Colonicnsem, As●. 1609. Burton upon the Itinerary, p. 5.  about which there is some dispute amongst the Learned) and that Notitia Imperii published by Pancirollus, must be our chiefest guides. To begin with the Ports: the Itinerary mentioneth only three, Rutupia, Dubris, and Lemanis: unde colligo hos tantum tres portus apud Cantios antiquitùs fuisse celebres. So Leland (to whom I subscribe) in Doris.  
As to the first; 
Rutupium.  Ptolemy calls it Vrbem Rutupiae; Antoninus Rutupae, portum Ritupium, also portum Rutupai; the Notitia Rutupis, placing there the Provost or Praefect of the Legionis secundae Augustae: the 
1 First published by Marcus Velserus; and so called, because they were found out in the Library of Conrade Peutinger, a noble man of Auspurg.  Peutingerian Tables Ravipis; Ammianus Marcellinus Rutupias; Cornelius Tacitus rightly reads portum Rutupensem; Beda Ruthubi portum, quiportus (so he 
2 Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 1.  adds) à gente Anglorum nunc corruptè Reptacester vocatus, etc. 
3 The Saxon word po●● does not only signify portus, but also urbs, oppidum. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the Saxon-Annals, An. 1010. to signify the Town of Northampton: and Porthund, near Shrewsbury, where Althelm was treacherously slain, is interpreted by Floren●ius Wigorniensis oppidum canis.  Thus we see what some call urbem a City or walled Town, others call portum, a Port, Haven or Harbour. The same Marcellinus, as he calls it also Rutupias, so by way of character he terms it stationem Britanniae tranquillam, a quiet or calm station or bay for ships. In Orosius we read it called Rhutubi portum & civitatem, the Port and City Rhutubi.  
Before we offer at the Etymology of the name, 
The situation of Rutupium.  let us inquire out the place's situation. Twine will have Dover hereby understood: but that conjecture of his is not only questioned, but rejected of Mr. Lambard; and that very justly, as I conceive, in regard that Rutupia and Dubris, as distinct, are under several names mentioned in the Itinerary: to say nothing here of the distance (which continues and holds good to this day) between Gessoriacum and it. Mean time Mr. Lambard disliking the 
1 He is commonly called Matthew Westminster, and Florilegus, the writer of the Flores Historiarum.  Monk of Westminster's applying the name to Sandwich, and consequently his referring whatsoever he findeth storied of the one to the other, with 
2 Of the same opinion is Burton, in his Comment upon the Itinerary p. 20. which makes me wonder why he should say afterwards p. 94. that the Iter secundum began near upon the mouth of Ituna, and had its ending in the east of the Island at Ru●upiae, or Richburrow, now called Sandwich in Kent. I cannot tell why he should confound Richburrow and Sandwich, unless it be upon an opinion he and Caniden had, that the old Haven at Richburrow being stopped up with Sand, opened a new one at Sandwich; which made the first call it the old Haven, and Sandwich the new Town, risen out of the ruins of Rutupiae: the second, the Rutupiae of the Romans, prolem suam paulo inferius ostendit, quam à sabulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dixerunt saxons, nos vero Sandwich. So that Richburrow and Sandwich, (if that opinion of theirs be true) may seem to be the same Port, which had only a little changed its place.  Leland and Camden, restrains it to that place half a mile distant from Sandwich northward, which Alfred of Beverly calls Richberge, and is at this day vulgarly called Richborough or Richborough Castle.  
For my part, 
Sandwich formerly called Rutupium.  with Florilegus of old, and Pancirollus of late, I persuade myself that Sandwich Town and Haven is the place intended under those afore-recited various names and titles; not the whilst excluding Richborough as the proper seat of that Legion, lying in garrison in a Castle there purposely erected, as in respect of the ascent or high rising ground whereon it stands, of singular advantage both as a specula for prospect and espial of enemies and invaders, and as a Pharus or high tower, to set up night lights for the sea-mens' better and safer guidance into the harbour. For that Richborough-Castle was ever other, or of other use in the Romans time I cannot believe. 
1 Gildae Historia p. 12. Sect. 16. Edit. Oxon.  Gildas tells us of the Romans erecting on this coast, at convenient distances, Watchtowers for such uses as I have intimated, that of espial and discovery. In litore quoque Oceani ad meridiem, quo naves eorum habebantur, quia & inde Barbarorum irruptio timebatur, turres per intervalla ad prospectum maris collocant, etc. So he; and with him 
2 Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 12.  Venerable Bede. And of these Watchtowers, our County had (I take it) five in number, one at Reculver, a second here at Richborough, a third at Dover, a fourth at Folkstone, and a fifth at Limne or Lim-hill, of all which hereafter in due place.  

3 Leland, Camden, Burton, and Lambard, are all of that mind; grounding no doubt upon Venerable Bede's words, Civitas quae dicitur Ruthubi portus ● Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 1.) For first certainly concluding that this was no other but our present Richborough, they might very well on course settle there an ancient City. So that if Bede's Ruthubis should be at Sandwich, their City must necessarily be removed. Beda civitatis nomine insignivit, says Camden. And; In dejectu collis urbs exporrecta videbatur. What he offers (besides Bede's authority) as a confirmation of this, namely, the platearum tractus cum seges succreverit se intersecantes, I think Mr. Somner (who viewed the place very curiously) sufficiently answers.  Some will tell you (what others take up more upon fancy and fabulous traditions than good authority) that 
Never a City at Richborough.  Richborough was a City, the streets whereof (say they) are as yet visible and traceable, at least in the spring and summer time, by the thinness of the corn on those dry and barren tracts and places of the ancient streets, which they call St. Augustin's Cross. But would you truly be informed of the cause of that? Why then know, that there was sometime indeed a Cross there; a parcel, I mean, of the Castle ground, about the middle or centre of it laid out crosswise, and set apart for the building of a Church or Chappel there: and such a structure at that place really there was, and it was called Richborough Church or Chappel. One Sir john Saunder, 
Richborough Chappel.  a Prebendary of 
1 john Peckham changed the Parish-church of Wingham into a Collegiate Church, about the Year of our Lord, 1282.  Wingham, (than a College of Secular Canons) Parson of Dimchuroh, and Vicar of Ash, in his Will dated Anno 1509. thus makes mention of it: Item I bequeath to the Chapel of Richborough one Portuys printed, with a Mass-book which was Sir Thomas the old Priest's. Item, to the use of the said Chapel 205. to make them a new window, in the body of the Church. A Chapel than we see there was, 
When demolished.  and intended it was, and whilst it stood, which no doubt it did till the Reformation, (when many such Chapels and some Churches, by reason of the cessation of Offerings, Obits, 
1 The Trentals was one of the offices for the dead, so called because it consisted of thirty Masses; fetched from the Italic trenta, i.e. triginta. ●ee Sir Henry Spelman's glossary upon the the word.  Trentals, Anniverssaries, almesses, and the like Sacerdotal advantages were deserted) was used for a Chapel of ease to some few, inhabiting at or near the Castle, and with those of Fleet and Overland depended upon the head or Mother Church of Ash, as that on Wingham. The rubbish whereof, occasioned either by the demolition or decay of the building; has rendered the soil whereon it stood of that more barren and less Fruitful nature and quality, than the adjacent parts.  
And this (I take it) and no other was the estate of Richborough, until these later times, whilst Sandwich doubtless was the Town and Port by Ritupia or Rhutupia, and the like. So that what Florilegus ascribeth and applieth unto Sandwich under that name, I am very confident doth rightly appertain unto it; as 
2 Matt. Westm. Cap. 28. In Rutupi portu, qui modo Sandwicum dicitur, cum prosperitate applicuit.  that of julius Cesar's hereabouts landing, and of 
1 The Historian does not here expressly refer this attempt of landing to Sandwich, but barely says, that as Vespasian came into the haven (in Rutipi portu, without any mention of Sanwich) Arviragus surprised him and obliged him to retire.  Vespasian's attempt for landing here Anno gratiae 52. Advisedly then enough (as I conceive) are the Friars Carmelites at Sandwich by 
2 Hist. p. 634.  Harpsfield called Rutupini sive Sanduichiani.  
And considerable it is, 
〈◊〉 proved to be Sandwich from the distance between that and Gessoriacum.  that as between this place Rutupium and Gessoriacum i. e. Bolen, more anciently called Portus Iccius (
3 Meric. Causabou, in his Treatise de vetere Lingua Saxonica, tells us that Mr. Somner writ an accurate Tract de portu Iccio; which is still in Manuscript.  as I have elsewhere at large asserted) it was that in those elder (the Roman) times, the ordinary and usual passage lay between France and England (
4 In the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So William Rusus coming from France into England, is said to have took shipping at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and landed at Dover. Chron. Sax. An. 1095.  as afterward between Witsand or Whitsand and Dover, and in latter times between Calais and Dover) so the distance between them, according to the Itinerary was 450. stadia or furlongs, or (as Pliny has it) 50. miles, which is all one. And a distance it is by modern proof and observation still continuing to this very day. Hither (I say) made those who taking ship at Bolen were bound for Britain, especially if London-bound. Adultâ hyeme, dux antedictus Bononiam venit, quaesitisque navigiis & omni imposito milite, observato flatu secundo ventorum, ad Rutupias ex adverso sit as defertur, petitque Londinum. So 
1 Lib. 20.  Ammianus Marcellinus, speaking of Lupicinus, sent Deputy into Britain. And from hence happily this place losing and letting go its former British name of Ritupium or Rutupium, 
2 And yet in the Saxon Chronicle ad An. 604. it is expressly said that Aethelbert made Mellitus Bishop of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is certainly London and not Sandwich; and this reading is confirmed by all the 5 MSS saving that Cotton's reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  became of the Saxons called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
Rutupium called by the Saxons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  i.e. the port of London; as in likelihood the place where those that traded either to London from foreign parts, or from London into foreign parts, made and had their prime resort and rendevouz. Milthredae verò Abbatissae de Menstre, in Insulâ Thaneti, dedit libertatem thelonii ac totam exactionem navigiorum, sibi & antecessoribus suis jure publico in Londinensi portu primitus competentem, cartâque suâ confirmavit; as it is in a Book of St. Augustin's Abbey at Canterbury, making mention of Athelbald and Offa, the Mercian Kings and Saxon Monarches, whose grant and Charter is afterward vouched and confirmed by Aldbert or Ethelbert (one of the Kentish Kings, in the line of the Saxon Heptarchy) in his Charter to Minster-Abby.  
Now that Kentish Sandwich, and not London City, is here intended and to be understood, is plain by this passage in the laws of Lothaire and Eadric, mere Kentish Kings, recorded in that famous ancient monument called Textus Roffensis, concerning Commerce at that place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. i. e. If any Kentish Man shall buy any thing in Lundenwic, let him take unto him two or three honest men, or the King's 
1 The same term frequently occurrs in the old Laws. And not only the term, but also a Law much of the same nature with this, we meet with in the Laws of Edward, son to K. Alfred, whereby 'tis ordered ut nemo barganniet extra portum, sed habeat Portireve testimonium, vel alterius non mendacis hominis cut possit credi And of K. Athelstan: Ne quis aliquid emat extra portum supra xx. d. said in eo barganniet sub testimonio Portireve, etc. The word signifies the Supervisor of a Port, for the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (from which the termination reve is melted) signifies Praefectus, Praeses, Praepositus. Of this word, see Spelman's Glossary in the word Grafio; and the general rules at the end of the Saxon Chronicle, under the termination grave.  Portreeve to witness, etc. 
1 I think this does not necessarily follow from the form of the Law. For tho' Sandwich was, no doubt, a very eminent Port, yet the forecited Laws of Edward and Athelstan plainly show that the same Law was made for all Ports in general; and therefore the words of this cannot give it any peculiar preeminence.  as if indeed this were not only a Market-town, but the prime and most frequented Emporium, or Mart-town in Kent, in those days.  
Somewhat elder yet is the place's mention under that name; to wit, in the days of Archbishop Brightwold, or (as some call him) 
2 From 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clavus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gubernar●. See the general rules for the names of Men at the end of the Saxon Chronicle.  Berhtwold (i e. Illustrious Ruler) to whom by Ina, the West-Saxon King, with the advice of his Clergy, Boniface, afterward the first Archbishop of Mentz in Germany (an English man born, and first named Winfrid) was sent into Kent upon an Embassy. This Boniface shortly after, with that Archbishop's consent, not easily at first obtained, quitting his father's house and, native soil, and out of a pious and Christian desire and design to propagate the Gospel, and both by life and doctrine to convert Heathens to the Faith of Christ, determining to travel into Fresia or Friesland, immensis peragratis terrae partibus, i.e. journeying from the Western to the Eastern parts of England, he repairs to this place Lundenwich, from whence taking ship, he sets sail and arrives at Dorstat, now Dieerstede, a town of Holland, and so makes forward into Fresia; whereof Willibald in the Life of Boniface, at the end of his Epistles thus: 
1 Willibaldus de vita S. Bonifacii, p. 354. Edit. Ingolstad. cum aliis quibusdam Tract. An. 1603.  Hic etiam dum spirituali confortatus armaturâ, & seculari sublimatus sumpturâ, utriusque vitae stipendiis minimè careret; adhibitis secum duobus aut tribus fratribus, quorum corporali spiritualique indigebat sustentaculo, profectus est: ac sic immensis peragratis terrae pantibus, prospero ovans fratrum comitatu, pervenit ad locum, ubi erat forum rerum venalium, & usque hodie antiquo Anglorum Saxonumque vocabulo appellatur Luidewinc (in the margin more correctly Lundenwich.) The same holy man afterwards returning home, and after some stay here resolving a visit to Rome, betakes himself again to the same Port; whence setting sail he arrives at Cuentawic, a Sea Town in France, now called Estaples in Picardy; whereof the same 
1 Vita Bonifacii p. 358. Edit. Ingolstad.  Willibaldus: Qui protinus quidem valedicens fratribus, profectus est, locumque per longa terrarum spatia, qui jam praedictus dicitur Lundenwich (I follow the margin) voti compos adiit, & celocis celeriter marginem scandens, caepit ignotas maris tentare vias, tripudiantibusque nautis immensa, Coro flante, carbasa consurgebant, & pleno vento prosperoque cursu ostia fluminis citius quod dicitur Cuent, omni jam expertes periculi naufragio aspiciunt, & ad aridam sospites terram perveniunt, sed & castra metati in Cuentavic, donec superveniens se collegarum multitudo congregasset.  
Clear enough then I suppose it is that by Lundenwich, 
Sandwich why called Lundenwic.  Sandwich Town and Haven was intended and is to be understood; but whether so called from the same ground with that o● London City, 
2 He there derives it from the British Llawn, plenus, frequens, and din, homo, of din (the same with dinas) urbs, civitas; either of which joined with Llawn will signify a populous place, as London has always been.  whereof in my Glossary at the end of the Historiae Anglicanae scriptores antiqui, and in my Saxon Dictionary; or from the trade and traffic there exercised by merchants trading to and from London, as the next Port to the river of Thames, and so most commodious for that purpose; or lastly, from some more special and peculiar interest of the Londoners in that above other of the Ports, I cannot say.  
Only this is certain, 
Particular interest of the Londoners in Stonor.  that some such interest was challenged by the Londoners 
1 Falsely written for Estanore, as Mr. Somner in this discourse plainly shows, under the title Folkstone.  in Stonor lying in Thanet, on the other side of the channel, but subject unto Sandwich, as a limb or member of that Port. For in the year 1090. (as it is in Thorn, the Chronicler of St. Augustin's Abbey at Canterbury; quoted by Mr. Lambard) there happened a great dispute betwixt the Londoners and the Abbof of St. Augustin's, and his men and homagers of Stonor. The Londoners challenged the Lordship or signory of Stonor, as a seaport subject to their City: but the King (William Rufus) taking the Abbot's part, it was adjudged by the Justices upon that place, that none from thenceforth should claim any thing here, but that Wido the Abbot and his Covent, should freely and quietly without any question have the land, and the whole share, as far as to the middle of the water; and that the Abbot of St. Augustin's should freely enjoy all rights and customs to the same village appertaining.  
All this while we hear nothing of the name of Sandwich. 
The first mention of Sandwich.  Indeed that name (for aught I find) occurs not in any coëtaneous writer or writing until the year 979. when (as it is in the Chartularies of the Church of Canterbury) King Egelred granted it by name unto the Monks there, for their supply and maintenance in clothing. 
1 Thorn's Evidenti● Ecclesi● Christi Cant. inter X s●●iptore● p. 2●25. l. 21.  King Cnute afterward coming in by Conquest, and consequently having all parts and places of the Kingdom at his disposal, he with some regard (no doubt) to the Monks former right and title to the place (being the same, where coming to subdue the Saxons, and make a Conquest of the country, he first landed) gave, or rather restored, the place (the Port of Sandwich by name) to the same Monks for their sustenance in victuals, with the addition of his golden Crown, and (what perhaps was of equal value in the estimation of the times) St. Bartholomew's arm.  
The further tracing and producing of what in story concerns this place, I refer and leave to Mr. Lambard, and such as are willing to be their own informers from our Chronicles; saving that I think it not amiss to observe that signal mention of it in 
1 His name is not known; but he is supposed to have been some Monk, that lived about that time. The tract is called Emmae Reginae encomium, edit. Paris. 1619.  the Writer of the life of Queen Em, where he tells of Cnute's landing there, and calls Sandwich the most famous of all the Ports of England: Expectabili itaque ordine, flatu secundo, Sandwich, qui est omnium Anglorum portuum famosissimus, appulsi, etc. So he.  
But to to return to the old obsolete name Rutupium, 
The Etymon of Rutupium.  or Ritupium: for the etymologizing of it, wherein the most learned and Judicious Camden, (as his manner is) hath been so exceeding happy, that waving all other conjectures that either are or may be started, and embracing his, 
1 ●ut Burton in his Comment upon the Itinerary, p 24. dislikes it: But that anciently (says he) Rutupiae should be from thence (that is, from the st●re of sands cast up from the Goodwin upon this shore) so called, when it was an harbour for the Roman Navies, I would fain have some body to satisfy me therein how it might be; except they then had some foresight of what in after ages would come to pass. So he. However (by his leave) I do not see that Camden's conjecture is so absurd as he would make it. or all that Camden urges the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for, is to show that the sands upon that coast were as old at least as the Saxons, and infers from thence, that 'tis not improbable but the state of those parts under the Britain's might be the same, and consequently give occasion to the name Rutupiae.  I shall not stick with him to fetch it from the old British Rhyd tufith, i. e. vadum sabulosum: and the rather because of that subsequent and succeeding name of Sandwich, which plainly betokens a sandy reach or creek; for so it is, being a place notable indeed for abundance of sand of each side of the Channel, whose banks s●us-like are of a winding, curving, and embowed form and figure; (which to this day we call a reach) especially about Richborough, 
2 I should rather derive it from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Islandick hriggur dorsum, to denote the high situation; so that Richborough may signify a burrow or castle upon a hill.  thence happily denominated as being a Berg i. e. a hill, or a Burg i. e. a castle (like the termination cester 
1 If its name refers to Richborough (as I cannot see what else it should relate to) our Author seems to be incoherent with himself. For a little before he is angry with Leland, Lambard, etc. for placing Rutupium at Richborough; and yet if Richborough was otherwise called Reptacester (as he here intimates) Rutupium must be there too▪ for Bede puts them at the same place; Ruthubi portus, qui portus à gente Anglorum nunc corruptè Reptacester vocatur, Hist. Eccl. 1. 1. c. 1.  in its name of Reptacester) a castle at or near the reach or creek. 
Rutupium a famous port in the Romans time.  But to keep up to Rutupium, so famous (it seems) in those elder i. e. Roman times was the place for the Romans often landing there, and the frequent passage thence out of Britain into the continent, that the whole Eastern and Southern maritime tract, coast, or shore of Britain was thence denominated, being usually, termed Rutupinum littus, i. e. the Rutupine or Rutupian shore, whereof instances enough are collected and exhibited by the same Mr. Camden. 
2 Their going off was about the year 418. 3 pag. 9  The Romans at length deserting the Island, and the Saxons shortly after being possessed of it, as they (Conquerour-like) changed the language, introducing their own; so rejecting the wont name of this place Rutupium, 
When it changed its name.  they new-named it (●, as was showed above with the reasons for it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which name it afterward retained until their supplanting by the Danes; of whom or about whose time, from the sandy soil there and thereabouts extending from thence so many miles, even as far as about Walmercastle, casting off the former name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called it was Sandwich, which it retaineth to this day, having formerly given name to a family of Knights for several descents called de Sandwico, or of Sandwich; one of which, Sir Simon of Sandwich, 
1 So Mr. Kilburn (says Somner) but I am otherwise informed by a● Historian of Edw. 2's time, who saith it was founded at the common charge of the Townsmen.  was the Founder of St. Bartholomew's Hospital there. But of that Roman Port hitherto. Only let me here add the account given or taken of it in the Conquerors Survey, called Doomsday-Book in these words.  
Sanduic est Manerium Sanctae Trinitatis, & 
2 The land allotted for the clothing of Monks is called in the ancient records scrudland, from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vestis; as that for maintenance in victuals is called fosterland.  de vestitu Monachorum, & est 
3 The let or lath is a larger sort of divisions in Counties, containing so many Hundreds. I think there is no doubt but it comes from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, congregare, convocare, from convening the inhabitants within such a jurisdiction. The leta (the court) seems to have the same original; tho' Spelman doubts of it. Vide Glossar. ejus in voce Leta.  Leth & Hundredus in seipso, & reddit Regi servitium in mare, sicut Dovera: & homines illius villae, antequam Rex dedit eis suas consuetudines, reddebant XV libras; quando Episcopus recuperavit reddebat XL libras, & XL millia de alecibus, & in praeterito anno reddidit L libras, & alecia sicut prius. Et in isto anno debet reddere LX & X lib. & alecia sicut prius. In 
1 i e. Tempore Edwardi Regis. This is generally observed in Doomsday-book; in the description of e●ch place, to set down the state of it, number of inhabitants, etc. as it stood in the days of Edward the Confessor.  T. E. R. erant ibi CCC & VII mansurae, nunc autem LX & XVI plus.  
To gratify the curiosity of such as may be studious either of the genius and temper of that age, or of their mode and way of framing and phrasing their Grants and Conveyances; 
2 This grant is not extant either in Saxon or Latin in Somner's original MS.  I shall here, from the original subjoin that of Sandwich Town and Haven by the King Cnute, to the Monks of Christ-church Canterbury, as I find it there extant both in Saxon and Latin.  
THE common opinion much countenanced 
Goodwin- sands.  and confirmed by our countrymen 
1 Comment. de rebus Albionicis p. 27.  Twine, 
2 Perambulation p. 105.  Lambard and some others, (late writers only whilst all the elder sort are silent in the point) is that this being before and Island of some called Lomea, very fertile and abounding with pastures, etc. was by an hideous tempest of winds and reins, and an unusual rage and inundation of the sea, happening 
3 Lambard adds, or the beginning of Henry the first.  in the reign of William Rufus, in the year 1097. overwhelmed; and hath been ever since a quicksands, Charybdis-like, dangerous to Navigators. This I say is the common opinion.  
Notwithstanding which, 
Never an Island.  that it ever was other than what it is at present; that at least it was till that inundation such a piece of firm and fertile ground as 
1 Comment. de re●us Albionicis p. 27.  Twine in his description of it avoucheth, or that ever it was 
4 As Lambard lays down for an undoubted truth, and without more ado derives thence the name of the place. And Twine; Lomea verò, quae aliquando fuit Godwini Comitis ditio, ejus nominis hodie arenae vel syrtes dicuntur. Antiquit. Albion. p. 24.  Earl Goodwyn's patrimony, and took name from him, I dare confidently deny; and that with warrant enough I trow from hence alone, that in the 
1 Commonly called Dooms-day-Book; a specimen whereof the eminent Dr. Gal● has given us in his first Volume of Historians, p. 759. as also a differtation upon it, p. 795.  Conquerour's Survey (that famous and most authentic Record and Repertory of all lands whatsoever throughout the whole English Empire) wherein (amongst the rest, and in the first place) Kent, with all the lands in it, whether of the King, the Archbishop, the Earl, or whatsoever person high or low is amply and accurately described, surveyed, and recorded; in this universal Terrier (I say) there is not any mention made, or the least notice taken of such an Island. And as not there, so not elsewhere (in any Author whether foreign or domestic, of any antiquity, that ever I could meet with) doth it occur: whereas both of Sheapy, Thanet, etc. (other Kentish Islands) there is frequent mention both in Dooms-day-Book, and in many of our English Historians, as well elder as later, to say nothing of several Charters both of Christ-church and St. Augustine's in Canterbury, where they are very obvious.  
And as for that argument (much insisted on 
1 Twine, Lambard, and others.  by the most) drawn from the name of Goodwyn-sands, 
Original of the name of Goodwyn-sands.  it may (as I conceive) receive this answer, that probably it is not the true, genuine, ancient, and original name, but rather a corruption of the right name contracted and caused by that grand corruption as well of names as things, time. Yet what the true and right original name was, I cannot possibly say, nor am scarce willing to conjecture, lest I seem to some too bold. But when I consider the condition, nature, and quality of the place in hand; the soil or rather the sand, which is both lentum & tenax, soft and pliant, and yet tenacious, and retentive withal; I am almost persuaded it might take the name from the British Gwydn so signifying, which in tract of time much the easier, and rather corrupted into Goodwin, because of a Kentish Earl of that name a little before the Norman-Conquest. A conjecture in my judgement much favoured by the name 
2 De Lomea verò, vel (ut nunc est) Godwinianis syrtibus. Twine Comment. de rebus Albion. etc. p. 27.  given it by Twine, (from what authority it appears not) Lomea, which (though not in sound yet in sense) seems in some sort to answer the British Gwydn, as coming probably of the 
1 The Saxon lamb signifies limus, dirt, clay.  Saxon lamb, whence our modern English loom, as that I conceive of the Latin limus, slime, mud, etc. and that as some derive it of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. terra madida, locus humidus. These sands (happily) being so called for distinction's sake from those many other thereabouts, as the Brakes, the Fower-feet, the White-ditch, etc. as consisting of a more soft, fluid, porous, spongious, and yet withal tenacious matter than the neighbouring sands, and consequently of a more voracious and ingurgitating property than the rest, which were more hard, solid, rugged, and rocky.  
But in regard of that altum silentium, 
Why it cannot be of a British original.  the pretermission of it in utter silence by ancient Authors, and the no other than a very late notice taken, and mention made of it by any writer, it will hardly pass with judicious men for a thing of such antiquity as to owe its name to the Britain's. Indeed were it a thing of that great antiquity (a place I mean of that strange and stupendous nature for such a standing) so very remarkable it is, as we cannot easily believe it should have quite escaped the many elder writers both at home and abroad, or not indeed be reckoned amongst the wonders of our Britain. And therefore with several men of judgement it is looked on as a piece of 
1 Earl Goodwin died in the year of our Lord 1053. Chron. Sax.  later emergency than Earl Goodwin, much more than the British age. What in this case to reply I scarcely know; that it is a most notable and wonderful thing as to the nature and quality of it, I cannot but acknowledge, and yet that it hath escaped the pens of all ancient writers both foreign and domestic, I neither can deny. Upon a melius inquirendum therefore resuming and reviewing the matter, I cannot but refer to consideration as their conjecture who are for the late emergency of it, so withal what is said in favour of it.  
Instead then of the over-whelming this place (formerly supposed an Island, 
'Cause of Goodwyn-sands.  and a part of Earl Goodwyn's possessions) by that inundation of the sea in or about William the second or Henry the first's time, whereunto the loss of it is of some (as we have seen) ascribed; more probable it seems to others, that (on the contrary) this inundation being so violent and great, as to drown a great part of Flanders and the Low-Countries, was and gave the occasion of the place's first emergency, by laying and leaving that, which formerly was always wet and under water, for the most part dry and above water. Or if happily that one inundation did it not alone, yet might it give such a good essay to it, and lay so fair a beginning of it, as was afterward perfected and completed by following eruptions of that kind; especially that upon the parts of Zealand, which consisting of old of fifteen Islands, eight of them have been quite swallowed by the sea and utterly lost. 
Inundations in the time of King Henry 1.  Whence that of a late 
1 Heylin Cosmogr. p. 231.  Geographer of our own concerning both inundations. The Country Belgium lieth exceeding low upon the seas, insomuch that it is much subject to inundations. In the time of Henry the second (it should be the first) Flanders was so overflown, that many thousands of people, whose dwellings the sea had devoured, came into England to beg new seats, and were by the King first placed 
1 Lambard says about Carlisle.  in Yorshire, and then removed to Pembrokeshire. Since that it hath in Zealand swallowed eight of the Islands, and in them 300 Towns and Villages: many of whose Churches and strong buildings are at a dead low water to be seen; and as Ovid has it of Helice and Buris Cities of Achaia, 
Invenies sub aquis, & adhuc ostendere nautae  
Inclinata solent cum moenibus oppida versis.  
The water hides them, and the shipmen show,  
The ruin'd walls and steeples, as they row.   
To the same purpose the 
2 Laët, descriptio Belgii p. 124.  Belgic Geographer thus: Zelandia multis insulis, distinguitur: tametsi enim superiori seculo Oceanus magnam huic regioni cladem intulit, & aliquot insulas, perruptis aggeribus, penitus hausit, alias mirum in modum arrosit, etc. And what saith 
1 Comment de rebus memorabilibus in Europa, in Belgio maximè.  Guicciardine speaking of Flanders? Usque ad annum salutis 1340 etc. Until the year 1340. (saith he) as often as any bargain was made for the sale of any lands along the maritime tract, provision was expressly made, that if within ten years' space next ensuing, the land should be drowned, than the bargain to be void and of none effect.  
That this (the emergency of what we call the Goodwin) was the product and consequence of those inundations, 
These inundations the cause of Goodwyn-sands.  that at least a probable conjecture may hence be grounded of its emergency by this means, they thus make out. This shelf (the Goodwin) although it were a kind of shallow lying between the English and the Flemish coast, yet until so much of the water sound a vent and outlet into the neighbouring parts of Flanders and the Low-countries, was always so far under water, as it never lay dry, but had such a high sea running over it, as it no way endangered the Navigator; the sea or channel being as safely passable and navigable there as elsewhere. But so much of the water betwixt us and them having forsaken its wont and ordinary current and confines, and gained so much more elbow-room and evacuation into those drowned parts on the other side, (the sea usually losing in one place what it gains in another) this shelf (the Goodwin) from thenceforth, for want of that store of water which formerly overlaid it, became (what it is) a kind of arida, a sand-plott, deserted of that water's surface in which it was formerly immersed.  
This (for aught I perceive) is probable enough, and hath nothing that I can see, to oppose or control it, but the name (the Goodwin) which indeed cannot consist with so late an emergency, whether by the Goodwin we understand the Earl sometime so called, or the British word or Epithet for soil or ground of that tenacious sort and temper. Not knowing therefore what further to reply, I shall leave it in medio, not daring to determine either way, as being a research of so much difficulty, as I foresee, when all is done, must be left to conjecture, which may prove as various as the Readers.  
Now to Dubris, 
Dubris. It's derivation.  another of the Kentish Roman Ports, and of them so called; 
1 Dover (says Lambard) called diversely in Latin Doris, Durus, Doveria and Dubris; in, Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ all seem to be drawn from the British word dufir water, or dufirrha high or steep, the situation being upon a high rock ove the water, which serveth to either.  but whether from the British Dyffrin signifying a vale or valley (whence that famous vale or valley of Cluyd in Denbighshire is called Dyffrin Cluyd, as one would say, the enclosed vale or valley; for so it is, being on all quarters but the North environed with hills or mountains:) or from their Dufr or Dur or Dyfr, betokening: water; running water, or a river, (whence Dowerdwy is of Girald Cambrensis in his Itinerary of Wales in Latin rendered Fluvius Devae i.e. the river of Dee) is somewhat disputable. Both derivations are enough probable, the former in regard of the place's situation in a valley, between two very high hills or rocks: nor is the latter less probable in respect of the water, the fresh or river running through it, and presently emptying itself into the sea, and by the way serving to scour the haven, and keep it open. So that leaving the Reader to his liberty of choice, I shall have done with the name when I shall have told him, that after the Romans▪ it was of their immediate successors, the Saxons, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
1 As also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and of after times 
2 Doomsday-Book calls it Dovere, Huntingdon Donere and Dour. Sim. Dunelm. Dovere. Houd: Dowere:  Dovor and Dover.  

3 Speed, Holi●sheed and Milton, (out of a mistake either of the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or else led into it by those who translated it out of the Saxon) place though scene of this action at Canterbury.  Some have called it by what is the proper name of Canterbury, Dorobernia, 
Dover falsely called Dorobernia.  others Dorvernia; but very erroneously both; and upon that mistake, what, tumult or hurly-burly happened in the year 1051. or as some have it. 1052. at Dover by the means of Eustave, Earl of Bolen and his men, likely to have ended in a sore and bloody civil war, (the King taking part with his brother in law, and Earl Good●yn siding with the Doverians as his Clients and Vassals) the scene, I say, of that commotion is of some laid at Canterbury: whereas it is 
4 What makes it yet more clear, are the circumstances of that expedition delivered by the Saxon Chronicle, ad As. 104●. It tells us that after he had delivered his message to the King, he came Eastward to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. Canterbury; where he with his men, dining, afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. went forwards to Dover.  hence clear enough that Dover was the place, inasmucn as Marianus and Hoveden, who (as Malmsbury speaks of a Castle there which Knighton calls Castellum Dovoriense) make express mention of a Castle on the cliff or by the cliffside, which must needs be Dover-castle; Canterbury being an inland-town and standing (both City and Castle) in a level or valley. But for more certainty, the Saxon relation of the matter (in which language I take it the story was originally penned) as I find it in a small Saxon MS sometime belonging to Mr. Lambard, and procured for me by my late deceased friend Thomas Godfrey of Hodiford Esq, lays the scene at Dover. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (1052) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. The same year (1052) Eustatius came on shore at Dover, 
When Dover came to be a haven.  etc. So that what of that tumult is recorded in our Chronicles as happening at Dorobernia belongs to Dover, not Canterbury. What also is spoken by 
1 Non multo post deinde intersticio temporis, Doroberniam venit Aluredus, transvectus ex portu Iccio, etc. Gesta Guil. Ducis, in initio.  Pictaviensis of Alfred's landing place, or place of arrival, under the same name, relates thither, and is to be understood not of Canterbury but Dover. But to keep us to the Port; a Roman Port it was, and continued afterwards a Port through the Saxon, Danish, and Norman ages unto this present. But as after the Roman times Bolen decayed and grew into some disuse on the French coast, so Rutupium or Sandwich in tract of time did the like on the British, that being supplanted and put by of Witsand, this of Dover, as of most advantage to the passenger by reason of the greater shortness of the cut between.  
Yet late was it e'er Witsand came into request, 
Witsand when first a Port.  no mention in story being found of it in the notion of a Port, 
1 I believe the first mention of it is Auno 1095. where (as was before observed) William Rufus is said to have taken shipping there. Chron. Sax.  until between 5. or 600. years ago. But from about that time indeed it became much frequented, and no notice scarce taken of any other thereabouts. Whence that of Lewis the French King, who in the year 1180. coming in pilgrimage to visit Thomas of Canterbury, besought that Saint, by way of humble intercession, that no passenger might miscarry by shipwreck between Witsand and Dover. Yet neither was this Port Witsand very long lived; for not many years after Calice-Port coming into request, Witsand gives it place, which it retains to this day. And indeed it is matter of more wonder, that it held up so long, than that it decayed no sooner, in regard of the danger of the passage between, through the greater narrowness and straitness of the British Channel or Frith at that place, rendering it apt to a more impetuous motion than where, as somewhat further off, on either hand more sea room may be had.  
Here without all doubt it was that julius Caesar, 
Dover the place where Caesar intended to la●d.  in that famous expedition of his for the Conquest of Britain, first intended and attempted to arrive: a matter evident enough by the description of the place, 
1 Comment. Lib. iv. c. 5.  in his Commentary terming it locum ad egrediendum nequaquam idoneum, a place very unfit for landing; which he further thus describes; Loci haec erat natura, atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur, ut ex locis superioribus in litus telum adjici posset. From whence without any violence we may conclude that the sea in those days more insinuated itself into the valley here than afterwards and at this day (being somewhat excluded and fell further off by the ingulfed beach) it did and doth, flowing up even as high, if not higher into the land, as where the Town itself is now seated: whereof also the Anchors and planks or boards of ships there (
1 Mr. Camden says of Dover; Oppidum quod inter cautes considet, ubi portus ipse olim fuit, cum mate se insinuaret, ut ex anchoris & navium tabulis colligitur.  as Mr. Camden hath it) sometimes digged up, are indications sufficient of themselves to evince this truth.  
And more have I not to say of this Port neither; only to represent what description thereof is recorded in Doomsday-book, in these very syllabes, 
2 There is no more extant in the original MS of Mr. Somner, but I suppose it is the same account that Dr. Gale (Hist. Vol. 1. p. 759.) has given us of Dover out of Dooms-day-book; to whom I refer the Reader.  Dovere tempore Regis Edwardi reddebat, etc. Hereunto let me add a Topographical account hereof given by Guliel. Pictavensis, who (as he was the Conquerour's Chaplain, and one that attended him in the expedition, and shared with others of his train in the division of the land) hath written his Life and Acts. His words are these. Situm est id castellum (Dovera) in rupe mari contigud 
1 The original quotes Pictaviensis no further; but because what follows is very material to this account of Dover, take the whole together: Situm est id castellum [Dovera] in rupe mari contigua, quae naturaliter acuta undique ad hoc ferramentis incisa, in speciem mari directissima altitudine, qu●ntum sagittae joctus permetiri potest, consurgit, quo in latere ●ndamarina alluitur. .  
From this description it appears, that what fortification the place had in those days to the seaward at least, was not so much from art as nature; indeed rather mixed, the rock or clift'stop with tools and instruments of iron being cut into such notches and indentures, as it both resembled and served in the stead of walls with battlements: which it seems afterwards decaying (as the cleft there consisting more of chalk-stone is apt to crumble away, drop down, and fall) such walls as now the Town hath to the seaward were erected for supply to those natural Bulwarks, which that edax rerum, all devouring time, had so consumed.  
PASSING from hence (reserving the 
Lemanis its names and situation.  Castle to my future discourse of the Roman-Forts) I come in order to the third and last of their Kentish Ports, Lemanis 
1 In Antoni●us some read Limenis, as well as Lemanis, says Burton in his Comment upon the Itinerary, p. 193.  as called of Antoninus, of the Notitia Lemannis, in the Peutingerian Tables Lemavius. Concerning the situation hereof various are the conjectures of our English Chorographers; 
2 I think Lime or Limne is the place generally pitched upon by our English writers, grounding, no doubt, principally upon the agreement in sound between the old and the new name. What they say of Hithe and West-hithe is, that the former began to flourish upon the stopping up of the latter, and the first rise of West-hithe, was the decay of Limne or Lime, which they suppose to have been the ancient Haven. So Leland; who is followed by Camden and Lambard.  some placing it at 
3 If Hythe were of greater antiquity than is generally supposed, it might probably be the ancient Roman Port; for the present name being derived from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portus, would exactly answer the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from whence Lemanis is supposed to be deduced.  Hyth, others at West-Hyth, a third sort at or under Lim-Hill; to none of all which the distance between it and Durovernum (i.e. Canterbury) in the Itinerary (to omit other arguments) will very well suit being sixteen miles, which is more by two than that between Durovernum and Dubris, which is full out as great as this. But as there is not much heed to be given to the distances there, being (as some have observed) often mistaken, so am I apt to suspect a mistake here, of XVI I mean for XXI, the second of those numeral letters in the Itinerary by an easy mistake of an V for an X being miswritten; which supposed, the Port (as to the distance) is easily found, and that indeed is Romney, or as we now call it New-Romney, 
New-Romney the Lemanis of the ancients.  distanced much about so many Italian miles (21) from Durovernum or Canterbury; and so called happily to answer and suit with the Greek 
1 Camden and Burton are of opinion that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no part of the ancient name, but foisted in by the Librarians: Quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum apud Graecos significativum sit, Librarii ut viderentur desectum supplere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scripserunt, Latinique interprete novum portum ineptè converterunt, etc. So Camden; and much to the same purpose Burton in his Itinerary p. 193.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Latin novus portus, as some have termed it: although I rather deem that Epithet given it more of late to distinguish it from the other Romney, called Old Romney, which distinction I find used near 500 years ago. But be that as it will, Romney either the Old or the New seems to be the Port of the Romans so termed, and that either from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Port, according to that of Leland, Refert hoc nomen originem Graecam, quòd pleno diffluens alveo portum efficient: est enim Portus, litus, sinus maris Graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or else from their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 palus a moor or fennish place, as the soil hereabouts for many miles far and wide is none other; which Ethelwerd's Limneus portus, and the old and yet continued writings of the Parish and Deaneries name of Lime or Limpne seems more to favour. Romney, I say, as I conceive was that Roman Port Lemanis, which although at present, and for 
1 Ever since the time of Edw 1. when by the violent rage of the sea, the Rother changed his course, and so the harbour was stopped up. See Som●er hereafter in his third Proposition.  some hundred of years lying dry, and unbestead of any channel of fresh water to serve it, yet had of old a fair and commodious river running along by it, and unlading or emptying itself into the sea, in those days nothing so remotely from the Town as (by the sands and beach in process of time cast up and inbeaten by the Sea, and for want of the fresh to repel and keep it back stopping up the Harbour) since and now it is.  
This River 
1 It rises (says Lelend, and after him Lambard) at Argas bill in Sussex, near to Waterdown-forest, and falleth to Rotherfield, etc.  rising and issuing or breaking forth about what for the right name Ritheramfield we call now Rotherfield, 
Limene-river.  (a place in Sussex) and so passing under Rotherbridge (corruptly termed Roberts-bridge is from thence called the Rother: but afterwards running and keeping on its course to Appledore, and from thence to Romney called (as we said) Lemanis, and serving the Haven there, becomes from thence termed Limena, as the mouth thereof where it falls into the sea, Limenemouth. And thus may those be reconciled that are at odds about this River's right name, some calling the whole River Rother, others Limene; which former name occurreth not to me in any ancient record, whereas the 
2 An: 5. Edw. 1. (says Somner) in an extent of the Lord Archbishop's manor of Terning in Sussex, under the title of Borgade maghefeud: Martinus le Webb-tenet quar●●● 〈◊〉 unius radae apud la Limene, & debet quad. ad 〈◊〉 Nick.  latter doth, and that as high up as whereabout it first riseth. It was afterward (from the Port so called, to and along by which it had its course and current) named Romney, as shall be showed anon. Mean time for better method's sake, I shall endeavour to assert three things. First, that there was such a river; one, I mean, of that name of Limene, and Romney. Secondly, that this river had its mouth at or by Romney-Town. Thirdly, about what time, and by what occasion it ceased running hither, and forsook its wont channel.  
Now as to the first, 
I Proposition. That a river there was called Limene and Romney.  express mention is found made of it by that name of Limene, in a Charter or Grant of Ethelbert the son of the Kentish King 
1 I think the right name is Wihtred. He is always called so in our Saxon Annals, and most of our English Historians.  Withered, about the year 721. whereby he grants to Mildred, the then Abbess of Minster in Thanet, terram unius aratri circa flumen Limenae i.e. a ploughland lying by or about the river Limene. It next occurs to me in a Charter of King Eadbright dated in the year 741. granting to the Church of Canterbury capturam piscium quae habetur in hostio fluminis cujus nomen est 
2 In the ancient Church-record (as set down by Mr. Somner in his Antiquities of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I find it thus: Eadbriht Re●edit Ecclesiae Christi in Darobernia ●●pturam piscium in Lamhethe, & alia quaedam Ecclesiae de Liminge, tempore Cuthberhti Archiepiscopi.  Limeveia etc. i.e. the taking or catching of fish to be had in the mouth of the river, which is named Limene etc. In a Charter or Grant of Egbert, the West-Saxon King, and first English Saxon Monarch, and Athulf or Ethelwulf his son to one Goding in the year 820. it thus again occurs: Duo are atra in loco qui dicitur Anglicis Werehornas, in paludosis locis; & empta est pro M solidis nummorum. Et haec sunt territoria: On 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Ex Orientali parte porrigit Austrum versus, ultra Limenae fluvium usque ad Australium Saxonum limitem, i.e. Two plough-lands in a place in English called Werehorns, amongst the fens, and cost M. shillings or 50ls. of money: and these are the boundaries; on the East-part it extendeth southward over the river Limen, unto the South-Saxon limits. In a Deed or Grant (of one 
1 In an original Charter he is written Werhardus.  Warhard or Warnard a Priest) to the Monks of Canterbury, dated Anno 830. thus again we meet with it: unum jugum qued jacet in australi parte Limene, & ab incolis nominatur Lambeham, pertinet autem ad Burnham, etc. i.e. One yoke of land lying on the Southside of Limene, and of the inhabitants is called Lambeham, but belongeth to Burnham, etc.  
To pass over the mention of it in our English 
1 Where the Danish army is said to have come on Limene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Canterbury copy reads it Limenan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CCL. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. in Limeni ostium, cum CCL. navibus.  Saxon Annals Anno 893. not long after it was (Anno sc. 895) that the same river (that part of it at or near Romney Town) in a Grant of Plegmund the Archbishop of Canterbury under the name of Romney occurs thus. Terram quae vocatur Wefingmersc juxta flumen quod vocatur Rumeneia, etc. i. e. The land called Wefingmersh, beside the river called Romney. In an old Deed sans date of Thomas and james, sons of Kennet of Blakeburn and others, it comes into mention thus: Totum nostrum imbrocum de Blakeburn, sive praedictus brocus sit major sive minor, cujus broci longitudo ex australi parte incipit ad pontem de Oxenal, & ducit super aquam de Limenal usque ad piscarium de Blakeburn, & de eadem piscaria incipit longitudo ex parte Aquilonis, & ducit per wallam de Piggbroke, i. e. All our im-brook of Blakeburn, whether the said brook be greater or less, the length whereof on the South-part begins at Oxney-bridge and leadeth over the water of Limene, unto the fishing place of Blakeburn; and from thence begins the length of it on the north-part, and leads by the wall of Piggbrook, etc. So much, and enough of the first.  
Passing from which to the second research or Proposition, 
2 Proposition. That Limene and Romney- river ran out at Romney.  that the river or water so called, Limene and Romney, or (as more of late) Rother ran to Romney, and there by its mouth or outlet called (as in that old Charter of King Eadbriht) Limen- mouth, emptying itself into the sea, gave beginning and occasion to the Port or Haven there. For this, if 
1 Verùm regnante Edw. 1. cum Oceanus ventorum violentia exasperatus, hunc tractum operuisset, lateque hominum, pecorum, adificiordmque stragem dedisser; & Promhil viculo frequenti possundato, etiam Rother, qui hic prius se in Oceanum exe●eravit alveo em●vit, ostiumque obstruxit, novo in more ●ditu compendio per Rhiam aperto. Camd. Britain.  Mr. Camden's testimony, chiefly grounded (I suppose) on the inhabitants tradition of his time, be not full satisfaction, who saith, that 
1 About the year 1287.  in the reign of Edward the first, the sea raging with violence of winds, overflowed this tract and made pitiful waste of people, of cattle, and of houses in every place, as having quite drowned Promhill, a pretty Town well frequented, and made the Rother forsake his own channel, which here beforetime emptied himself into the sea, and stopped his mouth, opening a new and nearer may to pass into the sea by Rhie; so as by little and little he forsook this Town, etc. If this (I say) be not sufficient, let me add, that as New-Romney is to this day a Port, and one of those five, which lying on the East and South sea-coast of England, are called the Cinque-Ports, so doubtless hath it been from the first. It was sometime (
2 Mr. Lambard speaks all this of Old Romney, and expressly tells the reader in the beginning: as touching the latter (New-Romney) I mind not to speak, having not hitherto found either in record or history any thing pertaining thereunto.  saith Mr. Lambard) a good sure and commodious Haven, where many vessels used to lie at road. For 
3 This account of Goodwy● is very distinctly delivered in the Saxon Ann●ls, from whence Ho●y of Huntingdon transcribed.  Henry the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, maketh report, that at such time as Goodwin Earl of Kent and his sons were exiled the Realm, they armed vessels to the sea, and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people to compel the King to their revocation. And therefore, among 
1 A full account whereof see in the Saxon-Annals, ad An. 1052.  sundry other harms that they did on the coast of this shire, they entered the Haven at Romney, and led away all such ships as they found in the Harbour there.  
In the Conquerour's expedition for the Conquest of England, some of his company by mistake it seems landed, or were put a shore at Romney, and were rudely and barbarously treated by the inhabitants hereof; and of the revenge upon them taken by the Conqueror after his victory, and settling his affairs at Hasting, his Chaplain 
2 Gesta Guil. Ducis, p. 204.  Pictaviensis, and after him 
3 Hist. Eccl. Lib. 3. An. 1066.  Ordericus Vitalis, gives us this account. Humatis autem suis, dispositâque custodiâ, Hastingas cum strenuo Praefecto Romanarium (saith the former, for Romaneium, as it is in the latter) accedens, quam placuit paenam exegit pro clade suorum, quos illuc errore appulsos fera gens adorta praelio cum utriusque partis maximo detrimento fuderat.  
This I take it is the Port in Dooms-day-book called Lamport, 
Romney in dooms-day-book called Lamport.  and the hundred wherein it lay, the hundred of Lamport. In Lamport, hundred (so that book) Robertus de Romenel tenet de Archiepisc. Lamport: pro 1 solino & dimid. se defendit. Ad hoc manerium pertinent 21 Burgenses qui sunt in Romenel, de quibus habet Archiep. 3 forisfacturas, latrocinia, pacem fractam, foristellum. Rex vero habet omne servitium ab eyes, & ipsi habent omnes consuetudines, & alias forisfacturas pro servitio maris, ● sunt in manu Regis. Thus in the account of the lands and possessions of the Arch-Bishops Knights: afterward in that of the Bishop of Bayon thus. In Lamport hund. Robertus de Romenel tenet de Episcopo 
1 al. Offetane, says Summoner in the margin of the original MS.  Affetane, pro I solino se defendit. Idem Robertus habet 50 Burgenses in burgo de Romenel, & de eyes habet Rex omne servitium, & sunt quieti pro servitio maris ab omni consuetudine praeter latrocinium, pacem infractam, & 
2 Otherwise written faristel; as also forstall, for stallatio. The meaning and definition of it is given us by the history published under the name of Brompton, amongst the X Scriptores, p. 957. Forstal est coactio vel obsistentia in regia strata facta. 'tis of a Saxon original, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ante, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contra, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, status; an intercepting such things as were designed for the market, before they came to public sale, with an intent to gain by them. And such a person (as we learn from a law of Edw. 1.) was looked upon as patria publicus inimicus ● pauperum depressor. Vide Spelman. Glossar. in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  foristel. It was since, and is at this day altered into Langport, and containing the Towns of St. Nicholas, ctc. And as there was and is a double Romney, the old and the new; so in the 14th. year of Edward the 2d, I read of an old and a new Langport. By the way, 
1 What Mr. Lambard quotes out of Dooms-day-book concerning Romney, is this: I● was of the possession of one Robert Rumney, and 〈◊〉 of Odo (than Bishop of Baleux, Earl of Kent, and brother to K. William the Conqueror) i● the which time the same Robert had thirteen Burgesses, who for their service at the sea were acquitted of all actions and customs of charge, except felony, breach of the peace and forestall. Which account differs from Dooms-day-book, 1 In the name of the possessor, which is in Doomsday Rome●el. 2 The number of Burgesses, in Doomsday 21. 3 The actions and customs of charge; besides these three, is reckoned in Doomsday Forisfactura, some heinous crimes for which a man forfeited his estate, liberty, life, etc. Some will have it derived from foris, and so extend it to nothing but the loss of liberty, or estate, which (as Spelman observes) by such a crime sibi extra●eum facit. But Summoner in his Glossary derives it from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and facio; which is in effect confirmed by the Learned Dr. Hickes, when he lays down this rule in his Saxon-Grammar, p. 85. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 dat composito significationem, quae simplicis significationem pessundat, & in malum sensum vertit. o that forisfacere is nothing but malè, prauè facere. Vide Spelmanni. & Somneri Glossar. in hanc vocem.  Mr. Lambard in his Perambulation represents the state of this place otherwise than Dooms-day-book doth, whom the Reader may please hereby to correct accordingly. 
The river Limene turned from Romney another way.   
Now as all Seaports or Havens have, at lest first had (what since sometime, as here, is discontinued and diverted) a river, stream, or course of fresh water falling into them for their better keeping open, and to prevent their obstruction and choking by sands, beach, slime, or other like suffocating matter, without which it cannot be, or be properly called a Port: so doubtless did this Port or Haven sometime participate of this commodity and property, and had a river, a fresh, a current running to it, and there discharging or shedding itself into the sea; and the same so called (from the several places by which it had its passage) Rother, Limen, and Romney. For albeit the Rother (for that only is the now remaining name, though some call it Appledore-water) cuts or falls many miles short of Romney-Port, (after it is once gotten to Appledore, wheeling about and running into that arm of the sea or aestuary insinuating into the land by, what from that or some other current became so called, Rye yet had it heretofore a direct and foreright continued current and passage as to Appledore, so from thence to Romney, the old and new: on the Westside whereof meeting with the aestuary, it presently disembogued and fell into the sea, 
The river Limene had a wide mouth.  which in elder times with so large and wide a mouth flowed up within the land there, that in the year 774. lid, both to the Northern and Eastern bounds thereof, is said to border on the sea. Witness the Charter of K. Offa of that Manor, given to 
1 Otherwise called in our English Histories Iea●bryht, janberht, Eanbriht, janbyrht, Lanberht, Lanbyrht. He was made Archbishop in 763 and died in 790.  janibert the then Archbishop, of this tenor. In nomine jesu salvatoris mundi, etc. Ego Offa Rex totius Anglorum patriae, dabo & concedo Janibert Archiepiscopo ad Ecclesiam Christi, aliquam partem terrae, trium aratrorum, quod Cantianitè dicitur three 
2 From the Saxon rulh aratrum, a plough.  sulinge, in occidentali parte regionis quae dicitur Mersware ubi nominatur ad Lyden: & hujus terrae sunt haec territoria: Mare in Oriente, in Aquilone, & ab Austro terra Regis Edwy— nominant Deugemere usque 
1 This Lapis appositus in ultimo terrae, is at this day called Stone-end in the south part of Kent.  ad lapidem appositum in ultimo terrae, & in Occidente & Aquilone confinia regni ad Bleechinge. Et hoc praedictum donum, etc.  
From whence clear enough it is that the sea with a large and spacious inlet, arm, and aestuary, in those days flowed in between lid and Romney, and was there met with the river Limen, which of necessity must have a very large capacious mouth, or bosom to receive, as it did, 
2 See an account of this in the Saxon Chronicle, An. 893.  a Fleet of 250 sail, the number of those Danish pirates being no less, who in the year 893 put in here, and towing up their vessels four miles within the land, even as far as to the Weald (which 
3 The Saxon Annals tell us, it was longa ab Oriente ad Occidentem centum & vigin●i milliaria ad minimum, & triginta milliaria lata.  then extended Eastward unto Appledore) there cast anchor, and destroying a fort or castle, as old and imperfect as ill defended, built a new one and kept their rendezvous there.  
For I can easily believe that however Appledore be distanced from Romney about six miles, yet so large a bosom had that arm or aestuary, and so high up into the land the sea than flowed, (haply so high as that place in Romney-Custumal written about Edw. 3d's. time, called Readhill, whither the Franchise from the entrance of the haven is said to reach) that Appledore was not above four miles from the river's mouth: some vestigia and remains whereof, that trench of large extent both for length and breadth between Appledore and Romney along the wall, (from thence called the Reewall) by the diversion of the current at this day lying dry and converted to pasturage, (if it be not all one with that hereunder mentioned, passed over by the King to the Archbishop and others) may seem to be: over which (I take it) there sometime was a passage between Romney-marsh and Walland-marsh, by that bridge which in these latter days is (as the hundred wherein it lay) called Allowesbridge, for what of old was called Alolvesbridge, so named haply from some Lord or great person, who (whether he or some other that gave name to that Bocton called Aloof for Alolfe an Earl so called, whence the place of old is otherwise termed Earl Bocton, I cannot say) was known by the Christian name Alolfe, or the like.  
Observable here it is to our purpose, 
Romney the place of Limenemouth, from Ead●rojt's Charter.  that amongst the places mentioned in that Grant or Charter of K. Eadbriht to the Church of Canterbury, (without which the Archbishop of old had had no interest in Romney) some if not all agree and suit to Romney for the place of Limen-mouth, as that of the situation of St. Martin's Oratory, the Fishermen's houses, the Ripe, Bishop's-wike, etc. The first of which, as it was in our fore-father's days to be found in Romney-Town, being one of the Parish Churches there, (St. Nicholas being the other;) so those houses or some of them might probably enough be the same which in Dooms-day-book are said to be 21 Burgenses belonging to Lamport; which Port in those days belonged to the Archbishop, and as his of right, was (with other things) by him recovered from some Norman-usurpers in or by that Placitum or pleading at 
1 I think 'tis generally called Pinenden; it was held An. 1072.  Pinedene, published by the most learned Selden. Upon this account it was (the Archbishop's peculiar interest there) that Archbishop Becket in the year 1164. intending a 
1 The cause whereof see in Lambard's Perambulation, p. 209.  secret escape and departure out of England, made choice of this Port to put to sea. But to proceed to the other places mentioned in that most ancient Charter: not far from hence (I take it) lay the Marsh called (from the Archbishop as the owner) 
2 i e. Episcopi vicus; à pic vicus, sinus, castellum.  Bishop's-wike; whilst the Ripe (though cleared of the wood, if ever it were wood) yet remains by that name at Lyd. In an old Accompt-Roll of the Archbishop's Manors sans date, the Accountant of Oxency craves this allowance. Oxenal. In conducendis batellis ad ducendum 105 
3 Summa est mensura contineus' 8 modios Londonienses, says Spelman. 'Tis primarily derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, onus jumen●i sarcinarii; thence sauma and summa signify a horse load of any thing, and summarius, saumarius, or somarius denote the carriage-horse, or (what we now call him) a Sumpter-horse. Vide Spelmanni Glossarium. Somneri Glossar▪ ac Vossium in voce Saginarius.  summas avenae usque Rumenal missas ad Liminge, 5s. 9d. Whence it appears that there was then a channel leading down to Romney from Oxeney: not to urge any thing from what we find in that Ordinance of john Lovetot and Henry of Apuldrefeild made Anno 16 Edw. 1. and extant in that little Treatise called the Charter of Romney-marsh, where order being taken for the security and defence of that Western part of the Marsh, at this day called Walland-marsh, lying westward of Romney-channel (the Eastern part, or that on the other part of the channel, called Romney-marsh, and no more, being formerly provided for by the Ordinance of Henry of Bath and his associates, Nicholas of Handly, and Alured of Dew, in the 24th. year of Henry the third) we have that part of the Ordinance ushered in with this Preamble, Et quia etc. i. e. And because before that time in this Marsh of Romenal beyond the course of the water of that Port running from the Snergate towards Romenhal, on the west-part of the same Port as far as to the County of Sussex, there had not been any certain law of the Marsh ordained, nor used otherwise than at the will of those who had lands in the same, etc. Not (I say) to insist on this, because it brings the watercourse but from Snergate not from Appledore; let us now in the third and last place, having brought the Channel to Romney, show (if we can) when it forsook it, when and how it came to be diverted; and whither; which is the third Proposition.  
For forsaken it hath, 
● Proposition. When and how Romney●river ceased, and came to be diverted; and whither.  insomuch as there is neither Haven, Harbour or Channel, neither inlet nor outlet near it, but left quite dry it is and destitute both of salt and fresh water. And indeed so long it hath been thus, that without some difficulty the certain time is not retrievable: nor may we think it came to pass all at once, but at times and by degrees, which we shall tract and trace out as well as we can.  
Gaufridus, the Prior of Christ-church Canterb. in Henry the first's time with his Covent, made and passed many grants of Land at Appledore 
1 Of Grants in Gavelkind, see Somner's Treatise upon that subject, published 1660. p. 38.  in Gavelkind, with this covenant and tie upon the Tenants; Et debent wallas custodire & defendere contra friscam & salsam, &, quoties opus fuerit, eas reparare & firmas facere secundum legem & consuetudinem marisci, etc. setting them but at small rents in respect hereof. But I shall not insist on this and many such like any further, than to note that the sea did much infested and endanger those parts with its aestuations and eruptions, in those days. Witness this demand in our Accompt-Roll of the Archbishop's Manor of Aldington, about the year 1236. In expensâ johannis de Watton & Persona de Aldington per tres dies apud Rumenal & Winchelse & Apelder, una cum seneschallo, ad vidend. salvationem patriae & marisci contra inundationem maris, 41s. 4d. This inundation was the same (I take it) with that mentioned of both the 
1 Matthew Paris thus describes it: In crastino verò beati Martini, & per octavas ipsius, vento validissimo, associato tumultu, quasi tonitruo, inundaverurt fluctus maris, metas solitas transeuntes, ita, quod in confinio ipsius maris, & in marisco, ut pote apud Wisebiche & locis consimilibus, naviculae, pecora, nec non & hominum maxima periit multitudo. The like account Matthew Westminster gives of the great devastations caused by the overflowings of the sea and rivers this year.  Matthews (Paris and Westminster) in that year. The same Matthew Paris relating the hideous, uncouth, violent rage and aestuation of the sea in the year 1250. and the inundations consequent, reports thus. Apud Winchelsey etc. At Winchelsey, above 300. houses with some Churches, by the seas violence were overturned. In an ancient French Chronicle, sometime belonging to the Church of Canterbury, and written by a Monk of the place in Edw. 2d's days, which I light on in Sir Simon Dews his Library, I read thus. And the same year (1286) on the second of the nonce of February, the sea in the Isle of Thanet rose or swelled so high, and in the marsh of Romenal, that it broke all the walls, and drowned all the grounds: so that from the great wall of Appledore as far as Winchelsey, towards the South and the West, all the land lay under water lost. Mr. Camden 
1 See Mr. Camder's own words, as quoted in the notes, p. 44. per.  (I suppose) intends the same inundation when he saith, that in the reign of Edw. 1. the sea raging with the violence of winds, overflowed this tract, and made pitiful waste of people, cattle, and of houses, in every place, as having quite drowned Promhill, a pretty Town well frequented: and that it also made the Rother forsake his old Channel, which here beforetime emptied himself into the sea, and stopped his mouth, opening a new and nearer way for him to pass into the sea by Rhie. Hence followed that Ordinance of john of Lovetot and his associates the very next year, 16. Edw. 1. (whereof before) by the King's writ, to whom sent and premised, they are assigned ad supervidendum Wallas, etc. i. e. to view the walls and ditches upon the seacoasts and places adjacent within the County of Kent, in divers places then broken through, by the violence of the sea, etc. To proceed, 
1 Perambulation of Kent, p. 209.  Mr. Lambard tells us of a strange tempest that threw down many steeples and trees, and above 300 mills, and housings there, in the 8th year of Edw. 3d. about the year of Christ 1334. Now lay to all these what occurs in a Grant or Letters Patents from K. Edw. 3d. in the 11th. year of his reign, passing over to the then Archbishop, the Prior, and Covent of Christ-church, and Margaret de Basings, an old trench lying betwixt Appledore and Romney, with licence at their pleasure to obstruct, dam, and stop it up, as by reason of the sands, and other imbelched, obstructive matter, made and become useless and unserviceable, and so having then continued for 30 years past and upwards: lay all this, I say, together, and then it will be credible enough that the old trench was lost and disused upon that inundation about the year 1287. and the new one made and begotten by that other about the year 1334. being the same that is mentioned in the same Ordinance of Io. de Lovetot, and his Associates.  
Before we proceed, take here the Grant itself in its own words as I met with it in the Archives of that Church of Canterbury, and thus there entitled. Licentiâ Dni. Regis super quadam antiquâ trencheâ apud Apulder habenda Dno. Archiepiscopo, Priori, & Conventui Ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. ac Dnae. Margaretae de Passele, prout eisdem melius visum fuerit esse expediens, Anno regni ejus 11. Edwardus Dei gratiâ, 
1 The Grant is transcribed no farther in Mr. Somner's original MS.  etc.  
Here we find that by the seas impetuosity and rage, the old ●rench was lost, and a new one made and succeeded in the room; both the old when in being, and the new afterwards from Appledore to Romney; the time we have also both of the one and the other's beginning. And now as on the one hand some violent eruptions of the sea by the parts of Rye and Winchelsea, had made way for the Rother's mingling her waters with that aestuary, and the breaking off its wont course by Appledore and Romney, so the inlet, creek, or haven at Romney, wanting the river's wont help to scour and keep it open, what with that and the working of the sea still casting up and closing it with sands and beach, became in time obstructed, and for many ages hath been so quite dammed up, that the sea now lies off at a great distance and remoteness from the Town. And thus far of those three Propositions.  
To return now to our Port Lemanis, 
The various names of the inhabitants of the Marshes.  whereof I have not more to say than that as the inhabitants of this Marish Country, were of the English Saxons called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. viri palustres, marsh-men or fen-men, 
1 I think our Historians are generally mistaken in this and such like passages. For translating from the Saxon, which they did not well understand, and finding there on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. presently concluded that these were certainly the names of the Countries, whereas no doubt they are the inhabitants of such places. Which as it holds in all, so especially in such as end in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, since the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies incolae, habitatores, etc. But when the Saxons mention the name of any Country, they express it generally by the genitive case plural of the possessive, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Merciorum terra; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Northymbrorum terra.  and the Region itself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in Ethelwerd, Anno 795. and Mersware as in King Offa's 
1 Pag 50.  forerecited Charter or Grant of lid to the Archbishop, and Merseware as Hoveden, 
2 'Tis certainly a mistake of the press for Merscware.  if rightly printed, Anno 838. so were the same inhabitants also called Limware, and the whole Lath (since and to this day called Shipway) as in Doomsday-book often, Limwarebest, and Limewareleth, and the like; which if derivative from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Limware is of the same sense and signification 
3 As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek, so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Saxon signifies palus.  with that other Merscware. It (the Port) was also called Romeney, Rumeney, and sometime Rumenal, by the same misrule that Oxney, Graveney, Pevensey, etc. are of old called Oxenel, Gravenel, Pevensel, etc. The eldest mention that I find of Romney, is in 
4 Vid. supra p. 43.  that Grant or Charter of Plegmund the Archbishop, in the year 895.  
Whence that name might come various also are the conjectures. 
The Etymon of Romney.  
5 Quis quaeso hodie credat, magnam partem illius prati seu planiciei, nobis nunc Rumnesis marshii, id est, Romani maris, nomine dictae, fuisse quondam altum pelagus & mare velivolum. Twini Comment. de rebus Albion. p. 31.  Some latin it Romanum mare, as if it were sea in the Romans time. Indeed much more of it formerly than at present has been under water as overflowed by the sea; whence I read of Archbishop Becket's, Baldwin's, Boniface's, and Peckham's Innings; to which I may add what bears the name to this day of Elderton's Innings. Wibort a Prior, and his Covent of Christ-church Canterbury, near upon 500 years since, grant to Baldwyn Scadewey and his heirs, as much lands at Mistelham in the Marish (about Ebeny I take it) as he could inn at his own cost against the sea, gratis for the two first years, and at 4d. the acre per annum afterwards. 
1 Amongst whom is Mr. Lambard, Perambulat. p. 208.  Others perhaps fetch it from the Saxon Rumen-ea the large water or watery place; to which I subscribe: though some perhaps meeting with the Tyber's ancient name of Rumon (whereof Marlianus in his Topography of Rome) and the etymology of it from rumino, quasi ripas ruminans & exedens, may fancy the same etymology for this of Romney, especially considering how, if not the river, yet the sea, impatient of restraint within the channel of our narrow seas, all along this coast, hath been and is very apt to eat away the shore, and either breaking through, or swelling over the banks and walls, to overwhelm and drown much of the level, as the inhabitants and owners of land there find by woeful and costly experience.  
HAVING had so much occasion to mention Appledore, 
First mention of Appledore.  I may not part from hence without giving some further account both of place and name. The first mention I find of it is in the year 893. when (as in that forecited place of our Saxon Annals) it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1 Ethelwerd likewise calls it Apoldore, Florence of Worcester Apultrea, and King Aethelred's Charter to the Church of Canterbury, published by Spelman. Council. T. 1. p. 505. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ethelwerd recounting the same story calls it (if not misprinted) a Poldre, for Atpoldre or Apledore, according as it is also named in a Charter or Grant of it to Christ-church by one Aedsi a Priest becoming a Monk there, with the consent of his Master King Cnute and his Queen, in the year 1032. where also it is written Apeldre, and the like before in the Charter or privilege of K. Ethelred about the year 1006. and in Doomsday-book, where said it is to lie in Limewareleth or the Lath of the men of Limene or Lime, the same which is since (
1 Pag. 62.  as was said) called Shipway. Since which time undoubtedly there hath been some alteration of the Laths, and other divisions of our County; for as there Niwenden also is said to be in the same Lath, so both it and Appledore, both in that elder record of Knight's-fees of Henry 3d. or Edw. 1's. time, and in that latter of the 13. of Queen Elizabeth, exemplified by Mr. Lambard, are said to be in the Lath of Scray or Sherwinhope (as called at this day) but of old, as in Doomsday-book Wimare-lest, i.e. the Lath of the men of Wye, and are accordingly placed by Mr. Kilburne in his Alphabetical Kentish tables, and his Survey.  
The place, the soil is moorish, boggy, and fenny, 
Derivation of Appledore.  such as our Ancestors here at home, with some of their neighbours abroad, have usually called Polder; (we have a place near Canterbury lying by the river's side of that name, and another of a moorish situation at Herbaldown) a word of Kilianus in his Teutonick Dictionary, turned palus marina, pratum littorale, ager qui è fluvio out mare eductus, aggeribus obsepitur, i.e. a marish fenn, a meadow by the shore side, a field drained or gained from a river or the sea, and enclosed with banks. To all which qualities and properties, our Appledore fully answereth, being a kind of mere bog or quagmire, bordering on the water, and often overlaid of it. Witness the great innings, securing, and improving of it at several times, by the care and at the charge of the Church of Canterbury, whereof in their accounts and other records. Whilst therefore 
1 Appledore, corruptly, from the Saxon Apul●neo; in Latin maelus, that is, an Appletree, says Lambard, Perambulat. p. 205. 'Tis probable Florence of Worcester was of the same opinion, because he writes it Apultr●a.  others fetch it (without all probability in my apprehension) from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 malus, pomus, an Appletree, (a plant for which the soil is nothing proper, nor scarce for any other) I rather would derive it from that other name Polder to which 〈◊〉 being (
2 The general way of naming places in the Saxon times was prefixing the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud to the name of some thing remarkable in the place. But the succeeding Monks, who translated their records, or else those who published their translations, have bred some confusion in them by joining the two words, and very often for the easier pronunciation, leaving out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ For I believe those who writ Annals, did not set down the names of places exactly as they found them in the Author from whence they took their matter; but as they were commonly called by the age wherein they lived. An argument whereof is this, that the nearer our own age they come, the more we find them melted and contracted.  as in the names of most places) prefixed by the Saxons, it was originally called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in process of time (wearing out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as since and at present more corruptly Appledore; from their seat or abode at or about which place the family's name of Ap●ldorfield.  
Some perhaps may fancy a Latin derivation of the name from appello, 
Appledore never a Haven.  to arrive or land, and hence probably it is that some do hold the place to have been sometime a Haven or sea-town, or Port, and consequently a landing place, or a place of ships arrival. But to this I first answer, that the name is not found until the Saxon times, and they never used to borrow or be beholding to the Latin for any, whether local or other name. Next, although now and of latter years, that arm or aestuary of the sea flowing in by Winchelsea and Rye, reach up as high as Appledore-town, yet questionless of old it did not so; so long ago at least, as there is mention made of Appledore, which out-dates the first institution and original of the Ports, referred at the furthest no higher up than Edward the Confessor's time, at what time had it been since and at this present a maritime place, and used as an Harbour or Haven-town, it could not in all probability have escaped the being taken in as a limb or member at least, either as Winchelsey and Rye of Hastings, or as lid and Promhill of Romney, or some other of the Ports. But no marvel that it is not, it being more than likely, that till some such great flood or inundation 
1 Pag 45.  as that spoken of before, happening in the year 1287. or some other about the same time, that aestuary, although beginning somewhat early to put fair for it, (witness that Charter of Prior Wibert in Henry the first's time, providing for defence against the sea's encroachment) was not of so far and large extent into the land: but then or about that time, by the violence of that inundation rolling and reaching up as far as Appledore, it not only kept its ground, but laying hands on the Rother in her wont course by those parts to Romney, and without regard to poor Romney's detriment and damage, by the loss of so advantageous a friend both to Town and Haven (by no better title than that of a plain rape) keeps possession of her, enforcing her along in the same channel (or torrent rather) with her by Gilford (so called from the gill, gulel, 
Derivation of G●lford and Winchelsey.  or rivulet there of old easily fordable) to (what in all likelihood owes its name to that Ree or channel) Rye, and so to (
1 Twine in his Comment de rebus Albion. p. 25. orroneously imagines that the true name of it is Windchelseum; olim (so he adds) vento, frigori, & ponto obnoxium, unde ei nomen obvenit.  what by its name betokens a waterish place seated in a corner, as old Winchelsey was, lying at the corner of Kent and Sussex) Winchelsea: making ever now and then bracks and breaches by the way, to the prejudice of the level or low grounds near adjacent. Whence (besides what we have in that little Treatise called Ordinalia Marisci, or (for so it is entitled in English) the Charter of Romney-marsh, 
2 Pag. 55.  before remembered, providing against such inundations and the damages consequent) that Charter or 
1 The originals whereof (as Summoner tells us) are among the records of Christ-church Canterbury.  Letters Patents granted and directed to certain Knights, and other persons of quality in the 2d. year of Henry the 5th. to empower them for the repairing breaches past, and preventing the like for the time to come, in the parts betwixt Rye and Odiam-bridge, whereof many other of like nature concerning other parts of the level in 
2 Pag. 87.  Mr. Dugdale's History of Imbanking, etc.  
But to return to Appledore; Doomsday-book showing it to be a Manor belonging to Christ-church, and (as that which the Saxons called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) allotted ad cibum monachorum, i. e. towards feeding of the Monks, or towards their provision of sustenance, thus speaks of it. In Let●●de Limware, etc. as 
3 Pag. 435.  in my Antiquities. Would you see the first grant of it, with some other places to the Church? I shall here for a close of my discourse concerning this place, present you with a true copy of it for a 
4 There was before a specimen of this nature hinted to, Pag. 20. but neither of them are set down in the original MS. However, lest the reader should be altogether disappointed, I thought fit to give him here out of Somner's Gavelkind, p. 214. the grant of Appledore to Christ-church, in Saxon and English, which I am confident is the same as he refers to in this place.  second taste and specimen of the mode and manner of the donations of that age; and the rather, that hereby you may see the vast difference between the candid simplicity and plainness of those elder times (when conscience was accounted the best evidence) and the serpentine subtlety of these, (justly taxed by that eminent Lawyer and Antiquary 
1 Lib. 2. jani Anglorum p. 70. Quam facilis & apicibus juris soluta, videre est, domini● fuit translatio, simul & à perplexantium captios● malitiâ, turgescentibusque membranarum fascibus & polyptychis libera.  Mr. Selden;) when no conveyance but in folio, when an acre of land cannot pass without almost an acre of writing, such a voluminous deal as would in a manner, if not serve to cover, yet if cut in thongs (as that Bull's hide wherewith the circuit of what was hence to be called Thong or Thoang-Castle was said to be laid out) would go near to compass it; their honest meaning of old going further in point of security than our much writing now, whilst their plain dealing supplied and made up what was wanting either in in matter of form or multitude of words.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Here appeareth in this writing how Cnut King and Aelfgife his Lady gave to Eadsy their Priest when he turned Monk, that he might convey that land at Apuldore as to himself most pleasing were. Then gave he it to Christ-church to God's servants for his soul, and he it bought that of the Covent for his days and Aedwines with four pounds, on that contract that men deliver every year to Christ-church three weights of cheese from that land, and three 
1 What the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is, Sir Henry Spelman has told us out of the Stat. Composit. Ponderum & mensurarum: Bind anguillarum constat ex 10. sticks, & quaelibet stick ex 25. anguillis.  bundles of Eels, and after his days and Aedwines go that land into Christ-church, with meat and with men, even as it then enriched is, for Eadsie's soul, and he bought that land at Werhorne of the Covent for his days and Eadwines also with four pounds; then goeth that land forth with the other after his days and Edwines to Christ-church with the crop that there then on is, and that land for his days at Berwick which he obtained of his Lord Cnute King; and he gives also those lands at Orpinton in his days for his soul to Christ-church to God's servants for garment-land, which he bought with eighty marks of white silver 
1 Somner in his Glossary says of the Hustingi pondus, that it was statutum pondus commercio inserviens, ipsum scil. Standardum (ut vocaut) Regis, (quod pondus signat originale & Canonicum, ad quod alia pondera ejusdem speciei debent examinari, & cum eo concordare. Vide Somneri Glossar. in voce Hustingum.  by Hustings weight, and he gives also those lands at Palstre and at Wittresham after his days and Edwines forth with the other to God's servants for fosterland for his soul. This bequest he giveth to the Covent on this contract that they ever him well observe, and to him faithful be in life and after life, and if they with any unadvisedness with him this contract shall break, then stands it in his own power how he afterwards his own dispose will. Of this is for witness Cnute King, and Aelfgife his Lady, and Aethelnoth Archb. and Aelfstan Abb. and the Covent at S. Austine's, and Brihtric young, and Aetheric husbandman, and Thorth Thurkille's nephew, and Tofi, and Aelfwine priest, and Eadwold priest, and all the King's Counselors; and this writing is threefold, one is at Christ-church, and one at S. Augustine's, and one hath Eadsy with himself.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Roman Forts in KENT.  
THAT the Romans having once the supreme command in Britain, 
The Romans had their Forts in Kent.  had their Forts as well as Ports in Kent, is evident enough by that Notitia Imperii Occidentalis, that Roman Office-Book set out by Pancirollus, where we find the names of Dubris, Lemanis, Anderida, Rutupis, and Regulbium, under that notion. All which our▪ Antiquaries generally agree to be Kentish Roman garrisons or stations. Gildas, followed by Venerable Bede, hath respect hither in that passage of his 
1 The passage here cited is not in the Epistle, but in the Treatise entitled Historia Gildae, p. 13. Edit. Oxon.  Epistle, where giving an account of the Roman's care to provide against the invasions and infestations of such Barbarians and Saxons, as annoyed this maritime tract, he saith, 
1 See the whole passage quoted before, p. 5.  In littore quoque Oceani ad meridiem, etc. i. e. On the Southern coast of Britain, where the ships were, because they feared from thence the Barbarians would make their inroads, they placed Towers, (watchtowers) at convenient distances, to take from them a prospect of the Ocean.  
I SHALL begin with the last, 
Regulbium.  
2 Twine calls it erroneously Reculsum.  Regulbium. Hereof in that Book of Notices, where the Lieutenant of the Saxon shore (whose office it was with those garrisons to repress the inroads and depredations of the Rovers) with such as are under his command, is spoken of, we read, that the Tribunus cohortis, etc. The Captain of the Premier band of the Vetasians lay here in garrison. Now to prove that by this name Regulbium, 
Regulbium the same with Reculver.  what we now call Reculver is intended and to be understood, will be no hard task. For first, that so it was is the common and received opinion and verdict of the whole College of our English Antiquaries; and that reason of 
1 Et hanc sanè suam antiquitat●m effossis Imper●i Romani nummis adhuc testatur. Camd. Britan.  Mr. Camden rendered for his conjecture, is very plausible and satisfactory; the often digging and turning up there of Roman Coins; which of my certain knowledge is to this day very true and usual, who have been owner of many, as I am still of some, pieces of old Roman coin had from hence.  
The Roman tile or brick here also found, some in buildings, others by the clift-side, where the sea hath washed and eaten away the earth (as it daily doth, to the manifest endangering of the Church by its violent encroachments) give like evidence of the place's Roman Antiquity; whereof some are remaining in and about that little stone cottage without the Churchyard, (of some holden to be the remains of an old Chapel or Oratory) and others not far off. If this give not satisfaction, let me here add that observation of the learned Antiquary 
2 Comment upon the Itinerary, p. 41.  Mr. Burton: It is to be observed (saith he) that all places ending in Chester, fashioned in the Saxon times, arise from the ruins of the old Roman castra; and therefore the ancient stations about the wall, the carcases of many of which at this day appear, are called chester's by the country people. Very good; (to bring this observation home) Reculver was of old in the Saxon's time, as 
1 That Monastery was founded about the year 669. Hinc Raculf-minster etiam à monasterin dictum fuit, cum Edredus, Edmundi senioris frater, Ecclesia Christi Cantuaria ●onaret. Camd.  sometimes (from the Monastery there) called Raculf-minster, so likewise other while (from that Roman castle or garrison there in former time no doubt) Raculf-cester. As for instance, in a Charter or Grant of Eadmund, a Kentish King, in the year 784. running thus: Ego Eadmundus, Rex Cantiae, do tibi Wihtrede, honorabili Abb●ti, tuaeque familiae degenti in loco qui dicitur. Raculf-cester, terram 12. aratrorum, quae dicitur Sildunk, cum universis ad eum ritè pertinentibus, liberam ab omni seculari servitio, & omni regali tributo, exceptis 
2 The Expeditio was an obligation upon the tenant to serve the Lord with so many men, horses, etc. in war.  expeditione, etc. Nor is that parcel of evidence resulting from and couched in the present and forepast name of the place to be slighted, especially that more ancient name of it in the Saxon times Racul●, altered since into Raculfre and Reculure, and (which it now bears) Reculver; none of which but do retain a grand smack and quantity of that Roman name 
1 Which (as Lambard thinks) is derived from the British word Racor, signifying forward, for so (says he) it standeth towards the sea  Regulbium.  
Whereabouts at Regulbium this Castrum stood, 
Whereabouts at Reculver the Fort was placed.  where the place of this Roman garrison or station was, is not at this day so clear and certain. but 
2 Burton's Comment upon the Itinerary pag. 41.  as it is well observed that all the Roman Colonies, Towns, Stations, or Forts generally were set upon hills, so I suppose this might be placed on that ascent or rising ground whereon the Monastery afterward stood, and the Church now stands erected, within (I mean) that fair square plot of ground converted to the Churchyard, and environing the Minster or Church, enclosed and circumscribed with a wall of stone. The Minster, I say; for of a Royal Palace (to which after the Roman time this Fort or station 
3 Lambard 's Perambulation, Pag. 279.  is said to have received a conversion by King Ethelbert upon his withdrawing thither from Canterbury, in favour of Augustine and his company) it became e'er long a Monastery or Abbey of the Benedictine Order, of whose founder with the time of the foundation, thus in the English Saxon Annals, Anno DCLXIX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. This year (669) King Egbert gave to Bassa Priest, Raculf, whereon to build a Monastery.  
From thenceforth the place became called Raculf-minster, 
Regulbium why called Raculf-minster.  and was at first governed by an Abbot, Brightwald the 8th. Archbishop of Canterbury, from being Abbot there (as Venerable Bede hath told us) was 
1 He was made Archbishop, An 696. Died, An. 731.  preferred to the Archbishopric. This Abbey or Minster, with its whole revenue, was afterward, anno 949. by King Eadred made and granted over to Christ-church, as 
2 Pag. 216.  in my Antiquities, and in the first part of the Monasticon, p. 86. where the Grant or Deed itself is at large recited, with the bounds and extent of the sight and circuit, reaching over the water into Thanet, and laying claim to four 
1 The plough-yard, I take for granted, is the same with ploughland, (for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saxon is terra,) and in many ancient Charters, especially belonging to Kent, is termed Sulinga, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aratrum. It may be designed in general, a quantity of ground that one plough could till yearly, but the compass, according to the nature of the ground, and custom of the place, seems to have been different.  plough-yards there. The Monastery nevertheless (it seems) continued, but with an alteration in the governor's title from that of Abbot to Dean, as will also appear by 
2 Pag. 424▪ where is an original Grant of Agelnoths (made Archbishop about the year 1020) giving to Alfwold and Aedred L. agros, belonging to Raculf-minster, by the consent Givehardi, Decani ejusdem Ecclesi●.  my Antiquities from a Charter not many years antedating the Norman Conquest; by what time (it seems) it's Monastic condition ceased, being changed into that of a Manor (as it still is) of the Archbishop's, in which state and notion we meet with it thus described in Doomsday-Book: Raculf est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. R. E. se defendebat pro. VIII. full. & est appretiatum XL. & II. Lib. & V. sol. tres minutes minus. I shall close concerning Reculver with that account given of the place by Leland, in Mr. Philpott's Villare Cantianum. 
3 The account is not set down in the original, but in Philpott, p. 278. I find this description of the place.  The old buildings of the Abbey Church continues, (says he) having two goodly spiring steeples. In the entering into the Choir is one of the fairest and most ancient Crosses that ever I saw, nine foot in height; it standeth like a fair column. The basis is a great stone, it is not wrought: the second stone being round, hath curiously wrought and painted the image of our Saviour Christ, Peter, Paul, John and James: Christ saith, Ego sum Alpha & Omega. Peter saith Tu es Christus filius Dei vivi. The sayings of the other three were painted majusculis literis Romanis, but now obliterated. The second stone is of the Passion. The third stone contains the twelve Apostles. The fourth hath the image of our Saviour hanging and fastened with four nails, & sub pedibus sustentaculum: the highest part of the Pillar hath the figure of a Cross. In the Church is a very ancient Book of the Evangelies, in majusculis literis Romans; and in the borders thereof is a Crystal stone thus inscribed, Claudia Alepiccus. In the North-side of the Church is the figure of a Bishop painted under an arch. In digging about the Church they find old buckles and rings. The whole print of the Monastery appears by the old wall; and the Vicarage was made of the ruins of the Monastery. There is a neglected Chapel out of the Churchyard, where some say was a Parish-Church before the Abbey was suppressed and given to the Archbishop of Canterbury.  
And yet to do the place right, 
Dignity of the Church and Rector of Reculver.  for antiquitie's sake, I cannot leave Reculver, until I have given some further account of the dignity of the Church there, the Parson or Rector whereof, when in being, and when petit Ecclesiastical jurisdictions under foreign Commissaries (as they called them) was in fashion, now 300. years ago and upwards; had the same jurisdiction within his own Parish and Chappelries annexed, as afterward and at this day the Commissary of Canterbury exerciseth there. I have seen Commissions to this purpose to the Rector there for the time being, both from the Archbishop sede plenâ, and from the Prior and Covent sede vacant. And it was indeed a common practice with it and such other exempt Churches, as (like it) were Mother-Churches in the Diocese in those days. When, why, and how this course and custom ceased, may be found 
1 Pag. 354. He there sets down an original paper, entitled Revocatio jurisdictionis Ecclesiarum exemptarum, da●ed An. 1317. The cause of this revocation, was to advance the dignity of the Commissaryship, then erected.  in my Antiquities. So much for the Rector.  
Now for his Church; it was and is a Mother-Church, upon which of old depended four Chapels of ease, Hoth, Hearn, and in Thanet, St. Nicholas and All-Saints. Upon the three last of which, for the Mother-Churche is greater honour and dignity, or in signum subjectionis, (as the instrument runs) an annual pension to the Vicar of Reculver, upon the founding of that, with those other Vicarages of Hearn and St. Nicholas, was imposed; the Vicar of of St. Nicholas and All-Saints being charged with 3l. 3s. 4d. per annum, and the other of Hearn with 40s. per annum. And as the Vicars of these dependant or annexed Chapels were under this charge and burden to him of the superior or Mother-Church, so the Parishioners and people of those Chappelries, however gratified and accommodated with Chapels of ease for lessening their trouble, by shortening their way to Church, whether for divine service in their life time, or interment after death; yet (as the law in that case requires, where no privilege or discharge from it is indulged at or by the first foundation or following prescription) where it seems left as liable and subject to the repair of the Mother-Church of Reculver, as the peculiar and proper inhabitants of the place, and themselves, before the Chapels erected by laws, were: a thing controverted between them of Hearn and Reculver, in Archbishop Stratford's days, who after ●cognizance taken of the cause and audience of all parties, passed a decree in the year 1 335. (which I have seen under seal, whereof I have a copy by me) in behalf of the Reculverians, condemning and adjudging those of Hearn to the repair of the Mother-Church. Much contest and dispute hereabouts have happened afterwards between the succeeding inhabitants, until by a decree (which as I remember I have seen) of Archbishop Warham, in Henry the eighth's days, the difference was, by and with the consent of all parties, thus finally composed: That the people of each Chapel (Hearn and St. Nicholas) should redeem the burden of repairs with the payment of a certain moderate annual stipend or pension in money, payable at a certain set day in the year, but with this Proviso, that if they kept not their day, but overslipt it, they were then laid open, and exposed to the law, and must fall under as full an obligation to the repairs of the Mother-Church, as if that decree had never been. At which pass (I take it) the matter now stands, and so is like to do, unless any default of payment chance to alter it.  
PASSING now from Reculver; 
Rutupium.  the next to this of all the Kentish Roman Forts, Stations, or Garrisons, was Rutupium; whereof 
1 Vide supra pag. 2. & qu● sequuntur.  before so largely and fully in my discourse of the Roman Port so called, that I scarce know what to add, except (in observance of 
2 Comment upon the Itinerary, pag. 41.  Mr. Burton's double direction, to inquire in such cases for a hilly situation, and for that note and badge of what had been a Roman fortress, Chester) to note first, that Richborough (where I have placed this Fort) hath an high an eminent situation, i. e. upon an hill, whereof the present name from good antiquity enjoyed, taketh notice, Richberge, Ratisburge and Richborough; the latter part whereof betokeneth an hill, whether natural, or cast up by hand, as probably this was; all the ground on each hand of the place for a good distance, being low, plain, and part of a great level, void of all advantage for a Specula or Watchtower, a place of prospect. Next, (or what is secondly observable) that it participated with Reculver in the composition of the name, as ending heretofore in Chester, being (as Venerable Bede acquaints us) vulgarly called, (and not corruptly, by his favour, if we apply it to the Fort, not to the Port) Reptacester. This is all I thought to have spoken of this Fort; but since I wrote this, meeting with a 
1 The description is not quoted in the original MS. but in Mr. Philpoit's Villare Cantianum, Pag. 53. it is set down as here you see it.  relation of Leland's concerning the face and state of the place in the 30th. year of Henry the eighth, I cannot but impart it; and the rather because I find some confirmation from it concerning the quondam existence of a Parish Church within the walls of it, as I have 
2 Vide supra, pag. 6.  hinted in my discourse of the Port. The site of the old Town or Castle (says Leland) is wonderful fair upon a hill, the walls which remain there yet be in compass about almost as much as the Tower of London; they have been very high, thick, strong, and well embattled; the matter of them is flint, marvellous and long bricks, both whole and red, of the British fashion: the cement was made of the sea and small pebble. There is great likelihood that the goodly hill about the Castle and especially toward Sandwich, hath been well inhabited, corn grows there in marvellous plenty; and in going to plough, there hath been time out of mind, and now is, found more Antiquities of Roman money, than in any place else of England.  
HAVING taken leave of Rutupium, 
Dubris.  Richborough; our next remove is to Dubris or Dover: where although we find a Castle, and such a Castle too as 
1 That it was looked upon as a place of very considerable importance, is plain from that passage in Knyghton, concerning Lewis the 8th. of France. It seems he came over to assist the Barons against K. john, and sending back an account of his progress, his Father demanded of the messengers, Ubi filius ejus esset in Anglia? Responderunt, (so the Historian goes on) Apud Stanfordiam. Et ille; Nunquid habet castrum Doverni●; At illi, Non. Et intulit Rex, Per brachium sancti jacobi non habet filius me●s unum terr● pedem in Anglia, As if all the d●vastations they had made in other parts signified nothing, unless they were possessed of that Castle.  of old was called, and both at home and abroad accounted the lock and key, the bar and sparr of all England; yet I cannot believe it (the present Castle I mean) either of julius Caesar's building, whose time of stay in Britain was too short for so vast an undertaking, or to be that wherein about the time of Theodosius the younger, the Praepositus militum Tungricanorum, that band or company of the Tungricans, in the Western Empire's Book of Notices, is said to lie in garrison. And yet I doubt not but such a company lay there engarrisoned, and that the place was then fortified, and had within it a specula or watchtower also, from whence to 
1 All the Roman towers in those parts were built for the espial of enemies, ad prospectum maris, says Gildas; lest they should be surprised by foreign invaders.  espy out and descry Invaders. And where else to seek or place it than within the confines of that large and spacious round of the present Castlewall, I know not. Wherefore being upon the place, and casting a diligent eye about me, whilst I give the go by to that Castle within the Castle, that noble and goodly pile there called the Kings-keep, with the wall or fore-fence surrounding it; I rather choose to think, that which at present is, and for many ages past hath been the Church or Chapel to the Castle, either to have risen out of the ruins of that Roman fortress, or that at least the square tower in the middle thereof, between the Body and the Chancel, fitted with holes on all parts for speculation, to have been the very Roman specula or watchtower: at the same time with Twine, conceiving that which at this day they call the Devil's drop, a mouldering ruinous heap of masonry, on the opposite hill, on the other side of the Town, to be the remains of a Roman Pharos, a structure of theirs intended for the placing of night-lights to secure their passage (otherwise very perilous) who should put into Port by night.  
Why I choose to single out the Church or Chappel, 
The keep or Dungeon not the Roman Specula.  and balk the Keeper or Dungeon, my reasons are first, that whilst I can discover no jot of Roman or British tile or brick about the Keep or main Castle, I can discern a great abundance of it about that tower shooting up in the middle of that Church or Chapel; and that after the Romans were gone, the Christians of succeeding times, projecting and designing the accommodation of the garrison with a Church or Chappel, did make use of and take the advantage of that specula, and added to it those parts, whereof the rest of the Chapel now consists. Next (and that others may not wonder at my questioning the Roman antiquity of the Castle in general) they may take notice with me, that (as I have it from 
1 In a short historical account of the Foundation of Dover● monastery, set down in the Monasticon Anglicanum, Part 2. p. 2. we find this passage: L'an de grace mil cens cinquant● tiers, regna en Engle terre Henry le fitz Maud l' Emperice, c●sti fit le haut touren le chastel, & enclost le dongon de novelx meurs, i.e. In the year of our Lord one thousand a hundred and fifty three, reigned in England Henry the son of Maud the Empress; he built the high tower in the castle, and enclosed the Dungeon with a new wall.  very good authority) King Henry the 2d. it was, that about the year of Christ 1153. first erected that pile, the Kings-keep, or (as the French men term a strong Tower or Platform, as this is, on the middle of a Castle or Fort, wherein the besieged make their last efforts of defence when the rest is forced) Dungeon, and gave it that enclosure of a wall, bulwarks, and towers, wherewith we now find it fortified, and hence happily it is called the King's-keep.  
I HAVE no more to say of Dubris or Dover, 
Folkstone.  as to the garrison. Our next flight therefore is to Folkstone, a place to which, how eminently soever situate, none of the Roman forts or garrisons remembered in the Book of Notices is, or (for aught I know) ought to be referred. Yet what saith 
1 Oli● floruisse, Romanorum Numismata quotidie invent a persuadent— Ex illis turribus fuisse probabile est, quas Romani ad Saxones arcendos (Theodosio juniore regnante) per intervalla (ut inquit Gildas) ad meridianam Britanniae plagam in littore colloc●arunt.  Mr. Camden of it, It was a flourishing place in times past, as may appear by the pieces of Roman coin and British bricks daily there found. Probable it is (so he adds) that it was one of those Towns and holds, which, in the reign of Theodosius the younger, the Romans placed to keep off the Saxons, etc. And if so, Castle-hill a place in Folkflone, whereof notice taken by Mr. Lambard and others, might probably be the place of that Turret's situation.  
The name Folkstone (I confess) can pretend to no such Antiquity, being purely of a Saxon extraction and composure, signifying (as Mr. Lambard, 
1 He falsely imagines that it might be anciently written Flor●ane, which (says he) signifies a rock, coaffe, or flaw of stone, which beginneth here; for otherwise (so he goes on) the cliff from Dover till you come almost hither is of chalk.  among other conjectures at the etymology, has it) lapis populi in latin. The mention whereof calls to my remembrance that place's name in 
2 Cap. 46. Tertium bellum in campo juxta lapidem tituli, qui est super ripam Gallici maris, statutum.— And a little after, Ante mortem suam ad familiam suam animadvertit, ut illius sepulchrum in portu ponerent, à quo exirent [hosts] super maris ripam.  Ninius (so famous both for Vortimer's designed monument, 
Ninius' Lapis tituli not Stonar in Thanet.  and for the last of his notable encounters with the Saxons, and their defeat) lapis tituli, which by the common consent of our both Antiquaries and Historians, can no where else be found but at Stonar in Thanet: à lapide illo Stonar nomen retinet, in Thanato Insulâ non procul a Rhutupino portu, 
3 bishop Usher, Primordia Ecclesiae Britannicae, Cap. 12. p. 413.  saith one; an Author (I confess) of very high regard, and with none more than my self; but in this (I perceive) led as the rest, chiefly by the allusion and seeming agreement or resemblance of one place● name with the other, that of lapis tituli in the latin and Stonar in the English sounding not much unlike. But Ninius, the Author of that story, however he makes mention of lapis tituli as the place of Vortimer's last battle with the invading Saxons, and their overthrow there, yet he lays it not in Thanet, nor gives it other description than this, that it lies by or upon the shore of the French sea; in campo juxta lapidem tituli qui est super ripam Gallici maris, etc. those are his words. Probably had this fight been in Thanet, 
1 Nimnius, Cap 45. tells us there were three battles before this, in Thanet: Eos [Saxonas] usque ad Insulam qu● dicitur Thaneth, [Gourtemir] expulit, ●llosque illi● tribus vicibus conclusit, percuss●●, objedit, comm 〈◊〉, terruit.  as some of his former were, and Stonar in Thanet the place where the battle was fought, the Author, who mentions those former like encounters in Thanet, would not have gone to a new description of the place in this unwonted new expression, without mention made of Thanet at all.  
I confess likewise that Vortimer might give commandment for his burial, and monument to be erected for him at that place of the battle, upon such an account, (like to that of 
1 Quemadmodum Scipio Africanus, (says Camden in the description of this place) qui it a sibi sepul●hrum stat●● praecepit, ut  Scipio Africanus) as our stories deliver, namely, to repress hereby the furious outrages of the Saxons, and for their further terror; that in beholding this his trophy, their spirits might be daunted at the remembrance of their ●reat overthrow: this (I say) he might, and happily did command to be done at lapis tituli. But stay we here, for the text goes no further, no Stonar, no entrance into Thanet mentioned of Ninius; that's of a much later stamp, nothing but the conjectural comment of some 
2 〈◊〉 prospectaret, ratus vel hoc etiam Paenis terrori futur. ● In the margin of the original MS. Mr. Somner has added at this place, Like that put down by the transcribers, whereof Mr. Camden, pag. 803. I cannot certainly tell what edition of Camden he had, but he seems to refer to that passage about Portus Lemanis, which Camden says Ptolemy calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod cum 〈◊〉 Graecos sig 〈◊〉 sit (so he adds) Librarii ut viderentur defectum supplere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scripserunt.  afterScholiast.  
Besides, Stonar being a low and flat level apt to inundations, how unfit a place is it for erecting of an eminent and conspicuous monument, visible at a remote distance; a design that required the advantage of a lofty situation. Such indeed there are many upon this coast; but as in this respect Folkstone seated by high rising hills overlooking the sea, (and thence no doubt of the Romans chosen out (as we see) as a fitting place for a Watchtower to ken and keep off the invading Saxons) is a far more likely place than Stonar; so in another regard some resemblance, I mean between the names of Lapis tituli and Lapis populi (as Folkstone you see is turned by Mr. Lambard) and as withal in respect of its 
1 A very good argument, if we reflect upon what Gildas says about the situation of these Castles; In littore quoque Oceani ad meridiem, etc.  situation by the shore of the Gallic Ocean, I should pitch upon Folkstone before any place I know upon this our Kentish sea-coast, for the very place of Ninius his Lapis tituli; but that I am loath to be 
2 This opinion is confirmed by the learned Bishop Stilling fleet, in his Origines Britannica, p. 322.  the first, who but by supposition only, much less suspicion, should charge upon the Historian such a mistake as that of Lapis tituli for Lapis populi.  
However, 
Why Stonar cannot be the Lapis tituli.  to refute and refel that argument drawn from the name of Stonar, as derivative from a stone, I am to acquaint you, that in the first and most ancient Deeds that I have met with concerning Stonar, it is written thus, Estanore, and sometimes Estanores. So for instance in a Charter of the Conqueror's too St. Augustine's Abbey, whereto it belonged. Ego Willemus Rex Anglor. etc. Sciatis quod ego volo & praecipio, ut sanctus Augustinus & Abbas Wido firmiter & honorificè teneat omnes rectitudines suas & consuetudines ad Estanores tam in aquâ quam in terrâ, etc. So again in a following Charter of his son and immediate successor, William Rufus; wherein it twice occurs by the name of Estanores, and the like; and not otherwise in many subsequent Charters, as of Henry the first, King Stephen, and King john, which I have ready by me (if occasion be) to produce.  
Stonar then is but a contraction of Estanore, 
Derivation of Stonar.  and that in sense and signification, what but the Eastern border, shore, or coast? (whence that double shore famous, the one for Cymene, the other for Cerdice's. landing there, are in our elder Historians, Ethelwerd and Florence of Worcester, written Cerdices Oran and Cymenes Oran.) Which derivation of Estanore is so proper, natural, and suitable to the situation, as none that either know or shall inquire after the place, can make the least question of.  
If any man now (desirous to abound in his own sense) acknowledging the ground of this derivation to be sound and good, but not reconciled to the latitude of it, shall incline rather to think, that the place came first to be called Estanore, for distinction's sake from another in this Country, hard by Feversham Town, upon the sea-coast, simply called o'er, the conjecture is so plausible and reasonable, and withal so consistent with the former derivation, that I shall not contend; contented rather to concur in the same opinion with him, as to conceive, that that indeed might partly be the cause of the first imposition of the name; especially since this Ore also belonged to St. Austin's. But of this enough.  
ADVANCE we now to Limb or L●mhill, 
Lim.  where, although we find nothing at this day of a Port or Haven, (which, 
1 Pag. 39, 40, etc. where he proves the mouth of the river Limene, and the ancient Port Lemanis, to have been at New-Romney.  as I have showed, lay elsewhere) yet want we not sufficient vestigia and remains of a Roman Fort or Garrison.  

2 Castrum, quoth in dejectu collis, decem quasi jugera inclusit, moeniúmque reliquiae supersunt Britannicis lateribus, silicibus, calceque cum arena & gr●mis intrita, sic compact, ut nec dum vetustati cesserint. Com'd. Britan.  Witness Stutfall-castle, 
Stutfall-castle.  that large circuit and plat of about ten acres of ground on the side, brow, or descent of the hill, of old enclosed and fortified on all parts with a wall of the Roman mode and make, full of British bricks, lying by lanes at set and certain distances, but by the edacity of time at this day here and there quite wasted and gone, elsewhere full of gaps and breaches; not so much (it may be) to be imputed to time and age, as to a seizure of its materials in after times (when become useless as to the primitive institution and design) for building what, with 
3 There are moreover Britain bricks in the walls of the Church and the Arch-deacon's house. Lambard Perambul●t. p. 194.  Mr. Lambard I take it, arose out of the ruins of that Fort, Lim-Church, and that vast and sturdy structure by it, the Arch-deacon's castellated mansion. 
1 Stationem hic sub Comite litoris Saxonici Praepositus numeri T●rnacensium habuit. Camd.  Here (within I mean that Roman fortress) the band or company of Turnacenses (so called of Tornacum now Turnoy in France) kept their station under the Count or Lieutenant of the Saxon shore, and by the advantage of that ascent on which it stood, very commodious it was 
2 The same argument that he elsewhere uses, built upon Gildas' expression about the design of those towers; in prospectum maris.  in point of prospect.  
But from a Castle, a Garrison, a receptacle, and harbour for men, placed there for the safeguard and defence of the place and the country about it, it at length became a receptacle, a fold for cattle, a horse-fold, a place enclosed and set apart for keeping of steeds or stallions, horses and mares for breed, and from thence was and to this day is called (instead of Stodfold as heretofore) Stutfall-Castle, 
Derivation of Stutfall.  a compounded name from the Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉- ho●●, in barbarous latin, Stotarius a steed or stallion, (as a mare for breed was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉- myna) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, septum, a fold, close, or enclosure; as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a park, or enclosure for Deer. The name of Stodmersh in this County hath thence (no doubt) in part it's origine, being in the signification of it, a marsh set apart and noted for that use.  
Having 
1 Pag. 39  formerly given you the derivation of Limb (the place of this quondam Roman Garrison) as to the name of it; 
Lyam otherwise called Shipwey.  I shall stay you here no longer, than while I observe that the place is likewise called Shipwey, as the whole Lath (formerly and of old called Limware let) is also now altered in the name of it, and called the Lath of Shipwey; a name, I find, of good antiquity and continuance; witness the mention made of it in Bracton, Lib. iii c. 2. and also in Fleta Lib. two. c. 55. but with a mistake of Shepey there for Shipwey. The name 
2 Talbot and Lambard are both of the same opinion.  seems to be of a mere English original, 
Derivation of Shipwey.  betokening 
3 ●rom the Saxon scip navis, and p●● via.  the way of the ships, the rather perhaps fastened on this place, as by the great advantage of the lofty situation, remarkable for prospect and discovery of naval vessels (whether inward bound or out) in their passage through the Channel. However for the almost equal distance sake, I take it, which the place bears to the farthest of the Cinque-Ports on either hand, (as lying much about midway between both) it was pitched upon of old, as for the place of holding pleas relating to the Ports, 
1 Guardianus Portuum hic solemne iniit jusjurandum, ubi prim●m Magistratum iniit, & hic de causis inter Portuum incolas, statis diebus cognoscit. Camd.  so for the Limenarcha, the Lord Warden's taking of his oath at the entrance into his Office.  
WE are at length arrived at the last of the Kentish Forts or Garrisons, 
Anderida, where situated.  Anderida or Anderidos, where they placed the band of the Abulae with their Captain; which I should not unreasonably, methinks, have sought for, as all the rest, (being designed for espial of sea-rovers at or by the sea-coast) so many miles within the land, and at that great distance from the sea, as where by the direction of our 
2 Mr. Lambard; with Camden and Selden, the famous and learned lights and guides, as Mr. Somner afterwards terms them.  best Antiquaries, we are sent to seek it, namely at or about Newenden, upon the banks of the river Rother. Indeed, if we consider Gildas' words, In littore quoque Ocea●i ad meridiem, etc. where in reason are we to expect the Garrison in question, 
Anderida probably either at Pemsey, or Hastings.  but by the seaside to the southward? Among the British Cities reckoned up by their Historians (whereof from thence a catalogue in the Britan. Eccles. Primordia Cap. 5.) Cair P●rsauel●ott is one; by which the 
1 Archbishop Usher, after he has in that place expressed his dislike of Camden 's opinion, who places it at Ivelc●ester, adds; Mi●i tamen Ninii ●ensauelcoit, Guilielmi Pictaviensis, Orderici Vitalis, & Guilielmi Gemeticensis Penvessellum potius fuisse videatur▪ q●ae Pemseia hodiè dicta, primo Guilielmi Normauni in Angliam appulsu celebris est. Cui & B●itannici vocabuli coit adjectio non malè convenit: quum sylvestribus sepibus de●sa fuerit, in qud hac sita est, Sussexiensis regio.  Learned Author there, understands Pemsey in Sussex, of old written Penvessell and Pevensell, to which (saith he) the addition of the British word Coit, i. e. wood, doth not ill suit, because (as he adds) the County of Sussex, in which it lies, is a woody Country. True it is that immanis sylva, that immense and vast wood Andred, was not confined to Kent, but extended itself from the south-part thereof quite through Sussex into Hampshire. Add to this what we have from 
2 These are not Mr. Camden's words, but Mr. Holland's, who translating Cambden into English, did (as that curious Antiquary Mr. Wood hath observed) scatter several of his own additions in many places. And this I the rather believe, because I find Mr. Somner's Quotations word for word in Holland's English, whereas it is not to be found in any latin Edition of Camden, especially that in 1607. which I take to be the last that was published in his life time.  Mr. Camden himself concerning Pemsey. It hath had (saith he) a fair large Castle, in the ruinous walls whereof remain great bricks, such as the Britain's used, which is some argument of the Antiquity thereof. So he. All this put together (a maritime wealdish situation, with the remains of a Castle partly built of British or Roman brick) can it seem unreasonable, that Pemsey should be thought the place of the garrison, we have in chafe Anderid●? But if any one do more fancy Hastings than Pemsey, since it hath the badge of a quondam Roman Fort or fortress in that addition of Chester given it by the Saxons, and can (as 
1 This, as that in p. 104. is not Camden's, but Holland's interpolation.  Mr. Camden affirms) show the ruins of a great Castle upon the hill, besides light-houses to direct sailors in the night time, and was thought fit to be made one of the five Ports, I shall not dispute the probability of their conjecture, and choice of Hastngs.  
But if rejecting both these, and all but Newenden, the Reader cannot think of any other place, the authority of such famous and learned lights and guides as Mr. Camden and Mr. Selden especially, (who have pitched upon Newenden for the place) is, I confess, so weighty, that I shall not be unwilling to excuse him from refusing me his company in my travails to that double place in Sussex, to seek out this Fort.  
No more than of the place. 
The several names of Anderida.  Somewhat now of the name Anderida, which still in good part survives in Andred, did at least for and through many Centuries of years after the Romans exit. The Britain's called it Chid Andred, the Saxons sometimes simply Andred, other while Andreds●erg, and Andredswald, which latter is now the only syllable left surviving in the place's present name, 
The Weald.  the Weald. In latin it is found of old sometimes called saltus Andred, otherwise sylva Andred: here saltus communis, there sylva regalis, and the like. 
1 Perambulat. p. 224.  Mr. Lambard discoursing of the place, tells of an opinion which some have maintained, that this Weald was a great while together in a manner nothing else but a desert and waste wilderness, not planted with Towns, or peopled with men, as the outsides of the shire were; but stored and stuffed with herds of deer, and droves of hogs only. And he seems to be of the same opinion himself. For (
1 ●erambulat. p. 224.  saith he) besides that a man shall read in the Histories of Canterbury and Rochester sundry donations, of which there is mention only of 
2 What Pannage was see hereafter among the Catalogue of Quitrents paid out of the Weald.  Pannage for hogs in Andred, and of no other thing: I think verily that it cannot be showed out of ancient Chronicles, that there is remaining in the Weald of Kent or Sussex any one monument of great Antiquity. Thus he. For my part, as I embrace the opinion, so I approve of the reasons, especially the former, the mention only in those ancient donations of 
2 What Pannage was see hereafter among the Catalogue of Quitrents paid out of the Weald.  Pannage for hogs in Andred. For numbers of such are found in the evidences and Chartularies both at Christ-church and elsewhere.  
Doubtless, 
Donations of though Weald.  as in those days the whole Weald appertained to none but the King, acknowledging no private Lord or Proprietor, and thence was usually called Syla Regalis, so in Royal Lan●bocs or donations, (for I find it in no other of that age) wherein this or that praedium or possession, this or that farm, seat, or mansion out of the Weald was given by the King to any person or place, in the nature of what since is termed a Manor or Lordship; it was the usual custom (for the better completing of the feat) to accommodate it by an additional grant in the Deed with a Common of Pannage, a liberty for hogg-keeping or hogg-feeding in the Weald, yet not at large, but with a limitation usually, and with reference to such and such a part of it, one or more Den or Dens, 
In the Weald so many distinct Dens.  in their term, i. e. a woody valley, or place yielding both covert and feeding for cattle, especially swine. And fierce any ancient Grant is there in either the Church of Canterbury's St. Augustine's, or Rochester's Registers of any considerable portion of land from the King out of the Weald, without the addition and attendance of such a liberty; for example in those of Aldington, Charing, Liminge, Westgate, Reculver, Ickham, Chatham, Godmersham, Brook, Mersham, Westwell, Great and Little Chart, Hollingbourn, Eastry, Newington by Sittingbourn, Trottesclyve, Bromley, Darent. And Denbera for the most part, sometime Wealdbera, was the usual word and expression, by which such a liberty did pass and was conveyed. For an instance or two. In King Offa's Grant of Ickham to Christ-church, Anno. 971.— Et in saltu qui dicitur Andred pascua porcorum in his locis, Dunwalingden, Sandhyrst, etc. In another like Grant of his of Brasfield to St. Austin's— Et ad pascendum porcos & pecora & jumenta in syluâ Regali, etc. In the gift of Lenham to the same place by Kenewilf King of Mercia, and Cuthred King of Kent, Anno 804.— ● XIII Denbe●enbe on Anoneb, So the Saxon, which 
1 Thorn, inter X. scriptores, p. 1776.  the Chronicler of the place turns XIII. Dennas' glans portantes. In a grant of land about the river Limen to Minster-Abby in Thanet by Ethelbert the son of King Withered, with his father's consent.— Pascua porcorum in Limen-weraweald & in Wy-wera-weald, etc. These were parcels it seems, (like as Burg-weraweald elsewhere occurring also was) of the Weald, where the men of these three Laths, since called Shipwey, Scray, and St. Austin, were more peculiarly accommodated with the liberty of Pannage. In the Grant of Mersham to Christ-church by King Ethelred— haec sunt pascua porcorum quae nostrâ linguâ Saxonicâ Denbera nominamus, h. e. Elfrethingden, Herbedingden, Pafringden, Wirheringden, Bleccingden, etc. In the Grant of Bromley by King Ethelred to the Church of Rochester,— & utilitatem sylvarum ad ●andem terram pertinentem in Andred, etc. In that of Trottesclyve to the same Church by King Offa— Ad hanc quoque terram pertinent in diversis locis porcorum pastus, i. e. Wealdbera, ubi dicitur Hobenspyc, etc. In another of his of Deorwent, now called Darent, to the same Church— adjectis Denberis in communi saltu, etc. In an old custom of Newington-Mannor by Sittingbourn,— septem Dennas in sylva quae vocatur Wald.  
From hence (I take it) there results much support to that opinion of the Weald's quondam desart-like unpeopled condition, 
The Weald formerly unpeopled  quoted by Mr. Lambard: and hence I likewise gather that in those days it was not parceled, carved, or cantoned out into Mannois; nor indeed was it so, as I believe, a long time after; Doomsday-book, I take it, giving no account of any one entire independent Manor there. Yet can I not agree with 
1 Mr. Lambard grounds his opinion very rationally upon this foundation, that among the accounts of the Reditus de Walda, he had never seen any sort of services expressed, for which they paid their rents; whereas in the accounts of all the Tenants without the Weald, there is express mention made for what special, cause the same rent grew payable. From whence he infers that those payments (differing from others both in quantity and quality) could not be quitrents for any service, as the rest were.  Mr. Lambard in his opinion, 
Quitrents paid out of the Weald.  that the Weald of old yielded no quitrents, customs, or services, as other places; in regard I find the contrary very often. And no marvel; for albeit there were of old no Manors in the Weald, yet the lands lying there (when once cultivated and manured) being appendent to and depending on Manors elsewhere, the Tenants in respect of and proportion to their holdings and tenancies▪ might be and were liable to the Lord of the Manor, whereof they held for services and customs, as other Tenants elsewhere. For besides fealty, suit of Court, reliefs, etc. these (among other local customs and services heretofore obtaining there) do frequently occur.  

1 Of Gavelswine see more in Somner's Gavelkind, p. 23.  Gavelswine▪ which was a custom so called when paid in kind, but if redeemed with money, then called swine-mony, swine-peny, and was for the Lord's leave and sufferance of his Tenant to keep and feed swine of his own, or to take in other men's to feed within his land.  

2 It was otherwise called Bere-gaefel and Drin●-elan. See Somner's Gavelkind, p. 29.  Scot-ale; which was a shot or contribution from the Tenants for a provision of Ale to entertain the Lord, or his Bailiff or Beadle, holding a Parock or meeting on the place, to take an account of his Pannage, (what it yielded) at the proper season for it. In the extent of the Manor of Terring in Sussex, Anno 5. Edw. the first, under the title of Lewes: Memor, quod praedicti tenentes debent de consuetudine inter ●os, facere Scotalium de 16d. ob. ita quod de singulis 6d. detur 1d. ●b. ad potandum cum Bedello Dni. Archiepiscopi; super praedictum feodum.  
Pannage; Pessona, (as they latined it) and it was the emolument arising from the Pannage of hogs, there feeding and fatting with the mast of the place, whereof tithe was in those days usually paid; many old accounts, as of Aldington, Chari●●, and other Manors taking notice of so much money received by the Accountant for Pannage in Waldis, deductâ decimâ Particularly, one, at Charing sans date, thus expresseth it: Et de LXXI●. 1d. de pannagio de la Rye Hirst, & 7. Dennarum vendito, deductâ decimâ. Et pr●terea Rector habet XI porcos in pessonâ 7 dennarum, quietas de pannagio.  
Gate-peny; it was a tribute for the liberty of one or more Gates for the Tenant's ingress and egress to and from his own, by the Lord's land.  
Sumer-●us-silver: whereof in the old Custumal of Newington by Sittingbourn,— homines quoque de Walda debent unam domum ●estival●m quod Anglice dicitur Sumerhus, aut XX solidos dare. If seems it was the custom of such as were Lords or Proprietors of these dens or parcels of the Weald, to repair thither in Summertime to take care and dispose of their Pannage, (in such years at least as it had taken) and for their reception and accommodation some kind of house or habitation was to be provided for them by their Tenants, or a recompense made them in money for it.  
Corredy: it was (like that of our Dean and Chapter's entertainment at this day) a provision of diet for the Lord's coming upon that occasion; whereof in the old Custumal of I●kham-Mannor thus, in reference to one or more of those dens.— Et in quolibet anno debet invenire Corredium & omnia necessaria Domino, cum venerit videre Pessonam, vel famulo ejus.  
Danger: An accompt-roll of Charing-Mannor, Anno 1230. thus●explains it.— Et de XXVIs. VIIId. de Waldis, ut possint arare & seminare tempore pessonis sin● dampno Archiepiscopi. By this and the like passages it appears, that the Wealdish Tenant might not plough or sow his land in Pannage-time without the Lord's leave (whence it was otherwise termed 
1 The custom is confirmed and explained by an old Custumal of Tenham- Manor (quoted by Mr. Somner, Gavelkynd pag. 27.) which calls it Lyef-yeld: Tenentes in Waldis non possunt arare ●erras suas ab equinoctio autumpnali usque festum beati Martini ●ine licenti●▪ Et ideo reddunt ann●●atim dimidiam marca● ad sestum S. Martini, sive fuerit Pessona, sive now & vocatur Lyef-yeld.  Lef-silver) for fear of endamaging the Lord in his Pannage; or if he did, he was liable to recompense.  
Add hereunto, that the Auditors of the Prior and Covent of Christ-church's Accounts of their Manors in the Articles by which of old their Accounts were taken, were charged with the two last and the third of these services under these heads: 
De Courediis in Waldis.  
De Dangeriis in Waldis.  
De Pannagio in Drovedennis in Waldis.   
The dens it seems, set out for the agistment and feeding of hogs and other droves of cattle, being thence called Drove-denns, as he that had the custody and driving of them to and fro (as there was occasion) the Hogheard, or Neatheard, Drof-mannus.  
The Weald then ('tis plain) like as other places yielded customs and services, 
The wood of the Weald made over to the Tenant.  (as at present) from good antiquity, whereof if these particulars be not evidence enough, I shall in a way of supplement offer what I suppose will put it out of all dispute. In Edw. the third and Richard the second's time the then Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Prior and Covent of Christ-church respectively, amongst (I suppose) other like Lords and Owners of the Wealdish dens, finding themselves aggrieved by their Tenants there, and others in the wasting and making havoc of their woods, which in and by former feoffments they had expressly reserved from their Tenants to themselves, (over and besides fealty, suit of Court, and certain other services and customs) to quit and rid themselves of further care and trouble in that matter of the wood, entered into composition with their Tenants, and for a new annual rent of Assize (generally equal to what money was paid before) made the wood over to them by indenture of feoffment in perpetuity, either to be cut down or left standing at the Tenant's choice; reserving still their old or wont rent, and all their former services, except (what upon parting with the wood was unreasonable to require) Pannage and Danger. Ever since which time (I conceive) the interest of the Lord so compounding hath been taken off, as to the wood itself, and nothing left remaining but so much rend of Assize, the new and the old, with the former services. Many of these compositions relating to the Archbishop and Monks aforesaid I have seen, and for satisfaction's sake of others, who would be willing to know more than vulgarly of the Weald, I shall for a close of all present them with a 
1 There is not a copy of these Compositions in Mr. Somner's Manuscript; and where the Originals are, I know not.  copy of one of each sort.   

A CATALOGUE Of the LORD-WARDENS Of the Cinque-Ports.  

1 GOdwinus. 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. Conf.  
2 Haroldus. 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. Conf.  
3 Bertram Ashburnham 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  K. Harold.  
4 Odo 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Will. 1.  
5 John de Fiennes Will. 1.  
6 James de Fiennes  
7 John de Fiennes  
8 Walkelinus de Magninot Steph.  
9 Richard Earl of Ewe 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Steph.  
10 Eustace, Earl of Bollougne 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Steph.  
11 Allen de Fiennes 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Henr. 2.  
12 James de Fiennes 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Henr. 2.  
13 Hugh de Essex 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Henr. 2.  
14 Matthew de Clere Rich. 1.  
15 William de Wrotham john  
16 Hubert de Burgo john  
17 Peter de Rivallis 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.   
18 Richard le Greie Henry 3.  
19 Bertram de Criol Henry 3.  
20 Hugh Bigot Henry 3.  
21 Henry de Braybrook Henry 3.  
22 Prince Edward, afterwards Edward the first. Henry 3.  
23 Henry de Montefort 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 1.  
24 Roger Leyborn Edw. 1.  
25 Stephen de Penchester Edw. 1.  
26 Sir Robert A●hton 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 1.  
27 Simon de Crey 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 1.  
28 Robert de Burghersh 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 1.  
29 Henry Cobham 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 2.  
30 Robert de Kendal 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 2.  
31 Bartholomew Badlesmer 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 2.  
32 Edmund de Woodstock Edw. 2.  
33 Hugh le Spencer Edw. 2.  
34 William Clinton 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 2.  
35 Reginald Cobham 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 3.  
36 Bartholomew Ld. Burghersh Edw. 3.  
37 Roger de Mortimer 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 3.  
38 John le Beauchamp Edw. 3.  
39 Robert Herle Edw. 3.  
40 Sir Ralph Spigornel Edw. 3.  
41 Richard de Penbrig 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 3.  
42 William Ld. Latimer 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 3.  
43 Edmund Plantagenet 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Edw. 3.  
44 Edm. Earl of Cambrige Edw. 3.  
45 Sir Robert Ashton 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Rich. 2.  
46 Simon Burleigh Rich. 2.  
47 Henry le Cobham 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Rich. 2.  
48 Sir John Denros, (alias Devereux, de Euros, & de Evers) Rich. 2.  
49 
1 Lambard has it Sir Thomas.  John de Beaumond Rich. 2.  
50 
2 Philpot and Lambard call him Edward.  Edmund Duke of Aumerle and York Rich. 2.  
51 Sir Tho. Erpingham Henry 4.  
52 Henry, afterwards Henry 5. Henry 4.  
53 John Beaufort 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Henry 4.  
54 Tho. Earl of Arundel Henry 5.  
55 Hump. Duke of Gloucester Henry 6.  
56 Sir James Fiennes Ld. Say Henry 6.  
57 Edm. Duke of Somerset 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Henry 6.  
58 Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham Henry 6.  
59 Simon Montfort 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.   
60 Richard Nevil Edw. 4.  
61 Will. Earl of Arundel Edw. 4.  
62 Richard Duke of Gloucester, afterwards Rich. the third Edw. 5.  
63 Henry D. of Buckingham 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Rich. 3.  
64 Will. Earl of Arundel 
* Mentioned by Thynn, but omitted by Lambard and Philpot.  Henry 7.  
65 Sir William Scot 
† Omitted by Thynn, and supplied out of Lambard and Philpot.  Henry 7.  
66 Sir James Fiennes Lord Say Henr. 7.  
67 Henry, afterwards Henry 8. Henr. 7.  
68 Arthur Plantagenet Henry 8.  
69 Sir Edward Poynings Henry 8.  
70 Henry Earl of Richmond Henry 8.  
71 Sir Edward Guildford Henry 8.  
72 George Boleyn, Viscount Rochfort Henry 8.  
73 Sir Thomas Cheyney Edw. 6.  
74 Sir William Brook Eliz.  
75 Henry Brook, Lord Cobham Eliz.  
76 Henry Howard, Earl of Northhampton james 1.  
77 Edw. Zouch, Lord Haringworth james 1.  
78 George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham james 1.  
79 Theophilus Howard, Earl of Suffolk Car. 1.  
80 James Duke of Lenox and Richmond Car. 1.  
81 James D. of York, afterwards King James the second Car. 2.  
82 Henry Ld Sidney, Viscount Shepey, the present Lord-Warden. Will. 3.    

THE INDEX Of things Remarkable.  

A  
ABulae, where placed. Page 103  
Allowesbridge falsely so called for Alolvesbridge. 52  
All●Saints in Thanet, a Chapel of ease under Reculver. p. 85. upon what account exempted from the repairs of the Mother-Church. 86  
Alolvesbridge from whence derived. 52  
Anderida not at Newenden p. 103. It's several names. 106  
Andred, of what extent. 104  
Appledore, how far distant from the mouth of Limene, p. 52. first mention of it, p. 64. it's several names. Ibid. derivation 65. never a haven. 67   

B  
Bartholomew's Hospital at Sandwich by whom founded. 19  
Becket (Archbishop) why in his escape took shipping at Romney. 54  
Bishop's-wike, the situation of it. 54  
from whence derived. 54  
Bolen the Portus Iccius of the ancients, 8  
distance between that and Rutupi●in. Ibid.  
B rightwald made Archbishop. 81   

C  
Calais begun to be a Port. 34  
Canterbury and not Dover, the old Dorobernia. 31  
Cerdices-ora, why so called. 99  
A Channel formerly between Romney and Oxney. 54  
Chester, what it signifies in names of places. 78  
chester's, what. 79  
Corredy, what. 114  
Cymenes-ora, why so called. 99   

D  
Danger, what. 114  
Dens in the Weald, what. 108  
the form of Grants made of them. Ibid.  
Dorobernia falsely put to signify Dover. 31  
Dowerdwy in Wales, what it signifies. 30  
Drove-dens, what. 115  
Drof-mannus, what. Ibid.  
Dungeon, what it signifies among the French. 92  
Dubris, Dover. 

it's derivation. 30  
how called by the Saxons. 31  
falsely called Dorobernia. Ibid.  
when came to be a Port. 33  
Pictaviensis' description of it. 30  
the Castle there of what great importance. 90  
not built by julius Caesar. Ibid.  
whereabouts the place of the Garrison was. Ibid.    
Dyffrin-cluyd in Denbigshire, why so called. 30   

E  
Emmas (Queen) Life written by an unknown Author. 16  
Expeditio what. 79   

F  
Folkstone, probably nove of the Roman Garrisons. 93  
from whence derived. 94  
the likest place for Ninius' Lapis tituli. 97  
Forstallatio, what. 47  
Fosterland, what. 19  
Forts, the number of the Roman ones in Kent. 76  
with what design built. 77   

G  
Gate-peny, what. 113  
Gavelswine, what. 112  
Gebind aeles, what. 73  
Gilford, from whence derived. 69  
Goodwyn-sands. What commonly thought to have been. 21  
The common opinion of an Island, and Earl Goodwyn's possession confuted. Ibid.  
derivation of the name. 23  
the name not British. 24  
cause of Goodwyn-sands. Ibid.  
Grants formerly much shorter than at present. 71   

H  
Hamtun-port, signified formerly Northampton. 2  
Hastings possibly the Roman Anderida. 105  
Hearn, a Chapel of ease under Reculver. 85  
Hoth, a Chapel of ease under Reculver. 85  
Hustingi Pondus, what. 74  
Hythe, not the Lemanis of the Romans. 37  
what seems to make that a probable conjecture. 37   

I  
Iccius, V. Portus Iccius.  
Inundations, 26, 45, 57, 58, 59, 68  
Itinerary, it's Author uncertain. 1  
distances in it not regular. 38  
Julius Caesar's attempt for landing. 34   

K  
King's keep at Dover, not the old Roman garrison. 91   

L  
Limenarcha, where he took his Oath. 103  
Lamport, the same with the Roman Lemanis. 47  
two Lang ports formerly. 48  
Lamport belonged to the Archbishop. 53  
Lapis appositus in ultimo terrae, what called at this day. 51  
A Lath, what. 19  
Laths in Kent altered. 65  
Lemanis; it's several names. 37  
situation. Ibid.  
derivation. 39  
the same with Doomsday-book's Lamport. 47  
falsely called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 38  
Leta, from whence derived. 20  
Limene-river. 40, 41  
otherwise called Rother. Ibid.  
and Romney. 43  
emptied itself at Romney. 44  
when turned another way. 48, & 56  
had a wide mouth. 50  
Lim-hill not the Lemanis of the Romans. 37  
a Roman garrison. 100  
Limware, who the people formerly so called. 62  
Limwareleth and Limware-b●st, what called now. 62, 65, 102  
Lomea, Goodwyn-sands so called by Twine. 21, 23  
London-city never called Lundenwic. 10  
so called in the Saxon Chronicle. 9  
it's derivation. 13  
Londoners privilege in Stonar or Estanore. 14  
Lundenwic another name for Sandwich. 9  
lid formerly bordered on the sea. 50   

M  
S. Martin's Oratory formerly a Parish-church in Romney. 53  
Merseware in Kent, who. 61  
called likewise Limware. 62   

N  
Newenden not the place of Anderida. 103  
New-Romney V. Romney. why so called 38  
S. Nicholas in Thanet, a Chapel of ease under Reculver. 85  
upon what account exempted from the repairs of the Mother-Church. 86  
Northampton called anciently Hamtun-port. 2   

O  
Old Romney V. Romney.  
Oxney falsely called Oxenel. 62   

P  
Pannage, what. 112  
Pevensey falsely called Pevensel. 62  
probably the place of the Roman Anderida. 104  
formerly called Caer Pensavelcoit. Ibid.  
Peutingerian tables. 2  
Places how named in the Saxon times. 66  
Plough-yards, what. 82  
Polder, what. 65  
Port in Saxon what it signifies. 2  
Ports (Roman) three in Kent. 2  
Porthund in Shropshire, it's derivation. 2  
Portus Iccius at Bolen. 8  
distance between that and Rutupium. Ibid.  
A treatise concerning it in Manuscript, written by Somner. 8  
Portreve, what. 10  
Promhill drowned. 45   

R  
Reewall, why so called. 52  
Reculver by what names called. 79  
whence derived. 80  
when made a Monastery. 81  
when granted to Christ-Church. Ibid.  
Leland's description of it. 82  
Dignity of the Church and Rector. 84  
Regulbium, called at this day Reculver. 77  
whereabouts the Fort was placed. 80  
falsely called by Twine Reculsum. 77  
from what derived. 80  
Richborough not Rutupium the Port. 4  
the seat of a Roman Garrison. Ibid.  
never a City. 5, 87.  
for what reason some believed there had been a City. 5  
it once had a Chapel. 6  
from whence derived. 17  
it's more ancient names. 87  
Leland's description of it. 89  
Robertsbridge falsely so called. 40  
Romans, when went out of Britain. 18  
Romney (new) the Lemanis of the Romans. 38  
how stopped up. 39  
when deprived of the River. 48, 56  
falsely called Rumenal. 62  
first mention of the name. Ibid. derivation. Ibid.  
Romney-river. 43  
where emptied itself. 44  
Rother otherwise called Limene. 40  
formerly ran to New-Romney. 44  
when changed its course. 45  
by some called Appledore-water. 48  
what way it ran afterwards. 69  
Rotherfield in Sussex falsely so called. 40  
Rutupium, it's various names. 2  
the same with Sandwich. 4  
why, and when called Lundenwic. 9, 18  
when begun to be called Sandwich. 15, 19  
from whence derived. 16  
when the Port decayed. 33  
Rye, why so called. 50, 69   

S  
Sandwich the Rutupium of the ancients. 4  
afterwards called Lundenwic. 9  
why so called. 13  
when this name of Sandwich began. 15  
the most famous of all the Ports. 16, 18  
from whence derived. 17  
account of it in Doomsday-book. 19  
Scot-ale, what. 112  
Scrudland, what. 19  
Shipway from whence derived. 102  
Shipway-lath, formerly called Limewarebest and Limwareleth. 62, 65, 102  
Stick anguillarum what. 73  
Stillingfleet's confirmation of Summoner's opinion about Stonar. 97  
Stodmersh, from whence derived. 102  
Stone-end in Kent, what called formerly. 57  
Stonar in Thanet not Ninius' Lapis tituli. 94  
place where Vortimer probably gave orders for his burial. 96  
from whence derived. 98  
Stutfal-castle, a garrison in the Roman times. 100  
Sulinge what, 50, 82  
from whence derived. 101  
Summa, what. 54  
Sumerhus-silver, what.   

T  
T. E R. what they signify in Doomsday-book. 20  
Thong-castle, why so called. 71  
Trentals, what. 7  
Turnacensian band, where they kept their station. 101   

W  
Watchtowers (Roman) five in Kent. 5, 76.  
with what design built. 77  
Weald in Kent, what called formerly. 106  
not inhabited formerly. 107  
belonged immediately to the King. Ibid.  
not cut out into distinct Manors. 110  
paid Quitrents. 111  
when and how the wood of it was made over to the Tenant.  
West-hythe, not the Lemanis of the Romans. 37  
Winchelsey, why so called. 69  
falsely called by Twine Windchelseum. 69  
Wingham, once a College of secular Monks. 6  
by whom made so. Ibid.  
Witsand, when first a Port. 33  
when disused. 34  
how called in the Saxon. 8  
first mention of it. 33   

Z  
Zealand, part of it drowned. 26    

The Index of Authors quoted or amended.  

AEThelstani Leges. p. 10.  
Alfredus Beverlacensis. p. 4.  
Ammianus Marcellinus. p. 2, 9, 43.  
annal Saxonici, edit. Oxon. citat. p. 2, 8, 9, 11, 25, 31, 33, 41, 45, 46, 51, 64, 81.  
Antonini Itinerarium. p. 1, 2, 3, 8, 37.  
Emendat. p. 38.   

B  
Beda p. 2, 5, 18, 76, 81.  
Emendat. p. 88  
Bracton p. 102.  
Brompton p. 47.  
Burton p. 1, 37, 38, 78, 80, 87.  
Emendat. p. 3, 5, 17.   

C  
Caesaris Comment. p. 34.  
Camdenus p. 4, 16, 18, 35, 38, 44, 58, 78, 79, 93, 96, 100, 101.  
Emendat. p. 8, 5, 37.  
Cantuariensis Ecclesiae Chartae Originales passin. p.  
Casaubonus (Meric) p. 8.  
Cluverii Italia p. 1.  
Charter of Romney-marsh. p. 69.   

D  
Doomsday-book p. 19, 22, 37, 47, 62, 63, 65, 82.  
Dugdale's History of Imbanking. p. 70.  
Monasticon Anglicanum p. 81, 92.   

E  
Edwardi filii Alfredi, Leges. p. 10.  
S. Emmae vita p. 16.  
Ethelwerdus p. 64, 99  
Emendat. p. 61.   

F  
Fleta emendat. p. 102.  
Florentius Wigorniensis p. 2, 64, 66, 99   

G  
Gildas p. 5, 76, 90, 97, 101.  
Giraldus Cambrensis, p. 30.  
Guicciardini Comment. de rebus memorabilibus p. 82.   

H  
Harpsfield p. 8.  
Heylin's Cosmography p. 26.  
Hickesii Grammatica Saxonica p. 49.  
Holinshead p. 31.  
Hovedenus p. 31. 63.  
Huntingdon p. 45, 31.   

I  
Ingulphus p. 22, 35.   

K  
Kilburn's History of Kent. p▪ 19, 65.  
Kiliani Lexicon p. 65.  
Knighton p. 32, 89.   

L  
Laeti descriptio Belgii p. 27.  
Lambard's Perambulation p. 3, 16, 21, 23, 30, 40, 45, 54, 59, 65, 80, 93, 94, 100, 103, 106.  
Emendat. p. 3, 5, 21, 37, 48, 66, 94, 111.  
Leland p. 3, 40, 82, 88  
Emendat. p. 3. 5. 37.   

M  
Malmsburiensis (Willelm.) p. 31.  
Marianus Scotus p. 31.  
Marliani Topographia p. 63.  
Matth. Paris p. 57  
Matth. Westmonast. p. 3, 4, 7, 57  
Milton emendat. p. 31.   

N  
Notitia Imperii p. 1, 2, 37, 76, 77.  
Nennius p. 94, 95, 96.   

O  
Ordinalia Marisci p. 69.  
Ordericus Vitalis p. 46.  
Orosius p. 2.   

P  
Pancirollus V. Notitia Imperii p.  
Paris' V. Matth. Paris.  
Peutingerianae Tab. p. 2. 37.  
Philpot's Villare Cantianum p. 82. 88  
Pictaviensis p. 32, 35, 46.  
Emendat. p. 32, 46.   

S  
Seldeni janus Anglorum p. 71.  
Schotti Itinerarium p. 1.  
Simeon Dunelmensis p. 30.  
Somneri Glossarium p. 13, 49, 74.  
Dictionarium Saxonicum p. 14.  
Antiquities of Canterbury p. 41.  
Gavel-kind p. 96. 112.  
Speed p. 31.  
Spelmanni Glossarium p. 7, 11, 20, 54, 55, 73.  
Concilia p. 64.   

T  
Talbot p. 102.  
Tacitus p. 2.  
Textus Roffensis p. 10.  
Thorn p. 14, 15, 109.  
Twine p. 3, 21, 23, 91.  
Emendat. 3, 21, 62, 60, 77.   

V  
Vossius de Historicis Graecis & Latinis p 1.  
Usserii Primordia p. 104.  
Emendat. p. 94.   

W  
Willibaldus p. 12. 13.   
FINIS.