Observations ON FEVERS AND FEBRIFUGES. Written in French by Monsieur SPON, one of the most eminent Physicians of Lions; upon occasion of reading a Book entitled, The discovery of the admirable English Remedy. Now made English, by J. Berrie. LONDON: Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the black Raven in the Strand against Bedfordhouse. 1682. A LETTER To the ABBOT of SYLVECANE, Containing Some Observations upon Fevours and Febrifuges. SIR, I Did not at all wonder at your earnestness (the other day) in reading the first Pages of a little Book, entitled, A Discovery of the admirable English Remedy, etc. upon which ●ou desired I should communicate my Sentiments to you; as also concerntng Febrifuges, about which there is now so much discourse. And this I thought I might better do by Letter, than by a verbal Discourse. This Book of Monsieur de Blegny's (to which we are indebted for the new Discoveries in Physic) was no sooner brought hither, but I had the curiosity to run it over, to see whether the Remedy and the Method of administering it were the same I had practised with good success in Tertians, double Tertians, Quartans, and also in continual and Malignant Fevers, for five or six months' last passed. In the last of which Fevers, it is not so infallible as in the Intermittents, which it cures in few days. I read, or rather devoured, the Book in a short time, in hopes to find what I sought after: but I found nothing of it but only the manner of his Discovery, with an engagement to dispense it to such as shall have occasion. I was at first a little offended at his manner of proceeding, and I doubt not but other Readers of that Book have been so too. But after some Reflections made upon it, I found that the Author had done as became a wise and prudent man. For the making this Remedy common, were in effect to render it contemptible, and to expose it to the abuses of Apothecaries, to whose interest the longest Fevers are most agreeable; or to the calumny of those old Physicians who have long since taken the Oaths of Allegiance to Hypocrates and Galen; these Gentlemen are unwilling to use any Medicines but those left them by their Ancestors, lest their present Practice should prove a convincing Argument of their past Ignorance. Nay, every little Barber would pretend to know as much of it as the most learned of Physicians, who have for several years made it their study: and would have abused a Remedy which ought no more to be trusted in the hands of the unskilful, than Fire-Arms in the hands of a Child. Methinks it were not just that the pains and study of a Curious and Ingenious man should be exposed as a prey to every ignorant fellow: And that the Honey of an industrious Bee should be a prize for a lazy and idle Drone. The desire and emulation of discovering what is by others kept as a secret, is an admirable way to find out many other secrets, though perhaps we find not that we search for. Many Physicians (I suppose) in France have, as well as myself, applied themselves to the study of Experiments about Febrifuges, ever since they have been so much spoken of. Indeed there are Medicines which seem too loathsome to be taken, their Composition being known, but go down without difficulty when they are kept as Secrets. The saying of St. Augustine may possibly be objected to me, That being Christians, we ought not to conceal that, which made known, would conduce to the utility and good of Mankind. To which may be added what Dr. Sidenham, a learned English Physician, saith, That whoever hath any Specific Remedy, or any certain Method of curing intermitting Fevers, merits not the name of a good Citizen, or of a prudent man, if he communicate not a thing so necessary for the good of Mankind: For it is not the part of a good Citizen to turn to his own particular profit that which may bring so great an advantage to Humane Society; nor of a prudent man, to deprive himself of the Divine Benediction, which we may expect, when we apply ourselves to procure the public good, and when we prefer Virtue and Wisdom before Riches and vain Reputation. To this may be answered, That if one were assured of the benefit the Public would receive by communicating the Composition of this Remedy, an honest man could not conceal it without a crime. But on the contrary, if it be more advantageous not to divulge it, then 'tis the part of a good Citizen and a prudent man to keep the mystery of it secret, procuring means whereby all such as desire to have it prepared may be furnished with it. I have already given my reasons in a few words; and Dr. Sidenham himself may serve for an instance, that the publishing of a Remedy does not gain it a general acceptation. He printed (about four or five years since) his Observations upon Acute Diseases, wherein there are excellent methods for the cure of many Diseases; and of Fevers also, which he cures so perfectly, that at London he is called the Fever-Doctor; and yet for all this, we do not see that his method is much used. There have come out Books very learned about the cure of Fevers, and other Subjects, which have been considered rather as subtle Ideas, than as Discourses grounded upon Experience; and yet these Books have been very well received. But the English Doctor had no sooner signalised himself by the great Cures he did, but every one strove to imitate his method. And some particular persons, who thought they had his Secret, have sold it by the name of the English Doctors Remedy at Paris, and all over France. So much did the very name of Secret promote its reputation. And now, seeing that nothing will take but what has the name of a Secret, it is fit that we speak no more of our Remedy but as of a Secret, to justify the saying, Populus vult decipi, decipiatur. I'm so far from being of their opinion who treat the English Doctor as a Mountebank, that I do ingenuously acknowledge that Physic is much indebted unto him; and though he were but an Apothecary in his own Country, yet his Merit should make him be considered as a famous Physician of Fevers (or Ague-Doctor). And those who slight and scorn his Method, without knowing it, deserve much less than he to be called true Physicians. Not that I approve either of the great mystery which he made of his Remedy, or of his exorbitant Price: for this showed too much of Covetousness, and too little Charity. And if this be not the hiding one's Talon, it is at least a too reserved employing it. I should think, that to keep the Scales even, and to preserve as well the quality of a good Christian as of a good Citizen, these Rules might be prescribed, as well for the satisfaction of those who would have it made public, as of those who would have it still kept secret. 1. Endeavour, with Monsieur de Blegny, to give the Remedy, or one very like it, to the Poor, gratis. 2. Not to impose upon ones self a necessity of administering every Dose to the Patient; nor to endeavour to hinder such Physicians as are curious in the search of it from finding it, they having taken the pains to examine it: for after that, being satisfied with the trouble they have been at, they'll hardly go and discover it to those who have not also taken pains for the discovery of the same. 3. Not to fear to communicate it to those of our Profession and our Friends, especially if they live far remote from us, whither it would be difficult to send the Remedy; yet with this Proviso, that they do not make it common. 4. To assure ourselves for two or three years of its operation and effects, by reiterated experiences, before we communicate it to any: And if after this we give some light of it in Writing, in such manner that the Learned may (near the truth) conjecture what it is, and form to themselves Ideas of it, which may come very near the truth, without letting the common sort penetrate into it. 5. Not to maintain too eagerly that it is not such or such a Drug; but let those that will, believe that it is a simple Infusion of Kinkina, or of Centaury, or if they please, of Nutshells, provided the Patient be quickly, safely, and agreeably cured, as far as is possible for a Physician who has ne'er a Loophole to see through into the body of his Patient. Thus I believe that Monsieur de Blegny, whose aim is the public good, and the good of the Poor, would not be sorry that another should find out his Remedy, after examination of the taste, colour, sediment, and its effects; since he himself had the ingenuity to find out that of the English Doctor, who made it so great a mystery. In the Chapter of the utility of this Discovery, we find a very good description of certain Physicians, who in the cure of Fevers use nothing but Bleeding, Cassia, Sena, Clysters, and a great number of hard words; which are to little purpose, unless to deceive the curiosity of the Patient, of the Nurse, or of those people who will needs know every thing. 'Tis not good so to tie one's self up to the authority of the Ancients, as not to consider what additions to the Art of Physic have been made by the Moderns, as well in the Oeconomy of the Body, as in the causes of Diseases and their Remedies. For there are a sort of Physicians who derive every thing from Hypocrates: Nay, one of these days, you shall see, now that Febrifuges have gotten a general esteem, they'll be ready to say, the Moderns borrowed them out of that Author. The Chapter about Mountebanks is very well done; for he plainly sets forth who they are that deserve that name, whether those who with great swelling words of Greek and Latin promise the cure of the Sick, but rarely perform it; or those who not being very well skilled in those Tongues, yet cure their Patients in few days. But methinks he puts too great an esteem upon some people who have indeed made a great noise in France, as one that was called the medicine de Boeufs, or Ox-Doctor, and one Father Ange, who did no Miracles but such, whereof either hazard, or an imagination prepossessed by their Admimirers, were the greatest promoters. And then on the other side, for a man that is an Enemy to satire, he treats the ordinary Physicians with too little respect. The preference which ought to be given to the English Remedy is sufficiently authorized by its success, and from that it does not tyre out the Patient. If this of Monsieur de Blegny produce the same effect, one would be glad to save forty Pistols by taking his Remedy; for the English Doctor seldom took under Fifty: And people will be very cautious how they trust themselves with him that was his Footman, who pretends he has the secret of the Remedy; however, he not having the least knowledge in Physic, may easily mistake one Disease for another. As for the Countrypeople they will apparently be more reserved in sending for it; for besides that it may corrupt i● carrying, they will sooner trus● themselves to a skilful Physician than to the hazard of a Medicine blindly given, whereof th● Composition is not known. Besides, there are every where me● that are curious, which make n● bustle in the world, and yet understand very well how to cure a Fever. The design of advancing our progress in the matter of Febrifuges beyond that of the English Doctor, which we believe we have found, obliged Monsieur de Ville and myself to stay a Germane Chemical Physician here, in his return from America, where he had practised Physic for about Ten years: But the poor man, after he had told us very strange things of the practice of Physic among the Americans, fell unfortunately down a pair of Stairs, and remained dead upon the place. He had been about a Month with us, during which time he had begun to discourse unto us of the manner of curing several very considerable Diseases, as of Intermitting Fevers, and particularly of Quartans; of the ulcerated Cancer; of the Gout; of the Ulcer of the Lungs; of the Epilepsy, and some others which puzzle the most expert Physicians. He had also prepared (for us) certain Medicines in our presence, which we have found answerable to the relation he had given of them; of the goodness of which every days experience convinces us. The Digression I am going to make, touching the practice of Physic among the Americans of Virginia, where he had sojourned, will not, I hope, be unpleasant to the Reader, nor quite from our purpose, to show the little care had here of searching into the nature and virtues of Plants. He told us that they had admirable Remedies (for all Diseases) drawn from Simples; and that he had seen very extraordinary Cures done there: That they pierce the Skin with points of Cane, which served them instead of Lancets; and suck out the Blood without swallowing it, which is instead of Phlebotomy and Cupping-glasses. That they cure the Dropsy after an extraordinary manner, of which manner of curing he has been an eye-witness: They take Flint-stones and make them red-hot, and put them into a hole made for that purpose in the Earth, and make the Patient lay his Belly over them, whilst they sprinkle a certain Decoction of three sorts of Herbs; one whereof is a kind of Essula or Spurge: that after the Patient has received the Smoke very hot against his Belly, his Navel opens, and the Physician lets out a certain quantity of Water, according to the strength of the Sick; after which, to close up the aperture, he applies a certain Moss to it; and this he repeats as often as he thinks necessary, to draw out all the Water. He related to us the manner how they cured the hardness of the Spleen, with a Pultis made of a Root, which produces the effect of a Vesicatory in drawing to it abundance of Water. This has some affinity to the practice of the Ancients, who were wont to apply actual Cauteries to the region of the Spleen. He was also to have discoursed to us of their ingenious method of curing Venerial Distempers, and the Lethargy, ●n a Description of Virginia, which at my request he was making. An American named Raocomoco, one of their Physicians, (for a little money) showed him a certain Root, which if chewed in the Mouth, and the hands rubbed therewith, one might handle all sorts of Serpents without danger. He said that none besides himself understood the virtues of that Plant, which he called Kibaschkonko, that is, in their Language, the Death of Serpents; or Serpents-bane: Its virtues are much like those of the Plant called Dictamnus Virginius, which is found in Virginia. The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Anno 1665, relate, that with this Plant ●ounded and put upon the end of a Staff, they kill that kind of Serpent by them called Rattle-Snakes if they but smell it, it's very smell making them die within the space of half an hour. That in all places where this Plant grows, none of those Serpents are found. In the same Transactions we find, that the Virginians have a Root called Vichacan, wherewith they cure Wounds. Raocomoco passed for so able a Magician, that he could (by the Invocation of one of their Gods called Heiamsough) cause Slaves that were run away to return to their Masters; and could handle burning Coals without receiving any harm. He foretold that he should die a violent death; for which cause he preserved a friendship, and conversed much with the English, from whom he apprehended less danger than from those of his own Nation: as indeed he had good reason; for he was assassinated by order of one of their petty Kings, he having rendered himself suspected for having sojourned too long among the English of Carolina. The knowledge of the qualities of so many Plants is admirable in those ignorant people. There may be some reason to believe, that those Daemons which instruct their Priests, or Sacrifisers, in the art of Physic, cure Diseases only by the knowledge of certain Plants and Minerals whose virtues they understand, and not without such external means as may naturally produce the effect. A Fragment of the Oracles of Aesculapius may be seen in Gruter, where the Remedies which this God, or rather this Daemon, prescribes to the Sick which come to consult him, are natural and proper for the Disease. Here follow three which I have translated. LUCIUS BEING SICK of a pain in his side, and being given over by all, the God Aesculapius pronounced this Oracle: That he should come and take off from the Altar Ashes which he should mix with Wine, and apply the mixture to his side: Which he did, and was presently cured, and came publicly to give thanks unto the God; and the people congratulated his recovery. Here's the Remedy which Women use for the pain in their Sides; for they are wont upon this occasion to apply to their side a little bag filled with hot Ashes. The Wine augments the virtue of the Ashes, in dissipating the Wind, which is sometimes the cause of this pain. But as it must be a Physician who can discern whether this pain proceed from Wind or from some other cause; it happens oftentimes that people do more harm than good with their Applications; and instead of discussing a Wind, augment an Inflammation which was but beginning. JVLIANV'S SPITTING Blood, being given over by every body, the God being asked, commanded him to come and take off the Altar Kernels of Pine-apples, and eat them with Honey for three days; wherewith he was cured; and came to give thanks to the God in the presence of all the people. Kernels of Pine-apples are good for the Breast; they sweeten the Humours, and serve for a Balm to shut up the Vessels▪ so that they are excellent in Ptisick and Spitting of Blood; and every one knows that Honey is 〈◊〉 great Pectoral. Hypocrates, wh● is by some accused to have copied his Remedies from those i● the Temple of Aesculapius, prescribes these Kernels with Myrrh● to compose a Remedy for th● Breast. VALERIUS APER BEIN● Blind, the God ordered him 〈◊〉 his Oracle, that he should come and take of the blood of a white Cock, and mix it with Honey, and make thereof a Collyrium to be put upon his Eyes for three days; and he recovered his Sight, and came to give thanks publicly to this God. The blood of a Cock is very proper by its heat to dissipate the spots that are beginning in the Eyes, and Honey clears the sight; so that there is nothing strange in it, if Medicines composed of these two ingredients recover the sight of a man that began to be blind. 'Tis true indeed, that upon the same Marble may be read the Cure of another blind man, whom the God commanded to put his five fingers upon the Altar, and then put them upon his Eyes; which has in it no natural cause which might produce such an effect. But to return to our Febrifuges; we may hope that the reserches which shall be made herein, may discover unto us many things which now lie hid. And to this purpose I think it would be necessary for us to disengage ourselves from the Sentiments of the Ancients wherewith we are prepossessed; for these tell us of nothing but Choler, Phlegm, Melancholy, Remedies cooling and evacuating, and suchlike: For upon their Principles, there is no way for any new discoveries, but we are confined, and hindered from penetrating further into the nature of things. I shall now give you some Ideas, the clearest I can, of the nature and causes of a Fever, which are not much different from the Sentiments of the most learned of the Moderns; upon which it will be easy to explain its Symptoms and cure. A Fever is an extraordinary agitation of the mass of Blood, which disturbs the Oeconomy of the body of man. This Agitation is produced by many external causes; as immoderate Exercises, heat of the Sun, Falls, all those Objects which may stir up our Anger, Fear, or Sadness, and by other causes, which move the Blood with too much violence. But the most ordinary cause of Fevers, and which doth not only produce Ephemeras, and those of a few ●ays, but also intermitting and continual Fevers with their returns at certain periods, and also malignant Fevers, is a Ferment or Chyle become too sharp; which being introduced into the Blood, does there produce an extraordinary Emotion, which causes different Symptoms. And this may be proved from this, that all sharp Liquors, or Acids, mixed with other Liquors of an opposite nature, which we call Alkalies, do cause an Effervescence. So if you mix Oil of Vitriol with Oil of Tartar, they make a considerable ebullition, and become sensibly hot. The same may be said of many other Liquors, of which I shall say nothing in this place, since it may be seen at large in a book of Dr. Grews, of the mixture of Liquors, translated into French by Monsieur Mesmin, a Physician of Paris. Another proof, which to me seems convincing, is, that the Chyle mixing itself with the Blood, causes every day naturally, even in the most healthy, a certain shadow as it were of a Fever; which differs not from a real Fever, but as more and less. For half an hour or an hour after Meals, as soon as the most subtle part of the Chyle, or but the vapour, which by its fermentation it drives before it, doth insinuate itself into the Blood, it causes a coldness in the hands and feet, which is taken for a sign of Health. In some it produces Yawning, and a desire of Sleep; with a Pulse less, and more frequent than ordinary. Here you have the beginning of the Fever. This cold being past, there succeeds a heat all over the Body, which is very great in the palms of the hands, and sols of the feet of such as are of a Choleric temperament; and at the same time the Pulse rises and beats stronger. Here you have the state and vigour of the Fever. Four or five hours after Meals, when all the Chyle is mixed with the Blood, and has received a part of its perfection from the circulation, the Heat diminishes, the Pulse comes to his natural state, and Appetite returns. Here you have the declination of the Fever. If after this one stay twelve hours, or more, without eating any thing, the Pulse becomes extremely slow, and the vigour one had diminishes. Here you have the state of a man when the Fever is almost past. But as the Aliments wherewith we are nourished are not all alike, and our Temperaments different; which is the reason why some have little or no Cold, that others feel a great heat after Meat, and are lighter or heavier; all which has relation to the different accidents or symptoms which accompany the Fever. If the Chyle find the Blood too much subtilised or exalted, it produces a lingering Fever; which may be particularly perceived after Meals. This causes leanness, and a considerable falling away in the Patient. By this may be understood the reason why Coffee and Thea, taken after Meals, hinders those from sleeping who are subject to sleep, unless a common custom of drinking one or other of them render them ineffectual, because by their bitterness and moderate heat, they dissipate the over-thick fumes of the Chyle. This also conduces to the understanding what the Naturalists say of Lions and Goats, that they have every day a Fever: for as they are of a Temperament hot and dry, their Chyle has the greater disproportion to their Blood, and in mixing itself with it, it procures a greater Combat than in other Animals. Pliny makes mention of one Caius Maesenas, who had all his life long a Fever, and never slept a moment during the three last years of his life. On the other side, Dear that are of a cold and dry Temperament, and by consequence their Blood less apt to ferment, never have any Fever, as the same Author says. He adds, that certain Ladies having accustomed themselves to eat Deers flesh every morning, lived very long free from Fevers. This Ferment, in intermitting Fevers, has its seat in the Glandules of the Velvet-coat of the Stomach and Intestines, described by Monsieur Payer. These Glandules have each their little Channels of Excretion, through which they discharge a very lympid Serosity, which is of the same nature of the Lympha which circulates through the whole Body; and this subtle Liquor joined to that which is constantly furnished by the ductus Salivales, and to the Pancreatic juice, serves for a ferment and dissolvent for the Chyle. This Dissolvent being too acid, communicates to the Chyle its acidity, even as Acids' cause a Coagulation in Milk; so that the Chyle entering into the Veins and Arteries, and not being capable of being perfectioned by the ordinary circulation, when a quantity thereof great enough to produce a Fermentation, remains in the Blood more violent than that which happens after Meals; the fit of the Fever begins and continues until this sharp Chyle be dissipated and driven out by Sweat or insensible Transpiration. Now according as this Ferment is in greater or less quantity, or the Blood more or less susceptible of an Effervescence, Fevers become Tertians, double Tertians, or Quotidians, Quartains, or double Quartains. So the Choleric having their Blood more boiling and subtle, fall commonly into Tertian, or double Tertian Fevers. Hence it is that the Ancients have said, and 'tis in some measure true, That Choler is the cause of Tertian Fevers, both intermitting and continual: for there is reason to believe, that that which causes an Intermittent, causes also a continual Fever of the same kind, seeing that every fit of an Intermitting Fever is as it were alittle Continual Fever, and a Continual as a long fit of an Intermittent; the fit of this, beginning, continuing, and ending almost as a Continual Fever. The continuity proceeds from this, that the Chyle introduced into the Blood, could not be perfected, and by consequence the mass of Blood could not furnish a Ferment fit to make the digestion of the Aliments perfect. 'Tis also to be observed, that the mass of Blood acquiring a more acre and inflammable disposition; the Chyle, although natural, produces also a Continual Fever; which is a thing to be noted in the practice of Physic: for then bleeding and cooling Aliments, and Medicines, will be more convenient; and above all, such Acids as calm the agitation of the Blood, by thickening and cooling it, and by precipitating the sulphurous parts which maintain the Tumult. This being thus laid down, it will not be difficult for me to answer many Questions that may be made about Fevers and Febrifuges. And, First, Whence come the Shivering in Fevers, and why are the Shakes greatest in Quartains? The Acid Liquors thickening the Blood among which they beging to mix themselves, hinder it from communicating its heat to the parts; and the Blood the more distant it is from the Heart, the less hot it is: This is the reason why the Shivering begin at the Extremities of the Body, and continue until, by the efforts of the Heart and Arteries to purify the Blood by their redoubted pulsation, all that fume be dissipated, the heat of the Blood violently agitated succeeding the cold fit. The Ferment of Quartains is more acid and glutinous, and the Blood more gross; which causes most commonly the Cold to be more violent. And as these Vapours often have much acrimony in them, they sometimes affect the membranous parts by which they pass, in such manner, that the Patient suffers pains as if one stuck Pins in his Body. Those who have their Blood subtle, and the Chyle more gross, have their Fits without any considerable Cold. 2. Whence proceeds the heat of Fevers which succeeds the cold fit, whence the thirst, pains of the Reins, and Headache? The heat proceeds from the irregular motion of the Particles of the Blood, which is composed (according to the Observations of the English by the Microscope) of an infinite number of little red Globules swimming in a clear water: for the heat of all Bodies proceeds but from the motion of their several Particles. The thirst proceeds from the heat, which consumes the serosity of the Chyle. The pains of the Reins which accompany sometimes the cold fit, sometimes the hot, are caused by the ebullition of the mass of Blood, in the great Vessels lying along the Reins. The Headache is the effect of the violent beating of the Arteries of the Brain against the Membranes that encompass it: so those whose Blood rises higher, or beats stronger, or who have their Membranes more sensible, have also more of the Headache than others. 3. Why are melancholy People, which abound with acid humours, less subject to Fevers than others? Because the mass of Blood being infected with this Acidity, and unapt to ferment, and the Chyle, though it often contract an acidity in the Stomach, yet produces it no Fever, as being of the same nature with the Blood: for two Liquors that are not contrary one to the other, do not ferment together, no more than two Friends whose Sentiments are agreeable, do quarrel and fight. So that you need not wonder if in cold Countries they be less subject to Fevers, than in hot Climates; and if those whose Blood is more gross and melancholy, are less attacked by Fevers than others. This made Hypocrates say, That those who have sharp Winds, are not very subject to the Pleurisy; because their Blood is more gross, and so less apt to precipitate itself with violence upon the side, to cause Inflammation. I remember I saw at Monpellier a Dane, who in a Fit of Melancholy had cast himself out of a Window two stories high into the street, and had with the fall broken his legs and arms: This man during his whole Cure had no Fever at all. 4. Whence is it that Fevers are more frequent and more obstinate in Autumn, than in the other Seasons of the year? 'Tis because the preceding Summer has rendered the Blood too inflammable, and more susceptible of a Fever; besides that the inequality of the Season helps much to corrupt the Chyle▪ Further, Fruit coming in now in abundance, produces in those that eat much of it, a Ferment that causes long and obstinate Fevers, particularly Quartains; which sometimes continue from one year to another, according to the Sentence of Hypocrates, and the old method of curing them. Pliny says, that Quartains begin not in Winter; and indeed it is but very rarely that they do: But the temperature of the Seasons is uncertain; for sometimes we see in the middle of Winter, days like those in the Spring or Autumn. 5. How is it that Tertians change into double Tertians and Quartains, and Quartains into Tertians? Tertians change into double Tertians, and Quartains into double Quartains, when the Chyle becomes more disproportionate to the Blood; and these two Liquors not agreeing together, do justle one another the oftener. Tertians become Quartains, when by a too cooling Diet or cooling Medicines, unseasonably given, the Ferment becomes sharper or sowerer, and the Blood thicker. On the other side, Quartains change into Tertians, when by a too hot Diet or Medicines, the Ferment and the mass of Blood become more subtle and more inflammable. And generally, Intermittents may be changed into Continuals, by an ill Regimen, and overhot Medicines; which makes all the Ferment pass into the Veins, and renders the Blood too susceptible of an Agitation of long continuance. And Continuals become Intermittents, when Nature strives to disengage herself from this Ferment, in precipitating it into its first passages; as after the ebullition of Oil of Vitriol and Oil of Tartar, there is precipitated to the bottom of the Glass a white matter, which we call Tartar Vitriolat. 6. What is the cause of the regular Return of Fevers? Though there be something inexplicable in the return of Fevers, which is sometimes as certain as the flux and reflux of the Sea, I say, that it seems probable that it proceeds from the equal portion of Aliments which is taken, and of the Chyle which is made: For those who eat too much, cause the Fit to come sooner, though indeed it might come sooner for other reasons, as when the Blood, heated by the preceding Fits, becomes more susceptible of Fermentation. On the other side, it comes later, when less nourishment is taken, or when the Ferment begins to grow milder. In fine, there are some Fevers that are both uncertain and unequal as to their Returns; which is a mark of disorder either in the Orgains, or in the mass of Blood, which renders the cure of such Fevers more difficult, and more subject to Relapses; and this may be called a Symptomatick Fever, as is that which proceeds from Obstructions. 7. Why comes not the Fever upon the sick soon after Meal? The reason will easily appear, if you do but consider that the last Fit of the Fever has dissipated and driven out, by a considerable Transpiration, and sometimes by a copious Sweat, a great part of the Acidity of the Lympha that produced these disorders: So that immediately after a Fit, it is not strong enough, nor in quantity great enough, to give to the Chyle a certain degree of Acidity; which may produce (when it is mixed with the mass of Blood) that Fermentation, and Emotion, which we call a Fever. But this Ferment having recruited its forces, and being augmented both by time, and the Aliments taken, will not fail to give battle to the Blood, as formerly. Those who have any knowledge in Chemistry, and have made Observations on the Opperations of Nature, will easily be of my Opinion: for they will have observed that a long Fermentation is required to make a Liquor that is sweet, become acid; and that there must be a certain quantity of Liquors one contrary to another, to produce a Fermentation that is considerable. By this one may give a reason why those who observe no Regimen, and forbear nothing that they imagine will gratify their Appetites, cause the Fit to come sooner, and to continue longer. On the contrary, those who govern themselves regularly, are sooner delivered from that domestic Enemy. At the same time may be seen the reason why the Fever ceases, if the Ferment be changed by a Medicament contrary to its nature; and which may reduce it to its first state, and that without any considerable evacuation. Had I been minded to make a Book rather than a kind of Letter, I should here have made some Observations upon the Nature and Origine of Acids, and upon the difference of Fermentations; but since these things are so learnedly treated of by D'Willis and Monsieur Maiow; I should have done no great service to the Public, by explaining in French what they have written in Latin. 8. Whence is it that the hands and feet, and sometimes the faces of those who have Fevers, swell? Because the aqueous parts of the corrupted Chyle being driven to the extremities of the Body, the heat of the hands and feet, in comparison of the other parts of the Body, being so small that it cannot dissipate it, and the hardness and density of the skins does not easily admit of Transpiration. This may be considered in the hands and feet, where working and walking render the skin of those parts harder than that of the rest of the Body. And our Practice shows us that these Swellings happen most commonly in those who void the least Urine and sweat not, and in feeble and aged persons. So that these Swellings are not so much to be feared, provided they depend not on some Disease of the Viscera, and the Fever diminish: for they will afterwards be dissipated by Purgatives and Cordials. 9 Why do Quartains, when they continue long, introduce a Dropsy, hardness of the Liver, or Spleen, or a Jaundice? A Dropsy succeeds a Quartain by the same means that cause the swellings of the extreme parts of the Body. When this Serosity, instead of discharging itself upon the hands and feet, falls into the Belly, or when those parts are already puffed up, than the Swelling rises up to the legs, then to the thighs, and so to the belly; or what is yet worse, when by the long continuance of the Disease, the Viscera are so dried and hardened, that they cannot purify the Blood, nor separate the Serosity from it. This hardening and schircus of the Liver and Spleen, are the effects of the continual dissipation which the febrifick heat makes of the nutritive moisture. And the Jaundice is an effect of these hardening and obstructions of the lower Belly, caused by the acid Ferment, which makes the Choler flow back into the Veins, stopping the passages which should convey it to the bladder of the Gall. Now it is certain, that Acids obstruct and coagulate in those parts where they predominate. So that what Hypocrates saith, That a Quartain is not only not dangerous, but exempts those that have it from other great Diseases, may be true in Greece, which lying under a hotter Climate than ours, produces not Quartains so obstinate and incommode, as are those which reign in this Country: as well because their Blood is not so gross, as because there is a better Transpiration. In effect, Climates do strangely diversify Diseases; for we are not acquainted with those Quintains, Septain, and Nonain Fevers, which have their Fits every fifth, every 7th and every 9th day, whereof the same Hypocrates speaks. A Colleague of mine told me that he had seen, not long since, a Septain Fever, the Patient having had five or six Fits, which happened regularly every seventh day. And I saw one lately who had three Fits every seventh day, which might perhaps be the effect of hazard, rather than of a regular motion. 10. Whether a great Abstinence can cure a Fever? That which gives occasion for this Question, is, what I have already said, That it was the corrupted and sharp Chyle that was the most ordinary cause of Fevers; whence it might be inferred, that eating nothing from one Fit to another, would cure the Patient. To which I answer, That it is the ordinary Remedy of the Greeks, who have few Physicians among them, they remain four or five days together without eating any thing, or taking Broths, drinking nothing but Water wherein are a few pounded Almonds; and most commonly in this time they are cured of the Fever, whether it be Continual or Intermitting, especially of Tertians and double Tertians. But this Example is not to be imitated in our Country: For the Greeks keeping Fast two third parts of the year, and oftentimes fasting whole days without taking any thing at all, 'tis no wonder if they can support so long an Abstinence. But in our Climate where we eat much, and that of very nourishing Aliments, it were no less than the hazard of ones life, to undertake such an Abstinence: And we have seen here a Person of Quality die with fasting from one Fit of a Quartain to another. It may be objected, that they ought to be cured after the second or third day; but you must consider that their Drink, which has in it somewhat of nourishment, makes a little Chyle, which may cause some Fits, though less than if the Patient had taken more solid Aliments. And yet the heat being at liberty from the digestion of the Aliments, doth more easily dissipate the rest of the Ferment. The method of the most part of Italian Physicians is yet more cruel, and less reasonable: for they forbid their Patients to drink during the whole Fit; which doth grievously heat them, and for the most part nothing advance their Cure. 11. Whether is Phlebotomy a Febrifuge? As the word Febrifuge signifies every thing that may drive away the Fever, there is no doubt but that blood-letting is oftentimes a Febrifuge, especially when the Fever proceeds only from some exterior cause, which has excited an emotion in the Blood, as Exercise, heat of the Sun, Wine, Anger: for in these cases bleeding has almost the same effect that giving air to a Tun when the Wine boils, lest it should burst. If bleeding were not used, the Blood which then possesses more room than at other times, might open the vessels of the Lungs, and of the Brain, and so cause spitting of Blood, a Frenzy, or some other grievous Symptoms. But in Intermitting Fevers, where an acid Ferment is the principal cause, bleeding is no Febrifuge; not but that we must often begin with it, especially in double Tertians, which are next to Continuals, and that with design to render the Blood less susceptible of Agitation, or to diminish its plenitude; but I take it to be for the most part dangerous in Quartains, and only apt to make the Disease of longer continuance; unless there be some other Indication which require it, the knowledge whereof belongs only to the Physician. 12. Whether Laxatives, Plisanes, and other Purgatives, be Febrifuges? When the Ferment of the Fever is supported by Crudities of the Stomach, then purging may be a Febrifuge, and prevent the Fit which would have followed by delivering the Organs from that burden which loaded them, leaving them the liberty to contract themselves, and to drive out the rest of the Ferment. But if this Levain or Ferment have its source in the posts we have assigned it, or if the Stomach have any disease which may make it corrupt the Aliments that are taken, then purging cannot be a Febrifuge, unless by accident: For Example, by exciting a Diarrhea, which often cures the Patient. Purgatives are for the most part necessary to clear the way for Febrifuges, otherwise cathartics do not cure the Fever; whether it be that the Ferment being not yet qualified and tamed, is thereby rendered more fierce and wild, or that they pass but only into the Veins and Arteries. Nay, it often happens that the Agitation which they make in the several parts of the Body, pervert their Action, and do extremely weaken the Patient, and carry off too much Bile; which is the balm of the Chyle and Blood, when it is not irritated. 13. Whether Vomitives be Febrifuges? Vomitives are sometimes necessary for the sick of Fevers, but especially when the sick person finds in himself a disposition to vomit, because they discharge the Stomach of those impurities which hinder it from doing its office, and evacuate the matter which would augment the Ferment; so that they are not Febrifuges but by accident: Nay, they are very often dangerous, because they do much fatigate the Patient, weaken the Stomach, and sometimes open the vessels of the Lungs. In a Quartain particularly you must make no use of them, when it hath continued too long, because the Ferment being glutinous and infilterated into the first Region, cannot be dislodged without violent efforts: if they are mild, they do but cause an emotion or disturbance; and if they are violent, they put the Patient in danger of his life, unless he be of a very robust Constitution. And herein I think myself obliged to give the Public this Advertisement, That they be very cautious how they commit themselves to those Barbers, Empirics, and Mountebanks, who promise to cure all Diseases with a little Powder, or a little clear insipid Water; because these Medicines are for the most part Antimonial, and of the most violent, which are put up in a little room, or Water wherein they have boiled Vitriol or Arsenic, or Reagale; which never operate without causing a furious Irritation or Convulsion of the Stomach. And if they do carry off the Fever, yet do they leave behind them impressions of heat in the Visera, pains in the Stomach, and spitting of Blood. It were but just that the Judges of the Court established for the punishment of Poisoners, should take cognizance of such as kill the sick by these Poisons. Though they may say that a small quantity of these Drugs is not capable of poisoning, yet I will maintain, that when they give them to persons of delicate Constitutions who die of it, one may justly say that they have given them Poison. Besides that, under pretence of these dangerous Remedies, it would be easy for a Poisoner to augment the quantity of his Doses, and then say he gave it only for a Vomit. 14. Whether the making one's self drunk with Wine or Aquâ Vitae, will cure a Fever? Wine drank to an excess, causes a great ebullition in the Blood, and often drives out (by different ways) the cause of the Fever; and some have been so cured: but this is not an Example to be imitated; for one ought to be very well assured of his own strength, and the resistance which a body, already grown feeble with the effects of the Disease, can make against the effects of Drunkenness, as it may be either a Lethargy, Pleurisy, or Death itself: so that he must neither have common Sense, nor any the least tincture of Christianity, that would preserve the health of his Body by a dangerous Remedy, to the prejudice of that of his Soul. I leave it to others to think whether a man dying drunk, die in a good condition. As for Brandy, we shall leave it to the Hollanders, who have accustomed themselves to drink it, and so can better support the effects; they drink it commonly before the cold Fit, which it may possibly lessen; but must needs render the succeeding hot Fit more intense and violent. And when they would quite rid themselves of it, they drink whole pints; which has sometimes good success upon Seamen and other robust bodies. 15. Whether are Mineral Waters Febrifuges? 'Tis certain that Mineral Waters are a great help towards the cure of Intermitting Chronical Fevers: but you must observe, that 'tis those Waters particularly which are hot and impregnated with a niterous salt like that of the Ancients, and with some sulphur, as those of Bourbon l'Archambaud, and Vichy. This I observed in them, in the Journey I made last Spring with Monsieur Garnier the Son, and Monsieur de Ville my Colleague. In this Journey, I say, we throughly informed ourselves of all that aught to be believed of these great Piscines; from which indeed many sick people return very much relieved: but we found that they were not universal Remedies, as several Historians have written, who have rather applied themselves to the making a description of the magnificence of the Baths, Vases, and Buildings that belong to them, than to persuade us by repeated Experiments, of the Salt, and of the Mineral wherewith they are impregnated. And when they undertake this, whether it be that they understand not how to make the Analysis, or that they believed that one single Salt could not be capable of producing so many effects; one while they tell us that they are impregnated with Niter, Sulphur, and Vitriol altogether; another while they tell us, that 'tis with Sulphur, Vitriol, and Alum: After all this, they tell us that they are impregnated with Iron, Niter, and Vitriol; whereof they are pleased to give us no other proofs than the pretended Cures done by those Waters. But if (happily for us) they had set about it, as did the learned Monsieur du Clos, and after him Monsieur Fovet, a Physician of Vichy, they had spared us the trouble of a Journey of six or seven weeks, to examine the Waters of about thirty Mineral Springs arising thereabouts; of which one cannot rightly make use, without first having taken the pains to visit them, and anatomize them by several Experiments. Hereby may one avoid the confusion of seeing his Patients return from the Waters in a worse condition than they went thither. And had not the most part of our Physicians been herein so often deceived, the wittiest Comedian of our Age would never have made it the subject of his public Raillery. But to return, I say that the Waters of Bourbon l' Archambaud, and those of Vichy, provided one know how to use them, and that great care be taken of the state and condition of the sick, are often Febrifuges, by reason of their niterous Salt wherewith they are impregnated, and the sulphurous and balsamic parts wherewith they are enriched. By this Composition, I say, the Acidity of the Lympha is very much sweetened, the nutritive parts are fortified, and the natural heat restored to its former state, the obstructions of the first Region opened, and in fine, what remains of surcharge and sediment in the whole mass of Blood, is thrust out from the centre to the circumference, by Transpiration, Sweats, and Urine. Yet nevertheless, if before the use of these Waters the sick be not duly prepared, or be subject to a defluxion of sharp Serosities upon his Breast, or to Obstructions of the Hypochondres, than the Waters which abound in Niter, meeting with a mass of Blood very sulphurous and inflamed, will not fail to raise very impetuous motions, and to change an Intermitting Fever into a most acute Continual; and so reduce the Patient to the last extremity; as may be seen every day in those who neglect the Advice of an able Physician. 16. Whether Theriaca, Orvietan, and suchlike, cure Fevers? It may happen that Bodies that have been well prepared by bleeding, purging, and other means, wanting strength and vigour, have been holpen by a dose of Theriaca, or other hot Compositions which subtilise the humours: But as People give these Remedies without indication or method, it happens oftentimes that the Blood is thereby rendered more apt to serment; which increases Thirst, Headache, and the Fever itself. There are some who cure a Quartain when it is inveterate, by rubling the backbone with Theriaca and Aquâ Vitae; which subtilizes the Blood, and helps to dissipate the Ferment by Transspiration: But for the most part stronger Machine's are required to subdue an Enemy so pertinatious. 17. How can Fear cure a Quartain? Some have been known to be cured of a Quartain by a sudden fear, even when they were shivering in their cold Fit. 'Tis reported that Henry the Fourth cured one on this manner: He had taken a Castle wherein he found a Gentleman in a Fit of a Quartain Ague; the King made as if he had been in great anger, and looking upon him, told him he'd dispatch his Fever presently; and called for a Paper, and wrote thus: Quartain Ague, I conjure thee, By the long Beard of Mercury, Out of this Body thou dislodge, As from hence has done Desloges. The poor Gentleman, who thought the King was writing the Sentence of his Death, was seized with so great a fear, that the Fever left him. 'Tis the effect of the extraordinary agitation of the Spirits, which subtilizes the gross blood of Quartains. Nevertheless, this is a Remedy not to be used: for if the Fear be but ordinary, it is not capable of producing the desired effects; and if it be great, it may cause Death: for there are many that die of Fear, either suddenly, or some small time after, by the disorder which it raises in the whole Oeconomy of the Body. 18. Why are Fenny, Morish, and Moist places most subject to Fevers? Because out of these places there is a perpetual Exhalation of acid Corpuscules, which by respiration mix themselves with the Blood, and so communicate their Acidity to the Lympha; which produces different sorts of Fevers, according to the disposition of the Body. This may be seen in Iron, which in all moist places contracts Rust in a very short time; and every body knows that Rust is caused by all Acids. And further, if in moist grounds there be vaults which may stop those Atoms, they become considerably furnished therewith, and afford us Saltpetre, which is so acid, that out of it they make Aqua Fortis. Hence it is that going by Water, especially fresh water, is not good for those People who have Agues; as for the Sea-water, so far is it from being prejudicial to them, that many lose their Agues after their going to Sea, because the Marine Air abounds with Saline Particles, contrary to the acid ones. There are notwithstanding some Seaports which are very subject to Agues, by reason of the standing Waters about them, and the Vapours which arises from thence, mixed with those that arise out of the Earth, infect the Neighbouring Air. So there is no place more subject to Agues than Alexandretta, where almost all that arrive catch Agues; and no wonder: for the place being very Morish by reason of the breaking down the Harbour, and a very high Mountain on the Eeast, which hinders the Sun from shining upon it before the day be far spent. The most certain and ready Remedy, and that which is most practised there, is to depart quickly from thence, that they may breathe a better Air. So likewise Smyrna; which is seated at the bottom of an Arm of the Archipelago, having the unwholesome neighbourhood of Marshes, is subject to Agues in the Autumn. And so the Inhabitants of Lions seldom fail to catch Agues when they go into the Dumb, which is a Country full of Ponds and standing Waters. From all this may be drawn practical consequences▪ which may be of good use: As for Example, it may be good for the sick of Fevers or Agues to be removed out of Ground-rooms, and Apartments which stand upon or adjoin to Rivers, and to cause those who by an ill Air have taken an Ague, to change the Air. 19 Whether the skin within the shell of an Egg tied to the end of the Finger, or a live Tench applied to the Backbone, or to the sole of the Feet, can cure an Ague? These are the Remedies of the Countrypeople, which having perhaps cured one of a hundred, are ever after employed as if they had some specific quality; yet how often do we see their inutility? If they have cured any, 'twas either by the force of the imagination of the Sick, or by the pain which their coldness and binding them upon the heated nervous parts, caused. The pain causing an extraordinary agitation of the Blood, even to that degree, that we have seen a person die here of the violent Symptoms caused by the application of a live Tench to the sols of his feet: the Tench becomes sometimes black, and then the People strait imagine that it is the malignity of the Disease, which passes out of the body of the Sick into that of the Fish; though it be no more than an effect of the heat and moisture which corrupt the Fish. The Ancients (according to the report of Pliny) had some Febrifuges a great deal more ridiculous and superstitious, which he himself laughs at; as the paring of Nails, which they were to seek for before the rising of the Sun, and apply them with Wax to another man's door, and into this man's body the Ague was to transmigrate. For Quartains they took three drops of Blood out of the vein of an Ass' Ear, which they drank in about a gallon of Water; the Liver of a Cat killed in the wane of the Moon, and salted and drank with Wine before the Fit. For all Intermitting Fevers they took the Eye-tooth of a Crocodile and filled it with Incense, and tied it to the right arm of the Sick. Diascorides saith also, that three Spiders pounded and put in a linen cloth, being applied to the Forehead and the Temples, cure the Tertian Ague. 20. How do Vesicatories cure Fevers, and particularly malignant Fevers? In Holland they apply Vesicatories to the arms, thighs, and legs, not only in malignant Fevers, but also in simple Tertians. The French, who are more delicate, will scarcely suffer them to be applied, unless it be in case of a Delirium, Lethargy, or Convulsions. 'Tis true, the Remedy is somewhat cruel, but yet it produces great effects. And Nature teaches us this way in malignant Fevers, in making deposition of sharp humours, where the Gangrene takes hold, particularly among the Muscles of the Os Sacrum, to which the heat of the Bed (which heats▪ that part) contributes much. And sometimes this which at first seemed a thing of ill presage, is the Cure of the Sick, by the suppuration and expulsion of the malignant humours which Nature hath produced, and that Art durst not have attempted. So it is by the drawing out these sharp Serosities that Vesicatories promote the Cure of Fevers. 21. Whether are Medecines applied to the Wrists (with design to put away the Fever) Febrifuges? These sorts of Medicaments, to which the People give so great credit, are for the most part a kind of Vesicatories, as being compounded of Salt, Vinegar, Gunpowder, Nettles, Soot, the Root of Ranunculus, or Crowfoot, Garlick, and other suchlike Ingredients. They are sometimes more troublesome than Vesicatories, because they are applied to the Wrists, which are rather membranous and nervous, than fleshy. Some are made of Drugs that have not this quality to ulcerate the skin, yet may communicate to the Blood a healing and precipitating quality; as those made of Camphire and Aqua Vitae, or of fixing in some sort the Blood; or those made of Spider's Webs with Snails, or Shepherd's Purse, which is an Astringent Plant. However, we see no great success of this kind of Medicines, unless the Imagination of the Patient be strongly moved by those which apply them, promising a quick and infallible Cure. And it may be also that they have not recourse to these, but when they are weary of other Medicines which have half cured the Patient. The Fever perhaps ceases two or three days after the application of these Medicines; which it would accordingly have done, had they never applied them. These may indeed be of some use for Children who refuse to take any internal Medicines, and whose Blood is more susceptible of the impressions of an external Remedy. 22. Whether Centaury or Germander be Febrifuges? These Plants are extremely bitter; yet one is willing to do any thing to be rid of so troublesome a Companion. The Countrypeople use the Decoction of them to drive away their Agues. Many Authors make great esteem of the less Centaury, to which they have given the name of Febrifuge. And Diascorides doth very much commend Germander in Tertians: so that we need not doubt but that they are good when methodically and duly administered; yet does it not seldom fail of producing the effects expected from it, either because it is unseasonably given, or else given to People of too delicate Constitutions, wherein it stirs up Heat and Thirst. Further, they have not all the qualities of a true Febrifuge, which ought to be at the same time Diuretic, Diaphoretic; or Sudorific, to drive out the Ferment; Balsomick, to repair lost Strength; Styptic or Astringent, to fortify the Fibres of the parts; sometimes Narcotick, to calm the too great Agitations of the Blood; and also a true Alkaly, to dull and break the points of the Acids. Hypocrates gives the Root of Pentaphillam or Cinquefoil, in Tertians: but unless that Plant had greater Virtues in Greece than in France, it could not effect the Cure, although it be somewhat Astringent. He also adds, that if the Fever cease not, the Patient must take the juice of Trefoil, with that of Silphium, in equal parts of Wine and Water mixed. 'Tis pity that we have lost the knowledge of that famous Plant called Silphium or Laserpitium, which the Ancients cried up for a Remedy against so many Diseases. Pliny writes a whole Chapter of its Virtues. It grew in Lybia, and the figure of it may be seen yet upon a Medal of the Cyreneans, where it has some resemblance to Apium or Seleri, as Theophrastus and Diascorides have observed in their Works of Plants. Hypocrates would have the juice of these Plants given in pure Wine, in Quartains; from which it may be observed that he did not so much fear to give Wine in Fevers, as do most part of the Physicians of our times, though they boast themselves to be his Disciples. He also prescribes in this Fever Garlick pounded and mixed with Honey, which should heat much more than Wine. Diascorides and Serenus Sammonicus, add to it Punaises, to render the ragoust more excellent. The Medicaments which the Ancients called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Febrifuges, were generally composed of hot Ingredients, as may be seen in Galen, Marcellus, and Trallian. 23. Why does the breaking out of the Lips show that the Fever is past? Because it is a sign that Nature or Medicines have made a considerable Effort to drive out the sharp and acid Ferment of the Fever, which in passing has made impressions upon these parts, being delicate and spongy. And for the same reason, the Itch breaking out in a Quartain, makes it cease; and striking in again, makes it return. This ought not to hinder from purging the Patient after the Fever, to evacuate the Relics which neither Sweat nor simple Transpiration were able to carry off, and which might cause a Relapse. 24. Whence come Loathe and bitterness of the Mouth after Fevers? Loathe proceed from the disorders of the Stomach, which has not of a long time rightly done its office; or from the Ferment of the Stomach, which the heat of the Fever, and frequent drinking, have dissipated and washed away. Bitterness of the Mouth is caused by the fumes which the boiling of the blood in the Veins, and of the Chyle in the Stomach, has left, and which have insinuated themselves into the Tongue, being a very spongeous part; for no body but knows that Smoke and Soot are bitter. So that there is no necessity of attributing this bitterness to Choler, which is often unjustly accused. 25. Why do Milk-meats, raw Fruits, and new Wines, often cause a Relapse of Fevers? Milk-meats, new Wines, and raw Fruits, abound much with acid Particles, which in a weak Stomach separate themselves, and renew again the former disorders of the Fever. So that it was well said of Pliny, That fresh Grapes are naught for the sick of the Fever; yet it falls out sometimes by accident that they cure a Fever, being eaten in a great quantity at the time of the Vintage, because they commonly cause a Diarrhea, which carries off all the ill humours, and the Leven or Ferment of the Fever. The same things may be said of low Wines as of new Wines, because its Tartar or else its Lie, being remixed with the Wine, hath made it sharp, and by consequence hath rendered it proper to renew the Ferment: And for the same cause the Patient should, for some time after he is cured, forbear Pastry Meats, salt Meats, and Ragousts, or compounded Dishes, which are commonly made up of sharp, biting, and fiery parts. These raise a tumult in a weak Stomach, without being perfectly digested; they fatigate the parts destined for the digestion, and heat the mass of Blood: so that 'tis no wonder if we see many Relapses, because there are a sort of Patients who will rather govern their Physicians, than be governed by them, and who will deny nothing to their Appetites. Others there are who no sooner cured, but they strait conclude that they have no more need of the Physician; and that he prescribes now only for the benefit of the Apothecary, to make his 〈◊〉 ●he longer: And probably this may be the reason why after the English Remedy so few have been subject to Relapses; for the great sum they paid for it, made those that gave it not to spare it. Indeed there is no appearance that this Remedy should put the Patient out of all danger of a Relapse, or that it should have power enough to hinder a new Fermentation; which an excess in eating or drinking may cause in a Convalescent, a fortnight or a month after he has left taking it. But Fevers that have continued long, and much weakened the Organs, are much more subject to return, than when they are cured after a few Fits. 26. Whether there be any universal specific Febrifuges which put away Fevers by an occult quality? These occult qualities are a very commodious subterfuge for the ordinary ignorance of man, who does not penetrate into the essence of the Works of Nature: And it cannot be denied but that what is unknown unto us, may justly be called occult; and that there are some things in Nature which it will be always more easy, or if you will, more honest, to admire than to explain. However, we ought to have as little recourse as we can to this Asyle; and methinks according to the Principles I have laid down, it will not be so hard a matter to give an account of all those pretended Specificks. I have not spoken of Kinkina, because a famous Physician of Paris, whom I do infinitely honour, hath written a Book of it, without putting his name to it; 'tis the same Book which Monsieur de Blegny thought to have been written by one of Lions, because it was first printed there. I say further, that there may be found everywhere, in Plants and Animals, whereof to compose Febrifuges; and we cannot imagine that Nature has been so illiberal to our Climate, that it should not produce Aliments and Medicines necessary for the preservation of Life. We have oftentimes a preoccupated opinion in favour of Drugs which come out of the Indies and other remote Countries, which makes us put an esteem upon them; and on the contrary, slight and despise those that grow in our own Gardens. If we have not Rheuburb, Sena, and Cassia, we have instead thereof Peach-flowers and leaves, Roses, Berbery, and many other Purgatives, which may be used with good success; provided that either one Plant alone, or many Drugs mixed or united in a Composition by Chemistry, or a simple Galenical Preparation, have all the qualities which we have said to be necessary for a true Febrifuge; we need not doubt but that they will have their effect, without putting us to the necessity of attributing it to an occult quality. But what is yet considerable, and serves to establish our Hypothesis of the cause of Fevers, is, that all the Plants and other Drugs which have hitherto gained a Reputation for the Cure of Fevers, are so far from having an Acidity which might sympathise with the acid Ferment, that they have a bitterness, an astriction, heat, volatile salt, and Alkalies; the Enemies of all Acids, and cure Fevers by their manifest qualities: So that one may with good hopes of success, taking such Precautions, and using such Preparations as are necessary, make use of the Powder of Vipers, Salt of Vipers, Pepper, Nutmegs, Sulphur, Wormwood, bark of Ash, roots of Centrayerva, Mullein, Gentian, wild Valerian, Mustardseed, Salt Armoniac, salt of Tartar, Salts of Centaury and Speedwell, Panax or Clowns-all-heal, Carduus Benedictus, Angelica, Chamemile, Juniper, Sage, Rue, St. John's wort, Galengal, Vervain, Centaury, Germander, Nettle, Asarum, Celendine, Betony, Thea, Coffee, Opium, Antimony, Sassafras, Guyacum, nay and Mercury itself. I cannot imagine how one and the same Medicament can cure all Fevers, they being diversified by a thousand circumstances; yet I cannot deny but that there may be found some, which either naturally or by Art have almost all the qualities of the true Febrifuge. And as an ill Cook with the best Ingredients, cannot make a good dish of Meat, and on the contrary a good Cook with a few Ingredients will make a very good one; so a man unlearned in Physic, and little versed in the work of Nature, cannot succeed, unless by chance: whereas he that a serious Study, or at least a frequent Experience hath enabled, will cure his Patients happily, and with a few Medicines. In fine, I cannot but persuade myself that all Physicians may invent Febrifuges, and administer them seasonably, provided they understand well the nature of the Fever in general, and the state of their Patient in particular. The famous Sir Theodore de Mayerne Physician to the King of England, whose particular Talon lay in the understanding the Materia Medica, which he did admirably well; he, I say, had Waters and other lexipuretick Compositions, which were made only of Plants growing in our Climate, as I find by some Manuscripts now in my hands. Methinks for this effect, it were expedient not to neglect any thing, and to try those Medicaments which may seem extravagant, provided they be not such as may endanger the Patient. The Liver of a Hare or of a Cat, dried in an Oven, powdered, and drank in Wine, may to many seem ridiculous; and yet these have been commended by learned Writers; and there may be some reason to believe them to be Febrifuges, because these parts abound in alkalious and volatile Salts, as doth the blood whereof they are composed. Authors are full of this kind of Medicines, where in truth a good Judgement is very necessary; that the Physician be not exposed to the confusion of seeing his Patient become worse than when he first began with him. For conclusion of this Discourse, we ought to rejoice that we live in an Age so fertile in new Inventions, and under the Reign of so great a Monarch, who does no less make the liberal Arts than the Art of War to flourish; which may rationably make us hope to see the study of Physic arrive every day at a higher point of perfection, we on our parts contributing thereto (as 'tis but just we should) by our Reflections and Experiments, whatsoever may serve for its Ornament. Thus, Sir, you see how far the Complaisance I have for you, has engaged me; I must confess, that desiring to inform you of those things you desired, I have instructed myself, in examining a matter which multiplied itself under my hands: And thinking to write you only a Letter, I have almost made a just Treatise, which I may perhaps hereafter enlarge. However, I ought to content myself with these Ideas, how unpolite soever they are, since they have given me occasion of testifying unto you the passion I have to be all my life, SIR, Lions, Dec. 12. 1680. Your most humble and most obedient Servant, SPON. M. D. A CATALOGUE of Books sold by Mark Pardoe, against Bedfordhouse in the Strand. BOneti Anatomia Practica, 2 vol. fol. Mentzelii Index Plantarum, fol. Ammanni Medicina Critica, 4o Becheri Minera Arenaria, 4 o — de nova Temporis, 4o Blazii Anatomii Animalium, 4o Blyerius Philonium Pharma ceuti & Chirurgicum, 4● Berlingii Adversaria Curiosorum, 4o Cortnummius de Morbo Attonito, 4o Hoffman in Schroderiana, 4 o — Praxis Medica Curiosa, 4o Hellwigii Observationes Physico-Medicae, 4o Hartmanni Praxis Chymiatrica, 4o Miscellanea Curiosa, 7 vol. 4o Rolfinchii Chymicae, 4 o — Dissertationes Chymicae sex, 4o Sitonius Miscellanea Medice Curiosa, 4o Tilingii Rhabarbarologia, 4o Tackii Phasis Sophicus, 4o Velschii Curationum Exotericarum, 4 o — Observationes Medicae, 4o Welschii Curationes Propria, 4o Wedelii Physiologia Medicae, 4 o — Medicamentorum Compositione, 4 o — de Pharmacia, 4 o — de Opiologia, 4 o — de Sale Volatili, 12o Ammanni Supplex Botanica, 8o Becheri Physicae Subterranea, 8o Borellii observationes Medica, 8o decker's Exercitationes Practicae, 8o Grube de Arcanis Medicorum, 8 o — de Transplantatione Morborum, 8 o — de Ictu tarantalae, 8o Graba Descriptio Cerui, 8o Hartman succini Prussici Physica, 8o johrenii praxis Chymiatricae, 8o Lyseri Cultor Anatomicus, 8o Merchlinus Transfusionis Sanguinis, 8o Pexenfelder Apparatus Euriditionis, 8o Pecklinus de Aeris, 8 o — de Habitu Colore Ethiopum, 8o Schaffius de Junipero, 8o Schulzii de Natura tinctura Bezoardica, 8o Tillinguii Prodromus Chymiatricae, 8 o — de Laudano Opiato, 8 o — de Febribus, 8 o — Cinnabaris Mineralis, 8o Virorum Clarissimorum Chymica Experimenta, 8o Weber Liquor Stypticus, 8o Wetten Memoria Philosophorum & Medicorum, 8o Compt. Admiranda Rerum Admirabilium, 12o Becheri Oedipus Chymicus, 12o Baldwini Aurum Aurae, 12o Bartholini de Ovaris Mulierum, 12o Derebecque Medicinae Helvetiorum, 12o Ludovicus de Pharmacia, 12 o — de Volatilitate salis tartari, 12o Globicz Tripus Medicinae, 12o Mizaldus Redivivus Centuriae XII. 12o Maxuello Medicina Magnetica, 12o Macasius Prompturarium Materiae Med. 12o Pandolphin de ventositatis Spineo, 12o Helmontii fundamenta Medicinae, 12o Praxis Barbettiana, 12o Portzii Anatomia Chymica, 12o Schmitzii Medicina practicae, 12o Tackenii Hypocrates Chymicus, 12 o — Clavis Hypocrates, 12 o — de Morborum principis, 12o Tilemannus Cous Hippocratica praxis, 12o Wirdig Medicina Spirituum, 12o Sachsio Monocerologia, 8o Waleus Methodus Medendi, 12o Wedelii Theoremata Medica, 12o Livures Francois. L'Ambassadeur & ses fonctions, par Mr. Wicquefort, 2 vol. 4o L'Architecture Navale, 4o Lucien par St. D'Ablancourt, 2 vol. 4o Lettres de Costar, 2 vol. 4o Voyage de Struys, 4o Acts & Man des Negotiations de la paix de Nimegue, 4 vol. 12o Lettres sinceres d' un Gentilhomme françois, 3 vol. 12o Les Derniers Efforts de l' Innocence, 12o Responses Genevenses, etc. Cruetiennes de quatre Gentiles— Homes Protestants, 12o Recueil D'Edits, Declarations, & Arrests tants Du Conseil que du Parliament, 12o Les Conversations sur Divers Subjets, par Mad de Scudery, 12o L'Enfant sans Soucy Divertissant son pere Roger Bontemps. L'Epouse fugitive, Histoire galante, 12o Plusieurs Enigmes, ou Descriptions Enigmatique, par M. Noe. Les Voyages de Tavernier, 12o English Books. Hornecks best Exercise, 8o Holder's Elements of Speech, 8o Charras of Vipers, 8o Novels of Queen Elizabeth, 12o Plain Man's Way to Worship, 12o FINIS.