THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY, In Eight Parts. By THOMAS STANLEY. LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas Dring; and are to be sold at the Prince's Arms in Saint Paul's Churchyard, and at the George in Fleetstreet near Cliffords-Inne, 1656. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY, The First Part. Containing those on whom the Attribue of WISE was conferred. LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas Dring; and are to be sold at the Prince's Arms in Saint Paul's Churchyard, and at the George in Fleetstreet near Cliffords-Inne, 1656. TO MY HONOURED UNCLE JOHN MARSHAM, Esq SIR, I Send this Book to you, because you first directed me to this design; The learned Gassendus was my precedent; whom nevertheless I have not followed in his partiality: For he, though limited to a single person, yet giveth himself liberty of enlargement, and taketh occasion from his subject to make the world acquainted with many excellent disquisitions of his own. Our scope being of a greater latitude, affords less opportunity to favour any particular; whilst there is due to every one the commendation of their own deserts. This benefit I hope to have received from the variety of the subject; but far more are those I owe to your encouragement, which if I could wish less, I should upon this occasion, that there might seem to have been expressed something of choice and inclination in this action, which is now but an inconsiderable effect of the gratitude of, Dear Uncle, Your most affectionate Nephew and humble servant THOMAS STANLEY. PREFACE. HIstory (which by expounding actions past teacheth to regulate the future, and furnisheth us with wisdom at the cost of other men's experience) is not unlike Painting: their scope is the same; and as in the latter it argues want of skill to look upon the whole draught with an indifferent eye, but to select and insist upon some chief particular is proper to an Artist; so he who rests satisfied with the general relation of affairs, (not fixing upon some eminent Actor in that story) loseth it greatest benefit; since what is most particular, by its nearer affinity with us, hath greatest influence upon us. Hence it is that there are two kinds of History; One represents general affairs of State; The other gives account of particular persons, whose lives have rendered them eminent. Homer hath given an essay of each; of the first in his Iliads, a relation of a war betwixt different Nations; of the second in his Odysseys, confined to the person of Ulysses. Now the life of man being either practic, busied in civil affairs of peace and war, or Contemplative, retired from public business to speculation and study of wisdom, divine or humane, it follows that this personal history be twofold likewise, describing either the actions of such persons as are wholly interested in affairs of state (properly compared to the persons of a drammaticall design, whose single Characters and parts serve one only to make up one joint plot. Such are most of those whose lives are related by Plutarch, & the twelve Caesars of Sueronius) Or the lives of such as have been excellent in some kind of learning; Thus Antipho writ of Poets; Eudemus of Astrologers; Cicero and Plutarch of Orators, Suetonius of Grammarians. They who writ of Philosophers exceeded the rest far in number, of whom to give a particular account will be unnecessary, because their works are not extant, and therefore we shall only name them, Aetius, Ana●ilides, Antigonus, Antisthenes, Aristocles, Aristoxenus, Callimachus, Clitomachus, Diocles, Diogenes La●rtius, Eunapius, Heraclides, Hermippus, Hesychius, Hippobotus, son, Idomeneus, Nicander, Nicias, Panaetius, Porrius, Plutarch, Sotion and Theodorus. Of almost all these (which is much to be deplored) there remain not any footsteps; the only Author in this kind for the more ancient Philosophers is Diogenes Laertius, for the later Eunapius And to make the misfortune the greater, that which Laertius gives us is so far short of what he might have done, that there is much more to be found of the same persons dispersed amongst other authors, which I have here collected and digested, with what diligence I could. Nor is it unseasonable at this time to examine the tenants of old Philosophers, when so great variety of opinions daily spring up; some of which are but raked out of the ruins of antiquity, which ought to be restored to their first owners; others being of late invention will receive addition, when advanced to such height we look down to the bottom from which Philosophy took her first rise, and see how great a progress she hath made, whose beginnings are almost inscrutable. Although some Grecians have challenged to their Nation the Original of Philosophy, yet the more learned of them have acknowledged it derived from the East. To omit the dark traditions of the Athenians concerning Musa●us, of the Thebans concerning Linus, and of the Thracians about Orpheus, it is manifest that the original of the Greek Philosophy is to be derived from Thales, who travelling into the East, first brought Natural learning, Geometry, and Astrology, thence into Greece, for which reason the attribute of wise was conferred upon him, and at the same time upon six others for their eminence in morality & politics Thus learning in the ancientest times was by the Greeks called Sophia (wisdom) and the prafessour thereof, who raised his soul to an 〈◊〉 degree of knowledge, Sophos (wise) Pythagoras first named it Philosophy (love of wisdom) and himself a Philosopher, affirming that no man is wise; but only God. * Laert. vi●. Thalet. As concerning those who were honoured with this attribute of wise, Damon the Cyrenaean undervalues them all, especially the seven. Anaximenes saith, they were all addicted to Poetry; Dicaearchus, that they were neither wise men, nor Philosophers, but upright men and Law givers: Archetimus the Syracusian wrote concerning their meeting with Cypselus (Father to Periander) whereat he saith himself was present. Ephorus affirms they all met with Croesus, Thales only excepted. Some say they met also at the Panionian feast, and at Corinth with Periander at Delphi. There is some controversy concerning their sentences, of which some are ascribed to several persons, as that, Lacedaemonian Chilon this professed, Nothing too much; a mean in all is best. There is no less dissent concerning their number. Leandrius for Cleobulus and Myson, inserts Leophantus Son of * Not Leophantum Gorsiadem as the Interpreters render. Gorsiades a Lebedion, or Ephesian, and Epimenides the Cretan. Plato (in his Protagoras) substitutes Myson for Periander: Ephorus, Anacharsis for Myson. Some add Pythagoras. Dicaearchus allegeth four, acknowledged by all Thales, Bias, Pittacus and Solon: then names six more, out of which are to be selected three, Aristodemus, Pamphilus, Chilon, the Lacedaemonian, Cleobulus, Anacharsis, Periander; some add * See Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: by which Laertius is explained contrary to the interpreters. Acusilaus Son of Caba or Scabra an Argive. Hermippus in his Treatise of the seven wise men saith, they were in all seventeen, of which seven were variously named, which were Solon, Thales, Pittacus, Bias, Chilon, Cleobulus, Periander, Anacharsis, Acusilaus, Epimenides, Leophantus, Pherecydes, Aristodemus, Pythagoras, Lasus of Hermionea, Son of Charmantides, or (according to Aristoxenus) of Simbrinus, Anaxagoras. Hippobotus in his commentary of Philosophers reckons Linus, Orpheus, Solon, Periander, Anacharsis, Cleobulus, Myson, Thales, Bias, Pittacus, Epicharmus, Pythagoras. Laertius reckons them thus, Thales, Solon, Chilon, Pittacus, Bias, Cleobulus, Periander; whereto he adds Anacharsis, Myson, Epimenides, and Pherecydes. These saith he were called the wise men, to whom some annex Pisistratus the Tyrant. Amongst the Romans also three had the surname of Sapiens, M. Cato, C. Laelius, and L. Acilius. THALES. THALES. CHAP. I. The Country and Parents of Thales. GReat wits, which have been happy in benefiting Posterity by their excellent inventions, have not always had the fortune to enjoy the just reward, their glory being intercepted oftentimes by some later disguise of alteration or addition. It were therefore gratitude in us, who find ourselves instructed by the Ancients, to vindicate the memory of our masters by enquiring diligently the Authors of those labours whereof we reap the Harvest. This kind of injury hath happened very considerably to THALES the wise man of Miletus, who first introduced Natural and Mathematical Learning into Greece, from whence it derived into us; but the honour of so noble a design, the ambitious opposition of some, the industry of others hath so obscured that there is little of the reputation left to the deserving Author. I have therefore esteemed it worth my pains, to digest what I could collect or observe of a person, to whom all lovers of Learning are so much obliged. The Original of Thales is very obscurely delivered. Some conceive he was a Phoenician by birth, whose opinion seeming to be strongly founded upon Laertius, and the Authorities by him alleged, it is necessary that we begin with a disquisition upon his words, which are, as commonly rendered, these. Now Thales was born, as Herodotus, Duris and Democritus affirm, his Father being Examius, his Mother Cleobulina, of the Thelidae, who were Phoenicians, the most illustrious of all from Cadmus and Agenor, as Plato also saith] The Testimony of Herodotus, though * Astronom. Natione fuit Phoenix, ut Herodotus Milesius dicit. Which doubtless is corrupt (for what Herodotus is that?) and to be restored to this effect, Natione fuit Phoenix ut Herodotus, Milesius ut alij dicunt. Higynus and * Suidas seem to understand it according to the common error, as if he were born in Phoenicia, expressly confirms the contrary, being thus; Thales a Milesian, a far off by descent a Phoenician; Whence we may gather, that the other two Authorities of Duris and Democritus imported little more, or at lest nothing to a contrary sense. So likewise that of Leander, which is by * Clemens Alexandrinus cited jointly with Herodotus, to prove him of a Phoenician extract. He was made free of Miletus when he went with Neleus who was banished out of Phoenicia] The learned * In Voce Thales. Casaubon to reconcile this story with that of Neleus, who was not banished out of Phoenicia, when he built, Miletus for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if Thales being banished out of Phoenicia had gone with Neleus to Miletus; which alteration begetteth a very strange Anacronism, for this Thales was above four hundred years later than that Neleus. Therefore if Laertius meant the same Neleus, either he was strangely mistaken, or his text is corrupt, and aught to be understood of the Ancestors of Thales, to which sense it may be reduced with little alteration, thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if they being Phoenicians, went into (arta, and became Citizens' of Miletus, at what time Neleus Son of Codrus, being put beside the Kingdom of Athens by his younger brother Me●on, lead th●ther the Ionian Colonies, whereof Miletus (which he built) was the chief City. Of this Colony see Herodotus, 〈◊〉 and Aelian. But as most say he was born there, at Miletus, and of noble race] So they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in opposition to the first opinion which only mentions his Family, not Country, it may perhaps be understood here in the same relation: Some (saith he) think, he was of a Phoenician extract, of those who were incorporated at Miletus; others that he was of a Grecian Family, and that noble. Of this latter opinion is * De Herod. ●nalign. Plutarch who reproves Herodotus for making Thales descended afar off from a Barbarian stock, and * Laert. vit. Thal. Hermtppus, who ascribes that saying to him, that he thanked the Gods he was a Grecian, not a Barbarian. CHAP. II. Of the time of his birth. Apollodorus saith, that Thales was born the first year of the thirty fifth Olympiad; * Laert. Demetrius Phalereus saith, that he was honoured with the title of wise, when Damasias was Archon. Damasias' was Archon according to * Laert. Dionysius Halycarnassaeus the second year of the thirty fifth Olympiad, * Lib. 3. when Ancus Martius the fourth King of Rome began his reign. Hereupon an anachronism of one year is supposed by very learned men, who would have Thales to be born the same year that Damasias was Archon. Whence * De athenians tempor. Sigonius, * De sctent. mathemat. 32. 8. Vossius, and others bring drown the birth of Thales to the second year of this Olympiad; * In Euseb. Scaliger, * Archont. 1. 11. Meursius. * Rationar. temp. 2. 12. Petavius and others raise Damasias to the first year, that they may make his Magistracy agree with Thales' birth; neither rightly; for the office of Damasias relateth not to the birth of Thales. For the clearing whereof we must take notice, that Damasias in the Athenian Fasti is twice said to be Archon, first in the second year of the thirty fifth Olympiad, the next year after the birth of Thales, and again the fourth year of the forty eighth Olympiad, when he obtained the title of Wise; The latter we cannot mention without acknowledgement of the great light Chronology hath received by Mr S●lden's Marmora Arundeliana. It will be also worth observance, that there was another of this name, whom Eusebius placeth at the eighth Olympiad, and Lae●tius and * Vita Lycurg. Plutarch make contemporary with Homer, Hesiod and Lycurgus. * In Euseb. Scaliger, who perceived the inconsistency of this account, perceived not the reason of it; for * Phlegon fragm. Lycurgus and Iphitus instituted the Olympic games twenty seven Olympiads before Coraebus was victor, who according to Eusebius is the first. These two Thales are by some confounded, Eusebius calls the first a natural Philosopher, whereas it is certain that kind of Learning was first introduced into Greece by the 2d. * In voce Thales. Suidas citys Phlegon, that the latter Thales flourished in the seventh Olympiad, which ●hi●gon doubtless meant of the first. * See St. Augustin. de civet. dei, lib▪ ●● cap. 24. & 27. They who place Thales about the seventh Olympiad, and make him contemporary with Romulus, confound the latter Thales with the first, and the true Epoch of the Olympiads with the vulgar. For the first Thales lived in the seventh Olympiad from the first of Iphitus; Romulus lived about the same distance from the Olympiad of Coraebus. This time is mistaken by that learned Father Clemens Alexandrinus, to prove Thales younger than the later Prophets. * Stromat. 1. Thus (saith he) It is demonstrated that they who prophesied in the time of Darius Hystaspes in the second year of his reign, that is to say, Aggaeus, Zacharias, and Malachy, who was one of the twelve seeing that they prophesied in the first year of the forty eight Olympiad, were more ancient than Pythagoras, who is said to have been in the sixty second Olympiad; and than Thales eldest of the Greek Sages, who was about the fiftieth Olympiad; as if this were not rather an argument to prove these Prophet's contemporary with Thales, which Eusebius allows. * Praepar. Evangel. 10. 4. About the time (saith he) of Cyrus' King of Persia, the seven wise men flourished; this was the time in which the last of the Hebrew Prophets prophesied, since Troy, above six hundred years, after Moses, no less than fifteen hundred years. But if with Clemens Alexandrinus we account these Prophet's coaetaneous with Darius' Hystas●es, they will appear much younger than Thales, for Darius begun his reign in the last year of the sixty fourth Olympiad. CHAP. III. His Travels. HE employed the first and greatest part of his time to Crect, to inform himself of the Mysteries of their Religion (for that Island was famous for the birth of jupiter) as is acknowledged by himself in an * Laert. Epistle to Pherecydes. That he travelled also into Asia is affirmed in the same Epistle; some say into Phoenicia, arguing from his Astrology which he is thought to have learned of the Phoenicians, Masters of that Science; and particularly because he is said to have first observed the constellation of the Lesser Bear by which the Phoenicians sailed. * D● Scient. Mathemat. cap. 32. Vossius essays to prove the word Cynosura to be Phoenician, not as derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being a Collection of light; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Umbilicus igneus. His last journey (being * Plut. de plac. phillip 1. in years) was into Egypt, to confer (as he acknowledgeth in his Epistle to Pherecydes) with Priests and Astronomers. There he was instructed by the Priests at Memphis, particularly (saith * Vit. Pythag. 1. 2. jamblicus) by those of jupiter. Laertius affirms he learned Geometry of them; * Plutarch implies as much of his Philosophy. He was there in the reign of * Plutarch. Symp. sept. s●p. conviv. Amasis, by whom much favoured and admired for many things, especially for measuring the height of the Pyramids by the shadow; until at last accused to him of disaffection to Monarches and that kind of Government, to which effect many bitter sayings of his were alleged concerning Tyrants. As when Molpagoras an eminent person of jonia demanded what was the strangest sight he ever saw, he answered, a Tyrant old. Another time being at a feast where a question arose, what beasts were most dangerous; of wild, saith he, a Tyrant, of tame, a Flatterer; and Princes (saith Plutarch) however they profess themselves far different from Tyrants, yet take no pleasure in such Apothegms: hereupon he lost the favour of Amasis. Thus having studied Philosophy in Egypt he returned to Miletus, and * Cyril. transported that vast stock of Learning which he had there collected into his own Country. CHAP. IU. How he lived at Miletus. His life at Miletus (as * Laert. Heraclides affirms) was retired and private; some report he married and had a Son named Cybissus, but the truer opinion is of those who say he lived unmarried, and made his * Laert. Suid in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sister's Son (whom * Vitâ Solon. Plutarch calls Cybisthus) his Heir. * Laert. Plut. Sympsiac. 3. 6. Stob. Serm. 66. He put off his Mother when she first moved him to marry, by telling her it was not yet time, and when he was more in years, being again solicited by her, he answered, nor is it now time, meaning it was then too late. Being demanded why he took not some course to have issue, he answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the same in pronouncing with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and may be taken either because he loved children, or di● not love them, as * In Laertium. Casaubon conjectures; but perhaps his meaning may better be gathered out of another answer of his to the same question, * Stob. serm. 66. that he did not mean to draw voluntary cares upon his life, and disturb the quiet thereof; or from this story related by * Vita Solon. Plutarch. Solon coming to Miletus to visit him, told him that he wondered he wholly neglected marriage and issue. Thales at that time answered nothing, but some few days after suborned a stranger to pretend that he came within ten days from Athens; Solon demanded what news from thence; nothing (answered the other as he was instructed) but the burial of a young man attended by the whole City, being as was said Son of the most eminent person of the City, who at the same time was abroad in travel. Unhappy man (cries Solon) what was his name? I heard it answered the other, but have forgot, only I remember he was very famous for Wisdom and justice.. Solon's fear increasing upon every answer, he at last asked him if the Father's name were not Solon, which the other affirming, he beat his own head, and did other actions accompanied with speeches proper to such as are transported with grief; whereupon Thales similing, and interrupting him; These things, Solon said he, deterred me from marriage, which thus disorder even thee a most constant person, but be not troubled at this news, it is counterfeit. In this privacy of life he was follicited and sent unto by many Princes, whose invitations and amities, (Plutarch * Sept. sap conviv. saith) he refused; visited by many eminent persons. * Laert. He is said to have cohabited some time with Thrasibulus (a man of excellent wit and judgement) who was King, or (according to the Greek word) Tyrant of Miletus, * Arist. pol. 5. jultim. though his reign continued but eleven months; * Herodot. 1. about the time that the Milesians entered into a League with Alyates the second than King of Lydia. CHAP. V. The attribute of wise conferred on him. THE attribute of Wise, as * Vit. Solon. de civet. d●i. 8. 2 Plutarch and Saint Augustine observe, was conferred upon the rest in respect of their moral rules and practice, but upon Thales particularly for his speculative Learning. It was first bestowed on Thales, at what time Damasias was Archon, under whom (according to * Laert. Demetrius Phalareus) all the seven were called wise. The second Damasias was Archon in the third year of the 49th. Olympiad, which * Exercitat. Pli●ian. pag. 843. Salmasius knew not, when to make the words of Laertius agree with the first Damasias, he misinterpreted Eusebius and Clemens Alexandrinus, and subverted all other accounts of the birth and death of Thales, whereas this fortunately complies with the times of all the seven. The first was Thales justly preferred before the rest in respect of his great Learning, which he owed not to any master; The time when this honour was conferred on him, falls upon the fifty ninth year of his age. The second, Pittacus of Mitylene who flourished in the forty second Olympiad, and died in the third year of the fifty second. The third, Bias of Priene contemporary with Pittacus, living under Alyattes and Croesus. The fourth, Solon, who was Archon at Athens the third year of the forty sixth Olympiad. He died Olymp. 55. The fifth, Cleobulus of Lindus, coetanoeus with Solon. The sixth, Myson of Chene. The seventh, Chilon of Lacedaemon, who was Ephorus Olymp. 56. The credit and glory of these seven, was much increased (saith Plutarch) by a Tripod sent round from one to another, by a mutual, noble and modest concession: the occasion related thus by Laertius and Valerius Maximus. * Laert. Some young men of jonia having bought a draught of the Milesian fishermen, when the net was drawn up, there was found in it a Tripod, [ * Valer. Maxim. 4. 1. a golden Delphic Table of great weight.] * Laert. Hereupon arose a dispute, [ * Val. Max. those affirming they had bargained only for the fish, the others that they bought the draught at a venturs; by reason of the strangeness of the case, and value of the Tripod it was delivered to the City Miletus;] * Laert. The Milesians sent to the Oracle at Delphi about it, and received this answer. Comest thou Milesian to consult my shrine? The Tripod to the wisest I assign. Hereupon the Milesians by agreement presented it to Thales, he sent it to Bias, Bias to Pittacus, he to another, till it passed through all the seven, coming at last to Solon, who affirming God to be the wisest, sent it back to Delphi [ * Val. Max. giving him at once the title and reward of greatest wisdom.] But Callimachus in his iambics, (continueth Laertius) relates it otherwise; that Bathycles an Arcadian left a cup, with order that it should be given to the wisest, whereupon it was presented to Thales, and past about in course till it came to him again, who then dedicated it to Apollo Didymaeus, with these verses, according to Callimachus. Thales to him that rules th' Ionian State This twice obtained prize doth consecrate. In prose thus, Thales the Milesian, Son of Examius, to Delphian Apollo of the Grecians offers this twice received prize of eminence. He that carried the Cup from one to another, was Thyrion Son to Bathycles,] whither allude these Verses of * Athen. deipn. Phoenix Colophonius. Thales, whose birth his Country blest, Esteemed of all men the best, Was of the golden Cup possessed. Eudoxius of Gnidus, and Euanthes of Miletus, report that a friend of Croesus having received from him a golden Cup to be given to the wisest of the Grecians, delivered it to Thales, and that at last it came to Solon, who sending to the Phythian Oracle to know who was the wisest, was answered Myson; whom Eudoxius substitutes for Cleobulus, Plato for Periander; the Oracle concerning Myson was this. Octoean Myson I declare Wiser than those that wisest are. He that was sent upon the enquiry was Anacharsis. Daedacus the Platonist, and Clearchus affirm, that the Cup was sent by Croesus to Pittacus, and so carried about. Andron in Tripod, (which seems to have been a discourse wholly upon this subject, and is likewise cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, to prove that Thales and the other six flourished about the fiftieth Olympiad) writes, that the Argives proposed this Trypod as a prize to the wisest of the Greeks, and that it was adjudged to Aristodemus a Spartan, who resigned it to Chilon; Aristodemus is mentioned by Alchaeus. This speech we to Aristodemus owe, Money's the man, none's poor and honest too. There are who report that a ship richly laden, sent by Periande● to Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus, was cast away in the Coan Sea, and the● ripod taken up by some Fishermen. Phanodius affirms it was lost in the Athenian Sea, and afterwards brought to the City, and upon consultdtion voted to be sent to Bias. Others say this Tripod was made by Vulcan, who gave it to Pelops as his wife's Portion; from him it came to Menelaus, and afterwards being taken away with Helen by Paris, was by the Lacedaemonian [Helen] thrown into the Sea, * Plut. vit. sol. calling to mind [ * Plut. vit. sol. an old Oracle] that it would prove in time to come the ground of many contentions. After this some Lebeaians' fishing thereabouts drew it up, and quarrelling with the fishermen about it, it was brought to Coos, but the controversy not decided, the business was told to those of Miletus which is the chief City of that Country, they sent sent a messenger to demand it, and finding themselves slighted, made war upon the Coans, in which many being slain on both sides, the Oracle declared that the Tripod should be given to the wisest, whereupon both parties with joint consent presented it to Thales [ * Plut. vit. sol. The Coans being willing to grant that to a private person, for which they before contested with all the Milesians] who dedicated it to Apollo Didyma●us; the effect of the Oracle to the Coans was this. This Contestation shall continue till The golden Tripod into th' Ocean cast By Vulcan, you present to one whose skill Extends to things to come, present and past. To the Milesians, Comest thou Milesian to consult my shrine? as before. Thus●aertius ●aertius. * Vit. sol. Plutarch adds, that Thales said, Bias was wiser than himself, whereupon it passed to him, from him to another, as wiser; so passing in a circle from one to another, it came at last to Thales the second time. Finally it was sent from Miletus to Thebes, and dedicated to Ismenian Apollo. Theophrastus saith it was first sent to Bias at Priene, then by Bias to Thales at Miletus, so passing through all, it came again to Bias; and finally was sent to Delphi. This is most generally reported, saving instead of a Tripod, some say it was a Cup sent from Croesus, others that it was left there by Bathycles Thus was the Priority of Thales confirmed by the Oracle, for which reason he is by Cicero and Strabo styled Prince of the wise men, to whom the rest yielded the pre-eminence. CHAP. VI Of his Philosophy. THales (saith Laertius) is by many affirmed to be the first that made disquisitions upon Nature. * Apud Lactant. & de Natura Deor. 1. Cicero (who taught the Greek Philosophy first to speak Latin,) acknowledges Thales to be the first Author thereof. * Lib. 14. Strabo saith, that he first of the Grecians made enquiry into natural Causes and the Mathematics. * De plac. phillip 1. 3. Plutarch calls him Inventor of Philosophy; justine Martyr, * Paraenes. ad. Graec. The most ancient of Philosophers; Tertullian, first of Natural Philosophers; * Apologet. Lactantius, * De fals. rel. 1. 5. the first that made enquiry after Natural Causes. Sect. 1. That Water is the Principle of all things. IN his disquisition of the natural Causes of things, he conceived Water to be the first Principle of all natural Bodies, whereof they consist, and into which they resolve. His reasons (as delivered by * Placit. philot. 1. 3. Plutarch, and repeated by * Eclog. phys. 1. 13. Stobaeus) these. First, because natural Seed, the Principle of all living creatures, is humid; whence it is probable that humidity is also the principle of all other things. Secondly, because all kinds of Plants are nourished by moisture; wanting which, they whither and decay. Thirdly, because Fire, even the Sun itself and the stars are nourished and maintained by vapours proceeding from Water, and consequently the whole world consists of the same. Whence Homer supposing all things to be engendered of water, saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Ocean whence all things receive their birth. In pursuit ( * Metaph. 1. 3. as Aristotle saith) of this opinion, he assigned water the lowest place, holding (according to * Natur. quast. 6. 6. Seneca) that the whole Earth ●●oats, and is carried above the water, whether that we call the Ocean or great Sea, or any simple moisture of another nature, or a moist element. By this water (saith he) the earth is sustained as a great ship, which presseth upon the water that bears it up, because the most weighty part of the world cannot be upheld by the Air, which is subtle and light. Thus is * Metaphys. 1. 3 Aristotle to be explained, who saith, Thales held, that the Earth being capable of swimming, resteth as wood or the like; now of such things, none suim upon Air, but upon Water. Upon this ground it was that he held Water (as Laertius saith) to be the cause of Earthquakes. Thus * Nac. quaest. 3. 13. Seneca; He holds that the Globe of the Earth is upheld by water, and carried as a bark, and floateth by the mobility thereof, at such time as it is said to quake. One of his reasons alleged by * Nat. quaest. 6. Seneca, is this, because in all extraordinary motions thereof some new Fountains commonly issued, which if they incline to one side, and show their keel asidelong, gather water, which, if it chance the burden they bear be overweighty, raiseth itself higher towards the right or left side. From the testimony of Homer, by which Thales (according to Pluta●ch and justine Martyr) defended this Tenet (that water is the principle of all things) it is manifest it was delivered, (though imperfectly) by other Grecians before Thales; Plutarch * Ignis an aqu●●tilior? else where producing this Authority of * Theogon. Hesiod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Of all things Chaos was the first— addeth, the greater part of ancient Philosophers called water Chaos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from dissusion. The Scholiast of * Argonant. 4. Apollonius upon these words. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Earth of slime was made, affirms (citing Zeno) that the Chaos whereof all things were made according to Hesiod was water, which settling became slime, the slime condensed into solid Earth, to which add this testimony of * Cited by Athenog●ras. Orpheus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Water slime was made: This opinion they borrowed from the Phoenicians, with whom the Grecians had a very ancient correspondence. Linus came from thence; Orpheus had his learning from thence; as Thales is conceived to have done likewise, which appears clearly in * Porphyr. de antro. Nymph. Numenius, an ancient Philosopher, who citys the very words of Moses for this opinion, The spirit of God moved on the face of the waters. There is an eminent place in * Prae●ar. Evangel. 1. 10. Eusebius to prove this; the divinity of the Phoenicians asserts the principle of this world to be a dark spiritual air, or the spirit of dark air, and Chaos troubled and involved in darkness; that this was infinite and a long time had no bound, but (say they) the spirit being moved with the love of his own principles, there was made a mixtion, which nexure was called love; this was the beginning of the production of all things; but the spirit itself had no generation, and from this connexion of the spirit was begotten 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which some call slime, others corruption of watery mistion, and of this was made the seed of all creatures, and the generation of all things. Nor were the Indians ignorant of this, as Megasthenes delivers their opinion. * Strab. lib. 15. They are of the same mind in many things with the Grecians, as that the world had beginning, and shall have end; that God its Maker and Governor goes quite through it; that all things had different beginnings, but that of which the world was made was water. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Principle, because with Philosophers it includes the efficient cause, and consequently understood singly excludes the rest, that being the most noble, hath given occasion to some to mistake Thales, as is by acknowledging no other principle, he consequently accounted Water to be God; but that Thales understands by Principle only the material Cause, we may easily gather from Plutarch, * De placit. philot. 1. 2. who condemneth Thales for confounding a Principle with an Element, and for holding them to be both one; Whereas (saith he) there is great difference; Elements are compounded, Principles are neither compounded, nor are any complete substance, & truly water, air, earth, fire we term elements, but principles we call other natures, in this respect that there is nothing precedent ●to them, whereof they are engendered. For otherwise, if they were not the first, they would not be Principles, but that rather should be so termed whereof they were made. Now certain things there are precedent whereof Earth and water are compounded, viz. The first inform matter, and the form itself and privation. Thales therefore errs, affirming Water to be both Element and principle of all things. Thus we see by Plutarch, that the objection can, only be as to the name, not to reason of the name; for the distinction of principle and element being not used in that time, Thales by principle, meant nothing of the efficient cause which is most certain from Aristotle. Metaphys. 1. ●. Thales, saith, he affirms water to be the principle: wherefore he held the earth to be above the water; perhaps he conceived so, because he saw that the nutriment of all things is humid, that heat itself consists thereof, and that every creature lives thereby; He held that of which things are made to be the principls of all things, for these reasons he was of this opinion, as also because the seeds of all things are of a humid nature, and water is the principle of things humid. Sect. 2. Of God. TErtullian saith, Apologer. 〈◊〉. gent. 〈◊〉 that Thales to Croesus, enquiring concerning the Deity, gave no certain account, but desired several times of deliberating to no effect. He seems to reflect upon the same or a like story to that which is reported of Simonides and Hieron. But what the opinion of Thales was concerning God, may be gathered from two Apothegms cited by Laertius, repeated with this gloss by * Stromat. 5. Clemens Alexandrinus; And what are not those the sayings of Thales that are derived from hence, That God is glorified for ever and ever, and he openly confesseth that he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he who knoweth Hearts. For Thales being demanded what God was, that (saith he) which hath neither beginning nor end. Another ask of a man might do ill and conceal it from God. How saith he, when a man that thinks it cannot? Men ought to think (says * De legib. 2. Cicero in his name) that the Gods see all things. He acknowledged God the first of beings, and Author of the world, asserting (according to Laertius) that the most ancient of all things is God, ●or he is not begotten; that the fairest is the world, for it is his work. This is confirmed by Cicero. * De nature. de or 〈◊〉 Thales the Mile●ian (saith he) who first enquired into these things, said, that water was the principle of things, but that God was that mind which form all things of water. If Gods may be without sense and mind, why did he join the mind to water● why water to the mind, if the mind can subsist without a body? Thus Cicero who understands Thales to intend the material principle to be coeternal with the efficient; which Thales himself seems not to mean, when he declared God to be the first of Being's. But that the men's of ●naxagoras, for the annexing of which to matter, he was so much famed, was no more than what he borrowed from Thales, the words of Cicero make good. He affirmed that God by the immutable decree of his providence governs the world. Thales (saith Stobaeus) being demanded what was most strong, answered Necessity, for it rules all the world. Necessity is the firm judgement and immutable power of providence. Hither we must likewise refer what is cited under his name by the same Stobaeus, that the first mover is immovable, which * Physic. ●. 7. Aristotle hath borrowed from him, not owning the Author. Something imperfectly was before delivered by Orpheus, concerning God, alleged by * Admonit. ad gent. Clemens Alexandrinus and others; but as Cicero saith; Thales was the first among the Grecians, who made any search into these things; and that he brought it out of Egypt, the Grecians themselves deny not, * Herodot. lib. 2. for they acknowledge, that they received the names of their Gods from thence, and believed the Egyptians to be the first, who looking up to the world above them, and admiring the nature of the universe, reflected upon the Deity. Sect. 3. Of Daemons. THales (saith * Placit. Philos. 1. 8. Plutarch) with Pythagoras, Plato, and the Stoics hold, that Daemons are spiritual substances, and the Hero's souls separated from the bodies, of which sort, there are two, good, and bad, the good Hero's are the good souls, the bad, the bad. The same order * Apolog. Athenagoras attests to be observed by Thales, ranking the three degrees thus: First, that of the immortal Gods, next Daemons, thirdly Heroes: This was followed by Pythagoras, that the Gods were to be preferred in reverence before Daemons, Hero's before men. He affirmed (as Stobaeus saith) the world to be full of these Daemons. This is thought the meaning of that of * De anim●. 1. 8. Aristotle, repeated by Cicero, Thales thought that all things were full of Gods. The same assertion Laertius ascribes to Pythagoras, * 〈◊〉 legib. 2. that all the air is full of souls, * Vit. Pythag. which are Hero's and Daemons. This opinion was asserted by the Greeks, before the time of Thales, particularly by Hesiod; but whether that be argument enough, to deny, that Thales had it from the Egyptians, I question; that they held it in the same manner, we may learn by * De myster. Egypt. sub initi● jamblichus. Besides, Pythagoras and Plato (whom Plutarch joins in this Tenet with Thales) drew their learning from the same fountain. Sect. 4. Of the Soul. PLutarch and Stobaeus say, that Thales first affirmed the soul to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a self moving nature. * De plac. Phil. 4. 2. Aristotle that he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect to the motion it gives to other things, * De anima. 1. 2. in which are included both parts of the definition of the * Plato in timae. Platonists, a substance, having within itself a power to move itself and other things: which Plato argues to this effect: The first of motions is that whereby a thing moves itself; the second, that whereby it moves another: every thing that moves itself, lives; every living thing lives, because it moves itself, the resore the power of self motion is the essence of that substance which we call the soul, which soul is the cause of the first generation and motion of things which are, ne'er, and shall be; and of all their contraries, as of all transmutation, the principal of motion, and therefore more ancient than the body, which it moves by a second motion. And afterwards declares these to be the names of the souls motion, to will, to consider, to take care, to consult, to judge rightly, and not rightly, to joy, to grieve, to dare, to fear, to hate, to love, and the like. These which are the first motions, and suscipient of the second corporal, bring all things into augmention, and decrease, conversion, or condemnation, and discretion, or rarefaction. This opinion first raised by Thales, was entertained in the schools with the assent of * Stob. Ecl. phys. lib. 1. Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Socrates, and Plato, till exploded by Aristotle, * Arist. de anima. l. 2. whose chief arguments against it were these. 1. That nothing is moved but what is in place, nothing in place but what hath quantity, which because the soul wants, none of the four kinds of motion (viz. Lation, Alteration, diminution, accretion) are compatible (pierce) to her. Secondly, that self motion is not essential to the Soul, because she is moved accidentally, by external objects. The first, if understood of Circumscription, not only denies the motion of all things, that are definitively in place, as spirits, but of the highest sphere, if compared with Aristotle's definition of place; yet that some of these species of motion, though in a different extraordinary manner, are competent to the soul, and not accidentally, may be argued 1. From the further diffusion of the soul, according to the augmentation of the body. 2. From intellection, which is acknowledged a perfection, and consequently a kind of alteration, which that Thales understood to be one of the soul's motions, is clear from that Apothegme ascribed to him by L●ertius, the swiftest of things is the mind, for it overruns all things: Whence * Tuscul. quast. ●. Cicero (confessing almost in the very words of Thales, that nothing is swifter than the mind, that no swiftness may compare with the swiftness of the mind) would interpret the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Aristotle, a continued and perpetual motion. The second reason may be questioned by comparing the acts of the memory, and reminiscence; the first occasioned by exterior things, yet objective only, so that the motion is within herself; but by the other she moves herself, from a privation to a habit, without the help of any exterior. It is worth notice, that among these and other reasons alleged by * De anima. 1. 3. Aristotle to destroy this assertion, one is the possibility of the resurrection of the body; but this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From the second part of the difference in the definition (viz. from moving other things) Thales argued, that the Loadstone, and Amber had souls; the first because it draws Iron, the second Straw. He further (saith Laertius) asserted those things we count inonimate, to have souls, arguing it from the loadstone and Amber: the reason of which latter example, * In Laert. Aldobrandinu● falsely interprets its change of colour, and jarring as it were at poison: But * De anima. 1. 2 Aristotle more plainly, for of those whom we mentioned, Thales seems to have taken the soul to be something 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apt to move, since he affirmed a stone to have a soul, because it moved Iron. He asserted likewise the soul (of man) to be immortal, and according to * Laert. Chaerilus, was the first that held so. * Tusc. quaest. 1. Cicero ascribes the original of this opinion to Pherecydes, but it rather seems to have been brought by Thales from the Egyptians; that they held so * Lib. 2. Herodotus attests. Sect. 5. Of the World. THales held, * Plutarch. de plac. phillip 2. 1. that there was but one world, and that * Laert. made by God; which truth was followed by all Philosophers, as * De Coclo. 1. 1●. 12. Aristotle confesseth, until he rejected it, to defend, by the contrary an assertion equally false, that the world is everlasting, which could not be, saith he, if it had beginning. That * Laert. the world being God's work, is the fairest of things, whatsoever disposed in lively order, being a part thereof, for which reason Pythagoras (according to * De plac. phillip 2. 1. Plutarch) called it first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That night is elder than day. This circumstance of the creation was held likewise by * Timoth. Orpheus, and Hesiod, who had it from the Phoenicians: for this reason the * Damascen. Numidians, * Tacit. de mor. Germ. Germans, * Caesar de bell● Gail. ●. and * Gauls reckoned by nights. That the * Laert. world is animated, and that * Plut. de plac. phillip God is the soul thereof, diffused through every part, whose divine moving virtue penetrats through the element of water. Thus explained by the Hermetick Philosophers; ●he divine spirit who produced this world out of the first water, being infused as it were, by a continual inspiration into the works of nature, and diffused largely through, by a certain secret, and continual act, moving the whole, and every particular according to its kind, is the soul of the world. That the * Laert. Plut. s●pt. sap. conviv. World is contained in place. This agrees with the definition of place by space; but they who with Aristotle define place a superficies, though they hold the parts of the world to be in place, are forced to deny the whole to be so. That in the world there is no vacuum, Plut de plac. phillip 1. 18. in which (as Plut●rch observes) all Philosophers agree, who affirm the world to be animated, and governed by providence; the contrary defended by those who maintain that it consisteth of Atoms, is inanimate, not governed by providence. That * Plut. de plac. phillip 1. 9 matter is fluid and variable. That * Plut. de pla phillip 1. 16. Bodies are passable and divisible, in infinitum, and continuous as are also a line, supers●cies, place, and time. That * Plut. de plat. phillip 2. 13. Achilles. Ta●. 〈◊〉 in Arat. mistion is made by composition of the elements. That * the stars are earthly, yet fiery; * De c●el●. 2. 7. 〈◊〉 de plac. phillip 2. 28. the Sun earthly. They who affirm the stars to be fiery, saith saith Aristotle, hold so, as conceiving the whole superior body to be fire. That the Moon is of the same nature with the Sun, that she is illuminated by him. Plutarch, and Stobaeus affirm this to be first held by Thales, though Eudemus cited by Theon ascribe it to Anaximander. That the monthly occulations of the Moon are caused by the nearness of the Sun shining round her. That there is but * Plut. de plac. phillip 3. 9 one earth, * Plut. de plac. phillip 3. 10. round, in fashion of a Globe, * Plut. de plac. phillip 3. 11. seated in the midst of the world, to which relates that speech ascribed to him by Cleodemus, that, if the earth were taken out of the world, there must of necessity follow a confusion of all things. That * Sept. sap. conviv the overflowing of Nilus is caused by the Etesian (yearly) winds, which rise with the Dog star, * Laert. after the summer solstice, and beginning to b●ow from the North, spread (as * Meteor. 2. 6. Aristotle describes them) into remote quarters. These (saith * De plac. phillip Pluta●ch) blowing directly against Egypt, cause the water so to swell, that the sea driven by these winds, entereth within the mouth of that River, and hindereth it, that it cannot discharge itself freely into the Sea, but is repulsed. Whereupon (adds * Lib. 1. Diodorus Siculus) it overflows Egypt, which lieth low and level. But this reason, though it seem plausible, is easily disproved; for if this were true, all the Rivers which are discharged into the Sea, opposite to the Etesian winds, should have the same overflowing. Thus Diodorus in his excellent discourse upon this subject, which concludes with the opinion of Agatharchides, that it is occasioned by rain, coming from the mountains of Ethiopia. CHAP. VII. Of his Geometry. APuleius, who calls Thales the inventor of Geometry amongst the Grecians, Florid. lib. 4. Laert. vit. Pythag. is more just to his memory then Anticlides and others, who ascribe the honour thereof to Moeris, or to Pythagoras, who by the acknowledgement of * De vita. Pythag. 1. 2. jamblichus, a Pythagorean, learned Mathematics of Thales. The original and progress of this science, * In Eucli●. 2. 4. to the perfection it received from Pythagoras (which gave occasion to that mistake) is thus delivered by ●roclus. Geometry was invented by the Egyptians, taking ●is beginning from measuring fields, it being necessary for them, by reason of the inundation of Nilus, which washed away the bounds of their severals. Nor is it to be wondered at, that as well this, as other sciences, should have their beginning from commodiousness, and opportunity; since, as is said in generation, it proceeds from imperfect to perfect; therefore not without reason is the transition from sense to consideration, * Supply the breach in the text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. so Barocius translates and from consideration to the mind. As therefore among the Phaenicians, by reason of merchandise and traffic, the certain knowledge of numbers had its beginning; so likewise among the Egyptians, Geometry was found out upon the foresaid occasion; and Thales going to Egypt, first brought over this science in●o Greece: and many things he found out himself, and taught his followers the principles of many things, declaring some more generally, other things more plainly. Next him Ameristus, brother to Stesichorus the Poet, is remembered, * Read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as having touched Geometry, of whon Hippias the Elean makes mention, as eminent in that knowledge: After these Pythagoras considering the principles thereof more highly, advanced it into a liberal science. Sect. 1. Propositions invented by him. THat he improved (as Proclus implies) the Geometry which he learned of the Egyptians with many propositions of his own, is confirmed by Laertius, who saith, that he much advanced those things, the invention whereof Callimachus in his iambics, asscribes to Euphorbus the Phrygian, as scalenous triangles, and others. Nor is it to be doubted, but that many of them are of those, which Euclid hath reduced into his Elements; whose design it was to collect and digest those that were invented by others, accurately demonstrating such as were more negligently proved, but of them only, these are known to be his. [1. Every Diameter divides its circle into two equal parts. * Lib. 1. def. 17. ] This proposition which Euclid makes part of the definition of a Diameter, * in Euclid lib. 2. come. 14. Proclus affirms to have been first demonstrated by Thales. 2. [ * Euclid. lib. 1. prop. 5. In all Isosceles triangles, the angles at the base are equal the one to the other, and those right lines being produced, the angles under the base are equal.] * lib. 3. come. 9 Proclus saith, that for the invention of this likewise, as of many other propositions, we are beholding to Thales, for he first observed and said, that of every Isosceles, the angels at the base are equal, and according to the ancients called equal like. These are three passages in the demonstration, which infer nothing toward the conclusion, of which kind there are many in Euclid, and seem to confirm the antiquity thereof, and that it was less curiously reform by him. 3. [If two lines cut one the other, the verticle angles shall equal the one the other.] * Euclid. lib. 1. prop. 15. Eudemus attests this theorem to have been invented by Thales, Procl. lib. 3. come. 19 but first demonstrated by Euclid. Euclid lib. 1. prop. 26. 4. [ * Procl. lib. 3. come. 31. If two triangles have two angles equal to two angles the one to the other, and one side equal to one side, either that which is adjacent to the equal angles, or that which subtendeth one of the equal angles, they shall likewise have the other sides, equal to the other sides, both to both, and the remaining angle equal to the remaining angle] * Eudemus attributes this theorem (saith Proclus) to Thales, for showing the distance of ships upon the Sea, in that manner as he is said to do, it is necessary that he perform it by this. Pamphila (saith Laertius) affirms, that he first described the rectangle triangle of a circle.] * Geom. Ramus attributes to Thales (upon this authority of Laertius) the second, third, fourth, and fifth propositions of the fourth book of Euclid, which are concerning the adscription of a triangle and a circle, and consequently takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to include both inscription, and circumscription; whereas in all those propositions, there is nothing proper to a rectangle triangle; so that if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be retained, it must relate to the 31 proposition of the third book, whence may be deduced the description of a rectangle triangle in a circle. But because there is no such proposition in Euclid, and this hath but an obscure reference to part of that theorem; it is to be doubted that the Text of Laertius is corrupt, and the word (or mark) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insered by accident, without which these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exactly correspond with those of * Lib. 10. cap. 11. Vitru●●ius, ●ythagoricum trigonum orthogonium describere: by which he means (as he at large expresseth * Lib. 9 cap. 2. elsewhere,) the forty fifth proposition of the first book of Euclid, that in rectangle triangles, the square of the hypotenuse, is equal to the square of the sides containing the right angle. That Vitruvius, Proclus, and others, attribute this invention to Pythagoras, confirms it to be the same here meant by Laertius; who adds, that Thales, for the invention hereof, sacrificed an Ox, though others (saith he) among whom is Apollodorus, ascribe it to Pythagoras. And in the life of Pythagoras, he citys the same Apollodorus, that Pythagoras sacrificed a Hecatomb, having foundout, that the hypotenuse of a right angled triangle, is of equal power to the two sides, including the right angle according to the Epigram That noble scheme Pythagoras devised, For which a Hecatomb he sacrificed. Cicero, though he differ in the Author, agrees in the quantity of the offering with Laertius; affirming, that Pythagoras upon any new invention, used to sacrifice an Ox: Which kind of gratitude begun by Thales, was imitated by others also, as by Perseus. * Procl in Euclid. lib. 2. def. 4. where the words perhaps are inverted, and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Finding three spiral lines, in sections five, Perseus an offering to the Gods did give. Sect. 2. Of his taking the height of the Pyramids. THe Pyramids of Egypt are supposed by * Polyhist. cap. 25. Solinus, * Idyll. 2. Ausonius, * Lib. 22. Ammianus, * Var. 7. form. 16. Marcellinus, and * Cassiodorus, to cast no shadow at all, which (as Master Greaves hath observed in his excellent discourse upon this subject) must be meant either of the summer time, or, which is nearer the truth, that for three quarters of the year, they have none at midday. For, that Thales by the shadow measured their height, is acknowledged. * Laert. Hieronymus saith, he measured the Pyramids by the shadow, observing when they are of equal bigness. * Lib. 36. cap. 12. Pliny affirms, he found out a way to take the height of them, and all such like, by measuring the shadow, at what time it is equal to the body. But Plutarch hath given a more regular and exact account of his manner of operation, by erecting a staff perpendicular upon the end of the shadow of the Pyramid, and by two triangles made by the beams of the Sun, he demonstrated, that what proportion there was between the shadows, the same was betwixt the Pyramid and the staff: A demonstration so rational, that it is the ordinary way of taking heights by shadows, founded upon this theorem. * Euclid. lib. 6. prop. 4. Of equiangle triangles, the sides that are about equal angles are proportional, and the sides that subtend the equal angles are homologous. Which if Proclus had proceeded as far as the sixth book of Euclid, we should in all likelihood have found ascribed to Thales; for the same argument wherewith Eudemus proves him inventor of the fourth theorem in the foregoing Section, whereby he took distances, is of equal force in this, whereby he took altitudes. The height of the great Pyramid (which Thales measured) is by its perpendicular (according to Mr. Greaves) 499 feet, by its inclining ascent, 693 feet. CHAP. VIII. Of his Astronomy. OMitting the fable of Orpheus' Harp, alluding to the seven Planets, and the observations of Hesiod, which were little more than of the rising and setting of some principal Stars, (so imperfect, that Plato calls all those who satisfy themselves with such superficial knowledge, Astronomers according to Hesiod) we may with Eudemus and others affirm, that Thales was the first of the Grecians that was skilful in Astronomy. Which Science, * lib. 5. Cap. 17. Pliny asserts to have been brought out of Phoenicia; * de Caelo. 2. 12. Aristotle that the Grecians owe much of it to the Egyptians, where it had been of a long time practised: Thither indeed * Epist. 〈◊〉 pherecyd. Thales acknowledgeth that he traveled to confer with Astronomers. Sect. 1. Of the Celestial Spheres. THales, Pythagoras (saith * De plac. phillip Plutarch, repeated by * Sto●aeus) with his followers affirm, that the Celestial sphere is divided into five Circles (which they call Zones) whereof one is call, 〈◊〉 Arctic, and is always in view to us; one the summer Tropic, one the Equinoctial, one the winter Tropic, one the Antarctic circle, never seen by us. The oblique Circle called the Zodiac, lieth under the three middle circles, it 〈◊〉 them all three as it passeth, and each of them is cut in right angles by the Meridian, which goeth from Pole to Pole. Unjustly therefore is the invention of the Zones ascribed by * Strab. lib. 2. Posidonius to Parmenides; and that of the obliquity of the Zodiac by * Plin. 2. 8. others to Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Aenipodes. * Laert. Eudemus saith, that he first observed the Tropics; Laertius, that he first found out the accession of the Sun from Tropic to Tropic. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not only the Solstices, but the Equinoxes likewise: * Advers. mathem. 5. 2. Sextus Empiricus. The Tropic signs are those into which the Sun coming, changeth and maketh conversions of the air; such a sign is Aries, and the opposite to it Libra; so also Capricorn and Cancer: for in Aries is made the vernal conversion, in Capricorn the winter, in Cancer the Summer, in Libra the autumnal. This exposition La●●tius confirms, when he saith that Thales composed only two treatises, one of the Tropics, the other of the equinoctials; and that he distinguished the seasons of the year. Sect. 2. Of the Sun, Moon, and Stars. HE first observed the Apparent diameter of the Sun, which is the angle made in the eye, to be the 720 part of his orb: This doubtless is the meaning of Laertius, his words these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then which reading, which implies the Sun to be 720 times lesser than the Moon, nothing is more ridiculous; for knowing (as is granted by all) the cause of Eclipses, he must likewise know the Sun to be greater than the Moon nor is it much mended by those who read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The text seems rather to require 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or something to that effect, of which, thus * in Arenarie. Archimedes, this we suppose when Aristarchus saith the Sun appeareth, as being the 720 part of the circle of the Zodiac; for he considered how he might by instruments take the angle made in the eye by the Sun's apparent diameter: but to take any such thing exactly is not easy; for ne then the sight, nor the hand, nor the instruments wherewith the observation is made, are of credit sufficient to demonstrate it exactly. This correction Apuletus thus confirms, In his declining age he made an excellent demonstration of the proportion of the Sun, which I have not only learned (saith Apuleius) but confirmed by practice, how many times the Sun's magnitude is comprehended in the circle which his motion makes. This, as soon as he found out, Thales showed to Mandraytus of Priene, who being infinitely delighted with this new and unexpected knowledge, bade him ask what he would in recompense for such an excellent invention: It will be reward enough for me, said Thales, if what you have learned of me, whensoever you communicate it to others, you profess me to be the Inventor. He first found out the constellation of the lesser Bear, * Eaert. & Achilles. Tat. Isag. in Arat. Callimachus He to Miletus sailed, invited By Thales glory, who quicksighted Is said t' have marked the lesser Bear, The star by which Phoenicians steer. Higynus affirms that he first called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bear. Sect. 3. Of Eclipses. HE was the first (saith Laertius) that foretold Eclipses, as Eudemus affirms in his Astrologick history; for which Zenophanes and Herodotus admire him; attested also by Heraclitus and Democritus. Theon, Smyrnaeus, and Clemens Alexandrinus cite the same place of Eudemus; the scope of whose book was the History of Astrologers, and what every one found out. Thus likewise Pliny, Amongst the Grecians, the first that searched into Eclipses, was Thales, the Milesian. * De placit. phillip 2. ●. Plutarch affirms, that he was the first that observed the Eclipse of of the Sun, and said, that it was occasioned by the Moon, coming in a direct line underneath him, which may be seen in a basin of water, or looking glass. * Plut. de plac. phillip 2. 28. That the Eclipse of the Moon is caused by the shadow of the earth, which being placed betwixt these two stars, darkens the lesser. The testimony of Herodotus, alleged by Laertius is this: * Lib. 1. A five years' war was raised between the Lydians and the Medes, in which, sometimes the Medes had the better of the Lydians, sometimes the Lydians of the Medes, and one battle was fought by night: The war being thus equal on both sides, in the sixth year, the Armies being joined, it happened that as they were ●ighting, the day on a sudden became night; which alteration of that day, Thales a Milesian had foretold the jonians, designing the year wherein it should happen. The Lydians and Mea●s seeing the day turned to night, left off fight, and laboured to conclude a mutual peace, which by the mediation of Syennenses King of Cilicia, and Labnitus King of Babylon (whom Scaliger conceives to be Nabuchadnezzar) was concluded, with the marriage of Aryaena daughter of Alyattes, with Astyages, son of Cyaxares, ratified by drinking blood. This is the story of that memorable Eclipse, the time whereof is uncertain: * Lib. ●. cap. 12. Pliny placeth it in the fourth year of the forty eight Olympiad, before the building of Rome 170 years: * cap. 20. Solinus in the 49 Olympiad, the 604 year after the destruction of ●roy; which falls upon the first year of that Olympiad. * Strom. 1. Clemens Alexandrinus (citing Eudemus) about the fiftieth Olympiad, at what time Cyaxares father of Astyages reigned in Media: Alyattes father of C●oesus in Lydia. Eusebius in the second year of the forty eight Olympiad, 1430 years after Abraham. Cleomedes saith, it was total in Hellespont in Alexandria, but of ten digits. * Lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the M. S. prepared for the Press in the hands of my honoured friend Edward Byshe Esq. johannes Antiochenus saith, it continued many hours; but they could, not exceed three. Of latter writers differing accounts thereof are delivered by these. Ricciolus placeth it before the incarnation 585 years, May 28. about 6 a clock in the afternoon, the digits eclipsed 12. 56. Calvisius before the incarnation 607 years. Olymp. 43. 4. differing from Pliny 18. years. The learned Bishop of Armagh, in the reign of Cyaxares Olymp. 44. 4. the 147 year of Nabonassar, the fourth day of the Egyptian Month Pachon, according to the Julian account Septemb. 20. feria 1. beginning after Sun-rise 1●. 3●●. 25●. digits eclipsed 9 continuing almost two hours. Petavius Olympiad 45. 4. Julian period 4117. before the incarnation 597, after the building of Rome 157. july 9 feria 3 beginning after midnight 4● 45● digits eclipsed 9 22●. continuance full two hours. Kocca confutes Petavius, because that eclipse suits not with the circumstances of the story, as beginning too early in the morning, and being defective as to the quantity in Pontus and lesser Asia. Lansbergius, Olympiad 48. 3. the 163 year of Nabonassar, the 12 day of Tybi, which is May 28. digits eclipsed 12. 2●● in Hellespont: 10. 12● in Alexandria. Kepler, Scaliger, Buntingus, and Salianus, follow Pliny: digits eclipsed (according to Buntingus) 11. 30●. Neither is it easy to determine whether this variety arise from the incertainty of the Astronomers, or of the Chronologers. Sect. 4. Of the Year. Laertius saith, that he distinguished the seasons of the year, that he first called the last day of every month 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the thirtieth day: that he divided the year into three hundred sixty five days. This calculation of the year he seemed to have learned in Egypt, where it was in use, thus explained and commended by * lib. 2. Herodotus, the Egyptians were of all men the first that found out the year, distinguishing it into twelve months; this they gathered from the stars, and more judiciously (in my opinion) than the Grecians, for as much as the Grecians every third year, intercalate a month to make up the time; but the Egyptians to the number of 360 days, which twelve months make, add yearly five days, whereby the account of the circle of time returning into its self is made good. This was called in latter times, the Egyptian year (perhaps because used by Ptolemy, who lived in Egypt) in distinction from the julian year, which was then used in all the western parts, and hath the addition of six hours: The most perfect is the Gregorian, consisting of three hundred sixty five days, five hours, forty nine Minutes, twelve seconds. Sect. 5. His Astrological Predictions. Thales being earnestly addicted to Astrology, became obnoxious to the censure of some persons. As he was led abroad one night by an old woman, his Maid (a * Plat. Thracian) to look upon the Stars, he fell into a ditch (wherein she purposely led him) to whom as he complained, Thales, said she, do you think, when you cannot see those things that are at your feet, that you can understand the heavens? He was also, for preferring this study before wealth, reproved by some friends, not without reproach to the Science, as conferring no advantage on its professors; whereupon he thus vindicated himself and the art from that aspersion. When they upbraid him, saith * Pol. 1. 7. Aristotle, with his proverty, as if Philosophy were unprofitable, it is said, that he by Astrology, foreseeing the plenty of Olives that would be that year, before the winter was gone (antequam florere caepissent, saith * De divinat. 1. Cicero) gave earnest, and bought up all the places for oil at Miletus, and Chios, which he did with little money, there being no other chapman at that time to raise the price; and when the time came that many were sought for in haste, he setting what rates on them he pleased, by this means got together much money, and then showed, that it was easy for Philosophers to be rich, if they would themselves, but that wealth was not their aim. To this Plutarch alludes, when he said, that Thales is reported to have practised Merchandise. CHAP. IX. His Moral Sentences. Of his Moral Sentences those are first to be remembered which * Sept. sap. conv. Plutarch mentions upon this occasion. Amasis' King of Egypt entering into contestation with the King of Aethiopia concerning wisdom, propounded these questions to be resolved by him; what is oldest of all things, what fairest, what greatest, what wisest, what most common, what most profitable, what most hurtful, what most powerful, what most easy? The answers of the Aethiopian were these, the oldest of things is time, the wisest Truth, the fairest Light, the most common Death, the most profitable God, the most hurtful the Devil, the most powerful Fortune, the most easy that which pleaseth. Thales demanded of Niloxenus, whether Amasis approved these solutions? Niloxenus, who was sent by Amasis into Greece with these other questions to be resolved by the Sages, answered that with some he was satisfied, with others not; and yet, replies Thales, there is not one but is erroneus and betrays ignorance. As for the first, how can it be defended that Time is the oldest of things, when one part of it is past, the other present, the third yet to come, for that which is to come must in reason be esteemed younger than all men or things? Next to to affirm the truth is wisdom, is as much as if we should say, that the Light and seeing are all one. Again, if he esteem Light fair, why doth he forget the Sun? His answers concerning God and the Devil are bold and dangerous, but that of Fortune most improbable, for if she be so powerful, how comes it that she is so easily changed. Nor is Death the most common, for it is not common to the Living. The most ancient of things is God, for he never had beginning or birth, the greatest place of the world containeth all other things, place contains the world; the fairest the world, for whatsoever is order disposed, is part thereof. The wisest is time, for it hath found out all things already devised, and will find out all that shall be; the most common hope, for that remains with such as have nothing else; the most profitable, virtue, for it muketh all things useful & commodious * Etiam apud Stob. serm. 109. the most hurtful vice, for it destroyeth all good things; the most powerful Necessity, for that only is invincible; Etiam apud. Stob. serm. 46. the most easy, that which agreeth with nature, for even pleasures are many times given over and cloy us. To which Apothegms these are added by Laertius, The swiftest of things is the mind, for it overruns all. He affirmed that there is no difference betwixt life and death; being there upon asked why he did not die; because saith he, there is no difference; to one who asked which was eldest, night or day; he answered night by a day; Another enquiring whether a man might do ill and conceal it from the Gods; not think it, said he. To an Adulterer questioning him if he might not clear himself by oath, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: not as counselling the latter but reproving the former. perjury, says he, is no worse than Adultery: Being demanded what was difficult, he answered, To know one's self; what easy, to be ruled by another; what sweet, to follow ones own will; what divine, that which hath neither beginning nor end. At his return from travel, being demanded what was the strangest thing he had seen, he answered, a Tyrant old. What will help to bear ill fortune? to behold our enemies in worse. How shall a man live justly? by avoiding what he blames in others. Who is happy? he who hath a sound body, a rich fortune, and a docile nature. * Sympos. sept. sap. Plutarch adds these; we may well report probable news, but improbable should not be related. We ought not to believe our enemies incredible things, nor to distrust our friends in incredible. Periander being much troubled at a monster which a youth brought him, born of a Mare with the head only of a horse, the rest resembling a man, he advised him not to take care for expiation of what the prodigy portended, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Stobaeus these; * Serm 61. Being demanded how far falsehood was distant from truth, * Serm. 104. as far saith he as the eyes from the ears. It is hard but good to know ourselves, for that is to live according to nature. His moral precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus; * S●ob. serm. 28. if thou art a surety, loss is nigh; Be equally mindful of friends present and absent; study not to beautify thy face but they mind: every not thyself by unjust means. * i e. be true to thy trust. Let not any words fall from thee which may accuse thee to him who hath committed anything in trust to thee. Cherish thy parents. Entertain not evil. What thou bestowest on thy Parents thou shalt receive from thy children in thy old age. It is hard to understand well. The sweetest thing is to enjoy our desire. Idleness is troublesome. Intemperance hurtful. Ignorance intolerable. Learn and teach better things. Be not idle though rich. Conceal thy domestic ills. To avoid envy be not pitiable. Use moderation. Believe not all. If a Governor, rule thyself. I follow those copies of Stobaeus, that ascribe these to Thales rather than to Pittacus, because the greater part are confirmed by Laertius. Ausonius hath reduced these into verse under his name. Fear ere thou sin, thyself though none elsenigh, Life fades, a glorious death can never die. Let not thy tongue discover thy intent, 'tis misery to dread, and not prevent. He helps his foes that justly reprehends. He that unjustly praiseth, harms his friends. That's not enough that to excess extends. His Motto was according to Laertius, Know thyself; according to * Clem. Alex. Didymus and * Fab. 221. Higynus, if thou be a surety, loss is nigh: By * Laert. Hermippus, this is ascribed to him, though by others to Socrates: He gave thanks to fortune for three things: first, that he was born rational, not a beast; secondly, that a man, not a woman; thirdly, that a Grecian, not a Barbarian. There are besides cited by Laertius, under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or loose verses, these sentences. Not many words much wisdom signify, Choose one thing excellent, to which apply Thy mind, and stop the mouth of calumny. CHAP. 10. His judgement in Civil affairs. Politics was, according to Laertius, his first study, in which his advice was of great Authority, though he were the only person (as Cicero observes) of the seven wisemen, that was not ruler of the City wherein he lived. Of his judgement herein we have two instances; the first from * Lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Valla readers thus; Caeteras autem civitates habitatas nihilominus hule parituras, qua aliarum civitatum tribus legibus parerent. Stephanui thus; nihiloninus eodem loco haberi quo tribus; both (I conceive) amiss. Herodotus; Good also, even before the destruction of jonia, was the advice of Thales, a Milesian, a far off by descent Phoenician, who commanded the jonians to build one common Council Hall, and that in Teos, for that Teos is in the midst of jonia, and the rest of the inhabited Cities, nevertheless to be in repute, according as the Citizens were. The other cited by Laertius (with no less applause) is this, In the first year of the fifty eight Olympiad, Croesus' King of Lydia, fearing the greatness of Cyrus, and encouraged thereunto, as he conceived, by the Oracle, sent Ambassadors and presents to the most considerable of the Grecians, persuading them to join with him in an expedition against Cyrus, which the Lacedæmonians with many others did: but Thales forbade the Milesians to enter into league with him. It appears (adds Laertius) that his advice in civil affairs was excellent; for this thing (Cyrus geuing the better) preserved the City. Yet did he afford Croesus his particular assistance in passing his Army over Halys, as the Grecians affirm, though Herodotus be of a contrary opinion, who gives this account of both. When Croesus was come to the River Halys, then, I believe, by bridges that were there, he passed over his Army; but the common report of the Grecians is, that Thales the Milesian was he who conveyed it over: For Croesus being doubtful over what part of the River his Army should pass, there being in those days no Bridges, Thales, who was in the seld with him, is said to have caused the River that did run on the left hand of the Army, to run also on the right, which he brought to pass thus. Beginning above the trench, he digged a deep trench, and brought it in the fashion of a half Moon, that the River being turned into the trench from the former channel at the back of the Army, and passing by the camp, came into the old channel again, so that assoon as the River was thus divided, (which * In Hippia Lucian saith, was done in one night) it became fordable on either side: Some say that the old channel was quite made up, but that I do not believe, for then, how could they in their return pass over. That this is the meaning of Herodotus, mistaken by * Who renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in quam cum introduxisset ex pristino alveo sluvium, iterum cum ubi exercitus trajectus esset in suum alveum resundere● Valla, will appear from the * In Nubes. scholiast of Aristophanes, who relates it in the same manner, not without applauding Thales for his excellency in Mechanics. He was a great enemy to Tyrants, and accounted all Monarchy little better, as appears by Plutarch, who makes him speak thus: As for taking one for the other, (viz. a Monarch for a Tyrant) I am of the same mind with the young man, who throwing a stone at a Dog, hit his stepmother; it is no matter, said he, for even so, it lights not amiss, Truly I always esteemed Solon very wise, for refusing to be King of his own Country: and Pittacus, if he had not taken upon him a Monarchy, would never have said, how hard it is to be a good man: and Periander being seized (as it were an hereditary disease derived from his father) by the same Tyranny, did very well to endeavour as much as he could to disengage himself from it, by frequenting the conversation of the best men, inviting Sages, and Philosophers, and being invited by them, not approving the dangerous counsel of Thrasibulus, my countryman, who persuaded him to take off the heads of the chiefest. For a Tyrant, who chooseth rather to command slaves than freemen, is like a husbandman, who preferreth the gathering of locusts, and catching of foul, before reaping of good corn. These sovereign authorities have only this good, in recompense of many evils, a kind of honour and glory, if men be so happy, that in ruling good men, they themselves prove betterjs as for such, who in their office aim at nothing but security, without respect of honour or honesty, they are fitter to be set over beasts than men. In the same Symposion, he gives this account of Monarchy, Democracy, and Economics. That Prince is happy, Stob. serm. 147. who lives till he is old, Stob. serm. 141. and dies a natural death. That commonwealth is best ordered, Stob. serm. 43. where the citizens are neither too rich, nor too poor. That house is best, wherein the Master may live most at ease. CHAP. XI. Of his writings. Some affirm (saith laertius) that he lest nothing behind him in writing. Others that he writ, Of natural Philosophy: Saint * De civi●. dei. Augustine saith, that Thales, to propagate his doctrine to succession, searched into the secrets of nature, and committing his opinions to monuments and Letters, grew famous. Of Nautick Astrology (mentioned by * Laert: Simplicius) which is by some ascribed to Phocus, a Samian. Of the Tropics and aequinoctials: which two treatises Laertius, saith, he composed, as judging the rest easy to be understood. These seem to be those Astrological writings which * Lobon, an Argive, who writ concerning the Poets, affirmeth to have extended to two hundred verses. Of Meteors: a treatise in verse, mentioned by Suidas. The history of his own times: if we may give credit to * Lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 johannes Antiochenus, who saith, These things Thales, Castor, and Polybius most wise Authors, committed to writing, and after them Herodotus the historian: but perhaps this may be no more probable, then that Polybiu● and Castor should precede Herodotus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which those that are cited by Laertius, we have inserted among his moral sentences, for such they were, tending to the instruction of the common people, a kind of loose verse, coming near prose, whence Demosthenes makes two kinds of Poets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Casaubon observes) those that write in meeter, and (if we may so term it) those that write in blank verse. Whatsoever Latertius in the lives of the seven wisemen produceth in this kind, seemeth not to be taken out of any Poet, but to have been written by the wisemen themselves: Epistles, of which two only are extant, preserved by Laertius. Thales to Pherecydes. I Hear, that you first of the jonians, are about to publish a discourse to the Greeks concerning Religion, and * But the interpreters render this to another effect. justly you conceive that your work ought rather to be laid in a public library, then transmitted to uncertain persons: if therefore it may any way pleasure you, I will willingly conser with you about that which you have written, and if you desire, will visit you at Syrus; for neither myself, nor Solon the Athentan should deserve the titles of wisemen, if we, who said to Crect to inform ourselves of matters there, and into Egypt, to conser with Priests and Astronomers, should not likewise make a journey to you: Solon also, if you think fit, will come. You who affect home seldom pass into jonia, nor care to enjoy the society of strangers; we, who write nothing, spend our time in travelling through Greece and Asia. Thales to Solon. IF you leave Athens, you may, in my opinion, settle yourself (with those you take along with you) at Miletus, for here is nothing to trouble you. If you dislike that we Milesians are governed by a ●yrant (for you are averse to all Monarches, even elective) yet may you please yourself in the society and conversation of me your friend. Bias likewise hath sent to invite you to Priene; if to abide at Priene please you better, we will also come and dwell there with you. CHAP. XII. His Auditors and Scholars. THe first eminent person of those who heard Thales and professed his Philosophy, was Anaximander son of ●raxides a Milesian, who flourished in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos. Next is Anaximenes a Milesian also, son of Euristratus, (who according to Eusebius) flourished in the second year of the 56 th'. Olympiad. He was Scholar to Anaximander and Parmenides; But that he heard Thales also, he acknowledgeth in an * ●ert. vit. Anax. Epistle to Pythagoras. We may (as in that Epistle Anaximenes doth) amongst the disciples of Thales reckon Pythagoras the Samian, institutor of the Italic Sect, who being from his youth particularly addicted to investigation of Religious mysteries, addressed his first journey to Thales at Miletus, as to one that best could further his design, being (according to * De vita Pythag 1. 2. jamblichus) not fully 18. years old; which if we follow the account of Euseb. us for his birth (the fourth year of the seventieth Olympiad) and that of Sosicrates for his age eighty years (for the rest, the farther they exceed that time, are so much the more incapable of reconcilement) will fall about the second year of the fifty fourth Olympiad,) which is the 82. of Thales. From Thales he received the Rudiments of that Excellence which he afterwards attained. This is acknowledged by * Vit. ●ythag. 1. 2. jamblichus. Thales, saith he, entertained him very kindly, admiring the difference between him and other youths, which exceeded the fame he had received of him. After that he had instructed him as well as he was able in the Mathematics, alleging for excuse his old age and infirmity, be advised him to go to Egypt, and to converse with the Memphian Priests, especially those of jupiter, of whom he himself had in his Travels learned those things, for which by many he was esteemed wife's and * Vit. Pythag. 1. 3. again, among other things Thales chiefly advised him to husband his time well, in respect whereof he attained from wine and flesh, only eating such things as are light of digestion, by which means he procured shortness of sleep, wakefulness, purity of mind, and constant health of body. CHAP. XIII. of his Death. THales having now lived to a great age, being full of honour and wisdom, * Laert. died in the first year of the fifty eight Olympiad (when according to Pausanias Erxyclides was Archon) as he was beholding the Olympic games, oppressed with heat, thirst and the burden of his years which amounted to ninty two. Laertius under-reckons him to have lived but eighty seven years, having before acknowledged his birth to have been in the first of the 35. Olympiad. * Rationar. temp. 1. 12. Petavius over-reckons, who makes him live to the end of the 58. which could not be, because he died spectator of the Olympic Games. * De long ●vis. Lucian and * Chron●l. Sincellus more, who say he lived 100 years. Sosicrates comes nearest to the truth, who allows him to have lived 90. years, and to have died in the 58. Olympiad; for from the first of the 58. is 23. entire Olympiads. The manner of his death gave Laertius occasion to favour him with this Epigram. Viewing th' Olympic games Elean Jove Thou didst wise Thales from that his race remove Nigher thyself; and 'twas well done, now old He could not well from Earth the Stars behold. He was buried according to his own appointment in a poor obscure part of the Milesian field, Plut. vit. S●lon. where he presaged that in future times their Forum should be; upon his Tomb this distich, Narrow the Tomb, the fame than heaven more wide Of wisest Thales, whom this earth doth hide. There was also a statue erected in honour of him bearing this subscription. Milesian Thales this doth represent, Who all in wise Astrology outwent. * Le●●t. There were five more of this name mentioned by Demetrius the Magnesi●a, an orator of Calatis, an affected imitator. A Painter of Sicyonia, of a great spirit. The third very ancient, contemporary with Hesiod, Homer and Lycurgus; The fourth mentioned by Duris: the fifth of later times, by Dionysius in Criticis. * Vit. S●crat. Laertius names Pherecydes as a detractor from Thales the Philosopher. SOLON. CHAP. I. Solon his Parents, Country, and Condition. Philocles', cited by Didymus affirms, that Solon's father was named Euphorion, but by the unanimous consent of all other writers, he was called Execestides, a person though of small fortune and account among the Citizens, yet of the most noble family in Athens, descended from Codrus, * Plut. Solon deriving himself from Neleus, son of Codrus, and from Neptune: * L●ert: Plut. His Mother near of kin to the Mother of Pisistratus; * Laert. vit. Proclus in Tima●m: his Parents had another Son named Dropides, Archon, the year after Solon, from him was Plato descended. Solon was born (according to La●rtius) at Salamis, for which reason he desired at his death that his body might be carried thither; but from his Parents and the place of his residence, he was surnamed Athenian * Plut. His father by munificence and liberality brought his estate so low, as to want even necessaries: Solon (ashamed to receive from any, being of a house which used to maintain others) betook himself to Merchandise: others say, he traveled rather to improve his knowledge and experience, for he was a professed lover of wisdom, and even to his last used to say, I grow old learning; riches he esteemed not much, but to grow rich like — him who abounds. In heaps of gold, as in rank corn his grounds In Mules and Horses, whilst his numerous wealth Made pleasing by uninterrupted health; If to complete these joys, he be possessed Of wife and children, he is truly blest. And elsewhere. Riches I wish, not riches that are placed In unjust means, for vengeance comes at last. SOLON. Many unjust grow rich, and pious poor, We would not change our virtue for their store. For constant virtue is a solid base: Riches from man to man uncertain pass. * Polit. 4. 11. Aristotle ranks Solon amongst the inferior sort of Citizens, which (saith he) is manifest from his Elegies, meaning perhaps, some of these which Plutarch citys. * In Scytha. Lucian saith, he was extremely poor: * Orat. ●. Palaeologus, that he neither had nor valued wealth. CHAP. II. How by his means the Athenians took Salamis, Cyrrha, and the Thracian Chersonesus. MAny (saith * Orat. de falsa legate. Demosthenes) of obscure and contemptible have become illustrious by profession of wisdom. Solon both living and dead flourished in extraordinary glory, to whom the utmost honours were not denied, for he left a monument of his valour, the Megaraean Trophy, and of his wisdom, the recovery of Salamis; the occasions these. * Pausan. The Island Salamis revolted from the Athenians to the Megarenses; * Plut. the Athenians having had a long troublesome war with the Magarenses for its recovery, grew at length so weary, that giving it over, they made a Law, forbidding any upon pain of death to speak or write any thing to persuade the City to re-attempt it: Solon brooking with much reluctance this ignominy, & seeing many young men in the City desirous to renew the war, (though not daring to move it, by reason of the Edict) counterfeited himself mad, which he caused to be given out through the City, and having privately composed some elegiac verses and got them by heart, came skipping into the ●orum with his Cap (or as Laertius saith, a Garland) on; the people flocking about him, he went up into the place of the Crier, and sung his Elegy beginning thus, A crier I, from Salamis the fair, Am come in verse this message to declare: * Pausan. The lines wherewith they were most excited were these. Rather than Athens would, I owed my birth To Pholegondrian, or Sicinian earth: For men where ere I go will say this is One of the Athenians that lost Salamis. And, Then lets to Salamis, renew our claim, And with the Isle recover our lost same. * Plut. This Poem was entitled Salamis, it consisted of a hundred verses, very elegant: when he had made an end of singing, it was much applauded by his friends, particularly by Pisistratus, who excited the Citizens to follow his advice: By this means the law was repealed, the war recommenced, wherein Solon was made General: the common report is, that taking Pisistratus along with him (whence it is, that some ascribe the whole glory of the action to Pisistratus, of whom are Frontinus, Aeneas, and Justine) he sailed to Colias, where finding all the women celebrating the festival of Ceres, he sent a trusty messenger to Salamis, who pretending to be a runagate, told the Megarenses, that if they would surprise the principal women of Athens, they should go immediately with him to Colias: The Megarenses believing what he said, manned a ship, and sent it along with him; Solon, assoon as he saw the ship come from the Island, commanded the women to retire, and as many beardless young men to put on their gowns, head-tire, and shoes, hiding daggers under their Garments, and so danced and played by the Seaside, till the enemy were landed, & their ship at ●achor: By this time the Megarenses, deceived by their outward appearance, landed in great haste, and came upon them, thinking to take them away by force, * Poly●n lib. 1. but they suddenly drawing their swords, showed themselves to be men, not women; * Plut. the Megarenses were all slain, not one escaping, the Athenians going immediately to the Island took it. * Plut. Others deny it was taken in this manner, but that first receiving this answer from the Delphian Oracle, Let sacrifice be to those Hero's paid, Who under the Asopian ground are laid, And dead, are by the setting Sun surveyed. Solon by night sailed to the Island, and sacrificed burnt offerings to the Heroes, Periphemus, and Cichris; then he received five hundred men of the Athenians, with condition, that if they gained the Island, the supreme government thereof should be in them: Shipping his men in fisher boats, attended by one ship of thirty Oars, they cast anchor by Salamis, near a point opposite to Euboea: The Megarenses who were in Salamis hearing an uncertain rumour hereof, betook themselves confusedly to arms, sending forth a ship to bring them more certain intelligence from the enemy, which Solon, as soon as it came near, took, and killing the Megarenses, manned with choice Athenians, whom he commanded to make directly for the City, with all possible secrecy; in the mean time, he, with the rest of the Athenians, assaulted the Megarenses by Land, and whilst they were in sight, they who were in the ship, making haste, possessed themselves of the Town. This relation is confirmed by their solemnity, an Athenian ship comes thither first in silence, then falling on with cries and shouts, an armed man leaps forth, and runs directly towards the Scirradian Promontory, against those that come from the Land: hard by is the Temple of Mars built by Solon, for he overcame the Megarenses, and let go ransomless all those that escaped the misery of the war: * V●r. hist. 7. 19 Aelian saith, he took two ships of the Megarenses, whereinto he put Athenian Officers, and Soldiers, bidding them put on the armour of the enemy, whereby deceiving the Megarenses, he slew many of them unarmed. * Plut. But the Megaren says persisting in obstinacy, to the loss of many lives on both sides, the business was referred to the Lacedæmonians to be decided; many affirm Solon alleged the authority of Homer, inserting a verse into his catalogue of ships, which he thus recited at the trial. Ajax twelve vessel▪ brought to Salamis, And where the Athenian men had stood, ranked his. (By which second verse of his own making and addition he evinced, that Salamis of old belonged to the Athenians.) But the Athenians esteem this relation fabulous, affirming, Solon demonstrated to the Judges, that Phylaeus and Eurisaces, sons of Ajax, being made free denizens by the Athenians, delivered this Island to them, and dwelled, one at Branco, in Attica, the other in Melita, whence there is a Tribe named Philaidae, from Philaeus, of which was Pisistratus. * Elian. var. hist. 7. 19 He overcame the Megarenses in an oration, getting the better of them, not with specious words, but weight of argument: * Plut. more clearly to convince them, he instanced in the burial of the dead, and inscription of the names of towns, used by those of Salamis, * Laert. as he showed, by digging up some graves, after the manner of the Athenians, not of the Megarenses, for in Megara they buried their dead with their faces to the east, in Athens, to the west. But Hereas of Megara denying this, affirms, the Megarenses buried also with their faces toward the west; for further confirmation, Solon alleged, that the Athenians had for each man a several Co●●in, the Megarenses buried three or four in the same. It is said also, that Solon was much helped by certain Oracles of Apollo, wherein he calls Salamis jonia. This cause was decided by five Spartans', Critolaidas, Amomphoretus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, and Cleomenes. * Plut. By this action, Solon grew into great esteem and honour, but he became [not long after] much more admired and cried up by the Greeks, * P●usan. in phoc. for speaking concerning the Temple at Delphi. The Cyrrhaeans committed many impieties against Apollo, * Pausan in phoc. and cut off part of the land belonging to him.] * Plu●. Solon declared, that it behoved them to relieve it, and not to suffer the Cyrrhaeans to profane the Oracle, but that they should vindicate the God's cause. The Amphictions thus instigated by him, undertook the war with much eagerness, as Aristotle affirms, ascribing to Solon the honour of that Enterprise. Aeschines saith, the motion made by Solon was confirmed by the Oracle. Some affirm he was made General, others Alcmaeon: But the whole Army of the Greeks was (according to * In Phoc: Pausanias) led by Clisthenes, ●yrant of Sycionia, along with whom they sent Solon from Athens to be his counsellor. * In voce Solon. Suidas saith, he was chosen counsellor by those, who were picked out for the service of that war. * Polyaen. lib. 3. Whilst Clisthenes besieged Cirrha, * Pausan. they enquired concerning the victory, and from the Pythian Oracle, received this Answer. This City's fort you shall not take before Blue Amphitrites swelling billows roar Against my water washed grove, and hallowed shore. Where upon Solon advised to consecrate the Cyrrhaean field to Apollo, by which means the sea should touch sacred land. * Pausan. ibid. He used also another stratagem against the Cirrhaeans; the River Plistus which ran through the City, he diverted another way, the Town holding out against the besiegers, some drunk well-water, others rain, which they saved in Cisterns. He caused roots of Hellebore to be thrown into Plistus, and when he found it was fully poisoned, turned the River again into its proper channel: The Cyrrhaeans drinking greedily of that water, were taken with a continual flux, and forced thereby to give over the defence of their works: the Amphictions being possessed of the City, punished the Cirrhaeans, and avenged the Gods. These two stratagems were ascribed to Clisthenes, the first by * Lib. 3. Poliaenus, the second by * Lib. 3. cap. 7: Frontinus, but the reason is apparent, he doing them by the direction of Solon * baert. Solon persuaded also the Athenians to reduce into their power the Thracian Chersonesus. CHAP. III. How he composed differences and seditions at home, and was made Archon. * Plut. THe Cylonian impiety had for a long time vexed the City, ever since the complices of Cylon, having taken sanctuary, were persuaded by Megacles the Archon to put themselves upon a trial, they laying hold of a thread which was tied to the image of ●allas, when they came near the images of the furies, the thread broke of itself, whereupon Megacles with the other Archons fell upon them, as persons disowned by the Goddess; those that were without the Temple they stoned, those who run to the Altars, they were murdered; they only escaped who sued to their wives, whence being called impious they were accounted odious: those that remained of the Cylonians were grown very rich, and had perpetual enmity with the family of Megacles; at what time this distension was highest, and the people thereby divided into factions, Solon being of much authority amongst them, taking with him the chiefest of the City interposed betwixt them, and with intreatles and advice persuaded those who were called impious to submit to the judgement of three hundred of the chief Citizens: Miro was their accuser, they were condemned, the living to be banished, the bones of the dead to be digged up, and thrown beyond the confines of the country. During these commotions, the Megarenses took Nysaea, and recovered 〈◊〉 from the Athenians; the City was full of superstitious terrors and apparitions; the Priests declared, that the entrails of the sacrificed beasts imported great crimes and impieties, which required expiation. * Laert. There was also a great plague; * Plut. the Oracle advised them to lustrate the City; to this end they sent ( * Laert. Nicias, son of Niceratus with a ship) * Plut. to fetch Epimenides out of Crect, who coming to Athens, was ●ntertained by Solon as a guest, conversed with him as a friend, instructed him in many things, and set him in the way of making Laws. This lustration of the City Eusebius under-reckons, placing it in the second year of the forty seventh Olympiad, whereas Solon's being Archon, which certainly happened after this, was in the third of the ●ortie sixth. Suidas seems to over-reckon, ranking it in the forty fourth: the opinion of * In Epim●nid. Laertius agrees best with the circumstances of the story, that it was in the forty sixth. * Plut. The commotions of the Cylonei, being thus appeased, and the offenders extirpated, the people fell into their old difference about the government of the commonwealth, whereby they were divided into as many factions, as the Province contained distinctions of people; the Citizens were democratical, the countrymen affected Olygarchy, the maritime's stood for a mixed kind of government, and hindered both the other parties from having the rule; at the same time the City was in a dangerous condition, by reason of a dissension betwixt the rich and the poor, arising from their inequality, the business seemed impossible to be composed, but by a Monarchy; the commons were generally oppressed by the money which they had borrowed of the rich, and either had tilled their land, paying to them the sixth part of the crop, whence they were called Hectemoru, and Thete's, or engaged their bodies to their creditors, whereof some served at home, others were sold abroad, many also (there being no law to the contrary) were necessitated to sell their children, and leave the City, through the cruelty of these usurers, the greatest part (such as had most courage amongst them) assembling together, mutually exhorted one another not to endure these things any longer, but choosing some trusty man to be their leader, to discharge those that paid not their money at the set day, to share the land, and quite invert the State of the comwon-wealth. The discreetest amongst the Athenians looking upon Solon as a person free from any crime, (neither engaged in the oppressions of the rich, nor involved in the necessities of the poor) entreated him to take charge of the commonwealth, and to compose the differences of the people. Phanias the Lesbian affirmeth, that for preservation of the State, he deceived both parties, promising underhand to the poor, a division of the land; the rich, to make good their contracts; but that he first made scruples of undertaking the business, deterred by the avarice of the one, and insolence of the other; he was chosen Archon, next after Cleombrotus ( * ●aern. (in the third year of the forty sixth Olympiad) at what time he made his laws also, being at once a peacemaker, and a lawgiver, acceptable to the rich, as rich, and to the poor, as good; the people had often in their mouths this saying of his, equality breeds no strife, which pleased alike both parties, one side understanding it of number and measure, the other of worth and virtue; upon which hope, the most powerful of both factions courted him much, and desired him to take upon him the tyranny of that commonwealth, which he had now in his power, offering themselves to his assistance: Many also of the moderate part seeing how laborious and difficult it would be to reform the state by reason and law, were not unwilling to have a Prince created, such an one as were most prudent and just: some affirm he received this Oracle from Apollo, Sat at the helm of state, their Pilot be, The commonwealth's glad to be steered by thee. But he was most of all reproved by his familiar friends, for being deterred by the name of a Tyranny, as if the virtue of a King were not diffused through the Kingdom, instancing in Tynondas long since Tyrant of Euboea, and Pittacus at present of Mytelene: nothing they alleged could move him, he told them a Tyranny was a fair possession, but it had no passage out: to Phocus writing thus in verse, That I preserved free my native soil, Nor did with bloody Tyranny defile My honour, I not blush at by this deed, All that was done by others I exceed. Whereby it appears, he was of great authority before he writ his Laws. The contumelies of such as reproved him for declining the government, he thus expressed in verse: Nor wise is Solon, nor good counsel knows, For he resists the good that God bestows, The prey within his power he did behold, But would not draw the Net; thoughts meanly cold: Had but his soul with noble aims been ●ir'd, The Kingdom for one day he had desired, Then split, and all his family expired. CHAP. FOUR What alterations he made during his government, and first of the Sisacthia. * Plut. THough he refused the tyranny, yet he behaved not himself remissely in the government, not complying with the powerful, nor making laws to please those who had chosen him, where things were tolerable, he corrected nor altered nothing; fearing, lest if he should change and confound the commonwealth in every particular, he should want strength to settle it again, and to temper it with the best reason; but such things unto which he conceived he might persuade the obsequious, and compel the refractory, those he enacted; joining (as he said) force and justice, whence, being afterwards demanded if he had given the Athenians the best laws, the best (saith he) they would receive. * Plut. The first change he made in the Government was this, he ( * Laert. introduced the Sisachthia which was a discharge of bodies and goods, or as as Hesychius defines it, a law for remission of private and public debts, so called from shaking off the oppression of usury: * Laert. for at that time they engaged their bodies for payment, and many through want were constrained to serve their creditors, he therefore ordained) that for the time past, all debts should be acquitted, and for the future, no security should be taken upon the body of any; this by a moderate term he called Sisachthia; there want not (of whom is Androtion) who affirmed he contented the poor, not by an absolute discharge of the debt, but by moderating the interest, which he called Sysacthia; whereto he added the increase of measures, and valuation of money; for the Mina which was before 73 drachmas, he made a hundred: by this means the poorer sort paid a greater sum in less coin, which was a great ease to the debtor, and no wrong to the creditor. but the greater part hold it was an absolute discharge, which agreeth best with the verses of Solon, wherein he boasteth he had removed the bounds throughout the land▪ f●eed such as were under oppression, called home those, who being forced to travail, had forgotten their native language, and others that were at home under ●ondage, set at liberty. The same Law, * Lib. 1. Diodorus Siculus observes to be among the Egyptians, conceiving Solon (though as yet he had not been there) derived it from them. * Plut. But in this design a great misfortune befell him, whilst he endeavoured to redress the oppression of usury, and was studying how to begin an oration suitable to the thing, he acquainted his intimate friends in whom he reposed most confidence, Conori, Clinias, and Hipponicus, that he meant not to meddle with land, but to cut off all debts; they (preventing the Edict) borrowed of the rich great sums of money, wherewith they purchased much land; the Edict being published, they enjoyed their purchase, without satisfying their creditors: Solon was much blamed, as not defrauded with the rest, but as being a defrauder with those, and a partaker of their cozenage; but this imputation was immediately washed away with ●ive Talents, so much he had forth at interest, which he first, according to the law, blotted out, (Laertius saith six, persuading others to do the like) others, of whom is Polyz●lus the Rhodian, fifteen; but his friends were ever after called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * Plut. This pleased neither parts; he discontented the rich by cancelling their ●onds, the poor more, not making good a parity of estates, which they expected, as Lycurgus had done, he being the eleventh from Hercules, having reigned many years in Lacedaemon, great in authority, friends, and wealth, whereby he was able to make good what he thought convenient for the state, rather by force then persuasion, even to the loss of his eye, effected as a thing most expedient to the preservation and peace of the commonwealth, that none of the Citizens were either rich or poor: but Solon attained not this in the commonwealth, he was one of the people, and of a mean degree; yet he omited nothing within his power, carried on by his own judgement, and the faith which the Citizens had in him; that he displeased many, who expected other things, is thus acknowledged by himself. Before they looked upon me kindly, now With eyes severe, and a contracted brow: Had any else my power, he would exact Their riches, and their fattest milk extract. But both parties soon found how much this conduced to the general good, and laying aside their private differences, sacrificed together, calling the sacrifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CHAP. 5. How he divided the people into Classes, and erected Courts of judicatory. HEreupon they chose So●on reformer and Law giver of the Commonwealth, * Plut. not limiting him to any thing, but submitting all to his power, Magistracies, Convocations, Judgements, Courts to take an account of them, to prescribe what number and times he pleased; to disannul or ratify of the present law what he thought good. * Plut. First, than he quite abolished all the Laws of Draco, except for murder, because of their rigidness and severity, for he punished almost all offences with death; as that they who were surprised in Idleness should be put to death; they who stole herbs or apples should undergo the same punishment with such as had committed murder, or sacrilege; whence Demades wittily said, Dreco writ his laws not in ink, but blood; he being asked why he punished all offences with death, answered, he conceived the leas● deserved so much, and he knew no more for the greatest; * Arist. Rbe●. 2. 23. Herodicus ●lluding to his name, said his laws were not of a man, but of a Dragon, they were so rigid; And Aristotle saith, there was nothing in them extraordinary and worthy of memory, but that soverity and greatness of penalty which was so excessive, that * Agell. 11. 18. not by any edict or command, but by a silent and expressed consent amongst the Athenians they were laid aside; afterwards they used the milder laws made by Solon, differing even in name, the first being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * Tetian. Cl●m. Alex. Suid. Those of Draco were made in the 39th Olympiad, 47 years (as * In demost. Timocr. Ulpian accounts) before these of Solon. * Plut. Next, Solon (being desirous that all offices might continue as they were, in the hands of the rich, but that other privileges of the Commonwealth, from which the people were excluded, might be promiscuously disposed,) took an account and valuation of the people [ * pollux. and divided them into four orders] those whose stock of dry and liquid fruits amounted to 500 measures he ranked in the first place, and called Pentacosiomedimni, [ * Pollux. these paid a talon to the public treasury.] In the second class were those who were able to maintain a horse, or received 300. measures, these he called [ * Pollux. for that reason] horsemen; they paid hal●e a talon. The third class were Zengitae ( * Pollux. so called because) they had 200. measures of both sorts, * Pollux. these paid 10. minae, the rest were all called Th●tes, whom he suffered not to be capable of any Magistracy, neither did they pay any thing, but only had so far interest in the common wealth, as to have a suffrage in the public Convocation, & at Judgements, which at first seemed nothing, but afterwards appeared to be of great consequence; for in whatsoever was brought before the Judges, he gave them leave (if they would) to appeal to the common forum; moreover writing his laws obscurely and perplexedly, he increased the power of the forum, for not being able to determine controversies by the Law, they were forced to have recourse to the Judges, as Masters of the law; this equality he himself thus expresseth, The Commons I sufficient power allow Honour from none I took, on none bestowed, Those who in power or wealth the rest outshined▪ In bounds of moderation I confined; To either part I was a firm defence, And neither did allow pre-eminence. Hither * Epist. 90. Seneca alluding saith, Solon founded Athens upon equal right and * Lib. 2. Justine he carried himself with such temper between the commons and the Senate, that he attracted equal favour from both, he suffered no man (saith * In theophra. Aeneus Gazeus) to have a peculiar law, but made all men subject to the same. * Plut. He likewise (continues Plutarch) constituted the court of the Areopagus, consisting of the yearly Archons, whereof himself (being the chief) was one; perceiving the people to be much exalted and enboldened by the remission of their debts, he ordained a second Court of Judicature, selecting out of each tribe (which were in all four) a hundred persons, who should resolve upon all decrees before they were reported to the people; nor should any thing be brought to them, until it had first past the Senate: the supreme Senate he appointed Judge and preserver of the laws, conceiving the City would be less apt to float up and down, and the people become more settled, relying upon these two Courts, as on two Anchors; thus the greater part of writers make Solon institutor of the Court of Areopagus, (of whom also is * De Offic. l. 1. Cicero) whichseems to be confirmed, in that Draco never mentions the Areopagites, but in criminal causes always names the Ephetae; but the eighth law of the thirtieth table of Solon hath these words, Those who were branded with infamy before Solon was Archon, let them be restored to their fame, except such as were condemned by the Areopagites or by the Ephetae, etc. And it is certain, that the Court of Areopagus was long before Solon's time, until then consisting promiscuously of such persons as were eminent for Nobility, power, or riches, but Solon reform it, ordaining none should be thereof, but such as had first undergone the office of Archon. See Meursius Areop. cap. 3. * Lib. 8. cap. 6. Pollux saith, that Solon ordained a thousand men to ●udge all accusations; * Scholar Arefloh. in Nub. Demetrius Phalereus, that he constituted the Demarci, first called Nauclari. CHAP. VI His Laws. HAving thus disposed the commonwealth, and Courts of Judicature, he in the next place applied himself to making laws, which he performed so excellently, that he is generally remembered under that notion, which Minos of Crect, and Lycurgus of Lacedaemon, whose laws those of Solon exceeded, (as * Annal. 3. Tacitus saith) both in exquisiteness and number: * Man. theolog. in protreptr. a● doctr. of how much greater esteem they were then all before them, may be computed from this, that they were the last, and continued always in the Ci●ty: They, for whom they were made, thought them more illustrious than their public ornaments, which transcended those of all other Cities, more impregnable than their Tower, which they accounted the strongest of all upon earth, and far better than th●se things wherein they gloried most: * nor were they of less esteem among foreign nations, insomuch that the Romans * Liv. lib. 3. agreeing concerning laws in general, but differing about the lawgiver, sent Ambassadors to Athens, Sp. Posthumius Albus, A. Manlius, P. Sulpitius Camerinus, commanding them to transcribe the renowned laws of Solon: * Aurel. Vict. de Vir. illust. c. 21. which transferred out of the books of Solon the D●cemviri expounded in the twelve Tables. Hence * Lib. 22. Ammianus Ma●cellinus saith, that Solon assisted by the sentences of the Egyptian Priests, having with just moderation framed laws, added also to the Roman state the greatest foundation. Of his laws, these have been preserved by Plutarch, and others. * Plut. If any man were beaten, hurt, or violently treated, whosoever had the means and will, might sue the offendor. Thus (saith Plutarch) he wisely brought the Citizens to a mutual sense of one another's hurts, as if done to a limb of their own body. * Plut. Of infamous persons, let all such as were infamous before the government of Solon, be restored to their fame, excepting whosoever were condemned by the Ephetae, or in the ●rytanaeum by the Magistrates, banished for murder, theft, or aspiring to tyranny. This was the eight Law of the thirteenth Table. There were two kinds of infamy, by the lesser a man was degraded and made uncapable of all honour or office in the commonwealth; by the greater, he and his children were liable to be killed by any man, and he not to be questioned for it. * Plut. Of his laws, those seem most singular and paradoxal, which declare him infamous, who in a sedition takes neither part: it is cited out of Aristotle by * Lib. 2. cap. 12. Agellius in these words: If through discord and dissension, any sedition and difference divided the people into two factions, whereupon with exasperated minds both parties take up arms and fight; he, who at that time, and upon that occasion of civil discord shall not engage himself on either side, but solitary and separated from the common evil of the City withdraw himself, let him be deprived of house, country and goods by banishment. * Plut. He would not that any one saving himself harmless, should he insensible of the common calamity, or boast himself to have no share in the public grief, but that instantly applying himself to the better and juster side he should interest himself in the common danger, and assist, rather than out of all hazard, expect which side should get the better. When we did read (saith Agellius) this law of Solon, a person endued with singular wisdom, at first were maimed in great suspense and admiration, enquiring for what reason he judged those worthy of punishment, who withdrew themselves from sedition and civil war; then one whose sight pierced more deeply into the use and meaning of the law, affirmed, the intent thereof was not to increase, but appease sedition; and so indeed it is, for if all good persons, who in the beginning are too few to restrain a sedition, should not deter the distracted raging people, but dividing themselves, adhere to either side, it would follow, that they being separated as partakers of both factions, the parties might be tempered and governed by them, as being persons of greatest authority; by which means they might restore them to peace, and reconcile them, governing and moderating that side whereof they are, and desiring much rather the adverse party should be preserved then destroyed. * ad 〈◊〉. 10. 1. Cicero citing this law, averreth the punishment to have been capital, perhaps understanding infamy here of the more severe kind. Absurd & ridiculous (saith Plutarch) seemeth that Law which alloweth an inheritrix, if he who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master be impotem, to admit any of her husband's nearest kindred. But some aver it is just, as to those, who though they are impotent, yet will marry rich heirs for their money, and by the privilege of law wrong nature; for when they see it lawful for the heir to admit whom she pleaseth, either they will refrain from such marriages, or undergo them with the reproach of avarice and dishonesty: It is well ordered also, that she may not admit any one, but only whom she will of her husband's kindred, whereby the issue may be of his family and race. * Plut. Hither likewise it tends, that the Bride be shut up in a room with the Bridegroom, and eat a Quince with him. (Intimating, according to * In pracept. conjugial: plutarch's interpretation, that the first grace of her lips and voice should be agreeable and sweet) and that he who marrieth an heir, be obliged to visit her thrice a month at the least: For though they have not children, this argues a respect due to a chaste wife, and prevents or reconciles unkindness and dissension. Those words of the former law, He who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master, have reference to another Law of his, mentioned by * Lib. 11. Diodorus Siculus, that the next of kin to an heir might by law require ho● in marriage, and she likewise might require him that was next of kin who was obliged to marry her, though never so poor, or to pay 500 Drachms for her dowry. Hereto * Hec. Act 1. Scen. 2. Terence alludes. The Law commands an heir to marry with Her Husband's next of kin, and him to take her. And to the putting her off without a dowry of 500 drachms, (that is five minae) * Phorm. act. 2. scon. 3. elsewhere. Though I be injured thus, yet rather than ●le be contentious, or bound still to hear thee, Since she's my kinswoman, take hence with her The Domen the law enjoins me, here's five pound. * Plut. In all other marriages he forbade dowries, ordaining that a Bride should bring with her no more than three gowns, and some slight householdstuff, of small vale●, the particulars whereof were expressed, as * 1. 12. 15. Pollux seems to imply, for he would not that marriage should be m●cenary or vendible, but that the man and woman should cohabit for issue, love, and friendship. Hither * Lib. 3. Epist. 243. Isidor alludes, amongst the Athenians legal marriage was said to be contracted, in respect of issue. That Law of his also was comm●nded, as * Orat. in Leptin. Demosthenes and plutarch attest, which forbade to revile the dead, Let no man revile any dead person, though provoked by the revile of his children. * Plut. To esteem the deceased holy is pious, to spare the absent just, to take away the eternity of hatred civil. * Plut. He forbade to revile any living person at sacred solemnities, Courts of judicature, and public spectacles, upon penalty of three drachm to be paid to the reviled person, two more to the common treasury. To moderate anger no where he accounted rude and disorderly, every where difficult, to some impossible. A law must be accommodated to what is possible, intending to punish some few, to advantage not many to no purpose. * Plut. His law concerning testaments is much approved; for before, no man had power to make a will, but his goods and lands continued in the family of the deceased person: Solon made it lawful for him that had no children to give his estate to whom he pleased. he preferred friendship before kindred, and favour before necessity, and ordered, that wealth should be at the disposal of him in whose hands it was: yet he permitted not this rashly, or absolutely, but conditionally, If he were not wrought upon by sickness, potions, bondage, or the blandishments of a wife. Justly he esteemed it all one whether a man be seduced by indirect means, or violently constrained, thus comparing deceit with force, and pleasure with pain, as being of equal power to put a man out of his right mind. This Law is mentioned likewise by * Orat. in Leapt. Demosthenes. * He also limited the visits▪ mournings, and feasts of women, by a law which kerbed their former licentiousness. Her who went abroad, he permitted not to carry with her above three gowns, nor more meat and drink then might be bought with an obolus, nor a basket above a cubit in bigness, nor to travel by night, unless in a chariot, and with torchlight: He forbade them to tear their cheeks to procure mourning and lamentation, at the funerals of those, to whom they have no region. He forbade to sacrifice an Ox at funerals, and to bury more than three garments with the dead body; not to approach the monuments of strangers unless at their exequys. Of which (saith Plutarch) our laws are full: * De leg. lib. 2. Cicero also affirms, that the laws of the twelve Tables for contracting the pomp of funerals, and concerning mourning, are transferred from those of Solon, who (as Phalereus writes) assoon as funerals began to be solemnised with pomp and lamentation, took them away: which Law the Decemviri put into the tenth table, almost in the very same words, for that of 3 neighbourhoods and most of the rest are Solon's, that of mourning in his express words, Let not women tear their cheeks, nor make lamentation at a funeral. * Plut. Considering that the City grew very populous, many recurring thither from all parts of Attica, for liberty and security, that the country was for the most part barren and bad, that such as trade by sea import nothing for those, that have not wherewith to batter or exchange with them, he addicted the Citizens to arts, and made a law, that the son should n●t be obliged to maintain his father, if he had not brought him up to a trade (mentioned also by * Prafat. lib. 6. Vit●uvius, * Exhort. Vrat. ad arts. Galen, * Epist. 7. Theophylact, and others) and commanded the court of A●eopagus to examine by what gain every man maintained himself, and to punish idle persons, whom he made liable to the action of every man, and at the third conviction punished with infamy. This law, * Lib. 7. Herodotus, and * Lib. 1. Diodorus Siculus affirm to have been in use amongst the Egyptians, made by Amasis, and from them divided by Solon to the Athenians. * Plut. Yet more severe was that mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus, which disengaged the sons of concubines from maintaining their fathers. He who transgresseth the bounds of marriage, professeth he doth it not out of desire of issue, but for pleasure, and therefore already hath his reward, and can expect to have no further tie upon those he begets, whose birth is their shame. * Plut. Most incongruous seem those laws of Solon which concern women, for he permitted that, whosoever surprised an adulterer (with the wife or * ●ysias in Orat. de 〈◊〉 Eratusth. concubine of any) might kill him, (or exact money of him) he that ravished a free woman was fined 100 Drachmas, he that played the pander, 20 ( * Orat. in I l'●arch. Aeschines saith to die) except to such women as were common. He also forbade any man to give his sister or daughter to that profession, unless himself first surprise her with a man. This (saith Plutarch) seems absurd, to punish the same offence sometimes severely with death, sometimes with a pecuniary mulct, unless, because at that time money was very rare in Athens, the scarcity thereof aggravated the punishment. * Plut. He assigned five hundred drachmas to the victor of the Isthmian games, a hundred to the Victor of the Olympic: attested also by Laertius, who saith, he contracted the rewards of the Athletas, judging them dangerous victors, and that they were crowned rather against, then for their country. * Plut. Whosover brought a hee-wolfe was to receive five drachms, for a she-wolf one; according to Demetreus Phalereus, this being the price of a sheep, that of an Ox. It is customary with the Athenians, that such as have grounds fitter for pasture then ploughing, make war with the wolves. * Plut. For as much as there is such scarcity of Rivers, Lakes, and Springs in the country, that they are constrained to dig wells, he made a Law, where there was a common well within a Hippicon, they should make use of it. (A Hippicon is the distance of four furlongs) they that lived further off should procure water of their own, and if when they have digged ten fathom deep, they find not any, they might be allowed to fill a pitcher of six gallons twice a day at their neighbours well. * Plut. These exact rules he prescribed for planting: Whosoever planted any young Tree in his ground, should set it five foot distant from his neighbours, who a Figtree or Olive-tree, nine: Because the roots of these spread far, nor is their neighbourhood harmless to all, but sucks away the nourishment, and to some their blatt is prejudicial. * Plut. Whosoever diggeth any hole or ditch must make it so far distant from his, neighbours, as it is deep. These are confirmed by * lib. 4. ad leg. 12. tab. Caius, adding; whosoever makes a hedge to divide himself from his neighbour, must not exceed his own bounds; if a wall, he must leave the space of a foot, if a house, two feet, if a well, a fathom. Whosoever placeth a hive of bees, should observe the distance of thirty feet, from those that were before placed by his neighbour. * Plut. He commanded the Archons to curse him who exported any thing ou● of the Country, or that he should pay a hundred Drachmas to the public treasury, whereby they are not to be rejected, who say, that of old the exportation of figs was prohibited, and that he, who discovered exporter, was called a Sycophant. * Plut. He made a law concerning such as should be hurt by a dog, wherein he ordained, the dog that bit to be bound in a chain four cubits long. * Plut. This law concerning Denization is difficult, That none should be made free of the City, except such as were banished for ever out of their o●ne Country, or came to Athens with their whole families to exercise some trade; this he did not to drive away foreigners, but to invite them to Athens by certainty of admittance into the City, conceiving such would be faithful, those out of necessity, these out of goodwill. * Plut. Likewise to be feasted in the public hall was the peculiar institution of Solon, which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not permitting the same person to eat there frequently: but if he who were invited, would not accept of it, he was punished, conceiving this a contempt of the public honour, that an inordinate appetite. Hitherto Plutarch: these following are recited by Laertius. Laert. If any one maintain not his Parents, let him be infamous, as likewise he that devours his patrimony. Hither * Orat● in Timarch. Aeschines alludes; in the fourth place with whom hath he to do? If any man by prodigality hath consumed his patrimony or hereditary goods; for he conceived, he who had ordered his own family ill, would in the same manner take care of the commonwealth; neither did the lawgiver imagine it possible, that the same person should be privately wicked, and publicly good, or that it were fitting such a one should go up into the chair, who took more care to frame an oration, then to compose his life. * Laert. He forbade such as haunted common women to plead; confirmed by Aeschines. * In Timarch. In the third place with whom hath he to do? If any man (saith he) be a haunter of common women, or procure money by such means; for he conceived, such a one as sold his own fame for money, would easily sell the business of the state. And * In Androt. Demosthenes, it is worth inquiry and consideration, Athenians, how great care, Solon, the author of this law, had in the commonwealth in all those which he made, and how particularly solicitous he was herein above all other things, which as it is evident by many other laws, so also by this, which forbids those qui s● prostituerunt, either to plead or judge in public. * Laert. He augmented the rewards of such as should die in war, whose sons he ordered to be brought up and instructed at the public charge. * In Panathen. Aristides, thou alone of all men didst ordain these three things by law, that such as died for their country should be annually praised publicly at their sepulchres, their children, till grown men, maintained at the public charge, than sent back to their father's house with complete arms; likewise that infirm Citizens should be maintained at the public charge. * Menexen. Plato adds that the same indulgence was allowed to the parents; you know the care of the common wealth, which in the laws concerning the children and parents of such as died in the war, commands the supreme Magistrate to take care, that the parents of those that died in the war, above all other Citizens should not receive any injury. The state brings up the children also: Hereby, saith Laertius, they became eager of ●ame and honour in war, as Polyzelus, as Cynegirus, as all those in the Marathonian fight: to whom may be aded Harmodius, Aristogiton, Miltiades, and infinite others. * Lae●t. Let not a guardian marry the mother of his ward, nor let not any one be ward to him, who, if he die, shall inherit his estate; confirmed by * In Hermog; Syrianus, * In Herm●g. Marcellinus, and others, who add, that the same law forbade the ward to marry her guardians son. * L●●rt. Let not a graver keep the impression of any seal after he h●th sold it. * Laert. If any man put out the eye of another, who had but one, he shall lose both his own. His law concerning theft, Laer●ius expresseth thus; What thou laidst no● down, take not up, otherwise the punishment death. * Orat in Timarch. Aeschines adds, if they confessed themselves guilty: others affirm the punishment was only to pay double the value, of whom is * Lib. 11. c. 18. Agellius and * Parth. 〈◊〉 4. Hermogenes, who affirm, the law made that distinction betwixt sacrilege and theft, punishing the first with death, the latter with double restitution. * Orat. in Timo●r. Dem●sthenes clears this, reciting this law exactly in these words, If any man steal in the day time above fifty drachms, he may be carried to the eleven officers, if he ste●l any thing by night, it shall be lawful for any to kill him, or in the pursuit to wound him, and to carry him to the eleven officers. Whosoever is convict of such offences, as are liable to chains, shall not be capable of giving bail for his theft, but his punishment shall be death, and if any one steal out of the Lyceum, or the Academy, or Cynosarges, a garment or a small vessel of wine, or any other thing of little value, or some vessel out of the Gymnasia, or havens, he shall be punished with death; but if any man shall be convict privately of theft, it shall be lawful for him to pay a double value, and it shall be also at the pleasure of the convictor, besides payment of money, to put him in chains five days, and as many nights, so as all men may see him bound. * Scholar Aristoph. 〈◊〉. Even those who stole dung, were by Solon 's law liable to punishment. * Laert. That if an Archon were taken drunk, he should be punished with death. To those recited by Laertius, add these collected from others. He allowed brothers & sisters by the same father to marry, & prohibited only brothers & sisters of the same venture; Whereas chose (saith * De leg. spec Tib. 2. Philo) the Lacedaemonian lawgiver allowed these, and prohibited those. Hence * In Praem. & in Cimoni● vita Cornelius Nepos affirms, Cimon married his sister Elpinice, invited, not more by love, than the Athenian custom, which allows to marry a sister by the same father. * Eschin. orat. in Timarch. He writ according to the manner of the ancients, severally concerning the discipline of Matrons, for a woman taken in Adultery he permitted not to wear ornaments, nor to come into public Temples, lest by her presence she should corrupt modest women; if she came into a temple, or adorned herself, he commanded every one to rend her garments, to tear off her ornaments, and to beat her, but not to kill, or maim her; By this means depriving such a woman of all honour, and giving her a life more bitter than death. This is also ●●●firmed by * in Nearam. Demosthenes, who adds, If any man surprise an Adulterer it shall not be lawful for him who took them to have the woman in marriage, if he continue to keep her as his wise, let him be infamous. * Demosth. Orat. in Macartat. Let the dead body be laid out within the house, according as he gave order, and the day following before Sun-rise carried forth; whilst the body is carrying to the grave, let the men go before, the women follow; it shall not be lawful for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead, and to follow the body to the grave, under threescore years of age, excepting those within the degree of cousins, nor shall any woman enter upon the goods of the deceased after the body is carried forth, excepting those who are within the degree of cousins. * Clcer. de leg. 2. Concerning sepulchres, he saith no more, then that no man shall demolish them, or bring any new thing into them; and he shall be punished, whosoever violates, casts down, or breaks any tomb, monument, or column. * Elian. var. hist. 2● 42. etc. 5. 14. If any one light upon the dead body of a man unburied, let him throw earth upon it. * Demost. in Lipton. Whosoever shall dislike a received Law, let him first accuse it, then if it be abrogated, substitute another: The manner whereof is largely expressed by Demosthen●s. He ordained (according to * Declam. 18. Libanius) that Children should be obliged to perform all due offices to their parents. * Pyrrh. Hipp. 3. 24. Sextus saith, he made a Law of indemnity, whereby he allowed any man to kill his son; but * Lib. 2. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirms, he permitted them to turn their children out of doors, and to disenherit them, but nothing more. * Eschin. in Cres●ph. He ordained that all such as declined to be engaged in war, or forsook the Army, or was a Coward, should have all one punishment, to be driven out of the bounds of the forum, not permitted to wear a garland, or to enter into public Temples. * Demosth. Orat. in Timocr. If any one be seized on, for having abused his parents, or forsaken his colours, or being forbidden by law, hath gone into places where he ought not, let the eleven officers take and bind him, and carry him into the Heliaea, it shall be lawful for any one that will to accuse him, and if he be cast, it shall be at the judgement of the Heliaea to impose what punishment or fine they should think sit, if a fine, let him be kept in setters till it be paid. * Athen●us deipu. lib. 15. He permitted not a man to sell unguents, as being an effeminate office. * Eschin. in Ctesiph. As concerning Orators, he ordered, that the Eldest of the citizens should go up first into the pleader's chair modestly without tumult and perturbation to move, he out of experience should conceive best for the commonwealth; then that every Citizen according to his age should severally and in order declare his judgement. * Liban. declam. 13. He ordered that a Citizen of Athens should be tried no where bu● at Athens. * Stob. 112. He commanded that no young man should bear the office of a Magistrate, nor be admitted to counsel, though he were esteemed exceeding wise. * Demost. in Aristogit. For the common people he ordained slow punishments, for Magistrates and Rulers of the people sudden, conceiving those might be punished at any time, but that the correction of these would admit no delay. * Maxim. Tyr. 39 As for the Gods and their worship, he decreed nothing, * Cicer. ●rat. pro S. Rosc. Amer. & Laert. nor against Parricides, answering those who questioned him about it, he did not think any could be so wicked. CHAP. VII. Of the Axes and Cyrbes, Senators Oath, and other institutions of Solon. * Plut. THese Laws he ratified for a hundred years; They were * Agyll. 2. 12. 〈◊〉 in different tables; * Plut. Etymol. Those which concerned private actions, in oblong quadrangular tables of wood, with cases, which reached from the ground and turned about upon a pin like a wheel, whence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Pollux. 8. 10. placed first in the tower, then brought into the Prytanaeum that all might see them, where there were some remains of them in Plutarch's time. Those which concerned * Suid. public orders and sacrifices, in * triangular tables of stone called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either from * Ammon. de differ vec. Cyrbus who took the account of every man's estate, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or from the Corybantes, * Suid. to whom the invention thereof is by some ascribed. * Scholar Aristot. in Ares. These were placed in the Porticus regia; * Didym. apud. Harp. & Suid. Both the Axes and Cyrbes were written after the same manner as oxen to turn in ploughing (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) whence Demosthenes calls that law the lowest which beginneth on the left side. * Flood. The Senate took one common oath to make good the laws of Solon for a hundred years, each of the Thesmothetae sworn in the Forum at the Criers stone, if he violated them, to dedicate a golden statute of equal weight with himself at Delphi. Some particulars of the oath imposed by Solon mentioned by several Authors (as, not to abrogate his laws, by Plutarch, to admit no young man to be judge, by * Serm. 112. Stobaeu; ●o hear impartially bot● the plaintiff and defendant, by * Orat. de coron ●. Demosthenes;) argue it to be the same which the same * Dem●st. Author delivers in these words. I will declare my opinion according to the laws of the Athenians, and five hundred Senators. By no assistance from me shall Tyranny or oligarchy be admitted, I will never side with him who hath corrupted the people or intends or endeavours it. I will never suffer any new tables or any division of those already received, or a parity of lands or goods. I will never call home any banished or confined person, I will consent that he be expelled the City who denies these laws decreed by the Senate, confirmed by the people, I will never permit any to be injured; I will never constitute any Magistrate before he hath given account of his last Magistracy. I will never permit the same man to be chosen twice in one year, or at once to hold two offices. I will neither take, nor suffer any to take bribes or rewards. I am thirty years old, I will hear impartially both plaintiff and defendant, & condemn without excuse those that deserve it. I swear by Jove, by Neptune and by Ceres, may they destroy me, my house and children, If I observe not all these particulars. Hence perhaps it is that * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesychius affimes Solon in his laws to have ordained an oath by three Gods. Considering the irregularity of months, and the course of the Moon, which agreed not always with the rising and setting of the Sun, but some times overtook and went past him in one day, he called that day the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 last and first, attributing that part which precedes the conjunction to the last month, the rest to the beginning of the next. Thus * La●rt. he taught the Athenians to accommodate the reckoning of their days to the motion of the Moon: * Plut: and was (as it appears) the first who understood rightly that of Homer. When one month ended and the next began: The day following he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The new moon: from the twentieth day to the thirtieth he reckoned not by addition but by substraction, in respect of the moons decrease: of this see * The clouds, act. 4. scen. 2. Aristophanes. * Laert. He ordered the verses of Homer to be recited successively, that where the first ended the next should begin; whence Diuchides saith, he illustrated Homer more than Pisistratus (by whom the Rhapsodies were first collected) the principal verses were They who inhabit Athens, etc. * Athen. deipn. 13. He first tolerated common Courtesans, and with the money they paid to the State erected a Temple to Venus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * Sect. Empiric advers Mathem. 6. He first taught Soldiers to march by the sound of Fifes and Harps, observing a kind of measure in their pace. CHAP. VIII. How he entertained Anacharsis, his Travels to Egypt, Cyprus, Miletus, Delphi, Corinth, and Crect. * Laert. IN the forty seventh Olympiad (according to ● Sosicrates) Anacharsis came to Athens; Eucrates being Archon, * Plut. he went immediately to the house of Solon, and knocking at the door, said he was a stranger desirous of his friendship and Hospitality: Solon answered, it is better to contract friendship at home; than you that are at home, (replies Anacharsis) make me your friend and g●ist. Solon admiring his acuteness, entertained him kindly, and kept him sometime with him▪ whilst he was employed about public affairs, and ordering his laws; which Anacharsis understanding, smiled, that he undertook to curb the injustice and covetousness of citizens' by written ordinances, nothing differing from cobwebs, holding fast the weak and poor, whilst the powerful and rich break through them; whereto Solon answered, that men stand fast to those covenants, which it is not convement for ●ither party to break: He gave the Citizens such laws, as it was evident to all, that to keep, were better then to transgress; but the event agreed more with the conjecture of Anacharsis, than the expectation of Solon. * Plut. After his laws were promulgated, some or other coming daily to him, either to praise, or dispraise them, or to advise him to put in or out whatsoever came into their minds, the greater part to have the meaning explained, questioning how every thing was to be understood, and entreating him to unfold the sense; he (considering, that not to satisfy them, would argue pride, to satisfy them would make him liable to censure) determined to avoid ambiguities, importunities, and occasions of blame; (for as he said In things that are not small 'Tis hard to sing to all.) Colouring his travail with being Master of a Ship, and having obtained leave of the Athenians to be absent ten years, he put to sea, hoping in that time his laws would become familiar to them. * Plut. The first place of his arrival was Egypt, where he dwelled, as himself saith. At Nilus' mouth, near the Canobian shore. He studied Philosophy awhile with Psenophis, of Heliopolis, and Sonches of Sais, the most learned of those Priests, by whom, Plato affirms, he was taught the Atlantic language, which he afterward began to explain in verse; when he questioned them in antiquities, the elder said to him, O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are always children, there is not one Greek an old man. * Plut. Thence he went to Cyprus, where he was much favoured by P●ioc●prus, one of the Kings of that country, who had a little Town built by D●mophoon, son of Theseus, upon the River Clarius, in a strong place, but rugged and barren: Solon persuading him, there lying a pleasant plain underneath it, to transfer the Town thither, making it more spacious and delightful: Solon being present at the doing hereof, took care it might be peopled, and assisted the King to contrive it, as well for health as strength; whereupon many came into Philocyprus, whom other Kings aemulated; for this reason he ascribed the honour thereof unto Solon naming the City (which before was called Aepea) from him, Soli. This foundation he mentions in his Elegies, addressing his speech to Philocyprus. Mayst thou in Cyprus long as King abide, And o'er this people and this Town preside; In a fleet vessel from this haven may Cythera crowned with violets me convey. Her kind aspect and happiness may she Grant to this Town, a safe return to me. He visited Thales also at Miletus, whose imposture towards him (related already in Plutarch's words) receive from Tzetzes. Solon's friend Thales lead a single life, By Solon often moved to take a wife; These a Milesian (Thales so contrived) Meeting, pretends from Athens late arrived: Solon asks curiously what news was there; One that's abroad, saith he, hath lost his heir, The City waited on his obsequies. was it not Solon 's son, Solon replies? To this the stranger (as suborned) assents: He with torn hair in cries his passion vents; whom Thales (tenderly embracing) leave This grief, saith he, I did thee but deceive; '●is for these reason's Marriage I decline, which can deject so great a soul as thine. Whether it belong to this deceit, or to a real loss * Laert. Dioscorides, and * Serm. 121. Stobaeus report, that weeping for the death of his Son, one told him, but this helps nothing, he answered, and therefore I weep. * Laert. At Delphi he met with the rest of the wise men, and the year following at Corinth, by Periander's invitation, which was as Plutarch implies, long before Pisistratus came to reign; nor doth * Orat. 37. Dion Chrysostom intent the contrary, though so interpreted by * 1 Meursius. a learned person, his words importing only this; Solon fled not the Tyranny of Periander, though he did that of Pisistratus. That he went also to Crect (perhaps to visit Epimenides) is evident, from an * ad ●herecyd. Epistle of Thales. CHAP. IX. The attribute of wise conferred on him: his moral Sentences. * Laert. WHen Damasius (the second) was Archon, (in the year of the 49. Olympaid) all the seven received the attribute of wise: of these was Solon, upon whom ( * Orat. 4. Themistius saith) it was conferred as an honourable title full of dignity: * Vit. Sol. Plutarch avers that all of them (except Thales) were so called from their skill in civil affairs. And again, * Vit. Sol. In Philosophy Solon chiefly affected (as did likewise most of the wise men) that part of morality which concerns politics; * Vit. Themist. and speaking of Mu●sip●●ilus, he was not (saith he) an orator of those Philosophers who are called natural, but embraced that wisdom which teacheth government of a State, and prudence in public actions, which he retained as a Sect delivered by succession from Solon. Whence * Somn. Scip. 2. 17. Macrobius instanceth Solon, as skilful in that kind of learning which draweth Philosophy deeper, and establisheth a state. Hereto may be added his moral learning, for which (though Socrates reduced it first to a Science, and was there upon honoured as the inventor thereof) the seven were so famous, that some affirm the title of wise was given them only for excelling others in a laudable course of life, and comprehending some moral rules in short sentences; of these they had three sorts, Apothegms, Precepts and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of his Apothegms Laertiu● recites these, Speech is the Image of Action; He is a King who hath power. Laws are like cobwebs which entangle the lesser sort, the greater break through: Those who are in favour with Princes resemble counters used in casting accounts, which sometimes stand for a great number, sometimes for a lesser; so those are sometimes honoured, sometimes cast down. Being demanded how men might be brought to do no wrong, if saith he, they who have received none, and those who are wronged be alike concerned Satiety comes of riches, contumely of Satiety. * Vit. Sol. Plutarch and others, these; He conceived that City to be best governed, where the people as eagerly prosecute wrongs done to others as to themselves. * Sympos. Sept. Sapi. Being demanded how a City might be best ordered, he answered if the Citizens obeyed the Magistrates, the Magistrates the laws, he affirmed that King and Tyrant should become most glorious, who would convert his Monarchy to Democracy. He esteemed that Family best, wherein wealth is gotten not unjustly, kept not unfaithfully, expended not with repentance. * Arist. Ethic. 10. 8. He defined the happy those who are competently furnished with outward things, act honestly, and live temperately; which definition Aristotle approves. * Cicer. Epist. 15. ad Brut. He said, a commonwealth consists of two things, reward and punishment. * Val▪ Max. 7. 2. Seeing one of his friends much grieved, he carried him to the Tower, and desired him to view all the buildings below, which observing, the other to have done, now saith he, think with yourself, how many sorrows have heretofore and do● at present dwell under those roofs, and shall in future ages: and forbear to be troubled at the inconveniencies of mortality as they were only yours. He said also, that if all men should bring their misfortunes together in one place, every one would carry his own home again, rather than take an equal share out of the common stock. * Stob. Serm. 34 Being in drinking, demanded by Periander, whether he were silent through want of discourse, or through folly, answered, no fool can be silent amidst his cups. * Stob. Serm. 41 He said, that City was best ordered, wherein the good were rewarded, the bad punished. * johan. Salisb. Polier. ●. 14. He said, a man ought to fear nothing, but that his end exclude not Philosophy. * Orat. in Yimocrat. Demosthenes recites a discourse which he used to the Judges, in accusing one who had moved a pernicious law, to this effect; It is a Law generally received in all Cities, that he who makes false money should be put to death. Then he demanded of the Judges, whether that Law seemed to them just and commendable, whereunto they assenting, he added, that he conceived money to be used amongst Citizens, in respect of private contracts; but that laws were the money of the commonwealth: therefore Judges ought to punish those, who embased the money of the commonwealth much more severely, than those who embase that of private persons: and that they might better understand it to be a far greater offence to corrupt laws, then adulterate coin, he added, that many Cities use money of silver allayed with brass or lead, without any prejudice to themselves; but whosoever should use laws so adulterated, could not escape ruin and death. * Laert. Mimnermus writing thus, From trouble and diseases free, At threescore years let death take me. He reproved him, saying, By my advice, that wish extend, Nor for his counsel slight thy friend. Alter thy song, and let it be, At fourscore years let death take me. His moral precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phalereus, Stob. serm. 3. some whereof are cited by Laertius. Nothing too much, Sat not as judge, if thou dost, the condemned will esteem thee an enemy. Fly pleasure, for it brings forth sorrow. Observe honesty in thy conversation more strictly than an oath. Seal words with silence, silence with opportunity. Lie not, but speak the truth. Consider on serious things. Say not aught is juster than thy Parents. Procure not friends in haste, nor procured, part with in haste. By learning to obey, you shall know how to command. What forfeiture you impose on others, undergo yourself. Advise not Citizens what is most pleasant, but what is best. Be not arrogant. Converse not with wicked persons. Consult the Gods. Cherish thy friend. Reverence thy Parents. Make reason thy guide. What thou seest speak not. What thou knowest conceal. Be mild to those that belong to thee. Conjecture hidden things from apparent. His particular sentence according to * Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. Didymus and Laertius was, Nothing too much; according to Ausonius, Know thyself, who ascribes these also to him; Him I dare happy call whose end I see, Match with thy like, unequals not agree. By fortune guided, none to honour raise, A friend in private, chide, in public praise; Honours achieved created far exceed; If fates be sure, what helps it to take heed? And if unsure, there is of fear less need. Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laertius mentions these. Of every man be careful, lest he hear A sword concealed within his breast, a clear Aspect, a double tongue, a mind severe. CHAP. X. How be opposed Pisistratus, and reprehended Thespis. * Plut. DUring the absence of Solon, the former dissension broke forth again in the City: Lycurgus was head of the country men, Megacle● of the Maritime's, Pisistratus of the Townsmen, who were most violent against the rich; Solon's laws were still observed in the City, but the people aimed at novelty and change, not as thinking it most just, but in hopes to be Masters of other men's goods, and to suppress the adverse party. Solon, whilst things stood thus, returned to Athens, where he was much reverenced and honoured by all, but could not speak or act in public, through the weakness of his body and spirits, yet privately taking every one of the Commanders apart, he endeavoured to reconcile their differences, wherein Pisistratus seemed the most ready to be persuaded, with whom he had a very ancient friendship, grounded aswell upon their kindred, as upon the good qualities of Pisistratus, than whom (as Solon used to say) there could not be a person of more worth, if he were cured of his ambition. * Plut. About this time (according to Plutarch) which was in the fiftieth Olympiad, Thespis began to present Tragedies (which Suidas erroneously accounts ten Olympiads latter, as is observed by Meursius) the people were much taken with the novelty of the thing, for as yet there were no contentions therein. Solon naturally desirous to hear and learn, and by reason of his age indulging more to ease and pleasure, feasting and music, went to see Thespis himself act, as was then the manner; the Play ended, he went to Thespis, and asked him, if he were not ashamed to speak so many lies before so great an auditory? Thespis answered, it was no shame to act or say such things in jest. Solon striking the ground hard with his staff, replied, but in a short time, we who approve this kind of jest shall use it in earnest, in our contracts and transactions. * Laert. In fine, he absolutely forbade him to teach or act tragedies, conceiving their falsity unprofitable, whereto he dissimulated the deceit of Pisistratus, who soon after, * Plut. having wounded himself, came into the Forum in a Chariot, pretending to have been so used by his enemies in the behalf of the commonwealth, and inflamed the people with much rage. Solon coming near to him, son of Hippocra●es (saith he) you act Homer's Ulysseses ill in using the same means to deceive the Citizens, wherewith he (whipping himself) deluded the enemy. Immediately the people flocked in to defend Pisistratus: Aristo moved he might be allowed a standing guard of fifty men: Solon rose up to oppose it, using speeches, the effect whereof, he afterwards thus expressed in verse. If evil your impieties befall, Gods not the Author of those mischiefs call, Yourselves the causes, have given power to those, Who in requital, servitude impose. Lion whom the footsteps of the fox pursue, Whose souls deceit and Vanity endue. The man's smooth tongue and speech you only heed, But never penetrate into the deed. He also foretold them the aims of Pi●istratus, in an elegy to this effect. Vapours condens' dingender hail and snow, And thunder doth from radiant lightning flow. The sea is troubled by the raging wind, When not disturbed by that, nothing more kind. A City by great persons is o'erthrown, And taught beneath a Monarchy to groan. But seeing the poorer sort much addicted to Pisistratus, and tumultuous, the richer afraid, consulting their safety by flight, he retired, saying, Athenians, I am wiser than some, valianter than others, wiser than those who understand not the deceit of Pisistratus, valianter than those, who understand it, yet hold their peace, through fear. The Senate being of the same faction with Pis●stratus, said he was mad, whereto he answered, A little time will to the people clear My madness, when ' th' 'midst truth shall appear. The people having granted Pisistratus his request concerning a guard, questioned not the number of them, but connived so long at his pressing and maintaining as many soldiers as he pleased, that at last he possessed himself of the Tower; whereupon the City being in a tumult, Megacles, with the rest of the Alcmaeonidae fled. Solon now very old, and destitute of those that might back him, went into the Forum, * Laert. armed with a spear and shield, and made an oration to the people, partly accusing them of folly and cowardice, partly inciting them not to forsake their liberty, using this celebrious speech, It had been far easier to have suppressed this tyranny in the growth, but much more noble to cut it off now it is at the height. No man daring to hear him, he went home, and taking his arms, set them in the street before his door (Laertius saith, before the Magaz●n) saying, I have helped my Country and the Law as much as lay in me; or as Laertius, O Country, I have assisted thee both in word and deed. Plutarch adds, that from that time he lived retired, addicted to his study; and told by many the Tyrant would put him to death, and demanded wherein the confided so much, he answered, in his age: but Laertius affirms (which seems truer) that assoon as he had laid down his arms, he forsook the Country: and * Lib. 17. cap. 21. Agellius, that in the reign of Scovius Tullius, Pisist●atus was Tyrant of Athens, Solon going first away into voluntary exile. CHAP. XI. How he traveled to Lydia, and Cilicia. SOlon at his departure from Athens received invitations from many; by Thales desired to come to Miletus, by Bias, to Priene, by Epimenides, to Crect, by Cleobulus to Lindus, as is evident from their several letters to that effect: even Pisistratus pressed him to return home by this Epistle. Pisistratus to Solon. Neither am I the only person of the Greeks, nor am I without right to the Kingdom I possess, as being descended from Codrus: that which the Athenians having sworn to give to Codrus and his heirs, took away, I have recovered; no otherwise do I offend either God or man; I take care that the commonwealth be governed according to the laws you ordained for the Athenians, and that better than by a Democraty: I suffer none to do wrong, neither do I enjoy any privileges of a Tyrant, more than honour and dignity, such rewards only as were conferred upon the ancient Kings; every man pays the tenth of his estate, not to me, but to the maintenance of public sacrifices, or other charges of the commonwealth, or against time of war. You I blame not for discovering my intents, you did it more in love to the state, then in hate to me; besides, you knew not what government I meant to establish, which if you had, perhaps you would have brooked my rule, and not banished yourself; return therefore home, and believe me without an oath: Solon shall never receive any displeasure from Pisistratus, you know my very enemies have not, and if you will vouchsafe to be of my friends, you shall be of the first, for I never saw anything in you deceitful or false; if otherwise, you will live with the Athenians, use your freedom, only deprive not yourself of your country for my sake. Solon returned this answer. Solon to Pisistratus. I Believe I shall not suffer any harm by you, for before you were Tyrant, I was your friend, and at present am no more your enemy, than any other Athenian who dislikes Tyranny: whether it be better they be governed by a single person, or by a Democraty, let both parties determine. I pronounce you the best of Tyrants; but to return to Athens I think not sitting, lest I incur blame, who settled an equality in the Athenian commonwealth, and would not accept of the Tyranny; by returning, I shall comply with thy actions. Croesus also sent to invite him, to whom he thus answered. Solon to Croesus. I Love your humanity towards us, and by Pallas▪ but that I affect above all things to live under a Democraty, I should much sooner choose to live in your Kingdom, then at Athens, whilst Pisistratus rules there by force; but it is most pleasing to me to live where all things are just and equal; yet will I come over to you, being desirous to become your guest. Solon upon this invitation went to Sandys, where Croesus (saith Herodo●us) received him kindly: after the third or fourth day the Officers at Croesus' appointment lead him into the treasuries, to show him all their greatness and riches; when he had beheld all, Croesus spoke thus unto him. Athenian guest, because we have heard much fame of your wisdom and experience, having out of love to Philosophy traveled into many Countries, I have a desire to inquire of you if ever you saw any man whom you could call most happy. This he demanded, hoping himself to be esteemed such▪ Solon nothing flattering him, answered according to the truth, saying, O King, Tellus the Athenian. At which speech Croesus wondering. Why do you judge Tellus the most happy? Because (replied Solon) in a well ordered state, he had children honest and good, and saw every one of those have children all living; thus having passed his life as well as is possible for man, he ended it gloriously: a fight happening between the Athenians and their neighbours in Eleusis, he came in to their succour, and and putting the enemy to flight, died nobly; the Athenians buried him in the place where he fell, with much honour. Whilst Solon recounted the happiness of Tellus, Croesus being moved, demanded to whom he assigned the next place, making no question but himself should be named a second. Cleobis (saith he) and Bito, they were Argives by birth, they had sufficient wherewithal to maintain themselves; and withal, so great strength of body, that both were alike victors in the public games, of whom it is thus reported; the Argives celebrating the festival of juno, it was necessary their Mother should be drawn to the▪ Temple by a pair of Oxen, there being no Oxen in the field ready, these young men, straightened in time, under went the yoke, and drew the chariot of their Mother forty five stadia, till they came to the Temple; when they had so done, in the sight of all the people, they obtained the happiest end of their days, whereby the God declared it better for a man to die then to live; the Argive, pressing about them, the men applauding the piety of the Sons, the Women the happiness of the Mother, the Mother herself infinitely joyed with the action, and the glory thereof, standing before the image, prayed the Goddess to give her sons, Cleobis and Bito the best thing that could happen to man; after this prayer, having sacrificed and feasted, they lay down to sleep in the Temple, and never waked more, but so ended their days: their Images (as of most excellent persons) were made by the Argives, and set up at Delphi. These Solon ranked in the second degree. Hereat Croesus growing angry; stranger (said he) doth our happiness seem so despicable, that you will not rank us equal with private persons? He answered, do you inquire Croesus concerning human affairs of me, who know, that divine prodence is severe and full of alteration? In process of time we see many things we would not, we suffer many things we would not; let us propose seventy years, as the term of man's life, which years consist of twenty five thousand and two hundred days, besides the additional month, if we make one year longer than another by that Month, to make the time accord the additional months, belonging to those seventy years, will be thirty five, the days of those months a thousand and fifty, whereof one is not in all things like another: so that every man, O Croesus, is miserable! you appear to me very rich, and are King over many, but the question you demand I cannot resolve, until I hear you have ended your days happily; he who hath much wealth is not happier, than he who gets his living from day to day, unless fortune continuing all those good things to him, grant that he die well. There are many men very rich, yet unfortunate, many of moderate estates, fortunate, of whom, he who abounds in wealth, and is not happy, exceeds the fortunate only in two things, the other him in many; the rich is more able to satisfy his desires, and to overcome great injuries; yet the fortunate excels him, he cannot indeed inflict hurt on others, and satisfy his own desires, his good fortune debars him of these: but he is free from ills, healthful, happy in his children, and beautiful, if to this a man dies well, that is he whom you seek, who deserves to be called happy; before death he cannot be styled happy, but fortunate; yet for one man to obtain all this is impossible, as one country cannot furnish itself with all things, some it hath, others it wants, that which hath most is best; so in men, no one is perfect, what one hath, the other wants; he who hath constantly most, and at last quietly departs this life, in opinion, O King, deserves to bear that name. In every thing we must have regard to the end, whether it tends for many, to whom God dispenceth all good fortunes, he at last utterly subverts. This story is related by Plutarch, also mentioned by Laertius, who adds, that Croesus being magnificently adorned and seated on his Throne, asked him, whether he had ever seen any thing more glorious? who answered, C●●ks, Pheasants, & Peacocks, who are much more beautiful in their natural power. * Herodot. Solon after this discourse with Croesus, not soothing him, or making any esteem of him, was dismissed, and accounted unwise, for neglecting the present good in regard to the future. * Plut. Aesop, the writer of fables was at that time at Sardis, sent for thither by Croesus, with whom he was much in favour▪ he was grieved to see Solon so unthankfully dismissed, and said to him, Solon, we must either tell Kings nothing at all, or what may please them. No, saith Solon, either nothing at all, or what is best for them. Thus was Solon much despised by Croesus. * Herod. Afterwards Croesus being taken prisoner by Cyrus was at his command fettered and set upon a great pile of wood to be burned: as he was in this posture, it came into his mind what Solon had divinely said to him, that no living man is happy; as soon as he remembered those words, he fell into a great defection of Spirit, and sighing deeply, named Solon thrice, which Cyrus hearing, commanded the interpreters to ask upon whom he called, they went to him and asked, he was silent, at last pressing him further he answered, upon him who I desire above all wealth, might have spoken with all tyrants; not understanding, after much pressure and importunity, he told them, Solon an Athenian came long since to him, and beholding all his wealth, valued it at nothing moreover that all which he told him had come to pass, nor did it more belong to him then to all mankind, especially to those who think themselves happy. Whilst Croesus said this, the fire began to kindle, and the outward parts thereof to be seized by the flame. Cyrus' being informed by an interpreter of all that Croesus said, began to relent, knowing himself to be but a man, who delivered another man, nothing inferior to him in wealth, to be burned alive, fearing to be punished for that act, and considering that nothing was certain in human affairs, he commanded the fire to be instantly quenched, and Croesus, and those that were with him to be brought off, * Plut. whom ever after as long as he lived, he had in esteem. Thus Solon gained praise, that of two Kings, his speech preserved one, and instructed the other. Plutarch relates this done in the former ten years' travail of Solon, upon the finishing of his laws, whence he maketh an Apology for the incongruity thereof, with the rules of Chronology, which had less needed, if with Laertius, he had placed it after Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny. Laertius saith, he went from hence to Cilicia, and built there a Gitty, called after him Soleis, whither he brought also some few Athenians, whose language growing corrupt by that of the country, they were said to solaecise; of this is the Etymologist doubtless to be understood, who derives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (so read we, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) This is also attested by Suidas, as a distinct relation from that of Cyprus, in confirmation whereof Laertius addis, the Cilicians were called Solenses, the Cyprians Solii. CHAP. XII. His death. * Plut. HEraclides affirms, Solon lived long after Pisistratus began to reign; * De longavis. Lucian that his life extended to a hundred years; with whom those best agree, who say (as Suidas relates) he lived in the fifty six Olympiad; * Plaut. but according to Phanias, Pisistratus took the Tyranny upon him, when Comias was Archon, and Solon died, Hegestratus being Archon, who s●cceeded Comias, which was in the first year of the fifty ●ift Olympiad. If this latter opinion had not every where taken place of the other, the disagreement betwixt the time of Solon's death, and Croesus' reign had not been urged by many, as an argument against the story of their meeting. He died (according to Laertius) aged eighty years (being as * Var. hist. 8. 16. Elian saith, very decrepit) in Cyprus, (as is like wise attested by * lib. 5. cap. 3. Valerius Maximus, and * Laert. Suidas) ● and left order with his friends that they should carry his bones to Salamis, & there causing them to be burnt, s●atter the ashes all over the country; which story Plutarch (though he counts it fabulous) acknowledgeth to be attested by many Authors of credit, particularly Aristotle. Laertius confirms it by the testimony of Cra●inus, who makes him speak thus; The Island I inhabit, sown As fame reports, in Ajax Town: That desire of knowledge which he usually professed continued with him to his end, * Val. Max. 8. 7. confirmed the last day of his life; his friends sitting about him, and falling into some discourse, he raised his weary head, and being demanded why he did so, he answered, that when I have learned that, whatsoever it be, whereon you dispute, I may die: * Stob. 29. His brother's son singing an ode of Sapph, he delighted therewith, bade him teach him it, and being demanded why, that, said he, I may learn whilst I 〈◊〉 out of this life. After his death, the Athenians erected his statute in brass, before * Pausan. Attic. the chequered cloister'd * Demosth. in Aristog. 2. Elian. var. hist. 8. 16. in the forum: Another was set up at Salamis, hiding (as Demosthenes and Eschines describe it) the hand within the garment, in the same habit wherein he used to make speeches to the Athenians; perhaps the same that carried this inscription, ●am'd Salamis, the Persian pride cast down, And gave to Solon birth, the law's renown. Laertius bestows this Epigram upon him. A sorraign Cyprian fire burned Solon, yet Salamis keeps his bones, their ashes wheat; His Soul to heaven mounts with his laws, so light A burden, they not clog, but help his flight. CHAP. XIII. His writinngly 〈◊〉 HIs excellency both in Rhetoratie, ●nd Poetry is attested by many; Cicero, * In Bruto. before Solo● 〈◊〉 no man is recorded for eloquence. * De orat, lib. 1. And again, Lycurgus and Solon we place in the number of the eloquent. * Orat. 21. Dion, chrysostom, Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epaminondas, and if there be any other in the same kind, aught to be esteemed Philosophers in the commonwealth, or Orators, according to ingenious true Rhetoric. * Orat. Plat. 2. Aristides, Solon is said to have sung those things which concern the Megarenses, but neither his Laws nor Orations, which sometimes he made for the rich to the commons, sometimes for the commons to the rich, did he sing or comprise in verse, but used a rhetorical form, excellently demonstrating in all these, that he deserved to be esteemed an Orator and a Wiseman, having attained both those titles and faculties. As to Poetry, Plu●●rch avers, he addicted himself thereto from the beginning, not in serious matters, but ludicrous, used (as it seems) for his exercise and pastime; afterwards he included many Philosophical sentences in verse, and many affairs of state, not in relation to history, but to vindicate his own actions, sometimes also to correct and reprove the Athenians. Plato saith, * In Tim●eo. 1. crit. that at the Apaturian feast, the boys used to repeat his poems; and that if he had applied himself to nothing but Poetry as others did, and had finished the history he brought out of Egypt, and had not been constrained by seditions and other distractions to lay aside that study, neither Hesiod, Homer, nor any of the Poets would have been more famous. Of his writings in Prose, we must with Laertius name in the first place his Laws, of which already. Orations to the people. His Poems are cited under that general title by * Eclig. dict. Attic. Phrynicus, their particular subjects and titles these. Exhortations to himself, mentioned by Laertius, * In Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristides, and Suidas. Elegies: Salamis, of which Chap. 2. of the Athenian commonwealth, which Laertius affirms to have extended to two thousand verses, according to * Attic. Pausanias, and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philo, Elegiac. iambics, mentioned by La●rtius, cited by Athenaeus and Aristides. Epodes, mentioned by Laertius. Elegies to King Cypranor, cited by the author of Aratus, his life. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cited by Laertius. Some (saith Plutarch●in●irme ●in●irme, he began to reduce his own Laws into verse. fifty si The last work he urken plok was concerning the Atlantic speech or fable, which beginning late, he was deterred by the greatness of the work, as Plutarch saith, and prevented by death. Besides those Epistles already alleged, these are preserved also by Laertius. Solon to Periander. YOu send me word, there are many who plot against you; if you should put them all to death, it would advantage you nothing; some one there may be of those, whom you suspect not, who plots against you, either fearing himself, or disdaining you, or desirous to ingratiate himself with the City, though you have done him no injury; it is best, if you would be free from jealousy, to acquit yourself of the cause, but if you will continue in Tyranny, take care to provide a greater strength of strangers than is in your own City; so shall you need to fear no man, nor to put any to death. Solon to Epimenides. NEither are my laws likely to benefit the Athenians long, nor have you advantaged the City by lustration; for divine right and lawgivers cannot alone benefit Cities; it importeth much of what mind they are who lead the common people; divine rights and laws, if they direct them well, are profitable, if they direct them ill, profit nothing; neither are those laws I gave in any better condition; they who had charge of the commonwealth, not preventing Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny, lost the City, of which, when I foretold them, I could not be believed; the Athenians would rather credit his flatteries, than my truth; wherefore laying down my arms before the Magazine, I said, that I was wiser than those who did not see Pisistratus aimed at the Tyranny; and stouter than those who durst not resist him: they reputed Solon a mad man. Lastly, I made this profession, O country! behold Solon ready to vindicate thee in word and deed: they again esteemed me mad. Thus I being the only person that opposed Pisistratus, I came away from them; let them guard him with their arms if they please; for know (dear friend) the man came very cunningly by the Kingdom, he complied at first with the Democraty, afterwards wounding himself, came into Elioea, crying out, he had received those hurts from his enemies, and required a guard of four hundred young men, which they (not harkening to me) granted; these carried halberds: after this, he dissolved the popular government; truly I laboured in vain to free the poorer sort from mercenary slavery, when they all now serve one Pisistratus. Such fragments of his Poems as have been hitherto preserved are thus collected. Out of his Elegies. Sprung from Mnemosyne and Jove's great line, Pierian Muses, to my prayer incline, Grant that my life and actions may call down Blessings from heaven, and raise on earth renown: Sweet to my friends, and bitter to my foes, To these my sight bring terror, joy to those. Riches I wish, not riches that are placed In unjust means, for vengeance comes at last. Riches dispensed by heavens more bounteous hand, A base on which we may unshaken stand. But that which men by injuries obtain, That which by arts and deeds unjust they gain Comes slowly, swiftly by revenged pursued, And misery like a close spark include, Which soon to a devouring flame dilates, Wrong is a weak foundation for estates. Jove doth the end of every thing survey: As sudden vernal blasts chase clouds away. Ransack the bottom of the roaring main, Then swiftly overrun the fertile plain, Ruffling the wealthy ears; at last they rise To Jove's high seat, a●calm then smooths the skies. The Sun's rich lustre mildly gilds the green Enamel of the meads, no clouds are seen, Such is Jove's heavy anger differing far From men, whose every trifle leads to war: They are not hid for ever, who offend In secret, judgement finds them in the end. Some in the act are punished, others late, Even he who thinks he hath deluded fate; At last resents it in just miseries, Which Nephews for their Ancestors chastise. We think it fares alike with good and bad; Glory and self-conceit our fancies glad Till suffering comes, than their grieved spirits bleed, Who did before their souls with vain hope feed. He whom incurable diseases seize, Soothes his deluded thoughts, with hopes of ease. The coward's valiant in his own esteem, And to themselves, fair the deformed seem. They who want means, by poverty oppressed Believe themselves of full estates possessed. All is attempted, some new seas explore To bring home riches from a foreign shore: Seas, on whose boisterous back secured they ride, And in the mercy of the winds confide: Others to crooked ploughs their Oxen yoke, And Autumn with their plants and sets provoke. Some Vulcan's and Minerva's arts admire, And by their hands, their livelyhoods acquire. Others the fair Olympian muses trace, And lovely learning studiously embrace. One by Apollo is prophetic made, And tells what mischiefs others shall invade; With him the God's converse, but all the skill In birds or victimes cannot hinder ill. Some to Peonian knowledge are inclined, Nor is the power of simples unconfined. The smallest hurts sometimes increase and rage, More than all art of physic can assuage; Sometimes the fury of the worst disease. The hand by gentle stroking will appease. Thus good or bad arrives as fate's design, Man cannot what the Gods dispensed decline. All actions are uncertain, no man knows When he begins a work, how it shall close. Some, who their business weigh with prudent care, Oft of the issue intercepted are: Whilst others who have rashly ought designed, An end successful of their labours find. There is no bound to those who wealth acquire, For they who are possessed of most, desire As much again, and who can all content, Even those full blessings which the Gods have lent, Man variously to his own harm applies, Whom Jove by means as various doth chastise. Again. OUr City never can subverted be By Jove, or any other Deity; For Pallas eye surveys with pious care The walls, which by her hand protected are: Yet the inhabitants of this great Town, Fondly inclined to wealth, will throw it down; And those unjust great persons who are bend Others to wrong, themselves to discontent; For their insatiate fancies have not power T●enjoy the sweetness of the instant hour; But by all wicked means, intent on gain, From hallowed, nor from public things refrain. Riches by theft and cozenage to possess, The sacred bounds of justice they transgress. Who silent sees the present, knows the past, And will revenge these injuries at last: Causing a cureless rupture in the state, And all our liberties shall captivate. Rouse war from his long slumber, who the flower Of all our youths shall bloodily devour. For Cities which injuriously oppose Their friends, are soon invaded by their foes. These are the common evils; of the poor Many transported to a foreign shore, To bondage there, and fetters shall be sold. Each private house thus shares the public fate, Nor can exclude it with a ban'd-up gate; For scaling furiously the higher walls, On those whom beds or corners hides, it falls. My soul, Athenians, prompts me to relate What miseries upon injustice wait: But justice all things orderly designs, And in strict fetters the unjust confines. What's sour, she sweetens, and alleys what cloys. Wrong she repels, ill in the growth destroys, Softens the stubborn, the unjust reforms, And in the state calms all seditious storms: Bitter dissension by her reign suppressed, Who wisely governs all things for the best. Another. NO man is blessed, bad is every one That feels the warmth of the allseeing S●n. Another. LEt me not die unpitied, every friend With sighs and tears my latest hour attend. CHILO. CHILON. CHAP. I. Chilon his life. * Laert. CHILON was a Lacedaemonian, son of Damagetus, corruptly termed in * Serm. 28. Stobaeus, Page 6. He was eminent amongst the Greeks for two predictions. The first to Hypocrates, * Herodot. lib. 1. Laert. to whom (being a private person) happened a great prodigy at the Olympic games: having prepared an offering, and filled a Cauldron with flesh and water, it boiled over without fire: This portent Chilon (accidentally present) beholding, advised him that he should not take a wise by whom he might have issue; that if he had one, he should put her away, and if a son, turn him out of doors: Hypocrates not following this advice, brought up his son Pisistratus, who in the sedition of the Maritime's and countrymen at Athens, those led by Megacles, these by Lycurgus, stirred up a third faction, and gained the tyranny. * Laert. He was much renowwed also for his prediction concerning Cythera a Lacedaemonian Island; examining the Situation thereof, would to God (said he) it had never been; or since it is, it might be swallowed up by the sea, and wisely did he foresee. Damaratus, a Laecedaemonian exile, counselled▪ Xerxes to seize upon that Island, which advice if he had followed, would have ruined all Greece. His words (according to * Lib. 7. 235: Herodotus) were these. You may effect your desires, if you send three hundred ships to the Lacedaemonian coast; there lies an Island, named Cythera, of which Chilon, a person of greatest wisdom amongst us, said, it were better for the Lacedæmonians that it were under water than above: he, it seems, expected from it some such thing as I am now going to declare, not that he foresaw your Navy, but doubting any in the same kind; Let your men issue out of this Island upon the Lacedæmonians, to strike them into terror. * Laert. Afterwards, in the time of the Peloponesian war, Nicias taking the Island, placed some Athenians therein, who much infested the Lacedæmonians. Laertius saith, that he was old in the fifty two Olympiad, at what time Aesop flourished: that he was Ep●orus in the fifty sixth. (Casaubon reads the fifty five) but Pamphila (continueth Laertius) saith in the sixth. He was first Ephorus, when Euthydemus was Archon, as Sosicrates also affirms, and first appointed the Ephori to be joined with Kings, which Satyrus saith, was the institution of Lycurgus. Hence it is doubtful whether Chilon was Ephorus in the sixth Olympiad, or in the fifty sixth; the latter is more probable, in as much as he bore that office when Euthydemus was Archon at Athens, which was in the fifty sixth Olympiad, as appears by the Marmor Arunde lianum, where for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is corruptly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendered Archonte populo. But it is likewise true, that the Ephori were first created about the sixth Olympiad, when Polydorus and Theopompus were Kings of Lacedaemon, a hundred and thirty years after ●ycurgus, as Plutarch (in his life) affirms, from which time there were five annual Ephori chosen in Lacedaemon, whereof the first is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the year had its denomination from him: the first of the first election was * Plut. vit. Lycur. Elatus; Chilon in the fifty sixth Olympiad was the first of the five of his year; which might perhaps give the occasion of the mistake to them, who take him to be the first of that institution, of whom is * Scaliger. * In Euseb. p. 67: How he behaved himself in this office, may be gathered from his speech▪ * Laert. to his brother, displeased that himself was not Ephorus at the same time: I can bear injuries, saith he, you cannot. He was so just in all his actions, * Laert. that in his old age he professed, he never had done any thing contrary to the conscience of an upright man, only that of one thing he was doubtful; having given sentence against his friend according to law, he advised his friend to appeal from him (his Judge) so to preserve both his friend and the law: * Lib. 1. cap. 3: Agellius relates it thus; When his life drew towards an end, ready to be seized by death, he spoke thus to his friends about him: My words and actions in this long term of years, have been (almost all) such as I need not repent of, which perhaps you also know; truly even at this time I am certain, I never committed any thing, the remembrance whereof begets any trouble in me, unless this one thing only, which whether it were done amiss or not, I am uncertain: I sat with two others as Judge upon the life of my friend; the law was such, as the person must of necessity be condemned; so that either my friend must lose his life, or some deceit be used towards the Law: revolving many things in my mind for relief of a condition so despeate, I conceived that which I put in practice to be of all other the most easy to be born: Silently I condemned him, and persuaded those others who judged to absolve him: Thus preserved (in so great a business) the duty both of a judge and friend; but from that act I receive this trouble, that I fear it is not free from perfidiousness and guilt, in the same business, at the same time, and in a public affair, to persuade others, contrary to what was in my own judgement best. CHAP. II. His moral sentences, precepts, and verses. OF his Apothegms, these are remembered by Laertius; he said, providence of future things collected by reason, is the virtue of a man. Being demanded wherein the learned differ from the unlearned? he answered in a good hope? What is hard? to conceal secrets, to dispose of leisure well; and to be able to bear an injury. * Plutarch. Simpos. sept. sap Being invited to a feast by Periander, (with the rest of the wisemen,) he would not promise to come before he knew what other company would be there, saying, a man is necessitated to brook an ill companion in a ship at sea, or in a tent in a camp; but to mix indifferently with all sorts of people at a feast is indiscretion. Upon the same occasion Plutarch recites these sentences of his; A Prince must not think upon any transitory mortal things, but only upon the eternal, and immortal. That commonwealth is best where the people mind the Law, more than the Lawyers. A family must resemble as much as possible a City governed by a King. * Plut. de anima. Hearing a man say he had no enemy, he asked him if he had any friend; conceiving love and hate necessarily must follow one another. His moral precepts are thus delivered by * Stob. serm. 28. Demetrius Phalereus. Kn●w thyself. Speak not much in thy drink, for thou wilt transgress. (or as Laertius, rule thy tongue, especially at a feast) Threaten not free persons, for it is not just. (Laertius, threaten none, for that is like a woman) Speak not ill of thy neighbour, if thou dost, thou shalt hear what will trouble thee. Go slowly to the feasts of thy friends, swiftly to their misfortunes. (Laertius, go more readily to a friend in adversity then in prosperity.) Celebrate marriage frugally. Speak well of the dead. Reverence thy elder (Laertius, honour age) Hate him who is inquisitive into the business of others. Prefer loss before unjust gain (for that (adds Laertius) brings grief but once, this for ever) Deride not the unfortunate. If thou art strong, behave thyself mildly, that thou mayst rather be respected then feared (Laertius, of thy neighbours. Learn to) Order thy house well. Let not thy tongue run before thy mind. Bridle thy anger. Covet not impossibilities. In the way hasten not forward. Shake not thy hand, (Laertius, in discourse) for it is like a madman. Obey the Laws. Be reconciled to those who have wronged you, but revenge contumelies. To which Laertius adds these, To preserve thyself. Not to hate divination, make use of quietness. * Lib. 7. cap. 32. Pliny speaking of authority, saith, that men ranked Chilon amongst Oracles, consecrating three precepts of his at Delphil, in golden letters, which are these: Every man to know himself, and to desire nothing too much; the companion of another's money and strife is misery. * Agell. He only kept within bounds the two most fierce affections of the soul, Love, and Hate, saying, Love with such limitation, as if hereafter you might chance to hate: hate so far, as that perhaps you might hereafter love. Ausonius ascribes to him the effect of these verses. Me, may the mean not fear, nor great despise, Have death and health alike before thy eyes. The benefits thou givest, remember never, Of those thou dost receive, be mindful ever. Learn of thyself and friend t'o'ercome cross fate, Age, youth resembling, is a light estate, Youth, age resembling, is a greater weight. His particular sentence was, To a surety, loss is near. Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Laertius mentions this, as most eminent. Gold's worth we by the touchstone find, Gold is the touchstone of the mind. * Laert. He asked Aesop what jupiter was doing, who answered, pulling down the high, and raising the low. CHAP. III. His death, and writings. HE died (according to * Laert. Hermippus) at Pisa, embracing his son, victor in the Olympic games, of the caestus, the weakness of his age overcome with excess of joy; all who were present at that great assembly attended on his funerals, as is affirmed by * Lib. 7. cap. 32▪ Pliny and Laertius, who hath this Epigram upon him, To thee illustrious Pollux thanks I pay, That Chilons' son the Olive bore away: The father died o'erjoyed his child to see So crowned: a happy death! such befall me: Upon his statue, this inscription. The birth of Chilon warlike Sparta graced, Who of the seven, in the first rank was placed. * Laert. He was short in speech; whence Aristagoras calls that manner of speaking Chilonian: * Lud. sept. sap. Ausonius also alludes hereto in the speech he makes under his name. * Laert. He writ Elegies extending almost to two hundred verses: there is likewise an Epistle of his extant to this effect. Chilon to Periander. YOu send me word of an expedition you are preparing against foreigners, intending to go in person with your Army: a monarch, I think, hath little safety, even at home. That Tyrant I esteem happy who dies at home a natural death. PITTACUS PITTACUS. CHAP. I. Pittacus his life. * Laert. & Suid. PITTACUS was of Mitelene (the chief City of Lesbos) son of Caicus, * So the varican M. S: of Suidas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 better than the printed editions, which read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (rather) Hyr●hadius, a Thracian, his Mother a Lesbian, born in the thirty two Olympiad. Laertius saith, he flourished in the forty two Olympiad; * Suid. at that time he gave testimony of his great courage and love to his Country, in killing (assisted by the brethren of Alcaeus the Poet) Melanchrus, tyrant of Lesbos and Mitelene. * Laert. Pittacus grown eminent by this action, was by the Mitelenaeans made ●enerall, and * Strab. sent with a fleet against the Athenians, with whom they had a long contest concerning the Achillaean field; the ground of their difference this: * Herod. 5. 94. Pisistratus took Sigeum by force from the Mitelaeans, and settled there (as King) Hegesistratus his natural Son, by an Argive woman, who kept it, not without much dispute; for betwixt the Mitelenaeans and Athenians there was a long war, those sallying out of the Achillaean Town, these out of Sigaeum: * Strab. lib. 13. those lay claim to the Town, as built by Archaeanactes of Mitelene, of the stones of old Troy (for the Lesbians challenged the greatest part of Troas as their hereditary right, where they had built many houses, some, saith Strabo, standing at this day, others demolished) * Herod. continues. these opposed their claim; alleging the Aeolians had no more right to this Ilian country, than themselves or any other of the Greeks, who assisted Menelaus in the recovery of Hellen. * Strab. Laert. The Athenians sent thither as General Phryno, a tall robust person, who had been victor in all the Olympic exercises; perhaps the same whom Eusebius names in the thirty six Olympiad. * Strab. Laert. Pittacus having been several times worsted in ba●tle, at last challenged Phryno to single combat, and met him, being armed ●ith the weapon's of a fisherman, hiding a net under his shield, wherewith catching Phryno suddenly, he sle● him with his trident and ●agger, and by his death recovered the field. From this stratagem of Pittacus, was derived the like kind of fight amongst the Roman gladiatours, called Retiarii (described by * Saturnal. Lipsius) as is expressly observed by Polyaenus and * 〈◊〉 Retiario: Festus. * Strab. Laert. But this war ended not so; until at last both parties referred themselves to Periander, * Herod. 5. 95: choosing him Umpire; he awarded that each side should keep what they were in possession of, whereby Sigeum fell to the Athenians. * Strab. Demetrius argues Timaeus of falsehood, for affirming Periander built Achilleum (a small town, where was the tomb of Achilles) in opposition to the Athenians, of Ilian stones, and thereby to have aided Pittacus: but neither was it built of such stones (saith Strabo) nor was Periander the founder: how could he be chosen arbitrator, whose actions had declared him an enemy? * Laert. Hereupon Pittacus was highly honoured by the Mitelenaeans, who ( * Aristot. polit. 3. 14. being infested by banished persons, under the leading of Antimenides, and Alcaeus the Poet) * Val. Max. 6. 5 either in obligation to his merit, or confidence in his equity, by their free votes ( * Plut. amator. though Alcaeus deny it) instated him in the Tyranny; * Aristot. pol. 3. 14. with many acclamations of praise, and a great concourse of people (as is manifest from Alcaeus, who for that reason reprehends them.) * Plut. de ●aligd. Herod. Laert. Suid. They also with general consent offered him great gifts, and bade him take of that field which he recovered from the Citizens as much as he would. He darting his spear, demanded only so much as that had passed over, which he dedicated to Apollo, called (even to the time of Plutarch, and Laertius) the Pittacaean field: * Laert. Sosicrates avers, he took part of it for himself, saying, the half was more than the whole: * Val. Max. 6. 5 Thus he diverted his mind from the gift, conceiving it not fitting to diminish the glory of the virtue, by the greatness of the reward. Being possessed of this power, he showed the moderation wherewith his breast was furnished, towards Alcaeus the Poet, who had behaved himself pertinaciously against him, with bitter hate and scurrilous wit (whereof see many instances in Laertius) Pittacus only informed him how able he was to oppress him. During his government, he made many Laws, one whereof is mentioned by * De legib. 2. Cicero, forbidding any man to go to the funeral of such as he was not of kin to. Another by * F●lit. 2. 12. Aristotle, that whosoever being drunk, should strike any man, should pay double as much as if he had been sober; or as Laertius delivers it, whosoever offended, being drunk, should pay a double forfeit; which he did to restrain the Mitelenaens from drunkenness, because their Island abounded in wine. His usual exercise, even whilst he was King, (as Cle. archus affirms) was to grind corn, esteeming it a healthful exercise, much commending a mill, that in so little room, it afforded exercise to many. There was a song, * Pollux. called for that reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which Thales * Plut. Sympos. sept. sap. affirms he heard a she-slave in Lesbos sing the beginning as the ground, which was thus. Grind, grind my Mill amain, For Pittacus the Lesbian King To grind doth not disdain. Being well in years, he was constrained to take upon himself the leading of an Army, whereupon he said, it is hard to be good; which * Hence correct Suidas, who saith Simon. Simonides mentions, saying, Hard to be truly honest, this The Pittaceian sentence is. Plato also remembers it in his Protagoras (where Simonides reproves Pittacus for saying, it is hard to continue good, which he affirms to be easy, but to become good, hard; wherein he differs from Laertius his expression of it. * Laert. He continued in the government of the Kingdom ten years, * 6. 5. Valerius Maximus saith, only as long as the war with the Athenians concerning Sigeum lasted, but afterwards assoon as peace was obtained by victory (having in this time settled the affairs of the commonwealth) he laid it down, notwithstanding the Mitelenaeans cried out to the contrary, lest he should continue Lord of the Citizens longer than the necessities of the Kingdom required, and lived ten years after a private person. He went to Sardis at what time (as some say, though others apply it to Bias) Croesus having made the Grecians in Asia tributary, had given order for the building of a Navy to invade the Islanders: as soon as he came thither, Croesus asked him what news from Greece? He by his answer, diverted the King from going forward with his building ships: the Islanders, saith he, have bought a world of horses, intending an expedition against Sardis; and Croesus thinking he had spoken truth, answered, I wish the Gods would put it in their minds to come against the Lydians on horseback; he replied, it is not without reason, great King, that you wish and hope to catch the Islanders on horseback in the continent; and what think you the Islanders wish more, than (hearing your preparation to set out a Navy against them) that they may catch the Lydians upon the Sea, and revenge the cause of those inland Grecians whom you have reduced to servitude. Croesus much delighted with this speech, and dissuaded (for it seemed to him he spoke very ingeniously) from building a Navy, gave it over, and contracted amity with the Ionian Islands. CHAP. II. His moral sentences, precepts, and verses. OF his Apothegms, Laertius recites these. The Gods themselves cannot resist necessity. Power shows the man. Being on a time demanded what is best, he answered, to do the present well. To Croesus, who asked which was the greatest government, that of various (wood saith he) meaning the Law, (carved) in wooden tables. To a Phocaean, who said, I must seek an honest man: though you seek much, (saith he) you shall not find him. To some who demanded what was most pleasing, he answered, Time. He said it was the part of wise men to foresee inconveniencies and prevent them before they came, of valiant men to order them well when they come. Add these from * Symp●s. sept. sap. Plutarch, That Prince is happy, who can make his subject afraid, not of him, but for him. That commonwealth is best ordered, where the wicked have no command, and the good have. That house is best ordered, which needs nothing either of ornament or necessity. * Athen. deipn. ●ib. 10. He counselled Periander to shun drunkenness and excess in feasting, lest he should be known to be what he was, not what he seemed. * Laert. To a young man ask his advice concerning marriage, what directions he gave, is thus expressed by Callimachus. An Acarnaean stranger Pittacus Hyrrhadius son of Lesbos questioned thus; Father a double match is offered me; The birth and means of one with mine agree; The other far exceeds me, which is best? By your advice my aim shall be addressed. Lifting his staff (his ages sole defence) He pointing said, go fetch advice from thence. (There he espied some boys by chance at play, As they were whipping tops along the way) Follow their steps saith he. When nigh he drew, He heard them say, an equal take to you; By which direction guided, he forsook The richer fortune, and the equal took; Be you (as he) by this wise counsel lead, And take an equal to your Marriage bed. Whither Aeschylus (as is observed by his Scholiast) alluded saying, * From. vinct. Wise, truly wife was he Who first sententiouslie His judgement thus expressed, An equal match is best. His Moral precepts are thus collected by * St●b. 28. Demetrius Phalereus. Know opportunity; What thou intendest, speak not before thou dost it, for being frustrate of thy hope, thou will be derided. Use thy friends. What thou tak'st ill in thy neighbour, do not thyself. Reproach not the unhappy, for the hand of God is on them. Restore what is committed to thy trust. Bear with thy neighbour. I ove thy neighbour. Reproach not thy friend, though he recede from thee a little; nor wish well to thy enemy, it is against reason. It is hard to foresee the future, what is passed is certain, what is to come obscure. The earth is faithful, the sea faithless; Gain insatiable. Acquire, honesty, Seek Obsequiousness, Love Discipline, Temperance, Prudence, Truth, Faith, Experience, Dexterity, Society, Diligence, Oeconomy and Piety. Ausonius citys these as his; None know to speak who know not to refrain, One goodman's praise 'fore many ill men's gain. He's mad who envies in the happy, pride; Or grief in the unhappy doth deride. Who makes a law must not that law transgress, Purchase all friends thou caused in happiness, And to the fewest trust in thy distress. * Laert. Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, these were most celebrious, Who hath a quiver and a bow Against a wicked man should go Whose doubtful tongue never expressed The faithless meaning of his breast. His particular sentence was, Know opportunity. CHAP. III. His Death; Brother, Wife, Son, Writings. * Laert. HE lived to a full age, above seventy years, or (following the account of Suidas for his birth) eighty. * Long●v. Lucian exceeds, who reckons him amongst those who lived 100 years; for he * Laert. died when Aristomenes was Archon, in the third year of the 52. Olympiad, upon his Monument this Epitaph, Weep citizens as sacred Lesbos weeps For Pittacus; this Tomb his ashes keeps. He had a brother who dying without issue, his estate devolved to Pittacus; whereupon refusing the wealth Croesus offered him, he said, he had more by half than he desired. He married a wife of birth higher than himself, sister to Draco son of Penthilus; she behaved herself imperiously towards him, whereof * De anim. tranquil. Plutarch gives this instance; Having invited some friends, she came in and overthrew the table; he seeing his guests troubled said, Each of you hath some misfortune, he is happiest who hath no more than this. Laertius saith, the advice he gave concerning equal marriage (chap. 2.) was out of a resentment of his own troubles. * Laert. He had a son named Tyrrheus, who at Cuma sitting in a Barber's shop (as was used amongst the ancients by such as loved to discourse of news) was casually killed by a brazier with a blow of a hatchet; The Cumeans took the offendor and sent him to Pittacus, He being informed of the accident, set him at liberty saying, pardon is better than penitence. Of his writings Laertius mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, already cited, Elegies amounting to 600 verses. Of laws in prose; directed to his own Countrymen. Epistles of which this is preserved; Pittacus to Croesus. You command me to come to Lydia to behold your wealth; without sight whereof I can easily believe the son of Alyattes, to be the richest of Kings, and therefore need not in that respect go to Sardis; for I want not gold, but have enough even for my friends also; yet I will come to you to enjoy your conversation as a Guest. * Laert. There was another Pittacus called the Lesser, a Lawgiver; mentioned by Phavorinus and Demetrius. BIAS. BIAS. CHAP. I. Bias his life. * Laert. BIAS was of Priene, soon of Tutamis; some affirm he was rich, others, that he had no estate, but lived as an inmate. Sa●yrus●anketh ●anketh him first of the seven wisemen; the occasion whereby that title was conferred on him, was this; he redeemed some captive Messenian virgins, brought them up as his daughters, gave them portions, and so sent them back to their Parents: a Tripod being afterwards found at Athens (as was related in the life of whales, the place only different) with this inscription in gold, To the wise. These virgins (as Satyrus affirms) or (as Phanodicus) their father came into the congregation, and pronounced Bias wise, declaring what he had done for them: hereupon the Tripod was sent to him, which Bias beholding, averred Apollo to be the most wise, and would not accept it; some affirm he dedicated it to Hercules at Thebes, as being descended from the Theban Colony, sent to Priene. That he made good this attribute, there are many instances; * Laert. Alyattes besieging Priene, Bias turned out of the Town two exceeding fat mules, which coming to the camp, Croesus wondered to see * Laert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. their plenty extended to the very beasts, and desirous, of reconcilement, sent a messenger to them. Bias causing many heaps of sand to be made, and covered over with wheat, showed them to the messenger; whereof Alyattes informed, was more eager of peace then before, and sent immediately to desire Bias to come to him; but I (answered he) wish Allyattes may feed on onions, meaning to weep. * Herod. 2. 7. Some ascribe it to Bias, the diversion of Croesus his expedition against the Greek Islands, by others imputed to Pittacus related in his life. * Herod. 1. 170. Cyrus' having taken Croesus, sent an Army against the Grecians; the jonians much troubled, assembled at the Panionium, where Bias gave them wise advice, which had they followed (saith Herodotus) they might have been the happiest of all the Greeks: He counselled them to join together in one fleet, to sail to Sardinia, and there build one City common to all the jonians; whereby they might preserve themselves from bondage, happy in possessing an Island far greater than all the rest, and commanding them; but if they continued in jonia, there was no apparent hope of liberty. This advice was justified, the jonians being subdued. * Val. Max. 7. 2. Bias (his country Priene invaded by enemies, all, whom the cruelty of war suffered to escape, flying away laden with the most precious of their wealth) being demanded why he carried none of his goods with him. I (saith he) carry my goods with me: He bore them (adds Valerius Maximus) in his breast, not to be seen by the eye, but prised by the soul; enclosed in the narrow dwelling of the mind, not to be demolished by mortal hands, present with those who are settled, and not forsaking such as fly. * Plut. conv. sept. sap. He refused not the amity of Kings, (as Thales did) particularly, that of Amasis, King of Egypt, who sent him a victim, commanding him to take from it the best and worst part. Bias sent him the tongue, for which ingenuity, he was much admired. * Plut. ibid. Another question of Amasis he resolved, whilst he was at Corinth (invited thither with the rest of the wisemen by Periander) where Niloxenus brought him this letter. Amasis' King of Egypt saith thus to Bias, wisest of the Greeks: the King of Aethiopia contendeth with me for pre-eminence in wisdom; mastered in other things, he in conclusion requires an absurd strange thing, that I drink up the sea; this proposition if I resolve, I shall have many of his Towns and Cities; if I resolve not, I must lose all those which are about Elephantina. Ponder it, and send Niloxenus back with all speed; what ever we can do for your friends and Country, shall not be wanting. Having read the Letter, Bias with a short pause, recollecting himself, and having whispered to Cleobub●s who sat next him. What (saith he) Naucratites, Amasis, who commands so many men, and possesseth so excellent a Country, will he, for a few obscure contemptible villages, drink up the sea? Bias (saith Niloxenus smiling) consider, as if he meant to do it, how it might be effected. Bid the Aethiopian (replied Bias) withhold the rivers from running into the sea, until he hath drunk off that which is now sea; for the imposition concerns that only which is such at present, not what shall be hereafter. Niloxenus embraced him with joy, the rest applauding his solution. CHAP. II. His moral sentence, precepts, and verses. HIs Apothegms are thus delivered by Laertius and others. He is unfortunate, who cannot bear misfortune. It is a disease of the mind to desire such things as cannot be obtained, and to be unmindful of the miseries of others. To one that asked what is hard, he answered, to bear courageously a change to the worse. Being at sea in company with wicked, who, a storm arising, called upon the Gods; hold your peace, saith he, lest they know you are here. To a wicked man enquiring what was piety, he was silent, the other ask the reason of his silence: I answer not, saith he, because you inquire after that which nothing concerns you. Being demanded what is sweet to mankind, he answered, Hope. It is better to decide a difference betwixt our enemies then friends, for one of the friends will certainly become an enemy, one of the enemies, a friend. Being asked what a man did with delight, he answered, gain by labour. We should so live, as though our life would be both long and short: So love, as if hereafter we might hate, conversing in friendship with caution, remembering that it may possibly convert to enmity. * Agel. 5. 11. To one demanding whether he should take a wife; she must be (saith he) either fair or foul; if fair, she will be common, if foul, a penance. * Flut. That Tyrant shall gain most glory, who first himself obeys the laws of his country: That commonwealth is best ordered, wherein every man fears the Law more than a Tyrant. That family is best ordered, where the Master behaves himself voluntarily within doors, as he doth without by constraint of the Law. * Stob. serm. 28 Those who busy themselves in vain knowledge, resemble an Owl, which seeth only in the night, but is blind in the light; so is their mind sharp-sighted in vanity, dark at the approach of true light. Ausonius hath these under his name. What is our chiefest good? a conscience free, Our greatest ill? man's, man's worst enemy. Poor? th'avaricious. Rich? who nought desires. A wife's best dower? the fame chaste life acquires. chaste? she of whom report dare speak no ill. Wise? who hath power to hurt, but wants the will. A fool? who wants the power, and yet would kill. His moral precepts, according to * Stob. serm ●3. Demetrius Phalereus these. Most men are evil,. ( * Laert. His particular sentence) Before you do any thing, behold your face in a glass; if it seem handsome, do handsome things; if deformed, supply the defects of nature. Practise honesty. Undertake deliberately, but having once begun, go through. Abhor to speak hastily. [Laert. It is madness] lest thou sin, for repentance follows. Be neither simple nor subtle. Admit not imprudence. Love prudence. Every where profess there are Gods. Weigh what is to be done. Hear much. Speak seasonably. If poor, reprove not the rich, unless great advantage may arise thereby. Praise not an unworthy person for his wealth. Acquire by persuasion, not by violence. When thou dost good, impute it not to thyself, but to the Gods. In thy youth, gain wealth, in thy age wisdom. [or as Laertius, from thy youth to thy age, gain wisdom, for it will be more sure to thee, than all other possessions] Preserve in thy actions remembrance; in opportunity, caution; in thy manners, ingenuity; in labour, patience; in fear, wariness; in wealth, love; in discourse, persuasion; in silence, a decorum; in sentence, justice; in boldness, fortitude; in action, power; in glory, eminence; in thy nature, generosity. * Laert. Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these were most esteemed. To all the City where thou liv'st be kind, They who most favour show, most favour find: But pride is often with destruction joined. And Strength is a gift, which natures hand bestows. Rhetoric and policy the wise soul knows, Riches a present that from fortune flows. CHAP. III. His death, and writings. * Laert. HE was much addicted to pleading, very earnest therein, but always employed in just causes; which * Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Demodicus the Alerian implies, saying, If thou chance to be a judge, give, sentence on the Prienaean side; and Hipponax, to plead a cause better than Bias the Prienaean. And in that manner he died, being very old, as he was pleading, having ended his speech, he reposed his head in the bosom of his sister's son; his adversary having ended his defence; the Judges gave sentence on Bias his side; the Court dismissed he was found dead in his Nephew's bosom: the City bestowed a magnificent monument upon him, with this inscription; Bias of Prienaean famed descent Lies here, Ionia's greatest ornament. They also dedicated a Temple to him, called the Tutamian: Laertius bestows upon him this Epigram. Bias lies hidden here, whom Hermes lead To th'grave, when age had snowed upon his head. His head, which (pleading for his friend) inclined Upon his Nephew to long sleep resigned. He writ concerning jonia, by what means it might be most happy (perhaps that counsel already mentioned) two thousand verses. CLEOBULE CLEOBULUS. CHAP. I. Cleobulus his life, death, and writings. * Laert. CLEOBULUS was of Lindus, (a City of Rhodes) or according to Duris, of Caria, son of Evag●ras, lineally descended from Hercules; excellent both in wisdom, outward beauty, and * Suid. strength beyond all those of his time; learned in the Philosophy of the Egyptians. That he was Tyrant of Lindus, is manifest from * De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delft. Plutarch. * He re-edified the Temple of Minerva, founded by Danaus. He had a daughter * Plut. con●iv sept. sap. whom he named Eumetis, but was called commonly from her father Cleobulina: she composed verses and riddles, in Hexameters, famous for her wisdom and acuteness in those riddles, some of her questions having spread as far as Egypt, which she used jocularly, like dice upon occasions, only contesting with such as provoked her; she was also endued with an admirable height of mind, and a wit both Politic, and full of humanity, causing her father to govern his people with more mildness. Cratinus, also mentions her in a Comedy named from her Cleobulae, often cited by Athenaeus. * Laert. He died full of years, which extended to seventy, his tomb carried this inscription, Wise Cleobulus death, the Lindian shore, To which his birth was owing, doth deplore. * Laert. He composed Verses and Riddles to the number of three thousand, of which was this Riddle concerning the Year, (by Suidas ascribed to his daughter Cleobulina.) One fire, twelve sons, from every one a race Of thirty daughters with a double face: Their looks are black and white successively; Immortal they are all, and yet all die. * Laert. Some assert him the Author of this Epigram upon Midas (not Homer, who, as they account, lived long before Midas, though Herodotus otherwise.) A brazen virgin stretched on Mida's tomb, To last whilst water runs, and Trees shall bloom; Whilst Sun and Moon dart their successive beams, And the rough sea supplied by gentle streams. I dwell upon this dismal sepulchre, To tell all those that pass, Midas lies here. There is likewise extant under his name this Epistle. Cleobulus to Solon. YOu have many friends, and a habitation every where; but I dare affirm, Lindus would be most pleasing to Solon, being governed by a Democracy; an Island where there is no fear of Pisistratus, thither your friends will come to you from all parts. CHAP. II. His moral sentences, precepts, and verses. * Laert. OF his moral saying are these. Employ thyself in something excellent. Be not vain and ungrateful. Bestow your daughters, Virgins in years, Matrons in discretion: implying, that the Virgins also should be instructed, which the Greeks used not, the Romans brought them up in the liberal sciences. Do good to your friend that he may be more your friend, your enemy that he may become your friend: for we should beware of the calumny of friends, of the treachery of nemies: When any man goeth forth, let him consider what he is to do, when he returns, examine what he hath done. * Plut. sympos. sept. sap. A Prince may be happy, if he trust none that are about him. That commonwealth is best ordered, wherein the Citizens fear reproach more then Law. That family is best, wherein more love than fear the Master. His precepts thus collected by * Stob. serm. 28 Demetrius Phalereus, A mean is best. ( * Laert. His particular sentence) To reverence thy father is duty. 〈◊〉 care of thy body and soul. Hear willingly, but trust not hastily. (o● as Laertius, 'tis better to love to hear, then to love to speak.) 〈…〉 better to know many things, (Laertius, to love knowledge) than 〈◊〉 be ignorant of all. Teach your tongue to speak well. It is proper to 〈◊〉, and contrary to vice, to hate injustice. (Laertius, be a friend to virtue, a stranger to vice.) Preserve thy piety. Advise thy country 〈◊〉 what is best. Govern thy tongue. (Laertius, pleasure.) Do nothing by violence. Instruct thy children. Pray to fortune. Forgo enmity. The Enemy to thy conntry, esteem thy own. Fight not, nor be kind 〈◊〉 wife in the presence of others, one argues folly, the other madness, Corect not your servants when they are drunk, it shows as if you were drunk your self. Marry with your equal, for by matching into a higher family, you procure Masters, not kinsmen. Laugh not in compliance with him who derides, others, for you will be hated by those he derides. Rich, be not exalted; poor, be not dejected: (Laertius adds, learn to bear the changes of fortune. Ausonius ascribes these to him, The more is in thy power, desire the less; Not to be envi'dis unhappiness. None long in his impieties can thrive, In other much, nought in thyself forgive. All men would spare the good, the bad cast down, We share not in our ancestors renown: But their inglorious actions often own. Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these were most noted. * Laert. By ignorence most deeds are swayed, In many specious words arrayed; But all things shall by time be weighed. PERIANDER PERIANDER. CHAP. I. The Country, Ancestors, and Parents of Periander. * Laert. PEriander was son of Cypselus Tyrant of Corinh, his mother Cratea, his Ancestors the Heraclidae, ( * Herod. 1. 7. descended from Hercules and jardana) reigned Kings of Lydia five hundred five years, the son continually succeeding the father for two and twenty generations. The original of Cypselus, and the manner of his obtaining the Kingdom receive thus from * Lib. 5. 92. Herodotus. When Corinth was governed by an Oligarchy, inhabited by the Bacchiadae, who never would marry out of their own family, one of them (called Amphion) had a lame daughter (by name Labda) whom when none of the Bacchiadae would take to wife, Eetion married (son of Eche●rates of the Betraean tribe, but descended afar off from Lapithe and Caenis) having no children, he consulted the Delphian Oracle about it; as soon as he entered, the Prophetess spoke thus to him. Eetion none will thee though great respect A stone from Labdas' fruitful womb expect, Which shall the people crush, Corinth correct. This Oracle to Eetion agreed with another delivered to the Bacchiadae (though by them not understood) to this effect. A Lion by an Eagle shall be laid Upon a rock, fierce, making all afraid. Corinthians, what I say consider well, Who in tall Corinth and Pir●ne dwell. The Bacchiadae who could not comprehend the meaning of this Oracle, when they heard that to Eetion, understood their own by the affinity it had with the other, and thereupon secretly designed amongst themselves to kill Eetions child. His wife being delivered, they sent ten men of their own to the tribe wherein Eetion dwelled, that they should murder the Infant; when thy came to Petra to Eetions' house, they demanded the child. Labda (not knowing their intent, but thinking they came to congratulate with the Father,) brings her son, and gives him into the hands of one of them: they had agreed (upon the way) that he into whose hands the child were delivered should dash out its brains against the ground, but by divine providence, the child smiling upon him to whom Labda had given it, he was moved therewith to such compassion, that he could not find in his heart to kill it, but delivered it to another, he to a third, until at last it passed through the hands of all the ten; None of them having power to kill it, they restored it to the mother. Then going forth and standing before the door, they began to find fault with one another, but chiefly with him who took the child first, for not performing the agreement; after some debate, they agreed to go in all and be equal sharers in the murder; but it was decreed that Eetions' child should be the oppressor of Corinth, for Labda standing at the door heard all their discourse, and fearing lest their minds changing, they should murder it, carried away the child, and hid it in a measure of corn (called Cypsela) a place which she conceived they could never search if they returned, and so it fell out: They came back and sought all about; when they could not find him, they agreed amongst themselves to tell those who sent them, they had done what they required, and returning home, did so. Eetions' son growing up was called Cypselus from the danger he had escaped in the corne-measure; when he came to man's estate, he consulted with the Delphian Oracle, and received a doubtful answer, in confidence whereof he attempted Corinth and took it, the Oracle was this, Happy is Cypselus, who to my fane This visit makes; he Corinth's crown shall gain; He and his Sons (but not their sons) shall reign. Being possessed of the Kingdom, he persecuted the Corinthians, depriving many of their estates, more (by far) of their lives; having reigned thirty years, he died and was succeeded by his Son Periander, whose reign completed this Tyranny, which lasted according to* Aristotle 73. years and six months: So that Cypselus began to reign in the second year of the thirtieth Olympiad. CHAP. II. The time of his birth, his reign, and the change of his disposition. PEriander (by computation from his death, which, according to Laertius was in the eightieth year of his age, the last of the forty eight Olympiad) was born in the last year of the twenty ninth Olympiad. His reign (according to * Politic. 5. Aristotle's account, lasting forty four years) begun in the fourth year of the thirty seventh Olympiad. Suidas saith, he succeeded in the Kingdom, * Excerpt. Nicol. Damasc. Suid. as being his father's eldest son, which Plutarch calls, a disease hereditary to him, * Conviv. sept. sap. flourished in the thirty eight Olympiad. * Laert suid. He was at first of a mild gentle disposition, but afterwards grew very rigid upon this occasion. His mother, whilst he was very young, kept him much in her company, when he grew more in years, fell in love with him; with time, her passion increased to such extremity, that she could no longer suppress it; assuming confidence, she told her son, there was a beautiful Lady fallen in love with him, and advised him not to slight her affection. He answered, he would not transgress law and virtue, by touching a married woman. His mother pressed him with entreaties; at last he consented; she appointed a night, advising him not to have any light in his chamber, nor to constrain the Lady to speak, but to excuse her for modestie's sake. Periander engaged himself to do all she directed. She, attired as richly as she could, went to his chamber, and departed again before daybreak: on the morrow she enquired if he were pleased, and if the Lady should come again to him. Periander said, it was his chiefest desire, and that he affected her excessively. From that time she visited her son often: he, at last, was moved with a great curiosity to know who she was, and solicited his mother very importunately that he might have some discourse and acquaintance with her, seeing he was so much taken with love of her, affirming it was unreasonable, he should be denied the sight of one, with whom he had so often a nearer acquaintance. His mother affirmed it could not be done, in respect to the modesty of the Lady. Hereupon he gave one of his servants order to hide a light in his chamber: she came as she used, and when she was asleep, Periander rose, took the light, and seeing it was his mother, was about to have killed her, but withheld by some genius or apparition, forebore: From that time forward he was troubled in mind, grew cruel, and killed many of his subjects. His mother, much accusing her unhappy genius, slew herself. Laertius saith, they were both conscious hereof, and that being discovered, he grew cruel to every one. * Herod. In the beginning of his reign, he was much more merciful than his father, but keeping correspondence by messengers with Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus ( * Laert. to whom in times past he had been a guest, before he arrived to the government) he became at last much more bloody than his father. He sent an express to Thrasibulus, to know what course he should take to settle himself, and to govern the City in the best manner. Thrasibulus led the messenger out of town, and as they walked together in a corn field, questioned him concerning his coming from Corinth, and in the mean time lopped off all the heads of corn that grew higher than the rest, and threw them away; in this manner he went over the whole field, not speaking one word to the messenger, and so sent him home; where being returned, Periander greedily enquired what instructions he had brought; he answered, Thrasibulus had given him none, and that he wondered he would send him to a madman, who destroyed his own goods. Periander enquired what Thrasibulus did, and immediately apprehended that he advised him to put the most eminent in the City to death. Laertius recites a Letter to that effect, which if not, suppositions must have been sent at another time after this messenger departed. Thrasibulus to Periander. I Gave your messenger no answer, but carrying him into a field of Corn, lopped off with my stick such ears as grew higher than the rest, whilst he followed me; if you inquire, he will relate all to you that he hath heard or seen: Do you so likewise, if you mean to settle yourself in the government, take off the heads of the chiefest Citizens, whether your professed enemies, or others. A Tyrant must suspect every friend. Though * Sept. sap. conviv. Plutarch deny he followed this advice, Herodotus avers, that from thence forward Periander exercised all cruelty upon his subjects, dispatching those that had escaped the rigour and persecutions of his father. * Laert. He first appointed a guard of Halberdiers to secure his person, * Suid. which consisted of three hundred, and converted the government to a Tyranny ( * Excert. Nicol. Damascen, and Suidas from him. through his cruelty and violence) He forbade the Citizens to keep any servants, or to be idle, always finding some employment for them: If any man sat in the Forum, he was fined, for he feared lest they should plot against him. * Laert. The Citizens being desirous to live 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he would not suffer them, * Suid. He was always in war, being of a martial disposition. He made ships with three banks of Oars, which he used in both seas. * Laert. He attempted to dig the Isthmus off from the continent. Of his friendship and correspondence with Thrasibulus, * Lib. 1. 20. Herodotus gives another instance, affirming he sent to inform him of the Oracles answer to Alyattes King of Lydia, concerning the re-edifying of the Temple of Minerva, and advised him to provide beforehand for his own security. * Laert. He made a vow, if he were victor in the chariot-race at the Olympic games, to erect a statue of gold: He chanced to be victorious, and wanting gold, beholding upon a festival of that country the women richly adorned, he took off all their ornaments, and so sent them home. CHAP. III. Of his being placed in the number of the seven Sages. His sentences and writings. PEriander (saith * Sept. sap. conv. Plutarch) being become a Tyrant by a hereditary disease derived to him by his father, endeavoured to purge himself thereof as much as possible, by using the sound conversation of good persons, and invited wisemen to come to him; * Laert. to which purpose he sent this Epistle to those of Greece, at such time as they met at Delphi. Periander to the wise men. I Give Pythian and Apollo many thanks that you being met together, there will also by my letters be brought to Corinth, I will entertain you as you well know very kindly. I here that last year met at the Lydian Kings in Sardis: delay not now to come to me, Tyrant of Corinth, for the Corinthians will look kindly upon you, if you come to the house of Periander. Upon this invitation they went to him, not seven, but twice as many, of whom was Diocles, Periander's friend, in whose name Plutarch makes a large description of their entertainment, which was not in the City, but at the Port Lecheon, in a great hall, appropriated to solemn feasts, joining to the Temple of Venus, to whom he had not sacrificed since the unhappy death of his mother until that time, the particulars of the feast, by reason of the largeness of the discourse, we refer to Plutarch. He was also himself put into the number of these wisemen, who, * De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Delft. Plutarch saith, were originally but five, but that afterwards Cleobulus Tyrant of Lindus, and Periander Tyrant of Corinth, who had neither virtue nor wisdom, by the greatness of their power, the multitude of their friends, and the obligations they conferred upon those that adhered to them, forced a reputation, and thrust themselves violently into the usurped name of wisemen; to which end, they spread abroad sentences and remarkable sayings throughout all Greece, the very same which others had said before, whereat the other first sages were much displeased, yet would not discover or convince their vanity, nor have any public controversy about that title with persons of so much wealth and power, but meeting together at Delphi, after some private debate, they consecrated there the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fifth in the Alphabet, and in numeration, to testify to the God of that Temple they were no more than five, and that they rejected and excluded from their company, the sixth and the seventh, as having no right thereto. Of those * Suid. who excluded him put of the number of the seven, some (as * Protag●r. Plato) substitute in his room Myso: * Laert. others say there were two of this name, cousins, one the Tyrant, the other of Ambracia: but Aristotle and others, assert him of Corinth to be the wise, which attribute seems conferred upon him, not in respect to his actions, but moral sayings and writings, which were these. Do nothing for gain, that is proper to tradesmen. They who will rule safely, must be guarded with love, not arms. Being demanded why he continued King, because (saith he) it is dangerous willingly to refrain, or unwillingly to be deposed. * Plut. sept. sap. conv. When the other six had given their opinions concerning Tyranny (at the feast to which he invited them) he being desired to add his, answered with a troubled countenance, Enough hath been said to de●erre any man of sound judgement from rule. When they had in like manner declared their opinions, concerning a commonwealth, he added, the result of all which had been said, commended that Democracy most, which came nearest an Aristocracy. * Stob. 28. Being demanded what was the greatest in the least, he answered, a good mind in a human body. His precepts (according to * Stob. ibid. Demetrius Phalereus) were these, Consideration is all ( * Laert. which was his particular sentence) Quiet is good, temerity dangerous. Gain sordid, the accusation of nature. A democracy is better than a Tyranny. Pleasures are mortal, virtues immortal. In good fortune be moderate, in bad prudent. It is better to die then to want. Study to be worthy of your Parents. Be praised living, beatified dead. To your friends in prosperity and adversity be the same. What thou hast promised amiss, perform not. [Laert. Keep thy word.] Betray not secrets. So reproach, as if thou shouldst ere long be a friend. Use new diet, but old laws. Punish those who have sinned: restrain those that are about to sin. Conceal thy misfortune that it may not glad thy enemies. Ausonius ascribes these to him. Pleasure and profit never disagree. As more solicitous, more happy be. 'Tis ill to wish, but worse to fear to die, With what necessity enjoins, comply. If thou art feared of many, many fear. Be not exalted when thy fortunes clear, Nor be dejected if a storm appear. * Laert. He writ two thousand verses of moral instructions. CHAP. FOUR The story of Arion. DUring the feast we mentioned (by Plutarch's account) or rather according to Eusebius, in the fortieth Olympiad, there happened a strange accident, which (because Herodotus calls it a miracle showed to Periander) we shall relate in his words. * Lib. 1. See also Agellius who translates this of Plutarch, Lucian, and others ●rion the most famous Lutinist of that time, having lived a long time with Periander, took a voyage to Italy and Sicily, th●re having gotten together much wealth, he designed to return to (orinth: at Tarentum he hired a Corinthian vessel, confiding above any in Corinthians; they, when they were at Sea, plotted to cast Arion overboard, that they might be Masters of his wealth, which he understanding, offered to give them all so they would save his life; they refusing, bade him lay violent hands upon himself, if he would be buried in his own Country, otherwise to leap immediately into the sea. Arion reduced to this extremity, entreated them to give him leave to put on his richest ornaments, and so standing upon the poop of the ship, to play a tune, promising, assoon as he had done, to deliver himself into their hands. The men moved with a great desire to hear the most excellent Lutinist in the world, retired from the poop to the middle of the ship: he puts on his best ornaments, and standing upon the poop, began that tune which they call the morning hymn, assoon as he had ended it, he threw himself into the Sea, with his ornaments and Lute; the ship sailed on to Corinth. It is reported a Dolphin took him upon his back, and carried him to Taenarus, where he landed, and took shipping again for Corinth; he arrived there in the same habit, and related all that passed; which Periander not believing, committed him to close custody, not permitting him to go any whither, and in the mean time sent for the Mariners; when they came, he asked them news of Arion: They answered, he was very well in Italy, and that they left him safe at Tarentum: immediately Arion appeared, attired, as when he he leapt out of the ship, whereat they were so confounded, they could not say any thing in their own defence. This is attested both by the Corinthians and Lesbians. At Taenarus there is a little Image given as an offering of a man fitting upon a Dolphin's back: that Periander caused such a one to be made, is evident from this Epigram of Bianor. This statue of Arion o'er the main Sailing upon a Dolphin's back was carved By Periander's order. See, men slain By cruel men, by fishes kind preserved. CHAP. V. Of his Wife. * Laert. HIs wife was named Lysis, by him called Melissa, daughter to Procleus, Tyrant of Epidaurus and Eristhenea, the daughter of Aristacrates, by the sister of Aristomedes, which persons ruled over the greatest part of Arcadia. * Athen. Deipn. He fell in love with her, seeing her in a Peloponnessian dress, in her petticoat, without a gown, giving drink to her father's workmen: * Laert. Long after he killed her in his fury, big with child, with a stool, or a blow of his foot, being wrought upon by the accusations of his concubines, whom he afterward burned. * Herod. 5. He sent one day to Threspotos' upon the River Acheron, to inquire by Necromancy concerning a depositum. Melissa appearing, said, she would not tell them in what place it was laid, because she was cold and naked, the clothes wherein she was buried doing her no good, for they were not burned, confirming the truth whereof by Periander's putting bread into a cold oven; which answer carried to Periander, made good the suspicion that ( * Suid. through excess of love) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hereupon he caused proclamation to be made that all the Corinthian women should come to Juno's Temple to celebrate a festival, attired in their richest ornaments, when they came, having placed a guard of soldiers in ambush, he striped them all, without any distinction (free women and servants) of their clothes, which he carried to Melissa's grave, and having prayed, burned them to her▪ This done, he sent messengers to inquire the second time, to whom Melissa's Ghost appeared, and told them where the depositum was laid. CHAP. VI Of his Children. * Herod. lib. 3. 49. He had by Melissa two sons Cypsalus and Lycophron the younger ingenious, the elder a fool; he had likewise a daughter; his elder son at the time of his mother's death was eighteen years old, the younger seventeen. These their Grandfather by the mother's side Procleus (Tyrant of Epidaurus) sent for over to him, and loved them much as in reason he ought, being the children of his own daughter; when he was to send them back, he said to them, do you know children who slew your mother? the elder took no heed to that speech, but Lycophron the younger was so troubled at it, that when he came to Corinth, he neither spoke to his father, nor would make him any answer, looking upon him as the murderer of his mother, where ●at Periander at length became so incensed, that he turned him out of doors. He being gone, Periander questioned the Elder what discourse his Grandfather had with him; he related to him how kindly he used him, but told nothing of that which Procleus had said to t●em at their departure, for he had not taken any notice of it▪ Periander said, it was not possible but that he should say something more, and pressed him more strictly; at last he calling it to mind, told him this also, which Periander resenting, and not willing to use his son more mildly, sent to the people with whom he lived in his ejection, forbidding them to receive him into any of their houses. Turned out of that wherein he was, he sought to go into another, but was denied; Periander having threatened those that should entertain him, and commanded all to drive him away: expelled thence, he went to another of his acquaintance, who knowing him the son of Periander entertained him though with fear: at length Periander proclaimed that whosoever received him into their house, or spoke to him, should pay what fine to Apollo, he should impose: from that time none durst venture to entertain him or speak to him; nor would he himself make trial of a thing which he knew to be desperate, but passed his time in the common walks: Four days after, Periander seeing him poor and extenuated with fasting, took compassion of him, and laying aside his anger, drew nigh to him and said, Son which is better, to undergo what you now suffer, or by obeying your father to enjoy my wealth and kingdom? you being my son and next heir to the Kingdom of fruitful Corinth, have made choice of the life of a Vagabond, angrily opposing him whom you ought not to oppose; if any unhappiness befell in those things whereof you suspect me, it befell me, and I have so much the greater share therein, in being the instrument thereof; hear how much better it is to be envied then to be pitied, and what it is to be angry with our parents or betters. In these words Periander reproved his son, who made him no other answer than That he ought to pay a fine to the God for speaking to him. Periander perceiving the evil of his son to be incurable, removed him out of his fight, and sending him by ship to Corcyra, of which he was also Tyrant: having thus disposed of him, he made war with his father in Law Procleus as the chief cause of all that happened. Laertius mentions an Epistle which he sent him to this effect. Periander to Procleus. We committed unwillingly that crime upon your Daughter, but you if willingly, you alienate my Son's mind from me, you do unjustly▪ therefore either soften his mind towards me, or I shall revenge this injury; I have satisfied your daughter by burning in her honour the garments of all the women of Corinth. * Herod. ibid. In fine he took Epidaurus and Proclus therein, whom he preserved alive. * Herod. ibid. In process of time Periander growing old, and knowing himself to be no longer fit for the charge of the commonwealth, sent to Corcyra to invite Lycophron to the government of the Kingdom; conceiving his eldest son uncapable of that office by reason of his stupidity. Lycophron would not vouchsafe so much as to speak to the messenger. Periander (affectionate to him) sent the second time his son's sister, his own daughter, hoping he would be sooner persuaded by her; she coming said to him, Brother, had you rather the Kingdom should fall into the hands of others, and our father's house be dispersed then go home and have it yourself? return to your own house, injure yourself no longer; obstinacy is an unhappy inheritance: our not one evil with another; many prefer compliance before justice, many in pursuit of their mothers right lose their father's Kingdom: a Kingdom is a slippery thing, coveted by many, our father is old and feeble, give not your own goods to others: thus she pleaded to him as her father had instructed her; he answered he would n●ver come to Corinth whilst his father lived there▪ which as soon as Periander understood, he sent a messenger the third time, to let him know, he would remove to Corcyra, and to command him to come to Corinth to take the government upon him; to thi● the son assented. Periander prepared for Corcyra, his son for Corinth: the people of Corcyra informed hereof, that Periander might not come into their country, killed his son▪ in revenge of which fact Periander sent three hundred boys of the chief of the Corcyraeans to Sardis to Allyates King of Lydia there to be guelt, the Corinthians who had charge of them, were driven upon Samos, the Samians understanding to what end they were sent to Sardis, advised them to take Sanctuary in the Temple of Diana, and would not suffer them as being suppliants to be pulled away: The Corinthians not permitting any food to be given them, the Samians celebrated a festival, which is observed (saith Herodotus) at this day; when night was come, the company of youths and maids danced whilst the children were pr●●ing▪ and in their dance having made cakes of meal and honey, flung them amongst the children, whereby they were sustained alive, this they did so long till the Samians who had charge of the children, were fain to go away and leave them; then the Samians conveyed the children home to Corcyra. * Plutarch. de malign. Herodot. Antenor and Dionysius affirm the Gnidians came to Samos with a fleet, drove away Periander's Guard from the Temple, and carried the children to Corcyra; for which reason the Corcyraeans allowed the Gnidians many honours and immunities, which they gave not (even) to the Samians. CHAP. 7. His Death. * Laert. EXcessive melancholy (amidst these crosses) occasioned his death, in the last year of the 48 Olympiad, the eightieth of his age, being desirous none should know where he was buried, he thus contrived it. He commanded two men to go to a certain place at night, and to kill whom they first met, and bury him. After them he sent four to kill & bury the two; after the four, more: They obeyed his order, the first killed him. The Corinthians erected for him an empty monument with this inscription. Periander lies within Corinthian Ground, For power and wisdom above all renowned. Laertius hath this Epigram upon him. At whatsoe'er shall happen be not sad: Alike for all that God dispenseth glad. Wise Periander did through grief expire, Because events not joined with his desire. AUSONII LUDUS septem Sapientum. The Prologue. THe seven wisemen, (that name times past applied To them, nor hath posterity denied) Themselves this day unto your view present. Why dost thou blush Gowned Roman? discontent That such grave men should on the stage be brought! Is't shame to us? 'twas none to Athens thought: Whose councel-chamber was their Theatre. True; here for business several places are Assigned, the Cirque for meetings, Courts to take Enrolements, Forums in which pleas to make: But in old Athens, and all Greece was known No other place for business but this one. [Viz. the Theatre Which latter Luxury in Rome did raise. The Aedile heretofore did build for plays A Scaffold-stage, no work of Carved stone; So Gallius and Murena, 'tis well known. But after, when great Men not sparing Cost, Thought it the highest glory they could boast, To build for Plays a Scene more eminent, The Theatre grew to this vast extent; Which Pompey, Balbus, Caesar did enlarge; Vying which should exceed for state and charge. But to what end all this? we came not here To tell you who first built the Theatre, Forum, or City Gates, but t'usher in Grave sages, who by Gods approved have been. Such as in pleasing and instructive verse, Their own judicious sentences rehearse, Known to the learned, and perhaps to you: But if your memories cannot well renew Things spoke so long since; the Comedian shall, Who better than I knows them, tell you all. Enter Comedian. AThenian Solon, Fame sings, wrote at Delphis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whose sense Know thyself, is: But this to Spartan Chilon most assign. Some question Chilon, whether this be thine, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The close Of a long life regard: but most suppose That Solon this to Lydian Croesus spoke. From Lesbian Pittacus this motto take, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that's Know-worth time: But he By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here means opportunity. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bias, did proceed From thee; that is, Most men are ill. Take heed You not mistake him; for by ill men here He means the ignorant: The next you hear Is Periander's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That is, Thought's All in All; a Thoughtful Man! But Lyndian Cleobulus does protest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Mean in All is best. Thales, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cries. Upon a Surety present damage lies. But this, ' for those who gain by it, to tell, May ' chance displease: Now Solon comes farewell. Exit. Enter Solon. LO! Solon in his Greeks dress treads the stage, To whom (as of the seven the greatest Sage) Fame gave the prize of wisdom from the rest; But fame is not of Censure the strict Test. Nor first nor last I take myself to be, For there's no order in Equality. Well did the Delphic Prophet sport with him Who asked, which first of the Wisemen might seem, Saying; if on a Globe their names he writ, None first or lowest he should find in it. From midst of that learned Round come I; that so What once I spoke to Croesus, All here now Might take as spoken to themselves; 'tis this: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is, Mark the end of a long life; till when forbear To say, these wretched, or those happy are: For All till then are in a doubtful state, The proof of this we'll in few words relate. Croesus' the King or Tyrant (choose you which) Of Lydia, happy thought, and strangely rich; Who to his Gods did gold-walled Temples build, Invites me o'er, I to his summons yield. His royal summons went to Lydia, Willing his subjects by our means might find Their King improved, and bettered in his mind. He asks me whom I thought the happiest Man? I said Telana, the Athenian, Who his life nobly for his Country gave; He pishes at it, will another have. I told him then Aglaus, who the Bounds Near passed in all his life of his own grounds. Smiling, he says▪ what think you then of Me Esteemed the happiest in the whole world? We Replied, his End could only make that known, He takes this ill: I, willing to be gone, Kiss his hand, and so leave him: For some ends Meantime, against Persia he a war intends▪ And all things ready, does in person go. How speeds? he's vanquished, Prisoner to his foe, And ready now to yield his latest breath, (For by the Victor he was doomed to death) Upon the funeral Pile, rounded with Flames And smoke, he thus with a loud voice exclaims O Solon! Solon! now I plainly see. thouart a true Prophet! Thrice thus naming me Moved with which words, Cyrus, (the Conqueror) Commands the Fire be quenched, which, by a shower Of Rain then falling, happily was laid. Thence to the King, by a choice Guard conveyed, And questioned who that Solon was? and why He called so on his Name? He, for reply, In Order all declares: Pity at this The Heart of Cyrus moves; and Croesus is Received to grace, who in a Princely Port Lived after, honoured in the Persian Court. Both Kings approved, and praised Me, but what I Said then to one, let each man here apply As spoke t'himselfe, 'twas for that end I came. Farewell: your liking let your hands proclaim. [Exit. Enter Chilon. MY Hips with sitting, Eyes with seeing ache, Expecting when Solon an End would make. How little and how long your Atticks prate! Scarce in three-hundred lines one word of weight, Or a grave sentence, how he looked on me At going off?— Now Spartan Chilon see! Who with Laconian Brevity commends To you the Knowledge of yourselves, kind Friend's! 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carved in a Delphos Fane. 'Tis a hard Work, but recompensed with Gain. Try your own strength; examine what 'tis you Have done already, what you ought to do. All Duties of our life, as Modesty, Honour and Constancy included be In this, and glory, which we yet despise. Farewell, your claps I not respect nor prize. [Exit. Enter Cleobulus. I Cleobulus, though my Native Seat Be a small Isle, am Author of a great And glorious Sentence; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; A man is best: You Sirs that sit upon The fourteen middle Benches next unto Th' Orchestra, best may judge if this be true. Your Nod shows your assent: We thank you; but We shall proceed in Order: Was it not One Afer (who a man of your own Clime is) That said once in this place, Ut ne quid Nimis? And hither does our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aim. The Doric and the Latin mean the same. In speaking being silent, or in sleep. In good Turns, or in bad, a mean still keep, In study, or what ever you intent. I've said, and that I mean, I keep here end. [Exit. Enter Thales. I'M Thales, who maintain (as Pindar sings) Water to be the best and first of things. To whom by Phoebus' Mandate, fishers brought A golden Tripod, which they fishing caught, By him as present to the wisest meant, Which I refused, and unto others sent In knowledge my superiors as I thought. From one to th'other of the Sages brought By them again returned, to me it came, Who to Apollo consecreate the same. For Since to seek the wisest, he enjoined, I Judge no man but God by that designed. Now on the stage (as those before) I come T' assert the truth of my own Axiom. Perhaps by some 'tmay be offensive thought: But not by those by sad experience taught. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, say we. Be Surety, and be sure a loser be. A thousand Instances I could produce To prove Repentance is the only use That can be made of it, but that we here Examples by their Names to cite, forbear. Make your own Application, and conceive The Damage, Men by this sole act receive. Nor this our good intention take amiss, You that like, clap, you that dislike it, hiss. Enter Bias. I Am Priaenean Bias, who once taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That most men are naught. I wished had been unspoken; for Truth gains Hate. But by bad men I mean illiterate, And those who barbarously all Laws confound, Religion, Justice; for within this Round I see none but are good: believe all those Whom I proclaim for bad amongst your Foes: Yet there is none so partially applied To favour Vice, but with the good will side: Whether he truly be such, or would fain Of a good man the Reputation gain: The hated name of an ill man all shun. Then (most good Men) your praise, and I ha' done. Enter Pittacus. I'M Pittacus, who once this Maxim penned, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That's, time apprehend. But by Time we meant Time in Season, as In tempore veni is your Roman Phrase. And your own Comic Poet Terence, he, Chief of all things makes opportunity, Where Dromo comes unto Antiphila. I'th' nick of Time; consider what I say, And mark how great an inconvenience Most suffer through this want of providence. But now 'tis more than time we should be gone; Farewell, and give your Aprobation. [Exit. Enter Periander. NOw on the Stage see Periander move! He who once said, and what he said will prove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thought is all in all. Since him a perfect Agent we may call, Who first considers what he undergoes; For we should still forecast, as Terence shows, Th'event of business, whether good or bad, E'er w'undertake it: where may best be had Conveniency for planting, where to build, When to wage War, and when to pitch a Field: Nor inconsiderately take in hand Or great, or small Things, for that makes a stand In the free progress of all new designs; In which there's nothing policy enjoins Like consultation; hence we see it clear, Who use it not, by chance, not counsel steer, But I retire, whilst you with better Fate Employ your Thoughts how to uphold your State: ANACHARSIS. CHAP. I. Anacharsis his life and writings. THose Nations (saith * Lib. 4▪ 46▪ Herodotus) which border upon the Euxine Sea, are of all most illiterate, the Scythians only excepted; we can allege nothing relating to learning of any people within the compass of that Sea, neither know we any person learned but the Scythians Ana●harsis; * Strab. lib. 7. Amongst these, notwithstanding the roughness of their education, (for they fed upon mare's milk and dwelled in wagons) were some who far exceeded all in justice. Such was Anacharsis, * Laert. son of Gnurus brother of Cadovides King of Scythia; his mother a Grecian, by which means he had the advantage of two languages, but was owner of no other house then the custom of that country allowed, a Chariot, whence * Plut. conviv. sept. sap. he compared his dwelling to that of the sun, carried in that manner round the heavens. * Elian. var. hist. lib. 5. The Scythians never travel beyond their own confines, but Anacharsis as a person endued with more than ordinary wisdom extended his journey further, * Herod. 4. 46. being sent by the King of Scythia to Greece, * Laert. He came to Athens in the first year of the 47. Olympiad, Eucrates being Archon: and * Lucian. Scyth. first met with Toxaris one of his own country, by whom, as the most compendious way to take a survey of Athens and Greece, he was addressed to Solon: how Solon received and entertained him is already related in his life: he instructed him in the best disciplines, recommended him to the favour of noblest persons, and sought all means of giving him respect and honour. Anacharsis admired his wisdom, continually followed him, in a short space learned all things of him, and was kindly received by every one for his sake; being (as Theoxenus attests) the only stranger whom they incorporated into their City. * Strab. lib. 7. Thus was he much honoured by the Grecians for his perfection, * Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. wisdom, temperance, wherein he excelled many of their Philosophers, * Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. whereupon they conferred the attribute of wise upon him, * Elian. lib. 2. some accounting him one of the seven: Periander invited him with the rest to Corinth; the feast is largely described by Plutarch: There Anacharsis carrying with him Chaplets of Flowers, Ivy, and Laurel, drunk, as the Scythians use, to great excess, * Athen. deipn. 10. and required the prize of drinking to be given him, because he was first drunk: In a race (saith he) he wins, who comes first at the ●ost, in drinking, he who comes first to the end deserves the reward. * Herod. 4. 76. Having seen much of the world, and improved his knowledge, he returned to Scythia (as Lucian conjectures, not until Solon were dead) As he sailed along the Hellespont, he put in at Cyricum, and finding the people celebrating a festival to the Mother of the Gods, with much splendour and munificence; he made a vow, if he got safe home, to sacrifice in the same manner as he had seen those of Cyricum, and to institute a Vigil. When he came into Scythia, he withdrew himself privately to Hylaea, near the Achillean course, a place abounding with 〈◊〉▪ and performed the Rites of the Goddess with a Timbrel (and Cymbal * Clem. Alex. admonit adgent. about his Neck) A Scythian espying him, carried word to Sauli●s the King, who went immediately thither, and being an eyewitness thereof, shot him through with an Arrow ( * Clem. Aleu. ibid. to punish his effeminacy, and prevent the infection thereof in others) * Herodot. continues. And now if any inquire concerning Anacharsis, the Scythians deny they knew him, because he traveled into Greece, and affected the customs of that Country. As I am informed by Timnes, tutor of Spargapithes, he was uncle to Indathyrsus, King of Scythia, son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes: Now Anacharsis being of his family, it is manifest he was * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Spargapitbes. 1. slain by his brother, (that his brother was King of Scythia, and slew him, is confirmed by Laertius, though he differ in the name) for Indathyrsus was son of Saulius, Saulius was he who slew Anacharsis, * Lycus. 1. and consequently is the same whom Laertius calls Cadovides, adding, * Gnutus. 1. some report that he shot him in hunting; for being addicted to the Greek customs, and endeavouring to alter the laws of Scythia; whereupon he dying, * Anacharsis. Saulius, or Caduida. 1. said, he returned safe out of Greece, guarded by his own wisdom, but was slain at home by the envy of others. Upon him Laertius hath this Epigram, * Indathyrsus. From travel Anacharsis came at last, And Scythia in a Grecian mould would cast▪ Whilst he was teaching how, by the surprise Of a winged arrow carried to the skies. * Laert. Plut. conviv. sept. sap. There were many statues erected in honour of him by the Grecians, upon which was writ, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Laert. Plut. con●●iv. sept● sap. He was temperate and skilful in many things; he freely and largely discoursed of the manner of diet & medicine, which the Scythians used in curing the sick. * Laert. From the plain freedom he used in speech, arose a Proverb, The Scythian phrase. He writ eight hundred verses of orders for the Scythians and Greeks, concerning frugal living, and martial affairs. There are also two Epistles of his extant. Anacharsis to Croesus. KIng of the Lydians, I came into Greece to be informed of their manners and studies; I need not money, it is enough if I can return into Scythia bettered: but ● will come to Sardys, because I highly esteem your favour. Anacharsis * Cic. Tuscul. quaest. 5. to Hanno, health. * Clem▪ Alex. citys this fragment, doubtless out of the same Epistle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Strom. 1. MY apparel is a Scythian rug, my shoes the hardness of my feet, my bed, the earth, my sauce hunger; I feed on milk, cheese, and flesh: you may come to me as to one that's contented: but those gifts which you so much esteem, bestow either on your Citizens, or the immortal Gods. * Strab. lib. 7. He is said to have invented tinder, * Laert. Suid. the anchor, and the Potter's wheel; but this latter is by Strabo evinced clearly to be false, because mentioned by Homer, who lived long before him, Anacharsis being in the time of Croesus. * Suidas. CHAP. II. His Apothegms. HIs apothegms are these, * Laert▪ He said a vine bare three grapes, the first of pleasure, the second of drunkenness, the third of repentance. He wondered, that amongst the Greeks, Artists contended, and they who were no Artists determined. Being demanded by what means a man might be brought not to love wine, he said, by s●tting before his eyes the unseemly actions of drunken persons. He wondered the Gretions who punished injuries by law, rewarded the Athletae a● public exercises for beating one another. Being told a ship is four inches thick, so far from death said he are they who sail. He said oil was a receipt procuring madness, because the Athletae, the more they were anointed therewith, the more fierce they were against one another. How comes it, said he, that they who forbid lying, themselves lie openly, when they put off th●ir wares? He wondered that the Greeks in the beginning of a feast drunk in little cups, and when they were full in great. * Plut. conviv. sept. sap. Strab. 15. Being demanded (by Ardalus) whether there were any Flutes in Scythia, he answered, not so much as vines (which * Analyt. post. 1. 13. Aristotle calls a demonstration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the remote cause) * Plut. conviv. sept. sap. Ardalus adding, are there not Gods amongst the Scythians? yes, replied he, which understand all languages. * Laert. Being asked what ship was safest, he answered, that which is in the Haven. He affirmed the most remarkable thing he had seen among the Grecians to be this, that they left the smoke upon the mountains, and carried the wood into their Cities. Being demanded whether the number of the dead or of the living were greatest, amongst which, saith he, do you account those who are at sea? To an Athenian, who reproached him for being a Scythian, my country, (saith he) is a disgrace to me, but you are a disgrace to your country. Being demanded what in man is both good and bad, he answered the tongue. He affirmed it is better to have one friend worth much, than many worth nothing. He said the Forum was the proper place for c●eating and unjust gain. To a young man who reproached him at a feast; youth, saith he, if at these years you cannot bear wine, when you grow old, you will not be able to bear water. * Herod. 4. 46. When he returned to Scythia, he told the King who sent him, the Greeks were busied in all kinds of wisdom, except the Lacedæmonians, who only knew how to give and receive prudently. * Plut. de profect. virtut. sent. He said the Greeks made no other use of money but to account with it. * Plut. vit. Sol. At a public assembly in Athens, he said, he wondered, why in the Greek convocations, wise men propounded business, and fools determined it. * Plut. conv. sept. sap. That Prince is happy who is wise. That City is best, wherein (all things else being equal) virtue hath the better condition, vice the worse. * Stob. serm. 16. To one who, as they were drinking, said, beholding his wife, Anacharsis, you have married one who is nothing handsome: I am (answered he) of that opinion also; but put less water in my wine, that I may make her handsome. Relating the qualities of the Vine to the King of Scythia, and showing him some slips thereof, he added, and by this time it would have reached into Scythia, if the Greeks did not every year cut off its branches. * Athen. deipn. lib. 10. At a feast, such being sent for, as might procure mirth, he alone smiled not; afterwards, an Ape being brought in; he laughed, saying, that beast is ridiculous by nature, man by art and study. * Athen. deipn. lib. 10. Whilst he slept, * Athen. deipn. lib. 14. he used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, implying, that a man ought to take great care to govern both, but that it is harder to restrain our pleasure then our tongue. * Clem. Alex. storm. lib. 5. He said that to him all the Grecians were Scythians. * Clem. strom. 1. MYSON. * Laert. MY SON was (according to Hermippus) son of Stremon, born at Chene, a Village either of Oetaea, or Lacedaemonia, his father A Tyrant. Anacharsis demanding of the Oracle, if any were wiser, was answered (as was in the life of Thales mentioned of Chilon) Oetaean Myson I declare Wiser than those who wisest are. His curiosity increasing by this answer, he went to the village, and finding him fitting a ploughshare to the plough, said, Myso, it is not yet time to plow: But it is (answered he) to prepare. Others affirm the Oracle called him Etean, about which there is much difference: Parmenides saith, that Etea is a Lacedaemonian Village, whereof Myson was. Sosicrates, that he was Oetaean by his father, Chenean by his mother. Euthyphron, that he was a Cretan, Etea a City of Crect. Anaxilaus an Arcadian. Hipponax mentions him in these words, And Myso, whom Apollo declared wisest of all men. Aristomenus affirms, he was of the same humour as Timon and Apemantus, a Man-hater. He retired from Lacedaemon into the desert, and was there surprised all alone, smiling; being demanded why he smiled, no man being present, he answered, for that reason. Aristoxenus saith, he was of no account, because not of the City, but of an obscure village; whence some ascribe his sayings to Pisistratus, but others reckon him one of the seven; Plato puts him in the room of Periander. he said, we must not seek things from words, but words from things; things were not made for words, but words for things. He died 97. years old. EPIMENIDES. EPimenides is by all acknowledged a Cretan (though contrary to the custom of that place he wore long hair;) but in the Town where he was borne they agree not. Laertius following the greater part of writers saith it was * Val. Max. 8. 13. Cnossus, Strabo, Phaestus. There is no less difference about the names of his Parents; some call his father Phaestius, or Phaestus, other Dosiades, his Mother Blasta, others Agasiarchus; Apollonius, Bolus, Laertius, and Suidas, name Plutarch * One of these names perhaps is corrupt. Balta, a supposed Nymph. It is reported, that when he was a youth, being sent by his father and brethren to their field to fetch home a sheep to the City, tired with the heat and travel in search thereof, he withdrew himself at noon (or as Apollonius, at night) from the common way into a private Cave, where he slept (according to * apolloes. hist. come. cap. 1. Plin. 7. 52. Laert. Theopompus fifty seven years, according to * De ling. lat. 6. Varro, * An seni sit gerenda resp. Plutarch, and * de anima. 46. Tertullian, fifty, * Attic. the number in Suidas seems false, as also in the Vatican appendix of adages; one hath 6. the other 7. Pausanas' forty, in which interval of time, most of his kindred died; at the end hereof awaking, he betook himself again to the search of his sheep, thinking it the same, or the next day to that wherein he lay down, and that he had slept but a little while; not finding it, he returned to the field where he saw all things changed, and a stranger in possession thereof: thence to the City much amazed; going into his own house, they questioned who he was; at last he met with his younger brother, now grown old, by whom he was informed of all that passed, and the time of his absence. Plutarch saith, he waked an old man; * Plin. 7. 52. Pliny and Laertius, that he grew old in as many days as he had slept years: * Laert. Suid. some affirm he slept not, but retired a while, employing himself in cutting up roots. Many (other) wonders are reported of him; * Apollon. some say, he received food of the Nymphs, which he kept in an Ox's hoof, and took thereof a little every day, requiring no other sustenance, never being seen to eat: * Laert. he often counterfeited resurrection from death to life; his * Suid. soul going out of his body whensoever he pleased, and returning again. * Laert: He is reported the first that lustrated houses and fields, * Strab. which he performed by verse. To this end the Athenians in the forty sixth Olympiad, visited with a Plague, and commanded by the Oracle to lustrate the City, sent Nicias, son of Niceratus with a ship to Crect, to desire Epimenides to come to them, which he did, and there contracted acquaintance with Solon, whom he privately instructed, setting him in the way of making Laws. He reduced the divine rites to a lesser charge; he moderated the mournings of the Citizens, he added some sacrifices to the ceremonies of funerals, taking away barbarous customs which the women used upon those occasions: and (which was of greatest concernment) by propitiations, procurations, and offerings, he lustrated and expiated the City, rendering the people more obsequious to justice and unity, * Laert. and stayed the Pestilence in this manner: He took sheep, black and white, and brought them into the Areopagus; there he let them lose, to go whither they would, giving order to those who followed them, that whensoever any of them lay down, they should sacrifice in that place to the proper Deity, whereby the Plague ceased. Hence it is, that at this day, (saith Laertius) are to be seen in many Athenian Villages, nameless Altars, monuments of that expiation. Some affirm he imputed it to the Cylonian impiety (of which already in the life of Solon) and assuaged it, by putting to death two young men, Cratinus and Ctesibius. * Laert. He is supposed first to have built Temples; one he erected in Athens to the Eumenideses; another he intended to consecrate to the Nymphs, but a voice from Heaven was heard in these words, Epimenides, not to the Nymphs, but to Jupiter. * Plut. vit. Sole Beholding the haven Munychia, he said to those who stood by, how blind is man to the future! The Athenians would tear this haven in pieces with their teeth, if they foresaw how much it will infest the City: This he foretold many years before it came to pass, which was in the second year of the 114 Olympiad, when Antipater put a garrison of Macedonians into the Munychia. The Athenians being afraid of the Persian Navy, he told them, it would not invade them for many years, and when it did, the Persians should not effect the least of their hopes, but depart home with greater loss to themselves than they had given their adversaries: which was fulfilled in the sights at Marathon and Salamis. He foretold the Lacedæmonians, (and Cretans also) the overthrow they should receive by the Arcadians, which happened when Euricrates and Archidamus reigned in Lacedaemon. These predictions (for which the * Laert. Grecians esteemed him ( * Plat. divine) beloved of the Gods, * Plut. Sol. & put him in the number of their Sophists; the * Laert. Cretans, (whose Prophet he is styled by * Tit. 1. Paul) sacrificed to him as a God) were either not known, or not credited by Aristotle, who avers, he used not to Prophecy of future things, but only such as were past and obscure. For his lustration of the City and other things he was much honoured by the Athenians who offered him many gifts, would have rewarded him with a Talon, and appointed a ship to transport him back to Crect: he refused their gift and money, nor would accept of any thing but a little branch of sacred Olive, out of the Tower, wherewith (having procured a league betwixt the Cnossians and Athenians) he returned home; and soon after died * Laert. citing Phlegm; Plin. 1. 52. 157. years old, or according to * Apollon. Hist. come. 1. citing Phlegon. Suid. others 150. the Cretans say he wanted but one of 300. Xenophanes affirms he heard him when he was 154 years of age. His body the Lacedæmonians kept by direction of the Oracle. It was taken up many years after, marked all over with Characters, whence arose a proverb, concerning abstruse things, the skin of Epimenides; He called himself Aeacus, others named him Cur●s. He was a great * Suid. Poet, and writ many things in verse; the subjects of his writings were these, Initations, Lustrations, and other obscure matters in verse. The generation and Theogony of the Curetes and Corybantes, 5000, verses. The building of Argo, and expedition of Jason to Colchos, 6500▪ verses. Of sacrifices, in prose Of the Cretan Commonwealth. Of Minos and Rhadamanthus. * D. Hieronym. in Epistol. ad Titam. see the place. Of Oracles and responses, out of which Saint Paul citys this verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Cretans are always liars, evil beasts slow bellies. There is extant under his name (saith Laertius) an Epistle to Solon concerning the orders of Government given by Minos to the Cretans: which Demetrius conceives of later date, not written in the Cretan but Athenian language; but I have met with another to this effect. * Tit. ●1 2. Epimenides to Solon. Be of comfort friend; for if Pisitratus were ruler of Athenians, enured to servitude and void of discipline, his way perhaps might continue for ever. But now he subjects not base people, but such as are mindful of Solon's instructions, who ashamed of their bondage will not brook his Tyranny. And though he should settle himself in the government unmoveable, yet I hope it will not devolve to his children; for it is hard for free persons, brought up under excellent laws, to suffer bondage. As for you, wander not, but come to Crect to me, where you will find no oppressive Monarch. If in travailing up and down you should light upon some of his friends, I fear you may suffer some mischief. * Laert. There were two more of this name, one a Genealogist; the other writ in the Doric dialect concerning Rhodes. PHERECYDES. PHerecydes. was of Syrus (one of the Cycladeses near Delos) son of Badys, or as others, Babis; born according to Suidas in the 46. Olympiad; he lived in the time of Alyaltes' King of Lydia; contemporary with the seven Sophists by some accounted one of them. Laertius saith, he was in the fifty ninth Olympiad, * Tusc. quaest. 1. Cice●o in the time of Servius Tullus. There are who affirm he heard Pittacu●; others say he had no Master, but procured and studied by himself the abstruse books of the Phoenicians. * Laert. Many strange things are related of him; * Apollon. hist. comment. cap. 5. In Syrus being thirsty, he required water of one of his Scholars, which ( * Laert. being drawn out of a well) he drank, and thereupon declared there would be an Earthquake within three days in that Island; which happening as he foretold, gained him much credit: though ascribed by Cicero not to a divine but natural cause. * Apollon. ibid. Laert. Again, going to Juno's Temple in janus, he beheld a ship with full sail entering the Harbour, he said to those that were present, it would never come into the Haven, whilst he was speaking, a storm arose and the ship sunk in their sight. * Laert. Going by Messana to Olympia, he advised Perilaus, at whose house he lay, to remove thence with all his Family; which he obeyed not: Messana was soon after taken. * Laert. He bade the Lacedæmonians not to esteem gold or silver. Hercules having so commanded him in a dream: who appeared likewise to the Kings, and bade them obey Pherecydes: this some ascribe to Pythagoras. He held opinions contrary to Thales, but * Achil. Tat. Isag. in Art. agreed with him in that of water, that it is principle of all things. He said the Gods called a Table 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Cicer. Tusc. quast. 1. He first asserted ●he immortality of the soul, according to some. * ●biliad. Tzetzes affirms he was Master to Thales, but that suits with their times: That he in struct Pythagoras is generally acknowledged. The manner of his death is variously related. * Laert. Hermippus saith, in a war betwixt the Ephesians & Magnesians, he desirous the Ephesians might be victors, demanded of one present, whence he was, who answered of Ephesus: draw me then, saith he, by the legs into the Magnesian Territory, and bid your country men, after they have gained the battle, bury me. I am Pherecydes. This message he delivered; they overcame the Magnesians and finding Pherecydes dead, buried him honourably: some affirm he went to Delphi and threw himself from the Corycean Mountain; But the more general opinion is that * Aelian. 4. 28. see alsa 5. 2. he died most miserably, his whole body eaten up with louse (Pliny saith, with Serpents which broke out of his skin) whereby when his face became deformed, he avoided and refused the sight of his acquaintance; when any one came to visit him (as Pythagoras did) and demanded how he did, he putting out his finger at the key hole, consumed by his disease showed them the condition of his whole body: Saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the skin showeth: which words the Philosophers take in an ill sense: The Delians affirm the God of that place sent this disease to him out of anger, because he boasted much of his own wisdom to his disciples, saying if he should never sacrifice to any God, he should lead a life no less pleasant than those that offered hecatombs. Pythagoras' buried him; his tomb carried this inscription, Of wisdom I comprise the utmost bound; Who further would be satisfied, must sound Pythagoras, of Greeks the most renowned. Some affirm he was the first that writ in prose, which others ascribe to Cadmus: He writ Heptamuchos or Thocrasia; perhaps the same with his Theology, ten books containing the origine and succession of the Gods (if not mistaken for the Theogony of the younger Pherecydes) an obscure dark work, the allegories whereof Isidore cited by Clemens Alexandrinus conceives taken from the prophecy of Cham. Concerning this Book there is extant an Epistle under the name of Pherecydes, but may well be suspected to be spurious. Pherecydes to Thales. WEll may you die when ever your fatal hour arrives; as soon as I received your letter I fell sick, was overrun with louse, and had a fever: whereupon I gave order to my servants, that as soon as I were buried they should carry the Book to you; if you with the rest of the wise men approve it, publish it; if you approve it not, publish it not, for me it doth not please; there is no certainty in it: whatsoever the Theologist saith, you must understand otherwise; for I write in fables. Constrained by my disease, I have not admitted of any Physician or friend, but when they came to the door, and asked how it was with me, putting my finger out at the keyhole, I showed them how desperately ill I was, and bespoke them to come on the morrow to the funeral of Pherecydes. There was another of this name of the same Island, an ginger: there are more mentioned by Suidas▪ FINIS. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The Second Part. Containing the jonick Philosophers. LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard, and by Thomas Dring, at the George in Fleetstreet near Clifford's Inn. 1655. ANAXIMANDER. CHAP. I. Of his life. * Laert. praes. PHilosophy had a twofold beginning, one from Anaximander, another from Pythagoras. Anaximander was Disciple to Thales; whence that Philosophy was called jonick; Thales being an Ionian, for he was of Miletus. Pythagoras was Disciple to Pherecydes; that king of Philosophy called, from the place where he taught, Italic. Thales was succeeded by Anaximander, Anaximander by Anaximenes, Anaximenes by Anaxagoras, Anaxagoras by Arceolans, in whom (as Plutarch, Laertius and others affirm) it ended, Socrates (the scholar of Archelans) introducing Morality. Anaximander a Milesian, * Cic. acad. quaest. 4. countryman, companion and * Suid. Kinsman of Thales was his Disciple also, and * Strab. lib. 1. & 4. successor in the propagation of his Doctrine; son of Praxiades (corruptly called by * Clem. Alex▪ Strom. 1. some Praxidamus) born the third year of the 42 Olympiad. * Laert. He flourished most in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos. * Suid. He demonstrated the compendium of Geometry; * Strab. lib. 1. being next Homer the first Master of that science; he first set forth a Geographick table, of which Laertius is to be understood who affirms, he designed the circumference of the Sea and land. * Plin. 2. 8. In the 50. Olympiad he found out the obliquity of the Zodiac, that is (saith Pliny) he opened the gates of things. * Laert. He invented the Gnomon, & set up the first in an open place at Lacedaemon. * Suid. He found out the Equinoctial Solstices and Horologies; * Laert. He framed Horoscopes to denote the Tropics and Aequinoxes; whence * Plinian. Excit. Salmasius conceives the use of his dial was only to delineate the Tropic and Equinoctial points, that they did not serve to distinguish the hours or twelve parts of the day, he proveth, because the very name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that sense or the division of the day into twelve equal parts, was not known a long time after. * Cicer. divinat: ●lin. 2. 79. He advised the Lacedæmonians to quit their City and houses, and to lie armed in the open field, foretelling an Earthquake which threw down the whole City, and tore away piece of the Mountain Taygetus. * Laert: As he sung, the boys used to deride him, whereupon he said, we must learn to sing better for the boys. Of his Auditors are remembered Anaximenes and Parmenides. Of his writings these. * Suid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Of Nature. This treatise perhaps Laertius means, who saith he digested his opinions into Commentaries, which Book fell into the hands of Apollodorus the Athenian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of the Sphere, with other things. He was according to Apollodorus 64 years old the second year of the 58. Olympiad, and died soon after. CHAP. 2. Of his Opinions. Sect. 1. That Infinity is the principle of all things. THales (saith * Acad. quaest. 4. Cicero) who held that all things consist of water, could not persuade his Countryman and Companion Anaximander thereto, for he asserted That infinity is that whereof all things were made; or (according to * De plac. phillip 1. 3. Plutarch, Laertius, and * Paran. ad Graec. justine Martyr) that it is the principle and element of things (for these two he confounded, as was observed of his Master Thales) * Laert. but not declared what this infinity is, whether Air, Water, Earth, or any other body, for which condemned by Plutarch. That it is * Symplic. in phys. 1. 2. phis. 1. 5. one, infinite in magnitude (not number) whence * Plut. plac. phillip 1. 3. Aristotle reprehends him for imagining contrarieties can proceed from the same principle. * Laert. That it is for that reason infinite that it may not fail. * Cap. 6. That the parts thereof are changed; the whole is immutable ( * Cicer. Acad. quaest. 4. Simplicius saith movable) * Plut. plac. phillip 1. 3. Iust. Mart. paraen That out of it all things proceed, and resolve into it. That there are infinite worlds generated which corrupt into that whereof they were generated. Sect. 2. Of the Heavens. HIs opinion (according to * De nat. deor. 1. Cicero) was, that the Gods are native (having a beginning) rising and setting by long intervals, and that there are innumerable worlds: This * Plac. Phil. 1. 7. Plutarch and Stobaeus apply to the Heavens and Stars. But how can we (adds Cicero) understand a God that is not eternal. * Stob. That Heaven consists of cold and heat mixed. That the stars are globous instances▪ consisting of air full of fire, respiring flames at some certain part: * Stob. moved by the circles and spheres wherein they inhere; which assertion Aristotle borrowed from hence. That the Sun is seated highest, the moon next, * Stob. than the sixed stars and Planets. That the circle of the Sun is * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 20. 28. times (Theodoret saith 27.) greater then the earth, having a hollow circle about it like a Chariot wheel, full of fire; in one part whereof there is a mouth, * Plut plac. phillip 2. 21▪ at which the fire is seen as out of the hole of a ●lute, which is the Sun * Laert. equal in bigness with the Earth. * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 24 Stob. That the cause of the Sun's Eclipse is the stopping that hole in the midst, out of which the fire issues. * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 25. That the circle of the Moon is 29. times greater than the Earth, like a Chariot wheel, having a hollow or be in the midst full of fire (like the Sun) and oblique, breathing fire out at one part as out of a tunnel. * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 29. Stob. * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 28. That the Eclipse of the Moon happens according to her conversions, when the mouth out of which the ●ire issueth, is stopped. * Laert. That the Mooon hath a light of her own: but very thin; * As a learned person conceives, upon those words of Laert. that she shineth in the light she borroweth from the Sun; which two assertions are so far * See Erasm. Reinholdus in Theoricas purbachii pag. 164 from being inconsistent, that it is the common opinion ● both are true. Sect. 3. Of Meteors. * Plut. plac. phillip 3. 7. THat wind is a fluxion of the air, when the most subtle and liquid parts thereof are either stirred or resolved by the Sun. * Plut. plac. phillip 3. 3. That Thunders, lightnings, presters, and whirlwinds are caused by the wind enclosed in a thick cloud, which by reason of its lightness breaketh forth violently; the rupture of the cloud maketh a crack; and the divulsion by reason of the blackness causeth a slashing light. * Nat. quaest. 2. 18 Seneca more expressly, He ascribed all to wind. Thunder (saith he) is the sound of a breaking cloud: why unequal? because the break are unequal. Why doth it thunder in a clear day? Because even then the wind breaks through the thick and dry air. Why sometimes doth it thunder and not lighten? Because the thinner and weaker spirit is able to make a flame but not a sound. What is lightning? The agitation of the air severing itself and rushing down, disclosing a faint fire. What is Thunder? The motion of a piercing thick spirit. * Sen. nat. quaest. 2. 19 All things are so ordered, that some influence descend from the Aether upon inferior things; so fire sounds, forced upon cold clouds: When it breaks them it shines; the fewer flames beget lightnings, the greater, thunder: a great part, the rest was altered from its natural kind by his excessive heat. * Plut▪ plac. phillip▪ That the first creatures were bred in humidity, and enclosed within sharp thorny barks, but as they grew older they became drier, and at last the bark being broken round about them, they lived some little time after it. ANAXIMENES. CHAP. I. His life. * Laert. Anaximenes' was a Milesian, Son of Euristratus, * Simplic. friend, * Cic. acad. quaest. plin. 2. 76 Disciple and * Suid. sucessour to Anaximander. According to Eusebius he flourished in the second hear of the 56. Olympiad, Suidas saith he lived in the 55. Olympiad at the taking of Sardys, when Cyrus overthrew Croesus. So that the account of * Laert. Apollodorus, (who affirms he was born in the 63. Olympiad) is corrupt. He heard also, as some affirm, Parmenides. He used the Jonick Dialect, plain and incomposed. * Lib. 2. Pliny calls him the inventour of gnomonics▪ but perhaps it is a mistake for Anaximander. Of his auditors were Anaxagoras and Diogenes Apolloniates. These two Epistles of his are preserved by Laertius. Anaximenes' to Pyt●agoras. THales having lived happily even to old age, ended his days unfortunately. One night going out of his house (as he used) with his maid to contemplate the stars, gazing and not taking heed to the place, delighted upon a precipice and fell down. This was the fate of the Milesion Astronomer. But let us who were his Auditors, preserve the memory of the person, and our sons and auditors after us. Let us still retain his sayings, and begin all our discourses with Thales. Anaximenes' to Pythagoras. YOu are more advised than we, who leaving Samos for Crotona live there in quiet, the Aeacideses prove in●urious to others, and the Milesians want not Tyrants of their own choosing. The King of Media is likewise terrible to us, but would not be so, should we pay him tribute. The jonians are resolved to war with the Medes for the general liberty, & if they sight we have no hope of safety. How then can Anaximene▪ perplexed with fear of death and slavery apply his mind to celestial speculations. But you are coveted by the Crotonians, and all Italians; Auditors come to you as far as from Sicily. CHAP. II. His opinions. Sect. 1. That the Air is the principle of all things. HE held that the Air is the principle of the Universe, * Plut de plac. justin Martyr. paraen. 1. 3. phillip of which all things are engendered, and into which they resolve; Our souls by which we live are air, so spirit and air contain in being all the world; for spirit and air are two names signifying one thing. That * Cic. de nat. deor. 1. the air is God, begotten, immense, infinite, ever in motion; * Cic. ●cad. quaest. 4. but that those things which arise out of it are finite. First is begotten, earth, water, fire, then of these all things. That the air is God understands of the faculties penetrating through the Elements or bodies. Sect. 2. Of the Heavens. THat * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 11. the outward superficies of Heaven is earthly. That the stars are of a fiery substance, invisible earthly bodies intermixed with them; that they are inherent, as nails in Crystal. That * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 23. they are forced back by the thick resisting air, * Laert. and move not above (or under) but about the earth. * Plut plac. phillip That the sun is ●lat as a plate, of s●ery substance. That * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 19 the signs of sum and winter come not by the moon, but by the sun only. That * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 24. the sun is eclipsed when the mouth out of which issueth his beat is closed. That the Moon is likewise of a fiery nature. Plut. That the Moon is eclipsed when the mouth out of which issueth her heat, is closed. Sect. 3. Of Meteors. That the clouds are made by condensation of air, rain by condensation of the clouds, * Plut. plac. phillip 3. 4. out of which it is squeezed; snow of rain congealed in falling, and hail of the same contracted by a cold wind. Concerning Thunder, * Stob. lightning, etc. to the assertion of Anaximander he added the comparison of the Sea, which being broken with Oars shineth. * Plut. de plac. phillip 3. 5. That the rainbow is made by reflection of the Suns beams upon a thick cloud, which, not able to pierce it, are refracted upon it. That Earthquakes proceed from the rarity and dryness of the Earth, Plutarch, deplace 3. 15. one being caused by excessive heat, the other by excecessive cold. Further explained by * Meteor. 2. 7. Senec nat. quaest. 6. ●0. Aristotle thus; He held that the Earth, as well when it is moist as when it is dry, breaketh, and by these great pieces thereof which use to fall upon it, is shaken: Hence it is that Earthquakes happen either in droughts or great reins: by droughts it is broken, and by great showers excessively moistened parts likewise in sunder. He called the contraction and condensation of matter, cold; the laxation and rarity thereof, heat: whence a man breathes out of his mouth both hot and cold; his breath compressed by his lips, and condensed is cold; but breathed forth with an open mouth is hot by reason of the rarity. ANAXAGORAS. CHAP. I. Anaxagoras Country, time, and study of Philosophy. ANaxagoras was of Clazomenae, son of Hegesibulus or Eubulus, born in the 70th. Olympiad according to Apollodorus; in the first year thereof; Eminent for his noble birth and wealthy fortunes, but more for his magnanimous contempt of them. * Plut. contra usar. Lysand He left his lands and patrimony, (saith * Tusc. quaest. S. Cicero,) to learn and obtain the divine delight of Philosophy: and * De orator. 3. converted himself from civil affairs to the knowledge of things. Sutdas affirms he left his grounds to sheep and Camels to be eaten up; and therefore Apollonius Tyaneas said, he read Philosophy to beasts rather than to men. * Hipp. ma●. Plato, derides him for quitting his estate; Laertius reports he assigned it to his friends; whereupon being by them accused of improvidence; why (answered he) do not you take care of it? To one who reproved him as taking no care of his Country, wrong me not, said he, my greatest care is my Country, pointing to the Heavens. To another ask for what end he was born, he answered, to contempla ●e the Sun, Moon and Heavens. * Laert. In fine, he withdrew himself to contemplation of natural Philosophy not regarding civil affairs. In this study Anaximenes was his Master * Cicer. de Na. dear 1. from whom he received his learning. * La●rt. In the twentieth year of his age the first of the 75. Olympiad, Colliades being Archon (whom Laertius corruptly calls Callias) at the time of Xerxes' expedition into Greece he went to Athens to study Philosophy, where he continued thirty years, and was honoured with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mind, ad being the first that added that principle to matter, so Amon. Where ●wells famed Anaxagoras, the mind, * Laert. perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he that agent first to matter joined Which things confused orderly designed. CHAP. II. Of his opinions. Sect. 1. Of the first principles, and beginning of things. HE held that the material principle of all things is one and many (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) par●s infinite, similar, and contrary, continuous to the touch, * ●lut. plac. phillip 1. 3. sustaining themselves, * Arist. phys. 3. 4 not contained by any other. * Arist. phys. 3. 7 His grounds these: First, because, according to the common rule of natural Philosophers, of nothing proceeds nothing, it is not possible any thing can be made of that which is not; or that which hath a being can be resolved into that which hath none, Secondly, because contraries are made mutually of each other, therefore they were in each other before; for if it be necessary, that whatsoever is made, be made of that which is, or is not, but that it should be made of that which is not impossible, wherein all agree, that ever discoursed upon nature, it follows necessarily, that they be made of things that are, and are within these very things, though by reason of their smallness, not discernible by us: Hence is it that they say, every thing is mixed with every thing; because they see any thing made of any thing: but things seem different, and are called divers in respect to one another, by reason that the multitude of infinites which are within aboundeth in the mistion; for the whole is neither quite white nor black, flesh nor bone, but every thing seemeth to be of the nature of that whereof it hath most * Plut. of simple nourishment, as bread, water, and the like, are bred the hair, veins, arteries, nerves, bones, and other parts of the body, all things are therefore in this food, as nerves, bones, and the like, discernible by reason, though not by sense: Of these Atoms the whole world consisteth, * Laert. as gold of grains; these homogeneal parts are the matter of all things▪ his opinion is thus expressed by * Lib. 1. Lucretius. Next Anaxagoras we must pursue, And his Homoiomeria review; A term that's no where mentioned but among The Greeks; too copious for our narrow tongue: Yet may the sense be in more words arrayed; The principle of all things, entrails made Of smallest entrails, bone of smallest bone, Blood of small sanguine drops reduced to one; Gold of small grains, earth of small sands compacted, Small drops to water, sparks to fire contracted; The like in every thing supposed, yet he Nature asserted from all vacuum free; And held that each corporeal being might Be subdivided into infinite. That * Lactan. fals. rel. 1. 5. God is an infinite selfe-moving mind, that this divine * Cic. nat. dear. 1 infinite mind, not enclosed in any body, * August. cir. de●. 8. 2. is the efficient cause of all things; out of the infinite matter consisting of similar parts, every thing being made according to its species by the divine mind, who, when all things were at first confusedly mingled together, came and reduced them to order. Sect 2. Of the Heavens. That the higher parts of the world are full office, the power that is there he called aether, and that properly, saith Aristotle, * Aristot. Met. 1. 3. for the body, which is continually in quick motion, is conceived to be divine by nature, for that reason called aether, none of those that are here below being of that kind. That * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 13. the ambient aether being of a fiery nature by the swiftness of its motion, snatcheth up stones from the earth, which being set on fire, become stars, * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 16. all carried from East to West. That * plut, plac. phillip 2. 23. the Starts are impelled by the condensation of the air about the Poles, which the Sun makes more strong by compressing. That the stars are earthly, and that after the first secretion of the Elements, the fire separating itself, drew some parts of the earth to its own nature, and made them like fire: Whereupon he farther affirmed * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 20. Laert. Achil. Tat. Isag. in Arat. The Sun is a burning plate or stone, * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 21. many times bigger than Peloponnesus, whose conversionn is made by the repulse of the Northern air, which he, by compressing, makes more strong. * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 25. the Moon is a dark body, enlightened by the Sun, habitable, having plains, hills and waters; that * Plut. plac. phillip 2. 30. Laert. the inequality in her face proceeds from a mixture, cold and earthly, for there is darkness mixed with her fiery nature, whence she is called a star of false light. * In Cratylo. Plato saith, that the Moon was occasion of dishonour to him, because he assumed the original of this opinion of her borrowing light to himself, whereas it was much moreantient. That * Plut. plac. phillip the milky way is the shadow of the earth upon that part of heaven, when the Sun, being underneath, enlightens not all: * Mei●eor. 1. 8. Or as Aristotle, that the Milky way is the light of some stars, for the Sun being under the earth, looks not upon some stars, the light of those on whom he looks is not seen, being swallowed up in his; the proper light of those which are hindered by the earth from the Sun's illumination, is the Galaxy; Laertius saith, he held the Galaxy to be the reflection of the light of the Sun. Sect. 3. Of Meteors. THat Comets are the co●apparition of wand'ring stars, Arist. Meteor. 1. 6. which approach so near each other, as that they seem to touch one another: Or as Laertius; the concourse of Planets, emitting flames. That falling stars are shot down from the aether, as sparkles, and therefore soon extinguished. That * Laert. Thunder is the collision of Clouds, lightning their mutual attrition: Or as Plutarch; the cold falling upon the hot, or the etherial, Plut. plac. phillip 3. 3. upon the aerial, the noise which it makes is Thunder: of the blackness of the cloud is caused lightning, of the greatness of the light Thunderbolts, of the more corporeal fire whirlwinds, of the more cloudy Presters. That lightning distils from the aether; and that from that great heat of Heaven many things fall down, which the clouds preserve a long time enclosed. That the Rainbow is a refraction of the Sun's light upon a thick dark cloud, Plut. plac. phillip 3. 5. opposite to him as a looking glass; by the same reason (faith he) appeared chiefly in Pontus, two, or more Suns. That Earth quakes are caused by the air or aether, which being of its own nature apt to ascend, * Arist. Meteor. 2. 7. Plut. plac▪ phillip 3. 15. Senec. nat. quaest. 6. when it gets into the veins and caverns of the earth, finding difficulty in the getting out, causeth that shaking; for the upper parts of the earth contract themselves by the benefit of rain, Nature having made the whole body thereof alike, lax and spongy, the parts, as in a Ball, superior, and inferior, the superior, that which is inhabited by us, the inferior, the other: This wind getting into the inferior parts, breaks the condensed air, with the same force as we see clouds broken, when, upon the collision of them, and motion of the agitated air, sire breaks forth: this air falls upon that which is next, seeking to get out, and tears in pieces whatsoever it meets, until through those narrow passages, it either finds a way to Heaven, or forceth one: which Laer●ius obscurely expresseth, the repulsion of the air upon the earth. THat Snow is not white, Cic. Acad. qu●st. 4. but black, nor did it seem white to him, because he knew the water whereof it is congealed to be black. Sect 4. Of the Earth. THat the beginning of motion proceeding from the mind, Laert. the heavy bodies obtained the lowest place, as the earth; the light the highest, as the fire; those betwixt both, the middle, as the air and water: thus the sea subsists upon the superficies of the earth, which is flat, the humidity being ratified by the Sun. That the primitive humidity being diffused, Plut. plac. phillip 3. 16. as a pool was burned by the motion of the Sun about it, and the unctuous part bring exhaled, the remainder became salt. That assoon as the world was made, Plut. plac. phillip 2. 8. and living creatures produced out of the world, the world inclined of itself towards the south, according to divine providence; that some parts thereof might be habitable, others not habitable, by reason of the extremities of heat and cold. That the mistion of the Elements is by apposition. Plut. plac. phillip 1. 17. That the inundation of Nilus is caused by the snow of Aethiopia, which is dissolved in summer, Plut. plac. phillip 4. 1. and congealed in winter. Sect 5. Of living Creatures. THat Creatures were first generated of humidity, calidity, Laert. and earthly matter, afterwards mutually of one another, males on the right side, females on the left. That the soul is that which moveth, * Plu▪ plac. phillip 4. ●. that it is aerial, and hath a body of the nature of air. * plut plac. phillip 5. 24. That there is a death of the soul likewise, which is separation from the body. That all Animals have active reason. * Plut. plac. phillip 5. 25. That sleep is an action of the body, not of the soul. * Plut. plac. phillip 5. 25. That in the hand of man consists all his skill. * Plut. de am●re frat. That the voice is made by the wind, hitting against firm resisting air, returning the counter-blow to our ears, which is the manner whereby also the repercussion of the air is form, called Echo. That the Gall is the cause of acute diseases, which overflowing, is dispersed into the lungs, veins, and costs. CHAP. III. His predictions. SUidas saith, he foretold many things: of those, two instances only have been hitherto preserved. The first thus related by Pliny, The Grecians celebrate Anaxagoras of the Clozomenian, and for foretelling by his learning and Science in the second year of the 78. Olympiad, on what day a stone would fall from the Sun, which happened in the day time in a part of Thrace at the river Agos which stone is at this day shown about the bigness of a became of an adust colour, a Comet also burning in those nights. * Vit. Ly●and. Plutarch adds, that it was in his time not only shown, but reverenced by the Peloponnesians. Eusebius reckons the fall of this stone upon the fourth year of the 78. Olympiad, which is two years after Pliny accounts of the prediction. Silenus' cited by Laertius, saith, it fell when Dimylus was Archon, which if it be to be red Dyphilus (for the other name is not to be found near these times) will be the first year of the 84 Olympiad. But the marble at Arundel House (graven about the 129. Olympiad to be preferred before any other chronological account) expressly names the fall upon the 4th year upon the 77. Olympiad, when Theagenides was Archon, two years before. Pliny saith it was foretold. It was believed to have portended (as Plutarch testifies) the great defeat given to the Athenians by Lysander at the river Agos 62. years after, viz. the fourth year of the 39 Olympiad. Of the wonder * Meteor. 1. 7. Aristotle gives a very slight account, affirming It was a stone snatched up by the wind, and fell in the day time, a Comet happening in those nights, which is disproved by * Vit. Lysand. Plutarch, who hath this large discourse upon it: It is said that Anaxagoras did prognosticate that one of the bodies included the Heavens it should be loosed by shaking, & fall to the ground, the Stars are not in place where they were first created, they are heavy bodies, of the nature of stone, shining by reflection of the aether, being drawn up by force, & kept there by the violence of that circular motion, as at the beginning in the first separation of things, cold & heavy they were restrained. There is another opinion more probable which saith, those which we call falling stars are not fluxions of the aether extinguished in the air almost as soon as lighted, nor inflammations or combustions of any part of the air, which by it spreadeth upwards, but they are celestial bodies failing of their retention by the ordinary course of heaven thrown down, not upon the habitable earth, but into the Sea, which is the cause we do not see them; yet the assertion of Anaxagoras is confirmed by Damachus, who writeth in his book of Religion, that 75. days together before this stone fell, they saw a great body of fire in the Air like a cloud inflamed, which tarried not in one place, but went and came uncertainly removing, from the driving whereof issued flashes of fire that fell in many places like falling stars; when this great body of fire fell in that part of the Earth, the Inhabitants emboldened, came to the place to see what it was, and found no appearance of fire but a great stone on the ground, nothing, in comparison of that body of fire. Herein Damachus had need of favourable hearers: But if what he saith be true, he confuseth those Arguments who maintain it was a piece of a Rock by the force of a boisterous wind torn from the top of a Mountain, and carried in the air so long as this whirlwind continued, but so soon as that was laid, the stone fell immediately; unless this lightning body which appeared so many days was fire indeed, which coming to dissolve, and to be put out did beget this violent storm of force to tear off the stone, and cast it down. This it is likely * Senec. nat. quaest. 7. 5. Charimander meant, who in his book of Comets saith, Anaxagoras observed in the Heavens a great unaccustomed light of the greatness of a huge pillar, and that it shined for many days. The other memorable prediction of Anaxagoras was * Suid. of a storm, which he signified by going to the Olympic games, when the weather was fair in a shaggy gown, the rain pouring down all the Grecians (saith Aelian) saw and gloried, that he knew more divinely then according to humane Nature. CHAP. IU. His Scholars and Auditors. THese are remembered as his Scholars and Auditors. * Cicer. Pericles' Son of Xantippas' being instructed by Anaxagoras, could easily reduce the exercise of his mind from secret obstrusive things to public popular causes▪ * Plut. vit. Pericl. Pericles much esteemed him, was by him instructed in natural Philosophy, and besides other virtues freed from superstitious fears arising from ignorance of physical causes; whereof there is this instance; the head of a Ram with but one horn being brought to Pericles, was by the South sayers interpreted prodigious: Anaxagoras opening it, showed that the brain filled not its natural place, but contracted by degrees in an oval form toward that part where the horn grew. Afterwards Anaxagoras neglected and decrepit with age in a melancholy resentment thereof lay down and covered his face, resolving to starve himself, which▪ Pericles hearing, came immediately to him bewailing, not Anaxagoras, but himself, who should lose so excellent a Counsellor: Anaxagoras uncovering his face said, They, Pericles, who would use a Lamp, must apply it with oil. Archela●s Son of Apollodorus was Disciple to Anaxagoras, and, as Laertius affirms, called the natural Philosopher for first bringing that kind of learning to Athens, but how that consists with his relation to Anaxagoras, who, as he acknowledgeth, studied natural Philosophy thirty years in Athens, Casaubone justly questions. Euripides, * His words (because never published) these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the writer of his life affirms, son of Mnesarchus, born at the first time of Xe●xes's expedition into Greece, the same day that the Grecians overthrew the Persians, was first a Painter, than an Auditor of Anaxagoras; but seeing him persecuted for his opinions, lastly converted himself to Tragic poesy. Socrates, Son of Sophroniscus, was according to Aristoxenus' an Auditor of Anaxagoras till he left the City, and thereupon applied himself to Archelaus, which Porphyrius reckons above the 17th. year of his age, or rather the ninteenth. Democritus also is by some affirmed, being younger than Anaxagoras forty years, to have applied himself to him, but Laertius affirms he could not endure Democritus, & shunned his conversation; Phavorinus likewise attests, that because he would not admit him, Democritus professed himself his Enemy, and denied his opinions of the Sun and Moon, but said they were ancient, and that he stole them, as likewise his description of the world, and assertion concerning the mind. Me●rodorus of Lampsacum is likewise mentioned by Laertius as friend to Anaxagoras. CHAP. V. OF his trial, Death sentences and writings. Of his trial saith Laertius there are several reports Sotion in his treatise of the succession of Philosophers saith, he was accused by Cleon of impiety, for asserting the Sun to be a burning plate, but being defended by Pericles his Scholar, he was fined five Talents and banished. Satyrus, that he was cited to the Court by Thucydides, who was of the contrary faction of Pericles, Laert. accused not only of impiety, but of holding intelligence with the Persians, and in his absence condemned to death; when news was brought him at the same time both of the death of his Sons, which (according to Aelian) were two, Cic. Tus●. qu●st. 3. Plut. de ira cohib. all that he had, and his own condemnation of the latter he said, Varr. hist. 3. Nature long since condemned both them & me to death; of his Plut. consol. ad Apol●on. Sons ( * Simplic. in Epiclet. with a calm look) * Val. Max. 5. 10. You tell me nothing new or unexpected; I knew that I beget them mortal, which some ●scribe to Solon, others to Xenophon, Demetrius Phalereus saith, he buried them with his own hands. Laert. Hermippus, he was imprisoned to be put to death, but Pericles appearing before the Judges, asked if they knew any thing in his life that they could accuse, to which they answered nothing, but I, saith he, am his disciple, then be not tansported by Calumnies to kill the man, but believe me and set him at liberty, so he was dismissed, but not able to brook the disgrace, he killed himself. * Laert. Hieronymus saith, that Pericles brought him into the Court in poor garments extenuated with sickness, an object ●itter for compassion then Justice. And thus much saith Laertius of his Trial. Suidas, that he was cast into Prison by the Athenians for introducing a new opinion concerning God, and banished the City, though Pericles undertook to plead his cause, and that going to Lampsacum he there starved himself to death. josephus, that the Athenians believing the Sun to be God, which he affirmed to be without sense and Knowledge, he was by the votes of a few of them condemned to death. But if we credit * Vit. Pericl▪ Plutarch, he was neither condemned nor accused but by Pericles, who feared the Ordinance of Diopithes, which cited those that held profane or sublime Opinions sent out of the City. * De superstit. Yet elsewhere he confesseth he was accused. His departure from Athens, being 30. years after his coming thither, falls the third year of the 82. Olimpiad the 63. of his age. Thence he went to Lampsacum, where he continued the rest of his age, which extended to 22. years more, so little mindful of A●hens, or of his Country, as to one, who told him that he was deprived of the Athenians, he answered, no, but they of me; and * Cic Tus●. quaest. 1. to his friends, who when he fell sick, asked, if he would be carried to Clazomonae his Country, no said he, there is no need, the way to the grave is alike every where. * Plut. instruct. polit. Before he died the Magistrates of the City asked him, if he would they should do any thing for him, he answered, that his only request was that the boys might have leave to play yearly on that day of the month, whereon he died; which custom (saith Laertius) is continued to this time. Those of Lampsacum buried him magnificently with this Epitaph. Here lies, who through the truest paths did pass O'th' world Celestial, Anaxagoras. Aelian mentions two altars erected to him, one inscribed to the mind, the other to truth; Laertius concludes his life with this Epigram. Famed Anaxagoras the Sun defined A burning plate, ' for which to die designed, Saved by his Scholar Pericles; But he * Aelian. Abandoned life to seek Philosophy. * Laert. He is observed never to have been seen either to laugh or smile. * Lacrt. Being demanded if the Mountains of Lampsacum would in time become Sea, he answered, yes, if time fail not first. * Laert. Beholding the tomb of Mausolus, he said, a sumptuous Monument was a sign the substance was turned into stone. * Laert. He first affirmed the poesy of Homer to consist of virtue and Justice, to which Metrodorus added, that the Poet was skilful in natural Philosophy. * Stob. He conceived that there are two lessons of death, the time before our birth, and sleep. Laertius and Clemens Alexandrinus assert him first of the Philosophers that put forth a Book. He writ. Of Natural Philosophy, out of which Aristotle citys these fragments, All these things were together: which was the beginning of the book: and, ●o be such is to be changed. * Phys. 1. 5. Plut. Georg. Plato this, The mind is the disposer and cause of all things. * Hip. mai. Athenaeus this, what is commonly called the milk of the hen, is the white of the egg. * Lib. 2. Plato censures the book as not using the mind at all, nor assiging any cause of the order of things, but aerial, etherial and aquatic Natures, and the like incredible things for causes. The quadrature of the Circle: which treatise * De exsul. Plutarch saith he composed during his imprisonment. * Laert. There were three more of the same name; the first an Orator, follower of Isocrates: the second a statuary, mentioned by Antigonus; the last a Grammarian, Scholar to Zenodotus. ARCHELAUS. ARchelaus was either an Athenian, or a Milesian; his Father Apollodorus, Laert. or according to some, Mylon; he was Scholar to Anaxagoras, Master to Socrates. He first transferred natural Philosophy out of jonia to Athens, (But how that can be, when Anaxagoras his Master taught there thirty years, Casaubone justly questions) and therefore was called the Natural Philosopher: in him natural Philosophy ended, Socrates his Scholar introducing morality; but he seemeth also to have touched moral Philosophy, for he treated of laws, of things honest and just; from whom Socrates receiving his learning, because he increased it, is therefore thought to have invented it; whereas as Gassendus observes, moral Philosophy was far more ancient, that being the principle ground of the attribute of wise conferred upon the Seven, whose learning lay chiefly that way: but Socrates is called the Author thereof, because he first reduced it to a science. Archelaus asserted That the principles of all things are twofold, one incorpore all, Stob▪ the mind, (not maker of the world) the other corporeal, infinite in number, and dissimilar Plut. plac. phillip 1. 3. which is the air, and its rarefaction and condensation, whereof one is fire, the other water. That the universe is infinite. That the causes of generation are two; heat and cold. That the stars are burning iron plates. That the Sun is the greatest of stars. That the Sea is made by percolation of the hollow parts of the Earth. That living Creatures are generated of slime c●warm Earth, emitting a milky kind of slime like the chile; that this humid matter being dissolved by the fire, that of it which settles into a fiery substance is earth, that which evaporates is air. That the winds getting into the hollow places of the Earth, Sen. Nat. quaest. 6. 12▪ filling all the spaces, the air condensed as much as possible, the wind that comes next presseth the first, forcing and disturbing it by frequent impulsions. This wind seeking a room through the narrow places, endeavoureth to break prison, whereby it happens the wind struggling for passage, that the earth is moved. Of the definition of the Voice, by Plutarch attributed to Anaxagoras, Laertius makes Archelaus the Author, describing it a percusion of the air. That what is just, or dishonest is defined by Law, not by Nature. Plut. Laert. These five, Anaximander, Anaximenes Thales, Anaxagoras, Archelaus, by continual descent succeeding one another, complete the jonick sect▪ FINIS THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The Third Part. Containing the Socratic Philosophers. LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas Dring, and are to be sold at their shops at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard, and at the George in Fleetstreet near Clifford's Inn. 1655. SOCRATES' SOCRATES. CHAP. I Socrates, his Country, Parents, and time of birth. Socrates' was by Country an Athenian, borne at Alopece, Laert. a town, according to Suidas and Phavorinus, belonging to the Antiochian tribe. This was one of those small villages scattered through Attica, before These●s reduced the people into the walls of a City, which notwithstanding his decree, were not deserted, but continued and preserved by their Inhabitants. His Parents were very mean; * Laert. ●lat. Thereat. Alcib. Sophroniscus (an * Liban. Athenian) his Father, * Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Val. Max. marmorarius. a statuary, or carver of Images in stone, Phaenareta his mother a Midwife, a woman of a bold, generous & quick spirit, as is implyd by the character * Thea●tet. Plato gives her (though wrested by * Deipnos. 5. Athenaeus) of which professions of his Parents, he is * Liban. Apol. observed to have been so far from being ashamed, that he often took occasion to mention them. * Apol●g. Apollodorus, Laertius and Suidas affirm he was borne in the fourth year of the 77. Olympiad, which may likewise be collected from the marble at ●rundel Ho●se, which saith, he died when Laches was Arc●on, and reckons 70. years of his life, which was complete, because * Laert. Plato says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and from * Lib. 11. Dometrius Phalereus (who was himself archon the fourth year of the 117. Olympiad,) who saith, he died the first year of the 95. Olympiad, when he had lived 76 years, the 70. year inclusively upwards, is the fourth of the 77 Olympiad, when Apsephion, (or, as some call him Aphepsion) was Archon, of whose name in * Archont. 2. 7▪ Diodorus Siculus no more is left then * Dialog. de script. Socr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but hath been incuriously altered into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which if * Meursius' had observed, he had not corrected Laertius without cause, nor he and * Allatius followed the mistake of Scaliger (whom they term Anonymus) in placing Aphepsion in the fourth year of the 74. Olympiad. The day of Socra●es birth, was * Laert. according to Apollodorus, the sixth of the month Thargelion, memorable (saith Laertius) for the birth of Diana according to the traditions of the Delians; upon which day the Athenians did yearly lustrate the ● City. Many other good fortunes happening to the Athenians upon this day are recorded by * Var. hist. 2. Aelian. The day following, viz. the seventh of this month was the birthday of Pla●o, both which were kept with much solemnity by the Greek Philosophers, ( * Porphyr. vit. Plut. even to the time of Plotinus) as is affirmed by * Sympos. 8. 1 Plutarch, who thereupon observes it as the effect rather of Providence, then of chance, that their birth-days should be so near, and that of the Master precede the Scholer's. To accommodate this time with our account, is neither easy nor certain, yet in respect it may give some satisfaction by way of conjecture, we shall found it upon these hypotheses, taking that order of months which Petavius gives. 1. That after the Olympiads the beginning of the Grecian year was always on the first of Hecatombaeon, and Olympic games on the 15th. 2. That the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon, did (at least in the times wherein we inquire) never precede the solstice, being then about the Calends, or pridie Calendarum julij, they supposing them in octavis signorum, it did not precede the ninth of july. This postulatum, though it be doubly questioned by Petavius, yet none of his Argument 'tis pretend beyond Meton's time. 3. That upon that supposition, if Scaliger hath rightly ordered the Neomenia in his Olympic period (against which Petavius brings no one sufficient Argument) and consequently the rest, the Olympic period doth certainly exhibi●t the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon. It is true that Petavius disputes the period of 76 years, as having never been used till Calippus his time, but we take it here only proleptically, as the Julian year, to which we would accommodate it. 4. That this being after Solon's time, the Civil year was Lunary (and consisted of months, which were alternately of 29. and 30. days,) at Athens, though divers places of Greece, especially the more remote from thence, did not for a long time after part with their tricenary months. These things supposed the sixth of Thargelion, (will according to the Julian account taken proleptically) fall upon Tuesday the twentieth of May: according to the Gregorian, upon Tuesday the thirtieth of May, in the year of the Julian period, 4247. before the Incarnation 467. years, the fourth year of the 77. Olympiad, at what time Socrates was born. CHAP. II. His first Education. * De Gen. Socre PLutarch saith, that as soon as he was born, Sophroniscus his Father consulting the Oracle, was by it advised to suffer his Son to do what he pleased, never compelling him to do what he disliked, nor diverting him from that whereto he was inclined; to give thanks for him by Sacrifice to jupiter Agoraeus and the Muses; to be no further solicitous for him, he had one guide of his life within him, better than five hundred masters. But his Father not observant of the Oracle's direction, applied him to his own trade of carving Statues, contrary to his inclination, whereupon * Aristoxenus' apud Theodoret. de Graec. affect. cur lib. 12. some have argued him of disobedience, reporting that often times, when his Father bade him work, he refused, and went away following his own will. His Father dying, left him (according to * Apol. Soc. Libanius) four score minae, which being entrusted with a friend for improvement, they miscarried. This loss (though it were of all his stock, and he thereby reduced to incredible poverty) Socrates passed over with silence, but was thereupon necessitated to continue his trade for ordinary subsistence. * Laert. This Suidas intimates when he saith he was first a Statuary. * Lib. 9 Duris, * In nub. Pausanias, and the * Scholiast of Ar●stophanes affirm three statues of the Graces clothed, (for so they were most anciently made, not naked) set up before the entrance into the Tower at Athens, were his work. Pausanias implieth as much of a statue of Mercury in the same place; which * 36. 5. Pliny seems not to have understood, who saith, they were made by a certain person named Socrates, but not the painter. Hence Timon, From these the fluent statuary came Honoured through Greece, who did against the name Of Orator abusiv●y declaim. But being naturally averse from this profession, ●ee only followed it when necessity enforced him: Aristoxenus saith, he wrought for money, and laid up what he got till it came to a little stock, which being spent, he betook himself again to the same course. These intermissions of his Trade were bestowed upon Philosophy; whereunto he was naturally addicted, which being observed by Crito a rich Philosopher of Athens, * Laert. he took him from his shop, being much in love with his candour and ingenuity, and instructed, or rather gave him the means▪ to be instructed by others; taking * Laert. vit. Crit. so much care of him, that he never suffered him to want necessaries. And though his poverty were at first so great as to be brought by * AElian. var. hist. 2. Plut. de util. virtut. some into a Proverb, yet he became at last, as * Plutarch. comparat. vit. Aristid. & Caton. Demetrius affirms, Master of a house, and fourscore minae, which Crito put out to interest: But his mind (saith * Apolog. Libanius) was raised far above his fortune, and more to the advantage of his Country; not aiming at wealth, or the acquisition thereof by sordid arts, he considered that of all things which man can call his, the soul is the chief; That he only is truly happy who purifies that from vice; That the only means, conducing thereto is wisdom, in pursuit whereof he neglecteth all other ways of profit and pleasure. CHAP. I. His Master. THE first Master of Socrates was * Laert. Anaxagoras, whereby amongst other circumstances it is demonstrable, that the account of Laertius is corrupt, Anaxagoras not dying in the 78. but 88 Olympiad. Aristoneus saith, that as soon as Anaxagoras left the City, he applied himself to * Cic. Tusc. quaest. 5. Archelaus, which according to Porphyrius was in the 17. year of his age. * Laert. Of him he was much beloved, and travelled with him to Samos, to Pytho, and to the Isthmus. He was Scholar likewise to Damon, whom Plato calls a most pleasing teacher of Music, and all other things that he would teach himself, to young men. Damon was Scholar to Agathocles, Master to Pericles, Clinias and others; intimate with Prodicus. He was banished by the unjust * Plut. Ostracism of the Athenians for his excellence in Music. He heard also ( * Plat. Men. as he acknowledgeth) Prodicus the Sophist a Cian, whom Eusebius ranks in the 86. Olympiad, contemporary with Gorgias, Hippias, and Hypocrates the Physician. To these add Diotyma and Aspasia, women excellently learned, the first supposed to have been inspired with a prophetical spirit. By her he affirmeth that he was instructed concerning love, by corporeal Beauty to find out that of the soul; of the Angelical mind; of God. See Plato's Phaedrus, and that long discourse in his Symposium upon this subject, which Socrates confesseth to be owing to her. Aspasia was a famous Milesian woman, not only excellent herself in Rhetoric, but brought many Scholars to great perfection in it, of whom were Pericles the Athenian, and ( * Plat. menex. as himself acknowledgeth) Socrates. * Maxim. Tyr. Of Euenus he learned Poetry, of Ichomachas, Husbandry, of * Plat: Theaetet. Theodorus Geometry. * Scholar Aristoph in Nub. Aristagoras a Melian, is named likewise as his Master. Last in his Catalogue is Connus, * ●pist. 9 22. nobilissimus fidicen, as Cicero terms him, which art Socrates learned of him in his * Quintil. 1. 10. old age, * Plat. Euthy●. for which the boys derided Connus, and called him the old man's Master. CHAP. IU. Of his School, and manner of Teaching. THat Socrates had a proper School, may be argued from * Nub. Aristophanes, who derides some particulars in it, and calls it his Phron●ist●rium. * Phaedr. Plato and * Epist. Socratic. Phaedrus mention as places frequented by him and his Auditors, the Academy, Lycaeum, and a pleasant meadow without the City on the side of the River Ilissus, where grew a very fair planetree. Thence according to the fable, Boreas snatched away Orithia, to whom three farlongs from thence there was a Temple, and another to Diana. * Memor. 1. Xenophon affirms he was continually abroad, that in the morning be visited the places of public walking and exercise; when it was full, the Forum; and the rest of the day he sought out the most populous meetings, where he disputed openly for every one to hear that would. He did not only teach, saith * Vtrum. sen. her. vesp. Plutarch when the benches were prepared, and himself in the Chair, or in set hours of reading and discourse, or appointments of walking with his friends, but even when he played, when ●e eat or drank, when he was in the camp or market, finally when he was in prison, thus he made every place a school of virtue. His manner of teaching was answerable to his opinion, that the soul preaexistent to the body, in her first separate condition, endued with perfect knowledge, by immersion into matter, became stupefied, and in a manner lost, until awakened by discourse from sensible objects; whereby by degrees she recovers her first knowledge, for this reason he taught only by Irony and Induction: the first * Lib. 9 cap. 2. Quintilian defines an absolute dissimulation of the will more apparent then confessed, so as in that, the words are different from the words, in this, the sense from the speech, whilst the whole confirmation of the cause, even the whole life seems to carry an Irony, such was the life of Socrates, who was for that reason called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is, one that personates an unlearned man, and is an admirer of others as wise. * De orat. 2. In this Irony (saith Cicero) and dissimulation he far exceeded all men in pleasantness & urbanity; it is a very elegant, sweet and facete kind of speech, acute with gravity, accommodated with Rhetoric words, and pleasant speeches; * Cicer. Ac●d. quast. 4. He detracted from himself in dispute, and attributed more to those he meant to confute, so that when he said, or thought another thing, he freely used that dissimulation which the Greeks call Irony, which Annius also saith, was in Africanus. Induction by * De invent. 1. Cicero designed a manner of discourse, which gains the assent of him with whom it is held, to things not doubtful, by which assents it causeth that he y●eld to a doubtful thing, by reason of the likeness it hath to those things whereunto he assented: this kind of speech Socrates most used, because he would not himself use any argument of persuasion, but rather chose to work something out of that which he granted him with whom he disputed, which he, by reason of that which he already yielded unto, must necessarily approve; of which he gives a large example in Plato's * Plat. Lach. Meno. Thus, whosoever disputed with him of what subject soever ( * Liban. Apol. his end being only to promote virtue) was at last brought round about to give an account of his life past and present, whereinto being once entered, he never gave him over till he had sufficiently examined those things, and never let them go ( * Plat. Euthyphr. Proteus' like) till they came at last to themselves. For this reason * ●lat. Theaetet. Plutarch. quaest. Platon. 1. he used to say, his skill had some affinity with that of his mother, he being like a Midwife, though barren (as he modestly affirms) in himself, endeavoured with a particular gift in assisting others, to bring forth what they had within themselves; * Scholar Aristoph. in nub. p. 129. and this was one reason why he refused to take money, affirming, that he knew nothing himself, and that * Plat. Apol. he was never Master to any. These disputes of Socrates were committed to writing by his Scholars, wherein * Laert. vit. Xenoph. Xenophon gave example to the rest, in doing it first, as also with most punctualnesse, as Plato with most liberty, intermixing so much of his own, as it is not easy to distinguish the Master from the Scholar; * Laert. vit. ●lat. whence Socrates hearing him recite his Lysis, said, how many things doth this young man feign of me? And * Epist. ad Aeschin. Xenophon denying Socrates ever disputed of heaven, or of natural causes, or the other disciplines which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith, they, who ascribe such dissertations to him, lie falsely, wherein (as * 14. 3. Agellius observes) he intends Plato, in whose books Socrates discourseth of Natural Philosophy, Music, and Geometry. CHAP. V. Of his Philosophy. POrphyrius (who was so abusive, as * Histor. eccles. 10. 36. Nicephorus observes, that hetraduced Socrates with no less bitterness, then as if he endeavoured to outdo his accusers, Anytus and Melitus) affirms; * Theodoret. He was ingenious in nothing, unlearned in all, scarce able to write, which when upon any occasion he did, it was to derision, and that he could read no better than a stammering schoolboy: To which we shall oppose these Authorities: Xenophon who attests he was excellent in all kinds of learning, instanceth in Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astrology; Plato, in Natural Philosophy; Id●meneus, in Rhetoric; Laertius, in Medicine: In a word, Cicero avers, that by the testimony of learned men, and the judgement of all Greece, as well in wisdom, acuteness, politeness, and sultlety, as in eloquence, ●a●ietie, and copiousness, to wha soever part he gave himself, he was without exception Prince of all. Having searched into all kinds of Science, he observed these inconveniences and imperfections: * Xen. mem. 1. pag. 710. First, That it was improper to leave those affairs which concern mankind, to inquire into things without us. Secondly, That these things are above the reach of man, whence are occasioned all disputes and oppositions, some acknowledging no God, others worshipping stocks and stones; some asserting one simple being, others infinite; some that all things are moved, others, that all things are immovable. And Thirdly, that these things, if attained, could not be practised, for he who contemplating divine mysteries, inquires by what necessity things were made, cannot himself make any thing, or upon occasion produce winds, waters, seasons, or the like. Thus esteeming speculative knowledge as far only as it conduceth to practice, he cut off in all sciences what he conceived of least use: * Xenoph. mem. 4. In Arithmetic, he approved only as much as was necessary ( * Deleg. Plato instanceth in Merchandise and Tactics) but to proceed to useless operations he disallowed. In Geometry he allowed that part which teacheth measuring, as no less easy than useful; but to proceed to infinite propositions and demonstrations he disallowed, as wholly unprofitable. In Astrology he approved the knowledge of the Stars, and observation of the night, months, and seasons, as being easily learned, and very beneficial in Navigation, and to those who hunt by night; but to examine the difference of spheres, distance of stars from the earth, and their circles, he dissuaded as useless. * Laert. Finally, noting how little advantage speculation brought to the life and conversation of mankind, he reduced ●er to action. He first, saith * Acad. quoest. 1. Cicero, called Philosophy away from things involved by nature in secrecy, wherein, until his time, all Philosophers had been employed, and brought her to common life, to inquire of ●ertues and vices, good and evil. Man, who was the sole subject of his Philosophy, having a twofold relation of divine speculation, and human conversation, his Doctrines were in the former respect Metaphysical, in the latter Moral. Sect. 1. Metaphysics. His Metaphysical opinions are thus collected and abridged out of Plato, Xenophon, Plutarch, and others: Philosophy is the way to true happiness, the offices whereof are two, ●lat. Phaed. to contemplate God, and to abstract the soul from corporeal sense. There are three principles of all things, God, matter, and Ideas, Plutarch. plac. phillip 1. 3. God is the universal intellect, matter the first subject of generation and corruption; Idea an incorporeal substance, the intellect of God; God the intellect of the world. God is one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Plat. Phaed. perfect in himself, giving the being, and well being of every creature; what he is (saith he) I know not, what he is not I know. * Xen. memor. 1. That God, not chance, made the world, and all creatures, is demonstrable from the reasonable disposition of their parts, as well for use as defence, from their care to preserve themselves, and continue their species, that he particularly regards man in his body, from the excellent upright form thereof, from the gift of speech, from allowance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his soul, from the excellency thereof above others; in both for divinations, predicting dangers; that he regards particulars, from his care of the whole species; that he will reward such as please him, and punish such as displease him from his power to do it, from the belief he hath imprinted in a man that he will do it; professed by the most wise and civilised Cities and ages; that he at once seeth all things, from the instances of the eye, which at once overruns many miles; and of the mind, which at once considereth things done in the most distant places. Finally, that he is such, and so great, as that he at once sees all, hears all, is every where, and orders all. This is the sum of his discourse with Aristodemus, to which we may annex what is cited under his name (if not mistaken) by Stobaeus, Care, if by care aught may effected be, If not, why cam'st thou, when God cares for thee? * Xen. mem●r. 1: page 711. He held, that the Gods knew all things, said, done, or silently desired. * Xen. memor. 4. That God takes care of all creatures, is demonstrable from the benefits he gives them of light, water, and fire, seasonable production of fruits of the earth; that he hath particular care of man, from the nourishment of all plants and creatures for man's service, from their subjection to man, though they excused him never so much in strength, from the variety of man's sense, accommodated to the variety of objects, for necessity, use, and pleasure; from reason, whereby he discoursed through reminiscence, from sensible objects, from speech, whereby he communicates all that he knows, gives laws, & governs states; that God, notwithstanding he is invisible, hath a being from the instances of his Ministers, invisible also, as thunder and wind, from the soul of man which hath something with the divine nature in governing those that cannot see it. This is the effect of his discourse with E●thid●mus. The Soul is immortal, Scholar Aristoph. in nub. p. 128. for what is always movable is immortal; but that which moveth another, or is moved by an other, hath a cessation of motion and life. The soul is preaexistent to the body, endued with knowledge of eternal Ideas, which in her union to the body she loseth, as stupisied, until awakened by discourse from sensible objects. Thus is all her learning only reminiscence, a recovery of her first knowledge. The body being compounded is dissolved by death, Plat. Phaed. the soul being simple, passeth into another life, incapable of corruption. The souls of men are divine, to whom, when they go out of the body, Cic. de amicit. the way of their return to heaven is open, which to the best and most just is the most expedite. The souls of the good after death, Plat. Phaed. are in a happy estate, united to God in a blessed inaccessible place; the bad, in convenient places, suffer condign punishment; but to define what those places are, is hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whence being demanded what things were in the other world, Stob. Eth. 269. he answered, neither was I ever there, nor ever did I speak with any that came from thence. Sect. 2. Ethics. HIs morals, consider a man either as a single person, or as the father of a family, or as a member of the commonwealth; In the first respect are his Ethics, wherein such sentences as have been preserved by Xenophon, Diogenes Laertius, Stobaeus, and others, are thus collected. Of virtue and vice. HE exhorted his friends to Endeavour to be the most wise and beneficial, * Xen: mem. 1: p. 720. because, what wants reason, wants respect, as the bodies of dead friends, and hair, nails, and the like, which are cut off and cast away. To be employed is good and beneficial, to be idle hurtful and evil: Xen mem. 1. p. 720. they that do good are employed, they that spend their time in vain recreations are idle. He that hath most advantage by gifts of nature, Xen. mem. 3. p. 778. as well as he that hath least, must learn and meditate on those things wherein he would be excellent. He only is idle who might be better employed. Xen. mem. 3. p. 779. To do good, Xen. mem. 3. p. 78. is the best course of life, therein fortune hath share. They are best, Xen. mem. 3. p. 780. and best pleasing to God, who do any thing, with any art or calling; who followeth none, is useless to the public, and hated of God. * Clem. Alex. Strom. 2. 417. He taught every where, that a just man and a happy were all one, and used to curse him who first by opinion divided honesty and profit ( Cicer. de. offic. 3. & de leg. 1. which are coherent by Nature) as having done an impious act, for they are truly wicked who separate profitable and just, which depends on law. The Stoics have followed him so far, that whatsoever is honest, the same they esteem profitable. He asked Memnon, a Thessalian, who thought himself very learned, Plut. de. amicor. multit. p. 93. and that he had reached (as Empedocles saith) the top of wisdom, what is virtue? He answered readily and boldly, that there is one virtue of a child, another of an old Man, one of a Man, another of a Woman, one of a Magistrate, another of a private Person, one of a Master, another of a Servant. Very good, replies Socra●es: I ask for one virtue, and you give us a whole swarm; truly conceiving, that he knew not one virtue, who named so many. Being demanded by Gorgias If he accounted not the great King of Persia happy? Plut. de lib. educ. I know not, answered he, how he is furnished with learning and virtue: as conceiving that true happiness consisteth in these two, not in the frail gifts of fortune. Euripides in his Auge saying of virtue; Laert. It is best carelessly to part with these; he rose up and went away, saying, It was ridiculous to seek a lost servant, or to suffer virtue so to go away. La●rt. He said, he wondered at those who carve Images of stone, that they take such care to make stones resemble men, Laert. whilst they neglect, Laert. and suffer themselves to resemble stones. He advised young men to behold themselves every day in a glass, * What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means, is explained by Aristotle, polit. 5. 3. & physic. 5. 4. that if they were beautiful, they might study to deserve it; if deformed, to supply or hide it by learning. He said, to begin well is not a small thing, * Clem. Alex. strom. 5. but depending on a small moment. He said, virtue was the beauty, vice the deformity of the soul. He said, * Nonn in Greg. Stelicut. outward beauty was a sign of inward beauty, and therefore chose such Auditors. In that life of man as in an Image every part ought be beautiful. Stob. Ech. serm. 1. Incense to God, praise is due to good men. Stob. 1. Who are undeservedly accused aught to be defended, Stob. 1. who excel others in any good quality to be praised, A Horse is not known to be good by his furniture, Stob. 1: but qualities, a man by his mind, not wealth. It is not possible to cover fire with a garment, Stob. 37. sin with time. Being demanded who live without perturbation? he answered, Stob. 46. th●y who are conscious to themselves of no ill. To one who demanded what Nobility is, Stob. 218. he answered, a good temper of soul and body. Of affections, Love, Envy, Grief, Hope, etc. THat two brother's God meant should be more helpful to each other then two hands, Xenep. mem. 2. feet, eyes, or whatsoever nature hath form; doubtless because if they love, they may great distance mutually help one another is the scope of his discourse with Chaeracrates. That all things are good and fair to those things where with they agree, Xen. mem. 3. but ill and deformed in respect of those things with which they agree not, is the conclusion of his second discourse with Aristippus. Envy is a grief, not at the adversity of friends, Xen. mem. 3. nor the prosperity of Enemies, but at the prosperity of friends; for many are so foolishly inclined as to malign those in good fortune, whom in misfortune they pitied. A ship ought not to trust to one Anchor, Stob 1. nor life to one hope. To ground hopes on an ill opinion is to trust a ship to a slight anchor. Stob. 16. The beauty of fame is blasted by envy as by a sickness. Stob. 139. Many adorn the tombs of t●ose, whom living, they persecuted with envy. Stob. 139. Envy is the saw of the soul. Stob. 139. Nothing is pleasant or unpleasant by nature but by custom. Stob. 144. Unseasonable love is like hate. Stob. 215. Being demanded, what is grievous to the good, he answered, the prosperity of the wicked. Stob. 240. Being demanded how a man might live without trouble, Stob. 240. he answered, it was not possible but that he who lives in a City or a Family must sometimes be afflicted. Wicked hopes like ill guides deceive a man and lead him into sin. Stob. 258. A woman cannot conceive without a man, Stob. 261. nor a good hope produce any benefit without labour. Winter had need of garments, Stob. 269. old age of disingagement from grief. In life as in a Theatre, Stob. 892. we should continue so long as the sight of things, and actions of life seem delightful. The mad should be bound, Xen. mem. 1. p. 7. 9 the ignorant instructed. That we should endeavour to shun the censorious, Xen. men. 2. and to apply ourselves to such as are candid, that we should undertake only such things as we can perform, and decline such as we cannot; that whensoever we undertake any thing, we should employ therein our utmost study and endeavour, is the sum of his advice to Eutherus. He said, Xen. mem. 3. the office of a wise man is to discern what is good and honest, and to shun that which is dishonest. They who know what they ought to do, Xen. mem. 3. and do it not, are not wise and temperate, but fools and stupid. Justice and every other virtue is wisdom. Xen. mem. 3. To be ignorant of ourselves, Xen. mem. 3. to seem to know those things whereof we are ignorant, is next to madness. That a pious person is rightly defined, Xen. mem. 4. such a one as knows what is lawful as to the gods; a just, he that knows what is lawful as to men; that a man is wise as far as he knows; that what is profitable is fair to that whereto it is profitable; that they who know how to use terrible things and dangerous are valiant, the contrary timorous, is the sum of his discourse with Euthydamus. He conceived the only wisdom of man to consist in not thinking he understands those things which he doth not understand. Cicer. To one that complained he had not benefited himself by travel, Senec. Epist. 1. 103 and not without reason saith he, because thou didst travel with thyself. He affirmed there is but one good thing, Laert. knowledge; one ill, ignorance; but that riches and nobility had nothing in them of worth, but on the contrary all evils. When a wise man openeth his mouth the virtues of his are manifested as Images in a Temple. Stob. 1. In navigation we ought to be guided by the Pilot; Stob. 28. & 42. in the course of life by those of better judgement. Being demanded what wisdom was, Stob. 28. he answered, the composure of the Soul, being demanded who were wise, they saith he, who not easily err. The souls reason augmenteth itself as in a play, Stob. 28. the wisest not the richest aught to bear the prize. Fugitives fear though not pursued, Stob. 32. fools though not in adversity are troubled. Seeing a young man rich and unlearned, a Stob. 31. behold (saith he) golden slave. The luxurious is hardly cured in sickness, Stob. 32. the fool in adversity. The coward useth arms against himself, Stob. 32. the fool money. Ac●illes armour sits not Thersiles, Stob. 32. nor the good habits of the soul a fool. Be not forward in speech, Stob. 87. for many times the tongue hath cut off the head. In war, steel is better than gold, Stob. 211. in life, wisdom excelleth wealth. Of Piety and Obedience. THat the greatest of vices is ingratitude, Xen. mom. 2. of obligations that to Parents, that a disobedient Son the Gods will not bless: nor men love as doubting his return of either, knowing he doth it not where so much is due; is the sum of his discourse with Apiles Our prayers should be for blessings in general, Xen. mem. 1. 722. 4. 804. for God knows best what is good for us, our offerings proportioned to our abilities, for he considers integrity, not munificence. He said (with the Pythian Oracle) that the Gods are to be worshipped according to the Law of the City where a man lives, Xen. mem. 1. 722. they who do otherwise, he thought superstitious and vain. The best way of worshipping God, Xen. mem. 4. 803. is to do what he commands. Superstition is obedient to pride as its parent. Stob. 43. A harsh Father like a severe law, must not withstanding be obeyed. Stob. 193. The reproof of a Father is a kind remedy; Stob. 201. it brings more ease than pain. Of fortitude and imbecility. THat a man ought to enure himself to voluntary labour & sufferance, Xen. mem. 1. so as what shall be imposed by necessity may appear in him not compulsive but free, that soft ways of living, in pleasures beget no good constitution of body, nor knowledge of the mind; That tolerance raiseth us to high attempts is the effect of his discourse with Aristippus. To one who was fearful to go so far on foot as Olympia, Xen. mem. 3. he demonstrated (to make the journey seem easy) that it was no more than his daily walk within doors, if extended at length, would easily reach. * Xen. mem. 3. One that complained he was weary of a journey, he reproved hi● for being more weary than his servant that followed him laden. He said, Plut. consol. ad Apollon. death resembled either a deep sleep, or a long journey out of our Native Country, or an absolute annihilation of soul and body, examining all which he affirmed, death to be in none of those respects evil; as to the first, saith Plutarch, it is not ill with those that sleep, and we esteem that sleep sweetest which is deepest; as if we look on it as a journey, it is rather a blessing, for thereby we are freed from the slavery and affections of the flesh which possess and infatuate the mind; in the last respect, it makes us insensible of ill and pain, as well as of good and pleasure. A statue stands firm on its base, Stob. 1. & 296. a virtuous man on firm resolutions. Voluntary labours are delighted with assurance of ease; Stob. 5. idleness, and transitory pleasures beget neither a good constitution of body, nor any good habit in the Soul. * Stob. 48. Being demanded what is strength? he answered, the motion of the soul with the body. Seeing the gates of Corinth strongly barred, * Stob. 49. he asked, dwell women here? An honest death, Stob. 269. is better than a dishonest life. He used to say, liberty is sister to sloth, Aelian. var. hist. instancing in the Indians and Persians, both lazy; the Phrygians and Lydians very industrious, as being under servitude. Of Temperance, Continence, and Contentedness. HE advised to shun all occasions of incontinence, Xen. mem. 1. affirming that such as conversed much with fair women could not easily be continent. That the sight and kisses of the fair, Xen. mem. 1. infuse a poison more dangerous than that of Scorpions and Spiders, is the sum of his discourse to Xenophon and Critobulus. That a free man ought not to entertain a servant addicted to pleasures, that he which is slave to pleasures, Xen. mem. 1. should pray to the gods for better Masters, is the conclusion of his discourse de continentia. That happiness consists not in luxury and pride, Xen. mem. 1. that to want nothing is divine, to want the lest next to divine, is the the conclusion of his discourse with Antipho. He advised such as could not easily abstain at feasts, Xen. mem. 3. to take heed of such things as persuade those that are not hungry to eat, and those that are not thirsty to drink, for they destroyed the appetite, the head, and the soul. He used to say merrily, Circ● turned men into Swine, by feasting them with such meats, but that ulysses, partly through Minerva's advice, partly through his own temperance, refraining from such things, remained unchanged. That health of body ought diligently to be preserved, Xen. mem. 3. as that whereon all knowledge of the soul depends. Is the sum of his discourse with Epigenes. He advised one that complained, Xen. mem. 3. he took no delight in his meat, to refrain from eating, whereby his diet would become more pleasant, cheap, and wholesome. In the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (to feast) the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies, Xen. mem. 3. that we should eat only such things as will not hurt the mind nor the body, and are easy to be gotten. That only temperate persons, Xen. mem. 4. that discern and choose the best things, refraining from the worst; that by temperance men become the most excellent, and most happy, sittest for discourse: is the sum of his discourse with Euthidemus. Hearing one of his friends say, this Town is exceeding dear, Plut. de anim. tranquil. Chian wine costs a Mina, purple three, a pint of honey five Denaries; he carried him to the Meal-men, hear, saith he, a pint is sold for an obolus; it is cheap living in this Town: then to those that sold Olives, a Chaenix two farthings; thence to the frippery, a Suit ten Drachmas: things are cheap in this Town. He said, the hungry wanted no sauce, Laert. the thirsty no choice of wines. He commended quiet and leisure above all things. Laert. He said, they who buy early fruits at dear rates, Laert. believe they will not come in their due season. Being asked what was a young man's virtue? he answered, Laert. to do nothing too much. Seeing one eat broth very greedily, he said, Laert. Which of you here present useth bread for broth, and broth for bread? Of which, see more at large, Xenophon his Memorab. Lib. One saying, that it was a great matter to abstain from what a man desires, he answered, Aelian. var. hist. 9 but it is much a greater not to desire at all. A clear fire becomes the chimney, serenity the mind. Stob. 28. He said, Stob. 37. We ought not to seek pleasures in others, but in ourselves, the body being predisposed according as it ought. He said, Stob. 37. It is the property of God to need nothing, to need least, nighest to God. Being demanded from what things we ought to refrain most, Stob. 37. he answered, from sordid unjust pleasures. Contentedness is like a short and pleasant way, Stob. 37. it hath much delight, little toil. He that would see virtue as his Country, must pass by pleasures, as Sirens. Stob. 37. Being demanded whom he thought richest, he answered, Stob. 40. him who is contented with least; for content is the riches of Nature. Being demanded what continence is, he answered, Stob. 84. government of corporeal pleasures. He said, Stob. 8 the wicked live to eat, but the good eat to live. When a woman saith she loveth thee, Stob. 183. take heed of those words, more than when she revileth thee. Of Liberality, Prodigality, and Covetousness. HE conceived, Xen. mem. 1. that they who took money of any, owned them for their Masters in the meanest degree of servitude. That wisdom is prostituted as well as beauty, Xen. mem. 1. by taking money for it; that he who meets with an ingenious person, aught to acquaint him with all the good he can gratis, whereby he acquires a friend, and doth the part of a good member of the commonwealth; is the sum of his second discourse with Antipho. He said, D. Basil hom. 24. de legand. lib gentle. if a rich man be proud of his wealth, that he could not praise him, till he knew how he would employ it. None can safely manage a horse without a bit, Stob. 28. nor riches without reason. He compared covetous persons to birds, Stob. 54. one devours what ever it meets till it chokes itself, the rest falling upon what the first left, are one after another choked also. The wealth of covetous persons is like the Sun after he is set, Stob. 55. delights none. He that gives to a rich man throws water into the Sea. Stob. 77. The life of a covetous person is like the feasts made for the dead, Stob. 78. he hath all, but enjoys nothing. He compared the wealth of prodigals to figtrees, Stob. 230. growing on a precipice, for these, none are the better, but Kites, and Crows; for those only harlots and flatterers. Being demanded who were covetous, he answered, Stob. 230. such as seek after sordid gain, and neglect their necessary friends. Wine changeth with the Vessel, Stob. 231. riches follow the manners of the owner. Of Magnanimity and Pride. TO one angry for having saluted a man that returned not his salutations; Xen. mem. 1. It is ridiculous, saith he, if you are not angry with every one you meet of worse shape or for● than yourself, to be angry with any for having least manners. Pride like an ill potter or statuary represents the forms of things inverted. Stob. 43. Wind puufs up empty bladders, opinion fools. Stob. 43. To be exalted with good fortune, is to run in a slippery way. Stob. 246. Of Patience. THere is less danger in drinking intemperately of troubled water, Plut. de his qui sero a num. Fun. then with a troubled mind full of wrath, before it be allayed and purified to satisfy thy anger in the punishment of a kinsman or countryman. If every one should bring his misfortunes into a public stock to be shared alike amongst all men, Plut. de consol. ad Apollon. the greater part of those that now complain so much, would be contented and glad to keep their own. It is all one if a man being overcome in any gymnick sports should sue his adversary, Stob. 256. as for a man over mastered by Fortune to accuse her; not knowing upon what conditions we entered into the contests of life. Of Veracity and Flattery. THere is no better way to glory then to endeavour to be good, * Xen. memor. 1. as well as to seem such. The kindness of flatterers is chased away by adversity. Stob. 64. Hunter's take hares with hounds, Stob. 64. many take fools with their own praises. Wolves resemble dogs, Stob. 64. and flatterers friends, but their aims are quite contrary. Flattery is like a painted armour, only for show, not use. Stob. 64. Think not those faithful who praise all thy words and actions, Stob. 69. but those who reprove thy faults. Suffer not a talker and slanderer, Stob. 71. for he tells not thee any thing out of good will; but as he discourseth the secrets of others, so will he thine to others. Good men must let the world see that their manners are more firm than an oath. Stob. 114. Of Urbanity and Conversation. A Little Hall will serve to dance in, Plut. de sanittuend. and every place and posture to speak. Wind kindles fire, Stob. 37. conversation Love. Freedom of discourse like the seasons of the year, Stob. 67. is best in its proper time. It's arrogance to speak all, Stob. 134. and to be unwilling to hear any thing. Converse at distance, Stob. 296. and softly with those that are in Authority. Of justice.. THat the Gods prescribe just things by law, Xen. mem. 4. and that just and lawful is to them the same thing, is the sum of his discourse with Hippias. They who convert goods ill gotten to good uses in a commonwealth, Stob. 52. do like those who make religious use of sacrilege. Of Friendship. THat a discreet virtuous friend is of all possessions the most fertile, Xen. mem. 2. and ought chiefly to be regarded, is the scope of his discourse, de amici●ia. That every man should examine himself of what value he is to his friend, Xen. mem. 2. and endeavour to be of the most worth he can to him, is the effect of his discourse with Antis●henes: That wicked men cannot be friends, Xen. mem. 2. either amongst themselves, or with the good: That the way to procure friends is, first, to endeavour to be good, wherein he would seem good; that all virtues may be augmented by study and learning, is the scope of his discourse with Critobulus. That we ought to our utmost abilities to relieve the necessities of our friends, Xen. mem. 2. is the effect of his discourse with Aristarchus. He said, Plut. de srat. amore. he had rather have Darius to his friend, than his Daricks, a coin so named from him. He wondered that every man kept an inventory of his goods, Laert. none of his friends. They who violate friendship, Stob. 213. though they escape the punishment of their friends, shall not escape the vengeance of God. They who forsake their own brethren to seek out other friends are like those who let their own grounds lie fallow to till another's. Stob. 213. Fear not a friend in adversity. Stob. 213. We esteem not that corn best which grows on the fairest ground, Stob. 218. but that which nourisheth best, nor him a good people or friend who is of highest birth, but most noble in qualities. Physicians must relieve the sick, Stob. 258. friends the afflicted. It's pleasant to grow old with a good friend and sound sense. Stob. 263. Sect. 3. Economics. IN the second respect are his Economics, which he learned of Ischomachus, by Xenophon expressly delivered in a treatise upon that subject, to which add these few sentences. So contrive the building of your house, Xen. mem. 3. as that those parts which are towards the South may be highest, that the winter Sun be not excluded; those towards the North lowest; that they may be less subject to wind; In fine, so order it, that a man may live in every quarter thereof with most delight and safety: Pictures and colours take away more pleasantness than they afford. To one who beat his servant for gluttonous, Xen. mem. 3. p. 7. 88 see more there. covetous, and idle, he said, did you at any time consider whether you deserve not more to be beaten yourself? Laert. To one that asked his advice about taking a wife, Stob 183. whether you do or do no: saith he, you will ●●pent it. To others that asked his opinion concerning marriage, Stob. 183. he said, As fishes in a net would fain get out, and those without wo●ld get in, take heed young men it be not so with you. Men must o●●y the laws of their Country, Stob. 193. wives their husbands. Sect. 4. Politics. IN the 3d. respect are his politics, which. Hesychius Illus●ius makes to be the same which Plato hath delivered under this name, where you may have them though disguised with the language and additions of Plato, to which may be annexed those sentences of his in that kind out of Xenophon, Stobaeus, and others. They who cannot upon occasion be useful either to an Army, Xen. mem. ●. a City, or a Commonwealth; yet have confidence of themselves, ought, though never so rich, to be under restraint. Antipho demanding how he might make others skilful in Politics whilst himself meddled not therein, Xen. mem. 1. although he knew that he could manage them, which way saith he; Antipho, I do most act the business of the Commonwealth, if I practise it only, or if I endeavour to make many able to act therein. That place is fittest for Temples and Altars which is most open, Xen. mem. 3. and yet retired; for it is fitting that they who pray see, and no less fitting that they come thither pure. They are not Kings, Xen. mem. 3. 779. who are in possession of a Throne, or come unjustly by it, but they who know how to govern. A King is a ruler of willing Subjects according to the Laws, Xenop. mem. 4. 813. a Tyrant is a ruler of subjects against their will, not according to the Laws, but arbitrary; an Aristocracy is that government wherein the Magistrates are. The offices of a good Citizen are in peace to enrich the Commonwealth, Xen. mem. 4. in War to subdue the Enemies thereof, in Embassy to make friends of foes, insedition to appease the people by eloquence. Of common people he said, Laert. they were as if a man should except against one piece of bad money, and except a great sum of the same. He said, Clem. Alex. strom. 4. the Law was not made for the good. Deserving persons ought to be sharers in the good fortunes of the Commonwealth. Stob. 141. Being demanded what City is strongest? Stob. 141. he said, that which hath good men. Being demanded what City is best ordered? Stob. 141. he said, that wherein the Magistrates friendly agree. Being demanded what City is best? Stob. 141. he said, that wherein are proposed most rewards for virtue. Being demanded what City lives best, Stob. 141. he said, that which liveth according to law, and punisheth the unjust. CHAP. VI Of his Daemon. THat Socrates had an attendant spirit (meant as Plutarch conceives by the * Sup. cap. 2. Oracles answer to his Father) which diverted him from dangers, is impugned by Athenaeus, not without much prejudice, which the bitterness of the discourse betrays, souls that are not candid, and think ill of the best, saith Origen, never refrain from Calumny, seeing that they mock even the Genius of Socrates as a feigned thing. On the contrary, we have the testimony of Plato, Xenophon and * Apud. Athenaeum. ● Antisthenes contemporary with him, confirmed by Laertius, Plu ●arch, Maximus Tyrius, Dion Chrysostomus, Cicero, Apuleius, by Fathers, Te●tullian, Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus and others, whereof a great many instances (as Cicero saith) were collected by Antipater: these only preserved by other Authors. De divinat. ib. 1 Theocritus going to consult Euthyphron a Soothsayer, * Plut. de Gen. Socr. found him with much company walking in the streets, amongst whom were Simias and Socrates, who was very busy, ask him many questions. In the midst of his discourse he mave a sudden stop, and after some pause, turned back and went down another street, calling out to the rest of the company to return and follow him, as being warned by the Daemon. The greater part did so, the rest went forward, on purpose to confute the Daemon, and drew along with them one Charillus that played on the flute; but in the way which was so narrow, as not to give them room to pass by, they were met and overturned in the dirt by a great herd of swine; by repetition of which accident, Charillus often afterwards defended the Daemon. Nor did the advice of this spiritual attendant only respect the good of Socra●es, but extended to such friends as conversed with him, whereof himself gives these instances. * Plato. Theag. Aelian var. hist. 8. 1. Charmides Son of Glauco, going to exercise in the Nemean race, as he was discoursing with Socrates, was by him upon notice of the voice dissuaded from going, to which he answered, that perhaps the voice only meant that he should not get the victory, but, said he, however I shall advantage myself by exercising at this time, which said, he went to the Games; where he met with some accident, which though it be not related, is acknowledged to have justified the counsel given him by the Daemon. Tymarchus and Philemon Son of Philemonides having plotted together to murder Nicias, * Plat. Theag. Son of Hircoscomander, were at the same time drinking with Socrates. Timarchus with intention to execute what they had determined, offered to rise from the table, saying to Socrates, well Socrates, drink you on, I will but step a little way and return immediately. Rise not said Socrates, (hearing the Daemon as soon as he spoke) for the Daemon hath given me the accustomed sign; whereupon he sat still, presently after he offered again to be gone; Socrates hearing the voice withheld him. At last, as Socrates was diverted by something, and did not mind him, he stole away and committed the murder, for which being brought to execution, his last words to his brother Glitomachus were, that he was come to that untimely end for not obeying Socrates. Another time, seeing his friend Crito's eye tied up, Cic. de divinat. 3. he asked him the reason, who answering, that as he walked in the field, one pulling a bough, it gave a jerk back, and hit him in the eye; Then you did not take my advice, replies Socrates, for I called you back, making use, as I have accustomed of divine presage. That it had likewise a great influence upon the souls of those who conversed with him, and lived with him, * Plat. Theag. he allegeth as examples Aristides Son of Lysimachus, and Thucydides Son of Melissus. The first leaving Socrates to go to the wars, lost, with his company, the habit of learning, which he acknowledged to have gained, not by any verbal instructions, of which he had none from him, but by being near him, seeing him, and sitting in the same room with him: The second as easily, by the same means attained the same habit. And not only to particular persons, but to general affairs did these predictions extend: He foretold some friends the defeat of the Athenian Army in Sicily, as is attested by Plutarch, and mentioned by himself in Plato, where he gives another fair example, or rather trial of the truth of the Daemons predictions, speaking of a business, whereof the event was at that time doubtful: * Plat. Theag. You will hear, saith he, from many in Sicily, to whom it is known what I foretold concerning the destruction of the Army, and we may now have an experiment if the Daemon speak true. Samionus, son of Calus is gone in an expedition, the sign came to me: he goes with Thrasylus to war against Ephesus and Jonia: my opinion is, that he will either be slain, or at least, in much danger, I greatly fear the whole design. These are his words in Plato, delivered as before, the event of that action, which fell out according to his prediction; for * Xenoph. hist. Graec. 1. Thrasylus was repulsed, and beaten by the Ephesians, the Athenians put to flight, with the loss of four hundred men; of which Victory the Ephesians erected two trophies. this was in the twenty one year of the Peloponnesian war. We have alleged the universal consent of Authors, that Socrates had such a spiritual attendant; yet is there some disagreement concerning the name, more concerning the nature of it. It is commonly named his Daemon, by which title, he himself owned it: Plato sometimes calls it his Guardian, Apuleius his God, because (saith Saint * De civ. dei. 8. 4. Augustine) the name of Daemon at last grew odious. But we must observe, that he did not account it a God, but sent from God, and in that sense affirmed the signs to come from God, to wit, by mediation of this spirit. This, besides other places we may argue from his first Epistle, where he speaks of the sign itself; he useth the word Daemon, when of the advice, whereof that sign was the instrument, he names God. Thus are we to understand these, and all other places of the same nature in Plato, where Socrates speaking of the Daemon saith, if it please God, you shall learn much, and the sign from God did not offer to stay me. As for the sign or manner of the prediction, * Plutarch. de gen. Socr. some affirm it was by sneezing, either of himself or others; if any chanced to sneeze standing before him, behind him, or on his right hand, he went immediately about that which he intended; if on the left hand, he refrained or desisted: if he sneezed himself before the enterprise, it was applausive, if in the action, dissuasive. There needs not much argument to prove this opinion. If this sternutation proceeded either from chance, or his natural constitution, it could not have that provident supernatural effect; if it proceeded from some more excellent outward cause, we recurre to the Genius. Others confine this prescience within the soul of Socrates himself, that he said, his Genius advised him, they interpret it, as we usually say, his mind gave him, or so inclined him: In this sense indeed Daemon is not seldom taken; but this is inconsistent with the description which Socrates gives of a voice and signs, ab exteriore, besides this knowledge is not above humane nature. Plutarch having exploded the opinion of Terpsion concerning sneezing, conjectured first, that it might be some apparition; but at last concludes, that it was his observation of some inar●culate unaccustomed sound (or voice) conveyed to him by some extraordinary way, as we see in dreams. This avoids not the inconvenience of the former; if Socrates did first of himself interpret this sound, it is the same with the last opinion, that his soul had a Prophetic inspiration, if by any help, it will come at last to the Genius. Some conceive it to be one of those spirits which have the particular care of men; which Maximus Tyrius, and Apuleius describe in such manner, that they want only the name of a good Angel. But there want not those who give it that appellation: * De Orig. error. 2. 15. Lactanius having proved that God sends Angels to guard mankind, adds, and Socrates affirmed that there was a Daemon constantly near him, which kept him company from a child, by whose beck and instruction he guided his life. Eusebius upon these words of the Psalmist, He hath given his Angels charge over thee, In Psal. 91. that they should keep thee in all thy ways. We learn out of Scripture (saith he) that every man hath a Guardian appointed him from above; and Plato doubteth not to write in this manner: All souls having chosen a condition of living, they proceed in order thereunto, being moved by the Daemon, which is proper to every one, and is sent along with them to preserve them in this life, and to perfect those things whereof they have made choice. And immediately after; You may believe, saith he, that Socrates meant this, when he often affirmed that he was governed by a Daemon. More plainly * De perenn. philos. 25. Eugubinus, The Daemon of Socrates, saith he, mentioned so often by Plato (seeing that Socrates was a good man, and exhorted all men to virtue, and by the Daemon was always excited to that which was good) may perhaps not unjustly be thought his Angel, as that which appeared to Balaam the Prophet, and diverted him from his wickedness. * Argum. ad Apol. Soc. But Ficinus expressly; If you are not pleased, saith he, speaking of this spirit, to call the familiar guide of a man his spirit, call it, if you please, his good Angel. The chiefest argument of * De anim. pagan. 5. 14. Collius, who opposeth this opinion, and endeavours to prove it was an evil spirit, is, that the Daemon never dissuaded or diverted from vice, but only from outward danger, whereas the contrary is evident enough from the foregoing story of Tim●●●●us and Philemon. True it is, that the advice of the Daemon was always dissuasive, never, as * De divinat. 1. Cicero saith, impulsive, often coercive. Apuleius flatters Socrates with this reason; Socrates, saith he, as being a man absolute and perfect of himself, ready in all offices that concerned him, never needed any exhorter, but sometimes a prohibitour, if it happened there were any danger in that which he went about, that being forewarned he might take beed, and decline the undertaking for that time; which afterwards he might reassume, or attempt some other way. CHAP. VII. His military Actions. * Eaert. IT is observed by many, that Socrates little affected travel, his life being wholly spent at home, saving when he went out in military service. In the second year of the eighty sixth Olympiad broke forth a war, the greatest that ever happened amongst the Grecians, betwixt the Lacaedemonians and the Athenians, the occasions and pretexts of it arising from the controversies of the Athenians with the Corinthians, concerning Corcyra, and Polydaea, both which being revolted from the Athenians, to whom they had been tributary, sought for aid from the Lacedæmonians, who sent forces to the relief of Polidaea. In this war was Socrates thrice personally engaged; first, at the siege of Polidaea, in the year of the Olympiad, against which the Athenians sent one thousand six hundred choice men of arms, under the conduct of Phormis, who besieged it from the Sea by his Galleys, and on the land side by a wall: amongst these were Socrates and Alcibiades: Laertius saith, they were on the sea side, and that there was no means to come on the land side further. * Sympos. Plato, that they served both afoot, which disagrees not with the other; for there was not any set battle during all the time of the siege, only sallies and skirmishes. Here as * Plut. Sympos. Alcibiades his comrade, attests, Socrates outwent all soldiers in hardiness; and if at any time, saith he, as it often happens in war, the provisions failed, there was none could bear the want of meat and drink like him, yet on the other side in times of feasting, he only seemed to enjoy them, and though of himself he would not drink, yet being invited, he far outdrank all others, and which is strangest of all, never any man saw him drunk. The excesses of cold in the winter, which in that Country are extraordinary, he as wonderful endured, when the frost was so sharp, that very few durst go out of their Tents, and those wrapping their legs and thighs in skins and furs, he went along with them, having no more clothes than those he usually wore: He walked bare footed upon the Ice with less tenderness, than others in shoo●s, to the wonder of the soldiers who thought themselves reproached by his hardiness. His contemplative rapture at the same time was no less worthy admiration; he fell into a deep contemplation one morning, and continued all the while standing in the same posture, at noon it was taken notice of by the soldiers, who told it from one to another, that Socrates had stood still in the same place all that morning: In the evening some Ionian soldiers wrapping themselves warm, came, and lay down by him in the open field, to watch if he would continue all night in the same posture, which he did, until the morning, and assoon as the Sun arose, saluted it, 〈◊〉 retired. Of these kind of raptures Agellius saith he had many. Lib. 2. cap. 1. We must not omit how he behaved himself there in fight; * Plut. Symp. Athen. deipnos. citing Antisthenes. seeing his friend Alcibiades deeply engaged, and much wounded, he stepped before him, defended him and his arms from the enemy, and brought him safely off. Nor was his modesty inferior to his love or courage, for whereas after the battle the generals were to bestow an honourable reward upon him that had fought best, the Judges assigning it to Socrates, he declined it, and by his earnest intercession, procured that it might be conferred upon Alci●iades. The second action of Socrates was in the first year of the eighty ninth Olympiad at Delium, a Town in Boetia, which the Athenians took. The Boetians (saith Thucydides) led by Pagondas, followed them, & bid them battle, the left wing of the Boetians to the very middle of the Army was overthrown by the Athenians, and fled to the other parts, where they were yet in sight: but the right had the better of the Athenians, and by little and little forced them to give ground, and followed them from the veryfirst. Pagondas, whilst the left wing of his Army was in distress, sent two companies of horse secretly about the hill, whereby that wing of the Athenians which was victorious, apprehending upon their sudden appearing that they had been a fresh Army, was put into a fright, and the whole Army of the Athenians, now doubly terrified by this accident, and by the thebans that continually won ground, and broke their ranks, betook themselves to flight, somefled towards Delium and the sea, others the Mountain Parnes, and others other ways, as to each appeared hope of safety. The Boetians, especially their horse, and those Locrians that came in, after the enemy was defeated, followed killing them. Socrates in this engagement behaved himself with his accustomed valour (so well, that * Apud. Plac●n. La●hes confesseth, if the rest had fought like him, they had not lost the day) and care of his friends; * Strab. lib. 9 for seeing Xenophon unhorsed in the flight, and thrown down on the ground (himself likewise having had his horse slain under him, Laert. sought on too) he took him upon his shoulders, and carried him many a fladia, and descended him until they gave ever the pursuit. And being thus at the loss of the day with other dispersed in flight (amongst whom was Laches the Archon, and Alcibiades) * Plat. in the constant slowness of his retreat expressed a courage far above Lache's, frequently looking back and round about, as greedy to be revenged of the enemy if any should pursue them; which was the means that brought him off more safely, for they who express least fear in thrir retreat, are less subject to be assaulted, than such as repose their confidence in flying. * Plut. de daemon. Socr. & Socrat. Epist. 1. As they came to a way that was divided into two, Socrates made a stand, and advised those that were with him not to take that way which they were going into, along the Mountain Parne, but the other by the way Retiste, for saith he, I heard the Daemons voice. The greater part were angry, as if he had trifled at a time so serious; some few were persuaded to go along, amongst whom were Laches and Alcibiades, and got safely home; the rest were met by some horsemen, who returning from the pursuit, fell upon them; they at first resisted, but at last enclosed by the Enemy who exceeded them in number; they gave back, and were in the end oppressed, and all killed except one, who by the help of his shield getting away, brought the news to Athens, and Pyrilampes Son of Antiphon, who being wounded by a Javelin, was taken Prisoner; and when he heard by those that were sent from Athens to Thehes to treat of peace, that Socrates & the rest with him got safe home; he openly professed to the Thebans, that Socrates had often called him and others of his company back, who not following the advice of his Genius were slain. The last military engagement was the same year at * Plat. Apol. Laert. Amphipolis, * Thucyd. 4. which was then taken by Brasidas the Lacedaemonian General. CHAP. IX. How he carried himself in the Democracy & the Oligarchy. Socrates' forbore to accept any office in the Commonwealth, (except in his later years that of Senator) either (as * Var. hist. 3. Aelian saith) because he saw the Athenian government, though under the form of a democracy, was yet nearer to a Tyranny or Monarchy, or * Plat. Apol. as himself professeth▪ being dissuaded by his Genius from meddling in public affairs, which advice was his preservation, being too honest to comply with the injustices of the Commonwealth, and to oppose them was extremely dangerous, as he found experimentally in that short time. * Plat. Apol. Gorg. He was chosen to the Senate for the Antiochian tribe, whereunto ( * Chap. 1. as we have said) Alopece the Town were he was born belonged, and * Xen. memor. 1. p. 711. in order thereto took the oath which Solon appointed to be given to every Senator, to give sentence according to the Laws, not biased either by favour, hatred, or any other pretext: In the third year of the 93. Olimpiad ( * Plat. Apol. the pre-eminence coming in course to the Antiochian tribe, and Socrates thereupon becoming Precedent of the people,) he had this occasion of manifesting his constancy. * Xenoph. hist. Graec. 1. There happened a Sea fight between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians at Arginusae: The Athenian Commanders were ten; the Lacedæmonians Commander in chief, Callic, atidas; the Lacedæmonians were overthrown, their Adm●al sunk; the Athenians went back to Arg●uae with the loss of 25 ships, and all the men in them except some few that escaped to land; The ten Commanders ordered Theramenes and Thrasilulus (Captains of the Galleys) to look out after the vessels that were shipwrackt, which as they were going to do, a sudden tempest arose and hindered them; Six of these Commanders returned to Athens where they no sooner came, but upon the account they gave of the fight, the Senate committed them to prison; Theramenes was their accuser, who urged that they might be questioned for not relieving those that were lost by shipwreck; The Commanders justly answered, that they had given order for their relief, and that Theramenes and Thrasibulus, on whom that charge was imposed, were (if any) to be condemned; but that they would not retort the fault on their accusers, for the Tempest sufficiently excused them. This satisfied the Senate for that time, but at the next feast being the Apaturia, some friends of Theramenes, by his instigation shaving their hair, and putting on mourning apparel, pretending to be kinsmen of those that were drowned, came in that habit to the Senate, and causing the charge against the ten Commanders to be renewed, so much incensed the people, that they by menaces contrary to all law, enforced the Senate to condemn them. Socrates being ordered to write the decree against them, avoided it by pretending he could not write; and knew not the form, which occasioned laughter in the Senate (and perhaps that aspersion of Porphyrius, that he was scarce able to write, which when he did, it was to derision) but the true reason is by Athenaeus acknowledged to be his constant fortitude, in that he would not violate the laws of the Commonwealth contrary to the Oath he had taken, * Xenoph. memor. 1. to which he took more heed than to the violence wherewith he was threatened; For when the Senate proceeded to their condemnation, he * Laert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone opposed it with his suffrage, whereupon many Orators prepared to accuse him, and the people cried out with loud clamours, that he might be brought to answer for it: but he chose rather to hazard himself for Law and Justice, then through fear of imprisonment and death to consent to injustice, as the death of these men was afterwards known to be, even to the Athenians themselves: and was soon after punished in Theramenes by the like, wherein Socrates gave the same testimony of his Courage upon this occasion. Athens after a long war with the Lacedæmonians of 27. years, being taken at last by Lysander, the Lacedaemonian General in the first year of the 94th Olympiad, there grew some debate concerning the alteration of the Government, from a democracy to an Oligarchy; Theramenes stood for the continuance of the democracy, but being oveswaied by the power and threats of Lysander, yielded to the constitution of thirty persons, * Diod. Sic. lib 14. by title Governors, in effect Tyrants, of which number was Theramenes (whom they took, in regard of his known moderation and equity, to bridle the rapine and avarice of others) Critias, (first a friend, but now a great enemy to Socrates for reproving his love of Euridamus) Charicles and others, whose names are set down by Xenophon, as are also their murders unjust sequestrations of lands, and confiscations of goods; They began with punishment of the worst persons, proceeded to the richest, and ended with the best. Never (saith Seneca) was any City more miserable; 1300. (Aechines saith 1500.) of the best persons they put to death without any legal trial, nor was their fury thereby assuaged, but more exasperated; That City where was the Areopagus, the most religious Court of Judicature, where the Senate and people like the Senate used to assemble, was daily made a sad College of Executioners, an unhappy Court too narrow for the Tyrants without rest from oppression, without hope of liberty or remedy. All fled the City but Socrates, who all this while set not his foot out of the gates; he was continually amongst the people, comforted the lamenting Fathers, encouraged those that despaired of the state, reproached to the rich, that had lived in fear to lose their wealth, the late repentance of their dangerous avarice, and to those that would imitate him, gave great examples, whilst he walked free amidst the thirty oppressors. Theramenes opposing this cruelty and injustice, was accused by Critias for betraying the trust of the Commonwealth, whereof he acquitted himself to the satisfaction of the Senate; But Critias and his faction fearing he might overthrow the Oligarchy, seized upon him with a troop of soldiers; Theramenes run to the Altar, but being dragged from thence by the officers, he behaved himself like (saith Diodorus) the Disciple of Socrates; the people pitied him, but none of them durst offer to help him, because he was compassed in by the soldiers, except Socrates and two of his companions, who ran to him and endeavoured to rescue him out of the hands of the officers; Theramenes desired them to forbear, telling them that he much loved and commended their kindness and virtue, but that it would be the greatest misfortune he could have, if their love to him should occasion their deaths; whereupon Socrates and his companions seeing none come in to join with them in his aid, and that the contrary party was too strong for them, gave over: Theramenes was carried to prison, and there (being sentenced to drink hemlock) died. These outrages of the thirty Tyrants Socrates did not forbear to censure. * Aelian. var. hist. 2. Seeing many eminent persons put to death, and the rich circumvented & betrayed to excessive punishments, he said to Antisthenes, doth it repent thee that we have done nothing in our whole lives great & remarkable, as those Monarches who are described in Tragedies, Atreus', Thyestes' Agamemnon's and Aegisthus'? they are in those plays beheaded, teasted with their own flesh, and generally destroyed; Bu● no P●et was ever so bold and impudent as to bring a hog killed upon the stage. * Laert. To another who murmured b●cause he was not looked upon since they began to rule, are you sorry for it said he? He said likewise, * Xenoph. memor. 1. that it were strange if a Neatherd who diminished and impoverished his herd, should not confess himself an ill Neatherd; but more strange that one who being set over a City, made the Citizens worse, and their number less, should not confess himself an ill Governor. This came to their knowledge, whereupon Critias and Charicles sent for him, and forbade him strictly to teach or discourse with any of the young men. Socrates asked them, if in a●s of prohibition he might be permitted to question what he understood n●t, which they granting; Then (continues he) I am ready to obey the Laws, but lest I transgress them through ignorance, I desire to be informed, whether when you forbid me the act of speaking, this act be to be understood of things spoken rightly or not rightly; if of the first, I must abstain from speaking what is right; if of the second, I must take care to speak nothing but what is right; Hereupon Charicles being displeased, said, Since you understood not that Socrates, we command you what is easier to be understood, that hence forward you speak not at all with any of the young men; To take away all ambiguity replies Socrates, that I may not exceed my limitation; let me know expressly at what years you call a man young: so long saith Charicles, as he is uncapable of being Senator, and bathe not attained to the height of his judgemen; you are not to speak with any under thirty; May I not buy, answers Socrates, of any under that age, nor ask them the price of any thing? That you may, saith Charicles, but your custom is to ask questions of things which you know very well; forbear those: and shall I not then, replies Socrates, make answer if anyone ask me where Charicles dwells, or where Critias is? To such questions saith Charicles you may. You must (continues Critias) refrain from the artisicers, whose ears you have sufficiently grated with your impertinent discourse; I must then obstain (saith Socrates) from justice, piety, and the like; Even from the very Neat-herds replies Charicles, which unless you do, take heed your head come not short home. This ill will and jealousy which they had conceived against Socrates was increased by the secret departure of some friends of his out of the City, which was reported to be done by his contrivement, to give intelligence to the Thebans: nor was that suspicion without reason, as is manifest by his last Epistle: hereupon they sumoned him into the Court, where some complaints were brought against him, of which having acquitted himself, they (to get a better cause of quarrel against him) gave order to him and four more to go to the Pyraeum, and to apprehend Leon, whom they meant to put to death, that they might possess his estate: But Socrates refused, adding, that he would never willingly assist an unjust act; whereupon Cha●icles said, dost thou think Socrates to talk thus peremptorily, and not to suffer? A thousand ills, answered Socrates, but none so grievous as to do unjustly. Charicles made no reply, nor any of the rest; the other four went for Leon, Socrates directly to his house; but from thence forward, the jealousy they had of him was so much increased, that * Plat. Apol. if their power had not been soon dissolved, they would have gone near to have taken away his life. CHAP. XI. His falling out with the Sophists, and with Anytus. THe Sophists, Masters of language in those ●imes, saith * Brut: Cicero, (whereof were Gorgias of Leontium, Thrasymachus of Chalcedon, Protagoras o● Abdera, Prodicus a Cian, Hippias an Elian, and many others) who professed in arrogant words to teach, how an inferior cause (such was their phrase) might by speaking, be made superior, * Cic. Orator. and used a sweet fluent kind of Rhetoric, argute in sentences, lofty in words, sitter for ostentation then pleading, for the Schools and Academies, rather than the Forum) were so highly esteemed, that * Liban. Apol. wheresoever they came, they could persuade the young men to forsake all other conversation for theirs. * Cie. But. These Socrates opposed, and often by his subtlety of disputing, refelling their principles * Liban. Apol. with his accustomed interrogatories, demonstrated, that they were indeed much beneath the esteem they had gained, ●hat they themselves understood nothing of that which they undertook to teach others; he withdrew the young men from their empty conversation: These, who till then had been looked upon as Angels for wit and Eloquence, he proved to be vain affecters of words, ignorant of those things which they professed, and had more need to give money to be taught, then to take (as they used) money for teaching. The Athenians taken with these reproofs which Socrates gave them, derided them, and excited their children to the study of solid virtue. Another quarrel Socrates had of long continuance, for it was the occasion of his death, but begun many years before, with Anytus, an Orator by profession, privately maintained and enriched by Leather-sellers: He had put two of his sons to Socrates to be taught, but not being pleased, that whilst they were in that way, they had not learned so much, as to be able thereby to get their living; he took them from Socrates, and put them to that trade which himself was ashamed to own; wherewith Socrates being much displeased in respect of the two youths, whose ruin he presaged, (and truly, for they fell afterwards into debaucheries which occasioned it) spared not to reproach Anytus in discoursing to his Scholars, Socratic. Epist. telling them, That the Trade of dressing Leather was not sit to be spoken of amongst young men; for they who benefit themselves by any art, cherish and profess it, as Acumenus Physic, Damon and Connus Musl●ck; even Any us whilst his sons were his scholars, was not ashamed of that which they learned, though it were not sufficient to maintain them by pleading; but for himself he gloryed that he walked invisible with Pluto's Helmet, or Gyges' Ring, concealing from the people the true means of his subsistence, which indeed was by dressing Leather, which was not just, to be ashamed of the trade, and not of the profit; for he ought to own this, or to disclaim that. Anytus (saith * Var. hist. Aelian) to answer this reproach, studied all occasions and ways of revenge; but feared the Athenians, doubting if he should accuse Socrates, how they would take it, his name being in high esteem for many respects, chiefly for opposing the Sophists, who neither taught nor knew any solid learning. He * Scholar Aristoph. adviseth with Melitus, a young man, an Orator, unknown to Socrates, described by * Plato, with long plain hair, a high nose, and a thin beard, * Liban. one that for a drachine might be bought into any thing, by whose counsel * Aelian. He begins, by making trial in lesser things, to sound how the Athenians would entertain a charge against his life; for to have accused him upon the very first, he conceived unsafe, as well for the reason already mentioned, as lest the friends and followers of Socrates should divert the anger of the Judges upon himself, for falsely accusing a person so far from being guilty of any wrong to the State, that he was the only ornament thereof. To this end he suborns Aristophanes, a Comic Poet, whose only business was to raise mirth, to bring Socrates upon the Stage, taxing him with crimes which most men knew him free from, impertinent discourse, making an ill cause by argument seem good, introducing new and strange deities, whilst himself believed and reverenced none; hereby to insinuate an ill opinion of him, even into those who most frequented him. Aristophanes' taking this Theme, interweaves it with much abusive mirth; the best of the Grecians was his subject, not Cleon the Lacedæmonians, the Thebans, or Pericles himself, but a person dear to all the Gods, especially Apollo. At first (by reason of the novelty of the thing, the unusual personating of Socrates upon the Stage) the Athenians, who expected nothing less, were struck with wonder: Then, (being naturally envious apt to detract from the best persons, not only of such as bore office in the commonwealth, but any that were eminent for learning or virtue) they begun to be taken with the Clouds, (so was the play named) and cried up the actor that personated Socrates with more applause, than ever any before, giving him with many shouts the victory, and sending word to the Judges that they should set down no name but that of Aristophanes. Socrates came seldom to the Theatre, unless when Euripides contested with any new Tragedian, there, or in the Pyraeum, than he went, for he affected the wisdom, goodness, and sweetness of his verse; sometimes Alcibiades and Critias would invite him to a Comedy, and in a manner compel him; for he was so far from esteeming Comedians, that he contemned them, as lying, abusive, and unprofitable; whereat they were much displeased: These (with other things suggested by Anytus and Melitus) were the ground of Aristophanes his Comedy, who, it is likely, got a great sum of money by it, they being eager in prosecution of their design, and he prepared by want, and malice to receive their impression: In fine, the play got extraordinary credit, that of Cratinus being verified, The Theatre was then Filled with malicious men. It being at that time the feast of Bacchus, a multitude of Grecians went to see the play: Socrates being personated on the Stage and often named, (nor was it much the Players should represent him, for the Potters frequently did it upon their stone-jugs) the strangers that were present (not knowing whom the Comedy abused) raised a hum and whisper, every one ask who that Socrates was? which he observing (for he came not thither by chance, but because he knew himself should be abused in the play, had chosen the most conspicuous seat in the Theatre) to put the strangers out of doubt, he rose up, and all the while the play lasted, continued in that posture, ( * Aelian. var. hist. 5. laughing) * Plut. de educand. lib. One that was present asked him, if it did not vex him to see himself brought upon the Stage? Not at all, (answered he) me thinks I am at a feast, where every one enjoys me. * Scholar Aristoph This comedy was first acted when Isarchus was Archon, Cratinus victor in the first year of the eighty ninth Olympiad: Aristophanes being by some reprehended for it, to vindicate himself, caused it to be acted again the year following, Amintas being Archon, but with worse order than at first. * Lacrt. Amipsias also (another comic Poet) derided him thus in Tribone. O Socrates, the best of few, the vainest Of many men; and art thou come amongst us? Where is thy gown? did not this great misfortune Befall thee by the leather-dresser's help. CHAP. X. His Trial. Plat. Apul. Liban. Apol. MAny years past since the first falling out betwixt Socrates and Anyt●us, during which time one continued openly reproving the other, secretly undermining, until at length Anytus seeing the time suit with his design, procured Melitus to prefer a bill against him to the Senate, in these terms. Melitus Son of Melitus, a Pythean, accuseth Socrates' Son of Sophroniscus an Alopecian. Socrates violates the Law, not believing the ●●●ities which this City beliveth, but introducing other new Gods. He violates the law likewise in corrupting youth; the punishment death. This bill being preferred upon oath (Plato * See Suidas upon that word. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Crito became bound to the Judges for his appearance at the day of trial. * Liban. Apol. p. 644. Soon after Anytus sent privately to him, desiring him to forbear the mention of his Trade, and assuring him that he would thereupon withdraw his action; but Socrates returned him answer, that he would never forbear speaking truth as long as he lived, that he would always use the same speeches concerning him; that his accusation was not of force enough to make him refrain from speaking those things which he thought himself before obliged to say. * Xenoph. Apol▪ & memor. 4. The interval of time betwixt his accusation and trial, he employed in his usual Philosophical exercises, not taking any care to provide his defence, for which being observed & questioned by Hermogenes son of Hipponicus, I provide apology enough (saith he) in considering & pursuing the constant course of my life; Hermogenes demanding how that could be? because (saith he) I never did any unjust act, which I conceive the best apology: but we often see Judges (saith Hermogenes) overswaied by Rhetoric, to condemn the innocent and acquit the guilty: the truth is, (replied Socrates) going about to make my apology, I was twice withheld by the Daemon, whereat Hermogenes wondering, is it strange (continues he) that God should think it fit for me to die at this time? hitherto no man hath lived more uprightly, which as it is now my greatest comfort, so it was the greatest delight to myself and friends; if I live longer, I know I mustundergoe what is proper to old age, defects of hearing and sight, slowness to apprehend, aptness to forget, how can I then be pleased to live longer and grow worse: It is likely God in his love to me hath ordained that I should die in the most convenient age, and by the gentlest means, for if I die by sentence, I am allowed the benefit of the most easy kind of death; I shall give my friends the least trouble, I shall do nothing unseemly before those that are present, and shall depart sound in body and soul; is not this very desirable? God with much reason forbids me to make any defence; If I could effect it, I should only stay longer to be taken away by the torment of diseases and imperfections of age, which truly Hermogenes I desire not; If when I give an account of my actions towards God and men, the Judges think fit to condemn me, I will rather chufe to die then to beg of them a life worse than death. Other friends used the same persuasions to him with assurance of victory, * Cicer. de Oral. 1. Laeart. Lycias an excellent Orator offered him an Oration, which he had written in his defence, desiring him if he thought good to make use of it at his trial; Socrates perused it, and told him, that it was a good one, but not fit for him. Lysias ask how that could be? why (saith he) may not a garment or shoes be rich, yet not fit for me? if you should bring me Sicyonian shoes, I would not wear them though they were fit for my feet, because they are effeminate: he conceived the Oration to be ingenious and eloquent, but not stout and manly, * Plut. for though it were very bitter against the Judges, yet * Laert. was it more rhetorical than became a Philosopher. The day of trial being come, * Plat. Apol. Anytus, Lyco, and Melitus prepared to accuse him, one in behalf of the people, the second of the Orators, the last of the Poets: Melitus first went up into the chair proper for that purpose, and there spoke an Oration which was in it felt mean enough, but withal delivered so unhappily and school-boy-like, that sometimes he was out with fear, and turned about to be prompted like a player, enough to beget laughter, even in those that were most concerned in so serious a caufe: Part of the effect whereof seems to be the same which is thus by Xenophon dispersedly delivered, some particulars whereof are confirmed by Libanius. That Socrates persuaded his auditors to contemn the received Laws, saying, it was sit only for fools to be governed by a bean, (meaning the suffrages of the Senate so gathered.) That he was intimately conversant with Critias and Alcibiades, one most covetous and violent in the Oligarchy, the other ambitious of Tyranny. That he taught direspect and obedience to Parents, telling his scholars he would make them wiser than their Fathers, and that it was lawful for any one to bind his Father if he were mad, and for those that were the more wise to do as much to those that were less wise. That he taught also direspect of all other kinsmen, saying they were not useful to the sick, or to the accused, the first being in more need of a Physician, the latter of an Orator; that the good will of unable friends was nothing worth: that only the most knowing persons were most worthy of honour, by which means he would arrogate all respect to himself. That he selected out of the Poets some ill places, and perverted others that were not so, to excite his friends to impious actions; as that of Hesiod, There is no work pursued shame; 'Tis idleness, hat merits blame. He expounded, as if the Poet meant all acts might be committed for gain. That he often repeated and misinterpreted tese words of Homer, as if the poet allowed the poor to be beaten. When he a Prince or some great person meets, Such with soft language kindly thus he greets; Happy above the reach of fear are you; Sat down, and bid your followers do so too. But of the lower fort when any speaks, Forth these words with blows his anger breaks: Be quiet; to shy betters wretch submit; For action and advice alike unfit. Melitus (his oration ended) came down; * Liban. Apol. next him came Anytus with a long malicious speech, and last of all Lyco with all the artisice of Rhetoric concluded the accusation. Socrates * Cic. T●●c. would not (as was the custom) procure an Advocate to plead for him; all the while his accusers were speaking, he seemed to employ his mind about nothing less: as soon as they had done, quest. 1. he went up into the chair, ( * Cic. de divinat. 1. in which action he observed that the Daemon did, not withhold him) an● with * Socratic. Epist. 14. an angry smile begun this * Plat. Apol. unpremeditated answer, * Cic. Tusc. quest. 1. not as a suppliant or guilty person, but as if Master of the Judges themselves, with a free contumacy proceeding not from pride, but the greatness of his mind. * Xenoph. But I wonder first (Athenians) how Melitus came by this knowledge, that (as he saith) I do not worship those Gods the City worships? Others have seen me (and to might Melitus if he had pleased) sacrifice at common festivals on the public Altars; How do I introduce new deities when I profess to be directed in all my actions by the voice of God? they who observe the notes of birds, or answers of men, are guided by the voice: none doubts of thunder whether it be loud or oraculous; Doth not the Priestesse on the Tripod convey to us by voice what the God delivers to her▪ and that he foreknows events, communicating them to whom pleaseth him, all men (as well as I) believe and profess: others call those that foretell events, Augurs, Soothsayers and Diviners, I the Daemon, and (I conceive) more religiously than they who ascribe a Divine power to birds: That I am no impostor, herein many can attest, who have asked my advice, and never found it fail. (Here there arose a murmur in the Senate, some not believing, others envying what he said, that he should surpass them in such a particular favour of the deity;) Let such as are incredulous hear this also to confirm their opinion that I am not favoured of the Gods; when Chaerephon in the presence of many witnesses questioned the Delphian Oracle concerning me, Apollo answered, that no man was more free, more just, or more wise; (here another murmur arose amongst the Judges: he proceeded) Yet the same God faid more of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian Lawgiver, that he knew not whether to call him a God or a man; me he compared not with the Gods, though he gave me the priority amongst men. But trust not the God herein, consider me exactly yourselves; whom know you less a servant to corporeal pleasures? whom more free? I accept not either rewards or gifts? who more just than he who so conforms himself to the present time, as he needs not help of any other? who will say he deserves not the title of wife, who since he was able, never desisted to learn by enquiry all good possible▪ and that I took not this pains in vain, is evident in that, many Citizens and strangers studious of virtue, prefer my conversation above all others: what is the reason that though all men know I have no wealth to require them, so many desire to oblige me by gifts? that I require no return from any, yet engage so many? that when the City being besieged, every one lamented his condition, I was no more moved than when It was most flourishing? That whilst others lay out money on outward things to please themselves, I furnish myself from within, myself with things that please me better? If none can disprove what I have said, deserve I not the commendations both of Gods and men? and yet you Melitus pretend that with these instructions I corrupt youth; Every one knows what it is to corrupt youth; Can you name but one that I of religious have made impious, of modest impudent, of frugal, prodigal, of sober, debauched, of hardy effeminate, or the like? But I know those answered Melitus whom you have persuaded to be more obedient to you then to their own Parents. That as far as concerns instruction, replied Socrates, I confess; this they know to be my proper care; for their health men obey Physicians before their Parents, in Lawsuits Counsellors before their kindred; do you not in war prefer the most experienced soldiers to command before your own allies? yes answers Melitus, 'tis fit we should; and do you think it reason then, replies Socrates, if others are preferred for such things as they are excellent in, that, because in in the opinion of some, I have an advantage beyond others in educating youth, which is the greatest benefit amongst men, I ought therefore to die? * Plut de tranqu. anim. Anytus and Melitus (saith he, addressing himself to the Judges) may procure my death, hurt me they cannot: * Plut. de consol. ad Apol. To fear death is to seem wise, and not to be so; for it is to pretend to understand that which we understand not: no man knows what death is, whether it be not the greatest happiness that can arrive to a man, and yet all fear, and shun it as if they were sure it were the greatest misfortune. This and more (saith Xenophon) was said both by himself and his friends, but the Judges were so little pleased with his unusual manner of pleading, that * Leart: as Plato went up into the Chair and began a speech in these words; Though I Athenians am the youngest of those that come up in this place, they all cried out, of those that go down, which he thereupon was constrained to do, and they proceeding to vote, Socrates was cast by 281▪ voices; It was the custom of Athens, as Cicero observes, when any one was cast, if the fault were not capital, to impose a pecuniary muict; when the Judges had voted in that manner, the guilty person was asked the highest rate whereat he aestimated his offence; The Judges willing to favour Socrates, propounded that demand to him, He answered 25. (or as Eubulides saith, 100) drachmas, nor would he suffer * Xenoph. his friends, * Plate Apol. Plato, Crito, Critobulus, and Apollodorus (who desired him to aestimate it at 50. minae, promising to undertake the sum) to pay any thing for him, saying, that to pay a penalty was to own an offence, and telling the Judges that (for what he stood accused) he deserved the highest honours and rewards, and daily sustenance at the public charge out of the Prytanaeum, which was the greatest honour that was amongst the Grecians; with this answer, the judges were so exasperated, that they condemned him to death by 80. votes more. * Xenoph. Apol. The sentence being past, he could not forbear smiling, and turning to his friends, said thus, they who have suborned false witnesses against me, and they who have born such testimonies, are, doubtless conscious to themselves of great impiety and injustice; but as for me, what should more deject me now then before I was condemned, being nothing the more guilty: They could not prove I named any new Gods for jupitr, juno, and the rest, or swore by such: How did I corrupt young men by inuring them to sufferance and frugality? of capital offences, as Sacrilege, Theft, and Treason, my very adversaries acquit me; which makes me wonder how I come to be condemned to die; yet that I day unjustly will not trouble me, it is not a reproach to me, but to those who condemned me; I am much satisfied with the example of Palamedes, who suffered death in the like manner; he is much more commended then ulysses the procurer of his death; I know, both future and past times will witness, I never hurt, or injured any, but on the contrary have advantaged all that coversed with me to my utmost ability, communicating what good I could, gratis. This said, he went away, his carriage answerable to his words, his eyes, gesture, and gate expressing much cheerfulness. CHAP. XI. His imprisonment. Socrates (saith * Consol. ad Melu. Seneca) with the same resolved look, wherewith he singly opposed the thirty Tyran●s, entered the prison, and took away all ignominy from the place, which could not be a prifon whilst he was there: Here ( * Maxim. Tyr. being fettered by the eleven Officers) he continued * Xenoph. memor. 4. thirty days after he was condemned upon this occasion: * Plat. Phad. The ship which carried Theseus and fourteen more persons into Crect; he vowed if they got safe home (as it fortuned they did) to dedicate to Apollo, and to send it every year with a present to Delos, which custom the Alhenians religiously observed; before the solemnity, they used to lustrate their City, and all condenmed persons were reprieved till it returned from Delos, which sometimes, the wind not serving, was a long time. The Priest of Apollo began the solemnity, by crowning the Poop of the ship, which happening the day before Socrates was condemned, occasioned his lying in prison so long after. In this interval he was visited by his friends, with whom he passed the time in dispute after his usual manner: he was often solicited by them to an escape, some of them offered to carry him away by force, which he not only refused, but derided, ask, if they knew any place out of Attica whither death could not come? * Plat. Crit. Crito, two days before his death, came very early in the morning to him, to the same purpose, having by his frequent visits and gifts gained some interest in the jailor, but finding him asleep, sat still by him, admiring in the soundness of his sleep, the happy equality of his mind; assoon as he waked, he told him, that he came to bring sad news, if not such to him, yet to all his friends, that the ship would certainly be at home to morrow at furthest (some that came from Sunium affirming they had left it there) but that in all likelihood it would come that day, and he should die the next. In good timebe it, answered Socrates, but I do not believe it will come to day; for the day following I must die, as they say, who have the power in their hands; but that I shall not die to morrow but the day after, I guess by a dream I had this night, that a woman very beautiful in a white garment, saluted me by my name, saying, Thou, e▪ e three days are told, Rich Pthya shalt behold. (The same relation, according to Laertius, he made to Aeschines) This occasion Crito took to persuade him to save himselfe●, which he pressed with many arguments; That his friends, would be accused of covetousness, as more desirous to spare their wealth, then to redeem him; that it might be effected with little trouble and expense to them who were provided for it; that himself was rich enough to do it, or if not, Simmias, Cebes and others, would join with him; that he ought not voluntarily to thrust himself into destruction, when he might avoid it; that he should leave his children in an uncertain mean estate; that it would not be construed constancy but want of courage. Consider well these reasons, saith he, or rather (for it is now no time to stand considering) be persuaded, what is to be done, must be done this night● or it will be too late. Socrates' answered, that his cheerful readiness to relieve him was much to be esteemed, if agreeable to justice, otherwise, the less just, the more blamable: that opinion and censure ought not to be regarded, but truth and equity; that wrong must not be requi●ed with wrong; that faith should be kept more strictly with a City then with private persons; that he had voluntarily subjected himself to the laws of his Country, by living under their government, and to violate them at last, were great in justice: that by breaking Prison, he should not only draw his friends into many inconveniences, but himself also into many dangers, only to live and die in exile; that it such a condition, he should be nothing more capable to bring up his children well, but dying honestly, his friends would take the more care of them: That whatsoever inconvenience might ensue, nothing was to be preferred before justice; that it he should escape by treachery, the remainder of his life would be never the more happy, nor himself after death better entertained in the next world. These things (saith he) I hear like the Corybantian pipes, the sound of these words makes me dease to every thing else; therefore whatever you shall say to the contrary, will be to no purpose; but if you have any other business, speak. Crito answering, he had not any else, as for this then (concludes he) speak no more of it, let us go the way which God points out to us. CHAP. XII. THe time and manner of his death. The time of Socrates death, is formerly touched; the Marble at Arundell-House saith, he died when Laches was Archon, aged seventy years, which (according to Plato) were complete, for he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Leart Demetrus Phalerius saith, he died the first year of the ninety fifth Olympiad, having lived seventy years. * Lib. 14. Dioclorus Siculus avers, it was done in that year Baches being Archon. Although there be not any thing in the Greek story settled by better authority, than the years of Socrates; Leo Ailaius with much confidence, and little reason, controverts the received Chronology of his life and death, the occasion is this; the fourteenth of the Socratic Epistles published by him, mentioneth an oration of Polycrates, as spoken at the arraignment of Socraes'; but the Walls of Athens repaired by Conon six years after the death of Socrates, being spoken of in that Oration, the Epistle is thereby rendered suspicious, the truth seems to be this: After the death of Socrates, it became an ordinary Theme in the Schools of Rhetoric (which was at that time much studied at Athens) to speak for and against Socrates: Polycraes, a Sophister, to exercise his wit, wrote an invective: Ly●ias, a famous Orator, who died about the 100 Olympiad, had written (as we have already said) an Apologetic, which is by the Scholiast of Aristides cited in answer to Polycrates. Apologies were in like manner written by Plato, * Memorab. lib. 1. Xenophon, and (long after by) Libanius; although Isocrates admonished Polycrates of certain errors in his Oration against Socrates, yet the Anachronism continued, for Chronology was not yet studied in Athens; and thence it is that Plato himself is in that respect so much reprehended by A●henaeus, Aristides, Macrobius, and other: the writer of the Socratical Epistle admits polycrates as the accuser at the trial, and oration as then, and there spoken, so also doth Hermippus whom Laertius citys to the same effect; But Phavorinus a Critic of later times, when Chronology was more exact, detects the error by computation of times: Allatius will by no means have the criticism of Phavortnus allowed, and labours to introduce an uncertainty of the time, to the end he may persuade that Socrates lived beyond the reparation of the walls of Athens: the great Engine where with he labours to demolish all that hath been afferted by the ancients, is the testimony of Suidas, who (I know not upon what authority) saith he lived 80. years: his smaller artillery are the groundless emendation of Meursius, and the mistake of Scal●ger before noted; the absurd Metachronism of the Chronicum Alexandrinum, which makes Socrates die in the 104th Olympiad, and in the 90th year of his age; the anistoresie of the unknown writer of Aristoles life, who supposeth him in the 17th. year of his age to have heard Socrates three years, and which is most ridiculous, the notorious anachronisms of Plato must serve asirrefragable arguments to impugn the truth. With these proofs in the sophistical disguise of a Dialogue, he endeavours to puzzle the unwary reader. The manner of his death receive from Plato in the person of Phaedo an Eyewitness; Every day (saith he) I went with other friends of his to visit him; we met in the Court where he was tried, it being near the prison; where we entertained ourselves with discourse till the prison was opened, then went in unto him and spent many times the whole day with him: But that day we met sooner than ordinary, for the evening before as we came out of the Prison, we heard the ship was come from Delos, and thereupon we appointed to meet early the next morning at the usual place, where being come, the Porter came out to us, and told us that that we must stay a while before we could be admitted, for the eleven Officers were there taking off his fetters, having brought him word that he must die to day: not long after he came out again, and told us we might go in, where when we came, we found Socrates his fetters newly taken off, and Xantippe sitting by him with a child in her arms: She as soon as she saw us burst forth into tears, and cried out ah, Socrates, this is the last time thy friends shall ever speak to thee, or thou to them, Crito (saith Socrates, addressing himself to him) let some body carry her home; whereupon some of Crito's servants lead her away exclaiming, and beating her breast. Socrates who was sitting upon the bed, drew up his leg and rubbed it, saying the whilst, How strange a thing, friends, is that which men call pleasure, how near a kin to pain to which it seems so contrary? they arrive not indeed together, but he that takes one, is immediately overtaken by the other, as if they were tied together▪ If Aesop had observed this, certainly he would have made some fable of it, as if God willing to compose their difference, had joined them by the end, not being able to make them absolutely one; so that whosoever hath one, must straight have the other also; As it happens to me at this time, the pain my ●etters even now gave me, is now turned to a kind of pleasure, and tickles me. You have opportunely (said Cebes) put me in mind to ask, why since your imprisonment (which you never did before) you have writ Poems, a hymnne to Apollo, and Aesop's Fables rendered into verse; many have questioned me about it, particularly E●●nus, if he repeat this demand, what answer shall I give him? Tell him (answers Socrates that truly I did it not to to contend with him and his verses, but to comply with a dream (which I have had more than once) enjoining me to practise Music; in obedience whereunto I first made verses in honour of the God whose feast this was; Then, conceiving it essential to a Poet to write sictions, which of myself, I use not, I made use of some of Aesop's which I had in memory, as they first came into my fancy; Tell Euenus this, and bid him from me farewell, and if he be wise, follow me, for it seems I must go hence to day, the Athenians have so ordered it. What is that said Stmmtas which you bid Euemus do, I have often conversed with him, but as far as I understand him, he will not be at all ready to be ruled by you; what, saith he, is he not a Philosopher? he seem so, answers S●mmias, than he will (replied Socrates) and so will all who deserve that name; but perhaps he will not lay violent hands upon himself, that is not lawful: and as he was speaking thus, he set down his leg again to the ground, and sitting so, continued all the rest of the dispute. Then Ce●es ask why, how it could be that it should be prohibited to one's self, yet that a Philosopher ought to desire to follow a dying person? he answered, men are the possessions of God, would you not be angry if your slave should kill himself against your will, and if it were in your power punish him? we must expect a suinmons from God, an inevitable necessity (such as I have at this time) to take us hence. This is truth, replied Cebus, but what you asserted even now is inconsistent with it; God taking care of us as his possessions, can a wise man desire to be out of his protection? he cannot think to mend his condition by freeing himself from so excellent a government Socrates seemed much pleased with the subtlety of Cebus, and turning to us said, Cebes is always inquisitive, nor will easily admit any thing; to me said Simmtas what he hath said seem●, reason, how can wise men endure, much less endeavour to part with those that are so much better than themselves? but Co●es herein reflects upon you, who are so ready to leave us, and the Gods whom you acknowledge good Governors▪ you say well, answers Socrates, I suppose your would have me answer as in a Court of Judicature; by all means saith Simmias●▪ well than replies he, I will endeavour to defend myself better against you then I did before the Judges: Truly did I not believe I should go to just Gods, and to men better than any living, I were inexcusable for contemning death; but I am sure to go to the Gods, very good Masters, and hope to meet with good men, and am of good courage, hoping that something of man subsists after death, and that it is then much better with the good then with the bad. Here Crito interrupting him, told him that he who was to administer the poison, advised him to speak little, & not heat himself with dispute; for it agreed not with that kind of poison, which some neglecting, had been constrained to take it two or three times: mind him not said Socrates, let him provide as much as may serve twice or thrice if need be; Then he proceeded in a large discourse to declare that the chief office of a Philosopher is to meditate on death; therefore he ought not to fear the approach of it; That as death is the solution of the Soul from the Body, so is it the office of a Philosopher to free the soul from corporeal affections; That if we understand the better, the more the soul is disengaged from sense, we shall understand most perfectly when she is wholly freed from the body by death, which perfection of knowledge is the sole end of Philosophy. This part of the discourse ended, Cebes occasions the renewing of it by the desiring him to prove the immortality of the soul, which he doth first from the necessary succession of generation & corruption as contraries, the ground of the Pythagorean transmigration; next from the Souls manner of reasoning, which being only by reminiscence argues it had a being before the body (when it had perfect knowledge of those Ideas which upon occasion of sensible objects it recovers) and consequently shall subsist after it; much more is spoken by Plato under his name, whereof almost all is manisestly Plato own, nor is it possible to select that which is not from the rest; the conclusion of his discourse (as contracted by Cicero was, Tusc. quast. pag. 127. That there are two ways, and a twofold course of Souls when they go out of the body: for such as have defiled themselves with humane vices given over to pleasures where with they are blinded, according as they are polluted with domestic sins, or have used inexpiable deceits to wrong the public, take a by way secluded from the Council of the Gods: But they who have preserved themselves entire & chaste from the least contagion of their bodyies, having always withdrawn themselves from them, and in humane flesh imitated the lives of Gods, find a ready way open for them, leading them to those from whom they came: and as swans are (not without reason) sacred to Apollo, because they seem to have learned divination from him, whereby foreseeing the good that is in death they die with songs and delight, so ought all good and knowing persons to do: * Plat. Let every one therefore prepare for this journey against the time that fate shall call him away; You Simmtas, Cebes and the rest here present shall go at your appointed hour, me sat now summons (as the Fragedian saith) and perhaps it is time that I go into the Bath, for I think it best to wash before I take the poison, that I may save the women the labour of washing me when I am dead. When he had made an end of speaking 〈◊〉 asked him what directions he would leave concerning his Sons and other affairs, and if they could do any thing that might be acceptable to him? I desire no more (saith he) than what I have often told you, if you take care of yourselves, whatsoever you do will be acceptable to me and mine, though you promise nothing, if you neglect yourselves and virtue, you can do nothing acceptable to us though you promise never so much; that answered Crito we shall observe; but how will you be buried? as you think good saith he, if you can catch me, and that I give you not the slip then with a smile applying himself to us, I cannot persuade Crito saith he, that I am any thing more than the carcase you will anon behold, and therefore he takes this care for my innterment; it seems that what even no I told him that as soon as I have taken the poison I shall go to the joys of the blessed, hath been to little purpose; He was my bail, bound to the judges for my appearance, you must now be my sureties to him that I am departed; let him not say that Socrates is carried to the grave, or laid underground, for know dear Crito such a mistake were a wrong to my soul; be not dejected; tell the world my body only is buried, and that after what manner thou pleasest. This said, heearose and retired into an inner room, taking Crito with him, leaving us discoursing upon our own misery, shortly to be deprived like Orphans of so dear a Father. After his bathing, came his wife and the other women of his Family with his Sons, two of them children, one a youth; when he had taken order with these about his domestic affairs, he dismissed them and came out to us. It was now Sunset (for he 〈◊〉 stayed long within) when the officer entered, and after a little pause 〈…〉 not Socrates observ●d that carriage in you which I have found in others, but as I thought you the most generous over the 〈◊〉 and best of all men that ever came into this 〈◊〉 so I how see you hate me▪ not for that wh●● of other are the cause▪ you know the message I bring, farewell, bear what you cannot remedy, with that he departed weeping; and fare the● well. (said Socrates) I will: How civil is this man? 〈◊〉 found him the same all the time of my imprisonment, he would often 〈◊〉 me, discourse with me, used me always curt cously, and now see how kindly he weeps for me: but come Cri●o, let us do as he bids us, if the poison be ready, let it be brought in The Sun is yet scarce set answers Crito▪ others take it late after a plentiful supper and full cups▪ make not so much haste, there is time enough; he replies, they who do so think they gain time, but what shall I gain by drinking it late, only deceive myself as covetous of life, and sparing of that which is no longer mine; pray let it be as I say; Then Crito sent one of the attendants, who immediately returned, and with him the man that was to administer the poison, bringing a cup in his hand, to whom Socrates, prithee honest friend (for thou art well versed in these businesses) what must I do? nothing said he, but as soon as you have drunk, walk till you find your legs begin to fail? then lie down, and in so saying, he gave him the Cup; Socrates took it cheerfully, not changing either countenance, or colour; and looking pleasantly upon him, demanded whether he might spill any of it in libation, who answered, he had made no more than would just serve; yet saith Socrates I may pray to God, and will, that my passage hence may be happy, which I beseech him to grant, and in the same instant drank it off easily without any disturbance; many of us who till now had refrained from tears, when we saw him put the cup to his mouth and drink off the poison, were not able to contain any longer; which Socrates observing, friends (saith he) what mean you? for this reason I sent away the women left they should be so unquiet: I have heard we should die with gratulation and applause, be quiet then and take it patiently; These words made us with shame suppress our tears; when he had walked a while, perceiving his legs to fail, he lay down on his back as the Executioner directed him; who looking on his feet pinched them hard, ask him if he felt it, he answered no; he did the like to his legs, and showing us how every part successively grew cold and sti●●e, told us when that chillness came at his heart he would die; not long after liee spoke these his last words, O Crito I owe Aesculapius a Cock, pay it, negglect it not. It shall be done, said Crito; will you have any thing else? He made no answer, lay still a while, then stretched himself forth; with that the executioner uncovered him, his eyes were set, Crito closed them. This (saith Plato) was the end of the best, the wisest, and most just of men: A story, which Cicero professeth, he never read without tears. Aristole saith, that a Magus coming from Syria to Athens, not only reprehended Socrates for many things, but foretold him also that he should die a violent death. Laertius closeth his life with this Epigram, Drink Socrates with Jove, next whom enthroned, By Gods and wisdom's self as wisest owned. Thee, the Athenians gave a pois ' nous draught, But first same they from thy lips had quast. CHAP. XIIII. What happened after his death. HE was buried with tears and much solemnity (contrary to his own direction) by his friends, amongst whom, * Plut. de virt. mor. the excessive grief of Plato is observed by Plutarch, * Plut. vit. dec. Orat. and the mourning habit of Isocrates: As soon as they had performed that last service, fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants, they stole out of the City, the greater part to Megara to Euclid, where they were kindly received, * Liban. the rest to other parts. * Socrat. Epist. Soon after, I Lacaedemonian youth, who had never more acquaintance with Socrates then what fame gave him, took a journey to Athens, intending to become his disciple; being come as far as the City-gates, & ready to enter, with joy to be near the end at which he aimed, instead of Socrates, he meets there the news of his death, whereat he was so troubled, that he would not go within the City-gates, but enquiring the place where he was buried, went thither, and breaks forth into a passionate discourse, accompanied with many tears, to the enclosed dead body; when night was come, he fell asleep upon the Sepulchre; the next morning, affectionately kissing the dust that lay upon it; and with much passion taking leave of the place, he returned to Megara. Suidas tells a like story (for that there were more examples than one in this kind, Libanius implies) of a Chain, named Cyrsas, who coming to Athens to hear Socrates, went to his Tomb, and slept there, to whom Socrates appeared in a dream, and discoursed with him; with which only satisfaction he went directly home again. * Socrat. Epist. By these accidents the Athenians were awakened into a sense of their injustice, considering they were obnoxious to the censure of the Lacedæmonians by extraordinary crimes whose children were so affectionate to the Philosophers whom they had murdered, as to take such long journeys to see Socrates, whom they would not keep when he was with them; hereat they became so exasperated, that they were ready to tear those wicked men, that were the occasion of his death, piecemeal with their teeth, the whole City cried out, they disclaimed the act, and that the authors thereof ought to be put to death, Antisth●nes furthered their rage by this means * Laert 〈◊〉 Antisth. Some young men of Pontus invited. o Athens by the same of Socrates, met with Antisthenes, who carried them to Anytus, telling them, he was much wiser than Socrates; whereupon those tha●● present, with much indignation, turned Anytus out of the City: thence he went to Heraclea, where some say the Citizens also expelled him, * Themist. Orat. 2. others that they stoned him to death: Mlius was by the Athenians condemned and put to death, * Laert. others affirm the like of all his accusers without trial, * Diod Sic. 14. Socratic. Epist. Platarch, that they so much ha ●d them, * De invid. & 〈◊〉. as they would not suffer them to kindle ●ire at their houses, they would not answer them any question, they would not wash with them, but threw away the water they had touched, as impure, until unable to brook this hatred, they hanged themselves. In further testimony of their penitence, they called home his friends to their former liberty of meeting, they forbade public spectacles of games and wrestling for a time, they caused his Statue, made in brass by Lysippus, to be set up in the Pompeum, and (a Plague ensuing, which they imputed to the injustice of this act) they made an order, that no man should mention Socrates publicly, or on the Theatre, that so they might so, get what they had done: Euripides (restrained by this order from doing it directly) reproached them covertly in a Tragedy, named Palamedes (in whom he alluded to Socrates) particularly in these verses, A Philomele near mischief knew, Is stain (alas) is slain by you. At which words, all the spectators understanding they were meant of Socrates, fell a weeping. The death of this sole person (saith * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have been some gloss to explain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Callimach. Epigr. As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eunapius) brought a general calamity upon the City; for it may easily be collected by computation of times, * In Aedes: that from thence forward the Athenians did nothing considerable, but the City by degrees decayed, and with it all Greece. CHAP. XV. Of his person and virtues. AS to his person, he was * Plat. Phaedr. Theaetet. very unhandsome, of a melancholy complexion, * Schol Arisloph. bald, * Flat. Phaedr. Theaeter. a flat nose, eyes sticking out, a severe downcast look, difficult in speech, and * Flat. Protagor. too concise, his language rough and careless, but more efficacious than all the eloquence of Themistocles, Pericles, or any other; so acute, that he could maintain either side in any question, and therefore is reproached by Aristophanes, as having two languages, whereof one was to defend wrong; fervent in dispute, often so transported, that he would beat himself, and tear his beard, to the derision of the standers by, which he took quietly: Patient to be redargued; * Plut. Phaedr. sometimes he covered his face in discourse, that he might not be diverted by any object of sight: * Sen. Epist. 1. 103. His constitution strong and hardy, * Xenoph. mem. 1. Laert. which he preserved such, by taking diligent care of his health; * Plat. Sympos. well bearing cold, hunger, and upon occasions, excess of wine without disturbance: * Socrat. Epist. Liban. His habit the same in winter as in summer, having but one garment a year; * Plat. Phaedr. no shoes, his diet sparing. In fine, his countenance promised so little, that * Cicer. Tusc. quaest. 5. & de fato. Zopyr●s a Physiognomist who undertook to discover the dispositions of men by their looks, said, he was stupid, because there were obstructions in his jugular parts; adding, he was given to women and many other vices; whereat Alcibiades, and other friends of his that were present, knowing him free from those imputations, fell a laughing; but Socrates justified his skill, answering, he was by nature prone to those vices, but suppressed his inclinations by reasons, whence * Plat. conviv. Alcibiades used to say, he resembled the image of Silenus ( * Scholar Aristoph. p. 136. as he did indeed in his countenance, baldness, and flat-nose) carved on the outside of little boxes, sitting, and playing on a Pipe, for as those boxes within held images of the Gods, so was he adorned with chastity, integrity, and all inward beauty, revished as * Advers. Colos. Plutarch saith, with a divine zeal to virtue, in all kinds whereof, Xenophon, Laertius, and others, assert these instances. * Xenoph. He was so wise, that he never erred in judging betwixt better and worse, nor thereto needed any others help: Yet he constantly professed, that he only knew that he knew nothing; * Plut. adverse. Colo●. Liban. Apolog. for which reason he was by the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi, declared of all men the most wise, in this manner to Charephon, many witnesses being present; * Scholar Aristoph. Wise Sophocles, wiser Euripides, But wisest of all men is Socrates. * Academic. quaest. 1. Apollo (saith Cicero) conceiving the only wisdom of mankind to consist in not thinking themselves to know those things whereof they are ignorant. * Laert. This Oracle, though he were nothing exalted with it himself, procured him much envy. * Xen memor. 4. p. 818. He was so rligious, that he never did any b'ing, without advising first with the Gods, * Xen. mem. 1. p. 710. never was known to attempt or speak any impiety. * Pl●t Philib. He bore a reverence to the Gods, not human, but such as transcended the greatest fear: * Suid Some say it was out of his great reverence to the Divinity that he used to swear by ( * Scholar Arisloph. a Cock) a Dog and a Planetree, (under which they used to sit) though it were imerpreted Atheism. * Laert. He was constant, and a lover of the public good, as appears in his acquitting the ten Captains, in his denying the thirty Tyrants to fetch Leon in, his resusing to escape out a Prison, and reproving such as grieved for his doth. * Aelian. 9 Cic. Tusc. quaest. 3. offic. 1. Xantippe used to say, that when the State was oppressed with a thousand miseries, he always went abroad and came home with the same look, ( * Plin. 7. 19 never more cheerful, or more troubled) for he bore a mind smooth and cheerful upon all occasions, far remote from grief, and above all feat. In his declining age, falling sick, he was asked by one that came to visit him, how he did? Very well (saith he) either way▪ if I live, I shall have more emulation, if I die, more praise. * Xenoph. mem. 4. p. 818. He was so temperate, that he never preferred that which is pleasant before that which is wholesome. He never did eat more than appetite (which was his sauce) made delightful; all drink was pleasing to him, because he never drank but when he was thirsty, and then with such temperate caution, that * Plut. he poured out the first draught of water upon the ground, and if he were at any time invited to a feast, he which to others is very difficult, with much ease took care not to eat more than consisted with his health, * Xen. mem. 1. p. 712. whereof he was very careful, because the exercises of the soul depend thereon; and in order thereto, used to walk constantly before meals; whereupon being asked by one that observed it, what he did? I get broth, saith he, * Aelian. 13. for my supper. To this temperance it is imputed, though Athens were often in his time visited with the pestilence, he alone escaped it. * Xenop●. me mor. 1. p. ●11. He was so strugall, that how little so ever he had, it was always enough. * Liban. wanting the means to live splendidly, he sought not anxiously how to acquire more, but how to accommodate his manner of life to that which he had, * Laert. wherewith he was so contented, that he affirmed himself to come nearest the Gods, because he wanted least. Seeing the great variety of things exposed to sale, he would say to himself, how many things there are that I need not; and often had in his mouth these verses, Purple, which Gold and Gems adorn, Is by tragedians to be worn. Alcibiades ambitiously munisicent, Aelian. 9 sent him many great presents; Xantippe admiring their value, desired him to accept them: We (answered Socrates) will contest in liberality with Alcibiades, not accepting, by a kind of munificence what he hath sent us. * Laert. To the same, who offered him a large plot of ground to build a house upon: And if I wanted shoes, (saith he) would you give me leather to make them? but deserve I not to be derided if I accepted it? * Laert. He slighted Archelaus, King of Macedonia, and Scopas, son of Cranomas, and Eurilocus, son of Larisaeus, not accepting their money, nor going to them, * Senee, de benefic. 5. 6. Archelons' sending to him to desire his company; He said, he would not go to one, from whom he should receive benefits, which he could not equal with return. * Antonin. vit. lib 11. To Perdiccas, who demanded why he would not come to him, he answered, lest I die the most ignoble death; that is, lest I receive a benefit I cannot requi●e. Coming home late one night from a feast, Aelian. 9 some wild young men knowing of his return, lay in wait for him, attined like furies, with vizards and torches, whereby they used to affright such as they met: Socrates, assoon as he saw them, nothing troubled, made a stand, and fell to question them, according to his usual manner, as if he had been in the Lyceum, or Acavemy. * Laert. He despised those that cavilled at him. * S●b. 71. Being told, that such a one had reviled him behind his back. * Laert. Let him beat me, saith he, whilst I am not by; and that another spoke ill of him: He hath not yet learned, saith he, to speak well. * ●lut. de educ. liber. Being kicked by an insolent young fellow, and seeing those that were with him much incensed, ready to pursue him; he said, what if an Ass kick me, would you have me kick again, or sue him? but the fellow escaped not unpunished, for every one reproached him for this insolence, and called him the reviler, so that at last, for vexation, he hanged himself. Another striking him a box on the ear, Seneca de ira. 3 he said no more, but that it was hard a man knew not when to go abroad with a helmet. Another fell upon him with much violence, D. Basil. which he endured without the least disturbance, suffering him to vent his anger, which he did so long, till he made his face all swelled and bruised. Whensoever he perceived himself to grow incensed with any of his friends, ●lut. de ira cohib Before the storm arose, He to a harbour goes. He used to moderate his voice, to look smilingly and moderately upon them, reserving himself untainted with passion, by recourse to the contrary. * Xenoph. memor. pag. ●12. He taught not such as conversed with him to be covetous, for he took no money of his Scholars, therein expressing his own liberality. * Laert. Hunger or want could never force him to flatter any: Yet was he very compleasant and facete in company: as he one day openly at dinner reproved one of his friends something harshly, Plato said to him, had not this been better told in private? Socrates immediately answered, and had not you done better, if you had told me so in private. * Plut. de exsul. Being demanded what countryman he was? He answered, neither of Athens, nor Greece. but of the World. Sometimes he would feast in a fine Robe, as Plato describes him, and when the time allowed; learned to sing, saying, it was not shame to learn any thing which one knew not: He also danced everyday, conceiving that exercise healthful; * Sense. de tranquil. nor was he ashamed to play with little children. * X●nopb memor 4. p● 〈◊〉. He was so just, that he never in the least wronged anyman, but on the contrary, benfited all such as conversed with him, as much as he could. * Quinil. 8. 4. His continence was invincible: He despiesed the beauty of Alcibiades, derided Theodota and Calliste, two eminent Courtesans of that time. * Xen. memor. 1. p. 731. He took great delight in the conversation of good men; to such he communicated whatsoever he knew; with them he studied the writings of the ancient wisemen, selecting what was good out of them (which confirms what was said before in the life of Solon, that moral Philosophy was commenced by the Sophoi) and esteemed this mutual friendship which he contracted with them above all treasure. * Xenoph: memor. 2. p. 752. Towards this his outward endeavour was so affected and desired by them, as much as he affected and desired them. CHAP. XVI. His Wives and Children. HE had two wives, the first Xantippe, a Citizen's daughter of Athens, as Theodoret affirms, who adds, that she was dishonest before he married her, even with himself, besides others: Athenaeus also saith, that after he was married, he lent her to a friend, and that Alcibiades lay with her: But Aristokenus and Porphyrius, from whom these as persons are derived, have been noted of too much malignity, to be of any authority. She was (according to the Character * 1. 17. Agellius gives her) cursed, froward, chiding, and scolding always both day and night, * L●●n. and for that reason he chose her, as he professed to Antisthenes, from observing, that they who would be excellent in horse-manship, chose the roughest horses, knowing, if they are able to manage them, they may easily rule others: He, desirous to use much conversation with men, took her to wife; knowing, if he could bear with her, he might easily converse with all men. To Alcibiades, who said, her scolding was intolerable, he professed it was nothing to him, being used to it like such as live in the continual noise of a mill. Besides, saith he, cannot you endure the cackling of hens; but they answered Alcibiades, bring me Eggs and chickens; and my Xantippe, replies Socrates, children. Of her impatience, and his sufferance, there are several instances; * Laert. one day before some of his friends, she fell into the usual extravagance of her passion, whereupon he not answering anything, went forth with them, but was no sooner out of the door, when she running up into the chamber, threw down water upon his head, whereat turning to his friends, did I not tell you, saith he, that after so much thunder we should have rain. Another time she pulled his Cloak off from his shoulders in the open Forum; * Laert. some friends present counselled him to beat her. Yes, saith he, that whilst we two fight, you may all stand by, and cry, Well done Socrates, to him Xantippe. To some other story in the same kind▪ * Lib. 2. 26. Antoninus alludes in these words; how Socrates looked when he was said to gird himself with askin, Xantippe having taken his clothes away, and carried them forth with her, and what he said to his friends, who out of a modest respectsulnesse, went back, secing him so attired. Having brought Euthydemus from the Palaestrae to dine with him, Plut. de ira cahib. Xantippe running to the table, angry, and scolding, overturned it; Euthydemus much troubled, rose up, and would have gone away, when Socrates did not: a Hen, saith he, the other day did the very something at your house, yet I was not angry thereat. Alcibiades having sent him a crious marchpane, Aelian ver. hist. 11. 12. Xantippe furiously (as her manner was) threw it our of the basket, and trod upon it; whereat Socrates laughing, and shall not you (saith he) lose your share in it. Another time she offered to go to a public show attired undecently; Aellan. 7. 10. Laert. Stob. take heed, saith he, you be not rather the spectacle than the spectator. With reason therefore he said, Stob. 188. I had three evils, Grammar, Poesy, and an ill wife; two I have shaken off, but my ill wife I cannot. His other wife was named Myrto, * Theodoret. Niece to Lystmachus daughter of 〈◊〉, not the just, as Laertius, and from him Suidas affirm; but another of that name, the 3d. from him as is observed by Athe●aeus, for the two daughters of Aristides the just, could not but be of great age before the 77. Olympiad, wherein Socrates was born, long before, which time Aristides died an old man in Exile; for that Themistocles died the second year of the 77. Olympiad is certain. and as Aemilius Probus affirms, Aristides died four years before Themistocles was banished Athens, hereupon Plutarch more cautiously calls her not the daughter, but Niece of Aristides. Some because Xantippe (as is manifest from Plato outlived him, believe he was first married to Myrto, but that he had both these wives at the same time, which is attested by Demetrius Pholereus, Aristoxenus (to whom Athenaeus saith, that Aristotle gave the ground) calisthenes and Porphyrius: whence Aristippus in his * Socratic. Epist. Epistle to his daughter Myrto, adviseth her to go to Athens, and above all to honour Xantippe and Myrto, and to live with them as he with Socrates. The occasion, whereupon the Athe●ans, who from the time of Cecrops had strictly observed single marriage, allowed bigamy, in the time of Socrates was this; In the second year of the 87 Olympiad, and the third of the 88 Athens was visited extremely with the pestilence, which attended by war and famine, occasioned to great a searcity of men, that they made in edict it might to be lawful for any that would to take two wives, Euripides made use of this indulgence, and that Socrates also did so, is attested by Satyrus the peripatetic, and Hieronymus the Rhodian, who recorded the order; to which Athenaeus imputes the silence of the Comic Poets in this particular, who omitted no grounds of reproach. Plutarch implies, that he took her out of charity, for she was a widow ( * Laert. without any portion or dower) extremely in want. * Theo●oret. Perphyrius reports, that these two (Xantippe and Myrto) quarrelled they would at last fall both upon Socrates. and beat him, because he stood by and never parted them, but laughed as well when they fought with him, as with one antother. By Xantippe he had a son named Lamprocles, who could not brook her impatience so well as his Father, and being 〈◊〉 by her into disobedience, was reclaimed by Socrates; He died young, as may be gathered from Plutarch, who saith, Tim●chus of Chaero●ca dying very young, desired earnestly of Socrates that he might be buried near his son Lamprocles, who died but few days before, being his dear friend, and of the same age. It appears from Plato, that he had more sons by her for in his Apology he mentions three, two grown men, the other child, which seems to be the same, brought by Xantippe to him in prison the day of his death, and as Plato describes it, held in her lap. By Myrto he had two sons, the eldest Sophroniscus, the youngest Menedemus or Menexenus, though some say he had Menedemus by Xantippe. CHAP. XVII. His Scholars and Auditors. Whereas (saith * De oratore. lib. 3. Cicero) many springing from Socrates by reason that out of his several various disputes diffused every where, one many serurall Families differing amongst themselves much disjoined and disagreeing; yet all these Philosophers would be called, and conceived themselves to be Socratics: of these were Plato, from whom came Aristotle and Xenocrates, the first taking the name of Peripatetic the other of Academic. Antisthenes', who chiesly affected the patience and bardinesse in Socrates his discourse, from whom came first the Cynics, than the Stoics. Aristippus, who was more delighted with his more volupuous disputations, from him sprung the cyrenaic Philosophy. Others there were who likewise called themselves Socratics, but their sects by the strength and arguments of the former are broken and quite extinxct: such were. Phaedo an Elean, who instituted a particular school, from him called Eliack, which afterwards was called Eretriack, from Menedemus who taught at Eretia, from him Pyrrho, thence the Pyrrhonians. Euclid of Megara, Institutor of the Magarick school of named from him, from Clinomachus his Disciple called the Diatectick, ending in Zeno the Cittiean, who introduced the stoic. The Herillians are named also as a Scot that would be called Socratic. To these recited by Cicero, Suidas adds. Bryso of Heraclea, who together with Euclid invented disputative logic. Theodorus surnamed the Atheist, who invented a peculiar sect called Theodorean, the opinion which he taught was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifference. Other Disciples of Socrates there were, who followed his Philosophy, not appropriating out of it any particular sect, and therefore most properly deserve the title of Socratics, such are Crito, Chaerephon, Xenophon, Aeschines, Simmias, Cebes, Glauco and Terpsion. The last kind of his auditors were those who made no profession of Philosophy, of whom were Critias and Alcibiades, who afterwards proved the most ambitious spirits of the Athenians, but it was discovered in neither whilst they coversed with Socrates, either that their youth was not capable of expressing that vice, or that they cunningly complled (as Xenophon conjectures) with Socrates, in hopes of being by his conversation enabled to manage their forward designs, which as soon as they attempted they left off their friendship with Socrates, Critias fell from him and converted his affection into hate, because he reproved his love to Euthydenius; Alcibiades naturally dissolute, was reclaimed by Socrates and continued such whilist he conversed with him; He was of form so exquisite as gave occasion to some to calumniate the friendship betwixt him and Socrates, to which effect Aristoxenus is cited by Laertius and Athenaeus, and some verses of Aspasia by the latter, his vindication we refer to Plato and Xenophon. Of Socrates, his instructions to Alti●iades there are these instances. * Cicer. Tusc. quaest. Pl●t conviv. Plutarch. He told him that he was nothing of what a man ought to be; that he had no advantage by the greatness of his birth above an ordinary Porter, whereat Alcibiades much troubled with tears, besought him to instruct him in virtue, and to reform his vices. * Aelian. 3. 28. Perceiving Alcibiades to be exceeding proud of his riches and lands; he showed him a Map of the world, and bade him find Attica therein; which done, he desired that he would show him his own lands; he answered, they were not there. Do you boast replies Socrates of that which you see is no (considerable) part of the Earth? * Aelian. 2. 1. Alcibiades being by reason of his youth bashful and fearful to make an Oration to the people, Socrates thus encouraged, him, do you not esteem (saith he) that shoemaker (naming him) an inconsiderable fellow? Alcibiades assenting, and so likewise (continues he) that crier and that tentmaker? Alcibiades granting this, doth not saith he, the Athenian Commonwealth consist of these? if you contemn them single, fear them not in assembly. To these add. * Laert. vit. Crit. The four sons of Crito the Philosopher; The oldest Critobulus. * Macrob. Saturn. 7. 3. exceeding handsome and rich, but by Socrates (who valued his own estate at five minae) * Xenoph mem. demonstrated to be poorer than himself. The second Hermogenes, * Xenoph. man. whom falling into poverty, Socrates persuaded Diodorus his friend to entertain. The third Epigenes, * Xenoph. mem. 4. p. 786. a young man of an infirm body whom Socrates advised to study his own health, as that wherein consisted the well-being and knowledge of his mind. The youngest Ctesippus. Of Poets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euripides (as the writer of his life affirms) and Euenus. Of Oratous Lysias, eminent in that kind * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which effect also Plutarch) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dion. Halicarn. in Critic. easy to be understood, hard to be imitated; he came to Athens in the second year of the 82. Olympiad. Lysis, whom of refractory he made pliant, and Isocrates, of whom when very young Socrates presaged great things. In the number of his Scholars and Auditors were also. * Plat. Apol. Adimantus and * Xenop. mem. 3. p. 772. & p. 774. Lecrt. Glauco sons to Aristo, brothers to Plato: and Charmides son of Glauco. Glauco before he was 20. years old had taken upon him to be an Orator, and aimed at some great office in the Commonwealth, not to be wrought off from this fancy which made him every where appear ridiculous, until addressed by some friends to Socrates, who made him acknowledge his own error & ignorance of that which he had undertaken. On the contrary his son Glauco of excellent parts, fit for any office in the Commonwealth, yet timerously shunning all public affairs, was by Socrates induced to undertake the Magistracy. * Plat. Apol. Nicostrastus son of Theodotides and his brother Theodotus. * Plat. ibid. Aeantodorus, and his brother Apollodorus. Lysanias, Father of Aeschines. * Xenoph. mem. 2. p. 743. Chaerecrates, brother to Chaerephon, betwixt whom there was a great quarrel, but reconciled by Socrates. * Plat. Apol. Paralus, son of Demodocus whose brother was Theages. * Plat. Apol. An●ipho a Cephisiean, Father of Epigenes: with whom he discourses of self-sufficience, teaching gratis, and of veracity in * Memor. 1. p. 729. 731. 732. Xenophon. Eumares a Phliasian, and Xenomedes, an Athenian. Besides these, there are with whom Socrates discoursed and instructed. * Xen. mem. 1. p. 725. Aristodemus surnamed the little, who would not sacrifice, pray, or use divination, but derided all such as did, was by Socrates convinced. Xen. mem. 2. Aristarchus troubled that he had a charge of kindred lying upon him, by Socrates converted to a willing liberality towards them. Xen. mem. 2. Eutherus, who returning from travel, his lands taken away, his Father having left him nothing, chose rather to follow a trade then to apply himself to friends; but diverted by Socrates, Diodorus, Xen. mem. 2. whom Socrates persuaded to take Hermogenes. Euthydemus, Xen. mem. 4. who had collected many sentences of Poets and Sophists, thought he excelled all his equals, and hoped no less of his superiors, was by Socrates constrained to acknowledge his own error and ignorance and departed much troubled. Hippias an Elean, Xen. memt 4. with whom Socrates discoursed of Justice. * Xenoph. Nicomedes; Pericles and ●phtcrates, with whom he discoursed concerning the office of a General. * Laert. Into the last he infused courage by showing him the Cocks of Midas * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est quod gallinas Indicas facere videmus aliquando tumentes & caudam pandentes. brustling against those of Callias. * Plat. Laert. Theaetetus disputing of knowledge, he dismissed, inspired as it were with divine wisdom. * Plat. Laert. Euthyphron who intended to accuse his own Father, he dissuaded. With Parrhasius a painter, Clito a Statuary, and Pistias an armourer; he disputes in * mem. 3. Xenophon concerning their several arts. CHAP. XVII. His writings. THey who affirm that Socrates writ nothing (as Cicero, Plutarch, Dion Chrysostom, Aristides, Origen, and others) mean in respect to his Philosophy, in which kind he never wrote any thing himself, but what he discoursed was committed to writing by Xenophon, Plato and others of his Scholars. Hence the works of Plato (particularly Phaedo,) went under the name of Socrates, and are so cited by Aristotle; But that some things were written by Socrates himself, is evident from those who affirm. * Laert. He writ together with Euripides, and aided him in making Tragedies, whence Mnesilochus. The Phrygians is Euripides new play. But Socrates gave it the best array. And again, Euripides is steered by Socrates and Callias. Now thou with pride and self-conceit ore'stowest, But all the cause to Socrates thou ou'est. Hither refer we that of * Tusc. quest. 4 Cicero, who saith, when Euripides made his play Orestes, Socrates revoked the three first verses. He writ also Some Fables of Aesop inverse, not very elegant, mentioned by Plato, Plutarch, and Laertius, beginning thus: To those who dwelled in Corinth, Aesop said, Virtue with vulgar wisdom be not weighed. A Paean or hymn in honour of Apollo and Diana: One that went under his name beginning thus. Daelian Apollo, and thou fair Diana, hail; immortal pair. is by Dionysidorus denied to be his: This is mentioned also by Plato, to which some add * Laert. vit. Xenoph. The Encomium of Gryllus, son of Xenophon, slain in the Mantinean sight, which the disagreement of times will not allow; more certain it is he framed * Laert. vit. Aeschin. Dialogues, which he gave to Aeschines, seeing him in want, that he might get money by them; to these add Epistles, some whereof are published by Leo Allatius; that he write more is employed by Arrian and Athenaeus Socrates his Epistles. Epist. I. YOu seem unacquainted with my resolutions, else you would not have sent the second time, and enlarged your offers; but you believe Socrates, as well as the Sophists, mercenary of his counsel, * Allatius otherwise: and that what I write before was not real, but only to draw greater virtues from you: therefore now you promise wonders, in confidence to oblige me by your many presents to quit my interest and commerce with the Athenians, and to come over with you: I think it most unbeseeming a Philosopher to sell his advice, and extremely contrary to my practice; for ever since by God's command I first entered into Philosophy, I was never known to take any thing, but keep my exercises in public, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this sense the words are passable (so is not the interpretation of Allatius, aeque omnihus audiendi etiam si nolint potestate factâ.) But I conceive the words of Socrates were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for every one to hear that will; I neither lock the door when I teach, as is reported of Pythagoras, nor go abroad to the multitude, and exact money of the hearers, as some heretofore have done, and some in our times yet do; I have enough from within myself, should I accept of more from others, I know not where to deposit it, nor whom to trust better than the givers themselves, whose faith, if I suspect, I shall be thought improvident to confide in, if honest, I can receive from them, though I lay up nothing with them; for they that would be faithful keepers of money, will not be unfaithful preservers of their own gratitude, & they will never go about to defraud me of what they would have given, but receiving that of me gratis, for which others take money, they will * Allatius otherwise. consider me when I want. In a word, if friends, they will, * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. like you, impart of their own to us, if not friends, they will seek to deprive us of what is ours. Besides, I have not leisure to hoard up money, but wonder at them that say, they get riches * This interpretation seems to be confirmed by the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for their own sake, and have a high opinion of themselves for their means, who neglect learning to addict themselves to gain, and so become admired for their riches, derided for their ignorance, esteemed for all things except themselves. * otherways Allatius. But if we so much abhor to have recourse to friends, * reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to depend on others to eat their bread, how comes it that we are not ashamed to suffer the same from money? do we not know that these men are respected only for their wealth, and if fortune turn, they live in all disrespect? they are not fully contented when they are in esteem, because it is not for their own sakes, but in disesteem are much more discontented, being themselves the cause of their own dishonour. First, therefore you were mistaken, if you did imagine Socrates would do that for money which he would not without, not knowing that many occasions, but chiefly the necessities of my country detain me: wonder not that I say I discharge my country's business, being not employed either in Army or Court, every one ought to apply himself to that which he is capable of, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; by which we may have some light to find perhaps the true reading, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. things above his reach he must leave to others, and perform those that are within his compass: and in such Cities as this, not only counsellors or commanders for sea or land are requisite, but some likewise, that may * Allatius otherwise. admonish others in their offices; for it is * Perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. nothing strange, that they fall as it were, asleep, under the weight of their charge, and need a goad to waken them: Over these God hath placed me, for which I become, and not without cause, odious to them. But he, in whom I most confide, will not suffer me to go, he knows better than myself what is good for me; when I resolved to come to thee, he withheld me, and when thou sentest the second time, forbid me, I dare not disobey him; Pindar taught this wisdom, saying, when God points out the beginning of any work, it is the direct way to obtain to obtain virtue, the end glorious: The verses are much to this purpose. Other Poets have said as much of the Gods, that what is undertaken with their advice, succeeds well, but what without God, is unprofitable to the undertakers. The wisest Cities of Grease consult the Oracle of Delphi,, and as many as follow it have good success, who do not most commonly receive prejudice. Yet I not wonder, if you give no faith to what I deliver of the Daemon, for I have met with not a few alike incredulous; most of those that were in the Delian fight did not believe me; I was then in arms, and sallied forth the City with the people to skirmish, many of us were dispersed in flight, and as we came to a certain way, the accustomed sign came upon me; I stopped, and said, in my opinion, friends, we should not go this way, for I heard the Daemons voice: the greater part were angry, as if I had trifled at a time so serious; some few were persuaded to go along with me another way, and got safe home; one that came from the others brought word they were all slain, some horsemen returning from the pursuit, had fallen upon them, whom they at first resisted, but being at last enclosed by them, who were more in number, they gave back, and were in the end oppressed and killed; he that brought this news was dangerously wounded, and escaped only by help of his shield. I have also by instructions from God, foretold many events to particular persons. You offer part of your Kingdom, and invite me to it, not as to a changed government, but to rule both your subjects and yourself: but I confess, I have not learned to command, and would no more undertake to rule, not knowing how then to play at dice, having never been taught: And doubtless if other men were of the same mind, there would be fewer troubles in life; whereas now the confidence of such as are ignorant, undertaking things they do not understand, occasions these many disturbances: Hence is it, they make fortune greater than she is, and by their own folly, increase her power. Besides, I am not ignorant, that a King ought to be more honoured and admired then a private person, and as I would not undertake to be a horseman having no 〈◊〉 in Horsemanship, but had much rather be a footman, though the charge be less honourable: the same is my opinion as touching Kings and private persons, nor puffed up by ambition will I desire more glorious afflictions: they who invented the fable of Bellerophon seemed to imply something to this purpose, for he was oppressed with misfortunes, not because he sought to rise higher in place, but for aiming at things above him, and being thrown down from his hopes, led the rest of his life poorly and ignominiously, driven by mocks out of Cities into the Wilderness, and shunning path-ways, not what we commonly call so, but the freedom wherewith every one orders his life. But let this be taken how the Poets please, my resolution you now hear again, that I will not change this place for that, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Other, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. conceiving this fittest for me: nor is God willing I should, who hath been ever until now, my counsellor and guide. Epist. II. YOu are not ignorant how great esteem we have of Chaerephon, who being chosen Ambassador by the City to the Peloponnesians, will perhaps come to you; a Philosopher is entertained with small trouble, but the journey is dangerous, especially, because of the tumults that are there at this time, from which, if thou protect him, thou wilt preserve our friend, and infinitely engage us. Epist. III. ANeso of Amphipolis was commended to me at Potidaea, he is now coming to Athens, being thrown out of his house by the people; for at present, affairs are much embroiled and clouded there, but I believe within a little while they will clear up. In assisting you will oblige a deserving person, and benefit both the ●ities; Amphipolis, lest by rebelling it incur irremediable danger: Ours, lest we be involved in their troubles as at this present we are reduced almost to extremity for Potidaea. Epist. FOUR MEeting with Critobulus, I persuaded him to study Philosophy, but I think he is of another mind, and more addicted to affairs of State, in which he intends to make choice of the fittest method, and best instructor for the most excellent so journey now in Athens, and with many of them we are intimate. Thus much concerning him; as for us, Xantippe and the children are well, and I continue to do, as when you were with me. Epist. V. WE hear you are at Thebes, and * Read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Proxenus gone into Asia, to take part with Cyrus; whether your designs will prosper God knows, they are here condemned by many, for it is conceived unfit the Athenians should assist Cyrus, through whose means they were deprived of command by the Lacedæmonians and fight for him, who fought against them. It is not therefore strange if the state being altered, some be ready of themselves to accuse you of temporizing, and the better your success is, the greater will be their calumnies; for I am well acquainted with the dispositions of some of them: But since we have undertaken this, let us prove ourselves honest men, and call to mind what we use to say of virtue, accounting this one of the best sentences of the Poet, Our Father's house must not be discredited. Know therefore, that to war, these two are requisite, Courage an Bounty, for this, we are loved of our friends, for that, feared of our enemies, of both, thou hast domestic precedents. Epist. VI I Have taken such care of your strangers as you desired, & retained one to plead their cause before the people, * Perhaps Lysias. a friend of ours, who professed himself the readier to undertake it, out of his desire to serve thee. As for that which you write in jest concerning wealth, and such as are solicitous for it, perhaps it is not unreasonable. First, because whilst others study to be rich, I choose to live meanly. Then though I might receive many gifts and legacies from living and dead friends; yet I freely disclaim them, and for a man thus inclined to be by others judged mad, is nothing strange: But we must examine not this only, but the rest of our life; and since we disagree in the use, no wonder that we differ in the acquisition of * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Riches; my diet is very sparing, my habit the same in winter as in summer: I never wear shoes, I am not taken with Popular applause, but with the study of wisdom and integrity. But they who are intemperarate, Luxurious in meat, not every year, but every day putting on new apparel are transported with unlawful delights, and as they who lose their natural complexion have recourse to paint. So these losing the true glory of virtue which every one ought to have, fly to that which depends upon complaisance with others, courting vulgar applause with Largesses and feasts. Hence I suppose it comes, that they need much wealth; They themselves cannot live upon a little, nor will others adm●● them into their society, unless they receive a salary for commending them. But my life is well as to both these, I will not deny but in some things I may fail, I know that wisest men prefer those, most men these; Reflecting sometimes within myself upon God; I find that he exceeds us, in that he hath need of nothing; it is the property of a most excellent nature not to want any thing, and to comprehend within himself all that he enjoys. Thus is he wiser than others, who imitates the most wise * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and happier, who resembles the most happy. If riches could do this, riches were to be preferred; but since virtue only can obtain it, it were folly to forsake the real good to pursue the seeming. Hence I cannot easily be persuaded but that my Condition is better than the●rs. As for children, who as you say aught to be provided for, the care that I take for them all men may see, I know but one ground of happiness, wisdom. The fool who reposeth his trust in gold, possesseth not that which he hath, and is withal so much more miserable than others, in that they who are oppressed with poverty may grow wise hereafter. But he out of an opinion of his own happiness, neglecting true gain corrupted with plenty. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉. Besides that he never yet obtained, man's essential good is deprived of hope thereof for the future. Nor is it possible that such a man can go on securely to virtue, who is entangled in the slatteries of those who are Masters in all insinuating Arts, and in the Charms of pleasures which glide into the soul through every sense, and drive out all sound and wise judgement. How then can he choose but give his Childre occasion of folly rather than instruction, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. which 〈◊〉, reading immediately after for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. who not only in words but actions expresseth that in these things she hath placed his hope, who not proving good, their subsistence fails, and they die miserably for want of food: Justly punished for their idleness; Parents are by Law enjoined to bring up their children till they are men. But you, perhaps some Citizen may say to his Sons greedy to inherit, spare me not dying, and whilst you live rely for maintenance upon me, though dead not ashamed to lead a life more lazy than death; you expect that my fortunes should extend to others even after my decease, but your own are not competent for yourselves whilst you are yet alive. Such rough speeches happily he will use to his Children, taking the libery both of a Father and a Patriot. My fortunes in the estimate of other men are mean, but in the effect nothing inferior to the Rich. I will not leave my Children money, but a more honourable heritage, discreet friends, whom as long as they keep they can want as necessaries, and if they use them ill, doubtless they would use their money worse. But if to you, who know the negligence of friends, I seem to give ill advice; I answer, that all men are not alike affected to their friends, for some take care of them after they are dead, and it is likely that ours are not of a neglectful humour, but pleased with the past advantage they have received by us, no less then with the present of a short benefit, the requital is short; lasting benefits produce a return equal to their profit, and I foresee that what is mine, will hereafter appear more gracious to my friends, and therefore I exact no rewards of them. I account nothing of equal value in exchange with Philosophy but friendship, nor like the Sophists have I any diffidence of those things that are mine, for being old they renew, and in their decaying age * Perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Allatius seems to read. flourish, which makes them more acceptable to the Disciples, and their Father more esteemed; * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Living he obtains honour, dead is thought worthy of memory, and if he leave an Kinsman behind him, they will respect him like his Nephews and Brethren, and show him all kindness, as being allied to him by more than a Natural affinity; Neither if they would, can they neglect him in misfortunes, no more than we can slight them, who are near to us in blood; for affinity in soul forceth them to relieve the Son of the dead as if he were their own brother; when they call to mind his Father, whose dishonour they account their own. Now judge if I order my affairs ill, or take no care for my Children, so as when I die they shall be destitute of necessaries, who leave them not wealth but such Guardians as will have a care of them and wealth No History makes mention of any man that hath been made better by riches; A tried friend in this is to be preferred before tried gold, that he is not beneficial to every one who desires him, but to those he louse best. Nor doth he supply only the necessities of life, but is serviceable as well to the soul of him that hath him, and is most conducing to virtue, without which nothing profieth; but we will consider more exactly upon these things when we meet; thus much serve as a cursory answer to your demand. Epist VII. I Wonder not at what you write, that you do suspect the Thirty continue the same mind to us since your departure, which they had when you were here. As soon as you were gone, they began to have a jealousy of me, and there passed amongst them a murmur that these things were not done without Socrates; within few days they cited me to the Court, where some complaints were preferred against me, and when I defended myself, they commanded me to go to the Pyraeum to apprehend Leon, their intention was to put him to death, that they might enjoy his estate, and make me partner in their injustice; when I refused, and said something to this effect that I would never willingly subscribe to an unjust act; Charicles was present, and inwardly vexed, Socrates saith he, dost thou think to talk thus peremptorily, and not suffer ten thousand ills? Charicles, said I, but none so heinous as to do unjustly. He answered not a word, nor any of the rest, but ever since they have liked me the worse. As for you, some that were then present, reported that your affairs succeed to your wish, that the Thebans in your exile received you kindly, and will assist your return to their utmost. Some were troubled at this news, and the more because it lessened their hopes of supply from Lacedaemon, for they who came along with the Ambassadors, affirmed, that the Lacedæmonians were engaged in a great war, and the Ephori hearing of those troubles, were discontented, and said, that the Lacedæmonians had not entrusted with the City to see it destroyed; * Perhaps. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. for if they would have done so, it were most easy for them who had the Command, being withal instigated thereunto by the Corinthians and Thebans, and that the City might be better governed under an Oligarchy than a Democracy. If all this be true, and your affairs succeed as they report, there is great likely hood that upon you, coming in with the Thebans, the Lacedæmonians not aiding these, all things here may be easily composed. Besides, many of the Natives who now are quiet through fear, if they perceived never so little that you were firm, will readily forsake this party, because in this government of the City, nothing is left them entire, but through many and continual enormities all is in confusion; the greater part is revolted as well as you, the rest if they had the least encouragement from abroad would suffer the same that you have. So that if no other, yet this example would manifest that the greatest unhappiness of Cities is the wickedness of their Rulers, for they are so blinded with self interest that they will not desist, though they see all things go to ruin, but with what they first troubled, think to settle affairs, continuing banishments, sequestrations, and unjust deaths; not considering he is an ill Physician who prescribes for a Remedy the cause of the disease. But those are incurable; you shall do well to have a care of yourself, for all that are here have but this hope left, if you act wisely to be freed from a heavy and grievous Tyranny. THE CLOUDS of Aristophanes. Added (not as a Comical divertisement for the Reader, who can expect little in that kind from a subject so ancient, and particular, but) as a necessary supplement to the life of Socrates. Act. I. Scen. I. Strepsiades, Phidippides, Servant. Streps. OH, oh, Great jove, how long a night is this, how endless! will't near be day? I heard the Cock again, Yet still my servants snore; 'tis but of late They durst do thus: * The Athenians in time of war with the Lacedæmonians made an Edict, that no man should beat his servants, lest they should go over to the enemy. Scholar curse o' this war that awes me, And will not suffer me to beat the Rogues. My good Son sleeps too, wrapped o'er head and ears: Well, let me try to bear them company; Alas, I cannot, so perplexed and tortured With charges, bills for Horse-meat, interest: All for this hopeful Son, who in's curled locks, Aides matches, keeps his Coach, and dreams of Horses, Whilst I (unhappy!) see th' unwelcome Moon Bring on the Quarter day, and threaten use-money. Boy, snuff the light, bring my account book hither, That I may sum my debts and interest: Let's see, twelve pound to Pasia; ha! twelve pound To Pasia, how laid out? to buy * Their horses were named from the marks they had; if a K. Ceppatia; if an an S, Samphor●. Scholar Coppatia: Would I had paid this eye for him. Phid. Hold Philo, You're out of the way, begin again. Streps. I this, This is the misery that ruins me; His very sleeps are taken up with Horses. Phid. How many courses will the manage hold. Streps. Many a weary course thou leads thy Father: But how much more owe I then this to Pasia? Three pound t' Amynias for Chariot wheels. Phid. Go sirrah, take that horse and turn him out. Streps. I thou hast turned me out of all my means, Charges at Law will eat me up, my Creditors Threaten to sue me to an execution. Phid. Why do you wake all night, and toss so Father? Streps. I cannot sleep, the Scrivener doth so bite me. Phid. Yet let me rest a little longer. Streps. Do so. All these will one day light upon thy head, Cursed be the hour when I first saw thy Mother, I lived before most sweetly in the Country, Well stocked with Sheep and Bees, Olives and Grapes, Till from the Megaclean house I took This Niece of Megacles out of the City, Well fashioned, highly bred, and richly clothed; We married, as I said: and lay together: I sinelling strong of Drugs and greasy Wool; But she of Unguents, Crocus wanton Kisses, Of vain expense, dainties, and luxury; I will not tell the idle life she led, And yet she spun that I have often told her, Showing this Coat, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sch. MS. you spin a fair thread woman. Seru. Sir, all the Oil i'th' Lamp is wasted. Streps. Ha? Why didst thou put in such a Drunken week? If thou wert near me I would beat thee. Ser. Why Sir? Streps. Because the week is thicker than the oil. Well, at last my good Wife and I betwixt us got At last this Son; about his name we differed; she'd have it something that belonged to horses, Callippides, Xanthippus, or Charippus; I from his Grandfather) Phidontdes. Long time we wrangled thus, at last agreed He should be called Phidippides; this Son She takes, and stroking kindly, thus instructs him, " When thou art grown a man, frequent the City, " Follow the fashion, keep a Coach and Horses, " Like Megacles thy Uncle. No, said I, " Go in a homely Coat, and drive thy Goats " Into * A stony craggy place in Attica, in such Goat's delight most. Soli. M. S: Phelleus, as they father doth. But my advice prevailed so little on him, That now he wastes my means in keeping horses, Which all this night I have been thinking how To remedy, and now have found the way; To which could I persuade him, I were happy. Phidippides, Phidippides, Phid. Your will Sir. Streps. Kiss me, give me thy hand. Phid. Here Sir. Streps. Dost love me? Phid. By Neptune God of Horses. Streps. Do not name That God, for 'tis from him springs all my sorrow: But if thou lov'st me truly, heartily, O son be ruled. Phid. In what should I be ruled? Streps. Change without more delay thy course of life, And domas I would have thee. Phid. What is that? Streps. But wilt thou do it? Phid. Yes by Bacchus' will I Streps. Come hither then, seest thou that little door? That is the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scholar M. S. Ph●ontistherium of wise souls, Of learned men, that tell us Heaven's an Oven, And we the Coals enclosed in the wide arch: They, if we give 'em but a little money, Will teach us gain all causes, right or wrong. Phid. Who can these be? Streps. Their names I know not; good They are, and busied in continual study. Phid. Oh now I know the wretches that you mean, The meager, wan, proud, barefoot, begging fellows, Whose evil Geniusses are Socrates And Chaerephon. Streps. Peace, talk no more so idly; If you'll obey a father, let me see you Give o'er your horses, and turn one of these. Phid. Not I, by Bacchus, no though you should tempt me With all * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scholar M. ●. Leogoras his breed of Racers. Streps. Dear son be ruled and learn. Phid. What should I learn? Streps. 'Tis said they have two tongues, and one of them Able to prove any injustice reason; Couldst thou but learn that language, we were made, And might dispute our stubborn Creditors Out of the debts I have incurred for thee; They get not then a penny more than words. Phid. I cannot do't, were I so lean and Pale, I durst not look a Jockey in the face. Streps. By Ceres than you stay with me no longer, You, nor your Coach-horse, nor your Samphoras, But all together pack out of my doors. My Uncle Megacles will neither see Me nor my horses want, so long I care not. Scene 2. Strepsiades, Scholar. Streps. THough I have failed, i'll not give over thus, But say my prayers, and go myself to school To learn this Art: but how can I, by Age Dull and forget full, reach such subtleties? Yet on I will, why should I doubt? ho, friend. Sc●ol. A mischief on you, who's that knocks at door? Streps. Strepsiades, Cecinnian Phaedo's Son. Scholar 'T was rudely done to knock so hard, y'have made My labouring brain miscarry of a Notion. Streps. Forgive me, I was bred far off i'th' Country: But pray what notion was't that proved abortive? Scholar 'Tis lawful to discover that tonone But fellow-scholars. Streps. Then you may tell me, For I come hither to be one of you. Scholar I will; so will value't as a mystery. Socrates t'other day asked Chaerephons' eyebrow, And leaped from thence upon the head of Socrates. Streps. How could he measure this? Scholar Most dexterously. Both feet o'th' flea he dipped in melting wax, Which straight congeals to shoes; these he plucks off, And with them most exactly measures it. Streps. Great jupiter, how subtle are these wits! Scholar If you shouldst hear their other speculations, You would say so indeed. Streps. Pray what was that? Scholar This Charaephon the Sphettian asked him once, If a Gnat sounded from her mouth or tail. Streps. And what said he? It had a straight thin gut, At end of it a bladder, into which The air being forced, sounded in breaking forth. Streps. Then I perceive that a gnat's tail's a Trumpet; How blessed is this Anatomist of Gnats! Sure he can hide himself from purblind justice, That knows so well these dark intestine ways. Why should we cry up Thales any longer? Come open me your Phrontisterium, And quickly let me see this Socrates, I long to learn, open the door— * The School discovered; the Scholars in several postures: Socrates hanging in a basket. O Hercules What strange beasts have we here! Scholar Why do you wonder? Whom do they look like think you? Streps. Like the poor Lacedaemonian Captives ta'en at * Suid. lib. Pylus. Why look they so intently on the ground? These seek out things that appertain to Earth! Oh they seek leeks; trouble yourselves no more friends, For I know better where are good and great ones. Scholar Come let's go in. Streps. Let's stay a while and talk with 'em. Scholar No, no, they cannot long endure the air. Streps. What's this, for Heaven's sake say? Scholar This is Astronomy. Streps. And this? Scholar Geometry. Strop. But what is't good for? Scholar To measure land. Streps. What, arable or pasture? Scholar No, the whole Earth. Streps. A pretty jest indeed. That were a mighty help to husbandmen. Scholar Here's all the world, and this is Athens. Streps. How? I'll scarce believe that, what's become o'th' Judges? Where the Cicynians my Countymen? Scholar Here; this Eubaea; see how far 'tis stretched. Streps. ay, almost stretched in pieces betwixt us, And Pericles; and where is Lacedaemon? Scholar Here. Strepss. 'Tis too nigh us, why, with all your skill Do you not help to thrust it farther off. Scholar It is not possible. Streps. No? you will rueed then. But what man's that hangs yonder in the basket? Scholar That's he. Streps. He, what he? Scholar Socrates. Streps. How, Socrates? Call him. Scholar Call him yourself, I'm not at leisure. Scene. 3. Strepsiades, Socrates. Streps. HO Socrates Socr. * The words of Silenus (whom Socrates resembled for deformity) in Pindar. Scholar Why dost thou call me mortal? Streps. First I would gladly know what thou dost there? Socr. I walk i'th' air, and gaze upon the Sun. Streps. Why in a basket dost thou view the Gods, Not from the ground? Socr. I could not elevate My thoughts to contemplation of these mysteries, Unless my Intellect were thus suspended, Where my thin thoughts melt into air (their likeness) Stood I upon the ground, I should find nothing, Though I sought ne'er so strictly up and down, For the magnetic virtue of the Earth Would draw away the humour of my brain, Just as we see in nose-smart. Streps. How, how's that? Doth the brain draw the humour out of nose-smart? Come down sweet Socrates, and teach me quickly The knowledge of those things for which I came. Socr. What camest thou for? Streps. To learn the art of speaking, With debts and usury I'm torn in pieces Tossed up and down; forced to pawn all my goods: Socr. On what occasion did you run in debt? Streps. By horses eaten into this consumption; And I would learn of you your other language Which teacheth men to pay nothing: for which By all the Gods i'll give you what you'll ask. Socr. By all what Gods? we do not here allow Those Gods the City worships. Streps. How then swear you, By copper farthings like the Byzantines? Socr. Wouldst thou be skilful in divine affairs. Streps. By jour (if any such there be) I would. Socr. You must be then acquainted with the Clouds, Our reverend Goddesses. Streps. With all my heart. Socr. Sat down upon this Couch then Streps. Well. Socr. Now take This Garland. Streps. Why a garland? alas Socrates, D'ye mean (like Athamas) to sacrifice me? Socr. No, these are rites that every one performs At his admission. Streps. But what shall I gain by't? Socr. Thou shalt be made most voluble in speech, A very rattle, bolting words as fine As flower. Streps. thouart right by jove, I shall be powdered. Socr. silenced old man, and listen to our prayer. " Great King, unbounded air, whose arms are hurled " About the surface of this pendant world, " Bright Aether, reverend Clouds, that from your Sphere " Thunder and lightning dart, rise and appear. Streps. Not yet, not yet, till I have wrapped myself Close in my Cloak, lest I be wet: 'twas ill That I forgot to bring my Riding hood. Socr. " Your power, great Clouds, make to this suppliant known " Whether now seated on Olympus' Throne, " Or whether you your sacred revels keep " In the wide Gardens of your Sire the deep: " Or of his flowing Crystal seaven-mouthed Nile, " In golden Ewers wantonly beguile: " Or in Mauritian marshes keep your Court; " Or on the snowy top of Mimas sport. " Come, to our servant vows propitious be; " Grace with your presence our solemnity. " We humid fleeting Deities, " The bright unbounded clouds thus rise " From our old Sire, the grumbling Flood, * Chorus of clouds. " Above the tallest hill or wood, " To those high watchtowers, whence we may " The hallowed fruitfull-ground survey; " Rivers that in soft murmurs glide, " And the loud sea's rebellious tide; " From thence heavens restless eye displays " The splendour of his glorious rays, " Chase all dusky mists, that we " In shapes divine may mortals see. Socr. Thanks reverend Clouds for favouring thus our prayer. Did you not hear them speak in Thunder to us? Streps. Great Clouds, I worship too, but am so frighted, I scarce can hold from answering your Thunder. Socr. Jest not profanely in such sacred rites: Peace, for the swarm of Goddesses come singing. Chor. " Come virgin Mistresses of showers, " Let's visit Pallas pregnant bowers, " The far renowned Cecropian plain " Where shines the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. at Eleusis in Attica were celebrated the miseries of Ceres, to which Athenians only were admitted, not strangers; if any one does covered them to a person not initiated, they were both put to death. Scholar M. S▪ Eleusinian Fane, " Where are the most retired abodes, " Statues and Temples of the Gods: " Where Altars blaze with Incense, where " The holiday lasts all the year; " Where the brisk Craces every spring, " And youths with virgins dance and sing. Str●pe. Tell me good Socrates, what things are these That speak so sinely? are they Ladies? Socr. No, They're Clouds, the Deities of idle men; From these we have our sense, discourse, and reason, Our high Capriccio's, and elaborate whimsies. Streps. My soul, me thought, did leap, while they were speaking, And now most subtly would dispute of smoke, Sharply confute opinion with opinion: Oh how I long to see them once again. Socr. Look yonder towards Parnes, look how gently They glide to earth. Stre●s. Where? show me. Socr. See in shoals They creep into the Caverns of the Mountain. Streps. What things are these? I cannot yet behold'em. Socr. There in the entrance look. Streps. Yet I scarce see them. Socr. Either thou seest them now, or thou art blind. Streps. I do by jove, great Clouds, for you hold all● Socr. Didst thou not know these Deities before? Streps. Not I, I thought them only mists and vapours: Socr. Thou knewest not then those who maintain the Sophists. Streps. If these be Clouds, how comes it that they look Like women? for the Clouds have no such shape. Srce. No, what shape have they then? Streps. I know not justly; They look like flying fleeces, but by jove, Nothing at all like women; these have noses. Socr. * The Socratic way of dispute by question. Answer to what I ask. Streps. Ask me quickly. Socr. Didst ere behold a Cloud shaped like a Centaur, A Leopard, Bull, or Wolf? Streps. I have, what then? Socr. The Clouds can take what form they list, as when They see a hairy fellow curled like Clitus, They mock his madness in a Centaur's shape. Streps. And when they see one that defrauds or plunders The Commonwealth, like Sinon, what then do they? Socr. They do resemble him, turn ravenous wolves, This was the reason yesterday, when they Beheld * Coward. Cleonymus, they fled like deer: And seeing * Effeminately attired. Clisth●nes are now turned women. Streps. Great Queens, if you ere design to speak to mortals, Make me acquainted with your rumbling voice. Chor. " All hail old man, who dost on wisdom prey, " And thou the Priest of subtle trifles say, " What wouldst thou have with us, to none but thee, " Of all the Meteor Sophists thus stoop we; " Save ●rodicus, to him as grave and wise, " To thee, because thou walkest upright, thy eye● " Rolling on every side, thy look severe " And barefoot many miseries dost bear. Streps. Good heavens, what voice is this, how strange & stately. Socr. These are our Goddesses▪ the rest are toys. Streps, Is then Olympian jove no Deity? Socr. What jove? there's no such thing; mere fancy. Streps. How? Whence then proceeds all * Whereof jupiter was the particular Deity; thence surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rain? Socr. Only from these. Didst thou ere see a shower without them? take The Clouds away, and heaven must rain fair weather. Streps. By Phoebus thou hast cleared it well, till now I thought jove made water through a ●ive. But whence comes thunder? when I'm sick, that frights me, These thunder as they tumble up and down. How can that be? Socr. * Deriding Socrates as ignorant in Natural Philosophy. When they are full of water, By their wone weight, driven upon one another, They roar and break. Streps. But who is it that drives them, Is not that jove? Socr. No, an etherial whirlwind. Streps. A whirlwind, hum! I knew not that till now. But whence comes lightning then, that glittering fire Which terrifies and burns us? jupiter Useth to dart this down on perjured men. Socr. And how (thou phlegmatic, dull Saturnine,) If darted on the perjured, how comes Sinon, Theorus, and Cleonymus to scapeit? No, his own Temple, or the Sunian Promontory, Or sturdy Oaks he strikes, did they ere wrong him? Did the Oak ere forswear itself? Streps. I know not: That which you say seems reason; but what then Is lightning? Socr. When the winds are shut up close, They swell the clouds like bladders, and at last Break out with violence and horrid noises; And by contrition kindle one another. But thou who searchest amongst us for wisdom, How happy wilt thou be above all Grecians If thou conceive well, and remember, and Canst suffer much, and never wilt be tired Standing or walking, nor have sense of frost, Nor care for dining, and refrain from wine, From exercises, and all other toys. Streps. O for a solid soul restless with cares, Sparing, self-torturing, one that can feast Upon a dish of herbs, you never could Be better ●itted; a mere an vile I. Socr. Dost thou believe no Gods but those we teach, The Chaos, Clouds and Tongue, only these three. Streps. I'll not so much as speak of any other, Much less bestow an offering on their Altars. Chor. " Say boldy then, say what is thy request, " For if thou honour us thou shalt be blest. Streps. Great Queens I sue for a small matter, that I may out-talk all Greeks a hundred furlongs. Chor. To thee alone this gift we will allow, None speak such mighty sentences as Thou. Streps. I do not care for mighty sentences, But subtle ones to cheat my Creditors. Chor. It is not much thou askest, and shalt obtain it, Learn of our Ministers and thou shalt gain it. Streps. I shall, relying on your promise; forced By want, Co●patia and a luckless match. Now let'em use me as they list, beat, starve me, Burn, frieze, or flay me, so I scape my debts: I care not though men call me impudent, Smooth-tongued, audacious, petulant▪ abominable, Forger of words and lie, contentious Barretour, Old, winding, bragging, testy, crafty fox. Socr. Said like a man of courage; if thou learn Of me, thy fame shall spread wide as the Heavens▪ Streps. What shall I do? Socr. Thou shalt spend all thy time With me; a life the happiest in the world. Streps. I long to see that day. Socr. Thy door shall always Be thronged with Clients that will come to thee For Counsel, and discourse of cases worth The wealth of kingdoms, to thy heart's desire. Chor. " Try this old man; first see if he be sit; " Put him tothth' test, and sound the depth of's wit. Socr. Come tell me now your disposition, That when I know it I may sit my Machine's Accordingly. Streps. You will not undermine me. Socr. No, I would know if you have any memory. Streps. Yes, when another owes me any thing, I can remember very well, but what I owe myself, i'm ready to forget. Socr. Hast thou a natural faculty in speaking Streps. No, I can mar words sooner far then make'em. Socr. How wilt thou learn then? Streps. Fear me not, I tell you Well, when I make some learned deep discourse. Socr. * As the Scholars of Socrates used, especially Xenephon and Plato. You must be sure to catched up presently. Streps. What must I snap at learning like a dog? Socr. This is a very fool, an unknown Clown; I am afraid old man thou wilt need whipping. What if thou shouldst be beaten? Streps. Then i'm beaten. Socr. But what wouldst do? Streps. I would take witness on't And sue them on an action of Battery. Socr. Off with your Cloak. Streps. Why, how have I offended? Socr. No; but our orders admit none but naked. Streps. I came not hither to steal any thing. Socr. Down with your Cloak, why dost thou trifle. Streps. Now Tell me if I prove apt and diligent, Of all your scholars who shall I come nighest? Socr. Thou mayst perhaps be like our Chaerephon. Streps. Alas, alas! what an Anatomy? Socr. No, no: but if thou wilt be any thing, Follow me without more delay. Streps. I want A Cake for your Cerberus; I go me thinks As if 'twere into the Trophonian Cave. Socr. On, on, why stay'st thou gazing at the door. Chor. " Go, for thy courage blest whose aged mind " To wisdom soars, and leaves the young behind. Act. 2. Socrates, Strepsiades. Socr. BY Chaos, and this air I breath, I never Met any thing so stupid as this fellow, So clownish and oblivious; easy toys He learns, not half so fast as he forgets'em, I'll call him forth; what, ho, Strepsiades; Come out and bring your bed along with you. Str. The fleas will hardly let me bring myself. So. Quick, down with't there; and mark what I say to you. Str. I'm ready. So. What have you most mind to learn, Measures, or Verse, or Rhyme? Str. By all means measures; For I was cheated by a Mealman lately Two pecks. So. That's not the thing I demand; I'd know●which you conceive the fairest measure. The Trimeter or the Tetrameter. Str. The fairest measure in my mind's a Bushel. So. 'Tis nothing that you say. Str. What will you lay That your Tetrameter holds not a Bushel. So. Away, away, how dull thou art, and blockish, But thou wilt be perhaps more apt at Rhyme. Str. What help can rhymes afford me in my meal. So. First they will make thee pleasant in all company. Then thou shalt know which suits with Anapaestick, And which with Dactyls. Str. Dactiles? I know that sure. So. Why what's a Dactyle. Str. What but this same ●inger, ●Thas been a Dactyle ere since I was a child. So. thouart an unprofitable Dunce. Str. I care not For learning these devices. So. What then wouldst thou? Str. That, that unjust and cheating Sophistry. So. But there are things that must be learned before You come to that; what Creatures are there Masculine. Str. Sure I know that or I were mad indeed. A Ram, a Bull, a Goat, a Dog, a Pigeon. So. * Deriding Socrates a● ignorant in Grammar. See how thou errest, that call'st both male and female A Pigeon. Str. Right, by Neptune, how then must I? So. Call this a Cock-Pigeon, and that a Hen. Str. A Pigeon, Cock and Hen, ha! by this air, For this sole document, I will replenish Your * A meal-trough the Greek word hath a Masculine termination but feminine article. Cardopus with meal. So. Again thouart wrong; Thou call'st it Cardopus, but 'tis haec Cardopus, And therefore henceforth call it Cardopa. Next it is fit you know which names are Masculine, And which are feminine. Str. I know well which Are feminine, I'm sure. So. Le's hear. Str. Philina, Cletagora, Demetria, and Lystha. So. And which are Masculine? Str. A world, Philoxenus, Milesias, and Amynias. So. Thou art out. Str. Are not these Masculine with you? So. * Esseminate Cowards. By no means. How if you saw Amynias, would you call him? Str. Amynia, ho! So. What, make a woman of him. Str. And reason good, h'has thrown away his arms, And will not ●ight, But to what purpose learn I These common trifles. So. Not so common neither, But come, lie down. Str. What must I do? So. Consider With yourself the business that concerns you. Str. Not in this bed, I thank you, if I must Lie down, I'll meditate upon the ground. So. But here's no room besides. Str. Wretch that I am. How I shall be tormented with these pleas! So. Now think into the depth of thy affairs, Try every turn and winding, every double; And if you stick at any thing: give't o'er, And to some other; but be sure you sleep not, Str. Oh, oh. So. How now the matter? Str. I am killed By these bloodsuckers, these Corinthians. So. Do not torment yourself. Str. How can I choose When I have neither money left, nor colour, Scarce life, no shoes, grown almost to a Ghost With watching? So. Now what think yon, nothing? Str. Yes By Neptune. So. What? Str. I'm thinking if the fleas Will leave a piece of me or not. So. Death on thee. Str. You might have spared your curse, I'm dead already. So. Fie, fie, you must not be so tender, * So Socrates disputes in platoes Phadrus, that exterior objects might not divert him; which Aristophanes here derides. cover Your face, and study for some subtle cheat. Str. Would I could learn to cheat these wicked fleas. So. Let's see what does he? what, asleep, ha'ye thought Of nothing yet? Str. What would you have me think on? So. What would you learn? Str. I've told you that already A thousand times; I'd learn to pay no use-money. So. Come then, cover yourself, and subtilise Your thoughts, dissect your business into Atoms. Str. Alas. So. Lie still; and if you stick at any thing, Pass by't a while, and come to it again. Str. Ho, my dear Socrates. So. What is't old man? Str. I have found out that will do't. So. As how. Str. First tell me Where I may meet with some Thessalian witch; For I would steal the Moon one of these nights, And having got her, lock her in a chest As charily, as I would keep a glass. So. What wilt thou get by that? Str. What, if the Moon Ne'er rise again, I'm bound to pay no use. So. How so? Str. 'Cause use you know is paid by th'Month, So. 'Tis well, but I'll propound another business; Suppose that you were tied upon a statute To pay five Talents, could you raze figures? Str. I know not, but I'll try. So. You must not limit Your thoughts so narrowly within yourself, But like a beetle fettered in a thread, Allow them play and flutter in the air; Str. I have't, I have't, the rarest way to cancel A deed, as you'll confess when you have heard it. So. What iised? Str. Did you ne'er see at any Grocers A clear transparent stone, with which they use To kindle fire? So. You mean a burning-glasse. Stro. The very same. So. What wouldst thou do with it? Str. Whilst that the Scrivener writes the deed, d'ye mark, Thus standing by him with my burning glass Against the Sun, I'll burn out every letter. So. Wisely by all the Graces. Str. How I long To cancel thus a bond of fifty pound. So. 'Tis well, now tell me if thy adversary Sue thee, and thou art like to be o'erthrown For want of witnesses, how wilt thou ' void His suit. Str. Most easily. So. Which way? Str. Before It comes to judgement, I would hang myself. So. Push, thou sayst nothing. Str. Yes, by love there's none Will prosecute a suit against the dead. So. Away, thou fool'st; i'll teach no more. Str. Why dear Socrates, Why? So. Thou forgettest as fast as thou canst learn. Tell me the first thing thou wert taught to day: Str. The first, stay let me see; the first thing say you? How call you that we use to put our meal in? Wretch, I've forget it! So. See, deserv'st thou not Forget full to be punished for a dunce. Str. Alas what shall I do? for if I learn not The cheating language, I am quite undone: Good Clouds advise me what course I shall take. Cho. " If an ingenious son thou hast at home, " Thou hadst best send him hither in thy room. Str. I have a son, and he's ingenious too; But will not learn, the more my misery. Cho. And wilt thou suffer't? Str. Of a promising person His mother is a woman of great spirit; Once more I'll try; if he refuse, i'I make No more ado but turn him out of doors; Stay but a while, I will be quickly back. Act. 3. Strepsi●des, Phidippides, Socrates. Str. NOw by the Clouds thou stayest no longer here? Hence, and go feed in Megacles his stable. Ph. Alas what fury hath possessed you Father? By jove I think you are besides yourself. Str. See, see, he swears by jove, art thou not mad At these years to believe there is a jove? Ph. Is truth to be derided? Str. Well I see thouart still a Child and credit'st old wives tales. But come I will tell thee that shall make thee A man, so you be sure to tell it no body. Ph. Pretty; what is't? Str. Thou sworest even now by jove. Ph. I did so. Str. See how good it is to learn; There's no such thing as jove. Ph. What then? Str. A whirlwind Hath blown jove quite away and rules all Heaven. Ph. What fooleries are these? Str. They're serious truth son. Ph. Who tells you so? Str. Our Socrates the * A● if he should say, the Atheist: for the Melians were infamous for Atheism for Diagoras who professed it: Socrates was Scholar to Aristoras a Melian. See chap. 3. Melian, And Chaerephon, that trace the steps of fleas. Ph. How, are you grown to such a height of madness, As to believe such melancholy dreamers. Str. Good words: defame not men of such deep wisdom And subtle spirits; these live sparingly, Are never at the charges of of a Barber, Unguents, or Baths, whereas thou wastes my means As freely as if I were dead already. Come then, and be their scholar in my room. Ph. What can be learned that's good of such as they are? Str. All things that are accounted wisdom Boy; And first to know thyself, and what a dunce Thou art, how blockish, rustic and forgetful. But stay a little, cover thy face a while. Ph. Alas my father's mad, what shall I do, Accuse him to the Court of folly, Be speak a Coffin for him, for he talks Idly, as he were drawing on? Str. Come on now. Let's see, what that? Ph. A Pigeon. Str. Good; and that? Ph. A Pigeon. Str. Both the same? ridiculous. Take heed you make not such mistakes hereafter. This you must call a Cock, and that a Hen. Ph. A Hen? Is this the goodly learning Father You got since your admission amongst these earthworms? Str. This and a great deal more; but being old, I soon forget what I am taught. Ph. I think 'Twas want of memory made you lose your cloak. Str. No, 'tis hung up upon the arts and sciences; Ph. And where your shoes? Str. Lost for the common good, Like Pericles: But le's be gone and see You learn t'obey me, and to wrong all else. Remember that I bought thee, when thou wert But six years old, a little Cart to play with. Ph. Alas you'll be the first that will repent this. Str. Take you no care for that; do as I bid you. Ho, Socrates, I've brought my son at last, Though much against his will. So. ay, that's because He's rude, untaught, a child of ignorance, And unacquainted with our hungry baskets. Ph. Go hang yourself in one of them. Str. How impudence; dost thou talk thus to thy Master? Socr. So go hang, with what a seeming grace was that pronounced! How do you think that he should ever learn To overthrow a nimble adversary, Or win a Judge's heart with Rhetoric? Str. Fear not, but teach him; he's ingenious By Nature; for when he was but a little one, he'd build you houses, and make leather Coaches, And ships, and cut frogs out of apple parings. What's your opinion then? do you not think he's capable to learn both languages? Or if not both, be sure he learn the worse. Socr. Well, we shall try what may be done with him, Str. Farewell, and so remember that in all I say that's just, you learn to contradict me. Act. 3. Scoen. 1. Strepsiades. Streps. THe * From the twentieth day of the month they reckoned backward, see the life of Solon's Chap. fifth, the fourth, the third, the seconds, hum. The most abhorred and dreadful day's at hand, The old and new; all I owe money to Threaten to sue and vow my utter ruin; Yet I require nothing but what is just reason: My friend forbear me till some other times; But they all answer me, words are no payment, Revile me, swear they'll put their bonds in suit, And let'em, what care I, so my Phidippides Have learned the art of cheating: I shall know strait; It is but knocking at the school, ho son. Scoen. 2. Strepsiades, Socrates. Socr. SAve you Strepsiades. Streps. The like to you. * Such gifts Socrates sometimes accepted, though not money. See Chap. First take this bag of meal, for it is fit We pay our duty to our reverend Master, Now tell me, has my son attained the art For which I placed him with you. Socr. Yes exactly. Streps. Thanks to deceit, the Queen that governs all things. Socr. Now you may overthrow all adversaries. Streps. What though a witness swear that I have borrowed. Socr. I though a thousand swear't. Streps. Iò. Iò. Triumph my boys, woe to you money-mongers, You and your bonds, your use on use may hang now, You'll trouble me no more! O what a son Have I, that senceth with a two-edged tongue, My Houses prop and Guardian, my foe's terror, Quickly come forth, and meet my glad embraces, Come forth and hear thy Father. Socr. See the man. Streps. O my dear boy! Socr. Away and take him with you. Scene. 3. Strepsiades, Phidippides. Streps. IO my son! O how I joy to see Thy changed complexion! Thou look'st now me thinks As if thou wert inspired with contradiction I read, ● cross questions in thy very face, Thy very eyes me thinks say, how, how's that? Thou canst persuade the world that thou art wronged, When thou art, he that does the wrong. I see't, I plainly see't; a very * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scholar M. S. Attic mine; Now let it be thy study to recover Him, whom thou almost hast undone, Phid. Why, what Is that you fear? Streps. The old and the new day. Phid. Can one and the same day be old and new? Streps. I know that: I'm sure my Creditors By joint consent that day threaten to sue me. Phi●. They'll lose by it if they do: for 'tis impossible To make two days of one. Streps. How is't impossible? Phil. As for a woman to be old and young At once. Streps. But law has so determined it Phil. But these men know not what the law doth mean. Streps. Why what's the meaning of it. * See the life of Solon. Ch●p. Phil. Ancient Solon Was naturally a lover of the people. Streps. What's that to this? Phid. He did appoint two days, The last day of the old month for citation, The first o'th' new for payment of the money. Streps. But why the last day for citations? Phil. That The debtor having thus one day of warning Might fly and shun the trouble of the next. So. Why do the Magistrates than take all forfeits Upon the old and new day? Ph. They are hungry, And taste their meat before they should fall too. Str. We the fools that sit still and do nothing, We that are wise and quick have done the business; Ye blocks, ye stones, ye sheep, ye empty bubbles; Let me congratulate this son of min Myself and my good fortune in a song. Now Strepsiades thouart blest Of the most discreet the best, What a Son thou hast, now may All my emulous neighbours say, When they hear that he alone Hath my creditors o'erthrown. But come my boy, now thou shalt feast with me, Sect. 4. Pasias, Strepsiades, Witness. Pas. ANd must a man be outed of his own thus? Better take any course then suffer this. You must assist me in this business neighbour, That I may call my debtor to account; There's one friend made a foe; yet I'll not shame My country, ere I do't, I'll give him warning. Strepsiades. Streps. How now, what would you have? Pas. The old and new days come. Streps. Bear witness friend, He named two days. What sum is't you demand. Pas. Twelve pounds you borrowed when you bought your Son A Race-horse; with the interest. Streps. A race-horse, You know I near cared for'em in my life. Pas. And sworest by jove and all the Gods to pay it. Streps. By jove? 'twas then before my son had learned The all-convincing speech. Pas. You'll not deny't. Streps. What have I got but that, for all this learning? Pas. Dar'st thou deny't, if I should put thee to Thy oath, and make thee call the Gods to witness it? Streps. What Gods d'ye mean? Pas. jove, Mercury, and Neptune. Streps. By jove? yes that I will I hold thee three pence. Pas. Curse on thee for this impudence. Streps. If thou wert rubbed with salt, 'twould make thy wit the quicker. Pas. De'laugh at me? Streps. Thou wilt take up six bushels. Pas. So help me jupiter, and all the Gods, I will even be with you for this scorn. Streps. I am extremely taken with your Gods, And this same Iupiter● you swear by, they Are excellent pastime to a knowing man. Pas. Well, you will one day answer for these words. But tell me, whether I shall have my money Or not, give my answer, and I'm gone. Streps. Stay but a little, I will answer presently, And plainly. Pas. Sure he's gone to fetch the money Streps. Where is the Man that comes to ask me money? Tell me, what's this? Pas. That which it is, a Cardopus. Streps. You ask for money, and so very a dunce; I'll never whilst I live pay him a penny. That calls a Cardopa a Cardopus. Pas. You will not pay then? Streps. Not for aught I know: You'll stay no longer, pray about your business. Pas. Yes, I'll be gone, but in the mean time know I'll have my money, if I live this day. Streps. You may chance go without it; yet I'm sorry You should be punished so for a mistake. For saying Cardopus for Cardopa. Scoen. 8. Amynias, Strepsiades, Witness. Amyn. OH, oh, alas. Streps. Who's that keeps such a bawling? What art thou? one of * Which were Xenocles, Xenotimus, and D●motimus, tragic ●oets and Actors. Carkinus his sons? Amyn. 'Tis I unhappy! Streps. Keep it to thyself. Amyn. Unlucky chance, oh cruel destiny, To spoil at once my Cart and all my Horses' * This and the following line are takes from Xenocles the Tragadian, which is the reason of Strepsiades his answer. Oh Pallas, how unkindly hast thou used me? Streps. What hurt did ere Tlepolemus do thee? Amyn. Deride me not, but rather bid your son Pay me the money which he had of me, For I was never in more need of it. Streps. What money man? Amyn. That which he borrowed of me. Streps. Then I perceive you're in a sad condition. Am. I had a scurvy fall driving my horses. Streps. Thou dost but jest, 'twas driving an Ass rather. Amyn. I do not jest when I demand my money. Streps. Upon my word thou art not right. Amyn. How so? Streps. Thy brain me thinks is troubled. Amyn. E●ther pay me My money straight, or I will trouble you. Streps. Tell me, doth jove beget and send down rain. Or doth the Sun exhale it from the sea? Amyn. I neither know nor care. Streps. What? are you sit To receive money, and so ignorant Of these sublime and subtle mysteries? Amyn. Well, if you cannot let me have the principal, Pay me the interest. Streps. Interest, what kind Of creature's that? Amyn. What, but th'increase of money By months, and days, as time runs on. Streps. 'Tis well. And do you think the sea is fuller now Than 'twas at first? Amyn. No, not a drop, it is Not fit it should. Streps. The sea by your confession Is nothing grown; then with what conscience Can you desire your money should increase. Go get you from my doors, fetch me a whip there. Witn. Well, I'll bear witness for him. Streps. Why d'ye not go, will you move * The Horse's name which he bought of him. Samphoras? Amyn. Is not this riotous? Streps. Will you be gone? Or shall I lead you in a chain, and make you Show tricks? if you but stay a little longer, I'll send you, and your Cart and Horses packing. Chor. " Now observe what 'tis to bend " Studies to an evil end " This old man, that is intent " Creditors to circumvent, " Foolishly himself hath crossed, " And will find so to his cost; " That in this false Art his son " Hath attained perfection: " Justice cunning to refute) " That at last he'll wish him mute. Act. 5. Scene. 1. Strepsiades, Phidippides. Streps. O Neighbours, Kinsmen, Countrymen, help, help, I'm beat all all over: oh my head, my back● Thou strik'st thy Father Rogue. Phid. I do so father. Streps. See, see, he stands in't too. Phid. I do indeed. Streps. Thief, villain, Patricide. Phid. More I beseech you, I am much taken with these pretty Titles. Streps. Rascal, Phid. Pray stick me fuller of these roses: Streps. Dost beat thy Father? Phid. Yes, by jove, and justly. Streps. Oh ' rogue what justice can there be in that. Phid. I will demonstrate it by argument. Streps. By argument? Phid. Most easily, which language Shall I dispute in. Streps. Language? Phid. Yes the greater Or lesser? Streps. I have bred thee well indeed If thou canst make this good, that any son May beat his Father. Phid. You'll confess as much If I so prove it, that you cannot answer't. Streps. Well, I will hear for once what you can say. Scoen. 2. Chorus, Streps, Phidip. Cho. " OLd man it much concerns you to confute " Your son, whose confidence appears to suit " With a just cause; how happened this dispute? Str. I shall relate it from the first; as soon As we had dined, I took a lute and bid him Sing the sheep-shearing of Simonides, He told me 'twas an old and ugly fashion To sing at dinner like a miller's wife. Phi. And was not this sufficient to deserve A beating; when you'd make men chirp like * At noon Virgecl. 2. Grasshoppers? Str. Just so he said within; and added that Simonides was an unpleasant Poet. I must confess I hardly could forbear him; But than I bid him take a Myrtle, branch, And act some piece of Aeschylus, that Aechylus Saith he, is of all Poets the absurdest, The harshest, most disorderly and bombast. Did not my heart pant at this language think you? Yet I repressed it; Then said I, rehearse A learned speech out of some modern wit; He straight repeats out of Euripides A tedious long Oration, how the Brother (Good Heavens) did violate his sister's bed. Here I confess I could contain no longer But chid him sharply; to dispute we went, Words upon words till he at last to blows, To strike, to pull, to tear me. Phi. And not justly? You that would discommend Euripides, The wisest of all Poets. Str. Wisest? ah What did I say, I shall be beat again. Ph. By jove, and you deserve't. Str. How, deserve it? Ungrateful wretch, have I not brought thee up, Fed and maintained thee from a little one, Supplied thy wants? how then can I deserve it? Chor. " Now I believe each youthful breast " With expectation possessed, " That if the glory of the day " Be from the plaintiff born away, " By this example they may all " Upon the old men heavy fall; " What you have done with utmost art, " To justify is now your part. Phid. How sweet it is to study, sage new things; And to contemn all fundamental laws! When I applied my mind to Horse-coursing I could not speak three words but I was out; Now since I gave it one, I am acquainted With ponderous sentences and subtle reasons, Able to prove I ought to beat my Father. Str. Nay, follow racing still, for I had rather Maintain thy horses then be beaten thus. Phid. I will begin where you did interrupt me, And first will ask, did you not beat me when I was a child? Streps. But that was out of love. Phid. 'Tis very right, tell me then, ought not I To recompense your love with equal love; If to be beaten be to be beloved, Why should I suffer stripes, and you have none? I am by nature born as free as you; Nor is it fit the sons should be chastised, and not their parents. Str. Why? Phid. You urge the Law, That doth allow all children to be beaten: To which I answer, Old men are twice children. And therefore ought, when they offend, be punished As well as we, Str. But there's no Law that says The Parents should be punished. Phid. Was not he Who made that Law, a man as you and I, He formed a Law, which all the old men followed; Why may not I as well prescribe another, And all the young men follow my advice: But all the blows before this Law was made Must be forgiven wihtout all dispute. Besides, mark how the Cocks and other creatures Fight with their sires, who differ not at all From us, save only that they make no laws. Streps. Why then if you will imitate the Cocks, Do you not dine upon a Dunghill, and Lodge in a hen-roost? Phid. 'Tis not all one case, Our Socrates doth not approve so far. Streps. Approve not then their sighting, but in this Thou plead'st against thyself. Phid. How so? Streps. Because Th'authority I exercise o'er thee Will be thine own, when ere thou hast a son. Phid. But if I ne'er have any, than I never Shall have authority, and you will go To th'grave deriding me. Streps. 'Tis too much reason. Phid. Hear now another argument. Streps. I'm lost. Phid. And then perhaps you'll take the blows I gave you Not half so ill. Streps. What good shall I get by them? Phid. I'll bend my mother too. Streps. What sayest thou, thou? Why this is worse than t'other. Phid. What if I Prove by the second language that I ought? Streps. Why then you will have nothing more to do But prove that you, and your wise Socrates, And wiser language may hang all together. O Clouds, all this I suffer through your means, For I in you wholly reposed my trust. Chor. " Thy self art author of this misery, " Because to ill thou didst thy mind apply. Streps. Why did you then give me no warning of it? You know I was a rude and aged man. Chor. " This is our custom, whensoe'er we find " Any to malice or deceit inclined, " Into some dreadful mischief such we thrust, " That they may fear the Gods, and learn what's just. Streps. Alas, this is a mischief, and a just one, For I ought not, when I had borrowed money, To seek out ways t'avoid restoring it. Come then my son, let us be revenged Upon that wicked Socrates and Ch●●raephon, Who have abused us both. Phid. I will not wrong My Masters. Streps. Reverence Celestial jove. Phid. Celestial jove, see how you rave now father▪ There's no such thing as jove. Streps. There is. Phid. * Act. 3. A whirlwind Hath blown jove quite away, and rules all. Streps. No son, he's not expelled, I was but fooled To worhip in his room a fictile deity. Phid. Nay if you will needs be mad, be mad alone. Scoen. 3. Strepsiades. Streps. MAd that I was to trust in Socrates, And cast off all our Gods; good Mercury Be not displeased or punish, but forgive me. That took such pains, and studied to talk idly; And tell me what I'd best do with these fellows. Sue them or punish'em some other way— thouart in the right, I will not sue them then, But as thou bidst me set their Nest on fire; Come Xanthias, come, a fork and ladder quickly. Get up and pluck the house about their Ears, Quick if thou lovest thy master; one of you Go light a torch, and bring it hither straight: Proud as they are I mean to bring'em lower, Scoen. 4. Scholar, Strepsiades, Socrates, Chaerephon. Scholar OH, oh! Strep. Torch to thy work, set fire apace. Scholar What art thou doing man? Streps. That which I'm doing; Disputing somewhat hotly with your school here. Scholar Alas, who's this that sets our house on fire? Streps. He whom you cozened of his cloak. Scholar Thou killest, Thou kil'lst us man. Streps. That is the thing I mean, If my fork hold and ladder, do not fail me. So. How now, what do you make on our house-ridge. Streps. * Act. 2. 〈◊〉. 3. I walk i'th' air and gaze upon the Sun. So. Alas I'm choked. Streps. Why dost thou scorn the Gods then? Chaer. Oh me I burn; Streps.s Now you may● calculate The motions of the Moon; tear, pluck, beat, burn'em. For many reasons they deserve the flame, But most because they did the Gods disclaim. XENOPHON XENOPHON. CHAP. I. Xenophon, his Country Parents, and following of Socrates. Xenophon was an Athenian, * Lae●●. son of Cryllus, of the Erchiean Tribe: The time of his birth is no where expressly delivered: * Laert. Stesiclides affirms he died the first year of the 105. Olympiad. * de Longave. Lucian that he outlived 90. years: whence it is evident that he was born at or before the first year of the 82. Olympiad, which if the learned Causabone had observed, he had not * Anima●●. ●. 12. altered Athenaeus upon supposition, that he was but ten years old, the fourth year of the 89. Olympiad (the time of his Symposium) whereas he was then no less than 36. years of age. Laertius saith, he flourished the fourth year of the 94. Olympiad. (Suidas reads, of the 98.) Or, according to others, that he flourished in the 89. Olympiad with the rest of the Socratic Philosophers; of whom he became one upon this accident. * Laert. Meeting Socrates in a narrow lane, he stopped him with his staff, and asked him where all kind of meats were to be sold; to which Socrates made a serious answer: and then demanded of him, where it was that men were made good and virtuous! whereat Xenophon pausing, follow me then, saith he, and learn; from thence forward he became a Disciple of Socrates. In the time of that great war betwixt the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, called the Peloponnesian war (the natural forwardness of his spirit being perhaps excited by the example of his Master Socrates) he was personally engaged in the fight before Delium, the first year of the 89. Olympiad● wherein the Boeotians overcame the Athenians; in which defeat * Strab. 9 Laert. Xenophon in the flight unhorsed and thrown, down, Socrates (who his horse being likewise slain under him, fought on foot) took him upon his shoulders and and carried him many furlongs, until the Enemy gave over the pursuit. This was the first essay of his military profession, which he afterward resumed upon this occasion. CHAP. 2. Upon what occasion he followed Cyrus into Asia. * Xenoph. expedit cyr. lib. 1. ARtaxerxes succeeded Darius his Father in the Kingdom of Persia, Cyrus his younger brother having been sent for out of his Government of Lyd●a upon his father's sickness, which is that first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placed by the Arundelian stone in the second year of the 93. Olympiad, confounded by * Ad Gre●. Epoch. c●n. Chron. pag. 113. a learned person with the latter, six years after) was imprisoned by his brother upon the accusation of Tissaphernes, but released by the mediation of his Mother Parysa●is. Being returned to his Government, he used all secret means to strengthen himself. the Ionian Cities were delivered to Tissaphernes by Artaxerxes, but revolted to him, all except Myletus. His pretences for levying forces were, the Garrisoning of those Cities, and his opposing Tissaphernes: Clearchus likewise raised for him many in Chersonesus, upon pretence of warring against the Thracians. He privately also kept an Army on foot in Thessaly under Aristippus: and Proxenus of Boeotia brought him forces as against the Pisidians; this Proxenus (who had been scholar to Gorgias the Leontine, and * Xen. lib. 3. guest to Xenophon) sent to invite him to Cyrus, assuring him he should be of more esteem with him then of his own Country: Xenophon consulted with Socrates about this letter, who doubting that if he took part with Cyrus, the Athenians would be displesed with him (Cyrus having before aided the Lacedæmonians against them) counselled him to ask the advice of the Delphian Oracle. Xenophon went thither, and demanded of Apollo to which of the Gods he should address his vows and sacrifice for the good success of his intended journey. He was answered, that he should sacrifice to those Gods to whom it was due: Returning to Athens, he imparted this Oracle to Socrates, who blamed him, because he had not demanded whether it was best to stay or no, but (as already determined to go) how he might best perform his journey; Nevertheless (saith he) since you have so proposed your demand, you must do as the God's command: Xenophon having sacrificed according to the Oracles direction, took shipping, and at Sardis found Proxenus and Cyrus ready for their expedition into Asia, and was immediately recommended to Cyrus, being by both earnestly entreated to stay: he continued with him * Xen. lib. 3. not in any command, but as a volunteer, * Chio. Epist. ad Metrid. In which condition he did not any thing misbeseeming a soldier, whereupon he was in the number of those whom Cyrus esteemed most. * Xenoph. lib. 1. Cyrus' having drawn all his forces together, marched up and gave battle to Artax●rxes (in the beginning of the fourth year * Laert. of the ninety fourth Olympiad, when Xenenetus was Archon) at Cunaxa, five hundred Stadia from Babylon, by the River Euphrates. Whilst he was viewing both Armies, he told Xenophon, who road up to him, that the sacrifices were auspicious; then Xenophon gave him the Grecians word, jupiter the preserver. The Greeks prevailed against Tissaphernes; but Cyrus assaulting, the King, was through his too much forwardness ●lain; the Grecians thinking themselves Masters of the field, and Cyrus to be alive, returned to their Camp, which they found rif●ed by the enemy. * Xenoph. lib. 2. The next day the King sending Phalinus to them, to deliver their arms, Xenophon answered, That they had● nothing left but their arms and valour; as long as they kept their arms, they might use their valour, surrendering them, they were not Masters of themselves; It were indiscretion (saith he) to surrender what we have left, since thereby perhaps we may make ourselves Masters of what you have. Phalinus smiling, replied; Young man, you look and speak like a Philosopher; but assure yourself, your valour will not overmaster the King's power. Clearchus' returned this answer for the whole Army, If we be esteemed friends, it will be better for him that we are armed, if enemies, better for ourselves. Tissaphernes having made a Truce with Clearchus, perfidiously got him with four other Commanders, Proxenus, Menon, ( * Laert. with whom Xenophon had particular enmity) Agias, and Socrates, twenty Captains of Cohorts, and two hundred common soldiers into his power; and delivering them up to the King, they were beheaded. The Greeks being summoned to lay down their arms, pretending that Clearchus was executed for treason discovered by Menon and Proxenus, who were very highly rewarded. Xenophon required to have them sent, who were fittest to direct them, being friends to both; whereto the Persians not able to answer, departed. CHAP. III. How he brought off the Grecian Army. * Xe●ph. lib. 3; THe Greeks finding themselves in such a straight, were in despair ever to see their Country again. Xenophon calling together the Officers of Proxenus, told them, They were not to expect any mercy from the King, who had shown none to the body of his dead brother, having fastened his head and hand to a Gibbet, and that they must reslove to put their safety in their arms. Apollonides a B●eotian alleged, that there was no means of safety but in the King's favour and began to reckon the dangers wherewith they were surrounded. Xenophon answered. That when upon the death of Cyrus, they marched up to the King's armies, he laboured for a cessation, but when their Captains went to him unarmed, he abused them; and that Apollonides deserved to be cashiered, as the dishonour of his Nation. Agasthias replied, (which words Laertius ascribes to Xenophon) he was an inconsiderable fellow, whose ears were bore as the slaves of Lydia: So they turned him out. Having called together all the Commanders, Xenophon advised them to choose new in the room of those that were lost, of whom he was elected in the place of Proxenus: Hereupon he put on his richest habit, as fittest either for death or victory, for * Aelian. var. hist. 3. 24. his greatest delight was in fair polished arms, affirming, that if he overcame, he deserved such, if he were overcome and died in the field, they would decently express his quality, and were the fittest sepulchral ornaments of a valiant man. His shield was of Argos, his breastplate of Altica, his helmet of B●eotia, his horse of Epidaurium; whereby Aelian argued the elegance of the person, in choosing such things as were fair, and esteeming him worthy of such. Thus adorned, he made an oration to the Army, advising them (from the examples of their late commanders) not to trust the enemy, but in order to their return, to burn their Carriages, and Tents: this advice was put in execution; Cherisophus a Lacedaemonian had charge of the Van, Xenophon of the Rear, chosen (saith) Chio as well for his courage as wisdom, being in both excellent: betwixt these two there grew so great a friendship, that in all the time of the retreat they never had but one difference; their march was directed towards the heads of those great rivers which lay in their way, that they might pass them where they were fordable; having crossed the River Zathe, Mithridates came up to them, and galled the Rear with shot, which the Greeks not able to requite, Xenophon provided two hundred slings, and finding fifty horses fit for service, employed among the Carriage, mounted men upon them, whereby having frustrated the second attempt of Mithridates, they marched to Larissa, seated upon Tigris, thence to Mespila; in their march from thence, Tissaphernes overtook them with a great Army, but was twice worsted; whereupon (as the securest course) he seized on a Mountain, under which they must of necessity pass; Xenophon with a party gained by another way the top of that Mountain, not without much difficulty of passage and trouble; and to animate his soldiers, one of them, named Soteridas, murmured that he was on horseback, whereas himself marched on foot, oppressed with the weight of his shield; which Xenophon hearing, alighted, took his shield from him, and thrusting him out of his rank, marched (notwithstanding he had also a horseman Cuirasse) in his room: But the soldiers beat and reviled Soteridas, till they constrained him to take again his shield and place. When they had gained the top, the enemy, being prevented fled, and set fire on the villages. * Xenoph. lib. 4. The Grecians, (intercepted by the River Tigris) marched over the mountains into the Country of the Carduchi, a people enemy to the Persians, rough and warlike, from whom they found such opposition, that in seven days march through their country, they were put to continual fights, and suffered more distresses than the Persian had put them to, Fording the River K●ntrites, which bounds that country, they passed into Armenia, where having put to flight some troops of horse raised by the King's deputies in these parts to oppose their passage, they marched without disturbance to the heads of Tigris, which they passed; thence to the River of Tele●od in west Armenia, molested with extreme snows, losing many by extremity of cold, till they came to the River Phasis, near which lived the Phasiani, Tacc●i, and the Chalybes; the Tacchis into whose country they first came, conveying their provision into strong holds, reduced the Greeks to great want, until with much pains they forced one of them, where they took as much Cattle as maintained them in their passage through the country of the Chalybes, a stout Nation, of whom they could get nothing but blows: thence they marched to the River Harpasus, so to the Scy●hini, where the Lord of Gymnias, a town in those parts, led them through the enemy's country (which he willed them to burn as they went) to the Mountain Theches●, from whence they might behold the sea, to the great joy of the soldiers. Passing friendly through the country of the Macrones, to the Colchian Mountains, discomfiting the Colchi, who opposed them, they arrived at T●aprezond, a City upon the Euxine sea, where was a Greek Colony; here they sacrificed and celebrated games: * Xenoph. lib. ●. Cherisophus they sent to Anaxibius, the Lacedaemonian Admiral, (with whom he was intimate) to procure ships for their transportation home. Whilst they stayed in expectation of his return, they maintained themselves by incursions upon the Colchi and Dryla●; but he not coming, and their provision failing, Xenophon persuaded the Cities adjoining to clear them a passage by Land, which they took to Cerasus a Greek City, where mustering their men, they found but eight thousand six hundred left of ten thousand that went up with Cyrus; the rest consumed by enemies, snow, and sickness: They shared the money that had been made by the sale of Captives, reserving a tenth for a offering to Apollo and Diana: Xenophon reserved his to be disposed at Delphi and Ephesus, From Cerasus they passed through the Country of the Mosyna●ci, a barbarous people, divided into factions; the stronger part despising their friendship, they joined with the weaker, whom they left Master of all: Then they marched to the Chalybes, thence to the Tibarenes, passing quietly through their Country to Cotyora, a Greek Town and Colony of the Sinopians Thus far the Army marched on foot; the distance of the place where they fought with Artax●rxes to Cotyora, being one hundred twenty two encamp, six hundred twenty parasangs, ten thousand eight hundred twenty furlongs, the time eight Months. Those of Cotyora refusing to afford them a Market or entertainment for their sick, they entered the Town by force, and took provision, partly out of Pap ●lagonia, partly out of the Territory of the Cotyonites; whereupon the City of S●nope to which Cotyora was tributary, sent Ambassadors to them, complaining of this dealing, and threating to join with Corylas and the Paphlagonians; whereto Xenophon answered, that they feared not, if need were, to war against them both, but could, if they pleased, gain the friendship of Corylas and the Paphlagonians as well as they. Upon which answer, the Ambassadors growing calm, promised them all friendship from the State of Sinope, and to assist them with shipping for the whole Army, it being impossible to go by Land, by reason of the Rivers ●hermod●●, Halys, ●●is and Parthenius. Xenophon had designed to plant a Colony there, but his intention being divulged by Silanus, a Soothsayer, those of Sinope, and Heraclea sent to the Grecians, promising them not only a sufficient fleet, but desiring under hand Timasion a Greek Commander to promise the Army a good sum of money to convey them to Tro●●; which offers Xenophon (who only desired the common good) persuaded them to accept, and to engage mutually, not to forsake one another till they were all in safety: those of Heraclea sent shipping, but not the money; whereupon Timasion and other commanders fearing the soldiers, desired Zenophon the Army might go to Phasis, which he refused, but thereby was occasioned a suspicion that he should plot to deceive the Army and to bring them back to Phasis, whereof he acquitted himself. Here a general inquisition was made of all offences since the death of Cyrus, and they were punished; some accused Xenophon for beating them, all which proved for just causes, one for offering to bury his sick companion alive; some for forsaking their ranks; others for lying on the ground in the snow, or lingering behind. Thus were all things quietly settled. CAAP. IU. End of the Retreat. THe Greeks, assoon as their fleet was ready, * Xenoph. lib. 6. set sail for Harmond, the Port of Stnope, when Chirisophus met them with some Galleys from Anaxibius, who promised them pay as soon as they should come into Greece. The Army desirous of a General, entreated Xenophon (with extraordinary testimony of affection) to accept that command: Xen●phon refused, either dissuaded by inauspicious sacrifice, or unwilling to displease the Lacedæmonians, in putting by Chir sophus, who was thereupon chosen, but soon after deposed, for refusing to extort a great sum from Heraclea, a Greek City, their friends: Xenophon also denying to be employed therein the Army thereupon became divided; they chose ten Captains out of themselves, with Chirisophus remained two thousand one hundred, with Xenophon two thousand foot and forty horse; Chirisophus went by land to meet Cleander Governor of Bizanti●m, at the mouth of the River Calphas▪ leaving such shipping as he had to Xenophon who landing in the confines of Thrace, and of the Heraclean Country, marched quietly through the midst of the land: the Mutineers landing at Calphas, surprised and spoilt the country thereabout; the Thracians rising up against them, cut off two Regiments, and besieged the hill where the rest encamped, Xenophon on the way being informed of the desperate condition of these Greeks, went directly to the place, setting on fire as he went all that was combustible; the enemy fearing to be set upon in the night, stole away, as did the Greeks also, whom Xenophon overtaking in the way to the Port of Calphas, they embraced him with great joy, and arriving at the Haven, made a decree, that it should be death for any man to propound to divide the Army, and that they should depart the Country in their first order. The former Commanders being restored in the room of Chirisophus who died, they substituted Neon, who going forth with two thousand men to pillage the Country, was discomfitted by Pharnabazus Lieutenant to the King of Persia, and lost five hundred men; rest rescued by Xenophon, the Army by his encouragement marched through a large Forest defeating Pharnabazus, who opposed their passage there. Cleander came over to them, and having expressed much kindness to Xenophon, and contracted hospitality with him, departed. The Army marched through Bythinia to Chrysopolis in the territories of Chalcedon. * Xenoph. lib. 7. Thence Anaxibius the Lacedaemonian▪ Admiral transported them to Byzantium, where he had promised they should as soon as they arrived receive pay, without which he sent them out of the City, whereat the soldiers incensed, returned and entered the City by force, intending to spoil it: but Xenophon thrusting himself amongst the crowd, dissuaded them, and appeased the tumult, as it particularly attested by * In ●pis●ola ad 〈◊〉. Chio an eyewitness. By this means they were brought to depart the City quietly, which as soon as they had done, Xenophon desirous to go home, took leave of the Army, and returned to Byzantium with Cleander. Anaxibius being put out of the Admiralship, and thereupon slighted by Pharnabazus (at whose instigation he had treated the Greeks so hardly) desired Xenophon to return to the Army to lead them to Perinthus, whence they should be transported into Asia; The Army received him with much joy: when they came to Perinthus, Aristarchus the Governor would not suffer them to be transported: Seuth●s King of Thrace had invited them to aid him against Medocus, usurper of his Kingdom, with large offers of money to every soldier, of his daughter to Xenophon: to him therefore not knowing where to winter they went. At supper every one (according to the custom) drunk to the King, and made him a present: Xenophon, who sat next him, rising up, and taking the cup, told him, he gave him himself & all his Companions to be his faithful friends, and ready servants in the recovery of his Kingdom: Herein their assistance did much advantage Seuthes: the Army wanting pay, Xenophon reproved Heraclides for not taking order about it; who threupon endeavoured to work him out of favour with Seuthes, to whom he brought the rest of the Commanders, counselling them to say, that if need were, they could lead the Army upon service as well as Xenophon; but they jointly protested unto Seuthes, they would not serve at all without him: So he sent for Xenophon also, and being agreed to proceed, they marched towards the Country of the Melinophagi as far as Salmydesson: which places having reduced, they returend to the plains of Selybria: thither came Chaminus a Lacedaemonian, Polinicus sent from Thymbro▪ who told them that the Lacedæmonians had designed war against T●ssaphernes, the charge thereof was committed to Thymbro, who desired this Army of Greeks to assist them, promising them good pay. Seuthes willingly yielded the Army into their hands; they sent Xenophon to demand their areares, which not without much importunity he obtained. Thence they failed to Lampsacus, where Euclides a soothsayer of Xenophons' acquaintance asked him, how much Gold he had brought? Xenophon protested he had not had enough to carry him home, but that he sold his horse and other things which he had about him. The next day they marched to Ophryn●um, whither came Bito and Euclides to pay the Army; they being Xenophons' friends, restored (refusing the price of redemption) his horse which he much loved, and had pawned at Lampsa●us. Then marching forward by A●ra●yttium, and Kertonium; not Far from A●arna to the plain of Crious, they reached Pergamus a City of Lydia. Here helas wife of Gongylus an Eretrian; mother of Gorgion, and Gongylus entertained Xenophon: By her information Xenophon surprised Asidates a rich Persian, with his wife and children, and all his goods: Returning to Pergamus, the Lacedæmonians, Captains ans Soldiers, by agreement gave him also an extraordinary share of horses, oxen, and other things; then came Thymbro, and taking the Army, joined it to the rest of the Grecian forces, wherewith he made war against Tissapher●●s. Of the King's Provinces, through which they passed, the Governors were these; A●tim●s of Lydia, Artacam●s of Phrygia, Mi●●ridates of Lacaonia, and Cappodocia; of Cilicia; * Which perhaps was a common name to the Kings of that Country, as Ptolemy to those of Aepypt▪ see Thales chap. Syennesis: of Phoenicia and Arabia, Dernes; of Syria and Assyria, Belesis: of Babylonia, Roparas: of Media, Arbacas, of the Phasiani and Hesperitae, Te●ibazus, the Carduchi, Chalybes, Chaldaeans, Macrones, Colch●, Mosynaechi, Coeti, and Tibareni are free Nations; Paphlagonia governed by Coryla; the Bithynians by Pharnabazus, the European Thracians by Senthes; The total number of the Ascent and Descent is two hundred & fifteen encamp, one thousand one hundred & fifty parasangs, thirty four thousand two hundred fifty five furlongs; the time of the Ascent and Descent one year and three months. CHAP. V. His following of Agesilaus, and banishment. * Laert. AF●er this expedition the defeat in Pontus, and breach of promise of Senthes King of the Odrysians; Xenophon went into Asia with Agesilaus King of the Lacedæmonians, to whom he delivered for a sum of money the soldiers of Cyrus, and beloved infinitely, ●as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aemilius Probus saith, he conversed intimately with him: ●lcero, that he instructed him. Plutarch affirms, that by his advice Agesilaus sent his sons to be educated at Sparta, to learn and art them, which none was more excellent how to obey and command. Agesilaus. passed into Asia the first year of 96▪ Olympiad; He warred successfully with the Persian, but the year following was called home by the Lacedæmonians to help his Country invaded by the Thebans, and their allies, whom the Persian had corrupted, thereby to withdraw the war out of his Country. Xenophon in his returning with Agesilaus out of Asia into Boeotia, apprehending the danger of the war they were entering into, when he came to Ephesus left one half of the gold * Supr. chap. 36. which he had reserved for an offering out of his share (of ● the money which the Army divided at Cerasunt in their return the expedition of Cyrus,) with Megabyzus Diana's Priest, willing that if he escaped the danger of that war, it should be restored to him, if he miscarried, consecrated to Diana, and either made into an Image dedicated to the goddess, or disposed some way that he should conceive nmost acceptable to her: the other half he sent an offering to the Athenian treasury at Delphi, * Xenoph. lib. 5. inscribing thereon both his own name, and that of Proxenus, his predecessor in the command of that Regiment. Agesilaus returning, wasted Boeotia, and overcame the Thebans and their allies in a great battle at Coronea * Agesil particualrly described by Xenophon, who was there present. During the absence of Xenophon out of his own Country, the Athenians (because he took part against the King of Persia, their friend, & followed Cyrus,, who had assisted the Lacedæmonians against them, * 〈◊〉 supplying Lysander their General with money for a Navy) proclaimed a decree of bainshment against him: * Laert. Ister saith, he was banished by the decree of Eubulus, and called home by the same; Laertius, that he was banished for Laconism, upon his going to Agesilaus; Some place this decree in the third year of the 96. Olimpiad, but the writer of the History of Cyrus, his expedition inplyeth, that it was before his first return out of Asia, affirming that before the delivery of the Army to Thymbro, Xenophon ignorant of this decree, intended to have gone home. CHAP. VI How ●e lived at Scilluns', and at Cotinth. THe Lacedæmonians to requite him for suffering in their cause, * Laert. Paus●n. Eliac. maintained him at the public charge, and purchasing Scilluns' of the Eleans, built a Town there, and bestowed a fair house and land upon Xenophon, whereupon he left Agesilaus and went thither, carrying with him his wife named Philesia, and his two sons which he had by * Suid. her, Diodorus and Gryllus, called the Dioscuri. * Laert. Pelop●das a Spartan 〈◊〉 sent him Captives for slaves from Dardanus for a present, to dispose of them as should please him. Scilluns' was near Olympia, * Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. 5. Laert. eminent for celebration of the Games, which Megabyzus coming to see restored to Xenophon the money which he had left in his custody, wherewith * ●trab. 8. by advice of the Oracle he purchased a portion of land, and consecrated it to Diana in a place designed by Apollo, through which ran the River Selinus, of the same name with that at Ephesus, running by Diana's Temple; the River was stored as well with shellfish as others, the land with all kind of beasts for game; he built also a Temple, and after with the consecrated money offering the tithes of the fruits of the land to Diana, all the Citzens and Neighbours, men and women, were invited to the feast, where they had from the Goddesses allowance, bread, wine, and part of the flesh of such beasts as was either taken out of the consecrated ground, and sacrificed, or killed in hunting with the Sons of Xenophon and other Citizens exercised against the time of the feast out of the sacred ground, and out of Phaloe were taken wild Boars, Goats, and Staggs; the place lies in the way betwixt Lacedaemonia and Olympia, twenty Stadia from the Temple of Olympian jupiter. In the sacred ground were woods and hills, stored with trees sufficient to maintain swine, Goats and sheep, whereby the beasts of carriage of such Merchants as come to the feast are maintained plentifully: about the Temple a Grove of fruit-trees of all sorts. The Temple was an imitation in little of that at Ephesus: an image of Cypress here resembling that of Gold there: A Pillar near the Temble bore this inscription, GROUNDS ACRED DIANA. HE WHO POSSESSETH IT LET HIM PAY THE TITHE OF HIS YEARLY INCREASE, AND WITH THE SURPLUS AGE MAINTAIN THE TEMPLE, IF HE NEGLECT, THE GODDESS WILL TAKE ORDER FOR IT. * Laert. At this place. of retirement Xenophon employed his time in hunting, and writing Histories, inviting his friends thither. * Epist. Socratic. 1●. of whom amongst others came Phaedo and Aristippus, much delighted with the situation, building, and trees planted by the hand of the owner. * Laert. At length a war arising betwixt the Eleans and Lacedæmonians, the Eleans invaded Scilluns' with a great Army, and before the Lacedæmonians came to their relief, seized on the house & lands of Xenophon; His sons with some few servants got away privately to Lepreum; Xenophon first to Elis, then to Lepreum to his sons, and lastly with them to Corinth, where he took a house and continued the rest of his life. During this time the Argives, Arcadians, and Thebans, jointly opposed the Lacedæmonians, and had almost oppressed them, when the Athenians made a public decree ( * G●●c. 〈…〉. mentioned by a Xenophon) to succour them; Xenophon sent his Sons upon the expedition to Athens, to fight for the Lacedæmonians; for (as Diocles affirms) they had been educated at Sparta in the discipline of that place. This enmity ended in a great battle at Mantinaea in the second year of the hundreth and fourth Olympiad: Diodorus without acting any thing memorable, gave off safe, and had afterwards a son of his brother's name. Gryllus was ranked opposite to the Theban horsemen: the Thebans having by the valour of their General Ep●●minondas got the better of the day, a resolute company of Spartan horsemen broke in upon him, of whom was Gryllus, who slew Epaminondas with his own hand, as Pausanias affirms to have been attested both by the Athenians, and the Thebans, adding, that he had seen at Ahtens a picture of the battle at Mantinaea, confirming the same; and that at Mantin●a was erected a Pillar with the statue of Gryllus on horseback. In this noble action Gryllus lost his life, the news of whose death came to Xenophon at Corinth, as he was sacrificing, * Laert. Aelian. var. hist. 3. 3. D. 〈◊〉 epitaph. Nepot. ad Heliod. Stob. Serm. 106. Crowned with a Garland; as soon as he heard his son was slain, he took off his Garland, and laid it aside; then demanding after what manner he died, it was answered, sighting stoutly in the midst of his enemies, of whom, having slain many, he fell at last himself: Hereupon Xenophon took again his Garland, and putting it upon his head, proceeded to sacrifice, not so much as shedding one tear, only saying I knew that I had begot a mortal; * Val. Max. 5. 10. and calling the Gods to whom he sacrificed to witness, that the virtue of his son gave him more content, than his death sorrow. * Laert. citing Aristotle Innumerable were the Epitaphs and Encomiums that were written upon Gryllus, to please Xenophon whence may be collected in how great esteem he was. That he made a visit to Dionysius Tyrant of Sicily (but at what time is uncertain) is implied by * Deipnos. lib. 10. Athenaeus, who relateth, that being at a feast of his, compelled by the Cupbearer to drink, he called the Tyrant by name: What is the matter Dyonysius (saith he) your Cook though excellent in that art doth not enforce us to eat against our inclination? CHAP. VII. His Death, Person, Virtues. Xenophon being * Laert. full of years (which according to * De long●v. Lucian exceeded ninety) died at Corinth, in the first of the hundreth and fifth Olympiad, Callidemus, or Callimedes' being Archon, at what time Philip son of Amintas began his reign in Macedonia. He had an ingenious modest look, long, thick hair, handsome (to use the words of Laertius) beyond expression, Adroit in every thing, particularly addicted to horses and hunting skilful in Tactics, as his writings attest; devout, a great lo●er of sacrifices, skilful in interpreting them; an exact imitator of Socrates, temperate, as appears from his saying that * Athen. deip●. 4. It is pleasant: hungry, to eat herbs; thirsty, to drink water. So candid and ingenious, that * Laert. when he might have stolen the writings of Thucydides which lay concealed, he chose rather to publish them with honour. In a word, he was a person every was absolute, as well for action, as contemplation. Xenophon. (saith * Proem. Eunapius) was the only man of all the Philosophers who adorned Philosophy with his words and actions; he describes moral 〈◊〉 in his discourses and writings: in his ac●ions he was singular; as to his conduct, a most excellent General. Alexander had not be●n great, i● Xenophon had not said, even the perfunctory actions of valtant persons ought to be recorded. * Laert He was the first that committed the disputes of Socrates his Master to writing, and that with much sidelity, not inserting excursions of his own, as Plato did, whom for that reason, as * Lib. 14. ●gellius observes, he argueth of falsehood; that there was a great enmity betwixt these two is affirmed by the same Author; who, as a proof thereof allegeth, that neither of them, names the other in any of their writings: * De Histor. Graec. 1. 5. only observes, that Xenophon mentions Plato once in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, overseen by Agellius. This enmity is further acknowledged by * Lib. 3. Athenaeus and Laertius, confirmed by the Epistle of Xeno●hon to Aeschines, wherein he condemns Plato, that not being satisfied with the Doctrine of Socra●es, he went to the Pythagoreans in Italy, and to the Egyptian Priests; arguments of a mind not constant to Socrates. That he was at difference with * Laert. vit. Aristipp. Aristippus also, argued from his writings. Laertius hath two Epigrams concerning him, the first upon his going with Cyrus into upper Asia. Great Xenophon at once made two ascents, To Asia in person, and to Heaven by fame: His stile and action (lasting Monuments) Lay to Soc●atic-wisdome equal claim. The other upon his banishment. Thee the Cecropians, noble Xenophon, Banished the●r land, 'cause Cyrus●hou ●hou didst aid; But strangers proved far kinder than thy own: What Athens owed thee, was by Corinth paid Laerti●s reckons seven Xenophons', this the first, the second and Athenian, brother to Nicostratus, Author of the Theses; besides many other things, he writ the lives of Pelo●idas and Epaminondas; the third, a Physician of Coos; the fourth writer of the History of Hannibal: the fifth, writer of fabulous Monsters: the sixth, of Paros a statuary: the seventh, an old Comic Poet: Suidas reckons three more; one of Antioch, the second of Ephesus, the third of Cyprus: Historians, or rather writers of Romances; that of the first called Babylonica, of the second Ephesiica in ten books; of the third Cypriaca: the story of Cynaras, Myrrah, and Adonis. CHAP. VIII. His writings. DIonysius Halicarnassaeus saith, that Xenophon was a studious aemulatour of Herodotus, both in words and language: His stile (according to Cicero) * Brut. & de oratore. lib. 2. soft and * Orator. sweet (melle dulcior) s●●●ffering from the noise of Orators in the Forum: in his voice, * Cic Orat. the Muses seem to speak, whence he was surnamed the Attic Muse; or according to others, the Attic Bee, a Title formerly conferred on * Vit. Sophocl. Sophocles. His stile and manner of writing isat large discoursed upon by Aristides, Adrianensis in an express tract, erroneously ascribed to Hermogenes. The Books of Xenophon (which * Cicer. Tusc. quaest. 3. Scipio Africanus had always in his hand, and * De senect. Cicero adviseth to read, as very profitable in many things) were (as reckoned by La●rtius) forty, which several persons distinguish severally; hte general titles these. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the li●e and discipline of Cyrus (as Cicero renders it) in eight books, written non ad historiae ●idem (though * Lib. 15. Diodorus Siculus seems to take it in that quality) sed ad effigiem justi imper●i; no● as a faithful History, but the description of an exact Prince: Whence * Grat. act. Ausonius saith, in relating the virtues of Cyrus, he hath given rather a wish then a history, describing, not what he was, but what he ought to have been. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the going up of Cyrus the younger into Asia, in seven Books; each of which (as Laertius observes) hath a Prooem, the whole none: Masius suspects that Xenophon was not the Author of this book; the Bishop of * Annal. Armach ascribes it to Themistogenes, though owned as Xenophons' by Plutarch, Cicero, Dionysius Halycarnaessuus, Hermogenes, Laertius, Athenaeus, and others. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Greek History, in seven books, continuing where Thucydides left; the same was done by Theopompus, but he went nor further than sixteen years, Xenophon to forty eight. Agesilaus, of which piece Cicero saith, that Agesilaus would not suffer his picture or statue to be made, this book alone surpasseth all pictures or images in his praise. The Republic of the Lacedæmonians, and the Republic of the Athenians, which * Laert. denieth to be Xenophons'. The defence of Socrates, and them emorialls of Socrates, which perhaps is that history of Philosophers mentioned by Suidas. Economics, the last book of the memorable discourses, wherewith * Office. 2. Cicero was so much delighted, that in his younger years he translated it. Symposium, accommodated to the fourth year of the eighty ninth Olympiad, for which reason reprehended by Athenaeus, as erroneous in Chronology; vindicated by the learned Casaubon. Hie●ro, Or, of a Kingdom. The accounts of revenues. Of Horses. Of Horsemanship. Of Hunting. Epistles. Besides these which are extant, Xenophon seems to have written other things; * 8. 13. Valerius Maximus and * 7. 48. Pliny cite his Periplus. There is a treatise of Aequivokes under Xenophon's name, but made and imposed upon the world by Annius. XENOPHONS' EPISTLES. To * stob. se●●. Aeschines. Epist. 1. MEeting with Hermogenes, amongst other things I asked him what Philosophy you followed, he answered, the same as Socrates. For this inclination I admired you, when you lived at Athens, and now continue the same admiration for your constancy above other students of wisdom; The greatest argument to me of your virtue is, your being taken with that man, if we may call the life of Socrates mortal. That there are divine beings over us all know: we worship them as exceeding us in power; what they are is neither easy to find, nor lawful to inquire. It concerns not servants to examine the Nature and actions of their Masters, their duty is only to obey them; and which is most considerable, the more admiration they deserve who busy themselves in those things which belong to man; the more trouble this brings them, who affect glory in vain unseasonable objects: For when (Aeschines) did any man hear Socrates' discourse of the Heavens, or advise his Scholars to Mathematical Demonstrations? we know he understood Music no further than the Ear: But was always discoursing to his friends of some thing excellent; what is fortitude and justice and other virtues. These he called the proper good of mankind; other things he said men could not arrive at; or they were of kin to fables, such ridiculous things as are taught by the supercilious professors of wisdom. Nor did he only teach this; his practice was answerable; of which I have written at large elsewhere, what I hope will not be unpleasing to you, (though you know it already) to peruse. Let * Meaning Plato, who added much of his own to the discour ses of Socrates and went to Egypt, Italy, and Sicily. those who are not satisfied with what Socrates delivered, give over upon this conviction, or confine themselves to what is probable. Living, he was attested wise by the Deity; Dead, his Murderers could find no expiation by repentance: But these extraordinary persons affect Egypt and the prodigious learning of Pythago●as, which unnecessary study argueth them of inconstancy towards Socrates, as doth also their love of Tyrants, and preferring the luxury of a Sicilian table before a frugal life. To Crito. Epist. 2. Socrates often told us, Stob. serm. 201. that they who provide mcuh wealth for their Children, but neglect to improve them by virtue, do like those who feed their horses high, and never train them to the manage: by this means their horses are the better in case, but the worse for service, whereas the commendations of a horse consists not in his being fat, but serviceable in war. In the same kind err they who purchase Lands for their Children, but neglect their persons; Their possessions will be of great value, themsleves of none, whereas the owner ought to be more honourable than his estate. Whosoevever therefore breeds his Son well, though he leave him little, gives him much: It is the mind which makes him great or small: whatsoever they have to the good seems sufficient, to the rude too little. You leave your Children no more than necessity requires, which they being well educated will esteem plentiful. The ignorant though free from present trouble, have nothing the less fear for the future. To Sotira. Epist. 3. * Stob. serm. 892. DEath in my opinion is neither good nor ill, but the end of the life, not alike to all, for as stronger or weaker from their birth, their years are unequal; sometimes death is hastened by good or evil causes: and again? * Stob. serm. 278. Neither is it fitting to grieve so much for death, knowing that birth is the beginning of man's Pilgrimage, death the end. He died, as all men (though never so unwilling) must do: but to die well, is the part of a willing and well educated ' person. Happy was Gryllus, and whosoever else chooseth not the longest life, but the most virtuous; though his (it pleased God) was short. To Lamprocles. Epist. 4. You must first approve the excellent assertion of Socrates, Stob. that Riches are to he measured by their use. He called not large possessions riches, but so much only as is necessary; in the judgement whereof he advised us not to be deceived, these he called truly rich, the rest poor, labouring under an incurable poverty of mind, not estate. Epist. * Epist. Socratic. 18. Epist. 5. THey who * Allatius otherwise. write in praise of my Son Gryllus, did as they ought; and you likewise do well in writing to us the actions of Socrates; we ought not only to endeavour to be good ourselves, but to praise him who lived chastely, piously, and justly; and to blame fortune, and those who plotted against him, who ere long will receive the punishment thereof. The Lacedæmonians are much incensed at it, (for the ill news is come hither already) and reproach our people, saying, they are mad again, in that they could be wrought upon to put him to death whom Pythia declared the wisest of men. If any of Socrates friends want those things which I sent, give me notice, and I will help them, for it is just and honest; you do well in in keeping Aeschines with you, as you send me word. I have a design to collect the sayings and actions of S●crates, which will be his best apology, both now and for the future, not in the Court where the Athenians are Judges, but to all who consider the virtue of the man. If we should not write this freely, it were a sin against friendship and the truth. Even now there fell into my hands a piece of Plato's to that effect, wherein is the name of Socrates, and some discourse of his not unpleasant. * But we must profess that we heard not, nor can commit to writing any thing in that kind, for we are not Poets as he is, though he renounce Poetry; for amidst his entertainments with beautiful persons, he affirmed that there was not any Poem of his extant, but one of Socrates, young and handsome: Farewell, both dearest to me. Epist. * Epist. Socratic▪ 21. Epist. 6. INtending to celebrate the feast of Diana, to whom we have erected a Temple, we sent to invite you hither; If all of you would come, it were much the best, otherwise if you send such as you can conveniently spare to assist at our sacrifice, you will do us a favour. A●istippus was here, and (before him) Phaedo, who were much pleased with the situation and structure, but above all, with the plantation which I have made with my own hands. The place is stored with beasts, convenient for hunting, which the Goddess affects; Let us rejoice and give thanks to her who preserved me from the King of the Barbarians, and afterwards in Pontus and Thrace from greater evils, even when we thought we were out of the Enemy's reach. Though you come not, yet am I obliged to write to you. I have composed some memorials of Socrates, when they are perfect you shall have them. Aristippus and Phaedo did not disapprove of them; Salute in my name Simon▪ the leather-dresser, and commend him that he continueth Socratic discourses, not diverted by want, or his trade from Philosophy, as some others, who decline to know and admire such discourses and their effects. Epist. * Epist. Socratic. 19 Epist. 7. COme to us dear friend, for we have now finished the Temple of Diana, a magnificent structure, the place set with trees and consecrated, what remains will be sufficient to maintain us; for as Socrates said, if they are not fit for us, we will fit ourselves to them; I writ to Gryllus my son and your friend to supply your occasions, I writ to Gryllus, because of a little one you have professed a kindness for him. To Xantippe. Epist. * Epist. Socratic. 21. Epist. 8. TO Euphron of Megara I delivered six measures of meal, eight drachmas, and a new raiment for your use this winter: accept them and know that Euclid and Terpsion are exceeding good, honest persons, very affectionate to you and Socra●es; If your sons have a desire to come to me, hinder them not, for the journey to Mega●a is neither long nor incommodious: Pray forbear to weep any more, it may do hurt, but cannot help. Remember what Socrates said, follow his practice and precepts; In grieving you will but wrong yourself and children; They are the young ones of Socra●es, whom we are obliged not only to maintain, but to preserve ourselves for their sakes: lest if you or I, or any other, who after the death of Socracrates ought to look to his Children, should fail, they might want a Guardian to maintain and protect them. I study to live for them, which you will not do unless you cherish yourself. Grief is one of those things which are opposite to life, for by it the living are prejudiced. Apollodorus * The reason manifest from Xenophon and Laertius, who describe him such; Xenophon calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apologe Socrat.) in all things but his affection to Socrates▪ Leo Allatius is much perplexed concerning this appellation. surnamed the soft, and Dion praise you, that you will accept nothing from any, professing you are rich; it is well done; for as long as I and other friends are able to maintain you, you shall need none else. Be of good courage Xantippe, lose nothing of Socrates, knowing how great that man was; think upon his life, not upon his death; yet that to those who consider it will appear noble and excellent. Farewell. To * Epist. Socratic. 22. Cebes and Simmias Epist. 9 IT is commonly said, nothing is richer than a poor man, this I find true in myself, who have not so much, but whilst you my friends take care of me, seem to possess much: and it is well done of you to supply me as often as I write: As concerning my Commentaries, there is none of them but I fear should be seen by any in my absence, as I professed in your hearing at the house where Euclid lay. I know dear friends a writing once communicated to many is irrecoverable. Plato, though absent, is much admired throughout Italy and Sicily for his treatises; but we cannot be persuaded they deserve any study; I am not only careful of losing the honour due to learning, but tender also of Socrates, lest his virtue should incur any prejudice by my ill relation of it. I conceive it the same thing to calumniate, or not praise to the full those of whom we write; This is my fear (Cebes and Simmias) at present, until my judgement shall be otherwise informed. Fare ye well. AESCHINES. CHAP I. His life. * Laert. AESCHINES was son of Charinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as Plato and others, of Lysanias, an Athenian, of the Sphet●ian Tribe: He was from his childhood very industrious; addressing himself to Socrates, he said to him, I am poor, and have nothing to give you but myself: Do you not know, answered Socrates, that you have made me a rich present? He was the most diligent of all his Scholars, and never quitted him; whereupon 〈◊〉 said, that he only▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valued him: He was not beloved of Plato, nor Aristippus: I domeneus saith, it was he who counselled Socrates to escape out of Prison, which Plato ascribes to Crito. Being very poor, Socrates bade him take some of his Dialogues and make money of them, which Aristippus suspecting when he read them at Megara, derided him, saying, how came you by these Plagiary? Another time * Flut. de ira cohib. Aristippus falling out with him, was questioned what became of his ●●iendship, he answered, it is asleep, but I will wake it; and meeting Aeschines, do I seem so inconsiderable to you, saith he, and unfortunate, as not to deserve correction? It is no wonder, answers Aeschines, if your nature exceeding mine in every thing, find out first what is expedient. * Laert. Philostrat. vit. Apollon; and from him Suidas. Instigated by poverty, he went to Sicily, to Dionysius the Tyrant, at what time Pla●o and Aristippus were there: Plato being out of favour with the Tyrant, took occasion, by presenting Aeschines, to ingratiate himself: * Plutarch. de adulat. & amici discrim. He desired he might be admitted to speak with him, which the ●yrant granted, supposing ●e would allege something in defence of himself; as soon as he came into his presence, he began thus: If you knew Dionysius, ofiany that came with a hostile intent to do you hurt, though he failed of the ●ccasion, would you suffer him to depart unpunished? Nothing less, answered Dionysius; for not only the ill actions, but designs of enemies deserve to be chastised. Then (replies Plato) if any man should come hither out of an intent to do you a good office, and you not 〈◊〉 him leave, ought you to neglect and despise him? Dionysius demanded whom be meant. Aeschines (saith he) a person of as 〈…〉 of Socrates his friends, able to reform those with whom be converseth, who having undertaken a great voyage by sea to come hither, and discourse Philosophically with you, is neglected. Dionysius was so pleased at this, that he embraced Plato, admiring his candour and greatness of spirit, and entertained Aeschines bountifully and magnificently. Thus Plutarch; but Luertius saith, that Aeschines coming thither, was despised by Plato, and recommended by Aristippus, the latter, the Socratic Epistle confirms: to Dionysius he imparted some Dialogues, and was gratified by him, with whom he lived until he was deposed, and Dion brought into the Kingdom; then returned to Athens, where not daring to profess his Philosophy, because the names of Plato and Aristippus were so great, he taught and * ●●●r●. He●yc●. Illustr. took money privately, at last applied himself to framing orations for the Forum, in which Timon saith, he was very persuasive: Ly●●as wrote one Oration in answer to him, entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or according to Athenaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein he asperseth him for many things, which are not any way probable, as (besides patronising an unjust cause, and borrowing without intent to restore) for pretending to sell unguents, contrary to the laws of Solon, and precepts of Socrates, and for injuring Hermaeus, his wife and children; see Athenaeus. Aristole surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was his intimate friend. Laertius reckons eight of this name; the first, this Aeschines the Philosopher; the second wrote of Rhetoric; the third an Orator, contemporary with Demosthenes; the fourth an Arcadian, scholar to Isocrates; the fifth of Mitelene, surnamed Rhetoromastix; the sixth a Neapolitan, an Academic Philosopher, disciple to Melanth●us a Rhodian; the seventh a Milesian, who wrote Politics, friend to Cicero; the eight a statuary. CHAP. II. His writings. HE wrote Dialogues, Orations, and Epistles; by the first Athenaeus affirms, he gained a great esteem of temperance, humanity, and integrity: Menedemus accuseth him of owning many Dialogues of Socrates, which he had of Xantippe; Panaetius believes them to be his own, not counterfeit: those (saith Laertius) Leart. Athen. which express the Socratic habit, are seven; the first, Miltiades, written in a lower stile: the second, Callias, wherein he is blamed by Athenaeus for treating of the enmity betwixt Callias & his fathers, and for deriding Anaxagoras & Prodicus in their scholars Theramenes, Philoxenus, and Ariphrades, The third, Rhinon; the fourth, Aspasia, cited by Athenaus and Harpocration: the fifth Alcibiades, cited also by * Lib. 14. Athenaeus: The sixth Axiochus, wherein (saith * Lib. 5: Athenaeus) he traduceth Alcibiades as given to Wine and women; which particular not being to be found in that Axiochus, extant amongst the spurious Platonic Dialogues, argues (contrary to the opinion of Vossius) that it is not the same. The last, Telauges, the scope whereof was a Satirical derision of the vices of that person, as appeareth from Demetri●s Phalereus, and * Lib. 5. upon which see C●saubon, cap. 20. Athenaeus. * Laert. There were seven other Dialogues, styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which went under the name of Aeschines, very loose, and not expressing enough the Socratic severity; whence Pisistratus the Athenian, denied that they were his; and Perseus saith, the greatest part were written by Pasiphon of Eretria, falsely mingled with the Dialogues of Aeschines: their names (according to Suidas) were Phaedon, polyanus, Dracon, Eryxias, (perhaps that which is extant) of Virtue, Erasistratus, the Scythians. * Laert. His Ovations gave full testimony of his perfection in Rhetoric, in confirmation whereof, Laertius instanceth, that in defence of the father of Phaeacus the General, and those wherein he thiefly imitated Gorgias the Leontine; of which * Epist. ad Iul▪ August. Philostratus citys that concerning Thar gelia. Of his Epistles, one to Dionysius the Tyrant is mentioned by Laer●ius, as extant in his time: another there is under his name amongst the * Epist. 23. Socratic Epistles in these words; Assoon as I arrived at Syracuse, Aristippus met me in the Forum, and taking me by the hand, carried me immediately to Dionysius, to whom he said, Dionysius, if a man should come hither to insinuate folly into you, did he not aim at your hurt? to which Dionysius consenting, what then, continueth Aristippus, would you do to him? the worst, answers Dionysius, that could be: But if anyone, saith he, should come to improve you in wisdom, did he not aim at your good? which Dionysius acknowledging: Behold then (continues he) Aeschines, one of Socrates his disciples, come hither to instruct you; he aims at your good, therefore on him confer the benefits you confess due to such. Dyonisius (said I, interrupting him) Aristippus expresseth an admirable friendship in this address; but we are owners only of so much wisdom, as restrains us from abusing those with whom we converse. Dionysius hereat pleased, commended Aristippus, and promised to make good what he had con●est due to me: He heard our Alcibiades, and delighted it seems therewith, desiredif we had any other Dialogues, that we would send them to him, which we promised to do, and therefore dear friends we intent to be shortly with you. Whilst I read, Plato was present (which I had almost forgot to tell you) and whispered something in my behalf privately to Dionysius, by reason of Aristippus; for as soon as he was gone out, he told me that he never spoke freely when that man (naming Aristippus) was present; but for what I said to Dionysius concerning you, I refer myself to him; The next day, Dionysius in the Garden confirmed his speech as said of me, with many sportive sayings (for they were no better) I advised Aristippus and plato to cease their emulation, because of their general fame; for we shall be most ridiculous, if our actions correspond not with our profession. CRITO. CRITO was an Athenian * Suid. scholar to Socrates: whom he loved so entirely that he never suffered him to want necessaries, of which more hath been already said in the life of Socrates: * Xen. Being much troubled and sued by those who had not received any injury from him, but abused the quitnesse of his disposition, which would sooner part with money upon no ground then go to law, Socrates advised him to entertain one of the same busy, troublesome humour, to keep off the rest; Crito in pursuit of this counsel made choice of Archidemus, an excellent Lawyer, but poor, who being obliged by his gifts and kindness, persecuted eagerly all such as molested not him only, but any of his friends: Crito wrote seventeen dialogues comprised in one volume, thus reckoned by Laertius. That the good are not made such by learning. Of having most. What is expedient, or the Politician. Of lon●sty, of wickedness, of security, of Law, of Divinity, of arts, of conversation, of wisdom; Protagoras or the Politic. Of letters, Of Poetry, of what is honest, of learning, of knowing or science, what it is to know. He writ also an Apology for Socrates. * Suid. He had four sons, Critobulus, Hermogenes, Epigenes, and Clesippus, all auditors of Socra●es; of whom already. Suidas reckons three more of this name: One wrote Getick stories; the second was of Pieria a City in Macedonia; the third of Naxus, both Historians. SIMON. * L●●rt. SIMON was an Athenian, a leather-dresser. Socrates coming to his shop, and disputing there, he committed to writing all that he remembered thereof; whence his dialogues were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They were three and thirty, all in one volume: of Gods, of good, of honest, what is honest. Of just, the first, the 2d. Ofvirtue, that it cannot be taught. Of fortitude, the first, second, third. Of law, of Popularity, of honour, of Poetry, of health, of love, of Philosophy, of knowledge, of music, of Poetry; what is honest. Of doctrine, of disputation, of judgement, of that which is, of number, of diligence, of labour, of avarice, of boasting, of honesty, or according to others, of Counsel, of discourse, of expedients, of doing ill. He is reported the first that used the Socratic discourses. Pericles promising that if he would come to him, he should want nothing, he answered, that he would not sell his freedom of speech. There is extant amongst the Socratic Epistles, this under his name, as in answer to Aristippus. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The Fourth Part. Containing the Cyrenaic Sects. Megaric Eleack Eretriack LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas▪ Dring. An. Dom. 1656. ARISTIPPUS. THE CYRENAIC SECT. ARISTIPPUS. CHAP. I. Aristippus, his Country and Parents. THE estimation which Philosophers had daily gained among the Grecians about this time caused it exceedingly to multiply, whilst every Professor ambitious to be held wiser than his Master, and reaching something new, desired to have the honour to be Author of a Sect. The Succession of the jonick Philosophy, which before Socrates was single; after him was divided into many Schools, whereof some were but of short continuance, others had longer succession. Of the less durable were the Cyrenaic, Megarick, Eleack, Eretriack, so called from the places where the Professors flourished. Others of longer succession, the Academic, out of which came the Peripatetic, Cynic, Stoic. We shall first dispatch those which were of shortest continuance, whether that they were founded upon less reason, and were in short time broken, as a De Oratore lib. 3. Cicero saith, and quite extinct by the strength and Arguments of the others; or that being instituted and founded in more obscure parts; they were not so lasting as those which were professed in the most flourishing City of Athens. Aristippus a Disciple of Socrates, after his death, returned home into his Country at Cyrene in Africa, from whence the Doctrine which his Scholars retained had the name of Cyrenaick. b Suid. He was Son of Aretades, c Laer●. of Cyrene. CHAP. II. How he went to Athens, and heard Socra tes. FRom Cyrene Aristippus went first to Athens, invited by the fame of a Flut. de curiosit. Socrates, concerning whom he fell into discourse with Ischomachus, meeting him casually at the Olympic Games, and enquiring what manner of disputes they were wherewith Socrates prevailed so much upon the young men, he received from him some little seeds and scatter thereof, wherewith he was so passionately affected, that he grew pale and lean, until to assuage his servant thirst, he took a voyage to Athens, and there drunk at the Fountain, satisfying himself with the Person, his discourse and Philosophy, the end whereof was to know our own evils, and to acquit ourselves of them. But as b Cic. de Nat. Deor. Aristo said, Philosophy doth harm to those who misinterpret things well said. Aristippus c Cic. de Orat. 3. chiefly delighted with the more voluptuous disputes of Socrates, asserted Pleasure to be the ultimate end wherein all happiness doth consist. d Athen. deipn. 12. His life was agreeable to the opinion, which he employed in Luxury, Sweet unguents, rich garments, Wine and Women; maintained by a course as different from the precepts and practice of Socrates as the things themselves were. For, notwithstanding he had a good Estate (and three Country-Seats) e Laert. he first of the Socratic Disciples, took Money for teaching. Which Socrates observing, asked him how he came to have so much? he replied, how come you to have so little? A further dislike of this course Socrates expressed, when Aristippus sending him twenty minae, he returned it, saying, his Daemon would not suffer him to take it. CHAP. III. How he went to Aegina. LEaving Socrates, a Athen. deipn. 12. he went to Aegina, where he lived with more freedom and luxury then before: Socrates sent exhortations to reclaim him, frequent but fruitless, and to the same end published that discourse which we find in Xenophon. Here he became acquainted with Lais the famous Corinthian Courtesan, b Athen. deipn. ●2. who came thither yearly at the Feast of Neptune, and was as constantly frequented by Aristippus, for whose sake c Athen. deipn. 13. Hermesianax saith, he took a voyage to Corinth (mentioned among his Apothegms) To Corinth Love the Cyrenean lead, where he enjoyed Thessalian Lais bed; No Art the subtle Aristippus knew By which the power of Love he might eschew. d Laert. Whilst he was upon his voyage to Corinth, a great Tempest arose, whereat he was much troubled: one of the Passengers saying unto him, we ordinary people are not afraid, but you Philosopher's fear (or as e Var. Hist. 9 20. Aelian, are you asraid like other people?) f Agel. 19 1. our Souls answered he, are not of equal value, g Aelian. ibid. you hazard a wicked and unhappy life, I Felicity and Beatitude. h Laert. To those who blamed him for frequenting Lais; I possess ●er saith he, not she me. i Athen. Deipn. 13. Lais in emulation of Phryne gave admittance to all sorts of people, rich and poor, whereupon Aristippus reprehended by his servant for bestowing so much on her, who entertained Diogones the Cynic gratis, I give her money saith he, that I may enjoy her, not that others may not. k Athen. Deipn. 13. Diogenes reproached him for frequenting the company of Lais, saying, Aristippus, you and I converse with the same woman, either give over, or be like me a Cynic; Do you think it absurd, saith he, to awell in a house, wherein others lived before, or to sail in a Ship that hath carried other Passengers? It is no more absurd to affect a woman whom others have enjoyed. At Aegina he continued till the death of Socrates, as (besides the testimony of l In Phaedone. Plato) appeareth by this m Socratic. Epist. 16. Epistle of his written upon that occasion. Of the death of Socrates, I and Cleombrot●s have received information, and that when he might have escaped from the eleven Officers, he said he would not, unless he was acquitted by Law; for that were as much as in him lay to betray his Country. My opinion is, that being unjustly committed, he might have got his Liberty any way, conceiving that all which he could do ill or inconsiderately must be just. From whence again I blame him not, as if he had done ill even in this. You write me word that all the friends and Disciples of Socrates have left Athens, out of fear the like should befall any of you; it is well done; and we being at present at Aegina will continue here a while, then come to you, and wherein we are abl●, serve you. CHAP. IU. His Institution of a Sect. Aristippus' returning at length to his own Country, Cyrene, professed Philosophy there, and instituted a Sect called a Eaert. Cyrenaic from the Place, by some b Galen. Hist. Phil. Hedonick, or voluptuous from the Doctrine. c Laert. They who followed the institution of Aristippus, and were called Cyrenaick, held thus. They rejected Physic and natural disquisitions from the seeming incomprehensibility thereof. Logic they handled because of its great usefulness. But Meleager and Clitomachus affirm they despised both Physic and Dialectic alike, as unuseful, for that without these, a man who hath learned what things are good, what cvil, and able to discourse well, and to shake off superstition and the fear of death. Sect. 1. Of judgement und judicatories. d Laert. THey held that the Senses inform not always truly, e Cicer. Acad. Quest. lib. 4. that nothing extrinsecall can be perceived, those things only can be perceived, which are felt by inward touch, as grief and pleasure, neither know we what colour any thing is, nor what sound it makes, but only that we feel ourselves affected after such a manner; that f Laert. Passions are comprehensive; that objects not comprehensive. That g Cic. nothing judgeth but by interior permotion, and the judgement of true and false consisteth in inward touch. h advers. Mathom. Sextus Empericus more fully. They assert that passions or affections are the Judges and the only things that may comprehend, & not fallacious; but of those things which cause passions, there is nothing which is comprehensible, or that may not deceive us. For, that we are made white or affected with sweet, may be said expressly and firmly, but that the thing which causeth this affection is white or sweet, cannot in like manner be asserted. For it is possible that we be affected with whiteness from a thing that is not white, and with sweetness from a thing that is not sweet; as to him who is dim-sighted or hath the yellow jaundice, all things seem yellow to one, duskish to the other, and he who pincheth his eye, thinketh he sees things double, he who is mad fancies two Thebes, two Suns; in all these, they that are so affected, to wit, with yellowness or duskishness, or duplicity, is true, but that the thing which moveth them is yellow or duskish, or double, is conceived to be false: So it is most consonant to reason, that we comprehend nothing more than our own passions. For we must hold that the things seen are either the passions themselves, or the causes of those passions; if we say our passions are the things seen, we must likewise affirm all things seen, to be true and comprehensive; if we say the things seen are the causes of those passions, we must confess all things seen to be false and incomprehensible. For that passion which happeneth to us, showeth us its self and nothing more, so that to speak truly, the passion or affection itself is the only thing that is apparent to us, and for that reason, in their proper affections none err, but in the external object, all. The first are comprehensive, the second incomprehensive, the soul being weak in the discernment thereof, by reason of places, intervals, motions, mutations, and many other causes. Hence they assert, that there is not in man any one common thing which judgeth, but they impose common names on the judgements; all commonly name white and sweet, but something common that is white and sweet they have not, for every man apprehends his own affection. Now whether the same affection happeneth to any one, and to him that is next him from white, neither is he able to say, as not receiving the affection of the other, neither can the other that is next him say, as not receiving his affection. There being therefore no common affection in us, it were a rash thing to assert, that whatsoever seemeth such to me, seemeth also such to him that is next me; for perhaps my constitution is such as to be whitened from that which externally incurreth, another hath his sense so ordered, as that he is affected otherwise. That therefore which is seen and appeareth is not common. That by reason of the differing constitutions of the sense we are not moved alike nor in the same manner, is manifest from those who have the jaundice, and those that are purblind, and those that are affected according to Nature. For as from the same object, some are so affected as to be black, others red, others white; so is it likewise consonant to reason, that they who are affected according to nature, by reason of the different constitution of senses, are not moved alike by the same things, but one way the white, another way the black, another way he whose eyes are blue, another way he whose eyes are black, whence we impose common names on things, having ourselves proper and particular affections. Sect. 2. Of the End, or chief Good. TO these assertions (continueth Sextus Empericus) concerning the Judicatories, agreeth what they assert concerning Ends. Of Affections, some are pleasant, some harsh and troublesome, some mean; the harsh and troublesome are ill, whose end is grief; the pleasant, good, whose end, which cannot be deceived, is pleasure; The mean are neither good nor ill, whose end is neither good nor ill, which is an affection between pleasure and grief. Affections therefore are the judges and ends of all things, and we live say they, observing evidence and liking, evidence in the rest of the affections, liking, in pleasure. Laertius saith, they assert two passions or affections, Grief and Pleasure; pleasure, a soft smooth motion; grief, a harsh motion. One pleasure differeth not from another pleasure, nor is one pleasure sweeter than another pleasure; this pleasure is coveted by all living creatures, the other shunned. They assert corporeal pleasure to be our ultimate end, as Panaetius saith in his book of Sects, not catastematick permanent pleasure, which consisteth in privation of grief, and a quiet void of all disturbance, which Epicure held. The End differeth from Beatitude; for the End is some particular pleasure; Beatitude is that which consisteth of all particular pleasures, wherein are included both the past and future. Again, particular pleasure is expetible in itself, felicity, not in itself, but for particular pleasures. That pleasure is our chief end is manifest, in that from our first infancy, without any instruction of others, we naturally aim thereat, and having obtained it, seek nothing else. Moreover, we avoid not any thing so much as its contrary, grief. Pleasure is good, though proceeding from the most sordid dishonest thing, as Hippobotus in his Book of Sects; for, although the action be dishonest, yet the pleasure thereof is expetible in itself, and good. Indolence, which Epicure held, they esteem not pleasure, nor want of pleasure, grief, for both these consist in motion; but Indolence and want of pleasure consists not in motion, for Indolence is like the state of a sleeping man. They hold, that some men may not desire pleasure, through perversity of mind. All spiritual pleasures and pains arise not from corporeal pleasures and pains; for from the simple prosperity of our Country or ourself, we are affected with joy. But neither the remembrance of past goods, nor expectation of future complete pleasure, as Epicure thought; for by time and expectation the motion of the soul is dissolved. i Athen. deipn. 12. Pleasure, according to Aristippus, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisteth only in one part of time, the present; for the remembrance of past pleasures, or expectation of the future, is vain and frivolous, and nothing appertaineth to beatitude; but that only is good which is present. With those pleasures which he received heretofore, or shall receive hereafter, Aristippus said, he was nothing at all moved, the first being gone, the other not yet come, and what it will prove when it is come, is uncertain. Hence k Ael. var. Hist. lib. 14. 6. he argued, that men ought not to be folicitous either about things past or future, and that not to be troubled at such things is a sign of a constant clear spirit. He also advised to take care only for the present day, and in that day, only of the present part thereof, wherein something was done or thought; for he said, the present only is in our power, not the past or ●uture, the one being gone, the other uncertain whether ever it will come. Neither do pleasures consist merely in simple sight or hearing, for we hear with delight those who counterfeit lamentation, and those who lament truly, we hear with displeasure. This privation of pleasure and grief they called mean states. The pleasures of the body are much better than those of the soul, and the pains or griefs thereof much worse; for which reason those who offend actually, are most grievously punished. To grieve, is more unnatural to us, to delight, more natural; for which reason, much more care is requisite for the ordering of one then of the other; yet, many times we reject things which effect pleasure, as being grievous; so that the concurrence of pleasures which effecteth beatitude, is very difficult. Moreover they hold, that every wise man doth not live pleasantly, nor every wicked man unpleasantly, but so for the most part; for it is enough that a man be affected and reduced by incidence of one single pleasure. They held, that l Cic. Tusc. quaest. 4. Grief is the greatest ill; that grief is not effected by every ill, but by the unexpected and unforeseen; that one man is more grieved than another. They assert, that Riches are efficient causes of pleasure; yet, not expetible in themselves. Sect. 3. Of Virtue. m Cic. de. Offic. 3. ALL good consisteth in Pleasure, Virtue itself is only laudable, as being an efficient cause of pleasure. n Laert. Nothing is just, honest, or dishonest by Nature, but by Law and Custom; yet a good man will do nothing that is evil, because of the censure or esteem which would fall upon his actions, and o So Casaubon reads, but doubtless there is a defect in the Text. that such a one is wise. Prudence is a good, yet not expetible in itself, but for the sake of those things which proceed from it. A friend is to be embraced for the use we may have of him, as the body cherisheth every part thereof as long as it remaineth found. Of Virtues, some are in the unwis●e. Corporeal exercise conduceth to the acquisition of Virtue. A wise man is not subject to En●y, Love, or Superstition, for all these proceed from the vanity of Opinion; but, he is subject to Grief or Fear, as being Natural accidents. CHAP. V. How he went to Dionysius his Court. ABout this time Dionysius, the Sicilian Tyrant, flourished, a Philostr. vit. Apoll. to whom resorted many Philosophers, amongst the rest Aristippus, invited by his sumptuous magnificence. b Laert. Dionysius asked him the reason of his coming; he answered, to give what I have, and to receive what I ha●e not; or, as others, when I wanted wisdom, I went to Socrates; now I want money, I come to you. He soon insinuated into the favour of Dionysius; for he could conform himself to every place time, and person, act any part, construe whatsoever happened to the best: and thus enjoying present pleasure, never troubled himself for the absent, as Horace. Every condition, habit, and event with Aristippus suits with all content. Of his compliance with Dionysius' humour, there are these instances. e Laert. Dionysius at a Feast commanded, that all should put on purple robes: Plato refused, saying, I will not with a female robe disgrace Myself, who am a man of manly race. But Aristippus took it, and beginning to dance, said, If it come pure, a mirthful Feast Never corrupts a modest breast. f Laert. Another time suing to Dionysius in the behalf of his friend; he would not hear him; at last he threw himself at his feet, and his petition was granted; for which being reprehended, Blame not me, saith he, but Dionysius, Whose ears are in his feet. g Laert. Dionysius showed him three Courtesans, bidding him take his choice; he leading them all three away, said, Paris was punished jor preferring one before the other two. But, having brought them to the door, he dismissed them, as ready to contemn as accept: whereupon Strato (or as others Plato) told him, You only can wear old garments and rags; for which likewise they admired him, that he would wear a threadbare, and a rich Milesian Cloak with equal decorum, accommodating himself to both. When Dionysius did spit upon him, he took it patiently; fcr which being reproved, Fishermen saith he, suffer themselves to be wet all over that they may catch [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] a Gudgeon, and shall I be troubled at a little spittle, who mean to take * Which being pronounced is equiv●call: for, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a ●ish like a Gudgeon, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tyrant: as I find in a M. S. Lextion communicated by 〈◊〉 learned friend Mr. John Pearson, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and again B●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirmed by Atha●neus, deipn. 7. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? h Laert. He begged Money of Dionysius, who said to him, You told me, a wise man wanted nothing; Give me, and we will talk of this afterward. When Dionysius had given it him; Now saith he, you set I do not want. By this complaisance, he gained so much upon Dionysius, that he had a greater esteem for him, than all the rest of the Philosophers, though sometimes he spoke so freely to Dionysius, that he incurred his displeasure. i Laert. To Dionysius ask, why Philosophers haunted the gates of rich men, but rich men not those of Philosophers: Because, saith he, the one knows what he wants, the other not. k Laert. To Dionysius, urging him to treat of Philosophy: It is ridiculous, said he, if you learn of me what it is, to teach me when it should be said. Whereat Dionysius displeased, bade him take the lowest place, which he did quietly, saying, You have a mind to make this seat more honourable. l Athen. deipn. 12. citing Hegesander▪ The next day the Tyrant asked him what he thought of that place wherein he then sat, in respect of that wherein he sat the night before: He answered, they were alike to him; to day, saith he, because I left it, it is contemned, what yesterday was esteemed the most honourable; that where I sit to day esteemed most honourable, which yesterday, without me, was accounted the lowest. m Laert. Being asked why Dionysius fell out with him, he answered, for the same reason he falleth out with others. m Laert. Dionysius saying, (out of Sophocles, as Plutarch affirms, who ascribes this to Zeno.) Who ere goes to a Tyrant, he A servant is, though he came free. He immediately answered, No servant is if he came free. Dionysius offering Plato a great sum of money, which he refused; Aristippus being at the same time in the Court of Dionysius said, Dionysius bestows his liberality upon sure grounds, to us who ask much, he giveth little; to Plato, who requireth nothing, he offereth much. o Plut. vit. Dion. Another time Helicon of Cyzicus, one of Plato's friends, having foretold an Eclipse of the Sun, which when it fell out accordingly, he was much honovored for it: Aristippus jesting with other Philosophers, said, he could foretell a stranger thing; They demanding what it was: I prognosticate, saith he, that Plato and Dionysius will ere long be at variance, and so it happened. CHAP. VI His A●mulators. THis favour which he found with Dionysius, was perhaps the occasion, for which he was maligned by the rest of the Philosophers, amongst whom was. a Laert. Xenophon, who out of ill will to him, published the b Memorab. lib. 2. discourse between him and 〈◊〉 about Pleasure. c Laert. Plato likewise, through the same disaffection tacitly reprehends him, in Phaedone; for being in Aegina at the time of Socrates' death. d Laert. Plato being in Dionysius' Court, when he was there, reproved his sumptuous life: Whereupon Aristippus asked him, whether he thought Dionysius a good man or not: Plato affirmed, he thought him good: Yet he, replied Aristippus, liveth much more sumptuously; therefore it is not incompetible with goodness. e Laert. Phaedo likewise seemed to deride him, demanding who it was that smelled so strong of Unguents: It is I, unhappy man that I am, answered Aristippus, and the Persian King, who is more unhappy than I; but, as other things are not the worse for this, neither is a man. f Senec. de ben●fic. Clem. Alex. A curse on those effeminate persons, who brought a scandal upon so good a thing. g Laert. Aeschines also and he were sometimes at difference: Once after some falling out betwixt them, Aristippus said to him, Shall we not be friends, shall we not give over fooling? or, do you expect some body should kick us into kindness? Willingly, answered Aeschines. Now, saith, Aristippus, remember, that though I am the elder, yet I yielded first. Aeschines replied, and justly, for you are better than I; I begun the enmity, you the reconcilement. h L● it a Cohib. Plutarch relates it thus; Being fallen out with Aeschines, he met one who asked him, Where is now your old friendship, Aristippus? It is asleep, saith he; but I will awake it: and going strait to Aeschines, Am I so unhappy, saith he, and so inconsiderable in your esteem, as not to deserve correction. Aeschines answered, It is nothing strange, that exceeding by nature in all things, you should first know what is ●it to be done. Antisthenes' is to be numbered also amongst those, who were displeased at his manner of life, as appeareth by an Epistle of his to that effect, extant amongst the Socratic Epistles, to which Aristippus returned this answer. Aristippus i Socratic. Epist. 9 to Antisthenes. WE are Aristippus, j Irenically answering a former letter of Antisthenes. unhappy beyond measure; how can we be otherwise, living with a Tyrant, daily eating and drinking deliciously, presumed with choicest 〈◊〉 nguents, attired in rich loose Garments brought from Tarentum: and none will deliver me from the cruelty of Dionysius, who detains me, not as a rude person, but one that is versed in Socratic learning; supplying me (as I said) with Meat, Unguents, Garments, and the like; fearing neither the judgements of Gods nor men. And now the misfortune is much increased; He hath bestowed on me three Sicilian Virgins of extraordinary beauty, and many Utensils of silver; and when this man will give over doing such things I know not; you do well therefore to be concerned for the miseries of others; in requital whereof I rejoice in your happiness, and return you thanks; Farewell. The figs which you have, lay up against Winter, and the Cretan meal; for these things seem to be better than l For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insiead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last word of the following Epistle, ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sceptics riches; wash and drink of the Fountain of Enneacrunus; wear the same garment in Winter as in Summer, and that sordid, as becomes a free person living under the Athenian Democracy: As for me, I knew as soon as I came into a City and Island governed by a Monarch, I should suffer those ills of which you write to me; Now the Syracusians, Agrigentines, Geloans, and the rest of the Sicilians m Make a point at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dorice; a ridiculous and acute irony; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to look on a thing with admiration, which is not proper to compassion. compassionately admire me; But n Re●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ps, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for my madness in coming inconsiderately to these unseemly things, I wish this curse to shall upon me, that I may never be quit of these evils; o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because being of years of discretion, and pretending to wisdom, I would not undergo hunger and cold, nor contemn glory, nor wear a long beard; I will send you some great white Lupins to eat, after you have acted Hercules to the boys; of which things it is reported you esteem it not absurd to discourse and write: but if any man should speak of Lupins to Dionyf●us, I think it were against the rules of Tyranny: of the rest go and discourse with Simon the Leather-dresser, than whom you esteem nothing more wise; for I am not allowed familiarity with Artificers, because I live under obedience to others. Notwithstanding, this jarring betwixt them, Aristippus was nothing backward in employing the Interest he had at Court, for some friends of Antisthenes; to preserve them from death; as this Letter of his to Antisthenes doth manifest. p Socratic. Epist. 11. The Locrian young men of whom you write to me, will be set at liberly, neither put to death, nor fined, though they were very near death. q The Letter seems to be written to Antithenes; and this meant ironically. Let not Antisthenes know I have saved his friends, for he loves not to converse with Tyrants, but with meal-men, and Victuallers, such as sell meat and drink at Athens without fraud, and such as sell thick clothes in cold weather, and such as serve r The Leather-dresser. Simon, these are not Riches. Diogenes followed the example of his Master Antisthenes in deriding Aristippus, s Laert. calling him the Court-Spaniel. As Aristippus passed by, Diogenes busied about washing Herbs, called to him, saying, If you had learned to do thus, you needed not have followed the Courts of Princes; and you, said he, if you had known how to converse with men, needed not to have washed Herbs; thus expressed by t Epist ●. 17. Horace. Diog. On Herbs if Aristippus could have dined, The company of Kings he had declined. Arist. He who derides me, had he wit to use The company of Kings, would Herbs refuse; I mine own jester; thou the People's art, My choice is of the better, nobler part, I by a King maintained, on horseback ride, Thou by the meanest people art supplied, Then those that do maintain thee thou art less; Yet to want nothing vainly dost profess. u Eaert. Theodorus in his Book of Sects, reproached Aristippus; and * Athen. Deipn. 12. Alexis the Comic Poet, in his Galatea bringeth in a servant speaking thus of one of his Disciples; My Master young on Rhetoric first intent, Next to Philosophy his study bend: A Cyrenaean lived at Athens then, named Aristippus, justly first of men, Esteemed for subtlety and Luxury, A Talon him my Master gave to be His Scholar, but of Arts be none was taught, Save only Cookery; that away be brought. CHAP. VI His Apothegms. OF Apothegms, (in a Suid. which kind he was conceived to have an acuteness beyond all the other Philosophers,) these are remembered. b Laert. He once gave fifty drachms for a Partridge, for which being reproved by another; you would have given a penny for it saith he, which the other granting; so much, saith he, are fifty drachmas to me. Being demanded what was the greatest benefit he had received by Philosophy; he answered, To converse freely with all men. Being reproached for living high; if Magnificence were a sin saith, he, it would not be practised upon days of Festival to the Gods. To one who asked wherein Philosophers excelled other men; Though all Laws were abolished saith he, we should lead the same lives. Being demanded how the Learned differ from the unlearned, he answered, as Horses unbacked from such as are well managed. Going into the house of a Courtesan, a young man of the Company blushed, to whom he said, It is not ill to go in, but not to be able to come out. To one who desired him to resolve a Riddle, Thou fool, saith he, why wouldst thou have me resolve that which unresolved ●inds us such entertainment? He said, it is better to be a Beggar then unlearned, for one wants only Riches, the other Humanity. Being reviled, he went aloof off; he that reviled, asked why he fted; Because saith he, to speak ill is in your power, not to hear is not in mine. One saying he saw Philosophers at the gates of rich men, and Physittans' saith he, at the gates of the sick; but no man would for that reason choose to be sick rather than a Physician. To one who boasted he learned much; as they saith he, who eat and exercise much, are not better than those who eat only to satisfy Nature, neither are they learned who make large but profitable collections. An Orator pleading for him, and gaining the Cause, asked him, what are you the better for Socrates? so much saith he, as that I make good those things which you alleged in my defence. He instructed his Daughter Arete to contemn all that is too much. To one who demanded what his Son would be the better for Learning; if innothing else, in this saith he, that in the Theatre one stone shall not sit upon another. Of one who would have preferred his Son to him, he demanded 500 Drachmas, For so much saith the other I can buy a slave; Do so, answered he, and then you will have two ( c Plut. de peewit. educ. your Son, and him you buy.) He said he took money of his friends, not to make use of it himself, but to let them know the right use of it. Being reproached for entertaining an Orator to plead his Cause; and when I would feast, saith he, I hire a Cook. To one who boasted of his swimming, are you not ashamed said he, to glory in the property of a Dolphin. Being demanded wherein the learned differed from the unlearned; send them naked to strangers, saith he, and you shall see. To one who boasted he could drink much without being drunk; So, saith he, can a Mule. Being blamed that he took money being the Disciple of Socrates; and justly, saith he, For Socrates when they sent him wheat and Wine, took a little for his present use, and sent back the rest, the chief of all the Athenians were his Purveyors, mine Eutichydes, a mercenary Ser●ant. Being reproved by Plato for buying a great quantity of fish; they cost me, saith he, but an obolus, would not you have given so much for them? to which Plato assenting, It is not that I am prosuse then, saith he, but that you are covetous. Simon Pantler to Dionysius, a Phrygian, a man of ill conditions, brought him to his house paved curiously with marble; Aristippus spits in his face, whereat the other growing angry, I could not find saith he a fitter place. Being demanded how Socrates died; as I would wish to do, saith he. Polixenus the Sophist coming to his house, and seeing there women and a great feast, reproved him, Aristippus gave him way, and after a little pause, will you dine with me, saith he? whereto he consenting: Why then, continueth he, do you reprove me? 'tis not the feast but the cost which you condemn. His servant being upon a journey, weary with carrying of money; throw away, saith he, what is too much, and carry as much as you can. d Horat. sat. 2. 3. He bade his slaves away his money throw, Because o'ercharged with weight they went too slow. e Laert. Cic. de invent. Being at Sea, and understanding the owners of the Vessel were Pirates, he took his Money and counted it, then let it fall into the Sea, as unwillingly, and sighed: some affirm that he said, It is better these perish for Aristippus, than Aristippus, for them. He reproved men for looking upon goods exposed to sale, and taking no care to furnish their minds. Others ascribe this to Diogenes. Living in Asia, he was seized by Antaphernes, the King's Lieutenant, whereupon one saying to him, And where is now your confidence? When, said he, you fool, should I be confident, if not now, when I shall meet with Antaphernes. Those who forsook Philosophy, to apply themselves to Mechanical Sciences, he compared to the Suitors of Penelope; they could get the good wills of Melantho, Polydora, and others of the servants, but could not obtain the Mistress in Marriage. Not unlike is that of Aristo, who said, that Ulysses, when he went to Hell, saw all the dead, and spoke to them, but could not come so much as to the sight of the Queen. Being demanded what Boys ought to learn? That, saith he, which they ought to practise when they are men. To one who accused him for going from Socrates to Dionysius: To Socrates, saith he, I went for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, education; to Dionysius for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recreation. To a Courtesan, who told him she was with child by him: You know that no more, said he, then if passing through a bush, you should say, this thorn pricked you. To one, who blamed him, that he took Money of Dionysius, Plato a Book; he answered, I want Money, Plato Books. f Plut. de tranq. anim. Having lost a great Farm, he said to one, who seemed excessively to compassionate his loss, You have but one field, I have three left; why should not I rather grieve for you. It is madness (adds Plutarch) to lament for what is lost, and not rejoice for what is left. g Stob. Eth. 46. When one told him, the land is lost for your sake; Better, saith he, is it, that the land be lost for me, than I for the land. h St. Eth. 99 Seeing one angry vent his passion in words; Let us not, saith he, suit words to our anger, but appease our anger with words. i St. Eth. 12. ● Seeing a little Woman exceeding fair; This, saith he, is a little evil, but a great beauty. They who invert these words, and read, a little fair one, but great evil, mistake the meaning of Aristippus, who plays upon that ordinary saying, applying the inversion to his own luxurious humour. k St. Eth. 18●. To one, who demanded his advice whether he should marry or no: he said no, If you take a fair a wife, saith he, she will be common, if foul, a fury. l St. Eth. 210. He used to advise young men to carry such provision, as in a shipwreck they might swim away withal. m St. Eth. 229. As a shoe that is too big is unfit for use, so is a great estate; the bigness of the shoe troubles the wearer; wealth may be used upon occasion, either wholly or in part. CHAP. VIII. His writings. a Laert. SOme affirm (of whom is So●icrates) that he wrote nothing at all: others that he wrote. The Lybian History, three Books dedicated to Dionysius. Dialogues twenty five (or rather twenty three; for, the number seems corrupt) in one Book; some in the Attic dialect, others in the Doric: their Titles these: 1. Artabazus. 2. To the shirwrackt. 3. To Exiles. 4. To a poor man. 5. To Lais. 6. To Porus. 7. To Lais concerning a Looking-glass. 8. Hermias. 9 The Dream. 10. To the Cupbearer. 11. Philomelus. 12. To servants. 13. To those who reproved him for using old wine and common women. 14. To those who reproved him for feasting. 15. An Epistle to Arete. 16. To the Olympic exerciser. 17. An Interrogation. 18. Another Interrogation. 19 b A Chria is a short commemoration, aptly relating the speech or action of some person. The third of these (viz. to Dionysius his Daughter) Vossius inserts amongst the Greek Histories; if that were Historical, it is likely this to Dionysius was of the sane Nature. A Chria to Dionysius. 20. Another on an image. 21. Another on Dionysius his Daughter. 22. To one who conceived himself dishonoured. 23. To one who endeavoured to give advice. Exercitations ●ix Books. c Laert. Of pleasure, mentioned by Laertius in the life of Epicure. Of Physiology, ont of which Laertius citys, that Pythagoras was so named, because he spoke no less truth than Pythius. Of the luxury of the Ancients, four Books, containing examples of those who indulged to love and pleasure; as, the love of d Laert. in vit. Emped. Periand. Ar●stot. etc. Empedocles to Pausanias, in the first Book; of Cratea to her son Periander: of Aristotle to the Concubine of Hermias, in the fourth, of Socrates to Alcibiades, Xenophon to Clinias, plato to Aster, Xenocrates to Polemo. But, these latter instances show, that these Books were not write by this Aristippus. Epistles. four are extant under his name, in the Socratic col lection, put forth by Leo Allatius. f Laert. Sotion and Panaetius reckon his treatises thus, Of discipline. Of virtue, an Exhortation. Artabazus. The shipwrackt. The banished. Exercitations six Chria three. To Lais. To Porus. To Socrates. Of Fortune. CHAP. VIII. His death. HAving lived long with Dionysius, at last his daughter Arete sent to him, to desire him that he would come to Cyrene to her, to order her affairs; for, that she was in danger of oppression by the Magistrates. Aristippus hereupon took leave of Dionysius, and being on his voyage, fell sick by the way, and was forced to put in at Lipara, an Aeolian Island, where he died, as may be gathered from this Epistle, which he then sent to his Daughter. Aristippus a Socr. Epist. 27. to Arete b So supplied by Leo Allatius. . I Received your Letter by Teleus, Wherein you desire me to make all possible haste to Cyrenc, because your business with the Praefects goeth not to your mind, and your Husband is unfit to manage your domestic affairs, by reason of his bashsulness, and being accustomed to a retir●● life, remote from the public. Wherefore assoon as I got leave of Dionysius, I sailed towards you, and being upon my journey, fell sick by the way at Lipara, where the friends of Sonicus provide carefully for me, with such humanity, as is needful for one near death. As for your demand, what respect you should give those whom I manumised, who profess they will never desert Aristippus whilst they have strength; but, ever serve him and you; trust them in all things, they have learned from me not to be self. For yourself, I advise you to apply yourself to the Magistrates, which counsel will pro●it you, if you affect not rather to have much: You will live most at ease if you contemn excess; for, they cannot be so unjust as to leave you in want. You have two Orchards left sufficient to maintain you plentifully: and that possession in Bernicia▪ if alone left you; were sufficient to supply you fully. I do not counsel you to neglect small things ● but, not to be troubled for small things, since vexation is not good even for great. If when I am dead, you 〈◊〉 my advice for the education of young Aristippus, go to Athens, and above all, esteem Xantippe and Myrto, who have often spoke to me to bring you to the Eleusin●an Festivals. Whilst you lead this pleasant life with these, let the Cyrenaean Praefects be as unjust as they please, in your natural * Pleasure. end they cannot prejudice you. Endeavour to live with Xantippe and Myrto, as I did hereto fore with Socrates, composing yourself to their conversation; for, pride is not proper in that place. If b Leo Allatius reads Lam. procles; but, that cannot be; for Lamprocles was dead long before; see life Socratic. Chap. 16. Tyrocles, the son of Socrates, who lived with me at M●gara, come to Cyrene, it will be well done to supply him, and to respite as your own son. If you will not nurse a daughter; because of the great trouble it gives you, send for the daughter of Eubois, to whom you have heretofore expressed so much kindness, and named after my Mother, and I also have often called her my friend. Above all, take care of little Aristippus, that he may be worthy of us and of Philosophy: Eor, this I leave him as his true inheritance, the rest of his estate finds the Cyrenaean Magistrates adversaries. But, you writ me not word that any offered to take that away from you. Rejoice, dear daughter, in the possession of those riches which are in your power, and make your son possess them likewise: I wish he were my son; but, being disappointed of that hope, I depart with this assurance, that you will lead him in the paths trodden by good men. Farewell, and grieve not for us. c Stob. Eth. 195. Of his Children, besides this Arete his Daughter, whom he educated in Philosophy, is remembered also a Son, whom for his stupidity he disenherited, and turned out of doors; for which, being reproved by his Wife, who alleged, that he came from himself; He, spitting, said, This comes from me too, but profiteth me nothing. Or, as Laertius, We cast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all unnecessary things as far as we can from us. Arete had a Son named from his Grandfather Aristippus, and from his Mother's instructing him in Philosophy, surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Besides these two (Aristippus the Grandfather and the Grandson) Laertius reckons two more of the same name. One writ the History of Arcadia: the Other was of the new Academy. CHAP. IX. His Disciples and Successors. Of the Auditors of Aristippus, besides his daughter Arete, (whom he taught with much care, and brought up to great perfection in Philosophy) are remembered aethiop's of Ptolemais, and Antipater of Cyrene. Arete communicated the Philosophy she received from her Father, to her Son Aristippus the younger: Aristippus transmitted it to Theodorus the Atheist, who instituted a Sect, called Theodorean. Antipater communicated the Philosophy of Aristippus to Epitimides' his Disciple; Epitimides' to Paraebates; Paraebates to Hegesias and Anniceris: These two last improving it by some additions of their own, obtained the honour each of them, to have a Sect named after them, Hegesiack and Annicerick. HEGESIAS. CHAP. I. His Life. HEGESIAS, Disciple to Paraebates, was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Death's Orator, from a a Cic. Tusc. qu. 1. book he writ, entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon occasion of one who had famished himself nigh to death, but was called back to life by his friends, in answer to whom, he in this Book demonstrated that death takes us away from ill things, not from good, and reckoned up the incommodities of life, and represented the evils thereof b Val. Max. 8. 9 with so much Rhetoric, that the sad impression thereof penetrated so far into the breasts of many hearers, that it begot in them a desire of dying voluntarily, and many laid violent hands upon themselves. Whereupon he was prohibited by Ptolemy the King to discourse any more upon this Subject in the Schools. CHAP. II. His Philosophy. HIS Disciples were from him called Hegesians. Laert. They held the same chief good and Evil with the Cyreneans; further asserting; That Kindness, Friendship, and Benevolence are in themselves nothing; not expetible, but in respect of those benesits which cannot consist without those persons. That Perfect Felicity is absolutely impossible, because the body is disordered by many troubles, in which the Soul shares, and most of those things which we hope are prevented by chance. That Life and Death are in our choice. That nothing is by nature pleasant or unpleasant, but by the rarity and unusuallness of things, or satiety, some are delighted therewith, others not. That Poverty and Wealth confer nothing to Pleasure, neither are the rich poor affected with Pleasure several ways. Servitude and Liberty, Nobility and Meanness, Glory and ignominy differ nothing in this respect. That to live is advantageous for a fool, indifferent to a wise man. That a wise man ought to do all things in consideration of himself, and prefer none before himself, for though possibly he may receive benefits from others very great in outward appearance; yet are they nothing in comparison of those which he dispenseth. That Sense conferrs nothing to certain knowledge, for all act by the rules of their own reason. That offences ought to be pardoned, for no man offends willingly, but compelled by some affection. That we should hate no man, but instruct him better. That a wise man should not insist so much upon choice of good things, as upon evil, making it his scope and end to live neither in Labour nor Grief; which they do, who are inclined neither way to the objects of Pleasure. ANNICERIS. CHAP. I. His Life. a Laert. ANNICERIS was of Cyrene, Disciple to Paraebates, yet Suidas saith he was an Epicurean, and that he lived in the time of Alexander. b Ael. var. hist 2. 27. He was excellent in Chariot-racing, of which one day he gave a testimony before Plato, and drove many courses round the Academy, so exactly, that his wheels never went out of the tract, to the admiration of all that were present, except Plato, who reprehended his too much industry, saying, it was not possible but that he, who employed so much pains about things of no value, must neglect those of greater concernment, which are truly worth admiration. c Laert. vit. Plat. When Plato, by the command of Dionysius, was sold as a slave in Aegina, Anniceris fortuned to be present, who redeemed him for 20. or according to others 30. minae, and sent him to Athens to his friends, who presently returned the money to Anniceris, but he refused it, saying, they were not the only persons that deserved to take care of Plato. d Suid. He had a Brother named Nicoteles, a Philosopher; he had likewise the famous Posidonius to be his Disciple. CHAP. II. His Philosophy▪ HIS Disciples were called Annicerians; a Cic. de offic. 3. They as the rest placed all good in Pleasure, and conceived virtue to be only commendable as far as it produced Pleasure. c Laert. They agreed in all things with the Hegesians, but they abolished not friendship, good will, duty to parents, and actions done for our Country. They held, That although a wise man suffer trouble for those things, yet he will lead a life nothing the less happy, though he enjoy but few Pleasures. That the Felicity of a friend is not expetible in itself; for to agree in judgement with another, or to be raised above and fortified against the general opinion, is not enough to satisfy reason, but we must accustom ourselves to the best things; because of our innate vicious inclinations. That a friend is not to be entertained only out of useful or necessary Ends, nor when such fail, is to be cast off, but out of an intimate goodwill, for which we must also undergo trouble. For though they placed (as the rest) the chief end and good in pleasure, and professed to be grieved at the loss thereof, yet they affirm that we ought to undergo voluntarily labours, out of love to a friend. THEODORUS. CHAP. I. His Life. a Laer●. THEODORUS heard Anniceris, Dionysius the Logician, b Suid. Zeno the Cittiean, and Pyrrho the Ephectick. He was called the Atheist, because c ●lut. plac. Phil. 17. Cicde not. deor. 1. he held there was no God, & wrote a treatise (Suidas saith many) wherein he endeavoured to refel all arguments to the contrary, out of of which Epicurus borrowed much. Afterwards he was abusively called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon occasion of a dispute with Stilpo to this effect, Do you believe saith Stilpo, you are whatsoever you affirm yourself to be? Theodorus granting; then continues Stilpo, if you should say you were a God, were you so? To which Theodorus assenting, Stilpo replied; Then impious man you are a Bird, or any thing else by the same reason. He was ejected out of Cyrene by the Citizens, whereupon he said pleasantly; You do not well Cyreneans to thrust me out of Lybia into Greece. Thence he went to Athens, where he should have been cited to the Court of Areopagus, and lost his life, but that he was freed by Demetrius Phalereus. Being likewise banished thence, he went to Ptolemy the Son of Lagus, with whom he lived, and was by him sent on Embassy to Lysimachus, to whom speaking Atheistically; Lysimachus said, Are not you that Theodorus that was banished Athens, he answered, it is true, the Athenians when they could bear me no longer, as Semele Bacchus, cast me out. Lysimachus replied, see that you come no more to me; No answered he, unless Ptolemy send me. My●hro Son of Lysimachus being present, said, you seem not only ignorant of the Gods but of Kings. How saith he, am I ignorant of the Gods, who believe you an Enemy to them? Lysimachus threatened them with Death; d Sen de tranq. anim. 6. Cic. juse. qu. 1. ●lut. an vitios. ad infel. suff. glory●aith ●aith he in a great matter, a Cantharideses can do as much. Or as Stobaeus, I knew not that you had not the power of a King but of poisor. Hereat incensed, he commanded he should be crucified; Threate● saith he, those things I pray to your purple Nobles; it is all o●e so Theodorus whether he rot above or under ground. Finally he went to Cyrene, and lived with Marius in much repute, in that City out of which he was first ejected. Disputing wit● Euryclides a Priest, he asked, what persons those were who de●ile mysteries: Euryclides answered, Those who communicate them to persons not initiated. Then, replied he, you do impiously, in declaring them to such. What o●●ers ascribe to Aristipp●s and Diogene● s●ime ●●ttri●●te to Theodorus and Metrocleus, a Cynic, who saying, You would not want Disciples if you washed Herbs: Theodorus answered, Neither would you wash Herbs, if you knew how to converse with Men. He said of Hipparchia the Wife of Crates; This is she who hath given over the Shuttle to put on a Cloak. CHAP. II. His Philosophy. HE taught all manner of Learning, and instituted a Sect, called Theodorean. a Suid. in Socrate. He asserted Indifference, that there is no difference of things. b Laert. That our end, or chief good and greatest ill, are joy and sorrow; one consisting in prudence, the other inimprudence. That prudence and justice are good things, the contrary habits ill, the mean, pleasure and grief. He took away Friendship, because it is neither in fools nor wisemen; those being uncapable to make use of it, the thing itself vanisheth; these not needing it, as being sufficient to themselves. That it is reasonable that a wise man expose not himself to danger for his Country; Wisdom ought not to be lost for the preservation of fools. That the World is our Country. That a man upon occasion may commit theft, adultery, and sacrilege, there being nothing in these naturally evil, if that opinion were taken away which is built upon the agreement of fools. That a wise man may publicly without shame 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He used such inductions as these: Is not a woman that is skilful in Grammar, profitable in that respect as a Grammarian? Yea; is not the same of a youth? Yes. Is not a beautiful woman then profitable, as being handsome? Yes: Then she who makes right use of it doth not amiss. In these kinds of Questions he was very subtle. CHAP. III. His death, writings, etc. a Laert. AMphicrates saith, that he was condemned by the Law for Atheism, and drunk Hemlock. He wrote, besides that which appertained to his sect, many other things. Laertius reckons twenty of this name: The first a Samian, son of Rhaecus, who advised to lay the foundation of the Temple at Ephesus upon Embers: For, the place being wet, he said, that Coals, when they forsake the nature of Wood, acquire a solidity not to be violated by moisture. The second of Cyrene, a Geometrician, whose Disciple Plato was. The third this Philosopher. The fourth writ of exercising the voice, a famous Book. The fifth writ of Lawgivers, beginning with Terpander. The sixth a Stoic. The seventh writ the Roman History. The eight, a Syracusian, writ Tactics. The ninth a Byzantine, a Sophist, b Suid. eminent for civil Pleas. The tenth of the same Country, mentioned by Aristotle in his Epitome of Orators. The eleventh of Thebes, a Statuary. The twelfth a painter, mentioned by Polemon. The thirteenth of Athens, a Painter, of whom writes Menodotus. The fourteenth of Ephesus, a painter, of whom Theophanes in his treatise of painting. The fifteenth a Poet, who wrote Epigrams. The sixtee●th wrote of Poets. The seventeenth a Physician, Disciple to Athenaeus. The eighteenth of Chios, a Stoic. The ninteenth of Miletus, a Stoic. The twentieth, a Tragic Poet. BION. CHAP. I. Bion his life. OF the Theodorean Sect was BION, a Laert. Beristhenite. What his Parents were, and what his employments, he diverted himself to Philosophy, he related to Antigonus, King of Macedonia, in this manner. Antigonus asked Whence art thou? Who thy Parents? What thy Town? Bion perceiving himself to be reproached, answered thus, my Father was a freeman, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, implying, he was a seller of saltfish, a Boristhenite; he had not a face, but instead thereof a brand mark, which declared the ill disposition of the owner: My Mother he married out of a common Brothel-house; [ b Athen. deipn. a Lacedaemonian Courtesan, named Olympia,] being such a Woman as such a man could get. My Father, for cozening the State, was sold, and all our Family for slaves. I being a young likely youth, was bought by an Orator, who died, and left me all he had. I tore and burnt his Papers, went to Athens, and there applied myself to Philosophy. This is the blood and race I boast to own. Thus much concerning myself: Let Perseus therefore, and Philonides forbear to inquire after these things, and look you upon me, as I am in myself. You do not use, O King, when you send for Archers, to inquire of what Parentage they are; but, set them up a mark to shoot at: Even so of friends, you should not examine whence, but what they are. Bion indeed, setting this aside, was of a versatile wit, a subtle Sophist, and gave many furtherances to the exercisers of Philosophy: in some things he was— He first heard Crates the Academic; but, despising that Sect, rook a sordid Cloak and Scrip, and became a Cynic: to which Laertius ascribes his constancy, expert of perturbation. Then he followed Theodorus the Atheist, who professed all manner of learning; to whose opinions he addicted himself, and was called a T●●odorea●: Afterwards he heard Theophrastus the P●ripatetick. CHAP. II. His Apophthegms. HE left many memorials, and profitable Apothegms; as, Being reproved for not endeavouring to Catch a young man; new Cheese saith he, will not stick to the hook. Being demanded what man is most perplexed, he saith, he who aims at the highest Content. To one who asked his advice whether he should marry or not, (for this some ascribe to Bion, which Agellius to Bias, the mistake perhaps grounded upon the nearness of their Names) he answered, if you take a fowl Wife, she will be a Torment; if a fair, Common. He said, that Age is the Haven to which all ills have recourse; That Glory is the Mother of years; That beauty is a good which concerns others, not ourselves; That Riches are the Sinews of Things. To one who had consumed his Patrimony, Earth, saith he, devoured Amphiaraus, but you devour Earth. He said, it is a great ill, not to be able to bear ill. He reproved those who burn men, as having no Sense, and again burn them as having Sense. He used to say, it is better to yield our own youth and Beauty to others, then to attempt another's; for he that doth so, injures both his body and Soul. He vilified Socrates, saying, if he could enjoy Alcibiades, and did not, he was a fool, if he could not, he did no great matter. He said, the way to the next World is easy, for we find it blindfold. He condemned Alcibiades, saying, when he was a boy, he drew away Husbands from their Wives, when a man, Wives from their Husbands. At Rhodes, whilst the Athenians exercised Rhetoric, he taught Philosophy; for which being reproved, I bought Wheat saith he, and shall I fell Barley? He said, they who are punished below would be more tormented if they carried Water in whole Vessels, then in Vessels full of holes. One that was extremely talkative, desiring his assistance in a business, I will do what I can for you saith he, if you send a Messenger to me, and come not yourself. Travelling with very ill Company, they fell amongst thiefs; we shall be undone saith he, unless we be known. He said, Arrogance is the obstruction of Virtue. Of a rich man Covetous, he hath not money saith he, but money him. He said Covetous persons keep their Wealth so strictly, that they have no more use of their own then of another's. He said, when we are young, we use Courage, when old, Wisdom. Wisdom excels other Virtues as the Sight the other Senses. He said no man should be reproached for old age, that being a Condition all pray they may arrive at it. To an envious man sad, I know not saith he whether some ill hath befallen you, or some good another. He said impiety is an ill companion to bold language; For though his Speech he free, To Bondage yield must he. That friends whatsoever they prove aught to be retained: lest we seem to have conversed with wicked persons, or to shun Good. Being Demanded if there were any Gods, he said, Old man, wilt thou not drive this ●roud away. He conceived that he might make a Field fertile sooner by praising then by manuring it. He said, they who love to be flattered, are like Pots carried by the ear. To one who asked him what folly is, he said the Obstruction of Knowledge. He said good men, though Slaves are free, but wicked men though free are slaves to many Pleasures. He said Grammarians whilst they inquire after the Errors of Ulysses, mind not their own, nor see that they themselves go astray as well as he, in taking pains about useless things. He said Avarice is the Metropolis of all Evil. * Athen. Seeing a Statue of Persaeus, under which was written, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Persaeus of Zeno a Cittiean, he said, the writer mistook; for it should be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Zeno's servant; as indeed he was. CHAP. III. His Death. AT last falling sick (as those of Chalcis say▪ Laert. for he died there) he was persuaded to suffer ligatures (by way of charm) he recanted and professed repentance for all he had said offensive to the Gods. He was reduced to extreme want of such things as are most necessary to sick persons, until Antigonus sent to him two servants; and himself followed in a litter, as Phavorinus affirms in his various History, of that sickness he died; on whose death thus Laertius; Bion the Boristhenite, By his Birth to Scythia known, Did religious duties slight, Gods affirming there were none. If to what he then professed, Firm he had continued still, Then his tongue had spoke his breast, And been constant though in ill. But the same who Gods denied, He who sacred fanes despised, He who mortals did deride, When to Gods they sacrificed; Tortured by a long disease, And of death's pursuit afraid, Gifts their anger to appease On their hearths and Altars laid. Thus with smoke and incense tries To delight their sacred scent; I have sinned, not only cries, And what I professed repent. But unto an old wives charms Did his willing neck submit, And about his feeble arms Caused them leather thongs to knit. And a youthful sprig of bays Did set up before his gate: Every means and way essays To divert approaching fate. Fool to think the Gods might be Bribed with gifts, their favours bought, Or the sacred Deity Were, and were not as he thought. But his wisdoms titles (now Tumed to ashes) not avail With stretched arms, I know not how, Hail he cried, great Pluto hail. Of this name Laertius reckons ten; The first contemporary with Pherecydes the Syrian, of Proconnesus; who writ two Books extant in his time. The second a Syracusian wrote of the Art of Rhetoric. The third this Philosopher. The fourth an Abderite of the Family of Democritus; a Mathematician: he wrote in the Attic and jonick Dialect: He first said there were some habitable parts of the earth, where it was six months' day and six months' night. The fifth of Soleis; he wrote the Aethhiopic History. The sixth, an Orator, who wrote nine Books entitled by the names of the Muses. The seventh a Lyric Poet. The eight a Milesian Statuary; mentioned by Polemon. The ninth a Tragic Poet, one of those who were called Tar●ici. The tenth a Statuary of Clazomene or Chios, mentioned by Hip●●nax. THE MEGARIC SECT. EUCLID. CHAP. I. His Country and Masters. a Laer●. EUCLID (instituter of the Megaric Sect) was born at Megara, Town adjacent upon the Isthmus; though others say at Geta, a City of Sicily. He first studied the writings of Parmenides, then went to Athens to hear Socrates: Afterwards the b Agell. 6. 10. Athenians made an order, that if any Citizen of Megara came into the City of Athens, he should be put to death: So great was the hatred the Athenians bore to the Megarenses. c Lib. 1. Thucydides mentions this Decree, whereby the Megarenses were prohibited to make use of any Laws within the Athenian jurisdiction, or the Attic Forum: Which Order the Lacedæmonians requiring to be repealed, and not prevailing, the Peloponnesian War ensued thereupon, the cruelest and longest that ever was amongst the Grecians. d Agell. 6. 10. Euclid, who was of Megara, and before that Decree used to go to Athens, and hear Socrates, after it was promulgated, came by night in a long woman's Gown, and Cloak of several colours, his head attired in a woman's Veil (so Varro expounds Rica) from his house in Megara to Athens, to Socrates, that he might be in that time partaker of his counsel and instructions, and went back again before that day in the same habit, above twenty thousand paces. e Laer●. Upon the death of Socrates, Plato and the rest of the Philosophers, fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants, went to Megara to him, who entertained them kindly. CHAP. II. His institution of a Sect. a Laert HE affected litigious disputes, and b Laert. vit. Soc●. was therefore told by Socrates, that he knew how to contend with Sophists, but not with me●● Suitable to this contentious humour, he instituted a Sect, c Laert. first called Megarick from the place, afterwards Eristick, from the litigious sophistical nature thereo●, Whence d Laert. vit. Diog. Diogene● said▪ it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a School, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anger: e Laert. thus reproved by Timon, O● all these trifles, I not value ou●ht, W●ich● Phaedo nor litigious Euc●●d caught Who the Megareans mad contention taught. Lastly, it was called Dialectic; which name Dionysius, a Carthaginian first gave them, because their discourses consisted of question and answer. He affirmed, that there is but one good, which is called by several names; sometimes Prudence, sometimes God, sometimes the Mind, and the like: He took away all things opposite to good, saying, there was no such thing. He used arguments not by assumption, but by inference. He took away disputation by similitude, saying, that it consisted either of like or unlike; if of like, it were better to examine the things themselves to which they are like: if of unlike, the comparison is to no purpose. CHAP. III. His Apothegms, Writings. HE was famous in the Schools (saith a De fraterno amore. Plutarch) for as much as hearing his Brother in in a wild rage, say, Let me perish, if I be not revenged: he answered, and I, unless I persuade you to lay aside your anger, and love me as at first. If b Stob. serm. 32. Hierocles (who relates the same story) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writ not as Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●hat epithet occasioned the mistake. c Stob. Eth. 38. He said, 〈◊〉 there is one kind of sleep, a young pliant Deity, easy to be driven away; the other grey and aged, chiefly frequenting old men: Pertinacious and inexorable, from this God, if he once come, it is hard to get loose; words avail nothing, for he is deaf; nor can you show him any thing that may move him, for he is blind. d Stob. Eth. 47. Being demanded what the Gods are, and wherein they delight: Of all things else concerning them, saith he, I am ignorant but of this, I know they hate curious persons. e Laert. He wrote (besides other things) six Dialogues ( f Laert. vit. Aes●hin. Panaetius doubts whether they were genuine or spurious) their Titles these, Lamprias. Aeschines. Phoenix; or (as Suidas) the Phoenixes. g In voce Euclides. Crito. Alcibiades. The Erotick. Of the same names are numbered Euclid the Mathematician, a Megarean also, whence confounded by h Lib. ●. cap. 13. Valerius Maximus with the Philosopher: Plato (saith he) ●ent the undertakers of the sacred Altar (who came to confer with him concerning the manner and form thereof) to Euclid the Geometrician, yielding to his skill and pr●●ession: That these undertakers came to Plato, is evident from the testimony of many others; but, that he remitted them to Euclid the Geometrician; or, that Euclid the Philosopher owned that profession, is no where to be proved. Oh the contrary, i In Euclid. lib. 2. Cap. 4. Proclus affirms, that Euclid the Mathematician was of the Platonic Sect; and that k The Text is imperfect, read Ka● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. and so (well nigh) Barocius. Ptolemy King of Egypt ask if there were any shorter way to Geometry, he answered, Not any Kings-high-way. From the death of Socrates to the first of the Ptolemy's are 95 years. So that Euclid the Mathematician was much latter than the Philosopher. Euclid the Archon in the second year of the 88th Olympiad, according to l Lib. Diodorus Siculus; but, m Meteor. 1. 6. Aristotle names the Archon for that year Euclees, confirmed by his Commentators, and by n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Suidas, who only errs a little in the distance of years betwixt him and Euclid the other Archon. o Inscript. p. 235. Salmasius not knowing the name Euclees to be any where found amongst the Archontes, and expressly affirming the contrary, endeavours to corrupt the Text of Suidas reading Diocles. Euclid the Archon, in the second year of the 94th Olympiad. Euclid the Soothsayer, friend to Xenophon, who p Expedit. cyr. lib. 7. mentions him. Euclid the Stone-cutter, named in Plato's Will. EUBULIDES. a Laert. EUBULIDES a Mile●ian succeeded Euclid. some affirm, that Demosthenes the Orator was his Scholar, and that Demosthenes not being able to pronounce the Letter R, he taught him by continual exercise to do it. He was a great enemy to Aristotle, and much aspersed him. In Dialectic he invented many kinds of Interrogation or argument, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Lying; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the occult; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Electra; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Veiled; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sorites; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the horned; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the bald: Of which thus Demosthenes. The Orators sharp Eubulides knows With subtle forked questions how to pose, Speech from Demosthenes not sweeter flows. These are several kinds of Sophisms, which c Yop. ●. 4. Aristotle in general defines Eristick Syllogisms: from this School borrowed and enlarged afterwards by the Stoics. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, termed by c Deipn. 8. Athenaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by d Divinat. 2. Cicero mentiens, is a captious reasoning not to be dissolved; named, as most of the rest, not from the form, but matter; the ordinary example being this: e Cic. L●cull. If you say that you lie when you speak truth, you lie: But, you say that you lie when you speak truth; therefore you lie. Such is that in f Lib. 5. quest. Africanus, A man having four hundred (Crowns) disposeth in Legacies three hundred; next he bequeathes to you a piece of ground worth one hundred Crowns; provided, his Will be not liable to the Falcidian Law, [by which all Legacies are made void, if the surplusage remaining for the Heirs, amount not at the least to the fourth part of the Goods] The Question is, what right you have. I say, the question is not to be resolved, being of that kind which the dialectics call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what part soever we take for true will prove false. If we say the Legacies are valid, the Will comes within compass of the Falcidian Law, whereby the condition being defective, the Legacy is invalid. Again, if because the condition being defective, the Legacies are not valid, it is not liable to the Falcidian Law; and if the Law take not place upon the condition, you are not to have what was bequeathed you. So much was this Sophism esteemed, that g Epist. 6. 45. Seneca affirms, many Books to have been written upon it: h Vit. Chrysip. Laertius reckons six distinct Treatises of Chrysippus. i Deipn. 8. Athenaeus and Suidas aver, that Philetus a Choan died of a Consumption, occasioned by excessive study up-this Question only. Electra, named (likewise) from the chief Examples; of which thus Lucian: Electra the illustrious Daughter of Agamemnon, knew and knew not the same thing. Orestes unknown standing by her, she knew that Orestes was her Brother, but she knew not that he was Orestes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ the veiled; named also from the matter, thus instanced by Lucian. CHR. Answer me, Do you know your Father? MERC. Yes. CHR. What if I should bring one unto you vailed, what would you say, that you knew him or not? MERC. That I did not know him. CHR. And yet that man proves to be your Father; therefore if you `knew not the man, you knew not your Father. MERC. No truly; but, ●pul off his vail, and I shall discover the truth. Of the same kind is that of the Sophists, which k Analy. poster. 1. 1. Aristotle affirms, Socrates (in Plato's Meno) vainly labours to resolve; Do you know all Pairs are even or not? The other answering he knew it. The Sophist brings forth a pair of some thing which he had held hidden under his Cloak, and asks, Did you know that I had this Even pair or not? the other confessing he knew not, Then saith he, you know and know not the same thing. Sorites, By Cicero termed l Divin. 2. a Cervalis, who defines it to be m Cic. Luc●l. when any thing by degrees is added or taken away: as a Heap (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is made by adding a grain, or rather as n Digest. lib. 1● julianus, when from things Evidently true, by very short Mutations the Dispute is led to such things as are Evidently false; the same, o Lib. 48. ad Sabin. in titde verbor. & rer. sig●ifit. ulpian, The Common example mentioned by p In Lucullo. Cicero, q In Chrysip. Laertius, r Adu. Logic. Sextus Empiricus, and others in this: are not two a few? are not three so likewise? Are not four the same? So on to ten. But two are a few, and therefore ten. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the horned; Denominated as the rest from the Example, what you lost not you have, you lost not Horns, therefore you have Horns. Repeated by Seneca, Agellius and others. Of this kind s Lib. 5. i● Mat. St. Hierome observes that to be which the Pharisees objected to our Saviour. He came (saith he) from Galilee to Judea, wherefore the faction of Scribes and Pharisees asked him whether it were lawful for a man to put away his Wife for any cause, that they might Entrap him by a Horned Syllogism, whatsoever he would answer being liable to exception: if he should say a Wife might be put away for any cause, and another taken; he being a Professor of modesty should contradict himself; but if he should answer, a Wife ought not to be put away for any cause, he should be accounted guilty of Sacrilege, & judged to do contrary to the Doctrine of Moses, and by Moses of God. Our Lord therefore so tempers his answer, that he passeth by their trap, alleging for Testimony the sacred Scripture and Natural Law, opposing the first Sentence of God to the second, which was granted not from the will of God, but Necessity of Sin. The same Father instanceth another of the same kind proposed to him, t Epist. 83. I was assaulted at Rome by a very Eloquent person, with that which they call a Horned Syllogism, so as which way soever I turned I was more entangled. To marry a Wife saith he, is it a sin or not? I plainly, not thinking to avoid his ambush, said, it is not a sin; He than propounded another Question, in Baptism are good works remitted or Evil? I with the like simplicity answered, sins are remitted: when I thought myself secure, Horns began to bud out on each side on me, and the hidden forces to discover themselves, if saith he to marry a Wife be not a sin, and that Baptism remitteth Sins, whatsoever is not remitted is reserved. ALEXINUS. a Laert. Amongst the many Disciples of Eubulides was Alexinus an Elean; a great lover of Contention, and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from redarguing; He most opposed Zeno. Herm●ppus saith, he went to Olympia, and there professed Philosophy; his Disciples questioning why he lived there, he answered, he meant to institute a Sect, and call it Olympic, but his Disciples wanting subsistence, and disliking the Air departed, he continued there solitary with one servant only, and swimming in the River Alphaeus, was hurt with a Reed, whereof he died. He wrote against other Philosophers besides Zeno. And against Ephorus the Historian. EUPHANTUS. a Laert. From Alexinus came Euphantus an Olinthian, Master to King Antigonus, Father of Demetrius, Grandfather of Antigonus Gonatus; He died of Age; He writ The History of that time. Tragedies many, which upon their public representations were much applauded. An Oration upon a Kingdom, to Antigonus, very Celebrious. APOLLONIUS CRONUS. a Laert. OF the Disciples of Eubulides, was Apollonius Cronus; b Lib. 14. Strabo saith, he was Cyrenaean by birth, and calls him Cronus Apollonius, implying the latter to be a surname from Apollonia a Town of Cyrene. DIODORUS. CHAP. I. His Life. a Laert. DIodorus was of jossus a City of Caria; Son of Ameinias; Laertius saith, he heard Eubulides; b Lib. 14. & 17. Strabo that he heard Apollonius Cronus, after whom he was called Cronus; the name of the Master being transmitted to the Disciple, by reason of the obscurity of the true Cronus; c Laert. of Diodorus thus Callimachus; — even Momus writ Upon the Walls, Cronus hath wit. He lived with Ptolomeus Soter, in whose presence being questioned by Stilpo, in such things as upon the sudden he could not answer; he was not only punished by the King, but reproached with the name of Cronus: whereupon he went from the Feast, and having written an Oration upon that question, died of grief. CHAP. II. His Philosophy. a Lib. STrabo and Laertius affirm he was a Dialectic; The dialectics (saith b Lucul. Cicero) teach in their Elements to judge whether a connex (a proposition which hath the conjunction if) be true or false; as this, if it be day, it is light, how much is it controverted; Diodorus is of one opinion, Philo of another, Chrysippus of a third, That Diodorus laboured much herein, appears from an Epigram of Callimachus, cited and explained by c Advers. Gram. Sextus Empiricus. Concerning these propositions, the Disagreement of Diodorus from Philo and Chrysippus (already mentioned by Cicero) is thus explained by d Fyrrh. Hyp. 2. Sextus Empiricus; But when saith he, or how it followeth they disagree among themselves, and those things whereby they determine a consequence to be judged, oppugn one another as Philo said, it is a true Connex, when it beginneth not from true, and endeth ●n false. So that according to his opinion, a true Connex may be three several wa●es, a false only one way. For when it beginneth from true, and endeth in true, it is true; as this, if it be day, it is light. Again, when it beginneth from false, and endeth in false, it is true: as this, if the Earth flies, the Earth hath wings. Likewise that which beginneth from false, and endeth in true is true; as this, if the Earth flies it is Earth: that only is true which beginneth from true, and endeth in false. Such is this, if it be day it is night. For if it be day, that it is day is true, which is the Antecedent. But that it is night is false, which was the Consequent. Diodorus saith, that is a true Connex which is not contingent, beginning from true, and ending in false. This is contrary to the opinion of Philo, for such a Connex as this, if it be day I discourse, and if at present it be day, and I discourse is according to Philo's opinion a true Connex: for it begins from true, it is day, and ends in true, I discourse. But according to the opinion of Diodorus it is false: for it may so happen, that though it begin from true, to wit, it is day, yet it may end in false, to wit, that I discourse when I am silent. Thus by contingency it may begin in true, and end in false; for before I began to discourse it began from true, to wit, it is day: but ended in false, to wit, I discourse. And again, e Cap. codem: for that we examine not many opinions concerning a Connex, let us say that Connex is in itself right, which beginneth not from true, and endeth in false. This, if there be motion, there is Vacuity according to Epicures Opinion, beginning from true, to wit, there is motion, and ending in true, will be true. According to the Peripatetics, beginning from true, to wit, there is motion, and ending in false, to wit, there is Vacuity, will be false: according to Diodorus, beginning from false; to wit, there is motion, and ending in false, to wit, there is vacuity, will be true, for the assumption, to wit, there is motion, he denies as false. f Laert. Some affirm, he invented the veiled and horned arguments (of which already in the life of Eubulides) g In lib. 1: Pri●r. Alexander Aphrodiseus, saith he, used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the dominative argument: Of whose original and efficacy thus h lib. 2. cap. 19 Epictetus; The Dominative argument seems to have been interrogated and collected upon such like occasions as these: for, there being a common ●ight amongst these three propositions to one another: The first, that every thing past is necessarily true. The second, that possibility follows not impossibility. The third, that what is not possible, neither is nor shall be true. This fight Diodorus observing, made use of the two first, to prove, that nothing is possible, which is not, nor shall be. And i In lib. ●. Prior. Alexander, For that I be at Corinth is possible, if that I have been, or ever shall be there; but, if neither, it is not possible. It is possible, that a child to be made a Grammarian, if he be made such, in confirmation hereof Diodorus interrogated by the Dominative argument. He held, that nothing is moved, k Sext. Empir. ●yrrhon. hip. 3. 8. arguing thus: If a thing be moved, it is either moved in the place wherein it is, or in the place wherein it is not: but not in that wherein it is; for it resteth in the place wherein it is: nor in that wherein it is not; for where a thing is not, there it can neither act nor suffer. Therefore nothing is moved: and l Sext. Empir. advers. Gram. consequently nothing is corrupted or perisheth. m Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hip. 3. 4. He asserted, that the principles of things are least indivisible bodies, n Stob. Eclog. ●bys. 13. in number infinite, in magnitude finite. ICHTHYAS. a 〈◊〉 ICHYHYAS son of Metallus, an eminent person, is remembered amongst these Philosophers that are derived from Euclid: To him Diogenes the Cynic dedicated a Dialogue. CLINOMACHUS. a Laert. AMongst these descended from Euclid, was likewise CLINOMACHUS, a Thurian: He first wrote concerning Axioms, [Propositions] Categorems, [that part of a Proposition which is praedicate of the other] and the like. STILPO. CHAP. I. Stilpo his life. a Laert. STILPO was of Megara in helas; he lived in time of the first Ptolemy: Of the Masters which he heard are reckoned Euclid the founder of this School: but, this agrees not with his time, as was before observed. Some followers of Euclid, Thrasymachus of Corinth, friend to Ichthyas: So Heraclides attesteth. b Laert. vi●. Diogenis. Diogenes the Cynic. Pasicles, a Theban, who heard Crates the Cynic, his own Brother. Dioclides of Megara. Cicero saith; he was very acute, much approved by those times: his friends (saith he) writ, he was much inclined to wine and women, yet relate not this in his dispraise; but, rather in his commendations, that he by Learning so subdued and repressed his vicious nature, that none ever saw him drunk, none ever discovered any lasciviousness in him. Plutarch magnifies his height of courage, mixed with meekness and temperance. He was much addicted to civil affairs. Besides his Wife, he kept company with Nicareta, a Courtesan: He had a daughter of ill fame, whom Simmias, a Syracusian, his intimate friend, married; she living incontinently, one told Stilpo she was a dishonour to him: No more, saith he, than I am an honour to her. Ptolemeus Soter much esteemed him, and when he took possession of Megara by conquest, gave him money, and invited him along with him to Egypt: Of the money he took a little, but absolutely refused the journey: Going to Aegina stayed there, till Ptolemy's return. Dem●trius son of Antigonus, upon the taking of Megara, gave order, that his house might be preserved, and whatsoever belonged to him restored; and bidding him give them an inventory of such things as he had lost, he said, that he had lost nothing that belonged to him, for none had taken away his learning; his learning and knowledge were both left. With Demetrius he disputed of Humanity so efficaciously, that he became a studious Auditor of him. Concerning Minerva's Statue, carved by Phidias, he asked a man, whether Minerva Daughter of jove were a God? He affirmed she was: But this, saith he, is not of jove, but of Phidias; to which the other assented: Then, saith he, she is not a God. Hereupon being cited to the Court of Areopagus, he denied it not, but justified it, 〈◊〉 she was not a God, but a Goddess. But, the Areopagites nothing satisfied with this evasion, ordered that he should depart the City. Hereupon Theodorus surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, said in derision, How came Stilpo to know this, did he put aside her vail, and look upon her breast? Theodorus was bold of speech; but, Stilpo reserved, in so much, as being demanded by Crates, whether the Gods delighted in bend knees and prayers: Thou fool, saith he, do not question me in public, but when we are alone together. He was sincere and plain, void of all artifice: Crates the Cynic not answering him, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I knew, saith he, you would speak any thing rather than that which is decent. Crates in propounding a question delivered a fig to him, which he took and eat: Crates presently cried out, that he had lost his fig: Yes, saith he, and your question also, of which that was in earnest. Seeing Crates half frozen in cold weather, Crates, saith he, me thinks you want 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which one way implies a new garment, another way both a garment and wit) Crates ashamed, answered thus; Stilpo at Megara I saw oppressed, Where vast Typhocus lies with weight oppressed. To hear him wrangle, many Scholars came; Fair truth to chase away was all their aim. At Athens he wrought so much upon the people, that they would run out of their shops to see him: They wonder at thee Stilpo (said one to him) as a monster: No, saith he, but as a true man. As he was speaking with Crates, in the midst of their discourse he went away to buy fish; Crates pursued him, crying out, that he gave over the discourse: No, saith he, I carry along the discourse with me; but, I leave you, the discourse will stay, the fish must be bought. Being asked, Stob. what is harder than a stone, he answered, a fool. CHAP. II. His Philosophy. a Laert. HE was Master of the Megaric School, excellent in Eristick Disputes, by his subtle Tenants and Discourses, beautifying himself, his Country and friends. He took away all Species (universals) affirming, that he who saith, a man, denotes not any man, the Term being not proper to this or that person, for why to one rather then to another, therefore not to this; and again, that which we see is not an Herb, for an Herb was many years ago, Therefore this was not an Herb. b Plut. He likewise denied one thing to be praedicate of another arguing thus; if running be praedicate of an Horse, the subject is not the 〈◊〉 with the predicate; the definition of man is one thing, that o● good another, so an horse is a di●●ering thing from running, for upon 〈◊〉, we give several Definitions of each; for if a man, and good, or a horse, and running were the same, how could good be praedicate of Food or Physic, and running of a horse, which are things so different. Thus he admitted no conjunction with the subject, in things which are in a subject, or praedicate of a subject, but conceived that both these, unless they be the very same with the subject, cannot be praedicate of it, even not as an Accident. This, though it were one of those little sayings which Stilpo sportively used to cast out amongst the Sophisters, Colotes the Epicurean opposed so eagerly, that he framed a large discourse against Stilpo, grounded only upon this assertion, (which yet he neither re●elled nor resolved) affirming that by holding one thing is not praedicate of another, he takes away good life; But that Stilpo (saith Plutarch) was offended only at some words, and opposed the manner of speaking, but took not away the course of life, or abolished things, is most evident. c Senec. Epist. 9 He asserted the chief good to be a mind not subject to passion. CHAP. III. His Disciples. a Laert. He so far exceeded others in fluent discourse and learning, that he converted almost all Greece to the Megaric Sect, Philippus of Megara saith, he drew Metrodorus surnamed the Theoretic, and Timagoras the Geloan from Theophrastus. 〈◊〉 and Simmias from Aristotle the Cyrenaean. Of dialectics, Paeonius, from Aristides. Diphilus Son of Euphantus, and Myrmex Son of Exenaetus coming to dispute against him, became both followers of him: Thus far Philipp●s: he likewise attracted Phaesidemus the Peripatetic, excellent in Natural Philosophy. Alcimus, the most eminent Orator at that time in Greece. Ze●o the Phaenician, an Epicurean Philosopher. Crates, and others; in a word, whomsoever he would himself. Heraclides saith, that Zeno the Citican founder of the Stoical Sect was his Disciple. CHAP. IU. His Death, Writings. HErmippus affirmeth that he died of age; but drank a draught of wine to hasten his end. Suidas saith, he wrote 20. Dialogues; Laertius but nine; and those not very efficacious; their Titles these Moschus, Aristippus or Callias, Ptolemaeus, Chaerecrates, Mitrocles, Anaximenes, Epigenes, To his Daughter, Aristotle, He had a Son named Dryso, a Philosopher also. THE ELEACK & ERETRIACK SECTS. PHAEDO. a Laert. THe Eleack Sect was instituted by Phaedo, an Elean of a noble Family; It chanced that he was taken by Thiefs or Pirates, and sold to a House of common dishonest resort; where being forced to sit at the door, he was observed by Socrates in passing, who noting the ingenuity of his countenance (which was extraordinary) persuaded (as Laertius saith) Alcibiades or Plato, or (as Agellius,) Cebes, to buy him, from which time he addicted himself diligently to Philosophy, and was a constant Disciple of Socrates; so much affected by Plato, that he called that most excellent discourse of the immortality of the Soul, after him, Phaedo. He instituted a Sect called from him Eleack; The Dialogues ascribed to him were Zopyrus, Medus, Simon, Antimachus, or the old man, Nicias, Simmias, Alcibiades, Critolaus. b Laert. vit. A●sch. Panaetius doubts whether any of these were written by Phaedo; Medus is by some ascribed to Aeschines, by others to Poliaenus as are also Antimachus and the Scythian discourses. PLISTHENES. a Laert. THe Eleack Sect was continued by Plisthenes an Elean; successor to Phaedo; Plisthenes was succeeded by Menedemus and Asclepiades. MENEDEMUS. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, Teachers. a Laert. MEnedemus was one of those Philosophers that continued the School of Phaedo, which hitherto was called Eleack, but from Menedemus was termed Eretriack: he was an Eretrian, Son of Clisthenes; Clisthenes was of the Family of the Theopropidae; yet though noble by descent, Mechanic by profession and indigent; some affirm he was a maker of Tents (Hesychius Illustris terms him an Architect) adding that he taught both Arts to his son Menedemus, so that when Menedemus wrote a decree, an Alexinian Philosopher reproved him, saying, it becomes not a wise man to frame both Tents and decrees. Menedemus being sent by the Eretrians with a command of Soldiers, to Megara, went from thence to Athens to hear Plato at the Academy, with whom he was so taken, that he gave over his Military employment. By Asclepiades a Phlyasian, his intimate friend, he was carried to Stilpo at Megara, whom they both heard; Thence taking a journey to Elis, they met with Anchypillus and Moschus, who belonged to the School of Phaedo. Some affirm he despised Plato and Xenocrates, and Paraebates the Cyrenaean; but admired Stilpo; concerning whom, being demanded his opinion, he only answered that he was free. CHAP. II. His School and Philosophy. BEing returned home to Eretria, he set up a School, and taught Philosophy there: the Elia. a Laert. School being thus transferred to Eretria, was from thence forward called Eretriack. In his School there was no order of place, no seats round about it; but, as every man chanced to be sitting, or standing, or walking, in the same postures they heard him. He held, that there was but one virtue and good, reprehending those who asserted more; whence of one who held there were many Gods, he demanded ironically how many? and whether he thought there were more than a hundred? He was of a versatile wit, and in composure of his speech a difficult adversary; he turned himself every way, and found something to say for every thing: He was very litigious, as Antisthenes in his successions affirms, and used this question, What is not the same, is different from that with which it is not the same? Yes, To benefit is not the same with good, therefore good doth not benefit. He took away negative propositions, leaving only the affirmative; and of these he admitted the simple only; but rejected those which were not simple, calling them conjoined and complexe. Heraclides saith, he was a Platonic, and derided Dialectic. Hexinus ask, whether he had given over beating his Father? I neither did beat him, saith he, nor have given over. The other replied, Either say yes or no, to dissolve the ambiguity. It is ridiculous, saith he, to follow your Laws, when a man may withstand them in the very entrance. He writ not, or composed any thing, because (saith Antigonus Carystius) he was of no certain opinion: yet, in dispute he was so vehement, that he many times went away with black and blue eyes. CHAP. III. His manner of living. a Laert. HE contracted a strict friendship with Asclepiades, nothing inferior to that of Pylades to Orestes: Asclepiades was the elder, whence there went a common saying, that he was the Poet, Menede●us the Player. b Athe●. Deign. When they were yet both young Philosophers, and indigent, they were cited to the Court of Areopagus, to give account ( c See life Solon. according to Solon's Law) by what means (spending the whole day amongst Philosophers without any labour, and having no estate) they subsisted, and were in so good a condition: They desired, that one of the Masters of the common Prison might be sent for; who, when he came, attested, that they went down every night into the Prison, where the common malefactors' ground, and did there grind, and in pay of their labour, received two drachmas: at which the Areopagites much wondering, bestowed as an honourable reward upon them two hundred drachmas. They had other Patrons that bestowed gifts upon them; Archepolides gave them three thousand pieces of silver; they both contended which should receive last, and in conclusion, neither accepted it. The chief persons that received them were Hipponicus a Macedonian, and Aegetor a Lamiean: Aegetor gave each of them thirty Minae. Hipponicus gave Menedemus two thousand drachmas towards the marriage of his Daughters, which, as Heraclides saith, were three, by his Wife Oropia. For Asclepiades and Menedemus took each of them a Wife; Asclepiades married the daughter, Menedemus the Mother: Asclepiades, his Wife dying, took the Wife of Menedemus; Menedemus being made a chief Magistrate, married a rich Wife; notwithstanding, he allowed his first Wife an equal interest in the government of the House. Asclepiades having lived with Menedemus in great plenty; yet, with great temperance, died old at Eretria. At that time, one, whom Asclepiades much loved, coming late at night, intending to have feasted with him, the servants shut him out of doors: but, Menedemus bade them let him in, saying, Asclepiades would admit him even under ground. Menedemus was much given to entertainments, and, because the Country was unwholesome, made many Feasts: what order he observed therein is thus delivered by Antigonus Carystius, and out of him (though not cited) by Laertius. He dined but with one or two companions at the most; if any came to him, they were admitted after dinner was ended; if they came sooner than the set time, they walked short turns before the door, and demanded of the servants what course was carried in; if they told them fish-broth (with which they begun their dinner) they went away; if any flesh, they went into a room prepared for that purpose. In Summer time, Menedemus had the Couches or Beds of his Dining-room covered with flags and rushes, in Winter with sheep-skinns. Every guest brought a Cushion; the Cup they had was no bigger than a large spoon: instead of sweetmeats they had Lupins and Beans: sometimes such fruit as the season afforded; in Summer, Pomgranats, in Spring, Pulse, in Winter, Figs. This Lycophron the Chalcidian confirms in his satirical Comedy upon Menedemus, where Silenus speaks thus to the Satyrs. Sons impious of a pious Father, I (You see) with your delights and sports comply: But never by the Gods at such a Feast In Caria, Rhodes, or Lydia was a guest. How plentiful! And not long after, A little pot half full of water clear, Rated at farthings five, a boy did bear To every guest; about vile Lupins went, With which the beggar's table's scarce content. Whilst they drank (after the feast) Menedemus proposed questions, and instead of a desert gave them discourse, which excited all to temperance and continence: these continued sometimes till the crowing of the Cock broke them off, much against the will of his guests, who never thought they had enough of them. CHAP. IU. His civil employments. a Laert. HE was first contemned by his Countrymen, and called dog and fool; but at last so much honoured by them, that they committed the government of the Commonwealth to his charge, b Laert. and paid him yearly two hundred Talents, whereof he sent back fifty. After he applied himself to civil business, he was so thoughtful, that going to put Incense into a Censer, he put it besides. Crates reproaching him for undertaking public employments, he sent him to Prison; whereupon as he chanced to pass by, Crates rose up, and saluted him with the title of Agamemnonian, leader of the City. He was sent Ambassador from the Eretrians to Ptolemy, and to Lysimachus (much honoured wheresoever he came) and to Demetrius, c Euseb. all three Kings of Macedonia, of whom, Demetrius first reigned, than Lysimachus, and after him (Pyrrhus intervening) Ptolemy. Some accused him to Demetrius, that he would betray his City to Ptolemy, of which charge he acquitted himself by an Epistle, beginning thus, Menedemus to king Demetrius, health. I hear that you are informed many things concerning us, etc. advising him to take heed of one of those that were his enemies, named Aeschylus. When he was on Embassy to Demetrius, he spoke very earnestly and effectually concerning Oropus. Antigonus also, King of Macedonia, loved him exceedingly, and professed himself his Disciple: In his behalf he made a Decree, clear and void of assentation, beginning thus; For as much as King Antigonus, having overcome the Barbarians in fight, returneth into his own Country, having good success in all his undertake: The Senate and people have thought good, etc. CHAP. V. His Virtues and Apothegms. MENEDEMUS was of exceeding gravity, for which Crates deriding him, said, Asclepiad the Phliasian, and the proud Eretrian, and Timon. He supercilious bombast speech begins. In this severity he was so awful, that Eurylochus being invited by Antigonus, together with Clippides, a youth of Cyzicum, refused to go, fearing Menedemus should know it. In reproof he was bitter and bold, of which Laertius instanceth his sayings to a young man over-confident, to Hierocles, etc. to an Adulterer boasting, etc. to a young man crying, etc. Antigonus ask his advice, whether he should go to a luxurious banquet; not speaking whether he should go or not, he bade him send them word, that he was a King's son. One who intruded himself upon him, and discoursed very absurdly, he asked, if he had a farm; he answered, many: Go then, saith he, and look after them, le●t in losing you rusticity you lose them also. To one ask, whether a good Man may take a Wife, he said, Do you think I am good or not? The other assenting; But, I (saith he) have taken one. Not able to limit the prodigality of one who invited him to supper, he silently reproved him, eating nothing but Olives. This freedom brought him into danger when he was in Cyprus with Nicocreon, together with his friend Asclepiades; for, the King having invited him with the rest of the Philosophers to a Monthly feast, Menedemus said, this convention if it be good, aught to be every day; if otherwise, this day is too much: The Tyrant answered, that he had set apart that day to converse with Philosophers. Menedemus persisting in his assertion, demonstrated from what he had said of the sacrifice, that Philosophers ought to be heard at all times. Whereupon if one of the Musicians had not helped them to escape, they had been put to death, whence the Ship being endangered by a storm, Asclepiades said, that the humanity of the Musician preserved them, the roughness of Menedemus had undone them. He was negligent, and (as we said) careless in every thing that concerned the order of his School; likewise highminded, and covetous of glory: insomuch that when he and Asclepiades first exercised the trade of building, Asclepiades was seen upon the house top carrying clay; but Menedemus, if he espied any man passing by, hid himself. He was somewhat inclined to superstition; having eaten ●n a Cooks shaped the flesh of something that had died of itself ignorantly with Asclepiades, as soon as he knew it, he grew sick, and looked pale, till Asclepiades reproved him, saying, He was not sick of the meat, but of fancy. In all other respects he was a person of a great and free soul▪ in strength even in his old age equal to those who wrestled in exercise, strong made, swarthy of complexion, sat and corpulent; but of indifferent stature, as appears (saith Laertius) by his statue in Eretria, in the old Stadium, so exactly carved, that it expresseth the naked proportion of his limbs. He loved Aratus and Lycophron the Tragic Poet, and Antagoras the Rhodian, but above all he was studious of Homer; next of the Lyrics; then of Sophocles: In Satyrs he assigned the second place to Achaeus; the first to Aeschylus, whence to those in the state who defended the contrary part, he said thus, The swift in time outstripped are by the slow, A Tortoise thus an Eagle may outgo. These are verses of Achaeus; they therefore are mistaken, who say he read nothing but the Medea of Euripides, which is put among the Poems of Neophron the Sicyonian. Of Bion, who spoke with much diligence against Prophets, he said, he murdered the dead. To one who said, the greatest good is to enjoy those things which we desire; it is a much greater saith he, to desire those things which are fitting. He was violent (as we said) in controversy, but most affable in conversation and action: Alexinus, whom in dispute he had often circumvented and bitterly derided, he gratified in deed; taking care for the safe conduct of his Wife from Delphi to Chalcis, the way being much infested with Thiefs. He was an excellent friend, as is manifest from his affection to Asclepiades, of which we have already spoken, only to Persaeus, he was constantly a professed enemy, for it was known that when Antigonus for Menedemus his sake would have restored the Eretrians to their first liberty, Persaeus withstood it, whereupon at a Feast Menedemus openly enveigh'd against him, using amongst many others this expression; he is indeed a Philosopher, but of all men that are, were, or ever shall be the most wicked. CHAP. VI His departure from Eretria, and Death. THe friendship he held with Antigonus, made him suspected by his own Countrymen, as if he meant to betray the City to him; of which being accused by Aristodemus, he fled, and lived a while at Oropus in the Temple of Amphiaraus: thence some golden Cups chancing to be stolen, he was by a public decree of the Boeotians forbidden to stay there any longer, whereupon he returned privately into his Country, and taking his Wife and Children along with him, went from thence to Antigonus, where he died of grief. But Heraclides on the contrary affirmeth, that whilst he was praefect of Eretrians, he often defended his Country against those who would have made Demetrius Tyrant thereof; Neither would he therefore have betrayed it to Antigonus; but that was falsely laid to his charge; he afterwards went to Antigonus, petitioning that he would restore his Country to their liberties; which Antigonus denying he out of grief fasted seven days, and so died; The same relation is delivered by Antigonus Carystius. Heraclides saith, he lived 84. years. FINIS. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The fifth Part. Containing the Academic Philosophers. IN DOMINO CONFIDO LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Mosely, and Tho: Dring. An. Dom. 1656. PLATO. PLATO. CHAP. I. The Country, Parents, and Time of PLATO. THE most eminent of all the Sects derived from Socrates was the Academic, so called from the Academy, a place in Athens, where the Professors thereof taught: This Sect was instituted by Plato, continued by Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemon, Crates, Crantor, thus far called the first or old Academy. Arcesilaus, succeeding Crantor, instituted the middle Academy, continued by Lacydes, Telecles, evander, and Hegesinus. Carneades founded the new Academy, of which was also (●litomachus: Some reckon a fourth Academy, instituted by Philo and Charmidas: a fifth by Antiochus. a Laert. Plato was out of doubt an Athenian, nor are they to be credited who relate him b Tzetz. Chiliad. 11. 390. a Theban, born at Cynocephalus; c Laert. Antileon affirms his Parents to be of Colly●tus. d Laert. Suid. He was born (according to Phavorinus) in the Island Aegina, in the house of Phidiades, son of Thales; his Father sent with others thither at the division of the Land (upon their defection from, and subjection by the Athenians, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War) and returned to Athens, at what time those Athenians were ejected by the Lacedæmonians, in aid of the Aeginetae. e Laert. Apul. Suid. He was of an eminent Family; his Father Aristo (Son of Aristoteles) of the race of Codrus, Son of Melanthus, who (as Thrasylus affirms) derived themselves from Neptune. Melanthus flying Messena, came to Athens, where afterwards by a Stratagem killing Xanthus, he was made King after Thymocles, the last of the Theseidae. His Mother Perictione, by some called Potone, whose Kindred with Solon is thus described by Laertius and f In Timaeum. Proclus. Execestides had two Sons, Solon and Dropides: Dropides had Critias, mentioned by Solon in his Poems. Bid fair-haird Critias his Sire observe; A wand'ring mind will from his leader swerve. Critias had Callaeschrus, Callaeschrus had Critias, one of the thirty Tyrants, and Glaucon (whom Apuleius calls Glaucus) Glaucon had Charmides and Perictione; Perictione by Aristo had Plato, the sixth from Solon; Solon was descended from Neptune and Neleus, [Father of Nestor.] Thus Laertius, from whom Proclus dissents only in that, that he makes Glaucon Son of the first Critias, Brother to Callaesch●us, which Critias manifestly (saith he) in Plat. Charmides confirms, calling Glauco (Father of Charmides) his Uncle. Thus was Plato descended both ways from Neptune. ●here are (saith g D●gm. Plat. Apuleius) who assert Plato of a more sublime race: Aristander, followed by many Platonists, thinks, he was begotten on his Mother by some Spectrum in the shape of Apollo: h Laert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: perh. 〈◊〉. it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the writings of ●peusippus is mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Speusippus in his Treatise, entitled Plato, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Clearchus in his Eulogy of Plato; Anaxili●es in his second Book of Philosophers; i Sympos. 8. 1. Plutarch, Suidas, and others, affirm it to have been commonly reported at Athens, that he was the Son of Apollo, who appearing in vision to her (being a woman of extraordinary Beauty) k Apul. d●gm. Plat. Perictionae se miscuit, she thereupon conceived: Aristo (her Husband) having often attempted to enjoy her, but in vain; at last Apollo appearing to him in a vision or dream, and a voice commanding him to refrain the company of his Wife for ten Months, until her delivery were passed, he forbore; whence Tyndarus He did not issue from a mortal bed; A God his Sire; a Godlike life he led. Some thereupon (as l Advers. jul. Saint Hierom saith) affirmed, he was born of a Virgin, and m Laert. it was a common speech among the Athenians, that Phoebus begat Aesculapius and Plato, one to cure Bodies, the other Souls. n Laert. Suid. Aristo had afterwards by Perictione, two Sons, Adimaretus and Glauco, and a Daughter Potone, Mother to Speusippus: These relations of Plato will be more conspicuous in this genealogical Table. For the Year of his Birth, (to omit the mistakes of Eusebius, who placeth it in the fourth year of the eighty eight Olympiad, in the Archonship of Stratocles, and of the Chronicon Alexandrinum, that placeth it the year following) Laertius saith, He was born, according to the Chronologie of Apollodorus, in the eighty eight Olympiad, which seems to be towards the beginning of the first year, whilst Aminias was yet Archon. For Laertius elsewhere saith, that he was six years younger than Isocrates; for Isocrates (saith he) was born, when Lysimachus, Plato, when Aminias was Archon, under whom Pericles died: in the third year of the Peloponesian War. This Aminias is by the r Argum. Hippol. Scholiast of Euripides called Ameinon, by s Deipn. 5. Athenaeus, Epameinon, by t Lib. Diodorus Siculus, Epaminondas. The various reading, occasioned either by addition or detraction of the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but by which of these two cannot easily be evinced. u Plin. Exercit. p. 157. Salmasius endeavouring to prove the name to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, positively affirms, that the Greeks never name an Archon without the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but that error * Doctr. temp. Pe● avius confutes, whose opinion is confirmed by the ancient Marble at Arundell-house, which addeth not the Preposition to the names of the Archons. Neither is the opinion of x Deipn. 5. Athenaeus much different, who affirms, Plato was born (the Year before) Apollodorus being Archon, who succeeded Euthydemus, who was Archon the third Year of the eighty seventh Olympiad, and that under Euphemus, in the fourth year of the nintieth Olympiad, he was fourteen years old. For both Laertius and Athenaeus agree in the Year of his death, viz. the first of the hundred and eight Olympiad, when Theophilus, the successor of Callimachus, was Archon; Athenaeus only differeth in this, that, computing eighty two Archons, he attributes so many years to Plato's life, whereas it is certain, that he lived but exactly eighty one. The day of his birth, y Laert. according to Apollodorus, was the seventh of Thargelion, at which time the Delians did celebrate the Feast of Apollo. So likewise Florus, cited by z Sympos. 8. 1. Plutarch, who adds, that the Priests and Prophets call Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being born upon this seventh day; whence perhaps was occasioned the fiction, that he was Son of Apollo, which Plutarch esteems no disparagement to his Deity. In the first year of the eighty eight Olympiad, the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon fell upon the second of August, and (upon those Hypotheses which we laid down formerly in the a Cap. 1. life of Socrates) the Dominical Letter for that Year being E. the seventh of Thargelion will (according to the Julian account taken proleptically) fall upon Friday, the thirtieth of May; according to the Gregorian, upon Friday the ninth of june, in the year of the Julian period, 4286. This is according to the faith of the Historians, with whom the Astrologers do not agree; for b Astron. julius Firmicus hath erected the Scheme of his Nativity after this manner. If the Ascendent saith he shall be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therein posited; and if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then be placed in the seventh, having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for his sign, and in the second the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fifth house beholding the Ascendent with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aspect, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ninth from the Ascendent in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This Geniture renders a man Interpreter of Divine and heavenly Instituti●ns, who endued with instructive speech, and the power of divine wit, and form in a manner by a celestial Inst●●tion, by the true licence of disputations shall arrive at all the secrets of Divinity. Thus Firmicus, whose Scheme agreeth not with the other Calculation, as being betwixt the midst of February and of March, during which time the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence will appear the great Anachronisme of those, who affirm, that Plato went to Egypt in the time of the Prophet Hieremie (whom Eusebius placeth in the thirty sixth Olympiad) and heard him there. Hieremie at the captivity of the Jews into Babylon, was carried by johanan son of Caree into Egypt: The Jews were carried away by Nabuchadnezzar, at what time Tarqvinius Priscus reigned at Rome, Vaphres in Egypt, to whom the rest of the Jews fled, which was in the forty seventh olympiad, 160 years before Plato was born. This opinion c De Doc●r. Christ. 2. 28. once held, was afterwards retracted by Saint Augustine, in his Book of Retractations, and confuted, de Civit. Dei. 8. 11. CHAP. II. His first Education, Exercises, and Studies. a Aelian. var. hist. 10. 21. WHilst Plato was yet an Infant carried in the arms of his Mother P●rictione, Aristo, his Father went to Hymettus (a mountain in Attica, eminent for abundance of Bees and Honey) to sacrifice to the Muses or Nymphs, taking his Wife and child along with him; as they were busied in the divine rights, she laid the Child in a thicket of Myrtles hard by; to whom, as he slept ( b Cic. divinat. lib. 1. in cunis dormients) came a swarm of Bees, artists of Hymettian Honey, flying and buzzing about him, and (as it is reported) made a honeycomb in his mouth. This was taken for a pre●age of the singular sweetness of his discourse; his future eloquence foreseen in his Infancy. His Parents (saith c Laert. Alexander) named him after his Grandfather, Aristocles: f Apul. dogm. Plat. Speusippus (instituted in his domestic documents) extolleth his sharpness of apprehension, whilst yet a Child, and the admirable modesty of his disposition ( g Laert. which was such, that he was never, even all those years, seen to laugh immoderately) affirming, that the beginnings of his youth were seasoned with labour and love of Study; which Virtues increased and met with all the rest; when he came to man's estate. h Laert. Of Dionysius the Grammarian (mentioned in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he received the first rudiments of Learning. Of Aristo, an Argive, he learned the Art of Wrestling (at that time much in esteem, as being one of the Olympic Exercises) wherein he became so great a Proficient, that some affirm, he wrestled at the Isthmus, in the Pythian Games. i Laert. As in years and virtue, so likewise he increased extraordinarily in outward proportion and shape, insomuch, that Aristo named him Plato (which implieth Latitude) in allusion to the largeness of his person; others say, to the wideness of his shoulders; Neanthes of his forehead: some, to his large Eloquence. Whatsoever the occasion were, this name wore out and displaced the other. That he was called also Sarapis, is affirmed by k In verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●esychius. There was not any imperfection throughout his person, except a gibbosity in the hinder part of his head, and (as Timotheus affirms) a kind of l Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which (besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smallness of voice, in which sense it is here taken by ● he Interpreters and Ficinus signifieth an imperfecti on of speech by stammering: Arist. Pr●b. 11. 30. unless there and here ●e should read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesitation in his speech. m baert. Suid. He learned also (as Dicearchus relates) to Paint: He addicted himself much to Poetry, and wrote many Poems: First, Dithyrambs; then Epic Poetry, which comparing with Homer, and finding far short of him, he burned. Then he betook himself to writing Tragedies: He made a complete Tetralogie (four Dramas, as the manner was, when they contested, to be presented at four several Festivals, Lenaean, Panathenaean, Chytraean, the fourth Satirical) and gave it to the Players to be acted, intending to contest for the Palm upon the Olympic Theatre: but the day before it should have been presented, chancing to hear Socrates' discourse at the Olympic Theatre ( n Aesian. var. Hist. 2. 20. before the Bacchanals) he was so taken with that Siren, that he not only forbore to contest at that time, but wholly gave over all Tragic Poesy, and burned all his Poems, saying that of Homes, Vulcan come hither, Plato needs thy aid. From that time (the twentieth year of his age, which falls about the 4th of the 92 Olympiad) he became a follower of Socrates, and studied Philosophy. Some affirm (of the truth of which report, o Var. Hist. Aelian justly doubts) he was driven by poverty to betake himself to the Wars, but intercepted by Socrates, and instructed in that which concerns M●nkind, he sold his arms, and through his persuasion, addicted himself to Philosophy. That he fought for his Country is certain, expressed in his answer to p Afterwards, cap. 11. Crobylus the Sycophant: q Laert. Aristoxenus and Aelian affirm, he was engaged thrice: First, at Tanagra; the second time at Corinth; and lastly at D●lium, where he fought best of all the Soldiers. Thus Aristoxenus. But that this is false, may be easily evinced by computation of times. The first fight of the Athenians at Tanag●a, was in the 4t year of the 80● Olympiad, 17 years before Plato was born: The second, in the first of the 89● when he was but six years old. The fight at D●lium, was in the first of the 89th, at what time 〈◊〉 was● but four years old; from the last words of Aristoxenus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (implying, that at Delium he had the prize for sighting best) may be conjectured, that this was meant of Socrates, who was thrice personally engaged, and at s See Socrates life, cap. Delium should have had the prize for fight best, but that his modesty procured it to be conferred upon Alcibiades. CHAP. III. His Masters in Philosophy, and his Travels to that end. a Apul. dogm. Plat. Laer●. Suid. Socrates, the night before Plato was recommended to him, dreamt, that a young Swan fled from Cupid's Altar in the Academy, and sat in his lap, thence flying up to Heaven, it delighted both Gods and Men with its Music. As Socrates [the next day] was relating this to some of his Auditors, Aristo came at the same time, and presented his Son Plato to him, to be his Disciple. As soon as Socrates saw him, reading in his looks his ingenuity; Friends, saith he, this is the Swan of Cupid's Academy. Eight years he lived with Socrates, in which time, he committed (as others of his Disciples) the effect of his Master's discourse to writing: hereof he composed Dialogues, but with so great additions of his own, that b Laert. Socrates hearing him recite his Lysis, cried out, Oh! Hercules, how many things doth this young man feign of me? For not a few things (adds Laertius) of those which he writ, Socrates never spoke. At the time of Socrates' arraignment, the first year of the 95th Olympiad, he was one of the Senate, the youngest of that Convention. That he was a Senator, implies he was full thirty years old at that time, according to Solon's Law. This argues c Laert. Hermodorus of a mistake, who saith, he was twenty eight years old when he fled to Megara, upon the death of Socrates; and subverts the accounts of those who under-reckon his birth. d Laert. vit. Socr. The Judges being much displeased at Socrates, Plato went up into the Oratour's Chair, intending to plead in his defence, and began thus; Though I (Athenians) am the youngest of those who come up into this place. But all the Senate crying ou● of those who go down, he was thereupon constrained to do so. Socrates being condemned, Plato offered him to procure so much money as might purchase his liberty, but Socrates refused the offer. e Athen. deipn. lib. About that time, Socrates his friends being met together to condole his death, Plato encouraged them, and bid them not despair, for that himself was capable to govern the School: and in so saying, drunk to Apollodorus, who answered, he would sooner take up the cup of poison from the hand of Socrates, then pledge him upon that condition. Upon the death of Socrates, Plato (whose excessive grief upon that occasion is observed by f De virtue. moral. Plutarch) with others of his Disciples, fearing the Tyranny of those persons, who put their Master to death, g Laert. ●ed to Euclid at Megara, who friendly entertained them, till the storm was blown over. h Dogm. Plat. Apuleius saith, that before he came to Socrates, he was initiated in the Sect of Heraclitus. But more likely is that which is affirmed by Laertius, that after Socrates' death, he applied himself to Cra●ylus, a follower of Heraclitus, and to Hermogenes. He conceived, saith i De Civ. dei. lib. 8. cap. Saint Augustine, that his own invention, and Socrates ' s instructions came short of the true aim of Philosophy: He considered with himself what course he should take to benefit himself most, for this purpose he determined to travel to any place, where report told him he might drink of the spring of Learning, even to the farthest parts of the Earth, saith k De finih. 5. Cicero: l Apul. dog●. Plat. First, to Italy, where he addicted himself to the discipline of Pythagoras, which, though he saw replenished with curious and high reason, yet, he chiefly affected to imitate the continence and chastity thereof; though the m Porphyr. vit. ●ythag. Pythagoreans themselves affirm he had all his natural Philosophy from thence. n Apul. Perceiving the knowledge of the Pythagoreans to be assisted with other disciplines, he went to Cyrene, to learn Geometry of Theodorus the Mathematician: thence to Egypt (which was then under the Empire of Artaxerxes Mnemon) o Plut. in Solon under pretence of selling Oil, but the scope of his journey was to fetch Astrology from thence: To learn Arithmetic and Celestial Speculations of the Barbarians, (saith p De finib. 5. Cicero) q Apul. and to be instructed in the rites of the Prophets. r Val. Max. 8. 7. He traveled over the Country, informing himself all the way by their Priests, of the multiplicious proportions of Geometry, and the observation of Celestial motions. At what time the young Students at Athens ●ere enquiring for Plato to instruct them, he was busied in surveying the inexplicable banks of Nilus, the vast extent of a barbarous Country, and the winding compass of their trenches, a Disciple to the Egyptian old men. s Epist. Socratic. 26. Having taken a full survey of all the Country, he at last settled himself in the Province of Sais, Learning of the Wise men there, what they held concerning the Universe, whether it had a beginning, and whether it is moved at present, wholly, or in part, according to Reason. From these, t Messen. Pausanias affirms, he learned the Immortality of the Soul, which that they held, as likewise the transmigration thereof into several bodies, is affirmed by u Lib. 2. Herodotus. * Laert. Some say, that Euripides followed him to Egypt, and falling sick, was cured by the Priests with Sea-water, whereupon he said, The Sea doth wash away all ills of Man. But this agrees not with the time of his death, which was before that of Socrates, viz. in the 93d Olympiad. From Egypt Plato returned to Tarentum in Italy, at what time L. Camillus and P. Claudius were Consuls at Rome, as x Cat. Major. Cicero affirmeth. What Fasti he used, I know not, for in those which are now with us received as authentic, there are no such Consuls during the whole life of Plato. And indeed, in those times, Rome was, for the most part, governed by Tribunes. y Cic. Apul. Here he conversed with Eurytus of Tarentum, the Elder; Archytas the Elder (at whose discourse concerning Pleasure he was present) and with the rest of the Pythagoreans, Echecrates, Timaeus, Acrio (corruptly in z 8. 7. Valerius Maximus, Ario) and Coetus Locrians. Thus to the learning of Socrates he added that of Pythagoras, and informed himself in those things which Socrates neglected: He would have gone also to the Indians, and to the Magis, but that the Wars which at that time were in Asia hindered him. CHAP. IU. What Authors he followed. a Peren. Philos. 1. 27. & 5. 2. EUgubinus affirms, that Plato borrowed the mystic part of his Philosophy from Hermes Trismegistus; particularly, that concerning the Divine Goodness: which, I suppose, he rather asserts from his own conjecture, in regard Pla●o had been long in Egypt, then from any good Authority. He was induced thereunto by those Books, which are now commonly, but falsely, vented under the name of Hermes Trismegistus; whereas, the learned Casaubon, in his b Exercit. 1. num. 18. Exercitations upon Baronius, hath sufficiently taught us the forgery of those Books, which seem by some Impostor, to have been compiled out of the works of Plato, and the Divine Scripture. That Plato received some light from Moses, is affirmed with much greater Authorities of several Nations and Religions: Of jews by c Euseb. praep. Evang. Aristobulus, Plato (saith he) followed our Law in many things, his various allegations evince him a curious observer thereof: for the Volumes of Moses were translated before Alexander's time. And d Contra. Apion. lib. 2. josephus, Plato chiefly followed our Lawgiver. Of Philosophers, by e Clem. Alex. Strom. 1 Suid. Numenius, what is Plato, (saith he) but Moses speaking Greek? Of Fathers, by f Paraen. justine Martyr, g Strom 1. Clement Alexandrinus, h Praepar. Evan. lib. 11. Eusebius, Theodoret, i Civ. Dei. 8. 11. Saint Augustine, etc. k Laert. and again in Philola● When Plato went to Sicily, he bought the Books of Philolaus, a Pythagorean, which were three, of Natural Philosophy, the first that ever were published out of that School: Some say, he had them of Dionysius' friends, for four Alexandrian Minae: Others, that Dionysius had them of a young Man, one of Philolaus' Disciples, and gave them to Plato. Others, that he sent to Dion at Syracuse to buy them for him, which he did for 100 Minae: l 3. 17. Agellius saith, ten thousand Denaries: For, having received of Dionysius above eighty Talents, he was very full of money. Out of these, he is said (as Agellius and Laertius affirm) to have taken a great part of his Timaeus; for which derided by Timon, (in Sillis) thus: You (Plato) with the same affections caught, With a great Sum a little Treatise bought, Where all the knowledge, which you own, was taught. m Laert. Alcimus in his four Books to Amintas, affirms, that Plato borrowed much from the writings of Epicharmus, the Comic Poet, in the first Book he hath these words: In Sensibles (saith Plato) neither magnitude nor quality is permanent, but in continual fluxion and mutation; as if we should subtract number from them, which are neither equal, nor certain, nor quantitative, nor qualitative; these are they where generation is always, their essence never. To Insensibles nothing can be added, nothing taken away. This is the nature of Eternal Being's, the like and same ever. Thus Plato cited by Alcimus. Indeed, he teacheth this in many places, particularly in Timaeo, where he at large explaineth what is that which never is, and never had beginning, and that which hath beginning, but no being. He concludes the first comprehensible, by the Intellect with Reason, the other by sense and opinion. But the citation of Alcimus seems to refer to Plato's Theaetetus, the subject of which Dialogue is Science: there he examines some Definitions of Science by the Ancients, amongst the rest, the assertion of Protagoras, that Science is Sense; against which he disputes largely, the sum this. That the Soul apprehends some things by mediation of the Body, others without; of the first kind are things warm, light, dry, sweet, etc. of the other, Essence and not being, similitude and dissimilitude, identity and diversity, unite and number. Hence it follows, that Sense apprehends not Essences, and consequently not Truths, for Essence and Truth are convertible. This assertion of Plato n Laert. Alcimus deduceth from Epicharmus, who (saith he) hath plainly spoken of things subject to Sense and Reason, in these words: Gods always were, to be, desisted never, Like them Eternal, still the same persever. Chaos the first begotten Deity Is styled: of something how can nothing be? Thence nor the first nor second nothings are, How we esteem of those we thus declare: If we an even or uneven sum Altar, by adding or substracting one, Seems it to you the same? to me not so; If a continued measure shrink or grow, It is not the same measure: such the lives Of Men are, one decays, another thrives; That Nature, which new being ever takes Is different from the being it forsakes, Not yesterday the same were I and you, Nor shall tomorrow be what we are now. O Laert. Again, Alcimus, The wise say, that the soul apprehends some things by mediation of the body, as when she hears or sees; others, she conceiveth within herself, without using the body, whence of beings, some are subject to sense, others, comprehensible by the Intellect. Therefore Plato saith, that they who desire to know the principles of the Universe, must first distinguish the Ideas in themselves, as similitude, unity, multitude, magnitude, restauration. Secondly, add in itself, honest, good, just, and the like; thirdly, examines what Idaea's cohaere mutually with one another, as Science, Magnitude, Power: and withal, to think that those who are amongst us, because they participate of them, should be called by the same name, as for instance, just things are those which participate of Just, Honest, which of honest: one of every Species is eternal, perceptible by the mind, and consequently free from perturbation. Wherefore, he asserts Idaea's in nature as Exemplars, after whose likeness other things are made. Thus Alcimus; the first part whereof seems to be taken out of Plato's Theaetetus, the latter out of his Parmenides. The words of Epicharmus concerning Gods and Ideas, to which Alcimus refers this of Plato, are these: Is Music then a thing? It is; the man Music? no: what then? a Musician A man or not? he is the same of good, Good from the thing apart is understood: whoever learns good by t●at art is made, who Music a Musician: of each trade As dancing, weaving, and the like the same, The Art and Artist have a different name. p Laert. Again, Alcimus: Plato in his opinion of Ideas saith thus; if there is memory, there must be also Ideas, for memory is of a quiet permanent thing, but nothing is permanent except Ideas, for how, saith he, could living creatures be preserved unless by their Idea and receiving a natural mind; Now they remember Similitude and their nourishment: showing that all Creatures have an innate understanding of their own similitude, and therefore perceive things belonging to their kind. Thus Alcimus: What place of Plato he means I know not, q In Arist. de animal. Scaliger reads, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. omitting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he made a doubt whether that both of the opinions of Ideas were Plato's; but I rather think Alcimus meant not the title of any Book, having named none in the rest of his citations, but what himself abstracts out of Plato's opinion concerning Ideas. Plato in Philedo, teacheth this concerning memory, that sense is a motion common to the Soul and Body; this suffering from external Senses, the other acting and dijudicating; that memory is a conservatory or repository of the Senses. For the Soul, as oft as she in herself, or by assistance of the Body, calls to mind what she hath suffered, she is said to remember. To Plato's assertion, Alcimus applieth this of Epicharmus: Eumaeus Wisdome's not to one consigned; Various in every living knowing mind. The Hen first doth not living things beget, But sits and hatcheth with enlivening heat: This Wisdom only Nature's friend discerns, Of whom (her Mistress) she this lesson learns. And again, This is not strange for every thing we find Is to its proper species most inclined; To Dogs a Bitch seems fairest, and to kine A Bull, an Ass to Asses, swine to swine. These things Laertius citys out of Alcimus, adding that there are more of the same kind in those four Books, whereby he intimates the help that Plato received by the writings of Epicharmus; neither was Epicharmus himself ignorant of his own wisdom, as may be collected from these Verses, predicting that he should have a follower: This I assert, and what I now maintain, Shall Monuments to future times remain, Some one hereafter will my verse review, And clothing it in language rich and new Invincible himself, others subdue. r Laer●▪ Moreover Phavorinus allegeth the whole form of Plato's Commonwealth in Protagoras' Antilogicks, others say, he borrowed his Politics from Socrates. s Laert. Lastly, it is related, that much of Plato's morality was in the Books of Sophron the Mimographe, which having been long neglected, were by him first brought to Athens, and were found lying under his head, when he was dead. CHAP. V. His School. a Laert. BEing returned to Athens from his Journey to Egypt, he settled himself in the Academy, a Gymnasium or place of Exercise in the Suburbs of that City, beset with woods, taking name from Ecademus one of the Hero's, as Eupolis, In sacred Hecademus shady walks. And Timon, The fluent sweet-tongued Sage first led the way, Who writes as smoothly as from some green spray Of Hecademe, Grasshoppers chirp their lay. Hence it was first called Ecademy, the occasion of his living here, was, that he was poor and had nothing but one Orchard in or adjoining to the Academy, which was the least part of his Successors. This Orchard at first yielded but three aurei nummi of yearly rent to the Owners, afterwards the whole Revenue amounted to a thousand or more. It was in process of time much enlarged by well-willers, and studious persons, who dying, bequeathed by will something to the Professors of Philosophy, their riches to maintain the quiet and tranquillity of a Philosophical life. Plato (the Academy being said to be a sickly place, and Physicians advising him to transfer his School to the Lyceum, would not be persuaded, but answered, I would not live on the top of Athos to linger my life. The unwholesomeness of the place brought him to a Quartan ague, which lasted eighteen months, but at length by sobriety and care he mastered it, and recovered his strength more perfect than before. First, he taught Philosophy in the Academy, and after in the Gardens of Colonus. At the entrance of his School in the Academy was written, LET NONE IGNORANT OF GEOMETRY ENTER HERE, meant, not only of the measure and proportion of lines, but also of the inward Affections. CHAP. VI How he instituted a Sect. HAving thus settled himself in the Academy, he began out of the Collection he had made from others, and his own invention to institute a Sect, called from the place where he taught Academic. a Laert. He mixed the Heraclitian discourses, with the Socratic and Pythagorick, following in sensibles Heraclitus, in Intelligibles Pythagoras, in Politics Socrates. Whereas Philosophy, saith, b Civil. dei. lib. 8. St. Augustine, concerns either action or contemplation (thence assuming two names, Contemplative and Active) the Active consisting in practice of moral Actions, the contemplative, in penetration of abstruse Physical causes, and the nature of the Divinity, Socrates excelled in the Active, Pythagoras in the Contemplative. But Plato joined them into one perfect kind, which he subdivided into three several parts; Moral, consisting chiefly in Action, Natural in Contemplation, Rational in Distinction of true and false, which though useful in both the other, yet belongeth more particularly to Contemplation. So that this Trichotomy contradicts not the other Dichotomy, which includeth all within Action and Contemplation. c Laert. And as of old in a Tragedy, the Chorus acted alone, than Thespis making some intermissions of the Chorus introduced one Actor, Aeschylus a second, Sophocles a Third, in like manner Philosophy was at first but of one kind, Physic, than Socrates added Ethick, thirdly, Plato inventing Dialectic, made it perfect. Of these three parts as they were held by Plato, and the rest of the old Academy, we cannot have a general better account than this of d Acad. quaest. 1. Cicero. Sect. 1. Ethick. The first, concerning well living they sought in Nature, affirming that she ought to be obeyed: and that in nothing else but Nature was to be had that chief good whereto all things should be referred, that the ultimate being of desirable things, and end of all good in the mind, body and life were acquired by Nature. Those of the body they placed in the whole, and in the parts: Health, Strength, Beauty in the whole, in the parts, sound Sense, and a certain Excellence of particular parts, as in the feet swiftness, strength in the hands, clearness in the voice, in the Tongue, plainness of expression. Of the mind were those which are proper to comprehend the power of wit, which they divided into Nature and Manners. To Nature they ascribed quickness of apprehension, and memory both proper to the mind and wit; To manners belonged study and a kind of wisdom form partly by continual exercise, partly by reason, in which consisted Philosophy itself, wherein that is begun and not perfected, is called progression to virtue, what is perfected, Virtue; perfection of Nature of all things in the mind, the most excellent. Thus of Min●s: The Adjuncts of life, that was the third, they asserted such things as conduced to the practice of Virtue. Sect. 2. Physic. Of Nature (for that was next) they so treated as to divide it into two things: One the efficient, the other giving itself to this, that, thereof might be made something. In that they conceived to be a power, in this a certain matter to be effected: in both, matter could not cohere, unless contained by some power, nor the power without some matter, for there is nothing which is not enforced to be some where: that which consists of both, they called Body and Quality: Of Qualities, some are primary, others arising from these: the primary are uniform and simple; hose which arise from these are various, and as it were multiform. Air, Fire, Water, and Earth are Primary, of these arise forms of living Creatures, and of those, things which are made of the Earth. These principles are called Elements, of which, Air and Fire have a faculty to move and effect; the other parts, Water and Earth to suffer. To all these there is subjected a certain matter without form, destitute of quality, out of which all things are expressed and form; It is capable of admitting all; and of changing all manner of ways, in the whole, and in every part: This resolves nothing to nothing, but into its own parts, which are divisible into infinite, there being in nature no lest which cannot be divided. Those which are moved, are all moved by intervals, which intervalls likewise may be divided infinitely, and that power which we call quality, being moved and agitated every way, they conceive the whole matter to be throughly changed, and by that means those things, which they call qualitative, to be produced, of which, in all coherent nature continued with all its parts, was effected the World, beyond which there is not any part of matter or body: The parts of the World are all things therein, kept together by a Sensitive nature, wherein is likewise perfect reason; It is also sempiternal, for there is nothing more strong whereby it may be dissolved: This power they call the Soul of the World, God, a certain providence over all things subjected to him, regarding in the first place heavenly things, next on the Earth those thing which appertain to man. The same they sometimes call Necessity, because nothing can be otherwise then is by him ordained; a fatal immutable continuation of eternal order; sometimes Fortune, as producing many things not foreseen or expected by us, by reason of the obscurity and our ignorance of the Causes. Sect. 3. Dialectic. Of the third part of Philosophy, consisting in reason and dissertation, they treated thus. Though judgement arise from the Sense, yet the judgement of truth is not in the Senses. The mind they affirmed to be judge of things, conceiving her only sit to be credited, because she alone seeth that which is simple, and uniform, and certain; This they called Idea. All sense they conceived to be obtuse and slow, and no way able to perceive those things which seem subject to sense, which are so little, as that they cannot fall under sense, so movable and various, that nothing is one, constant, nor the same, because all things are in continual alteration and fluxion. All this part of things they called Opimative; Science they affirmed to be no where but in the Reasons and Notions of mind, whence they approved definitions of things, and applied them to all whereon they discoursed. They approved likewise explications of words by Etymologies: They used Arguments and marks for things, to prove and conclude what they meant to explain; In this consisted all the discipline of Dialectic, that is, of Speech concluded by Reason. This account in general Cicero gives of the old Academy; Plutarch, Laertius, Apuleius, and others have made collections more particular: we shall make choice of that of Alcinous, as most full and perfect, which by reason of the length is referred as an Appendix to Plato's life. CHAP. VII. His Inventions. HE added much to learning and language by many inventions, as well of things as of words. To omit Dialectic, of which we treated last, a L●●rt. Phavorinus attributes to his invention, discoursing by way of Question; but Aristotle ascribes it to Alexamenus, a Styrian or Teian, and it appears by the Dialogues of Plato, that Socrates also used that form of arguing. Laertius informs us, that Zeno Ele●tes was the first composer of Dialogues; yet in my opinion, saith he, Pla●o hath so much refined the form thereof, that he deserves to be preferred before all others, as well for invention as reformation. More properly may be attributed to him the invention of b Laert. Procl. in Euclid. lib. 3. analytical Method, which reduceth the thing sought unto its principle, the best of Methods. He taught it to Leodamas, and by it found out many things in Geometry: Analysis, as defined by the c Lib. 13. Scholiast upon Euclid, is a sumption of the thing sought, by the consequents, (as if it were already known) to find out the truth. Examples thereof we find in the five first propositions of the 13 t● Book of Euclid, besides several others, that occur in Apollonius Pergaeus, and Pappus Alexandrinus. Amongst his Geometrical Inventions also must be remembered the duplication of a Cube, the occasion and manner whereof is related by d de 〈◊〉 delft. Plutarch and e In Anal. post. lib. 1. cap. 7. Philoponus. The Delians afflicted with the Pestilence, consulted the Oracle of Apollo; he answered, the Plague would cease if they doubled their● Altar, which was of a Cubick figure. Plu●arch saith, that hereupon the Overseers of the Altar made all the four sides double to what they were before, & so instead of doubling the Altar, they made it octuple to what it was. Philoponus saith, they caused another Cube of the same bigness with the former to be set upon it, whereby they changed the figure of the Altar, which was no longer a Cube, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a quadrilaterall Pillar. The first way, it was cubical, but not double, the second way double, but not cubical. The Plague not ceasing, they consulted the Oracle again. Apollo answered, they had not fulfilled his Command, which was to build a cubical Altar as big again as the former. Hereupon they went to Plato, as most skilful in Geometry, to learn of him the Oracle's meaning, and how they should find out the way of doubling a Cube, retaining the Cubick figure. Plato answered, that the God mocked the Grecians for their neglect of Philosophy and Learning, insulting over their ignorance, that he commanded them seriously, to addict themselves to Geometry, that this could not be done any other way, then by finding out two mean proportionals between two right lines in a Duple proportion (Plato's particular method herein is delivered, Eutocius in his comment upon the first proposition of the second Book of Archimedes de Sphaera & Cylindro.) He added that Eudoxus the Gnidian, or Helico the Cizycene would do it for them, That the God needed not this duplication of his Altar, but commanded all the Grceians, that avoiding war and the miseries wherewith it is attended, they should apply themselves to the Muses; and having settled the turbulent commotions of their minds, converse harmlessly and beneficially with one another. Philoponus adds, that Plato expounded this Problem to his Disciples, who writ much upon this subject, though nothing thereof be extant. Of the Ancients, laboured in this Problem besides Plato, Archytas the Tarentine, Menaechmus, Eratosthenes, Philo of Byzantium, Hero, Apollonius Pergaeus; Nicomedes, Diocles and Sporus. f 8. 13. Valerius Maximus saith, that Plato remitted the Overseers of the sacred Altar to Euclid the Geometrician, as submitting to his Science and Profession; but this is an Error, because Euclid the Geometrician was much later than Plato, and the other Euclid, Plato's contemporary, nothing eminent in Mathematics, as hath been before me observed by g Praele●. 1. Sir Henry Savile. That Plato invented many other things in the Mathematics, (more than appears from those writings of his that are extant) and was most eminent therein, may be argued from the three Books of Theon Smyrnaeus, the first Arithmetic, the second harmonics, the last, (not yet published) Astronomy. Those Books contained many things, singular and choice, not to be met elsewhere. The design is acknowledged by the Author, to be as an introduction necessary to the understanding of Plato's writings. There are also divers words of which he is esteemed to be the first Author, as h Laert. Antipodes, a word by him first introduced into Philosophy, to signify those people whose feet are diametrically opposite. i Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Element, until his time was confounded with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Principle, by all Philosophers from Thales. Plato distinguished them thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, principle is that which hath nothing before it whereof it might be generated; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Elements are compounded. k Laert. The word Poem also, though since very trivial, was not used by any before him. l Laert. He first used this term, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, oblong number, [in Theaeteto] thereby signifying the product of a greater number multiplied by a lesser. m Laert. He also first introduced the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Superficies, for which before was used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Plane. Thus Laertius, though n In Euclid. lib. 2. Proclus implies, that neither Plato nor Aristotle use the word, but for it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Divine Plato, saith he, calls Geometry the Contemplatrix of Planes, opposing it to Stereometry, as if Plane and Superficies w●re the same. So likewise doth Aristotle. But Euclid and those who succeed him, make Superficies the genus, plane a species thereof. o Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Divine Providence, a word since much used by Christians, was first the expression of Plato. p Laert. He first of Philosophers wrote against Lysias, Son of Cephaluo, in Phaedro. q Laert. He first considered the force and efficacy of Grammar. r Laert. He first wrote against all that were before him, whence it is wondered at that he never mentions Democritus. CHAP. VIII. His Distinctions. OF his Distinctions Aristotle made this Collection in some piece not extant, cited by Laertius. Good is threefold, in the Soul, as Justice, Prudence, Fortitude, Temperance, and the like. In the Body, as Beauty, good habit, strength. external, as friends; prosperity of our Country; Wealth. Friendship is threefold. Natural, which Parents bear to their Children, and kindred to one another; which kind is also amongst beasts. Sociable, begotten by conversation, without any relation of kindred; such was that betwixt Pylades and Orestes. Hospitable, towards Guests, or wherewith we affect strangers even upon letters of recommendation. Some add a fourth kind, amatory. Government is of five kinds. democratical; a Democracy is that wherein the people rules and hath power to make Magistrates and Laws. Aristocratical; an Aristocracy is that wherein neither rich nor poor nor Nobles govern, but the best persons of the whole City. oligarchical; an Oligarchy is when Governors are elected by the votes of Magistrates, for they are fewer than the poor. Regal: Elective by Law; as that of the Carthaginians; for it is civil. Successive in a Family; as that of the Lacedæmonians and Macedonians, who confine themselves to a certain race. Tyrannical, Tyranny is that wherein men are brought to subjection either by fraud or force. justice is threefold Towards the Gods; they who sacrifice as the Law requires, a●d perform the Divine rites, are just towards the Gods. Towards men: They who restore what was lent or committed to their trust, are just towards men. Towwards the dead: They who take care of Sepulchers are just towards the dead. Science is threefold. Practic, as playing on the flute, lute, and the like; which effect nothing visible. Mechanic, as architecture of Houses, Ships, or the like, which produceth a visible effect. Theoretic, as Geometry, Harmonick, Astronomy, which act not, neither produce any thing. The Geometrician considers the proportion of lines to one another; Harmonick sounds: Astronomy stars and the World. Medicine is of five kinds. Pharmaceutick, cureth diseases by application of Medicine. Chirurgick by incision or cauterising. Diaetetick, by diet. Nosognomonick discerns diseases. Boethetick removeth diseases. Law is twofold. Written; such are those by which states are governed. Not written, grounded upon custom; as that no man shall go naked into the forum, or habited like a woman, is not forbidden by any written law, but forborn because of the unwritten. Speech is of five kinds. Political, used in Orations by such as govern States. Rhetorical, used by Lawyers in pleading either to confirm, praise, dispraise or accuse. Vulgar, used by people in common discourse. dialectical, used by such as discourse in short questions and answers. Artificial, used by Tradesmen in their several professions. Music is threefold. Of the Voice only. Of the Voice and hands, as singing to the Lute. Of the Hand only, as the Harp. Nobility is of four kinds. If the Predecessors were upright, just, and honest. If the Predecessors were rulers of Princes. If the Predecessors acquired honours, as the command of an Army, or were crowned in public games: those who are descended from such we call Noble. If a man be endued with a generous mind; this is the best kind of Nobility. Beauty is threefold. Commendable, as a fair form. Useful, as an instrument, house, or the like. Beneficial, as all that belongs to institution of Laws. The Soul hath three parts, the Rational, the principle whereby we judge, discourse, and the like. Concupiscible, whereby we desire meat, coition, and the like. Irascible, whereby we are emboldened, joined, grieved, enraged. Perfect virtue hath four kinds. Wisdom, the principle of doing things aright. Justice, the principle of doing things equally in private conversation and public affairs. Fortitude, the principle of not flying danger through fear, but meeting it. Temperance, the principle of subduing desires, and yielding to no pleasures, but living moderately. Government is of five kinds. By Law: Those who are chosen Magistrates in a City govern by Law. By Nature: the males not only of mankind, but of most other creatures are predominant over the Females by nature. By Custom, as that which Masters have over their Disciples. By Descent, as the Lacedaemonian Kings, who succeed out of one Family: and in Macedonia they use the same custom. By force, as those who rule a Kingdom against the will of the people. Of Rhetoric are six kinds. Adhortation, as when we persuade to war against any. Dehortation, as when we dissuade from War. Accusation, when we declare that we have been injured by one whom we prove cause of our misfortune. Defence, when a man proves he did not an injury or offence. Encomium, when we speak well of another. Vituperation, when we declare a man to be wicked. Of Right speaking are four kinds; when we speak What is requisite; those things which will benefit both the hearer and speaker. As much as is requisite, if we speak neither more nor less than concerns the business. To those to whom it is requisite; as when we speak to old men that have done amiss in such terms as are fit for old men, or to young as becomes young. When it is requisite, neither too soon nor too late; for if that be not observed, nothing can be spoken aright. Beneficence is of four kinds. In Wealth, when we relieve the wants of any according to our means. In Body, when we succour those who are beaten. In Knowledge, when we instruct, cure, teach any good. In Speech, he, who pleadeth in defence of another, helpeth him in words. The end of things is of four kinds Legal, imposing an end to things by decree. Natural, such as days, years, and hours have. Artificial, as the building of a house. Accidental, by chance unexpected. Of powers are four kinds One in the mind, to think and conjecture. Another of the body, to walk, give, receive, and the like. A third, consisting in a multitude of Soldiers, and store of wealth, in which respect, Princes are called Powerful. The fourth, as to suffer good or evil to be done to us; as to be capable of Sickness, Learning, health, or the like. Of Humanity are three kinds. In calling, as those who call all they meet, and salute them, taking them by the hand. In relieving, in relieving the misfortunes of another willingly. In feasting and conversation. Felicity is divided into five parts. Prudent Counsel, acquired by learning and experience. Soundness of senses, consisting in the parts of the body, as to see with the eyes, to hear with the ears, to smell and taste. Prosperity of affairs, when those things which a man intendeth, he performeth fully. Good reputation amongst men, when a man is well spoken of. Plenty of riches, and things necessary to life, so as to be able to supply friends, and perform works of public magnificence: He who hath all these five kinds is perfectly happy. Arts are of three kinds. The first diggeth out metals, and fells wood. The second gives variety of shape to things, as Wood-work and Ironwork. The third maketh use of these, as horsemanship of bridles, Soldiery, of arms, music of instruments. Good is of four kinds. One, as when we call a man good from his proper goodness. A second, as we call Virtue and Justice itself good. A third, as we say, food, exercise and medicines are beneficial. The fourth good we call the act of playing on music, or acting in a play. Of things some are Ill, always capable to do hurt, as ignorance, imprudence, injustice, and the like. Good, the contrary to the former; Indifferent, which sometimes may benefit, sometimes hurt, as walking, sitting, eating, or cannot do hurt at all, being neither good nor bad. Good Government is threefold. If the Laws be good. If the Laws be well kept. If without Laws the people live orderly by custom. Ill Government is threefold. If the Laws be bad for Natives and Forainers. If the Laws in being are not observed. If there are no laws at all. Contraries are of three kinds. Good to ill, as justice to injustice, wisdom to imprudence, and the like. Ill to ill, as prodigality to avarice, unjust torments to just. Neither to neither, as heavy to light, swift to flow, black to white. Good is of three kinds. Some we have, as Justice and Health. Of some we participate, as good itself cannot be had, but may be participated. Some are sixth, which we can neither have, nor participate as to be virtuous and just. Consultation is threefold. From the Past, by example; as what befell the Lacedæmonians through overmuch confidence. From the present, as considering the timorousness of men, weakness of walls, scarcity of provision, and the like. From the Future, as that Ambassadors should not be injured upon suspicion, lest it cast infamy upon all Greece. Voice is Animate, of living creatures. Articulate of men. Inarticulate of Beasts. Inanimate, sounds and noise. Things are Divisible, compounded as Syllables, Symphonies, living creatures, water, Gold. Homogeneous, consist of similar parts, differing from the whole only in number, as water, gold, and all liquid things. Heterogeneous, consist of dissimilar parts. Indivisible, compounded of nothing, as a point, sound. Things are Absolute, requiring nothing else to express them, as a man, a horse and other creatures. Relatives, which imply another thing, as greater (then others) swifter, fairer, and the like, for what is greater relates to something lesser, and the like. These according to Aristotle were Plato's divisions of first things. CHAP. IX. His three voyages to Sicily. a Laert▪ Apul: PLato made three voyages to Sicily; the first to see the f●ery ●bullitions of Aetna b Plat. ●pist. and to improve the knowledge of States, and Philosophy, which he got by his other travels; This was about the 40th year of his age, c Laert. at what time Dionysius the elder, Son of Hermocrates, reigned in Syracuse; d In Di●ne. Plutarch saith, he was led thither by providence, not fortune, and that some good Genius, designing a far off the liberty of the people of Syracuse, brought him acquainted with Dion then very young, who entertained him as his e Plat. Epist. 3. & 7. guest: He much disliked the luxury of that place, feasting, nocturnal lucubrations and the like; Conversed frequently with Dion, discoursed with him of those things which were best in man, and with his best arguments exhorted him thereto; by which he seemed to lay grounds for the subversion of that Tyranny, which afterwards happened; f Plut. in Dione. Dion though young, was the most ingenious of all Plato's followers, and most eager in pursuit of Virtue, as appears as well by the testimony of Plato, as his own actions. Though he had been brought up by the King in an effeminate luxurious kind of life; yet as soon as he tasted of Philosophy the guide to Virtue, his soul was inflamed with love thereof, and from his own ●andour and ingenuity was persuaded that Dionysius would be no less affected therewith: And therefore desired him when he was at leisure to admit and hear Plato: Hereupon the Tyrant sent for him; at that meeting all their discourse was concerning fortitude; Plato affirmed none was further from that Virtue than a Tyrant, and, proceeding to speak of Justice, asserted the life of the Just to be happy, of the unjust miserable. Dionysius was displeased at this discourse (as reflecting upon himself) and with the standers by for approving it, at last much exasperated, he asked Plato why he came into Sicily? Plato answered, to seek a good man: it seems, replied Dyonisius, you have not yet found him. Laertius saith, Plato disputed with him concerning Tyranny, affirming, that is not best which benefits ourselves, unless it be excellent also in Virtue; whereat Dyonisius incensed, said to him, your discourse favours of old age; and yours, answered Plato, of Tyranny. Dionysius, enraged, commanded him to be put to death; I will have, saith he, your head taken off; at which words Xenocrates being present, answered, He that doth it must begin with mine: but Dion and Aristomen●s wrought with him to revoke that sentence. Dion thinking his anger would have proceeded no further, sent Plato away at his own request in a Ship which carried polis (whom Laertius calls Polis, Aelian Pôlis,) a Lacedaemonian Captain (who at that time had been sent Ambassador to Dionysius) back to Greece: Dionsiyus secretly desired polis to kill him whilst he was on Shipboard; or if not, by all means to sell him, alleging, it would be no injury to Plato, for he would be as happy in bondage as at liberty, as being a just man. Some affirm the occasion of Dionysius his anger was, because, that when he asked what was the best brass, Plato answered, that whereof the Statues of g Wh●s s●ew Hipparchus, brother of Hippias the Tyrant of Athens; upon which the Pisistratidae were expelled. Aristogiton and Harmodius were made. Others, that it was because he was overmastered in learning. But Tzetzes rejecting these, as idle fictions of Philosophers, & falsifiers, affirms the true reason to have been, that he perceived, he advised Dion to possess himself of the Kingdom: polis transported him to Aegina; there Charmander, son of Charmandrites, accused him, as meriting death by a Law they had made, that the first Athenian that should come to that Island, should, without being suffered to speak for himself, be put to death: Which Law, as Phavorinus affirms, he himself made. One that was present, saying in sport, he is a Philosopher, they set him at liberty: Some say, they brought him to the public assembly, to plead for himself, where he would not speak a word, but underwent all with a great courage. Then they altered their intent of putting him to death, and agreed to sell him for a slave. Plutarch saith, that upon a decree of the Aeginetae, that all Athenians taken in that Island, should be sold for Slaves; polis sold him there: Anniceris, a Cyrenaic Philosopher, being accidentally present, redeemed him for twenty, or as others thirty Minae, and sent him to Athens to his friends; they immediately returned the money to Anniceris, but he refused it, saying, they were not the only persons concerned in Plato's welfare: Some say, Dion sent the money, which he would not accept, but bought therewith a little Orchard in the Academy. polis was defeated by Chabrias, and afterwards drowned in Elice. The report goes, that an apparition told him, he suffered those things for the Philosopher's sake. Dionysius understanding what had happened, writ to Plato, to desire him not to speak ill of him; Plato returned answer, that he had not so much time vacant from Philosophy, as to remember Dionysius. To some detractours who upbraided him, saying, Dionysius hath cast off Plato; no, saith he, but Plato Dionysius. Dion continued to live, not according to the ordinary luxury of the Sicilians and Italians, but in virtue, until Dionysius died, for which maligned by those who lived after Tyrannical institutions. Then considering, that these documents were not practised by himself alone, but by some others, though few, he entertained a hope, that Dionysius the younger, who succeeded his Father in the Government, might become one of those, to the extraordinary happiness of himself, and the rest of the Sicilians: To this end, he used many exhortations to invite him to virtue, intermixed with some sentences of Plato, with whom Dionysius, upon this occasion, became extremely desirous to be acquainted: To that effect, many Letters were sent to Athens to him, some from Dionysius, others from Pythagoreans in Italy, desiring Plato to go to Syracuse, who, by prudent Counsel, might govern the young man, transported by his own power to luxury. Plato, as himself affirmeth, fearing to be thought a Person only of words, and not willing to engage in action, and withal hoping, by purging one principal part, to cure the disease of all Sicily, yielded; Laertius saith, upon a promise made to him by Dionysius, of a Place and People that should live according to the rules of his Commonwealth; which he made not good. Hence Athenaeus accuseth Plato of Ambition. In the mean time, the enemies of Dion, fearing a change in Dionysius, persuaded him to call home from banishment Phil●stus (a person very rational, but educated in Tyrannical principles) as an Antidote against Plato's Philosophy; but Dion hoped, the coming of Plato would regulate the licentious Tyranny of Dionysius. Plato at his arrival in Sicily (placed by Agellius, betwixt the beginning of Philip's reign, four hundred years from the building of Rome, and the Chaeronean fight) was received by Dionysius with much respect: One of the King's magnificent Chariots stood ready to receive him assoon as he landed, and carried him to the Court. The King offered Sacrifice to the Gods for his coming, as a great blessing upon his government. The temperance of their Feasts, alteration of the Court, meekness of the King, gave the Siracusians great hopes of reformation: The Courtiers addicted themselves to Philosophy so much, that the Palace was full of Sand (wherein they drew Geometrical figures.) Not long after Plato's coming, at a Sacrifice in the Castle, the Herald, according to the usual manner, made a solemn Prayer, that the Gods would long preserve the Kingly Government: Dion standing by, said, Will you never give over praying against me? This troubled Philistus and his friends, who feared Plato would insinuate into the favour of Dionysius so much, as that they should not be able to oppose him, since in so short time, he had effected so great an alteration in him: Hereupon they all jointly accused Dion, that he wrought upon Dionysius, by the eloquence of Plato, to resign his Government, that it might be transferred to the Children of his Sister, to quit his command for the Academy, where he should be made happy by Geometry, resigning his present happiness to Dion and his Nephews. With these and the like instigations, Dionysius was so incensed, that he caused Dion to be unexpectedly carried on Shipboard in a little bark, giving the mariners order to land him in Italy. This happened four months after Plato's coming. h Plat. Epist. Plato, and the rest of Dion's friends, feared to be put to some punishment, as partakers of his offence. A report was raised, that Plato was put to death by Dionysius, as author of all that happened: but, on the contrary, Dionysius, doubting, lest something worse might happen from their fear, treated them all kindly, comforted Plato, bid him be of good cheer, and entreated him to stay with him: i Plutarch. He caused him to be lodged in his Castle, k Plat. Epist. 7. in the Orchards adjoining to his Palace, where not the Porter himself could go out without Dionysius his leave; thus cunningly, under pretence of kindness, he watched him, that he might not return into Greece, to give Dion notice of the wrong done to him. Dionysius by frequent conversation with Plato (as wild Beasts are tamed by use) fell into so great liking of his discourse, that he became in love with him; but, it was a Tyrannical affection, for, he would not that Plato should love any but him, offering to put the power of the Kingdom into his hands, if he would value him above Dion. With this passion, troublesome to Plato, Dionysius was sometimes so far transported, as men jealous of their Mistresses, that he would upon the sudden fall out with him, and as suddenly be reconciled, and ask him pardon. He had indeed a great desire of Plato's Philosophy, but a great respect likewise on the other side for those who dissuaded him from it, telling him, that it would ruin him to be too far engaged therein. l Plat. Epist. In the mean time, there happening a War, he sent Plato home, promising, that the next spring (as soon as there was peace) he would send back for him and Dion to Syracuse: but he kept not his promise, for which he desired Plato to excuse him, protesting the War to be the occasion thereof, and that assoon as it were ended, he would send for Dion, whom he desired in the mean time to rest satisfied, and not attempt any thing against him, not to speak ill of him to the Grecians. This Plato endeavoured to effect; he instructed Dion in Philosophy, in the Academy: Dion lay in the City at the house of Calippus, with whom he had been long acquainted. He purchased a Country house for pleasure, whither ●e sometimes went; this he bestowed afterward, at his return to Sicily, upon Speusi●pus, with whom he conversed most intimately, as being so advised by Plato, who knew the cheerful humour of Speusippus to be a fit divertisement for the reserved disposition of Dion. Plato had undertaken the expense of some Plays and Dances by some youths; Dion took the pains to teach them, and paid the whole charge: By this liberality which Plato suffered him to confer upon the Athenians, he gained more love than Plato honour. In the mean time, Dionysius, to acquit himself of the disesteem he had gained amongst Philosophers in Plato's cause, invited many learned men, and in a vain ostentation of Wisdom, applied improperly the sentences he had learned of Plato: Hereupon he began to wish for Plato again, and to blame himself, for not knowing how to use him well when he had him, and that he had not learned so much of him as he might: and being like a Tyrant transported with uncertain passions and changes, a sudden vehement desire came upon him of seeing Plato again. m Plate Epist. 3. The peace being now concluded, he sent to Plato to come to him (but not (as he had promised) to Dion) writing to him, that he would have him to come immediately, and that afterwards he would send for Dion. Hereupon Plato refused to go, notwithstanding the entreaties of Dion; alleging for excuse his old age, and that nothing was done according to their agreement. In the mean time, Archytas, whom, with others of Tarentum, Plato, before his departure, had brought into the acquaintance of Dionysius, came to Dionysius; there were also others there, Auditors of Dion. Dionysius being refused upon a second invitation, thought his honour deeply concerned, and thereupon sent the third time a Galley of three banks of Oars ( n ●li●. trimmed with Fillets) and other Ships, and with them Archidemus, whom he conceived Plato most affected of all his friends in Sicily, and some Sicilian Noblemen: o Plut. He had by all means obliged Archytas the Pythagorean, to let Plato know, he might come without danger, and that he would engage his word on it. p Plat. Epist. 7. As soon as they came to Plato, they all protested, that Dionysius was much inclined to Philosophy, and delivered an Epistle from him to this effect. Dionysius to Plato. (AFter the accustomed way of Preface) nothing (saith he) should you do sooner, then come to Sicily at my request. First, as concerning Dion, all shall be done as you will; for, I think you will only moderate things, and I will condescend: But, unless you come, you shall not obtain any thing which you desire for Dion, nor in anything else, not in those which chiefly concern your own particular. q Plate Epist. Other Epistles were sent from Archytas, and other Italians and Tarentines, praising Dionysius for his love of learning; adding, that if Plato came not, it would reflect upon his friends, as well as on himself. * Plutarch. Many Letters and entreaties were sent to Dion, from his Wife and Sister: r Plat. Epist. to these were joined the importunities of some friends of Plato's at Athens, s Plut. insomuch that Dion brought it to pass, that Plato ( t Plat. lest he should desert him and the Tarentines) yielded to Dionysius, without any excuse; and, as he writeth himself, was driven the third time to the Sicilian straits. Once more Charybdis dangers to essay. At his arrival in Sicily, Dionysius met him with a Chariot, drawn by four white horses, u Aelian. var. Hist. ●. 18. whereinto he took him, and made him sit, whilst himself played the Coachman: whereupon a facete Syracusian, well versed in Homer, pleased with the sight, spoke these verses out of the Iliads, with a little alteration: The Chariot groaned beneath its weight, Proud that the best of men there sat. And as Dionysius was much joyed at his coming, so were the Sicilians put in great hopes, being all desirous, and endeavouring, that Plato might supplant Philistus, and subvert Tyranny by Philosophy: The Ladies of the Court entertained Plato with all civility; but above all, Dionysius seemed to repose more confidence in him, then in any of his friends; for, whereas he was jealous of all others, he had so great respect for Plato, that he suffered him only to come to him unsearched ( * Aelian. var. Hist. 4. 18. though he knew him to be Dions' intimate friend) and offered him great sums of money, but Plato would not accept any: (yet x Laert. Onetor saith, he received eighty Talents of him, wherewith enriched, he purchased the Books of Philolaus) whence Aristippus the Cyrenaean, who was at the same time in the Court, said, Dionysius bestoweth his bounty on sure grounds; he gives little to us who require much, and much to Plato who requireth nothing. And being blamed, that he received money of Dionysius, Plato books, I want money, saith he, Plato books. So untrue it is, as y Epist. ad Aeschin. Xenophon asperseth him, that he went thither to share in the Sicilian luxury: or as z Chillad. Tzetzes, that he studied the art of Cookery, and lived with Dionysius as his pensioner and parasite. So far was he from any sordid compliance, that at a Feast, a Laert. vit. Aristip. Dionysius commanding every one to put on a purple Gown, and dance, he refused, saying, I will not with a female robe disgrace Myself, who am a man of manly race. Some likewise ascribe this to him, which others to Aristippus, that Dionysius saying, Who ere comes to a Tyrant, he A servant is, though he came free. He answered immediately, No servant is, if he came free. b Plat. Epist. Plut. Plato, after a while, began to put Dionysius in mind of the City he had promised him to be governed by his rules; but Dionysius retracted his promise: He moved him also in the behalf of Dion; Dionysius at the first delayed him, afterwards fell out with him, but so secretly, that none saw it, for he continued to confer as much honour on him, as he could possibly, thereby to make him forsake his friendship to Dion? Plato from the beginning perceived there was no trust to be reposed in what he said or did, but that all was deceit; yet concealed that thought, and patiently suffered all; pretending to believe him. Thus they dissembled with each other, thinking they deceived the eyes of all men besides; Helicon of Cyzicum, a friend of Plato, foretold an Eclipse of the Sun, which falling out according to his prediction, the Tyrant much honoured him, and gave him a Talon of Silver: then Aristippus jesting with other Philosophers, said, he could tell them of a stranger thing that would happen; they desiring to know what that was, I foretell, saith he, Plato and Dionysius will be at difference ere long; and it came to pass. c Plat. Epist. Dionysius detained Dion's Rent which he used to send yearly to him to Peloponnesus, pretending he kept it for his Nephew, Dion's Son. Plato discontented hereat, desired he might go home, saying, he could not stay, Dion being used so ignominously: Dionysius spoke kindly to him, desiring him to stay: He thought it not convenient to let Plato go so soon to divulge his actions: but being not able to prevail with him; he told him he would provide a means for his Passage; Plato had designed to go with the Passage●boates; Dionysius seeing him bend upon his voyage, the next spoke thus kindly to him; that the differences betwixt Dion and me may be composed, I will for your sake condescend thus far, Dion, shall receive his revenues living in Peloponnesus not as a banished person, but as one that may come hither when he and I, and you his friends shall think convenient. The trusties for this business shall be yourself, and your and his friends who live here; Dion shall receive his Rents, but through your hands, otherwise I shall not dare to trust him▪ in you and yours I have more confidence; stay for this reason a year here; and than you shall carry along with you his money, wherein you will do Dion a great courtesy. To this Plato after a day's deliberation consented; and writ to that effect to Dion; but as soon as the Ships were gone, that Dionysius saw he had no means to away, forgetting his promise; he made sale of Dions' Estate. d Plat. Epis●●: At this time happened a mutiny amongst the Soldiers of Dionysius, of which Heraclides a friend of Plato's was reported the Author: Dionysius laid out to take him, but could not light on him: Walking in his Garden he called Theodot●s to him; Plato being accidently walking there at the same time; after some private discourse with Dionysius, Theodotes, turning to Plato, Plato saith he, I persuade Dionysius that I may bring Heraclides to him to answer the crimes wherewith he is charged, and then if Dionysius will not suffer him to live in Sicily, that he at least permit him to take his Wise and Children along with him to Peloponnesus, and live there, and, whilst he shall not plot any thing against Dionysius, that he may there enjoy his Revenues. With this ussurance I have sent to Heraclides, and will send again to him to come hither; but if he come either upon the first or second notice, I have made an agreement with Dionysius, and obtained a promise from him that he shall receive no harm, either in or without the City; but, if he be so resolved, that he send him away beyond the confines of this Country, until he shall be better satisfied with him: Do not you Dionysius consent hereto saith he, I do, answered Dionysius, neither if he be in your house shall he receive any prejudice; The next day (about 20. days before Plato left Sicily) came Eurybius and Theodotes to Plato in so much haste and trouble; Plato, said Theodotes, you were yesterday present at the agreement betwixt Dionysius and me, concerning Heraclides. I was so, answered Plato, but since continues Theodotes, he hath sent out Officers to apprehend him, and I fear he is somewhere very nigh; therefore go along with us to Dionysius, and let us use our utmost endeavour with him: They went, when they came before him, Plato (the rest standing silent by, and weeping) began thus, ●hese men, Dionysius, are afraid lest you should do something against Heraclides contrary to the agreement you made yesterday, for I suppose he is come near here abouts, Dionysius at this grew angry, his colour often changed with rage; Theodotes fell at his feet, and taking him by the hand, besought him not to do any such thing: Plato continuing his speech; Be of good cheer, saith he, Theodotes, for Dionysius wil● not do any thing contrary to the promise he made yesterday. Dionysius looking severely upon Plato, to you, saith he, I made no promise; yes by the God's answered Plato, you promised not to do those things which Theodotes now beseecheth you not to do. Archedemus and Aristocritus being present; he told Plato (as he had done once before, when he interceded for Heraclides,) That he cared for Heraclides and others more than for him: and asked him before them, whether he remembered that when he came first to Syracuse, he counselled him to restore the Grecian Cities: Plato answered, he did remember it, and that he still thought it his best course, and withal asked Dionysius whether that were the only counsel he had given him. Dionysius returned an angry contumelious reply, and asked him, laughing scornfully, whether he taught him those things as a School boy; to which Plato answered, you well remember, what replies he, as a Master in Geometry, or how? Pla●o forbore to reply, fearing it might occasion a stop of his Voyage; But immediately went away; Dionysius resolved to lay wait for Heraclides; but he escaped to the Carthaginian Territories. From this displeasure against Plato, Dionysius took occasion to forbear to send to Dion his money; and first sent Plato out of his Castle, where, till then, he had lain next the Palace, pretending that the women were to Celebrate a Feast ten days in the Gardens where he dwelled; For that time he commanded Plato to live without the Castle with Archedemus; during which time T●eodotes sent for him, and complained to him of Dionysius his proceedings. Dionysius, receiving information that Plato had gone to Theodotes, took a new occasion of displeasure against him, and sent one to him, who asked him whether he had gone to Theodotes. Plato acknowledged that he had, then saith the Messenger, Dionysius bade me ●ell you; you do not well to prefer Dion and his friends before him. Never from that time did he send for Pl●to to the Court, looking upon him as a professed friend to Theodotes and Heraclides and his professed enemy: e Plut. Plato lived without the Castle amongst the Soldiers of the Guard▪ who, as Dionysius well knew, had born him ill will long, and sought to murtler him, because he counselled Dionysius to giv● over the Tyranny, and live without a Guard. f Pl●t. Epist. Some, who came to visit him, gave him notice that calumnies were spread against him amongst the Soldiers, g Laert. as if he excited Dion and Theondas to restore the Island to liberty, and that some of them threatened, when they could light upon him to kill him. Hereupon Plato began to think of some means of Escape, which he effected in this manner; He sent to Arobytas at Tarentum, and to other friends advertising them of the danger wherein he was; They, under pretence of an Embassy in the name of the Country, sent Lamascus (whom Laertius calls Lamiscus) one of their party with a Galley of three banks of Oars to redemand Plato, declaring that his coming to Syracuse upon the engagement of Archytas: His letter was to this effect. Architas to Dionysius, health. WE all Plato's friends have sent Lamiscus and Photides to redemand the man according to your agreement with us: You will do well to consider with what importunity you prevailed with us to invite Plato to you, promising to yield to all things, and to give him liberty to go and come at his pleasure; remember how much you prized his coming, and preferred him before all others: if there hath happened any difference betwixt you, it will be●it you to treat him courteously, and restore him safe to us. This if you do, you will do justly, and oblige us. h Plutarch. vit. Dion. Dionysius to excuse himself, and to show he was not angry with Plato, feasted him magnificently, and then sent him home with great testimonies of affection: One day amongst the rest he said to him, I am afraid Plato you will speak ill of me when you are amongst your friends. The Gods forbid, answered, Plato, smiling, they should have such scarcity of matter in the Academy, as to be constrained to discourse of you. Dionysius at his departure, desired him to find out whether Dion would be much displeased if he should dispose of his Wife to another; there being at that time a report that he did not like his match, and could not live quietly with his Wi●e. Plato in his return, came to Peloponnesus at what time the Olympic games were celebrated; where the eyes of all the Grecians were taken off from the sports and fixed upon him as the more worthy object: Here he found Dion beholding the exercises, To whom he related what had happened. Dion protested to revenge the discourtesy of Dionysius towards Plato, from which Plato earnestly dissuaded him: Being come home to Athens, he wrote to Dionysius, and gave him a plain account of every thing, but that concerning Dion's Wife, he set it down so darkly, that he alone to whom the letter was directed could understand him; letting him know that he had spoken with Dion● about the business which he knew, and that he would be very much displeased if Dionysius did it: so that at that time, because there was great hopes of reconciliation between them, the Tyrant forbore a while to dispose of his Sister Arete, Dions' Wife, as, soon after, when he saw the breach irreconcilable, he did, marrying her against her will to one of his friends named Timocrates. Dion thence forward prepared for War against Plato's advice, who endeavoured to dissuade him from it, as well for respect of Dioonysius his good reception of him, as for that Dion was well in years; though Aelian saith, he put Dion upon that war; which Plutarch imputes to the instigations of Speusippus. CHAP. X. His Authority in Civil Affairs. AT home he lived quietly in the Academy, a Laert. not engaging himself in public Affairs; (though he were a person very knowing therein as his writings manifest,) because the Athenians were accustomed to Laws different from his sense. b Aelian. var. hist. 2. 41. His fame spreading to the Arcadians, and Thebans, they sent Ambassadors earnestly to request him to come over to them, not noly to instruct their young men in Philosophy, but, which was of higher concernment, to ordain Laws for Megalopolis a City then newly built by the Arcadians, upon occasion of the great defeat given them by the Lacedæmonians, in the first year of the 103. Olympiad. Plato was not a little pleased at this invitation, but ask the Ambassadors how they stood affected to a parity of Estates, and finding them so averse from it, as not to be by any means induced thereto, he refused to go: but sent Aristonimus his familiar friend. The Cyrenaeans likewise sent to him, Plutarch. ad princip. in●rudit. desiring him to send them Laws for their City, but he refused, saying, it was difficult to to prescribe Laws to men in prosperity. Yet to several people upon their importunities he condescended. To the Syracusians he gave Laws upon the ejection of their King. To the Cretans, upon their building of Magnesia, he sent Laws digested into twelve Books. To the Ilians he sent Phormio; to the Pyrrheans, Mededimus (his familiar friends) upon the same design. This is enough to justify him against those who Athen▪ accuse him, of having written a form of Government, which he could not persuade any to practise, because it was so severe: and that the Athenians, who accepted the Laws of Draco and Solon, derided his. CHAP. XI. His Virtues and Moral Sentences. a Laert. HE lived single, yet soberly and b Suid. chastely, insomuch as in his old age (in compliance with the vulgar opinion) he sacrificed to Nature, to expiate the crime of his continence. So constant in his composure and gravity, that a Youth brought up under him, returning to his Parents, and hearing his Father speak aloud, said, I never found this in Plato. He ate but once a day, or, if the second time, very sparingly; he slept alone, and much discommended the contrary manner of living. Of his Prudence, Patience, Magnanimity, and other Virtues, there are these instances. c Plut. Antimachus a Colophonian, and Niceratus a Heracleot, contending in a Poetic Panegyric of Lysander, the prize was bestowed upon Niceratus: Antimachus in anger tore his Poem; Plato, who at that time was young, and much esteemed Antimachus for his poetry, comforted him, saying, Ignorance is a disease proper to the ignorant, as blindness to the blind. d Senec. de ira. 3. 1●. His servant having offended him, he bade him put off his coat, and expose his shoulders to be beaten, intending to have corrected him with his own hand; but perceiving himself to be angry, he stopped his hand, and stood fixed in that posture; a friend coming in, asked him what he was doing, Punishing an angry man, saith he. e Senec. de ira. 3. 12. Another time, being displeased at his servant for some offence, do you (saith he to Speusippus (or as Laertius to Xenocrates) accidentally coming in) beat this fellow, for I am angry. And another time to his servant he said, I would beat thee, if I were not angry. f Val. Max. Fearing to exceed the limits of correction, and thinking it unfit the Master and servant should be alike faulty. g Laert. Chabrias the general being arraigned for his life, he alone showed himself on his side, not one of the Citizens else appearing for him. Crobulus the Sycophant met him, accompanying Chabrias to the Tower, and said unto him, Do you come to help others, you know not that the poison of Socrates is reserved for you? Plato answered, When I fought for my Country I hazarded my life, and will now in duty to my friend. h Aelian. var. hist. 4. At the Olympic Games, he fell into company with some strangers, who knew him not, upon whose affections he gained much by his affable conversation, Dining and spending the whole day with them, not mentioning either the Academy or Socrates, only saying, his Name was Plato. When they came to Athens, he entertained them courteously. Come Plato, said the strangers, show us your namesake, Socrates his Disciple; bring us to the Academy; recommend us to him, that we may know him. He smiling a little, as he used, said, I am the man: Whereat they were much amazed, having conversed so familiarly with a person of that eminence, who used no boasting or ostentation; and showed, that besides his Philosophical discourse, his ordinary conversation was extremely winning. When he went out of the School, he always said, See (Youths) that you employ your idle hours usefully. At a Feast he blamed those that brought in Musicians to hinder discourse. Seeing a young man play at Dice, reproved him, he answered, What, Laert. for so small a matter? Custom (replies Plato) is no small thing. Being demanded, Laert. whether there should be any record to posterity of his actions or sayings, as of others before him: First, saith he, we must get a Name, than many things will follow. Getting on Horseback, Laert. he immediately lighted again, saying, He feared lest he should be carried away 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a high wilful conceit, a metaphor taken from a Horse. He advised drunken and angry men to look in a Glass, Laert. and it would make them refrain from those vices. He affirmed, that to drink to the excess of drunkenness was not allowable at any time, Laert. unless upon the festival of that God who gives Wine. Sleep also much displeased him, whence he saith in his Laws, Laert. No man sleeping is worth anything. That truth is more pleasing to all, than any feigned story, Laert. so of truth he saith, de legibus: Truth, O guest, is an excellent thing, and durable, but to this we are not easily persuaded. Being told, Val. Max. 4. 1. that Xenocrates had spoken many unjust things against him, he presently rejected the accusation; the informer persisted, asked, why he would not believe him? He added, it was not probable, that he whom he loved so much, should not love him again. Finally, the other swearing it was thus; he, not to argue him of perjury, affirmed, that Xenocrates would never have said so, but that there was reason for it. He said, Senec. de ira. 1. 16. No wise man punisheth in respect of the fault past, but in prevention of the future. Seeing the Agrigentines magnificent in Building, Aelian. luxurious in Feasting, These people (saith he) Build, as if they were to live for ever, and Eat, as if they were to die instantly. Hearing a wicked person speak in the defence of another, Stob. This man, saith he, carries his heart in his tongue. Being told, Stob. that some spoke ill of him, he answered, 'tis no matter, I will live so that none shall believe them. Seeing a young man of a good family, Stob. who had wasted all his means, ●itting at the door of an Inn, feeding upon bread and water, he told him, If you had dined so temperately, you would never have needed to sup so. To Antisthenes, Stob. making a long oration, You know not, saith he, that discourse is to be measured by the hearer, not the speaker. Seeing a youth overbold with his Father, Stob. Young man, saith he, will you undervalue him, who is the cause you over-value yourself? To one of his Disciples, who took too much care of his body, he said, Why do you labour so much in building your own prison? Of a prisoner fettered, he said, That man is dead in his own body, he lives in another. He said, that whosoever neglected himself for another, was the most happy of all persons, for he enjoyed neither. One Leo, an eminent Citizen, being blamed for loud and immoderate clamour in the Senate, That is, saith he, to be a Lion indeed. His Disciples wondering, that Xenocrates, severe all his life time, had said something that was pleasant, Do you wonder (saith he) that Roses and Lilies grow among Thorns? Xenocrates by reason of his severe conversation, Laert. vit. Xen. he advised to sacrifice to the Graces. He used to say, Prefer labour before idleness, unless you esteem rust above brightness. He exhorted the young men to good life, thus; Observe the different nature of virtue and pleasure; the momentary sweetness of the world is immediately followed by eternal sorrow and repentance, the short pain of the other by eternal pleasure. He said, that it was a great matter in the education of youth, to accustom them to take delight in good things; other ways, he affirmed pleasure to be the bait of evil. He affirmeth Philosophy to be the true help of the Soul, the rest ornaments; that nothing is more pleasing to a sound mind, then to speak and hear truth, than which nothing is better or more lasting. To some, who demanded what kind of possessions were best to be provided for Children: Those (saith he) which fear neither storms, nor violence of men, nor jove himself. To Demonicus, ask his advice concerning the education of his Son: The same care (saith he) that we have of Plants, we must take of our Children; The one is Labour, the other Pleasure. But we must take heed that in this we be not too secure, in that too vigilant. To Thiledonus, who blamed him that he was as Studious to learn as to teach, and asked him how long he meant to be a Disciple? as long saith he, as I am not ashamed of growing better and wiser. Being demanded what difference there is between a learned Man and an unlearned, the same saith he, as Betwixt a Physician and a Patient. He said, Princes had no better Possessions than the familiarities of such men who could not ●latter, that Wisdom is as necessary to a Prince, as the Soul to the Body. That Kingdoms would be most happy, if either Philosopher's Rule, or the Rulers were inspired with Philosophy, for nothing is more pernicious than power and arrogance accompanied with ignorance. That Subjects ought to be such as Princes seem to be. That a Magistrate is to be esteemed a Public not a private good. That not a part of the Commonwealth, but the whole aught to be principally regarded. Being desirous to take off Timotheus Son of Conon, Plut. Sympos. 6. praefat. Aelian. var. hist. General of the Athenians, from sumptuous Military Feasts; he invited him into the Academy to a plain moderate Supper, such as quiet pleasing sleeps succeed with a good temper of body. The next day Timotheus observing the difference, said, They who feasted with Plato were the better for it the next day; and meeting Plato, said unto him; Your Supper, Plato, is as pleasant the next morning as overnight, alluding to the excellent discourse, that had passed at that time. Hence appears the truth of that Poet's saying, who being derided for acting a Tragedy, none being present but Plato, answered, but this one person is more than all the Athenians besides. CHAP. XII. His Will and Death. THus continuing a single life to his end, not having any Heirs of his own, he bequeathed his Estate to young Adimantus, (probably the Son of Adimantus, his second Brother) by his will; thus recited by Laertius. These things Plato hath Bequeathed and disposed, The Eniphistidaean grounds bordering North, on the high way from the Cephisian Temple, South on the Heracleum of the Eniphistiades, East on Archestratus the Phrearian, West Philip the Cholidian, this let it not be lawful for any man to sell or alienate, but let young Adimantus be possessor thereof in as full and ample manner as is possible. And likewise the Enerisiadaean Farm which I bought of Callimachus, adjoining on the North to Eurymedon the Myrrinusian, on the South to Demostratus Xypeteron, on the East to Eurymedon the Myrrinusian, on the West to Cephissus; Three minae of Silver; a Golden Cup weighing 160. a ring of Gold, and an ear-ring of Gold, both together weighing four drachmas and three aboli; Euclid the Stone-Cutter oweth me three Minae, Diana I remit freely, I leave Servants, Tycho, Bictas Apolloniades, Dionysius Goods, whereof Demetrius keepeth an Inventory. I owe no man any thing, Executors, Sosthenes, Speusippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eurimedon, Callimachus, Thrasippus. If this Will be not forged, that of Apuleius is false, Dogn 〈◊〉. who averrs the Patrimony he left was a little Orchard adjoining to the Academy, two servants, and a Cup wherein he supplicated to the Gods; Gold no more than he wore in his ear when he was a boy, an Emblem of his Nobility. He died in the 13 t● year of the Reign of Philip King of Macedon, Laert. in the first of the 108. Olympiad; the 81. (according to Hermippus, Cicero, Seneca, and others) of his age (not as Athenaeus the 82.) which number he completed exactly, dying that very day whereon he was born; For which reason the Magis at Athens sacrificed to him, as conceiving him more than man, who fulfilled the most perfect number, nine multiplied into itself. He died only of age, Epist. 1. 5●. which Seneca ascribes to his temperance and diligence; Hermippus saith, at a Nuptial Feast; Cicero saith, as he was writing; they therefore who affirm he died (as Pherecydes) of louse, do him much injury; Laert. upon his Tomb these Epitaphs. The first. Whose Temperance and justice all envies, The famed Aristocles here buried lies; If Wisdom any with renown endued, Here was it most, by envy not pursued. The second. Earth in her bosom Plato's body hides, His Soul amongst the deathless Gods resides Aristo's Son; whose fame to strangers spread, Made them admire the sacred life he lead. Another later. Eagle, why art thou perched upon this stone, And gaz●st thence on some Gods starry throne? I Plato's Soul to Heaven flownrepresent, His body buried in this Monument. Phavorinus saith, that Mithridates the Persian set up Plato's statue in the Academy with this Inscription; MITHRIDATES SON OF RHODOBATES, THE PERSIAN, DEDICATED THIS IMAGE OF PLATO, MADE BY SILANION TO THE MUSES. CHAP. XIII. His Disciples and Friends. THE Fame of this Scool attracted Disciples from all parts: of whom were Speusippus an Athenian, Plato's Sister's Son, whom he said he reform by the example of his own life. Xenocrates a Chalcedonian, Plato's beloved Disciple, an imitator of his gravity and magnanimity: Athenaeus saith, he was first the only Disciple of Aeschines, and relief of his poverty, seduced from him by Plato. Aristotle a Stagirite, whom Plato used to call a Colt, foreseeing that he would ungratefully oppose him, as a Colt having sucked, kicks at his Dam: Xenocrates was slow, Aristotle quick in extremity, whence Plato said of them, what an Ass have I, and what a horse to yoke together. Philippus an Opuntian, who transcribed Plato's Laws in wax; to him some ascribe Epinomis. Hestiaeus a Perinthian. Dion a Syracusian; whom Plato exceedingly affected, as is evident from his Epigrams; seeing him in the height of honour, all men's eyes fixed upon his noble actions, he advised him to take heed of that vice, which makes men care only to please themselves; a consequent of solitude. Amyclus (or as Aelian, Amyclas) a Heracleote. * See also S●ob. lib. 13. Erastus and Coriscus Scepsians. Temolaus a Cyzicene. Euaemon a Lampsacene. Python, whom Aristotle calls Paron, and Heraclides Aenians. Hippothales and calippus, Athenians. Demetrius of Amphipolis. Heraclides of Pontus. Two women, Lasthenia a Mantinean, and Axiothia a Phliasian, who went habited like a man. Theophrastus, as some affirm. Orators, Hyperides, Lycurgus, Demosthenes. Lycurgus (saith Philistus) was a person of great parts, and did many remarkable things, which none could perform, who had not been Plato's auditor. Demosthenes, when he fled from Antipater, said to Archias, who counselled him to put himself into his hands, upon promise to save his life; Far be it from me to choose rather to live ill, than to die well, having heard Xenocrates and Plato dispute of the Souls immortality. Mnesistratus a Thasian. To these reckoned by Laertius, add Aristides a Locrian. Eudoxus a Gnidian, who at a great Feast made by Plato, first found out the manner of sitting in a circular form. Hermodorus, of whom the Proverb, Hermodorus traffics in words. Zenob. Heracleodorus, to whom Demosthenes writing, reprehends him, that having heard Plato, he neglected good arts, and lived disorderly. * Athen. delft. lib. 11: Euphratus, who lived with Perdiccas' King of Macedonia, in so great favour, that he in a manner shared command with him. Euagon of Lampsacum. Athen. Ibid. Timaeus of Cyzicum. Athen. Ibid. Chaeron of Pellene. Athen. Ibid. Laert. Isocrates the Orator, with whom Plato was very intimate▪ Praxiphanes published a discourse they had together, in a field of Plato's, who at that time entertained Isocrates as a Guest. Aster, P●aedrus, Alexis, Agatho, young men, whom Plato particularly affected, as appears by his Epigrams. * Chap. 10. Aristonymus, Phormio, Mededimus, his familiar friends, already mentioned. CHAP. XIV. His Aemulatours and Detractours. AS Plato's eminent learning gained on one side many Disciples and admirers, so on the other side, it procured him many emulators, especially amongst his fellow Disciples, the followers of Socrates; amongst these, Xenophon was exceedingly disaffected towards him; they emulated each other, and writ both upon one subject; a Symposium, Socrates his Apology, moral commentaries: One writ of a Commonwealth, the other, the Institution of Cyrus: which book * In Logib. Plato notes as commentitious, affirming Cyrus' not to have been such a person as is there expressed. Though both writ much concerning Socrates, yet neither makes mention of the other, except Xenophon once of Plato, in the third of his Commentaries. Antisthenes' being about to recite something that he had written, desired Plato to be present; Plato demanding what he meant to recite, he answered, that to contradict is not lawful. How come your, saith Plato, to write upon that subject? And thereupon demonstrating that he contradicted himself, Antisthenes writ a Dialogue against him, entitled Satho. Aristippus was at difference with him, for which reason (in Phaedone) he covertly reproves Aristippus, that being near at Aegina when Socrates died, he came not to him. He writ a book of the luxury of the ancients; some ascribe the amatory Epigrams to his invention, his design in that treatise being to detract from eminent persons, amongst the rest from Socrates his Master, and Plato and Xenophon his fellow Disciples. Aeschines and Plato also disagreed: some affirm, that when Plato was in favour with Dionysius, Aeschines came thither very poor, and was despised by Plato, but kindly entertained by Aristippus: But the Epistle of Aeschines put forth by Allatius, expresseth the contrary. The discourse which Plato relates, betwixt Crito and Socrates in Prison, Idomeneus saith, was betwixt Socrates and Aeschines; by Plato, out of ill will to Aeschines, attributed to Crito. But of Aeschines he makes not any mention in all his works, except twice slightly; once in Phaedone, where he names him amongst the persons present at Socrates his death; and again in his Apology speaking of Lysanias his Father. Phaedo, if we credit the detractions of Athenaeus, was so much maligned by Plato, as that he was about to frame an indictment against him, to reduce him to that condition of servitude, out of which, by the procurement of Socrates, he had been redeemed; but his design being discovered, he gave it over. Besides his condisciples. Diogenes the Cynic derided his Laws, and assertion of Ideas; concerning the first, he asked if he were writing Laws? Plato assented. Have you not written already a Commonwealth, saith Diogenes? Yes, answered Plato. Had that Commonwealth Laws, saith Diogenes? Plato affirmed it had. Then, replied Diogenes, what need you write new? a Laert. vit. Diog. Another time, Diogenes saying, he could see the things of the world, but not Ideas: Plato answered, that is no wonder, for you have, and use those eyes, which behold such things: but the mind, which only can see the other, you use not. b Laert. Molon, in detraction from him, said, It was not strange Dionysius should be at Corinth, but that Plato should be at Sicily. From these private differences, arose many scandalous imputations, forged and spread abroad by such as envied or maligned him: as, c Seneca. That he professed one thing, and practised another: d Laert. that he loved inordinately Aster, Dion, Phaedrus, Alexis, Agatho, and Archeanassa, a Courtesan of Colopho: e Athen. That he was a calumniatour, envious, proud, a gluttonous lover of Figgs: f Tzetz. Chiliad. that he was the worst of Philosophers a parasite to Tyrants, and many other accusations alike improbable: from these the Comic Poets and others took liberty to abuse him; g Laert. Theopompus in Autochare. — for one is none, And two (as Plato holds) is hardly one. Anaxandrides in Theseo; When Olives he (like Plato) doth devour; Timon, As Plato feigns, in framing Su. wonders skilled; Alexis in Meropide, Aptly thou comest, I walking round could meet (Like Plato) nothing wise; but tired my feet. And in Anchilione, Thou speakest of things thou understands not, go To Plato, thence Nile and onions know: Amph in Ample hicrate, What good from hence you may expect to rise, I can no more than Plato's good comprise; And in Dexidemide, Plato thou nothing know'st, but how To look severe and knit the brow. Cratylus in Pseudobolymaeo, A man thou art, and hast a soul, but this With Plato not sure, but opinion is. Alexis in Olympiodoro. My body mortal is grown dry, My soul turned air that cannot die▪ Taught Plato this Philosophy? And in Parasito. Or thou with Plato ravest alone. i Athe●. lib. 11. Ephippus in Naufrago, objects to Plato and some friends of his, that corrupted with money they detracted from many persons; that they went proudly habited, and they took more care of their outward beauty, than the most luxurious: See Athenaeus, lib. 11. CHAP. XV. His Writings. THE writings of Plato are by way of Dialogue; of the Invention of Dialogue we have a Chap. already spoken; now of the Nature thereof. A Dialogue is composed of puestions and answers Philosophical or Political, aptly expressing the Characters of those persons that are the speakers in an elegant stile; Dialectic is the art of discourse, whereby we confirm or confute any thing by questions and answers of the disputants. Of Platonic discourse there are two kinds, Hyphegetick and Exegetick, subscribed thus, Hyphegetick Theoretic. Logic. Physic. Practic. Ethick: Politic. Exegetick Gymnastick, Majeutick▪ Physic. Agonistick, Endeitick. Anatreptick. we know where there are other divisions of Dialogues; as into dramatic Narrative mixed: but that division is more proper to Tragedy then to Philosophy. Of Plato's Dialogues are Physic, Timaeus. Logic, The Politic. Cratylus. Parmenides. The Sophist. Ethick, Apology of Socrates. Crito. Phaedo. Phaedrus. Symposium▪ Menexemus. Clitophon. Epistles. Philebus. Hipparchus. The Rivals. Politic, The Commonwealth. The Laws. Minos. Epinomis. The Atlantic. Maieutick, Alcibiades. Theages. Lysis. Laches. Pirastick, Euthyphron. Menon. jon. Charmides. Theaetetus. Endeictick, Protagoras. Anatreptick, Euthydemus. Hippias 1. Hippias 2. Gorgias 1. Gorgias 2. It being much controverted (continueth Laertius) whether Plato doth dogmatise, some affirming, others denying it, it will be necessary to say something thereupon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dogmatise is to impose a Doctrine, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to impose a Law; A Doctrine is taken two ways, either ●or that which is Decreed, or the Decree itself; That which is Decreed is a proposition, the Decree itself an imposition. Plato expounds those things which he conceiveth true: Confutes those which are false, suspends his opinion in those which are doubtful. He asserts what he conceiveth true under one of these four persons, Socrates, Timaeus an Athenian Guest, an Aelian Guest; The Guests are not, as some conceive, Plato and Parmenides, but imagined nameless persons, as what Socrates, Timaeus speak, are the Decrees of Plato. Those whom he argueth of falsehood are Thrasymach●s, Callicles, Polus, Gorgias, Protagoras, Hippias, Euthydemus, and the like. In Argument he often used induction of both Sorts. Induction is a discourse, which from certain truths Collects, and inferreth a truth like to those: Of Induction there are two kinds, one from Contraries, another from Consequents: From Contraries, as when he who is questioned, answereth in all things contrary to himself, as thus; My Father is either the same with yours, or not the same, if therefore thy Father be not the same with mine, he is not my Father: and again, if a man be not a living creature, he is stone, wood, or the like, but he is neither stone nor wood, for he hath a soul, and moveth himself, therefore he is a living creature; if a living creature, a dog and an Ox. This kind of induction by contraries, serves not for assertion, but confutation: Induction by consequents is twofold; one, when a singular being sought, is concluded from a singular, the first proper to Orators, the second to Logicians; as in the first, the question is, Whether such an one were a murderer, it is proved from his being bloody at the same time. This induction is Rhetorical, for Rhetoric is conversant in Singulars, not in universals; it inquireth not after justice, but after the several parts thereof: the other is Dialectic, whereby universals are concluded from Singulars, as in this question; Whether the Soul be immortal, and whether the living are of the dead, which is demonstrated in his Book of the Soul, by a general Maxim, that contraries proceed from contraries, this being general, is proved by singulars, as, waking succeeds sleeping, the greater the lesser, and so on the contrary. Thus he useth to confirm what he asserts. Thrasylus saith, he published his Dialogues according to the tragic Tetralogie: His genuine Dialogues are fifty six, his Commonwealth divided into ten, they make nine Tetralogies, reckoning his Commonwealth one Book, his Laws another. The first Tetralogie hath a common subject, declaring what is the proper life of a Philosopher: every Book hath a twofold title; one from the principal person, the other from the subject. The first. Euthyphron; or of Piety: Pirastick. Socrates' his Apology: Ethick. Crito, or of that which is to be done: Ethick. Phaedo, or of the soul: Ethick. The second. Cratylus; or, of right naming: Logic. Theaetetus; or, of Science: Pirastick. The Sophist; or, of Ens: Logic. The Politic; or, of a Kingdom: Logic. The third. Parmenides; or, of Idaea's: Logic. Philebus; or, of Pleasure: Ethick. The Symposium; or, of Good●Ethick. Phaedrus; or of Love: Ethick. The fourth. Alcibiades 1. or, of human Nature: Majeutick. Alcibiades 2. or, of Prayer: Majeutick. Hipparchus; or, the Covetous: Ethick. The Rivals; or, of Philosophy: Ethick. The fifth Theages; or of Philosophy: Majeutick. Charmides; or, of Temperance: Pirastick. Laches; or, of Fortitude: Majeutick. Lysis; or, of Friendship: Majeutick. The sixth Euthydemus; or, the Litigious: Anatreptick. Protagoras; or, the Sophist: Endeictick. Gorgias; or, of Rhetoric: A●atreptick. Menon; or, of Virtue: Pirastick. The seventh Hippias first; or, of Honest: Anatreptick. Hippias second; or, of Fal●●: Anatreptick. Io; or of Ilias: Pirastick. Menexenus; or, the funeral Oration: Ethick. The eight Clitophon; or the Exhortation: Moral. The Commonwealth; or, of Just: Politic. Timaeus; or, of Nature: Physic. Critias; or, the Atlantic: Ethick. The ninth Minos; or, of Law: Politic. Laws; or, of Legislation: Politic. Epinomis; or, the Nocturnal convention; or, the Philosopher's Politic. Epistles thirteen, Ethick, in the inscriptions whereof he useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cleon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to Aristodemus one; to Architas two; to Dionysius four; to Hermias, Erastus, and Coriscus one; to Leodamas one; to Dion one; to dion friends two. Thus Thrasilaus. Others, of whom is Aristophanes the Grammarian, reduce his Dialogues to Trilogies, placing in The first The Commonwealth. Timaeus. Critias. The second The Sophister. The Politic. Cratylus. The third Laws. Minos. Epinomis. The fourth Theaetetus. Euthyphron. Apology. The fifth. Crito. Phaedo. Epistles. The rest single without order. Some, as we said, begin with Alcibiades major, others from Theages, others from Euthyphron, others from Clitiphon, others from Timaeus, others from Phaedrus (which they say was the first Dialogue he wrote, as the subject itself seemeth to confirm, which savours of youth; and therefore Dicearchus condemns it as too light: to which censure Cicero agreeth, as conceiving, he ascribeth too great a power to Love) others begin with Theaetetus, many with his Apology. He mentions not himself in all his writings, except once in his Phaedo, and another time in his Apology for Socrates. At the recital of his Phaedo, all, but Aristotle rose, and went away. The efficacy of that Dialogue (which treats of the immortality of the Soul) is evident from Cleombrotus of Ambracia, who, assoon as he had read it, was so disaffected to life, that he threw himself from a high wall into the Sea; b Cicer. Tusc. quaest. 2. upon whom thus Callimachus, c Epigr. Cleombrotus cries out, farewell this light, And headlong throws himself int'endlesse night: Not that he aught had done, deserving death, But Plato read, and weary grew of breath. The Dialogues generally noted as spurious (not to say any thing of his Epinomis, though some ascribe it to Philippus the Opuntian) are these, Midon, or the Horse-courser. Erixias, or Erasistratus. Halcyon. Acephali, or the Sisyphi. Axiochus. Phaeaces. Demodochus. Chelidon. The seventh, Epimenides. Of these Altion is ascribed by Phavorinus to Leon. His stile, Aristotle saith, is betwixt Prose and Verse. He useth variety of names, that his work may not easily be understood by the unlearned. He conceiveth wisdom properly to be of intellectual things, Knowledge of real Being's conversant about God, and the soul separate from the body. Properly, he calleth Philosophy Wisdom, being the appetition of divine Knowledge; but, commonly he calleth all skill knowledge, as an Artificer, a wise man. He likewise used the same names in divers significations; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which properly signifies Evil, he useth for Simple, as Euripides in his Lycimnius of Hercules, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same word Plato sometimes takes for honest, sometimes for little. He likewise useth 〈◊〉 names to signify the same thing: Idaea he useth both for species and genus; Exemplar, both principle and cause. Sometimes he useth contrary expressions to signify the same thing; Sensible he calleth a being and no being; a being, as having been produced; no being, in respect of its continual mutation. Idaea, neither movable nor permanent, the same both one and many. The like he useth often in other things. The method of his discourse is threefold: first, to declare what that is which is taught; then for what reason it is asserted, whether as a principal cause, or as a comparison, and whether to defend the Tenent, or oppugn the contrary. Thirdly, whether it be rightly said. The marks, which he usually affixed to his writings, are these. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes Platonic words and figures. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Doctrines and opinions proper to Plato; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Choice expressions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Corrections. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Things superfluous. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Double signification or use. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Philosophical institution. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, agreement of opinions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Improbation. Hitherto Laertius. There are two Epistles under Plato's name, besides those in his works, already mentioned, one in Laertius his life of Architas. Plato to Architas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. THe Commentaries which came from you, we received with extraordinary content, infinitely admiring the writer, who appears to us a person worthy of those ancient predecessors; for those men are said to be Myraeans of those Trojans, which were banished in the time of Laomedon, good men, as Tradition speaks them. Those Commentaries of mine, concerning which you write, are not yet polished; however as they are, I have sent them to you, in the keeping of them we agree both, so as I n●ed not give you any directions. Farewell. Another published by Leo Allatius amongst the Socratic Epistles. I had not any of those things to send to Syracuse which Archytas desired to receive by you; as soon as possible I will send to you. Philosophy hath wrought in me I know not whether good or bad, a hatred of conversing with many persons, justly, I think, since they err in all kind of folly as well in private as public affairs; but if unjustly, yet know I can hardly live and breathe otherwise. For this reason I have fled out of the City, as out of a Den of wild Beasts, living not far from the Ephestiades, and the places thereabouts. I now see, that Timon hated not men, he could not affect Beasts, therefore lived ● alone by himself, perhaps not without danger. Take this as you please; my resolution is to live far from the City, now and for ever hereafter, as long as God shall grant me life. In Poesy he writ, Dithyrambs. An Epic Poem, Four Tragedies, all which (as we said) he burned. The Atlantic story, of which thus Plutarch; Solon begun the Atlantic story (which he had learned of the Priests of Sais, very proper for the Athenians) but gave it over by reason of his old age, and the largeness of the work. Plato took the same argument, as a waste piece of fertile ground fallen to him by hereditary right; He manured it, refined it, enclosed it with large Walls, Porches and Galleries, such as never any Fable, or Poem had before; but because he undertook it late, he was prevented by Death. The more things written delight, the more their not being perfected is For as the Athenian City left the Temple of Jupiter; so Plato's Wisdom, amongst many ex●●llent writings, left the Atlantic argument alone imperfect. Epigrams, of which these are extant in Laertius, and the anthology. Upon one named After. d La●rt. Anthol. 3. 6. 27. The Stars, my Star, thou viewst; Heaven I would be, That I with thousand eyes might gaze on Thee. Upon his Death. e Laert. A Phosphor amongst the living late wert thou, But shinest among the dead a Hesper now. Epitaph on Dion, engraved on his Tomb at Siracuse. f Laert. Anthol. 4. 33. 26. Old Hecuba the Trojan Matron's years Were interwoven by the Fates with Tears; But thee with blooming hopes my Dion decked, Gods did a Trophy of their power erect. Thy honoured relics in their Country rest, Ah Dion! whose love rages in my breast. On Alexis. g Laert. Anthol. 3. 33. 44. Fair is Alexis, I no sooner said, When every one his eyes that way conveyed: My soul (as when some dog a bone we show, Who snatcheth it) lost we not Phaedrus so? On Archaeanassa. h Laert. To Archae'nassa, on whose furrowed brow Love sits in triumph, I my service vow; If her declining Graces shine so bright, What flames felt you▪ who saw her noon of light? On Agathon. My Soul, when I kissed Agathon, did start Up to my lip, just ready to depart. To Xantippe. i Laer●. An Apple I (Love's emblem) at the throw, Thou in exchange thy Virgin-zone bestow. If thou refuse my suit, yet read in this, How short thy years, how frail thy Beauty is. I cast the apple, loving those love thee, k Anthol. Xantippe yield. for soon both old will be. On l Herod. lib. 6. the Eretrians vanquished by the Persians. m Laert. We in Eubaea born Eretrians are Buried in Susa from our Country far. Venus and the Muses. n Laert. Virgins (said Venus to the Muses) pay Homage to us, or, Love shall wound your Hearts: The Muses answered, take these toys away, Our Breasts are proof against his childish darts. Fortune exchanged. o Laert. Anthol. 84. 1. One finding Gold, in change, the halter quits, Missing his Gold, another's the halter knits. On Sapph. p Anth. 1. 67. 13. He, who believes the Muses Nine, mistakes, For Lesbian Sapph ten their number makes. Time. q Anth. 1. 1●. Time all things bring to pass, a change creates In Names, in Forms, in Nations and in S●ates. Death. r Anthol. 3. 22. 3. That is a Plough-man's grave, a Sailor's this; To Sea and Land alike Death common is. On one Shipwrecked. s Anth. ●. 22. 6. The cruel Sea, which took my life away, Forbore to strip me of my last array: From this a covetous man did not refrain, Acting a crime so great for so small gain; But let him wear it to the shades, and there Before great Pluto in my clothes appear. Another. t Anth. 3. 22. 7. Safely (O Saylors) press the Land, and wave, Yet know, ye pass a Shipwrecked persons grave. On the Statue of Venus. u Anth. 4. 12. 8. Paphian Cythera, swimming cross the Main, To Guidas came her Statue there to see, And from on high, surveying round the plain Where could Praxiteles me spy? (saith she) He saw not what's forbidden mortal Eyes, 'Twas Mars' Steel that Venus did incize. Another. * Anth. 4. 1●. 9 Not carved by Steel, or Praxitele's famed hand: Thus naked before the judges didst thou stand. Love sleeping. x Anth. 4. 12. 19 Within the Covert of a shady Grove, We saw the little red-checked God of Love. He had nor Row nor Quiver, those among The neighbouring Trees upon a bough were hung: Upon a Bank of tender Rosebuds laid He, (smiling) slept; Bees with their noise invade His rest, and on his lips their honey made. Pan Piping. y Anth. 4. 12. ●4. Dwell awful Silence on the shady Hills Among the bleating flocks, and purling rills, When Pan the Reed doth to his lip apply, Inspiring it with sacred Harmony, Hydriads, and Hamadryads at that sound In a well ordered measure beat the ground. On the Image of a Satire in a Fountain and Love sleeping. z Anth. 4. 12. 96. A skilful hand this Satire made so near To life, that only Breath is wanting here: I am attendant to the Nymphs; before I filled out purple wine, now water power▪ Who ere thou art comest nigh, tread softly, lest You waken Love out of his pleasing rest. Another. a Anth. 4. 12. 97. On horned Lyaeus I attend, And pour the streams these naiads lend, Whose noise love's slumber doth befriend. Another. b Anth. 4. 1●. 102. This Satire Diodorus did not make, But charm asleep; if pricked he will awake. On a Seal. c Anth. 4. 1●. ● Five Oxen grazing in a flowery Mead, A jasper seal done to the life doth hold, The little herd away long since had fled, Wert not enclosed within ● pale of Gold. THE DOCTRINE OF PLATO delivered by ALCINOUS. CHAP. I. Of PHITOSOPHY, and how a Philosopher must be qualified. Such a Summary as this may be given of the Doctrine of Plato. Philosophy is the desire of Wisdom, or solution of the soul from the body, and a conversion to those things, which are true and perceptible by Intellect. Wisdom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the Science of things Divine and Humane. A Philosopher is he who takes denomination from Philosophy, as a Musician from Music. He who is to be a Philosopher, must be thus qualified; First, he must have a natural capacity of all such Learning as is able to fit and bring him to the knowledge of that essence which is perceptible by Intellect, not of that which is in continual fluxion or mutation. Then he must have a natural affection to Truth, and an aversion from receiving falsehood, and besides this, temperate in a manner by Nature; for those parts which use to be transported with passions, he must have reduced to obedience by Nature. For whosoever hath once embraced those disciplines which are conversant in consideration of such things as truly exist, and hath addicted all his study thereunto, little valueth corporeal pleasure. Moreover a Philosopher must have a liberal mind, for the estimation of mean things is contrary to a man who intended to contemplate the truth of things. Likewise he must naturally love Justice, for he must be studious of Truth, Temperance and Liberality. He must also have an acute apprehension, and a good memory, for these inform a Philosopher, those gifts of Nature, if improved by Discipline and Education, make a man perfect in Virtue, but neglected are the cause of the worst ills. These Plato useth to call by the same names with the Virtues, Temperance, Fortitude and justice.. CHAP. II. That Contemplation is to be preferred before Action. WHereas Life is twofold, Contemplative and Active, the chief Office of the Contemplative consisteth in the knowledge of truth, as of the Active, in the practice of those things which are dictated by Reason. Hence the Contemplative life is first, after which as necessary followeth the Active. That it is so, may easily be proved thus. Contemplation is an Office of the intellect in the understanding of Intelligibles: Action is an operation of the rational Soul, performed by meditation and service of the body. For the Soul, when it contemplateth the Divinity and the notions thereof, is said to be best affected. This affection is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Wisdom, which is nothing else but an assimilation to the Deity. This therefore ought to be esteemed the first and principal, as being most expetible and proper to man; for there are no impediments that can hinder it from being within our power, and it is cause of our proposed end. But Active life, and the practice thereof, chiefly making use of the mediation of the body, are many times obstructed; Wherefore those things which the Contemplative life considers in order to the reformation of the manners of men, a Philosopher, as often as necessity requireth, shall transferr to Action. Then shall a good man apply himself to the administration of Civil Affairs, when he seeth them ill managed by others. He must look upon the leading of an Army, administration of Justice and Embassies, as things necessary. The institution of Laws, ordering the Commonwealth, the compressure of Seditions, education of youth in Discipline, are the chiefest, and, among those things which relate to Action, of greatest consequence. Hence is it manifest, that a Philosopher must not only be perseverant in Contemplation, but also cherish and increase it, sometimes giving himself to Action as an attendant upon Contemplation. CHAP III. The three parts of Philosophy. THe study of a Philosopher seemeth according to Plato to be conversant chiefly in three things, in the Contemplation and knowledge of things, in the Practice of Virtue, and in Disputation. The Science of things that are, is called Theoretic, of those which pertain to Action, Practic; the disputative part, Dialectic. Dialectic is divided into Division, Definition, Induction and Syllogism; Syllogism into the Apodeictick, which concerneth necessary ratiocination; and Rhetorical, which concerneth Enthymeme, called an imperfect ratiocination; and lastly into Sophisms. This the Philosopher must look upon, not as the chiefest but a necessary part. Of Practic Philosophy, one part is conversant about Manners, another orders Families, the last takes care of a Commonwealth. The first called Ethick, the second, Oeconomick, the third, Politic. Of Theoretic Philosophy, one part inquires into things immutable and divine, and the first causes of things; this is called Theology; another the motion of the stars, the revolution and restitution of Celestial Bodies, and the constitution of the world. This is called Physic. That whereby we inquire Geometrically, and those other disciplines which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is termed Mathematic. Philosophy being thus divided, we must first according to Plato speak of the Dialectic part, and in that, first of the judiciary. CHAP. IU. DIALECTIC. Of the judiciary part. WHereas there is something that judgeth, something which is judged, it is necessary also that there be something which is made of both these, properly called judgement. This Judgement may not unfitly be termed Judiciary, but more commonly that which judgeth. This is twofold; one, from which; another by which judgement is made. That is intellect; this the natural Organ accommodated for judgement; primarily of true things; secondarily of false; neither is it any thing but natural reason. To explain this more fully, of things which are, a Philosopher who judgeth the things themselves, may be called a judge; reason likewise is a judge, by which truth is judged, which even now we called an Organ. Reason is twofold, one incomprehensible and true; the other is never deceived in the knowledge of those things which are. The first is in the power of God, not of man, the second in that of man also. This likewise is twofold, the first Science, and scientifick reason; the second Opinion. The first hath certitude, and stability, as being conversant in things certain and stable. The second, similitude of truth and opinion, as being conversant in things subject to mutation. Of science in Intelligibles, and opinion in sensibles, the principles are Intellection and Sense. Sense is a passion of the soul by the mediation of the body, first, declaring a passive faculty; When through the Organs of sense, the species of things are impressed in the soul, so, as they are not defaced by time, but remain firm and lasting, the conservation thereof is called Memory. Opinion is the conjunction of memory and sense; for, when some object occurreth, which can first move the sense, thereby sense is effected in us, and by sense memory. Then again is the same thing objected to our sense, we join the precedent with the consequent sense, and now say within ourselves, Socrates, a Horse, Fire, and the like: This is termed opinion, when we join the precedent memory with the late sense; when these agree within themselves, it is a true opinion, if they disagree, a false; for, if a man, having the species of Socrates in his memory, meet with Plato, and think, by reason of some likeness betwixt them, he hath met Socrates again, and afterwards join the sense of Plato, which he took, as it were, from Socrates, with the memory which he preserved of Socrates, there will arise a false opinion. That wherein sense and memory are form, Plato compareth to a tablet of wax, but when the soul by cogitation reforming these things, which are conceived in opinion by memory and sense, looketh upon these as things from which the other are derived: Plato sometimes calleth this a picture and fantasy. Cogitation he calleth the soul's discourse within herself: Speech, that which ●loweth from the Cogitation through the mouth by voice. Intellection is an operation of the Intellect, contemplating first Intelligibles. It is twofold, one of the soul, beholding Intelligibles before she cometh into the body; the other of the same, after she is immersed in the body: The first is properly called Intellection; the other, whilst she is in the body, is termed natural knowledge, which is nothing but an intellection of the soul consigned to the body. When we say, Intellection is the principle of Science, we mean not this latter, but the other, which is compatible to the soul in her separate state, and, as we said, is then called Intellection, now natural Knowledge. The same Plato termeth simple Knowledge, the wing of the soul; sometimes Reminiscence. Of these simple Sciences consisteth Reason, which is born with us, the efficient of natural Science; and as reason is twofold, Scientifick, and opinionative, so Intellection and Sense. It is likewise necessary that they have their objects, which are Intelligibles and Sensibles: And for as much as of Intelligibles, some are Primary, as Ideas, others Secondary, as the Species, that are in matter, and cannot be separated from it. Intellection likewise, must be twofold, one of Primaries, the other of Secondaries. Again, forasmuch as in Sensibles, some are Primary, as qualities, colour, whiteness, others by accident, as white coloured, and that which is concrete, as fire: in the same manner is Sense, first, of Primaries, second, of Secondaries. Intellection judgeth primary Intelligibles, not without Scientifick knowledge, by a certain comprehension without discourse. Secondaries the same scientifick reason judgeth, but not without Intellection. Sensibles, as well Primary as Secondary sense, judgeth, but not without opinionative reason. That which is concrete, the same reason judgeth, but not without sense. And since the Intelligible world is the Primary Intelligible, the sensible something concrete, the first Intellection judgeth with reason, that is, not without reason: The other opinionative reason not without sense, whereas there is both contemplation and action; right reason discerneth not in the same manner those which are subject to contemplation, and those which are subject to action: In contemplation it considereth what is true, what false; in things that belong to action, what is proper, what improper, what that is which is done. For, having an innate knowledge of that which is good and honest, by using reason, and applying it to those natural notions, as to certain rules, we judge whether every thing be good or bad. CHAP. V. The Elements and Office of Dialectic. OF Dialectic, the first and chiefest Element according to Plato, is, first, to consider the essence of every thing; next, the accidents thereof. What a thing is, it considers, either from its superiors, by division and definition, or chose by Analysis. Accidents which adhere to substances, are considered, either from those things which are contained by induction, or from those which do contain by Syllogism. Hence the parts of Dialectic are these, Division, Definition, Analysis, Induction, Syllogism. Of Divisions, one is a distribution of the Genus into Species, and of the whole into parts; as when we divide the Soul into the rational part, and the irrational; and the latter, into the concupiscible and the irascible. Another is of a world into divers significations, when the same may be taken several ways. A third of accidents, according to their subjects; as when we say of good, some belong to the soul, some to the body, some are external. The fourth of subjects, according to their accidents; as of men, some are good, some ill, some indifferent. Division of the Genus into its Species, is first to be used, when we examine the essence of a thing, this cannot be done but by definitions. Definition is made by Division in this manner, we must take the Genus of the thing to be defined, as that of man, living creature; that we must divide by the next differences, descending to its species, as rational, and irrational, mortal, and immortal. Thus by adding the first difference to the Genus, is made the definition of man. Of Analysis there are three kinds, one by which we ascend from Sensibles to primary Intelligibles, another whereby we ascend by demonstrates and subdemonstrates, to indemonstrable immediate propositions. The last, which from supposition proceedeth to those principles which are taken without supposition. The first kind is thus, as if from that Beauty which is in the body, we should proceed to that of the mind, from that to another conversant in the offices of life, thence to that of Laws, and so at last to the vast ocean of Beauty, that by these steps, as it were, we may arrive at the sight of the supreme Beauty. The second kind of Analysis is thus; We must suppose that which we seek, and consider those which are precedent, demonstrating them by progression, from inferiors to superiors, until we arrive at that which is first and generally granted: From which, beginning anew, we return synthetically to that which was sought. As for example, I inquire whether the Soul be immortal, and supposing it to be so, I inquire whether it be always moved. This being demonstrated, I again inquire, whether that which is always moved, is moved by its self, which being again demonstrated, we examine, whether that which is moved by its self, be the principal of motion. Lastly, whether a principal is ingenerate; this, as most certain, is admitted by all. That which is ingenerate, is also incorruptible; whence, as from a thing most certain, we collect this demonstration. If a Principle be ingenerate and incorruptible, that which is moved by its self is the principle of motion; but the soul is moved by its self, therefore the soul is incorruptible, ingenerate, and immortal. The third kind of Analysis upon supposition is this; He who enquireth after a thing, first, supposeth that thing, then observes what will follow upon that supposition. If a reason for the supposition be required, assuming another supposition, he enquireth, whether that which was first supposed, follow again upon another supposition: This he always observeth; until he come at last to that principle, which is not taken upon supposition. Induction is every method by reason, which proceedeth either from like to like, or from Singulars to universals: It is of great efficacy to excite natural notions. CHAP. VI Of Propositions and Argumentations. OF that speech which we call a Proposition, there are two kinds, Affirmation and Negation; Affirmation, as Socrates walketh; Negation, as Socrates walketh not. Of Affirmative and Negative Propositions, some are Universal, others Particular: A particular affirmative is thus, Some pleasure is good; a particular negative is, some pleasure is not good. An universal affirmative, all dishonest things are ill; an universal negative, no dishonest thing is good. Of Propositions, some are categorical, some hypothetical: the categorical are simple, as every just thing is good: hypothetical import consequence or repugnance. Syllogisms are used by Plato, either to confute or demonstrate; to confute, what is false by interrogation, to demonstrate, what is true by declaration. Syllogism is a speech, wherein somethings being laid down, another thing besides those which are laid down, is necessarily inferred from them. Of Syllogisms some are categorical, some hypothetical, some Mixed: categorical are those whose sumptions and conclusions are simple propositions. hypothetical are those which consist of hypothetical Propositions: Mixed, which conclude both. Plato useth demonstrative arguments in those Dialogues, wherein he explaineth his own doctrine; Probable against Sophists and young men; Litigious against those who are properly called Eristick, as Eut●ydemus and Hippias. Of categorical Syllogisms there are three figures; the first is, that wherein the common extreme is first the predicate, than the subject. The second, when the common extreme is predicate in both: the third, wherein the common extreme is subject in both. Extremes are the parts of a Proposition, as in this, A man is a living creature, man and living creature are the extremes. Plato often argueth in the first, second, and third figures; in the first, as in Alcibiade; Just things are honest, Honest things are good, Therefore just things are good. In the second, as in Parmenide; as, That which hath no parts is neither strait nor crooked, But whatsoever hath figure is either strait or crooked, Therefore, whatsoever hath not parts, hath not figure. In the third thus, in the same book, Whatsoever hath figure is qualitative, Whatsoever hath figure is finite, Therefore whatsoever is qualitative is finite. Likewise by hypothetical Syllogism Plato often disputeth, chiefly in Parmenide thus, If one hath not parts, it hath neither beginning, end, nor middle, But if it have neither beginning, end, nor middle, it hath no bound, and if no bound, no figure, Therefore if one hath no parts, it hath no figure. In the Second hypothetical figure, ordinarily called the third, wherein the common extreme is subject in both, he argueth thus, If one hath not parts, it is neither strait nor crooked, If it hath a figure, it is either strait or crooked, Therefore if it hath no parts, it hath no figure. In the Third figure by some called the second, wherein the common extreme twice precedes the other two, he thus argues, in Phaedone, If having the Knowledge of Equality we forget it not, we know, but if we forget it, we have recourse to Reminiscence, etc. Mixed Syllogisms which conclude by consequence, he useth thus; If one is whole and finite, that is, having beginning, middle and end; it hath figure also; But the Antecedent is true, Therefore the Consequent. Of those also which overthrow by consequence, the differences may be gathered out of Plato. Thus when a man hath diligently understood the faculties of the mind, the various differences of men, the several kinds of reasoning which may be accommodated to this or that, and to what persons such and such reasons are to be used, he, meeting with an opportunity suiting with his purpose, will become a perfect Orator. The reasons of Sophisms and captious arguments are, if we observe narrowly, expressed by Plato in Euthydemo, for there is declared which are in words, which in things, and how they are to be solved. The ten Predicaments are touched by Plato in Parmenide, and in his other Dialogues; the place of Etymologies is fully set down in Cratylo. To conclude, he was singularly admirable for division and definition, wherein the greatest force of Dialectic consisteth. The Sum of that which he faith in Cratylo, is this; He enquireth whether Names are by the power and reason of Nature, or by imposition. He concludeth that the rectitude of names is by a certain imposition, not temerarious or casual, but seeming to follow the nature of the things themselves; for rectitude of names is nothing but an imposition consonant to the nature of the thing: Hence every imposition of names is not sufficient for rectitude, neither the nature nor first found of the voice, but that which is composed of both; so as every name is conveniently and properly applied to the thing. For any name applied to any thing will not signify rightly, as if we should impose the name of horse upon man. To speak is a kind of Action; Not he that speaketh any way speaketh rightly, but he who speaketh so as the nature of the thing requireth. And for as much as expression of names is a part of speaking, as Noun is a part of Speech, to name rightly, or not rightly, cannot be done by any imposition of names, but by a natural affinity of the name with the thing itself. So that he is a right imposer of names, who can express the Nature of the things in their names; for a name is an Instrument of the thing, not every inconsiderate name, but that which agreeth with its nature. By this benefit we communicate things to one another, whence it followeth, that it is nothing else but an instrument accommodated to the teaching and discerning of a thing, as a weaver's shuttle to his Web. It belongeth therefore to a Dialectic to use names aright; for as a Weaver useth a shuttle rightly, knowing the proper use thereof after it hath been made by the Carpenter; so the Dialectic rightly useth that name which another hath made. And as to make a Helm, is the effice of a Shipwright, but to use it rightly of a Pilot; so he who frameth names, shall impose them rightly, if he do it as if a Dialectic were present, who understandeth the nature of those things which are signified by the names. Thus much for Dialectic. CAAP. VII. Of THEORETIC Philosophy. WE come next to Theoretic Philosophy, whereof one part is Theologick, another Physic, a third Metaphysic. The end of Theologie is the knowledge of primary Causes: Of Physic, to understand the nature of the Universe, what kind of creature man is, what place he holdeth in the world, whether there be a divine Providence over all things, to which there are other Gods subordinate, how men are in respect of them. The end of Mathematic is, to know the nature of a superficies and a solid, and to consider the motion and revolution of celestial bodies, the contemplation whereof must first be proposed in brief. Thus Plato useth to confirm the acuteness of the mind, for it sharpeneth the understanding, and rendereth it more ready towards the contemplation of divine things. That which considereth Numbers, being likewise a part of Mathematics, conferreth not a little to the understanding of things that are; It frees us from the error and ignorance which attend sensible things, and conduceth to the right knowledge of the essence of things: It likewise renders a man expert in military affairs, especially towards the ordering of an Army by the science of Tactics. Geometry also conferteth much towards the understanding of good itself, if a man pursue it not only for mechanical dimension, but that he may by the helps thereof ascend to things which are not, busying himself about those which are in continual generation and motion. Stereometry likewise is exceeding useful, for after the second accretion followeth this contemplation, which holdeth the third room. Astronomy also is useful as a fourth discipline, whereby we consider the motions of Heaven and the Stars, and the author of night and day, months and years. Thus by a familiar kind of way, finding out him who made all these, and by these disciplines, as from certain rudiments or elements proceeding to things more sublime. Likewise Music is to be learned, which relateth to hearing; for, as the eyes are created for Astronomy, so are the ears for Harmony: and as when we apply ourselves to Astronomy, we are led from visible things, to the divine invisible offence; so when we receive the Harmony of voice in at our ears, from audible things, we ascend by degrees to those which are perceived by Intellect, unless we pursue Mathematical disciplines to this end, the contemplation thereof will be imperfect, unprofitable, and of no value. We must therefore presently proceed from those things which are perceived by the eyes and ears, to those which reason only discerneth; for, Mathematic is only a preface to divine things. They who addict themselves to Arithmetic and Geometry, desire to arrive at the knowledge of that which is, which knowledge they obtain no otherwise then as by a dream, but really they cannot attain it, because they know not the principles themselves, nor those things which are compounded of the principles: nevertheless, they conduce to those things which we mentioned; wherefore Plato will not have such disciplines to be called Sciences. Dialectic method proceeds in such manner, that by Geometrical Hypotheses, it ascendeth to first principles, which are not taken upon Hypotheses. For this reason he calleth Dialectic a Science; but, Mathematic, neither opinion, because it is more perspicuous than sensible things; nor a Science, because it is more obscure than first Intelligibles: But, the opinion of Bodies, the science of Primaries, the contemplation of Mathematics. He likewise asserteth Faith and Imagination: Faith, of things subject to sense; Imagination of Images and Species. Because Dialectic is more efficacious than Mathematic, as being conversant about divine eternal things, therefore it is put before all Mathematics, as a wall and fortification of the rest. CHAP. VIII. Of first matter. WE must next give a brief account of Principles, and those things which belong to Theology, beginning at the first, and from thence descending to the creation of the world, and contemplation thereof, whereby at last we come to the creation and nature of man. To begin with matter; this he calleth the receptacle, nurse, mother, place, and subject of all Images, affirming that it is touched without sense, and comprehended by an adulterate kind of reason. The property thereof is to undergo the generation of all things, and to cherish them like a Nurse, and to admit all forms, being of her own nature expert of all form, quality, and species: These things are imprinted and form in her as in a Table, and she admitteth their figures, not having of herself any figure or quality. For, she could not be fit to receive the impressions of several forms, unless she were wholly void of all quality, and of those forms which she is about to receive. They who make sweet Unguents of Oil, make choice of that oil which hath the least sent; they who would imprint any figures in wax, first smooth and polish the matter, defacing all former figures. It is requisite that matter capable of all things, if it must receive all forms, must not have the nature of any one of them, but must be subjected to all forms, without any quality or figure; and being such, it is neither a body nor incorporeal, but a body potentially, as Brass is potentially a Statue, because than it becomes a Statue, when it puts on the form thereof. CHAP. IX. Of Ideas. WHereas matter is a Principle, Plato likewise introduceth other principles besides matter. One as an exemplar, Ideas; another Paternal, God, the Father and Author of all things. Idaea, as to God, is the notion of God, as to us, the primary Intelligible, as to matter, a manner, as to this sensible world an Exemplar, as to itself, Essence. For whatsoever is made with understanding, must necessarily be referred to something, as if something be made from another, as my picture from me, the exemplar thereof must be presupposed, and if there be nothing eternal, every Artist conceiveth it first within himself, then transferreth the forms thereof into matter. They define Idaea an eternal exemplar of things which are according to Nature; for, the greater part of Platonists will not allow an Idea to be of things that are made by Art, as of a Shield, or Lute, nor of things which are praeternatural, as of a fever, or unnatural Choler; nor of singulars, as of Socrates or Plato; nor of vile abject things, as of silth or straws; nor of relatives, as of greater and longer: For Ideas are the eternal notions of God, perfect in themselves. That there are Ideas, they prove thus: Whether God be Intellect or something Intelligent, he must have his Intelligibles, and those eternal and immovable; if so, there are Ideas. For, if matter itself be in itself void of measure, it is necessary that it receive measure from some superior, that is wholly remote from matter: But the Antecedent is true, therefore the consequent; and if so, there are Ideas, certain measures void of matter. Again, if the world were not made by chance, it must only be made of something, but by something, and not only so, but after the likeness of something; but, that after whose likeness it was made, what is it but an Idea? whence it followeth, that there are Ideas. Again, if intellect differ from true opinion, that which is intelligible differeth from that which is opinionable; and if so, there are intelligibles distinct from opinionables, wherefore there are first Intelligibles, as well as first Sensibles, whence we conclude there are Ideas. CHAP. X. Of God. WE come next to speak of the third principle, which Plato, though he think it almost ineffable, conceiveth may be expressed in this manner. If there are intelligibles, and those neither sensibles, nor coherent with sensibles; but adherent to first Intelligibles, then are there first simple Intelligibles, as there are first sensibles; the Antecedent is true, therefore the consequent. But men subject to perturbation of sense, when they would contemplate something intelligible, presently fall upon the thought of something sensible, whereby at the same time they imagine magnitude, or figure, or colour, and therefore cannot understand this sincerely: But the Gods being void of corporeal mixtion understand purely and sincerely. Now because the Intellect is better than the Soul, and that Intellect which is always in act, and at once understandeth all things, is better than that Intellect which is in power, and of these, that is most excellent which is the cause of the other, and superior to all; This can be nothing else but God, whom we call the first, as being the Cause that the Intellect of the Word always acteth. He, being himself immovable, acteth upon the Intellect of the World, as the Sun upon the Eye, when it turneth towards him. And as that which is desired moveth the Appetite itself remaining immovable; so doth this Intellect move the Intellect of all Heaven. Now this first Intellect being most fair, must have the most fair Intelligible; but nothing is fairer than itself, therefore it always understandeth itself, and its own notions, which Act is called Operation. Moreover, God is first, eternal ineffable, perfect in himself; that is, needing none, and ever perfect, that is, absolute in all times, and every way perfect, that is, absolute in every part, Divinity, Essence, Truth, Harmony, good. Neither do we so name these, to distinguish one from the other, but rather by them all to understand one. He is said to be Good, because he bestoweth his benefits upon all according to their several capacities, and so is the cause of all goods. Fair, because he is in his essence both more and equal. Truth because, he is the principle of all truth, as the Sun of all light. And Father, as being cause of all things, and adorning the mind of Heaven and Soul of the World after his own exemplar and notions. For according to his own will he filled all things with himself, exciting the Soul of the World, and converting it to himself, for he is cause of that Intellect, which being adorned by the Father, adorneth also the Nature of all this World. He is likewise ineffable, and as we said, can only be perceived by the mind, for he is neither genus nor species, nor difference, neither can any accident be applied to him. He is not ill, for that it were impiety to affirm; nor good, for so he should be termed if he were meanly or highly participant of goodness. Nor difference, for that cannot be made according to the notion of him, nor qualitied, for he is not made that which he is by quality, nor perfected thereby. Nor void of quality, for he is not deprived of any quality that appertaineth to him. Nor part of any thing, nor as a whole constituted of parts; nor as the same or divers, for nothing can happen to him whereby he may be distinguished from others; Neither doth he move, or is he moved. Hence the first apprehension of him is by abstraction from these things, as we understand a point by abstraction from sensibles, considering first a superficies: then a line, than a point. The second is by Analogy in this manner. As the Sun is to sight and visible things, himself not being sight, yet affording the one to see the other to be seen, so is the first Intellect to that Intellect, which is in our Soul, and to those things which it understandeth. For, itself is not the Intellect, yet it perfecteth in these the Act of Intellection; to those it affordeth that they are understood, enlightening that truth which is in them. The third way to understand him is thus: when a man beholdeth that Beauty which is in Bodies, he proceedeth to that which is in the Soul, then to that which is in Offices and Laws: Lastly, to the vast Ocean of Beauty, after which, he considereth that which is good itself, amiable itself, expetible itself, which shineth like a light, and meeteth the Soul, that which ascends unto it by these degrees. By this he comprehendeth God himself through reason of that excellence, which consisteth in adoration of him. He considereth God void of parts, for nothing was before him a part, and that of which something consisteth is precedent to that whereof it is a part, for a superficies is before a body, and a line before a superficies. Moreover God not having many parts, can neither be locally moved, nor altered by qualities. For if he be altered, it must be done by himself, or some other; if by some other, that other must be of greater power than he; if by himself, it must be either to better or to worse, both which are absurd. From all these it followeth that God is incorporeal, which may likewise be proved thus. If God were a body, he should consist of matter and form; for every body consisteth of matter, and its form joins to that matter, which is made like unto the Idaea's, a●d in an ineffable manner participant of them; But that should consist of matter and form is absurd; for than he could not be either simple or a Principle; therefore he is incorporeal. Again, if he be a body, he consisteth of matter, and consequently is either fire or air, or earth, or water, or something made out of these; but none of these is principle by itself; besides, he must then be later than matter, as consisting of it, which being absurd, it is necessary that God be incorporeal. Moreover, if he were a body, it would follow that he must be generable, corruptible, mutable, which to affirm of God were intolerable. CHAP. XI. Of Qualities. THat Qualities are incorporeal, may be proved thus: every body is a Subject, quality is not a Subject but an accident, therefore quality is not a body. Again, no body is in a subject; every quality is in a Subject, therefore quality is not a body. Again, quality is contrary to quality, but no body as no body is contrary to a body; therefore qualities are not bodies. To omit, that it is most agreeable to reason, that as matter is void of quality, so quality should be void of matter, and if quality be void of matter, it must likewise be void of corporeity, for if qualities were bodies, two or three bodies might be together in the same place, which is absurd. Qualities being incorporeal, the maker of them must be incorporeal also; moreover there can be no efficients, but in corporeals, for bodies naturally suffer and are in mutation, not continuing always in manner nor persevering in the same state. For whensoever they seem to effect any thing, we shall find that they suffer it long before. Whence as there is something which wholly suffereth, so must there be something which wholly acteth; but such only is incorporeal. Thus much concerning principles as far they relate to Theology; we proceed next to Physical contemplations. CHAP XII. Of the Causes, Generation, Elements, and Order of the World. FOrasmuch as of sensible and singular things there must of necessity be some examplars, viz. Ideas, of which are Sciences and Definitions (for besides all particular men, we conceive a man in our mind, and besides all particular horses a horse, and likewise besides all living creatures a living creature immortal and unbegotten: as from one seal are made many prints, and of one man there may be many Pictures, of all which, the Idea itself is cause that they are such as itself is) it is necessary that this Universe, the fairest Fabric of Gods making, be so made by God, that in the making thereof, he looked upon an Idea as its exemplar, whilst by a wonderful providence and most excellent design God applied himself to the building of this frame, because he was good. God therefore made it of all matter, which being before the generation of Heaven, disorderly scattered; he from a deformed confusion reduced to beautiful order, and adorned every way the parts thereof with sit numbers and figures, until at last he so distinguished them as now they are, Fire and Earth to Air and Water, of which there were then only the footsteps, and a certain aptitude to admit the power of Elements, and so without any reason or order, they justled matter, and were justled again by matter. Thus God framed the World of four entire Elements, of whole Fire and Earth, Water and Air, omitting no power or part of any of them. For he saith, it must be corporeal and generated, and subject to touch and sight; but without Fire and Earth nothing can be touched or seen; Wherefore justly he framed it of Fire and Earth, and because it was requisite, there should be some chain to unite these, there is a Divine chain, which according to the proportion of reason maketh one of itself, and those things which are united to it, and the World could not be plain (for then one medium would have served) but spherical, therefore there was need of two mediums to the constitution thereof. Betwixt Fire and Earth by the prescription of this reason is interposed Air and Water, that as Fire is to Air, so is Air to Water, and as Air is to Water, so is Water to Earth; and again, as Earth is to Water, so is Water to Air, and as Water is to Air, so is Air to Fire. There being nothing remaining beyond the World, God made the World one, conformable to this Idea, which is one. He likewise made it such, as that is uncapable of sickness or age. For, besides that nothing can befall it whereby it may be corrupted, it is so sufficient to itself, that it hath not need of any exterior thing. He bestowed upon it a Spherical figure, as being the fairest, the most capacious and aptest to motion, and because it needeth not hearing or sight, or the rest of the senses, he gave it not any Organs of sense. He denied all kinds of motion to be compatible to it, except the circular, which is proper to the mind and to Wisdom. CHAP XIII. Of the convenience of figures with the Elements and World. THe world thus consisteth of two parts, a Soul and a Body; this visible and corruptible, that neither subject to sight nor touch: The power and constitution of each is different, the body consisteth of Fire, Earth, Water, and Air; which four, the maker of the Universe (there being until then nothing more confused than the Elements) form in a Pyramid, a Cube, an Octaedron, and an Icosaedron; but chiefly in a Dodecaedron. Matter, as far as it put on the figure of a Pyramid, became Fire, and mounted upward: For, that figure is the most apt to cut and to divide, as consisting of fewest triangles, and therefore is the rarest of all figures. As far as it is an Octaedron, it took the quality of Air: Where it took that of an Icosaedron, it became Water; The figure of a Cube Earth, as being the most solid and staple of all the Elements. The figure of a Dodecaedron, he used in the fabric of the Universe. Superficies come nigher the nature of Principles than all these, for they are before solids. Of its nature, the two Parents (as it were) are two Triangles, most fair and rectangular; one a Scalenum, the other an Isosceles; a Scalenum is a triangle having one right angle, the other of two thirds, the last of one third. A Scalenum therefore is the element of a Pyramid, and an Octaedron, and an Icosaedron. A Pyramid consisteth of four triangles, having all sides equal to one another, each whereof is divided as we said, into six scalenous triangles. The Octaedors' consist of eight like sides, whereof each is divided into six Scalenums. The Icosaeders of twenty in the same manner; but the element of a Cube is an Isosceles triangle, for four such triangles concurring make a square, and six squares a Cube. God made use of a Dodecaedron in the construction of the Universe, whence there are twelve figures of living creatures in the Zodiac, whereof each is divided into thirty parts. Likewise in a Dodecaedron, which consisteth of twelve Pentagones', if each be divided into five triangles, there are in every one six triangles, so that in the whole Dodecaedron, there will be 360 triangles, as many as there are degrees in the Zodiac. When matter was put into those figures by God, first it was moved rudely without order, until at last he reduced it to order, each being conjoined to one another, and composed in due proportion: Neither are these distinct in place, but are in perpetual motion, which they give likewise into matter. For, being straitened by the compass of the world, and agitated by mutual justlings, they are driven, the rare always into the region of the solid, whence nothing is left vacuous, nothing void of body. The inequality which remaineth amongst them causeth convulsion, for matter is agitated amongst them, and they reciprocally by matter. CHAP. XIV. Of the Soul of the World, the Spheres and Stars. FRom Bodies he alloweth that we collect the powers of the Soul, for seeing that we discern all things by the Soul, he justly placed the principles of all things therein, that whatsoever should occur, we might contemplate it by that which is of kin and neighbour unto it, and attribute an essence thereunto consonant to the functions. Then therefore he called one substance intelligible and indivisible; he placed another divisible amongst bodies, to signify that the knowledge as well of the one as of the other may be had by Intellect. And knowing that in things intelligible and sensible, there is identity and diversity, he fitly composed the Soul out of all these. For, either the like is known by the like, as the Pythagoreans hold, or, as Heraclitus the Naturalist, unlike always by unlike. That he would that the World should be generate, we must not so understand, as if there shall be any time wherein the world is not, but in as much as it always perisheth in generation, and declareth, that there is some more excellent and principal cause of its essence. The soul of the world which was from all eternity, was not made by God, but only adorned by him, in which respect he is sometimes said to have made it, for that he exciteth it, and converteth the mind thereof, as out of a profound sleep unto himself, that beholding his intelligibles and affecting his notions, it should from thence receive Species and form; whence it is manifest, that the World was endued by God, both with a Soul and mind. For, intending it to be the best, he must have made it animate and intelligent, since an animate thing is more excellent than an inanimate, and an intelligent than an unintelligent; perhaps the mind also could not subsist without a Soul. This Soul, being diffused from the Centre of the world to the extremes, compre●endeth the whole body of the World, so as it is extended throughout the Universe, and in that manner joineth and conserveth the whole. The external preside over the internal, for they are not divided, but these are divided into seven Circles; from the first distributed according to duple and triple intervals. That which is comprehended by the indivisible sphere, is correspondent to it, that which is divided to the other. For the motion of Heaven which comprehendeth all things, being not uncertain, is one and ordinate, but that of the things within it, is changeable, varied by rising and setting, whence called Planetary. The outermost sphere moveth to the right hand from East to West, the innermost chose, to the left hand from West to East, meeting the World. God framed also the Stars and constellations; some fixed for the Ornament of Heaven and might, very many in number. The Erratic are seven, serving for number and time, and the illumination of all things; for time is an interval of the motion of the World as an image of eternity, which is the measure of the state of the eternal World. The Planets are not of equal power, the Sun is the leader of all, who illuminateth and showeth all things to the eye. Next the Moon, which in respect of her power hath the second place. The rest of the Planets, each according to their several proportions. The Moon maketh the measure of a Month, in that space completing its circle, and overtaking the Sun. The Sun measureth the Year, for running through the circle of the Zodiac, he compleateth the seasons of the year. Of the other stars each hath its proper revolution, with which all men are not acquainted but only the Learned. By all those revolutions the absolute number of time is completed, when coming all to the same point, they are in such order, as if we should imagine a right line to be drawn from the sphere of fixed stars to the Earth; the Centres of them all would be seen in that line. There being seven Orbs in the Planetary sphere, the maker of the World, framed in them seven conspicuous bodies of matter for the most part fiery, and inserted them into the spheres belonging to the other Erratic Circle. The Moon he placed in that Circle which is next the Earth, the Sun in the second, the Morningstar, and the sacred Star of Mercury, in that Orb which is equal in swiftness with the Sun. The rest higher, each in his proper sphere. That of Saturn the slowest of all, he placed in that Orb which is next to the sixed stars. Second to this is that which they call the sphere of jupiter, next that of Mars; the eighth which is the Supreme power includeth all. These are all living intelligent Creatures, and Gods endued with a spherical figure. CAAP. XV. Of Daemons and Elements. THere are other Daemons also which we may call Intelligent Gods, in each of the Elements partly visible, partly invisible, in the aether, fire, air and water, that there be not any part of the World void of Soul, or of an animate creature more excellent than humane nature. Below these are all earthly sublunary things; God is maker of the World, of all Gods and Daemons. This Universe by his Divine Will shall not be dissolved. Over the rest his Son's preside, who by his command and example order whatsoever they do. By these lo●s, nocturnal visions, dreams, Oracles, and whatsoever men refer to divination is artificially wrought. The Earth is fixed in the midst of all, round about the Axletree which passeth through the midst of the World. It is the observer of night and day, the most ancient of all Gods in Heaven. Next the Soul of the World it affordeth us most nutriture; about it the Heavens move, and itself is a kind of Star: It remaineth in its proper place, which by reason of its even weight is the Centre; the aether exterior is divided into the sphere of fixed Stars, and that of Planets. Next to these is the Air; in the midst the Earth with its humidity. CHAP. XVI. Of the younger Gods makers of men. AFter that all these were framed, there remained three kinds of living Creatures which were to be mortal, Volatile, Aquatile, and Terrestrial; the generation whereof he committed to his Son, left if he himself had begotten them, they should have been immortal as well as the rest. They borrowing some little parts from first matter for a certain time, form mortal living Creatures, and because of Mankind, as being next to the Gods, both the Father of all things, and his Sons likewise have a particular care, the Maker of all things sent down himself their Souls into the earth equal in number to the Stars, & having imposed each one his proper Star as a vehiculum, like a Lawgiver, he pronounced decrees unto them, that he himself might be inculpable, which was that there should arise mortal affections from the body, first senses, next pleasure, than grief, and fear, and anger, which those souls that should overcome, and not suffer themselves to be transported by them, should justly be accounted Victors, and at the last return to their proper Star, though they which should be transported by injustice, should in the second generation undergo the lives of women, wherein if they ceased not from their wickedness, they should at last transmigrate into the Nature of brute Beasts, the end of these Labours shall then be, when they have overcome the innate affections of the body, and then return to their proper habit. CHAP. XVII. Of the Body, and parts of man, and Powers of the Soul. THe Gods first form man of Earth, Fire, Air, and Water, borrowing some parts from matter, (to be restored in their due time) which they so connected to one another by secret ties, as that of all these they framed one body. The most excellent part of the soul that was sent down from Heaven, they placed in the Head, for which as a manured Field they prepared the Brain. About the face they disposed Organs proper for sense; Marrow they made of smooth strait triangles, of which the Elements were form, that it should be the Origine of prolific seed. Benes they form of Marrow and Earth, the Earth moistened, and often dipped in Water and Fire. Flesh is compounded of salt and sharp, as of a kind of ferment. Marrow they enclosed with bones, bones with sinews instead of chains, that by these inflexions the knitting of the joints might be pliant. Over these as a cover is extended the Skin, partly white, partly black, for beauty and use. Of these likewise consist the internal bowels, and the belly, and the intestines, every where rolled about it. And from the mouth above the aspera arteria, and the oesophagus, of which one cometh down to the stomach, the other to the Lungs. Meat is digested in the belly by spirit and heat, and thence distributed to the whole body according to their several constitutions. The two veins passing along the spin of the Back, meet and cross at the head, where they spread into many parts. Thus when the Gods had made man, and given him a soul as the Mistress of his body, they placed the principal part of that soul to which Reason appertaineth, in the head. Whence is derived marrow and sinews, and by the different affection of this, the mind likewise is altered. Moreover they gave him senses, as the attendants of Reason, and the power of judging and contemplating with Reason. Those parts of the soul, which are moved by meaner affections, they seated in lower places; the irascible part in the heart, the concupiscible about the belly, and the parts next to the Navel, of which hereafter. CHAP. XVIII. Of sight. AFter that the Gods had placed the eyes (conduits of light) in the face, they included in them a fiery light, which being smooth and in some manner thick, they conceived of kin to diurnal light. This breaketh forth every where at the Eyes, but chiefly through the Eyeballs, as being there most pure and clear. This agreeing with the external light, as like with like affordeth the sense of sight, whence in the night, when the light vanisheth and is obscured, this ray of ours no longer mingleth with the immediate air; but, on the contrary, withdrawing itself inwards, smooths and diffuses the motions that are in us, and so bringeth on sleep, whereby the eyelids are shut. If it bring much rest, the sleep is little disturbed with dreams, but if there remain any motions behind, we are troubled with many illusions. In this manner fantasies, whether true or false, arise. Of the same Nature are images, which we see in glasses, or other smooth pellucid bodies, which exist only by reflection. For, as the glass is concave or convex, or oblong, the object is differently represented to the beholder. The light being reflected to other parts, those which are dispersed in convex meet in the concave, for in some, the right and left sides seem quite inverted, in others alike; in others, those which are upwards seem downwards, and on the contrary, those which are downwards, upwards. CHAP. XIX. Of the rest of the Senses. HEaring is given for the perception of voice, it ariseth from a motion made about the head, and setteth in the liver. Voice is that which passeth through the ears, brain, and blood to the Soul. A sharp voice is that which is moved swiftly, deep which slowly, great which much, small which little. Next followeth the sense proper to the Nostrils, perceptible of odour. Odour is an affection which passeth from the veins of the Nostrils to the parts of the Navel. The Species thereof have no name, except the two that are most common, pleasant, and unpleasant, commonly called sweet and stinking. All Odour is more thick than Air, more thin than Water; for Odour is properly said to be of those things which have not yet received perfect mutation, but consist of a communion of Air and Water, as smoke and mists. For, by the resolution of these into one another, the sense of smelling is made. Taste was made by the Gods to be the judge of different savours. Hence are veins extended to the Heart, by which several ●avours are examined. These Veins by dilating or contracting themselves severally according to the Sapours presented to them, discern their differences. The differences of Sapours are seven; sweet, sharp, sour, picqueant, salt, acid, bitter; the Nature of sweet Sapour is contrary to all the rest, for by its power it sootheth and pleaseth the moisture of the tongue, whereas of the rest. some disturb and ●dispell it, as acute Sapours, some heat, and fly upwards, as the hot; others being abstersive, dissolve it, as the bitter; others are by degrees purgative and abstersive, as the salt. Of these some contract the passages; they which do it more roughly, are called acid, they which more gently, austere. The sense of touching was form by the Gods to discern hot and cold, soft and hard, light and heavy, smooth and rough, and to judge the differences of each of these; Yielding bodies, we call those which yield to the touch, resisting those which yield not; this proceedeth from the bases of bodies, those which have large bases are firm and solid, these which have narrow bases are yielding, soft, and easily changed. Rough is that which is uneven and hard, smooth that which is plain and thick: As warm and cold qualities are most opposite, so they proceed from the most different causes. That which cutteth by the acuteness and roughness of its parts, begetteth a hot affection, that which is more thick, in penetration, a cold, whilst the more rare are expelled, and the more dense compelled to penetrate into their room. Thence ariseth a concussion and trepidation, and (an affection which is from hence begotten in bodies,) rigour. CHAP. XX. Of Heavy and Light. HEavy and light ought not to be defined by higher or lower place, nothing is high or low; for Heaven being absolutely round, and its convexe extremity even, we cannot term any thing higher or lower; yet may we call that heavy, which is hardly drawn to a place different from its Nature, light which easily; or, heavy is that which consisteth of most parts, light of fewest. CHAP. XXI. Of Respiration. WE breath after this manner. The external Air compasseth us round about, and passeth in at our mouth, nostrils, and invisible Pores of the body, where being warmed, it floweth back again to the external Air, by that part out of which it flowed, it again thrusteth the external Air to the interior. Thus there is an unintermitted succession of inspiration and expiration. CHAP. XXII. Of the Causes of Diseases. OF Diseases Plato allegeth many causes. The first is defect or excess of the Elements, and a change into places which agree not with their Nature. The second a preposterous generation of homogeneal parts, as when of flesh is made blood, or choler, or phlegm; for all these are nothing but colliquation, or putrefaction. phlegm is a new colliquation of flesh; sweat and tears, are a kind of Serum of phlegm. Phlegm intercepted in the outward parts, begetteth Scurse and Leprosy, in the inward being mingled with Melancholy, it causeth the falling-sickness. Sharp, and salt phlegm engender those affections which consist in rigour, for all bodies that are inflamed with choler must suffer that. A world of various diseases are engendered by choler and phlegm. As concerning fevers; Plato conceiveth that a continual fever proceedeth from excess of fire, a quotidian from excess of air, a tertian from excess of water, a quartan from excess of Earth. It remaineth that we here begin to speak of the Soul, though not without some danger, of repeating the same things. CHAP. XXIII. Of the three principal powers of the Soul. THE Gods, the makers of mortal Creatures, having received from the first God the Soul of Man immortal, added unto it two mortal parts; yet left the immortal divine part might be infected with mortal extravagances, they seated as Prince of all in the tower, as it were of the body, the Head, in figure resembling the Universe. The rest of the body they appointed as a vehiculum to serve this. To each mortal part they assigned its proper habitation, placing the irascible in the heart, the concupiscible in the midst betwixt the Navel and the Diaphragme, binding it there as a furious savage Beast. They framed the Lungs in respect of the heart, soft, bloodless, hollow, and spongy, that the heart being something heated with anger, might thereby be refrigerated and assuaged; the Liver to excite and allay the concupiscible part, having both sweetness and bitterness, as likewise for the clearing of divinations which are given by dreams: for as much as in it by reason of its smoothness, shining and brightness, the power which proceedeth from the mind doth shine forth. The Spleen was made for the benefit of the Liver, to purge and cleanse it; so that those corruptions, which by some diseases, are contracted about the Liver, retire thither. CHAP. XXIV. Of the distinction of the parts of the Soul. THat the Soul and parts thereof according to their proper faculties are threefold; every part appointed by reason their several places, is manifest from hence. Those things which are separated by Nature, are divers; passionate and reasonable are separate by nature; this being conversant in Intelligibles, that in things sad or joyful, to omit the passive part which is common likewise to bruit Beasts. Now these two being distinct by Nature, must likewise be distinguished by place, because for the most part they disagree, and are repugnant to one another; but nothing can be repugnant to itself, neither can those things which are contrary to one another consist together in the same. In Medea anger seemeth to contest thus with reason; I know what I intent is ill, But anger overrules my will. In Laius, when he ravished Chrysippus, concupiscence contested with Reason; for so he saith; Men to this crime the Gods confine, To know the ill that they decline. That the rational power is different from the Passive, is evident from this, that they ordered by several means, one by discipline, the other by habitual practice. CHAP. XXV. Of the Immortality of the Soul. THat the Soul is immortal Plato proveth by these Arguments. The Soul to every thing, wherein it is, conferreth life, as being naturally innate in herself, but that which conferreth life to others never admitteth death, but what is such is immortal. The Soul being immortal, is likewise incorruptible, for it is an incorporeal essence which cannot be changed substantially, and is only perceptible by the Intellect, not by the eyes, and is uniform. Hence it must be simple, neither can be at any time dissolved or corrupted. The body is contrary, for it is subject to sight and other senses, and as it is compounded, so shall it again be dissolved, and it is multiform. When the Soul adhereth to those things which are preceptible by Intellect, it acquieseeth; Now to that by whose presence she is disturbed, she cannot possibly be like, wherefore she is more like to those things which are perceptible by Intellect; but what is such is by nature incorruptible and perishable. Again, the Soul naturally doth preside over the body, not the body over the Soul, but that which by nature ruleth and commandeth is of kin to Divinity, wherefore the Soul being next unto God, must be immortal, not subject to corruption. Again, Contraries which have no medium, not by themselves, but by some accident are so ordered by Nature, that they may be mutually made of one another. But that which men call life is contrary to that which they call death; as therefore Death is a separation of the Soul from the body; so islife a conjunction of the Soul with the body, preaexistent to the Body. But if she be preaexistent, and shall subsist after the body, it followeth that she be sempiternal, for there cannot any thing be imagined whereby she may be corrupted. Again, if learning be Reminiscence, the Soul must be immortal, but that it is reminiscence we prove thus: Learning cannot otherwise consist then by remembrance of those things we formerly know. For, if from Singulars we understand universals, how could we discourse by singulars which are infinite? or how from a few perceive universals? we should therefore necessarily be deceived, as if we judged that only to be a living Creature which breatheth; or how could the notions themselves have the reason of principles. By reminiscence therefore, from some few which we have conceived in our mind, we understand the rest, and from some occurrent particulars we remember those which we knew long before, but were then given over to oblivion, when the Soul first descended into the Body. Again, if the Soul be not corrupted by its own proper ill, neither can it be destroyed by that or any other, nor simply by any ill, and being such, shall remain uncorrupted. Again, that which is moved in itself, as being the principle of motion in those things which are moved, is always moved; that which is such is immortal; but the Soul is moved of itself, that which is moved of itself is the principle of all motion and generation; and a principle is expert of generation and corruption, wherefore the Souls of men and of the Universe itself are such, for both partake of the same mistion. He affirmeth the Soul to be movable in herself, because it hath an innate life, always operating by its power. That rational Souls are immortal, may clearly be asserted out of Plato; but whether the irrational be such seemeth doubtful; yet is it probable that being guided only by Fantasy, not endued with reason or judgement, neither do they contemplate any thing, or discern, or collect from it, nor can they discern ills, but generally understand nothing, nor are of the same nature with those Souls which have Intellect and Reason, but are capable of dying and being corrupted. For as much as they are immortal, it followeth that they are put into bodies, being planted into the form Nature of Embrio's, and transmigrate into several bodies as well humane as others, either according to some certain numbers which they expect, or by the will of the Gods, or for intemperance of life, or for love of the Body. For the Body and Soul have a kind of affinity, as Fire and Brimstone. Moreover the Souls of the Gods have a dijudicative faculty, called Gnostick, and impulsive to some action, called Parastatick, which faculties being likewise in humane Souls, become changed as soon as they come into the body, the assistant into the concupiscible, the impulsive into the Irascible. CHAP. XXVI. Of Fate and freewill. Concerning Fate Plato held thus. All things are in fate, yet all things are not decreed by Fate. For Fate, though it be like a Law, yet it useth not to speak in this manner, that this man shall do thus, and to that man, that shall befall (which were to proceed into infinite, there being an infinite generation of men, and infinite accidents happening daily to them; besides that, this would take away our freewill, our praise or dispraise, and whatsoever is of that kind) but rather thus; Whatsoever Soul chooseth such a life, and doth such things, these shall follow, the Soul therefore is free, and it is left within its power to do or not to do, without any compulsion or necessity. But that which followeth the action is performed by Fate. As from Paris' ravishing of Helena, (which it is within his power to do or not to do) shall follow that the Grecians contend with the Trojans about Helena. Thus Apollo foretold Laius; If thou beget a Son, that Son shall kill thee. In the Oracle are comprehended both Laius and the begetting of a Son, that which shall follow upon the begetting of the Son depends on Plato. That which may be done is of a middle kind betwixt true and false, and being so indefinite by Nature: that which is in our power, is carried on as it were unto it. That which is done by our election, is presently either true or false; that which is in power, is different from that which is said to be in habit and act. That which is in power declareth an aptitude in that thing, wherein the habit is not yet perfect. So a boy may be said to be a Grammarian, a Musician, a Carpenter in power. He is in habit of one or more of these when he hath acquired that habit. He is said to be in act, when he operateth according to that acquired habit. That which we call possible to be done is none of these. Indeterminate is that which is in our power, and to which part soever it inclineth, will be true or false. CHAP. XXVII. ETHICK. Of the chief Good, and of Virtues. WE must next give a short account of Plato's Ethics. That which is worthy of all honour, and is the Supreme good, he conceived not easy to be found, and if found, not safe to be declared. For this reason, he communicated the contemplation of the chief good to very few, and those of his most intimate acquaintance, of whom his judgement made choice for this purpose. But our good, if we examine his books dillgently, we shall find he placed in the knowledge of the first good, which may rightly be called God, and the first mind. For all things which men call good, he conceiveth to be called good in this respect, for as much as they derive something from that good, as all sweet and hot things are termed such from some participation of the first sweet, and first hot. Of those things which are in us, only the mind and reason have a similitude of the first good. Wherefore he calleth our good, Fair, Venerable, Amiable, Proportionate, and lastly Beatitude. Of those which are commonly called good, as health, beauty, strength, there is none good, unless it be employed towards the practice of Virtue. For being separated from Virtue, they are like matter only, and to those who make ill use of them only ill. Yet these Plato sometimes calleth mortal goods. Beatitude he reckoneth not amongst humane goods, but amongst the divine and immortal. Whence he asserteth that the souls of true Philosophers are replenished with vast admirable goods, and after the dissolution of their mortal body, are admitted to the table of the Gods, and with them walk over and survey the field of Truth, because they did see they used the utmost endeavours of their Souls to know it, and esteemed it the most precious of all things, by the benefit whereof they illustrated and excited their mind as a lost or blinded sight, preferring the conservation thereof before many corporeal eyes. Foolish men are like those who lead all their life in some Cave under ground, where they never saw the light of the Sun, but only some empty thin shadows of such bodies as are with us upon the Earth, which seeing, they think they see true bodies. As these, if ever they should be brought out of darkness into the clear light, would questionless despise all things which they saw before, and themselves much more, as having been absolutely deceived; So they who rise up out of the darkness of this life to those things which are divine and fair, in all likelihood will contemn what before they most esteemed, and love more vehemently this contemplation. Thus it appeareth, that only what is good is honest, and that Virtue sufficeth to Felicity, Moreover, that good and fair consist in knowledge of the first good, he declareth in whole volumes. As concerning those which are good by participation, he speaketh thus in his first Book of Laws. Good is twofold, Humane and Divine, etc. If anything be disjoined from the first good, and void of the essence thereof, that is called good by the foolish, which in Euthydemo, he affirmeth to be a greater ill to the Possessor. That he conceiveth the Virtues to be eligible in themselves, is manifest, in as much as he affirmeth that only to be good which is honest, which he demonstrateth in many Dialogues, particuly in those of the Commonwealth. Hence he conceiveth that man to be most happy and blessed, who hath attained the Science we mentioned; yet not in respect of the honours which attend such a person, nor of any other reward; for though he be unknown to all men, and such things, as are commonly accounted Ills, as, dishonour, banishment and death happen unto him; he is notwithstanding happy. On the contrary, a man who wants this knowledge, though he possess all things commonly esteemed good, riches, power, health, strength, and Beauty, he is nothing the more happy. He asserteth an ultimate end, conformable to all these which is to be made like unto God, as far as Humanity is capable of being such. This he expounds variously, sometimes as in Theaeteto) he affirms our resemblance to God to consist in being prudent, just, and holy; wherefore we must endeavour to fly with all possible celerity from hence to those. This flight is the resemblance to God, as much as is possible: The similitude consisteth in Prudence, Justice, and Sanctity; sometimes in Justice only, as in his last Book of the Commonwealth. For a man is never deserted by God, whilst he endeavoureth to be just, and by the very act of Virtue, as much as man is capable of, he is rendered like unto God. In Phaedone he asserteth, that this resemblance to God is acquired by Temperance and Justice, thus. Are not they blessed and happy, and from hence shall go into the best place, who have practised the popular civil Virtue which they call Temperance and justice? Again, sometimes he affirmed, that the end of life is to be like unto God, sometimes to follow God, as when he saith, God indeed according to the old saying, containing the beginning, midale and end of all things, etc. Sometimes he joineth both together, as when he saith, The Soul following God, and being rendered like unto him, etc. The principle of Utility is good itself; but this is said of God, therefore the end conformable to the principle, is to become like unto God, to the Celestial, or rather supercelestial God, who hath not Virtue, but is more excellent than all Virtue. Wherefore it is rightly said, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; misery, is a perversity of the Genius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Beatitude is a good habit of the Genius. This similitude to God we shall obtain, if we enjoy convenient nature; in our manner, education and sense, according to Law, and chiefly by reason, and discipline, and institution of wisdom, withdrawing ourselves as much as possible from humane affairs, and being conversant in those things only which are understood by contemplation: the way to prepare, and, as it were, to cleanse the Daemon that is in us, is to initiate ourselves into higher disciplines, which is done by Music, Arithmetic, Astronomy and Geometry, not without some respect of the body by Gymnastick, whereby it is made more ready for the actions both of War and Peace. CHAP. XXVIII. The definition and kinds of Virtue. Virtue being divine, is the perfect and best affection of the Soul, which adorneth a man, and rendereth him more excellent and ready, as well for speech as action, whether he do it alone or with others. Of the Virtues, some are placed in the rational part, some in the irrational. For whereas the Nature of the rational part is one, that of the irascible another, that of the concupiscible another, the perfection of these must likewise be different. That of the rational is Prudence, of the irascible, Fortitude, of the concupiscible, Temperance. Prudence is the Science of things, Good, Bad, and betwixt both. Temperance is an apt moderation of desires and appetites; when when we call Temperance a moderation and obedience, we mean only this, that it is a faculty causing all appetites to be subjected unto it, in decent order, and submiss obedience to be commanded by nature. This is the rational part. Fortitude is a lawful observation of a command difficult, or not difficult, that is, it is a faculty which keepeth a lawful precept. justice's is an agreement amongst all these, which causeth that the three parts of the Soul agree with one another, and that each be worthily conversant in those things which are proper, and belong unto it. Thus it is a common entire perfection of these three Virtues, Prudence, Fortitude and Temperance, in such manner that reason commandeth, and the rest of the parts, each according to its several property, are restrained by Reason, and obey it. Hence it followeth, that the Virtues are mutally consequent to one another; Fortitude being the conservation of a lawful precept, is likewise conservative of right reason. Right reason proceedeth from Prudence; Prudence cohereth with Fortitude, for it is the knowledge of good things, but no man can discern that which is good, if he be distracted by fear, or involved in the like troubles. In like manner, neither can any man be wise, and intemperate, for than he is overcome by affections. If a man do something contrary to reason, Plato affirmeth he doth through ignorance and imprudence, so that can be prudent that is intemperate or fearful. Whence it followeth, that the perfect Virtues cohere to one another, and are inseparable. CHAP. XXIX. Of Virtues, Vices, and their differences. THe gifts of Nature and progress in them are called Virtues also, by reason of their similitude with the perfect Virtues, assuming the same name. In this sense we call all soldiers stout, and sometimes call imprudent and rash persons stout, when we speak not of the perfect Virtues, for the perfect neither increase nor decrease; but Vices are intended and remitted. One man is more imprudent and more unjust than another, neither do all the vices follow one another, for they are certain contraries which are not compatible to the same. Such is fury to Cowardice, and prodigality to covetousness, nor can there be any man at once possessed of all Vices, no more than a body tormented by all diseases. Moreover, there is a mean affection which inclineth not plainly either to Vice or Virtue; for it is not necessary that all men must be good or bad; they are such, who have arrived at the height of these; for it is not easy to pass suddenly from Virtue to Vice, because betwixt extremes there is a great interval and distance. Of Virtues some are principal, others concomitant; principal are those which are in the rational part of the Soul, and by which the other Virtues are perfected. Concomitant are those which are in the other part which are subject to Affections. These act honest things according to Reason, not that which is in them, for they have none, but that which they receive from Prudence, which is confirmed in them by custom and exercise. Now for as much as neither science nor art consisteth in any part of the soul, but in the rational, those virtues which are in the other part, that is subject to affections, cannot be taught, because they are neither Arts nor Sciences, neither have they a peculiar Doctrine. Prudence is a Science, which prescribeth unto every one what is proper to him, as a Pilot, or Master of a Ship, to inferior ignorant Sailors. The like in a common Soldier and a General. For as much as Ills are intended and remitted, offences cannot be equal, but some must be greater, others lesser, for which reason, they, who make Laws, punish some more gently, other more severely. And though Virtues are certain Heights, as being perfect, and like unto that which is right, yet in another respect they are called mediocrities, because all or the most of them are placed betwixt two Vices, whereof one sinneth in excess, the other in defect; as on the one side of Liberality is Covetousness, on the other Prodigality. For in affections we recede from the mean, when we relinquish that which is placed in Virtue, either by excess or defect. But neither he, who beholding his Parents wronged is nothing moved thereat, nor he who is incensed at the smallest matters void of passion or moderate, but the quite contrary. He who at the death of his Parents grieveth not, is void of passion; He who destroyeth himself with grieving, is overpassionate and immoderate; he who grieveth moderately, is moderately passionate. In like manner, he, who feareth upon all occasions, and more than needs, is timorous; he who feareth nothing is rash; He only is stout that can keep a mean betwixt fear and rashness; the like in all the rest. And for as much as that which is mean in affections is likewise best, and mediocrity is nothing but a mean betwixt excess and defect, there are these Virtues termed Mediocrities, because in humane perturbations and passions they affect us a middle kind of way. CHAP. XXX. That Virtue is voluntary, Vice involuntary. Virtue being chiefly of those things which are in our power, not compulsive (for it could not deserve praise, if it came either by nature or divine decree) it followeth, that Virtue is voluntary, begotten by a servant, generous, and firm impulsion. From this, that Virtue is voluntary, it followeth that Vice is involuntary. For, who, in the most excellent part of himself, would ever voluntarily choose that which is the greatest of all Ills? When a man is carried on to Vice, he first inclineth to it, not as if it were ill, but good, and if he fall into ill, doubtless, he is deceived with thinking, that this way by a lesser ill, he may arrive at a greater good, and goeth in this manner unwillingly to it. For, it is not possible, a man should pursue ill as it is ill, without any hope of good, or, fear of a greater ill. All ill things therefore, which an ill man doth, are involuntary; for, injustice being involuntary, to act unjustly is so much more involuntary, as the action of Vice is beyond the idle habit thereof. Yet, though wicked actions are involuntary, the wicked nevertheless aught to be punished, and that not after one manner; but, according to the variety of hurt which they do to those they wrong. That which is involuntary consisteth in ignorance of perturbations, all which may be diverted, either by reason, or civil custom, or diligence. CHAP. XXXI. Of Love and Friendship. FRiendship, properly so termed, is made by a mutual reciprocal benevolence. This is, when either is as much concerned for the happiness of the ot●er, as of his own, which equality is preserved only by similitude of manners: For, the like is friend to its like, if they be both moderate; but, the intemperate cannot agree, either with themselves, or the moderate. There are other things which are thought friendships, but are are not such, in which there appeareth some show of virtue. Of these, is the natural goodwill of Parents to their Children, and of Kindred one to another, as also that which is called civil and sociable: These are not always accompanied with mutual benevolence. Likewise, the amatory art is a kind of friendship. That which is honest is proper to a generous soul, dishonest, to a perverse; mean, to one meanly affected. For, as the habit of the rational soul is threefold, right, dishonest, and mean; so many different kinds are there of love, which appeareth most clearly in the difference of the ends they propose unto themselves. The dishonest aims only at corporeal pleasure, and therefore is absolutely brutish. The honest considereth the mind only, as far as virtue appeareth in it. The mean desireth both the beauty of the soul and of the body; of which love, he who is worthy, is mean likewise; that is, neither absolutely honest nor dishonest. Hence that love which aimeth only at the body, aught to be termed a Daemon (rather than a Deity, which never descendeth to an human body) transmitting divine things to men, and human to God. Of the three kinds of love, that which is proper to a good man, being remote from vicious affections, is artificial, whence it is placed in the rational part of the soul. The contemplations thereof are these, to discern who is worthy of love, and to contract friendship with him, and enjoy it: This discernment is made from his aims or desires, whether they are generous, and directed to a good end, or violent and servant. The contraction, or acquisition of friendship, is made, not by wanton excessive praise, but rather by reprehension, showing him, that it is not convenient he should live in that manner he doth; when he enjoyeth the love of him whom he affects, he must always exhort him to those things, by exercise whereof, he may arrive at perfect habit. Their end is that of lover and beloved, they may at last become friends. CHAP. XXXII. Of Passions. IN justice is so great an ill, that it is better to suffer wrong then to do wrong; for one belongeth to a wicked man, the other to a weak man: both are dishonest, but to do wrong is worse, by how much it is more dishonest. It is as expedient that a wicked man be punished, as that a sick man should be cured by a Physician; for all chastisement is a kind of medicine for an offending Soul. Since the greater part of Virtues are conversant about passions, it is necessary that we define passion. Passion is an irrational motion of the Soul, arising out of some good or ill; it is called an irrational motion, because neither judgements nor opinions are passions; but motions of the irrational parts of the Soul. For in the irrational part of the Soul, there are motions, which though they are done by us, are yet nothing the more in our power. They are often done therefore contrary to our inclination and will; for sometimes it falleth out, that though we know things to be neither pleasing nor unpleasing, expetible nor avoidable, yet we are drawn by them, which could never be if such passions were the same with Judgement. For we reject judgement when we disapprove it whether it ought to be so or otherwise. In the definition is added, arising from some good or some ill, because of that which is mean or indifferent betwixt these, no passion is ever excited in us. All passions arise from that which seemeth good or ill. If we see good present, we rejoice, if future, we desire. On the conrrary, if ill be present, we grieve, if imminent, we fear. The simple affections, and, as it were, elements of the rest are two; Pleasure and Grief; the rest consist of these. Neither are fear and desire to be numbered among the principal passions, for he who feareth, is not wholly deprived of pleasure, nor can a man live the least moment, who despaireth to be freed or eased of some ill. But it is more conversant in grief and sorrow, and therefore he, who feareth, sorroweth. But he who desireth, like all those who desire or expect something, is delighted; insomuch as he is not absolutely confident; and hath not a firm hope he is grieved. And if desire and fear are not principal passions, it will doubtless follow, that none of the other affections are simple; as anger, love, emulation and the like; for in these, Pleasure and Grief are manifest, as consisting of them. Moreover of Passions, some are rough, others mild, the mild are those, which are naturally in men, and if kept within their bounds, are necessary and proper to man, if they exceed, vicious. Such are Pleasure, Grief, Anger, Pity, Modesty; for it is proper to man to delight in those things which are according to Nature, and to be grieved at their contraries. Anger is necessary to repel and punish an injury. Mercy agreeth with Humanity. Modesty teacheth us to decline sordid things. Other passions are rough, and praeternatural, arising from some depraved or perverse custom. Such are excessive laughter, joy in the misfortunes of others, hatred of Mankind. These, whether intense or remiss, after what manner soever they are, are always erroneous, and admit not any laudable mediocrity. As concerning Pleasure and Grief, Plato writeth thus. These passions are excited in us by Nature. Grief and sorrow happen to those who are moved contrary to Nature; Pleasure to those who are restored to the proper constitution of their Nature. For he conceiveth the natural state of man to consist in a mean betwixt Pleasure and Grief, not moved by either, in which state we live longest. He asserteth several kinds of Pleasure, whereof some relate to the Body, others to the Soul. Again, of Pleasures some are mixed with grief, some are pure. Again, some proceed from the remembrance of things past, others from hope of things to come. Again, some are dishonest, as being intemperate and unjust; others moderate, and joined with good, as joy for good things, and the Pleasure that followeth Virtue. Now because most Pleasures are naturally dishonest, he thinks it not to be disputed whether Pleasure can be simply and absolutely a good, that being to be accounted poor and of no value, which is raised out of another, and hath not a principal primary essence. For Pleasure cohereth even with its contrary Grief, and is joined with it, which could not be, if one were simply good, the other simply ill. CHAP. XXXIII. Of the forms of Commonwealths. OF the forms of Commonwealth, some are supposed only, and conceived by abstract from the rest. These he delivers in his book of a Commonwealth, wherein he describeth the first concordant, the second discordant, enquiring which of these is the most excellent, and how they may be constituted. He also divideth a Commonwealth like the Soul into three parts, Keepers, Defenders, and Artisicers. The office of the first is to Counsel, to advise, to command; of the second, to defend the Commonwealth, upon occasion, by arms, which answereth to the irascible power; To the last belong Arts and other services. He will have Princes to be Philosophers, and to contemplate the first good, affirming that so only they shall govern rightly. For Mankind can never be freed from ill, unless either Philosophers govern, or they who govern be inspired with Philosophy after a divine manner. A Commonwealth is then governed best, and according to Justice, when each part of the City performeth its proper Office. So that the Princes give Laws to the People; the Defenders obey them, and sight for them, the rest willingly submit to their Superiors. Of a Commonwealth he asserteth five kinds, the first, Aristocracy, when the best rule; the second, Timocracy, when the ambitious; the third Democracy, when the people; the fourth, Oligarchy, when a few; the last, Tyranny, which is the worst of all. He describeth likewise other supposed forms of Commonwealth, as that in his Book of Laws; and, that which reformeth others, in his Epistles, which he useth for those Cities that in his Books of Laws he saith are sick. These have a distinct place, and select men out of every age, as according to the diversity of their nature and place, they require different institution, education and arms. The Maritime people are to study Navigation and Sea-sight; the Island fight on foot; those in mountainous Countries to use light armour, those on the shore heavy. Some of these to exercise fight on horseback. In this City he alloweth not a Community of women. Thus is Politic a Verve conversant both in Action and Contemplation; the end whereof is to constitute a City, good, happy, and convenient to itself. It considers a great many things, amongst the rest, whether War be to be waged or not. CHAP. XXXIV. Of a Sophist. HItherto we have spoken of a Philosopher, from whom a Sophist differeth; In Manners, because he teacheth young men for gain, and desireth rather to seem then to be good. In matter, for a Philosopher is conversant in those things which always are, and continually remain in the same manner; but a Sophist in that which is not, for which reason he seeketh darkness, that he may not be known to be what he is. To things that are, that which is not, is not opposed as contrary, for it neither existeth, nor is participant of any essence, nor can be understood. So that if any man endeavour to express it in words, or comprehend it by thought; he is deceived, because he putteth together things contrary and repugnant. Yet that which is not, as far as it is spoken, is not a pure negation of that which is, but implieth a relation to another, which in some manner is joined to Ens. So that unless we assume something from that which is to that which is not, it cannot be distinguished from other things, but thus, as many kinds as they are of Ens, so many are there of Nonens, because that which is not an Ens is a Nonens. Thus much may serve for an introduction into Plato's Philosophy: Some things perhaps are said orderly, others dispersedly, or confusedly; yet is all so laid down, that by those which we have delivered, the rest of his Assertions may be found out and contemplated. After so serious a Discourse, it will not be amiss to give the Reader a Poetical entertainment upon the same Subject, being A PLATONIC DISCOURSE, Written in Italian by JOHN PICUS Earl of MIRANDULA, In explication of a Sonnet by HIERONIMO BENIVIENI. The first PART. Sect. I. IT is a principle of the Platonists, That every created thing hath a threefold being; Causal, Formal, Participated. In the Sun there is no heat, that being but an elementary quality, not of Celestial nature: yet is the Sun the cause and Fountain of all hear. Fire is hot by nature, and its proper form: Wood is not hot of its self, yet is capable of receiving that quality by Fire. Thus hath heat its Causal being in the Sun, its Formal in the Fire, it's Participated in the Fuel. The most noble and perfect of these is the Causal: and therefore Platonists assert, That all excellencies are in God after this manner of being; That in God is nothing, but from him all things; That Intellect is not in him, but that he is the original spring of every Intellect. Such is Plotinus' meaning, when he affirms, * Ennead. 6. lib. 7. 37. God neither understands nor knows; that is to say, after a formal way, As Dionysius Areopagita, God is neither an Intellectual nor Intelligent nature, but unspeakably exalted above all Intellect and Knowledge. Sect. II. PLatonists distinguish Creatures into three degrees. The first comprehends the corporeal and visible; as Heaven, Elements, and all compounded of them: The last the invisible, incorporeal, absolutely free from bodies, which properly are called Intellectual (by Divines, Angelical) Natures. Betwixt these is a middle nature, which though incorporeal, invisible, immortal, yet moveth bodies, as being obliged to that Office; called, the rational Soul; inferior to Angels, superior to Bodies; subject to those, regent of these: Above which is God himself, author and principle of every Creature, in whom Divinity hath a casual being; from whom, proceeding to Angels, it hath a formal being, and thence is derived into the rational Soul by participation of their lustre: below which, no nature can assume the Title of Divine. Sect. III. THat the first of these three Natures cannot be multiplied, who is but one, the principle and cause of all other Divinity, is evidently proved by Platonists, Peripatetics, and our Divines. About the second (viz.) The Angelic and Intellectual, Platonists disagree. Some (as Proclus, Hermias, Syrianus, and many others) betwixt God and the rational Soul place a great number of creatures; part of these they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Intelligible, part intellectual; which terms, Plato sometimes confoundeth, as in his Phaedo. Plotinus, Porphyrius, and generally the most refined Platonists, betwixt God and the Soul of the World, assign only one Creature, which they call the Son of God, because immediately produced by him. The first opinion complies most with Dionysius Areopagita, and Christian Divines, who assert the number of Angels to be in a manner infinite. The second is the more Philosophic, best suiting with Aristotle and Plato, whose sense we only purpose to express; and therefore will decline the first path (though that only be the right) to pursue the latter. Sect. IU. WE therefore, according to the opinion of Plotinus, confirmed not only by the best Platonists, but, even by Aristotle, and all the Arabians, especially Avicenna, affirm, That God from eternity produced a creature of incorporeal and intellectual nature, as perfect as is possible for a created being, beyond which, he produced nothing; for, of the most perfect cause, the effect must be most perfect, and the most perfect can be but one; for, of two or more, it is not possible but one should be more or less perfect than the rest, otherwise they would not be two, but the same. This reason for our opinion I rather choose, then that which Avicen alleges, founded upon this principle, That from one cause, as one, can proceed but one effect. We conclude therefore, that no creature but this first mind proceeds immediately from God: for, of all other effects issuing from this mind, and all other second causes, God is only the mediate efficient. This by Plato, Hermes, and Zoroaster, is called the Daughter of God, the Mind, Wisdom, Divine Reason, by some interpreted the Word; not meaning (with our Divines) the Son of God, he not being a creature, but one essence coequal with the Creator. Sect. V. ALL understanding agents have in themselves the form of that which they design to effect: as an Architect hath in his mind a figure of the building he undertakes, which as his pattern he exactly strives to imitate: This Platonists call the Idea or Exemplar, believing it more perfect, then that which is made after it: and this manner of Being, Ideal, or Intelligible, the other Material and Sensible: So that when a Man builds a house, they affirm there are two, one Intellectual in the Workman's mind; the other sensible, which he makes in Stone, Wood, or the like; expressing in that matter the form he hath conceived: to this Dante alludes. inone any work can frame, Unless himself become the same. Hereupon they say, though God produced only one creature, yet he produced all, because in it he produced the Ideas and forms of all, and that in their most perfect being, that is the Ideal, for which reason they call this Mind, the Intelligible World. Sect. VI. AFter the pattern of that Mind they affirm this sensible World was made, and the exemplar being the most perfect of all created things, it must follow that this Image thereof be as perfect as its nature will bear. And since animate things are more perfect than the inanimate; and of those the rational than the irrational, we must grant, this World hath a Soul perfect above all others. This is the first rational Soul, which, though incorporeal, and immaterial, is destined to the function of governing and moving corporeal Nature: not free from the body as that mind whence from Eternity it was derived, as was the mind from God. Hence Platonists argue the World is eternal; its soul being such, and not capable of being without a body, that also must be from eternity; as likewise the motion of the Heavens, because the Soul cannot be without moving. Sect. VII. THe ancient Ethnic Theologians, who cast Poetical vails over the face of their mysteries, express these three natures by other names. Coelum they call God himself; he produced the first Mind, Saturn: Saturn the Soul of the World, jupiter. Coelum imples Priority, and excellence, as in the Firmament, the first Heaven. Saturn signifies Intellectual nature, wholly employed in contemplation; jupiter active life, consisting in moving and governing all subordinate to it. The properties of the two latter agree with their Planets: Saturn makes Men Contemplative, jupiter Imperious. The Speculative busied about things above them; the Practic beneath them. Sect. VIII. WHich three names are promiscuously used upon these grounds: In God we understand first his Excellence, which as Cause, he hath above all his effects; for this he is called Coelus. Secondly, the production of those effects, which denotes conversion towards inferiors; in this respect he is sometimes called jupiter, but with an addition, Optimus, Maximus. The first Angelic nature hath more names, as more diversity. Every creature consists of Power and Act: the first, Plato in Philebo, calls Infinite: the second, Finite: all imperfections in the Mind are by reason of the first; all perfections, from the latter. Her operations are threefold. About Superiors, the contemplation of God; about the knowledge of herself; about inferiors, the production and care of this sensible World: these three proceed from Act. By Power she descends to make inferior things; but in either respect is firm within herself. In the two first, because contemplative, she is called Saturn: in the third, jupiter, a name principally applied to her power, as that part from whence is derived the act of Production of things. For the same reason is the soul of the World, as she contemplates herself or superiors, termed Saturn; as she is employed in ordering worldly things, jupiter: and since the government of the World belongs properly to her; the contemplation to the Mind; therefore is the one absolutely called jupiter, the other Saturn. Sect. IX. THis World therefore (as all other creatures) consisteth of a Soul and Body: the Body is all that we behold, compounded of the four Elements. These have their casual being in the Heavens, (which consist not of them, as sublunary things; for than it would follow that these inferior parts were made before the Celestial, the Elements in themselves being simple, by concourse causing such things as are compounded of them:) Their formal being from the Moon down to the Earth: Their participate and imperfect under the Earth, evident in the Fire, Air, and Water, experience daily finds there; evinced by natural Philosophers: to which the ancient Theologians enigmatically allude by their four infernal Rivers, Acheron, Cocytus, Styx, and Phlegeton. We may divide the body of the World into three parts: Celestial, Mundane, Infernal: The ground why the Poets ●eign the Kingdom of Saturn to be shared betwixt his three Sons, jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto: implying only the threefold variation of this corporeal World; which as long as it remains under Saturn, that is, in its Ideal Intellectual being, is one and undivided; and so more firm and potent: but falling into the hands of his Sons, that is, changed to this material Being, and by them divided into three parts, according to the triple existence of bodies, is more infirm and less potent, degenerating from a spiritual to a corporeal estate. The first part, the heavenly, they attribute to jupiter; the last and lowest to Pluto; the middle to Neptune. And because in this principality is all generation and corruption, the Theologians express it by the Ocean, ebbing or flowing continually: by Neptune understanding the Power or deity that presides over Generation. Yet we must not imagine these to be different souls, distinctly informing these three parts: the World herself being one, can have but one Soul; which as it animates the subterraneal parts, is called Pluto; the sublunary Neptune; the celestial, jupiter. Thus Plato in Philebo averrs by Jove is understood a regal soul, meaning the principal part of the World which governs the other. This opinion, though only my ow●●, I suppose is more true than the expositions of the Grecians. Sect. X. NExt that of the World, Platonists assign many other rational souls. The eight principal are those of the heavenly Spheres; which according to their opinion exceeded not that number; consisting of the seven Planets, and the starry Orb. These are the nine Muses of the Poets: Calliope (the universal soul of the World) is first, the other eight are distributed to their several Spheres. Sect. XI. PLato asserts, * In ●imaco. That the Author of the World made the mundane, and all other rational souls, in one Cup, and of the same Elements; the universal soul being most perfect, ours least: whose parts we may observe by this division: Man, the chain that ties the World together, is placed in the midst: and as all mediums participate of their extremes, his parts correspond with the whole World; thence called Microcosmus. In the World is first Corporeal Nature, eternal in the Heavens; corruptible in the Elements, and their compounds, as Stones, Metals, etc. Then Plants. The third degree is of Beasts. The fourth rational souls. The fifth Angelical minds. Above these is God, their origine. In man are likewise two bodies; one eternal, the Platonists Vehiculum coeleste, immediately informed by the rational soul: The other corruptible, subject to sight, consisting of the Elements: Then the vegetative faculty, by which generated and nourished. The third part is Sensitive and motive. The fourth Rational; by the Latin Peripatetics believed the last and most noble part of the Soul: yet, above that is the Intellectual and Angelic; the most excellent part whereof, we call the Souls Union, immediately joining it to God, in a manner resembling him; as in the other Angels, Beasts, and Plants. About th●se Platonists differ, Pro●lus and Porphyrius only allow the rational part to be Immortal▪ Zenocrates and Speusippus the sensitive also; Numenius and Plotinus the whole Soul. Sect. XII. IDeas have their casual being in God, their formal in the first Mind, their participated in the rational Soul. In God they are not, but produced by him in the Angelic nature, through this communicated to the Soul, by whom illuminated, when she reflects on her intellectual parts, she receives the true forms of things, Ideas. Thus differ the Souls of Men from the Celestial: these in their bodily functions recede not from the Intellectual, at once contemplating and governing. Bodies ascend to them, they descend not. Those employed in corporeal office are deprived of contemplation, borrowing science from sense, to this wholly inclined, full of errors: Their only means of release from this bondage, is, the amatory life; which by sensible beauties, exciting in the soul a remembrance of the Intellectual, raiseth her from this terrene life, to the eternal; by the flame of love refined into an Angel. The Second PART. Sect. I. THE apprehensive faculties of the Soul are employed about truth and falsehood; assenting to one, dissenting from the other. The first is affirmation, the second negation. The desiderative converse in good and ill, inclining to this, declining to that. The first is Love, the second Hate. Love is distinguished by its objects; if of riches, termed covetousness; of honour, ambition; of heavenly things, piety; of equals, friendship: these we exclude, and admit no other signification, but, the desire to possess what in itself, or, at least in our esteem, is fair: of a different nature from the love of God to his Creatures, who comprehending all, cannot desire or want the beauty and perfections of another: and from that of friends which must be reciprocal. We therefore with Plato define it, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * The desire of beauty. Desire is an inclination to real or apparent good. As there are divers kinds of good, so of desire. Love is a species of desire, Beauty of good. Desire is Natural or Knowing. All creatures have a particular perfection by participation of the divine goodness. This is their end, including that degree of felicity whereof they are capable, to which centre they tend. This desire we call Natural; a great testimony of Divine Providence, by which they are unwittingly (as an Arrow by the Archer) directed to their mark. With this, all Creatures desire. God, as being the Original good imprinted and participated in every particular. This is in every Nature, as more or less capable; addressed to ends more or less noble; yet, is the ultimate end of all the same, to enjoy God, as far as they may: Thus as the Psalmist, Every thing worships and praiseth God; like suppliants, turning and offering themselves up to him, saith Theodoret. Sect. II. THe other Species of Desire is employed only about things known, given by Nature, that to every apprehensive faculty, there might be a desiderative; to embrace what it judgeth good, to refuse what it esteemeth evil; in its own nature inclined to good: None ever desires to be miserable; but, the apprehensive Virtue many times mistaking Evil for Good, it oft falls out that the desiderative (in its self blind) desires evil. This in some sense may be said voluntary, for none can force it; in another sense, not voluntary, deceived by the judgement of its Companion. This is Plato's meaning, when he saith, * In Timaeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No man sins willingly. Sect. III. IT is the Property of every desiderative Virtue, that He who desires, possesseth in part the thing he desires, in part not: for, if he were wholly deprived of its Possession, he would never desire it: this is verified two ways. First, nothing is desired unless it be known; and to know a thing is in some part to possess it. So Aristotle, * De Anima, 3. 9 The Soul is all, because it knows all. And in the Psalmist God saith, All things are mine, I know them. Secondly, there is always some convenience and resemblance betwixt the desirer and desired: Every thing delights and preserves itself by that, which by natural affinity is most conformable to it; by its contrary is grieved and consumed. Love is not betwixt things unlike; Repugnance of two opposite natures is natural hate. Hate is a repugnance with knowledge. Hence it followeth, that the nature of the desired, is in some manner in the desirer; otherwise, there would be no similitude betwixt them: yet imperfectly; else it were vain for it to seek what it entirely possesseth. Sect. IU. AS desire generally follows knowledge, so several knowing are annexed to several desiring Powers: We distinguish the knowing into three degrees; Sense, Reason, Intellect; attended by three desiderative Virtues, Appetite, Election, Will▪ Appetite is in Bruits, Election in Men, Will in Angels. The sense knows only corporeal things, the Appetite only desires such; the Angelic Intellect is wholly intent on Contemplation of spiritual Conceptions, not inclining to Material Things, but when divested of matter, and spiritualised, their Will is only fed with intemporall spiritual Good. Rational Nature is the Mean betwixt these Extremes; sometimes descending to Sense, sometimes elevated to Intellect; by its own Election complying with the desires of which she pleaseth. Thus it appears, that corporeal Objects are desired, either by Sensual Appetite, or Election of Reason inclining to Sense: Incorporeal by Angelic Will, or, the Election of Reason, elevated to Intellectual Height. Sect. V. BEauty in general, is a Harmony resulting from several things, proportionably concurring to constitute a third: In respect of which temperament, and mixture of various Natures, agreeing in the composition of one, every Creature is Fair; and in this sense no simple being is Beautiful, not God himself; this Beauty begins after him, arising from contrariety, without which is no composition; it being the union of contraries, a friendly enmity, a disagreeing concord; whence Empedocles makes discord and concord the principles of all things; by the first, understanding the variety of the Nature's compounding; by the second, their Union: adding, that in God only there is no Discord, He not being the Union of several Natures; but, a pure uncompounded Unity. In these compositions the Union necessarily predominates over the contrariety, otherwise the Fabric would be dissolved. Thus in the fictions of Poets, Venus loves Mars: this Beauty cannot subsist without contrariety; she curbs and moderates him, this temperament alleys the strife betwixt these contraries. And in Astrology, Venus is placed next Mars, to check his destructive influence; as jupiter next Saturn, to abate his malignancy. If Mars were always subject to Venus (the contrariety of principles to their due temper) nothing would ever be dissolved. Sect. VI. THis is Beauty in the largest sense, the same with Harmony; whence God is said to have framed the World with musical harmonious temperament. But Harmony properly implies a melodious agreement of Voices; and Beauty in a restrict acception relates to a proportionable concord in visible things, as Harmony in audible. The desire of this Beauty is Love; arising only from one knowing faculty, the Sight; and that gay Plotonius, (Ennead. 3. lib. 5. 3.) occasion to deprive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sight. Here the Platonist may object; If Love be only of visible things, how can it be applied to Ideas, invisible natures? We answer, Sight is twofold, corporeal and spiritual; the first is that of Sense, the other the Intellectual faculty, by which we agree with Angels; this Platonists call Sight, the corporeal being only an Image of this. So Aristotle, Intellect is that to the Soul which sight is to the Body: Hence is Minerva (Wisdom) by Homer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bright-eyed. With this sight Moses, Saint Paul, and other Saints, beheld the face of God: this Divines call Intellectual, intuitive cognition, the Beatifical vision, the Reward of the Righteous. Sect. VII. AS Sight, so Beauty (it●object) is twofold (the two Venus●● celebrated by Plato, [Sympos.] and our Poet) Sensible, called Vulgar Venus. Intellectual in Ideas (which are the object of the Intellect, as colour of sight) named Celestial Venus, Love also is twofold, Vulgar, and Celestial▪ for as Plato saith * Sympos: Venus'. Sect. VIII. Venus' then is Beauty, whereof Love is generated: properly his Mother, because Beauty is the cause of Love, not as productive principle of this act, to Love, but as its object: the Soul, being the efficient cause of it as of all his acts; Beauty the material: For in Philosophy the efficient is assimilated to the Father, the material to the Mother. Sect. IX. Celestial Love is an Intellectual desire of Ideal Beauty: Ideas, (as we said before) are the Patterns of things in God▪ as in their Fountain; in the Angelic Mind, Essential; in the Soul by Participation, which with the Substance partakes of the Ideas and Beauty of the first Mind: Hence it follows, that Love of Celestial Beauty in the Soul, is not Celestial Love perfectly, but the nearest Image of it. It's truest being is with the desire of Ideal Beauty in the first Mind, which God immediately adorns with Ideas. Sect. X. LOve (saith Plato) was begot on Penia, by Porus (the Son of Metis) in jupiters' Orchard, being drunk with Nectar, when the Gods met to celebrate Venus' Birth. Nature in itself inform, when it receives form from God is the Angelic Mind; this form is Ideas, the first Beauty; which in this descent from their divine Fountain, mixing with a different nature, become imperfect. The first mind, by its opacousness eclipsing their lustre, desires, that Beauty which they have lost; this desire is love▪ begot when Porus the affluence of Ideas mixeth with Penia the indigence of that inform nature we termed jupiter (1. 8.) in whose Garden the Ideas are planted, with those the first Mind adorned, was by the Ancients named Paradise; to which contemplative life and eternal felicity Zoroastres inviting us, saith, seek, Seek Paradis●: our Divines transfer it to the Coelum Empyraeum, the seat of the happy Souls, whose blessedness consists in contemplation and perfection of the Intellect, according to Plato. This Love begot on Venus' birthday, that is, when the Ideal Beauty, though imperfectly, is infused into the Angelic Mind; Venus yet as a Child, not grown to perfection. All the Gods assembled at this Feast, that is their Ideas, (as by Saturn we understand both the Planet and his Idea) an expression borrowed from Parmenides. These Gods than are those Ideas that precede Venus (She is the beauty and Grace resulting from their variety▪) Invited to a Banquet of Nectar and Ambrosia: those whom God feasts with Nectar and Ambrosia are eternal beings, the rest not; These Ideas of the Angelic Mind are the first eternals; Porus was drunk with Nectar, this Ideal affluence filled with Eternity; other Ideas were not admitted to the Feast, nor endued with Immortality. Orpheus upon the same grounds saith, Love was born before all other Gods, in the bosom of Chaos: Because Nature full of indistinct imperfect forms (the Mind replenished with confused Ideas) desires their perfection. Sect. XI. THe Angelic Mind desires to make these Ideas perfect; which can only be done by means opposite to the causes of their imperfection, these are Recession from their Principle, and mixtion with a contrary Nature: Their Remedy, separation from the unlike Nature, and return and conjunction (as far as possible) with God. Love, the desire of this Beauty, excites the Mind to conversion and reunion with him. Every thing is more perfect as nearer its Principle; This is the first Circle. The Angelic Mind, proceeding from the Union of God, by revolution of intrinsical knowledge returneth to him. Which with the Ancients is Venus' adulta, grown to perfection. Every Nature that may have this conversion, is a Circle; such alone are the Intellectual and Rational, and therefore only capable of felicity, the obtaining their first Principle, their ultimate end and highest good. This is peculiar to Immortal Substances, for the Material (as both Platonists and Peripatetics grant) have not this reflection upon themselves, or their Principle. These, (the Angelic Mind and Rational Soul) are the two intelligible Circles; answerable to which in the corporeal World are two more; the tenth Heaven immovable, image of the first Circle; the Celestial Bodies, that are movable, image of the second. The first Plato mentions no●, as wholly different and irrepresentable by corporeal Nature: of the second in Timaeo he saith, That all the Circle's of this visible Heaven (by him distinguished into the fixed sphere and seven Planets) represent as many Circles in the Rational Soul. Some attribute the name of Circle to God; by the ancient Theologists called Coelus; being a Sphere which comprehends all; as the outmost Heaven includes the World. In one respect this agrees with God, in another not; the property of beginning from a point and returning to it, is repugnant to him; who hath no beginning▪ but is himself that indivisible point from which all Circles begin, and to which they return: And in this sense it is likewise inconsistent with material things, they have a beginning, but cannot return to it. In many other Properties it agrees with God; He is the most perfect of beings; this of figures; neither admit addition: The last Sphere is the place of all bodies, God of all Spirits: the Soul (say Platonists) is not in the Body, but the body is in the Soul, the Soul in the Mind, the Mind in God, the outmost Place; who is therefore named by the Cabalists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sect. XII. THe three Graces are Handmaids to Venus, Thalid, Euphrosyne, Aglaia; Viridity, Gladness, Splendour; properties attending Ideal Beauty. Thalia, is the permanence of every thing in its entire being; thus is Youth called green, Man being then in his perfect state; which decays as his years increase, into his last dissolution. Venus, is proportion, uniting all things. Viridity, the duration of it; In the Ideal World, where is the first Venus, is also the first Viridity; for no Intelligible Nature recedes from its being by growing old. It communicates this property to sensible things as far as they are capable of this Venus, that is, as long as their due proportion continues. The two other properties of Ideal Beauty are Illustration of the Intellect, Aglaia, Repletion of the will with desire and joy, Euphrosyne. Of the Grace's one is painted looking toward us; The continuation of our being is no reflex act. The other two with their faces from us, seeming to return; the operations of the Intellect and Will are reflexive; What comes from God to us, returns from us to God. Sect. XIII. Venus' is said to be born of the Sea; Matter, the Inform Nature whereof every Creature is compounded, is represented by Water, continually flowing, easily receptable of any form. This being first ●n the Angelic Mind, Angels are many times expressed by Water, as in the Psalms, The Waters above the Heaven's praise God continually, so interpreted by Origen; and some Platonists expound the Ocean (styled by Homer Father of Gods and Men) this Angelic Mind, Principle and Fountain of all other Creatures; Gemistius, Neptune; as Commander of all Waters, of all Minds Angelical and Humane. This is that living Fountain, whereof he that drinketh shall never thirst: These are the Waters whereon (David saith) God hath founded the World. Sect. XIV. POrus (the Affluence of Ideas proceeding from God) is styled by Plato the Son of Metis (Counsel,) in Imitation of the Scripture: whence our Saviour by Dionysius Areop. is termed the Angel of Counsel, that is, the Messenger of God the Father; so Avicen calls the first Cause conciliative, the Mind not having Ideas from itself but from God, by whose Counsel she receiveth Knowledge and Art to frame this visible World. Sect. XV. LOve, * Sympos. according to Plato, is Youngest and Oldest of the Gods; They, as all other things, have a twofold Being, Ideal and Natural. The first God in his Natural Being was Love, who dispensed theirs to all the rest, the last in his Ideal. Love was born in the Descent of the Ideas into the Angelic Mind, which could not be perfect till they, its Essence, were made so, by love's conversion to God. The Angelic Mind owing its natural being to Love, the other Gods who succeeded this Mind, necessarily are younger than He in their natural Being, though they precede him in their Ideal, as not born till these Ideas, though imperfectly, were joined to the informed Nature. Sect. XVI. THe Kingdom of Necessity is said to be before that of Love. Plat. Sympos. Every Creature consists of two Natures, Material, the imperfect, (which we here understand by Necessity) and Formal, the occasion of perfection. That whereof it most partakes is said to be predominant, and the Creature to be subject to it. Hence is Necessity (matter) supposed to reign when the Ideas were imperfect, and all imperfections to happen during that time; all perfections after Love began his reign; for, when the Mind was by him converted to God; that which before was imperfect in her, was perfected. Sect. XVII. * Plat. Sympos. Venus' is said to commend Fate. The order and concatenation of causes and effects in this sensible World, called Fate, depends on the order of the Intelligible World, Providence. Hence Platonists place Providence (the ordering of Ideas) in the first Mind, depending upon God, its ultimate end, to which it leads all other things. Thus Venus, being the order of those Ideas, whereon Fate, the World's order, depends, commands it. Fate is divided into three parts, Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos: That which is one in Providence, indivisible in Eternity, when it comes into Time and Fate is divisible, into Past, Present, and Future. Others apply Atropos to the fixed Sphere, Clotho to the seven Planets, Lachesis to sublunary things. Temporal corporeal things only are subjected to Fate; the Rational Soul being incorporeal, predominates over it; but, is subjected to Providence, to serve which is true liberty. By whom the Will (obeying its Laws) is led to the Acquisition of her desired end. And as often as she endeavours to lose herself from this Servitude, of Free she becomes a Servant and Slave to Fate, of whom before she was the Mistress. To deviate from the Laws of Providence, is, to forsake Reason, to follow Sense and Irrational Appetite, which being corporeal, are under Fate; he that serves these, is much more a servant than those he serves. Sect. XVIII. AS from God Ideas descend into the Angelic Mind, by which the Love of Intellectual Beauty is begot in her, called Divine Love; so the same Ideas descend from the Angelic Mind into the Rational Soul, so much the more imperfect in her, as she wants of Angelical Perfection: From these springs Human Love. Plato discourseth of the first, Plotinus of the latter▪ who by the same Argument, whereby he proves Ideas not accidental, but substantial in the Angelic Mind, evinceth likewise the specifical Reasons, the Ideas in the Soul, to be substantial, terming the Soul Venus, as having a specious splendid Love, in respect of these specifical Reasons. Sect. XIX. VUlgar Love is the Appetite of sensible Beauty, through corporeal sight. The cause of this Beauty is the visible Heaven by its moving power. As our motive faculty consists in Muscles and Nerves (the Instruments of its Operation,) so the motive faculty of Heaven is fitted with a Body proper for circular sempiternal motion: Through which Body the Soul (as a Painter with his Pencil changeth this inferior matter into various Forms. Thus vulgar Venus (the beauty of material forms) hath her casual being from the moving power of the Heavens, her formal from colour, enlightened by the visible Sun as Ideas by the invisible; her participate in the Figure and just order of parts communicated to sight by mediation of light and colour, by whose Interest only it procures love. Sect. XX. AS when the Ideas descend into the Mind, there ariseth a desire of enjoying that, from whence this Ideal Beauty comes; so when the species of sensible Beauty flow into the Eye, there springs a twofold Appetite of Union with that, whence this Beauty is derived; one Sensual, the other Rational; the principles of Bestial and Human Love. If We follow Sense, We Judge the Body wherein We behold this Beauty, to be its Fountain; whence proceeds a desire of Coition, the most intimate union with it: This is the Love of irrational Creatures. But Reason knows, that the Body is so far from being its Original, that it is destructive to it, and the more it is severed from the Body, the more it enjoys its own Nature and Dignity: We must not fix with the species of Sense in the Body, but refine that species from all relics of corporeal infection. And because Man may be understood by the Rational Soul, either considered apart, or, in its union to the Body; in the first sense, human Love is the Image of the Celestial; in the second, Desire of sensible Beauty; this being by the Soul abstracted from matter, and (as much as its nature will allow) made Intellectual. The greater part of men reach no higher than this; others more perfect, remembering that more perfect Beauty which the Soul (before immersed in the Body) beheld, are inflamed with an incredible desire of reviewing it, in pursuit whereof, they separate themselves as much as possible from the Body, of which the Soul (returning to its first dignity) becomes absolute Mistress. This is the Image of Celestial Love, by which man ariseth from one perfection to another, till his Soul (wholly united to the Intellect) is made an Angel. Purged from material dross, and transformed into spiritual flame by this Divine Power, he mounts up to the Intelligible Heaven, and happily rests in his Father's bosom. Sect. XXI. VUlgar Love is only in Souls immersed in Matter, and overcome by it, or at least hindered by perturbations and passions. Angelic Love is in the Intellect, eternal as it. Yet but inferred, the greater part turning from the Intellect to sensible things, and corporeal cares. But so perfect are these Celestial Souls, that they can discharge both Functions, rule the Body; yet not be taken off from Contemplation of Superiors: These the Poets signify by janus with two faces, one looking forward upon Sensible things, the other on intelligible: less perfect Souls have but one face, and when they turn that to the Body, cannot see the Intellect, being deprived of their contemplation; when to the Intellect, cannot see the Body, neglecting the Care thereof. Hence those Souls that must forsake the Intellect, to apply themselves to Corporeal Government, are by Divine Providence confined to caduque, corruptible Bodies, loosed from which▪ they may in a short time, if they fail not themselves, return to their Intellectual felicity. Other Souls not hindered from Speculation, are tied to eternal incorruptible Bodies. Celestial Souls then (designed by janus, as the Principles of Time, motion intervening) behold the Ideal Beauty in the Intellect, to love it perpetually; and inferior sensible things, not to desire their Beauty; but, to communicate this other to them. Our Souls before united to the Body, are in like manner double-faced; but, are then as it were, cloven asunder, retaining but one; which as they turn to either object, Sensual or Intellectual, is deprived of the other. Thus is vulgar love inconsistent with the Celestial; and many ravished at the sight of Intellectual Beauty, become blind to sensible; employed by Callimachus, Hymn. 5. in the Fable of Tiresias, who viewing Pallas naked, lost his sight; yet by her was made a Prophet, closing the eyes of his Body, she opened those of his Mind, by which he beheld both the Present and Future. The Ghost of Achilles which inspired Homer with all Intellectual Contemplations in Poetry, deprived him of corporeal sight. Though Celestial Love liveth eternally in the Intellect of every Soul; yet, only those few make use of it, who declining the Care of the Body, can with Saint Paul say, Whether in the Body, or out of the Body they know not. To which state a Man sometimes arrives; but, continueth there but a while, as we see in Ecstasies. Sect. XXII. THus in our Soul (naturally indifferent to sensible or intelligible Beauty) there may be three Loves; one in the Intellect, Angelical; the second Human; the third Sensual: the two latter are conversant about the same object, Corporeal Beauty; the sensual fixeth its Intention wholly in it; the human separates it from matter. The greater part of mankind go no further than these two; but they whose understandings are purified by Philosophy, knowing sensible Beauty to be but the Image of another more perfect, leave it, and desire to see the Celestial, of which they have already a Taste in their Remembrance, if they persevere in this Mental Elevation, they finally obtain it; and recover that, which though in them from the beginning, yet they were not sensible of, being diverted by other Objects. The Sonnet. I. LOve, (whose hand guides my Hearts strict Reins Nor, though he govern it, disdains To feed the fire with pious care Which first himself enkindled there) Commands my backward Soul to tell What Flames within her Bosom dwell; Fear would persuade her to decline The charge of such a high design; But all her weak reluctance fails, Against greater Force no Force avails. Love to advance her flight will lend Those wings by which he did descend Into my Heart, where he to rest For ever, long since built his Nest: I what from thence he dictates write, And draw him thus by his own Light. II. LOve, flowing from the sacred spring Of uncreated Good, I sing: When born; how Heaven he moves; the soul Informs; and doth the World controwl; How closely lurking in the heart, With his sharp weapons subtle art From heavy earth he Man unites, Enforcing him to reach the skies. How kindled, how he flames, how burns; By what laws guided now he turns To Heaven, now to the Earth descends, Now rests 'twixt both, to neither bends. Apollo, Thee I invocate, Bowing beneath so great a weight. Love, guide me through this dark design, And imp my shorter wings with thine. III. WHen from true Heaven the sacred Sun Into th' Angelic Mind did run, And with enlivened Leaves adorn, Bestowing form on his firstborn; Inflamed by innate Desires, She to her chiefest good aspires; By which reversion her rich Breast With various Figures is impressed; And by this love exalted, turns Into the Sun for whom she burns. This flame, raised by the Light that shined From Heaven into th' Angelic Mind, Is eldest Loves religious Ray, By Wealth and Want begot that Day, When Heaven brought forth the Queen, whose Hand The Cyprian Sceptre doth Command. IV. THis born in amorous Cypris arms, The Sun of her bright Beauty warms. From this our first desire accrues, Which in new fetters caught, pursues The honourable path that guides Where our eternal good resides. By this the fire, through whose fair beams Life from above to Mankind streams, Is kindled in our hearts, which glow Dying, yet dying greater grow; By this th' immortal Fountain flows, Which all Heaven forms below, bestows; By this descends that shower of light Which upwards doth our minds invite; By this th' Eternal Sun inspires And souls with sacred lustre fires. V. AS God doth to the Mind dispense Its Being, Life, Intelligence, So doth the Mind the soul acquaint Howed understand, to move, to paint; She thus prepared, the Sun that shines In the Eternal Breast designs, And here what she includes diffuses, Exciting every thing that uses Motion and sense (beneath her state) To live, to know, to operate. Inferior Venus hence took Birth; Who shines in heaven, but lives on earth, And o'er the world her shadow spreads: The elder in the Sun's Glass reads Her Face, through the confused screen Of a dark shade obscurely seen; She Lustre from the Sun receives, And to the Other Lustre gives; Celestial Love on this depends, The younger, vulgar Love attends. VI Formed by th' eternal Look of God, From the Sun's most sublime abode, The Soul descends into Man's Heart, Imprinting there with wondrous Art What worth she borrowed of her star, And brought in her Celestial Car; As well as humane Matter yields, She thus her curious Mansion builds; Yet all those fames from the divine Impression differently decline: The Sun, who's figu'rd here, his Beams Into another's Bosom streams; In whose agreeing soul he stays, And guilds it with its virtuous Rays, The heart in which Affection's bred, Is thus by pleasing Error fed. VII. THe heart where pleasing Error reigns, This object as her Child maintains, By the fair light that in her shines (A rare Celestial Gift,) refines; And by degrees at last doth bring To her first splendours sacred spring, From this divine Look, one Sun passes Through three refulgent Burning-glasses, Kindling all Beauty, which the Spirit, The Body, and the Mind inherit. These rich spoils, by th' eye first caught, Are to the Souls next Handmaid brought, Who there resides: She to the breast Sends them; reformed, but not expressed: The heart, from Matter Beauty takes, Of many one Conception makes; And what were meant by Nature's Laws, Distinct, She in one Picture draws▪ VIII. THe heart by Love allured to see Within herself her Progeny; This, like the Suns reflecting Rays Upon the Water's face, survaies; Yet some divine, though clouded light Seems here to twinkle, and invite The pious Soul, a Beauty more Sublime, and perfect to adore. Who sees no longer his dim shade Upon the earth's vast Globe displayed, But certain Lustre, of the true Sun's truest Image, now in view. The Soul thus entering in the Mind, There such uncertainty doth find, That she to clearer Light applies Her aims, and near the first Sun flies: She by his splendour beauteous grows, By loving whom all Beauty flows Upon the Mind, Soul, World, and All Included in this spacious Ball. IX. BUt hold! Love stops the forward Course That me beyond my scope would force. Great Power! if any Soul appears Who not alone the blossoms wears, But of the rich Fruit is possessed, Lend him thy Light, deny the rest. The Third PART. TO treat of both Loves belongs to different Scienences; Vulgar Love to Natural or Moral Philosophy; Divine, to Theology or Metaphysics. Solomon discourseth excellently of the first in Ecclesiastes, as a Natural Philosopher, in his Proverbs as a Moral: Of the second in his Canticles, esteemed the most Divine of all the Songs in Scripture. S●anza I. The chief order established by Divine Wisdom in created things, is, that every inferior Nature be immediately governed by the superior; whom whilst it obeys, it is guarded from all ill, and lead without any obstruction to its determinate felicity; but, if through too much affection to its own liberty, and desire to prefer the licentious life before the profitable, it rebel from the superior Nature, it falls into a double inconvenience. First, like a Ship given over by the Pilot, it lights sometimes on one Rock, sometimes on another, without hope of reaching the Port. Secondly, it loseth the command it had over the Natures subjected to it, as it hath deprived its superior of his. Irrational Nature is ruled by another, un●it for its Imperfection to rule any. God by his ineffable Excellence provides for every thing, himself needs not the providence of any other▪ Betwixt the two extremes, God and Bruits, are Angels and Rational Souls, governing others, and governed by others. The first Hierarchy of Angels immediately illuminated by God, enlighten the next under them; the last (by Platonists termed Daemons, by the Hebrews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Guardians of Men) are set over us as We over irrationals. So Psalm 8. Whilst the Angels continued subject to the Divine Power, they retained their Authority over other Creatures; but when Luciser and his Companions, through inordinate love of their own Excellence, aspired to be equal with God, and to be conserved, as He, by their own strength, they fell from Glory to extreme Misery; and when they lost the Privilege they had over others, seeing us freed from their Empire, enviously every hour insidiate our good. The same order is in the l●sser World, our Soul: the inferior faculties are directed by the superior, whom following they err not. The imaginative corrects the mistakes of outward sense; Reason is illuminated by the Intellect, nor do we at any time miscarry, but when the Imaginative will not give credit to Reason, or Reason confident of itself, resists the Intellect. In the desiderative the Appetite is governed by the Rational, the Rational by the Intellectual, which our Poet implies, saying, [Love whose hand guides my hearts strict reins.] The cognoscitive powers are seated in the Head, the desiderative in the Heart: In every well ordered Soul, the Appetite is governed by Intellectual Love; employed by the Metaphor of Reins, borrowed from Plato in his Phaedrus. [Love to advance my flight, will lend The wings by which he did ascend Into my heart—] When any superior virtue is said to descend, we imply not, that it leaves its own height to come down to us, but draws us up to itself; its descending to us, is our ascending to it; otherwise such conjunction would be the imperfection of the virtue, not the perfection of him who receives it. II. [Love ●lowing from the sacred Spring Of uncreated good—] From the Fountain of divine goodness into our Souls, in which that influx is terminated. [When born, etc.] The order, participation, conversion of Ideas, see Part 2. Sect. [— how Heaven he moves, the Soul Informs, and doth the World control.] Of these three properties, Love is not the efficient: God produceth the Ideas in the Angelic Mind, the Mind illustrates the Soul with Ideal Beauty; Heaven is moved by its proper Soul: But, without Love, these principles do not operate: He is cause of the Minds conversion to God, and of the Souls to the Mind; without which, the Ideas would not descend into the one, nor the Specific reasons into the other: the Soul not illuminated by these, could not elicit this sensible form out of matter, by the motion of Heaven. III. WHen the ●irst emanation from God (the plenty of Ideas) descended into the Angelic Mind, she, desiring their perfection, reverts to God, obtaining of him what she covets; which the more fully she possesseth, the more fervently she loves. This desire, (Celestial Love,) born of the obscure Mind and Ideas, is explained in this Stanza: [— true Heaven—] God who includes all created beings, as Heaven all sensible, lib. 2. Sect. Only Spiritual things, according to Platonists, are true and real, the rest but shadows and images of these. [— the sacred Sun] The light of Ideas streaming from God. [— enlivened leaves—] The Metaphor of Leaves relates to the Orchard of jupiter, where these Ideas were planted 2. 10. Enlivened, as having in themselves the principle of their operation, Intellection, the noblest life, as the Psalmist, Give me understanding, and I shall live. So the Cabalist to the second Sephirah, which is Wisdom, attributes the name of Life. [— adorn bestowing form—] To adorn denotes no more than accidental perfection, but Ideas are the Substance of the Mind, and therefore he adds, bestowing form; which though they come to her from without, she receives not as accidents, but as her first intrinsecall act: which our Author implies, terming her desires innate. [And by this love exalted, turns Into the Sun, for whom she burns.] Love transforms the Lover into the thing loved. [— Wealth and Want—] Porus and Penia, 2. 10. IV. The properties of Celestial Love are in this Stanza discovered. [— in new fetters caught—] The Soul being oppressed by the Body, her desire of Intellectual Beauty sleeps; but, awakened by Love, is by the sensible Beauty of the body, led at last to their Fountain, God. [— which glow Dying, yet glowing greater grow.] Motion and Operation are the signs of life, their privation of death: in him who applies himself to the Intellectual part, the rational and the sensitive fail; by the Rational he is Man, by the Intellectual communicates with Angels: As Man he dies, revived an Angel. Thus the Heart dies in the flames of Intellectual Love; yet, consumes not, but by this death grows greater, receives a new and more sublime life. See in Plato the Fables of Alcestes and Orpheus. V. This Stanza is a description of sensible Beauty. [The elder in the Sun's glass reads Her face, through the confused screen Of a dark shade obscurely seen.] Sensible light is the act and efficacy of Corporeal, spiritual light of Intelligible Beauty. Ideas in their descent into the inform Angelic Mind, were as colours and figures in the Night: As he who by Moonlight seeth some fair object, desires to view and enjoy it more fully in the day; so the Mind, weakly beholding in herself the Ideal Beauty dim and opacous (which our Author calls the screen of a dark shade) by reason of the Night of her imperfection, turns like the Moon) to the eternal Sun, to perfect her Beauty by him; to whom addressing herself, she becomes Intelligible light; clearing the Beauty of Celestial Venus▪ and rendering it visible to the eye of the first Mind. In sensible Beauty we consider first the object in itself, the same at Midnight as at Moon: Secondly, the light, in a manner the Soul thereof: the Author supposeth, that as the first part of sensible Beauty (corporeal forms) proceeds from the first part of Intellectual Beauty (Ideal forms) so sensible light flows from the intelligible, descending upon Ideas. VI VII. VIII. Corporeal Beauty implies, first, the material disposition of the Body, consisting of quantity in the proportion and distance of parts, of quality in figure and colour: Secondly, a certain quality which cannot be expressed by any term better than Gracefulness,, shining in all that is fair: This is properly Venus, Beauty, which kindles the fire of Love in Mankind: They who affirm it results from the disposition of the Body, the sight, figure, and colour of features, are easily confuted by experience. We s●e many persons exact, and unaccustomable in every part, destitute of this grace and comeliness; others less perfect in those particular conditions, excellently graceful and comely; Thus Catullus, Many think Quintia beauteous, fair, and tall, And straight she is, apart I grant her all: But altogether beauteous I deny; For, not one grace doth that large shape supply. He grants her perfection of quality, figure, and quantity; yet not allows her handsome, as wanting this Grace. This than must by consequence be ascribed to the Soul, which when perfect and lucid, transfuseth even into the Body some Beams of its Splendour. When Moses came from the divine Vision in the Mount, his face did shine so exceedingly, that the people could not behold it unless veiled. Porphyrius relates, that when Plotinus his soul was elevated by divine Contemplation, an extraordinary brightness appeared in his looks; plotinus himself avers, that there was never any beautiful Person wicked, that this Gracefulness in the Body, is a certain sign of perfection in the Soul, Proverbs 17. 24. Wisdom shineth in the countenance of the Wise. From material beauty we ascend to the first Fountain by six Degrees: the Soul through the sight represents to herself the Beauty of some particular person, inclines to it, is pleased with it, and while she rests here, is in the first, the most imperfect material degree. 2. She reforms by her imagination the Image she hath received, making it more perfect as more spiritual; and separating it from Matter, brings it a little nearer Ideal Beauty. 3. By the light of the agent Intellect abstracting this Form from all singularity, she considers the universal Nature of Corporeal Beauty by itself: This is the highest degree the Soul can reach whilst she goes no further than Sense. 4. Reflecting upon her own Operation, the knowledge of universal Beauty, and considering that every thing founded in matter is particular, she concludes this universality proceeds not from the outward Object, but her Intrinsecal Power: and reasons thus: If in the dim Glass of Material Phantasms this Beauty is represented by virtue of my Light, it follows, that beholding it in the clear Mirror of my substance divested of those Clouds, it will appear more perspicuous: thus turning into herself, she finds the Image of Ideal Beauty communicated to her by the Intellect, the Object of Celestial Love. 5. She ascends from this Idea in herself, to the place where Celestial Venus is, in her proper form; Who in fullness of her beauty not being comprehensible, by any particular Intellect, she, as much as in her lies, endeavours to be united to the first Mind, the chiefest of Creatures, and general Habitation of Ideal Beauty, obtaining this, she terminates, and fixeth her journey: this is the sixth and last degree: They are all employed in the 6, 7, and 8 Stanza's. [Formed by th' Eternal look, etc.] Platonists affirm some Souls are of the nature of Saturn, others of jupiter, or some other Planet; meaning, one Soul hath more Conformity in its Nature with the Soul of the Heaven of Saturn, then with that of jupiter, and so on the contrary; of which there can be no internal Cause assigned; the External is God, who (as Plato in his Tim●eus) Soweth and scattereth Souls, some in the Moon, others in other Planets and Stars, the Instruments of Time. Many imagine the Rational Soul descending from her Star, in her Vehiculum Coeleste, of herself forms the Body, to which by that Medium she is united: Our Author upon these grounds supposeth, that into the Vehiculum of the Soul, by her endued with Power to form the Body, is infused from her Star a particular formative virtue, distinct according to that Star; thus the aspect of one is Saturnine, of another Jovial, etc. in their looks we read the nature of their Souls. But because inferior matter is not ever obedient to the Stamp, the virtue of the Soul is not always equally expressed in the visible Effigies: hence it happens that two of the same Nature are unlike; like; the matter whereof the one consists, being less disposed to receive that Figure than the other; what in that is complete is in this imperfect; our Author infers, that the figures of two Bodies being form by virtue of the same Star, this Conformity begets Love. [From the Sun's most sulime abode] The Tropic of Cancer: by which Souls according to Platonists descend, ascending by Capricorn. Cancer is the House of the Moon, who predominates over the vital parts, Capricorn of Saturn presiding over Contemplation. [The Heart in which affection's bred Is thus by pleasing Error fed.] Frequently, if not always, the Lover believes that which he loves more beauteous than it is, he beholds it in the Image his Soul hath form of it; so much fairer as more separate from Matter, the Principle of Deformity; besides, the Soul is more Indulgent in her Affection to this Species, considering it is her own Child produced in her Imagination. [— one Sun passes Through three refulgent Burning-glasses.] One Light flowing from God, beautifies the Angelic, the Rational Nature, and the Sensible World. [— the Souls next Handmaid—] The Imaginative [— to the Breast] The Breast and Heart here taken for the Soul because her nearest Lodging; the Fountain of Life and Heat. [— reformed but not expressed.] Reformed by the Imagination form the deformity of Matter; yet not reduced to perfect Immateriality, without which true Beauty is not Expressed. SPUSIPPUS. SPEUSIPPUS. CHAP. I. His Life. a L●ert. SPEUSIPPUS was an Athenian, born at Myrrhinus [which belonged to the Pandionian Tribe] his Father named Eurymedon, his Mother Po●one, Sister to Plato. b Apul. dogm. Plat. He was brought up in the domestic documents of his Uncle Plato, c Plut. de adulat. & amici. discrim. who (as he used to say) reform Speusippus' life, after the pattern of his own. d Chio. Epist. ad Matri●. Plato had four Kins-women, Daughters of his Nieces; the eldest of these he married to Speusippus, with a small portion, thirty Minae, which Dionysius had sent him: To this sum Chio, glad of the occasion, added a Talon, which Speusippus earnestly refused, until at last he was overcome by the just importunities of the other to receive it, alleging that he gave it not as money, but as kindness▪ that such gifts were to be entertained, for they increased honour, the rest were dishonourable; that he ought to accept of the goodwill, though he despised the money. The rest of those Virgins were Married richly to Athenians, only Speusippus, who best deserved, was poor. With these arguments Speusippus was induced to accept of Chio's gift; whereat Chio much congratulated his own good fortune, as having laid hold of an occasion, such, as perhaps, saith he, I shall not meet again in all my life. When Dion came to Athens, Plut. vit. Dion▪ Speusippus was continually in company with him, more than any other friend there, by Plato's advice, to soften and divert Dion's humour, with a facile companion, such as he knew Speusippus to be; and that withal, he knew discreetly how to observe time and place in his mirth: whence Timon (in Sillis) calls him, a good jester. The last time that Plato, upon the importunity of Dionysius, went to Sicily, Speusippus accompanied him. Whilst they lived at Syracuse, Speusippus kept more company with the Citizens then Plato did, and insinuating more into their minds, at first they were afraid to speak freely to him, mistrusting him to be one of Dionysius' spies: But within a while they began to confided in him, and all agreed in this, to pray Dion to come to them, and not to take care for ships, men, or horses, but to hire a ship for his own passage; for the Sicilians desired no more, then that he would lend them his name and person against the Tyrant. Speusippus at his return to Athens, persuaded Dion to war against Dionysius, and deliver Sicily from the bondage of Tyranny, assuring him the Country would receive him gladly. Dion upon this information received such encouragement, that he began secretly to levy men: The Philosophers much advanced his design. When he went to Sicily, he bestowed a Countryhouse, which he had purchased since his coming to Athens, upon Speusippus. CHAP. II. His profession of Philosophy. a Laert. PLato dying in the first year of the 108th Olympiad, Theophilus being Archon, Speusippus succeeded him in the School of the Academy, b Laert. whom he followed also in his Doctrine. He first, as Theodorus affirms, looked into the community and mutual assistance of Mathematical Disciplines, as Plato did into that of the Philosophical. c Laert. He first, according to Cenaeus, declared those things, which Isocrates conceived not to be divulged, the same perhaps which d Epist. ad. At. 2. 1. Cicero calls the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Isocrates. e Stob. Phys. 1. 1. He affirmed, that the mind was not the same, either with Good or One; but of a peculiar nature proper to itself. f Laert. He set up in the School which Plato had built the Images of the Graces. He exacted money of his Disciples, contrary to the custom of Plato. The two Women who were Plato's Auditors, Lasthenia the Mantinean, and Axiothea the Phliasian, heard Speusippus likewise. Having continued Master of the School eight years, he at last, by reason of his infirm disposition, much debilitated by the Palsy, sent to Xenocrates, desiring him to come and take from him the government of the School, which Xenocrates did. CHAP. III. His wrrting. HE wrote a baert. Suid. many things, chiefly in Philosophy, Commentaries and Dialogues, of which were Aristippus the Cyrenaick. Of Riches 1. Of Pleasure 1. Of justice 1. Of Philosophy 1. Of Friendship 1. Of the Gods 1. The Philosopher 1. To Shafalus 1. Shafalus 1. Clinomachus, or Lysias 1. The Citizen 1. Of the Soul 1. To Gryllus 1. Aristippus 1. The confutation of Arts 1. Commentary Dialogues. Artificial 1. Dialogues of likeness in things 10. Divisions and arguments to things like. Of the genus' and species of Examples. To Amartyrus. Encomium of Plato. Epistles to Dion, Dionysius, Philip. Of Law. The Mathematician. Mandrobulus. Lysias. Divinations, of all these writings the only extant Orders of Commentaries. Verses. b Lae●●. Phavorinus, in the second of his Commentaries, saith, that Aristotle paid three Talents for his Books. CHAP. IU. His Death. HE was (as a Laert. Timotheus saith) very infirm of body, b Laert. insomuch that he was fain to be carried up and down the Academy in a kind of a running chair: Riding in this manner, he one day met Diogenes, whom saluting, he said, Joy be with you: But, not with you, answered Diogenes, who can endure to live being in that condition. At length he died willingly through grief, as Laertius affirms, who elsewhere citing Plutarch in the lives of Lysander and Scylla, saith, he died of the Phthiriasis; but there is no such thing extant in Plutarch. c Laert. Though he followed Plato in his opinions; yet, he did not imitate his temper, for he was austeer, choleric, and had not so great command over his pleasures. In anger he threw a Dog into a Well, and indulging to pleasure, he went to the marriage of Cassander in Macedonia: He was also so great a Lover of money, that some Poems which he had written, not very good, he sung publicly for gain: for which vices, Dionysius writing to him, thus derides him: And we may learn Philosophy from our Arcadian she-Scholler. Plato took no money of his Scholars, you exact it whether they are willing or not. d Deipn. lib. Athenaeus citys the same Epistle, after he had reproached him for avarice and voluptuousness, he objects his collections of money from many persons; his love to Lasthenia, the Sardian Courtesan; after all this adding, Why do you accuse us of avarice, who yourself omit not any sordid way of gain? Did not you after Hermias' debt was satisfied, make collections in his name amongst his friends, to your own use? To a rich man in love with a deformed person; What need you her, Laert. saith he, for ten Talents you may have a handsomer. To him Simonides wrote Histories, wherein he related the actions of Dion and Bion. There was another Speusippus, a Physician of Alexandria. XENOCRATES. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, living with Plato. a Laert. XEnocrates was of Chalcedon, Son of b Suid. Agatho, or Agathenor. From the years of his life 82. which in all probability ended when Polemo succeeded in the School, the first year of the 116. Olympiad, it may be gathered that he was born in the fourth year of the 95. Olympiad. He heard Plato from his Childhood. He was dull of apprehension, whence Plato comparing him with Aristotle, said, one needs a spur, the other a bridle; what an ass & what an horse have I to yoke together! He was severe, and had a sad look, for which reason Plato oft said to him, Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces, which was an usual phrase to melancholy people. c Aelian. 14. 9 Another time Plato sharply reprehended the roughness of his disposition, which he took quietly, and unmoved; saying to one that instigated him to reply in his own defence, No, this is an advantage to me. d Laert. He accompanied Plato in his voyage to Sicily, e Ath. Deipn. where at a drinking Feast, with Dionysius, being honoured with a wreath of Gold, instead of a Garland of flowers, which were bestowed upon the guests upon such occasions, when he went away, he put it upon the Statue of Mercury, where they used to leave their ordinary Garments. f Laert. When Dionysius fell out with Plato, and threatened to find one that should cut off his head, Xenocrates made answer, not before he hath cut off this, showing his own. g Va●▪ hist. 3. 19 Aelian saith, that Xenocrates having taken a journey into his own Country, Aristotle with his Disciples came to Plato. S●eusippus was at that time sick, and therefore could not be with Plato. Plato being fourscore years old, (which falls upon the fourth year of the 107. Olympiad, the year before his death) his memory through age much decayed, Aristotle fell upon him with subtle sophistical questions, whereupon Plato gave over walking in public, and retired with his friends to his own house. At the end of the three months Xenocrates returning from his travel, finds Aristotle walking where he had left Plato, and seeing that he and his friends when they went out of the School went not to Plato, but to some other part of the City, he asked one there present, what was become of Plato, thinking he had been sick, the other answered, he is not sick, but Aristotle hath molested him, & driven him out of the School, so that now he teacheth Philosophy in his own Garden. Xenocrates hearing this, went immediately to Plato, whom he found discoursing to his Disciples, persons of great worth and eminence. As soon as he had ended his discourse, he saluted Xenocrates, as he used, very kindly, and Xenocrates him. When the company was dismissed, Xenocrates, without speaking a word of it to Plato, getting his friends together, after he had chid Speusippus for permitting Aristotle to possess the School, made a head against Aristotle, and opposed him with his utmost force, until at last he reinstated him in the School. Thus Aelian. But this story, which he acknowledgeth to have taken up on no better authority then vulgar report, disagrees with many circumstances of Aristotle's life, supported by far more credible Testimonies. CHAP. II. His Profession of Philosophy. AFter Speusippus had held the School eight years, finding himself not able to continue that charge any longer, he sent to Xenocrates entreating him to take it upon him, which Xenocrates did, a Laert. in the second year of the 110. Olympiad, Lysimachides being Archon, not without emulation and dissension with the Peripatetics, for b Laert. vit. Arist. Aristotle, at his return out of Macedonia, finding Xenocrates possessed of the Academy, instituted a School, in opposition to him, in the Lycaeum, saying, Silent to be now most disgraceful were, And see Xenocrates possess the Chair. c Laert. vit. Arist. Some affirm, that Alexander falling out with Aristotle, to vex him, sent a present to Xenocrates d Laert. vit. Xen. of 50. Talents, where of Xenocrates took but 3000. Atticks, and sent back the rest, saying, that he needed it most that was to maintain so many. Or, as e Ethic. Serm. 37. Stobaeus relates it, having entertained the Messenger, after his usual fashion, go and tell Alexander, saith he, that after the rate I live, I shall not need 50. Talents in all my life. f Stob. Eth. Serm. 77. The money being brought back to Alexander, he asked, if Xenocrates had not any friend, adding that as for his own friends, the wealth of Darius was too little for them. g Stob. Ec. this. 1. 3. He asserted Unity and Duality to be Gods; the first as it were Masculine, in the nature of a Father, reigning in Heaven, whom he called also jupiter, the Odd, and the M●●de. The other, as it were Female, and the Mother, commanding all things under Heaven. This he called the Mind of the Universe. He likewise asserts Heaven to be divine, and the fiery stars to be Olympian Gods, the rest sublunary invisible Deities, which permeate through the elements of matter, whereof that which passeth through the air is called juno, that which through the water Neptune, that which through the earth Ceres. This the Stoics borrowed from him, as he the former from Plato. h Laert. He continued Master of the School twenty five years, until the first year of the hundred and sixth Olympiad; then his Disciple Polemo succeeded him, During that time, he lived very retired in the Academy● and if at any time he went into the City, all the trades men and other people thronged to see him. CHAP. III. His Virtues and Apothegms. a Laert. Vai. Max. 4. 3. AMongst his other Virtues; he was very remarkable for his Continence, of which there is this instance: Phryne, a famous Athenian Courtesan, having laid a wager with some young men his Disciples, that he could not resist her enticements, stole privately into his bed: The next morning being questioned and ●aught at by his Disciples, she said, The wager they laid was of a man, not of a stone. To this end he used to mortify himself by incision, and cauterising of his flesh. b Val. Max. 2. 10. Cic. pro. Balbo. Laert. His wisdom and Sanctity was much reverenced by the Athenians; for being to give his testimony, and to swear, as the custom was, that he spoke nothing but truth, the Judges all rose up, and cried out, that he should not swear, indulging that to his sincerity, which they did not allow to one another. c Laert. Being sent with others to Philip on an Embassy, the rest received gifts from him, and went to treat in private with him; Xenocrates did neither, and for that part was not invited by him: The Ambassadors returning to Athens, said, that Xenocrates went along with them to no purpose: whereupon the Athenians were ready to impose a mulct upon him; but when they understood by him, that they were at that time to consider chiefly concerning the Commonwealth, Philip having corrupted the rest with gifts, and that he would not accept any, they bestowed double honours upon him. Philip said afterwards, that of those who came to him, only Xenocrates would not take any gifts. Being sent in the time of the Lan●ack war (which was about the second year of the 104th Olympiad) Ambassador to Antipater, about the redemption of some Athenian Prisoners, Antipater invited him to sit down to supper, whereto he answered in the words of Ulysses in Homer, O Circe, what man is there that is good, Before his friends are freed can think of food? Antipater was so pleased with the ingenious application of these Verses, that he caused the Prisoners immediately to be set at liberty. d Ael. var. hist. 30. 3. Laert. His clemency, saith Aelian, extended not only to men, but, often to irrational creatures, as once, when a Sparrow, pursued by a Hawk, flew to his bosom, he took it, much pleased, and hid it till the enemy were out of sight; and when he thought it was out of fear and danger, opening his bosom, he let it go, saying, that he had not betrayed a suppliant. c Laert. Bion deriding him, he refused to make any answer in his own defence; for, a Tragedy, saith he, being mocked by a Comedy, needs not a reply. To one, who though he had neither learned Music, Geometry, nor Astronomy; yet, desired to be his Disciple: Away, saith he, you have not the handles of Philosophy. Some affirm he said, I teach not to carded wool. Antipater coming to Athens met and saluted him; which salute he returned not, until he had made an end of the discourse he was about. f Laert. Stob. Eth. 126. He was nothing proud; he assigned a particular business to every part of the day, a great part thereof to meditation, one part to silence. g Stob. Ser. 39 Whensoever he pierced a vessel of Wine, it was sowered before he spent it, and the broths that were made for him were often thrown away the next day; whence proverbially was used, the Cheese of Xenocrates, of things that last well, and are not easily consumed. h Val. Max. 7. 2. Holding his peace at some detractive discourse, they asked him why he spoke not? Because, saith he, I have sometimes repent of speaking, but never of holding my peace. Yet, this man, saith Laertius, because he could not pay the sine imposed upon Aliens, the Athenians sold: Demetrius Phaleveus bought him, contenting both parties, the Athenians with their Tribute, Xenocrates with his liberty. CHAP. IU. His Writings. a 〈◊〉. HE left many Writings, Verses, Exhortations, and Orations, their Titles these, Of Nature 6 Books. Of Wisdom 6. Of Riches 1. Aria's 1. Of Indefinite 1. Of a Child 1. Of Continence 1. Of Profitable 1. Of Free 1. Of Death 1. which some conceive to be the same with that which is extant amongst the spurious Platonic Dialogues, under the title of Axiochus. Of Voluntary 1. Of Friendship 2. Of equity 1. Of Contrary 2. Of Beatitude 2. Of writing 1. Of Memory 1. Of False 1. Callicles 1. Of Prudence 2. Oeconomick 1. Of Temperance 1. Of the power of Law 1. Of a Commonwealth 1. Of Sancti●y 1. That virtue may be taught 1. O● E●s 1. Of Fate 1. Of passions 1. Of Lives 1. Of concord 1. Of Disciples 2. Of justice 1. Of Virtue 2. Of species 1. Of Pleasure 2. Of Life 1. Of Fortitude 1. Of One 1. Of Ideas 1. Of Art 1. Of Gods 2. Of the Soul 2. Of Science 1. Politic 1. Of Scientificks 1. Of Philosophy 1. Of Parmenides opinions 1. Archidemus, or of justice 1. Of Good 1. Of things which pertain to Intellect 8. Solutions concerning Speech 1. Physical auscultation 6. A summary 1. Of Genus' and Species 1. Pythagorean assertions 1. Solutions 2. Divisions 8. Positions 3. Of Dialectic 14, & 15, & 16. Of Disciplines, concerning distinctions 9 Concerning Ratiocination 9 Concerning Intelligence 4. Of Disciplines 6. Concerning Intelligence 2. Of Geometry 5. Commentaries 1. Contraries 1. Of Numbers 1. Theory of Arithmetic 1. Of intervals 1. Astrologick 6. Elements, to Alexander concerning a Kingdom 4. To Arybas To Hephaestion. Of Geometry 2. Verses 345. CHAP. V. His Death. HE died in the 82 year of his age by a fall in the night into a Basin, a Laert. (wherein he was drowned) probably in the first year of the 116. Olympiad, for in that year Polemo his Successor took upon him the School. Laertius saith, there were six more of this name, but mentions only five. One, very ancient, skilful in Tactics; another of the same City and Family with this Philosopher, Author of the Oration upon the death of Arsinoe; the fourth, saith he, a Philosopher, who writ in Elegiac verse, but not happily, perhaps the same, who, Suidas saith, was nothing inferior to this Xenocrates for Continence; the fist a Statuary, the ●ixt, a writer of Songs, as Aristoxenus affirm. POLEMO. a Laert. POLEMO was an Athenian of OEa [a Town belonging to the Oenian Tribe,] his Father Philostratus (who according to b Laert: Antigonus Carystius) was a Citizen of great account, and kept a Chariot and horses. Polemo in his youth was very intemperate, Laert. and dissolute; he frequently took a sum of money, and hid it in a private corner of some street, to supply his extravagances upon occasion. Even in the Academy were found three oboli, which he had hid under a Pillar, upon the same account. This wildness caused discontent betwixt him and his wife, who, thinking herself not well used by him, accused him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c 6. 9 Neither did he delight (saith Valerius Maximus,) in Luxury only, but even in the infamy thereof. On a time, coming from a Feast, not after the setting but rising of the Sun; and seeing the door of Xenocrates the Philosopher open, full of Wine, smelling sweet of unguents, crowned with Garlands, richly attired, he rushed into his School, which was filled with a crowd of learned persons. Nor contented with so rude an intrusion, he ●ate down also, intending to make sport at his excellent eloquence and prudent precepts. Hereupon all were offended as the affront deserved, only Xenocrates, continuing the same Countenance and gesture, fell from the discourse in which he was, and began to speak of modesty and temperance, with the gravity of whose discourse, Polemo being reduced to repentance, first took his Garland off from his head, and flung it on the ground; soon after he withdrew his arm within his Cloak; Next he laid aside the cheerfulness of that look which he had formerly, when he affected feasting; lastly, he wholly devested himself of Luxury, and being thus cured by the wholesome Medicine of one discourse, he, from an infamous Prodigal became a most excellent Philosopher, being * Laert. from that time forward so addicted to study, that he surpassed all the rest, and succeeded Xenocrates in the government of the School, which he began in the first year of the 116. Olympiad. After he began to study Philosophy, he had such a constant behaviour, that he retained always the same Countenance, and kept the same tone in all his speech, whereby Crantor was taken with him. A mad dog having bit him by the Knee, he alone of all the Company seemed to be unconcerned in it, and a tumult happening thereupon in the City, he asked without any disturbance, what was the matter? In the Theatres also, he was nothing moved. When Nicostratus the Poet, surnamed Clytaemnestra, recited something to him and Crates, Crates was much taken therewith, but he made no more show then as if he had heard nothing, and was altogether such as Melanthius the Painter in his Books of Picture●hath described him, for hesaith in his actions was expressed a stubbornness and hardness. Polemo used to say, we ought to exercise ourselves in things, not in Dialectic Disciplines, lest, satisfying ourselves with the taste and meditation of the superficial parts of Science, we become admired for subtlety in discourse, but contradict ourselves in the practice of our life. He was facete and ingenious, shunning that which Aristophanes imputes to Euripides, sourness and harshness. He taught, not sitting, but, walking. The Athenians much honoured him for his great Integrity, he took great delight in Solitude, whence for the most part he dwelled in a Garden, about which his Disciples built themselves little lodges, near to his School. He was a studious imitator of Xe●ocrates (who, Aristippus saith, much loved him) always remembering his innocence, severity and gravity, to which, like a Doric measure, he conformed his own steps. Antigonus Carystius saith, Ath. Deipn. lib. 2. that from the thirtieth year of his age to his death he drunk nothing but water. He held that the World is God. He much affected Sophocles, Stob. Phys. 1. 3. chiefly in those places where (to use the phrase of the Comic Poet) a Molossian dog seemeth to have written together with him. And whereas Phrynicus saith, he was Not sweet, nor flat, but gently smooth; he said, that Homer was an Epic Sop●ocles, Sophocles a Tragic Homer. He died very old of a consumption, and left behind him many writings. Laertius hath this Epigram upon him; Wert thou not told, that Polemo lies here, On whom slow sickness (man's worst passion) preyed? No, 'tis the robe of flesh he used to wear, Which ere to Heaven he mounted down he laid. Of his Disciples are remembered Crates, Zeno the Stoic, and Arcesilaus. CRATES. CRATES was a Thriasian, Son of Antigenes; he was an Auditor of Polemo, Laert. and loved by him; He succeeded him in the government of his School. They both profited so much by one another, that living they only followed the same institutes, but even to their last ends were alike, and being dead, were buried in the same Sepulchre. Upon which occasion Antagoras writ thus upon them both, Who ere thou art, say ere thou passest by, Crates and Polemo here buried lie; Both for their mutual love no less admired, Then for their eloquence, by which inspired, O th' wisdom they professed, the age was proud, Yet gladly to their sacred precepts bowed. Hence Arcesilaus, when he went from Theophrastus, and applied himself to them, said, they were Gods, or certain relics of the golden age. They were nothing popular, but what Dionysiodorus an ancient Musician was wont to say, may be applied to these, when he boasted; that none had ever heard him sing, as they had Ismenius, nor had ever seen him in a Ship, or at the Fountains. Antigonus saith, that, he sojourned at Crantors, when he & Arcesilaus lived most friendly, and that Arcesilaus dwelled with Crantor, Polemo with Crates, together with Lysic●es, who was one of the Citizens, and truly, Polemo, as is before mentioned, loved Crates, Crantor, Arcesilaus. But Crates dying, as Apollodorus in the third of his Chronicle, left Books which he had written, partly of Philosophy, partly of Comedy; Orations suited for public pleading, or Embassy. He had many eminent disciples, of whom was Arcesilaus, & Bi●n the Boristhenite, afterwards called a Theodorean from that Sect. There were ten of this name. The First an ancient Comic Poet. The Second, an Orator of the Family of Isocrates. The Third, an Engineer, that went along with Alexander in his expeditions. The Fourth, a Cynic. The fifth, a Peripatetic. The sixth, this Academic. The Seventh, a Grammarian. The Eighth, writ of Geometry. The Ninth, an Epigrammatick Poet. The Tenth, of Tarsis, an Academic Philosopher. CRANTOR. CRantor was of Soli, Laert. much admired in his own Country. He came to Athens where he heard Xenocrates, and studied with Poleomo. He writ Commentaries, 3000. Verses, whereof some ascribe part to Arcesilaus. Being asked how he came to be taken with Polemo, but answered, from the tone of his speech, never exalted nor depressed. Falling sick, he went to the Temple of Aesculapius, and walked there; where many resorted to him from several parts, not thinking he stayed in respect of his sickness, but that he meant to erect a School in that place; amongst the rest came Arcesilaus, whom, though he loved him very much, he recommended to Polemo, whom he himself after his recovery heard also, and was extremely taken with him. He bequeathed his estate, amounting to 12. Talents to Arcesilaus, who ask him where he would be buried, he answered, In Earth's kind bosom happy 'tis to lie. He is said to have written Poems, and to have deposited them, sealed up in his own Country, in the Temple of Minerva; of him thus Theaetetus, Pleasing to men, but to the Muses more. Crantor too soon of life was dispossessed, Earth his cold body we to thee restore That in thy arms he peacefully may rest. Crantor above all admired Homer and Euripides, saying, it was hard in proper language to speak at once tragically and passionately, and quoted this verse out of his Bellerophon. Alas, yet why alas, Through such fate mortals pass. Antagoras the Poet allegeth these verses, as written by him. * Read ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as Callimachus hymn▪ 1. ' Ev 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One doubtless imitating the other, which both the interpreters not observing, have strangely rendered this place. My Soul's in doubt, for doubtless is his race, Whether I love first of all Gods shall place, Which drew from Erebus their old descent, And Night beyond the Ocean's vast extent; Or whether to bright Venus, or to Earth, Thou owest thy double form and sacred birth. He was very ingenious in imposing apt names. He said of an ill Poet, that his verses were full of moths; and of T●eophrastus, that his Theses were written in a shell. He wrote a Treatise concerning Grief, which was generally much admired, as Cicero and Laertius attest. He died before Polemo and Crates of the dropsy. ARCESILAUS. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, Teachers. ARcesilaus (whom Cicero calls Arcesilas) was a Pitanean of Aeolis; his Father, according to Apollo●orus, in the third of his Chronologicks, named Seuthus, or as others Scythus. He was the youngest of four brethren, two by the same Father, only the other by the same Mother; the eldest was named Pylades: of those who had the same Father, the eldest was Maereas, Guardian to his Brother Arcesilaus. He was born by computation from his death (which was in the fourth year of the * Aldobrandinus his edition reads the 100L. hundred thirty and fourth Olympiad, the seventy fifth of his age) in the first year of the hundred and sixteenth Olympiad. He first heard Autolychus the Mathematician, his Countryman, before he came to Athens, with whom he traveled to Sardis. Next he heard Xanthus an Athenian, a Master of Music. He heard also Hippo●icus the Geometrician, who, excepting his skill in that Art, was otherwise a gaping dull fellow, for which Arcesilaus deriding him, said, Geometry flew into his mouth as he gaped. Of Hipponicus falling mad, he took so great care, that he brought him to his own house, and kept him there until he were quite cured. He likewise, by the compulsion of his Brother, studied Rhetoric, and being by nature vehement in discourse, and of indefatigable industry, he addicted himself likewise to Poetry. There is an Epigram of his extant upon Attalus, to this effect; For arms and horses oft hath been the name Of Pergamus through Pisa spread by fame: But, now shall (if a mortal may divine) To future times with greater glory shine. There is another Epigram of his Menodorus● son of Eudemus. Far hence is Thyatire, far phrygian earth, Whence Menodore thou didst derive thy birth. But down to Acheron unpierced by day, From any place thou knewest the ready way. To thee this T●mb Eudemus dedicates, Whom Love hath wealthy made, though poor the Fates. Although his Brother Maereas would have had him professed Rhetoric, yet was he naturally more inclined to Philosophy; to which end, he first became a hearer of Theophrastus, in which time Crantor being much taken with him, spoke that verse of Euripides to him, out of his Andromeda: Maid, if I save thee, wilt thou thankful be? He answered in the following verse, Stranger, for wife or slave accept of me. From thence forward they lived in intimate friendship, wherea● Theophrastus troubled, said, He had lost a youth of extraordinary wit, and quickness of apprehension. He emulated Pyrrho as some affirm, and studied Dialectic▪ and the Eretriack Philosophy, whence Aristo said of him, Pyrrho behind, Plato before, And in the middle Diodore. And Timon, Next leaden Menedemus he pursues, And Pyrrho doth, or Diodorus choose. And soon after maketh him say thus; I'll swim to Pyrrho, and crooked Diodore. He was a great admirer of Plato; whose Books he had. CHAP. II. Upon what occasion he constituted the middle Academy. a Laert. CRates dying, Arcesilaus took upon him the government of the School, which was yielded to him by Socratides. Being possessed of that place, he altered the Doctrine and manner of Teaching, which had been observed by Plato and his successors, upon this occasion. Plato and his followers down to Arcesilaus, held, (as was said) That there are two kinds of things, some perceptible by Sense, others perceptible only by Intellect: b Aca●. qu●st. lib. 1. That from the latter ariseth Science, from the former Opinion: That the Mind only seeth that which always is simple, and in the same manner, and such as it is; that is, Ideas. But, that the Senses are all dull and slow, neither can they perceive those things which seem subjected to Sense, because either they are so little, that they cannot fall beneath sense, or so movable and transient; that not one of them is constant or the same; but, all are in continual lapse and fluxion. Hence they called all this part of things Opinionable, affirming that Science is no where, but, in the notions and reasons of the mind. c 〈◊〉. Acad. quaest. 4. Yet, did they profess against those, who said, the Academy took away all sense; for, they affirmed not, that there was no such thing as colour, or taste, or sapor, or sound; but; only maintained, there was no proper mark of true and certain in the senses, there being no such any where. d Plut. cont. ●olot. Hence they allowed, that we make use of the senses in actions, from the reason that appeareth our of them; but, to trust them as absolutely true and infallible, they allowed not. Thus held the Academics down to Poleme, c Cic. Acad. quaest. 1. of whom Arcesilaus and Zen● were constant Auditors; but Zeno being older than Arcesilaus, and a very subtle disputant, endeavoured to correct his doctrine, not that, as Theophrastus saith, he did enervate virtue; but, on the contrary, he placed all things that are reckoned among the good, in virtue only: and this he called honest, as being simple, sole, one good: Of the rest, though neither good nor evil, he held, that some were according to Nature, others contrary to Nature, others Mediate: Those which are according to Nature, he held to be worthy estimation, the contrary contrary; the neuter he left betwixt both, in which he placed no value. Of those which were eligible, some were of more estimation, some of less; those which were of more he called preferred, those of less rejected. And as in these, he did not change so much the things themselves as the words, so betwixt a rectitude and a sin, an office and a praeterossice: he placed some things mediate, holding that Rectitudes consisted only in good actions, sins in evil; but, offices either performed or omitted, he conceived mediate things. And whereas the Philosophers of the old Academy did not hold all Virtue to consist in Reason, but some virtues to be perfected by nature or custom▪ Zeno on the contrary placed all Virtue in Reason; and whereas the Academics held, as we said [in the life of Plato,] that all those virtues may be separated, Zeno maintained that could not be, averring, that not only the use of virtue (as the Academics held) but the habit thereof was excellent in itself, neither had any one virtue, who did not always make use of it. And whereas the Academics took not away passion from man, affirming that we are subject to compassion, desire, fear, and joy by nature; but, only contracted them, and reduced them within narrower limits; Zeno affirmed, that from all these, as from so many diseases, a wise man must be free. And whereas they held, that all passions were natural and irrational, and placed in one part of the Soul Concupiscence, in the other Reason: Neither did Zeno herein agree with them, for he asserted, that passions are voluntary, that opinions are taken up by judgement, that immoderate intemperance is the Mother of all passion. Thus much for Ethics. f Cic. ibid. As for Physic, He did not allow that fifth nature besides the four Elements, of which the Academics held Sense and Mind to be effected; for, He asserted Fire to be that nature which begetteth every thing, both Mind and Sense. He likewise dissented from them, in that he held, nothing can be made by a thing which hath no body, (of which nature, Xenocrates, and the old Academics thought the soul to be) and that whatsoever made any thing, or was itself made, must of necessity be a Body▪ g Cic. ibid. He likewise asserted many things in the third part of Philosophy, wherein He asserted some things new of the Senses themselves, which he conceived to be joined by a certain extrinsecall impulsion, which he called Phantasie. To these fantasies received by the Senses, He added Assent of the mind, which he held to be placed in us, and voluntary. He● did not allow all fantasies to be faithful and worthy ●redit● but, only those which have a proper declaration of those things which they seem, which fantasy when it is seen, is called comprehensible, when received and approved, he calleth it comprehension. That which was comprehended by sense, he calleth Sense, and, if it were so comprehended, that it could not be pulled away by reason, Science, if otherwise, Ignorance, of which kind was opinion, infirm, and common to false or unknown things. Betwixt Science and Ignorance he placed that comprehension we mentioned, not reckoning it among the good nor the bad▪ ●ut affirming that only was to be credited, whence he likewise attributed faith to the Senses, for as much as he conceived the comprehension made by the Senses to be true and faithful, not that it comprehended all things that are in being; but that it omits nothing that can fall beneath it, as also, because nature hath given it as a rule of Science and principle of itself, whence notions are afterwards imprinted in the mind, from which not only principles, but certain larger ways towards the invention of reason, are found out. Error, temerity, ignorance, opination, suspicion, and in a word, whatsoever is not of firm and constant assent, he took away from Virtue and Wisdom. In these things consisteth almost all the change and dissension of Zeno from the old Academics. Zeno thus maintaining many things contrary to Plato, as that the Soul is mortal, and that there is no other World but this, which is subject to Sense, Arcesilaus perceiving this Doctrine to spread and take much, prudently concealed the doctrine of the Academy, lest the mysteries of Plato being divulged and made too common, should become despicable: and therefore (saith h Contra Academic. ●ib. St. Augustine) he thought it fitter to unteach the man that was not well taught, then to teach those, whom by experience he found not to be docile enough. i Cic. Acad. quaest. 1. Hereupon Arcesilaus undertook to oppose and contest with Zeno, not out of any pertinacity or desire of glory, but led thereunto by that obscurity of things, which had brought Socrates to a confession of his own ignorance; as likewise Democritus, Anaxagoras, Empedocle●, and almost all the ancient Philosophers, who affirmed, That nothing could be understood, nothing perceived, nothing known: That the senses are narrow, our minds weak, our lives short, and truth (as Democritus saith) drowned in an abyss. That all things are held by opinion and institution, nothing left to Truth: and finally, That all things are involved in darkness. k Cic. ibid. Thus Arcesilaus denied there is any thing that can be known, not so much as that which Socrates reserved, [that he knew nothing] conceiving all things to be hid in such darkness, that there is nothing which can be seen or understood. For these reasons we ought not to profess or affirm any thing, or to approve any thing by assent; but, always to restrain and withhold our hastiness from error, which then proveth great, when it approveth a thing false or unknown. Neither is there any thing more vile, then by assent and approbation to prevent knowledge and perception. l Cic. ibid. He did, as was agreeable to this tenant, dispute against all assertions and doctrines; and having found, that in the same thing the reasons of two opinions directly opposite, were of equal weight, he thence inferred, that we ought to withhold our assents ( m Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) from both: [This Laertius means, when he saith, that he took away propositions, by reason of the repugnance of speech, and was the first that taught to argue on both sides.] n Euseb. praepar. Evang. And that neither the senses nor reason are to be credited. He therefore praised that Apophthegm of Hesiod; The Gods all knowledge have concealed from men. But this o Contra A●adem. lib. 3. Saint Augustine affirms was only done, to conceal mysteriously the meaning of Pla●o; but, they nevertheless had and held his doctrines and decrees, which they used to unfold to those who lived with them till they were old. He likewise, as Laertius saith, first altered the manner of disputing which Plato delivered, and made it more litigious by question and answer, of which, thus p De ●inib. l. 2. Cicero: Socrates used to find out by question and answer, the opinions of those with whom he discoursed, that, if there were occasion, he might say something upon that which they answered: This custom not retained by his successors, was taken up by Arcesilaus, who instituted, that they who would learn of him should not question him; but, themselves tell him what they thought, which when they had done, he disputed against it; but, his Auditors were to maintain their own opinion as much as they could possibly. This course took Arcesilaus, contrary to all other Philosophers, amongst whom, he that would learn held his peace; which courle, saith Cicero, is at this time held in the ●Academy, where he that will learn, speaks in this manner, Pleasure seems to be the chief good, whereupon in a long Oration it is disputed against it, whereby may easily be understood, that they who say, a thing seemeth to me to be so, are not really of that opinion, but desire to hear the contrary maintained. This School constituted by Arcesilaus, was called the second Academy, in relation to its descent from Plato; or, the middle Academy, in respect of the new one which was afterwards set up by Carneades; though q Acad. quaest. ●. Cicero seemeth to make no distinction between this and that, but calleth this the new Academy: But, though 'tis likely, that it was not at first so called; yet, upon the introduction of a newer, it was afterwards more generally known by the title of the middle, or, second Academy. These Academics differ from the Sceptics, in as much, as, though they affirmed that nothing can be comprehended; yet they took not away true or false from things: On the contrary, they held that some Fantasies were true, others false; but the Sceptics hold that they are both indifferent; alike defensible by reason. The Academics assert some things to be wholly improbable, some more probable than others, and that a wise man▪ when any of these occur, r Euseb. praep. evang. lib. 1●. may answer yes, or no, following the probability, provided that he withhold from assenting. But the Sceptics hold all things to be alike indifferent, not admitting Judgement, nor allowing that either our senses or opinions can perceive true or false, and therefore no faith is to be given to them, but we ought to persist firm and unmoveable without opinion, not saying of any thing that it is, any more than that it is not. CHAP. III. His Virtues and Apopthegms. a Laer●. HE preferred Homer above all Writers, of whom he constantly read some piece before he went to bed, and as soon as he rose in the morning. When he went to read any thing in him, he said, he went to his Mistress. pindar also he said was proper to raise the voice, and give us supply of words. He was sententious and succinct in speech, often using expressions of doubtful meaning. He used to reprehend and chide sharply, and freely, whence Timon saith of him, When thou chidst young men, think thou once wer● young. In this kind, Laertius instances his sayings to a young man, speaking confidently, etc. to an immodest young man, etc. Emo a Chian, who though very deformed, thought himself very handsome, ask him as he put on a rich Cloak, whether he thought a wise man might not love, Arcesilaus answered, do you mean if he be as handsome and as fine as you? To an effeminate person, who upbraiding him as it were of pride, spoke this verse, Shall we demand, great Sir, or silent be? He immediately answered, Woman, why speakest thou these harsh words to me? Being troubled with the talk of an inconsiderable mean person, he said, The Sons of slaves intemperately speak. Of another, who talked impertinently, and loudly, he said, he had a peevish nurse. For some he would make no answer at all. To an Usurer, who said there was something he knew not, he answered in these verses out of Sophocles' OEnomaus, The course of storms hid from the bird doth lie, Until the time that she must lay draw nigh. To a Dialectic Philosopher of Alexinus' School, who was not able to say any thing worthy Alexinus, he related what Philoxenus did to a maker of Bricks, who overhearing him sing his verses false, trod upon his bricks and broke them, saying, as you spoil mine, so I yours. He was angry at those who learned not the liberal Sciences in due time. In dispute, he used this word, I say, and will not such a one, (naming the person) assent to this, which many of his Disciples affected to imitate, as also his manner of speaking and gesture. He was most acute in answering appositely, and converting his discourse to the present subject, and fitting it for every time. He was very efficacious in persuasion? whence many Disciples resorted to him, though sometimes he sharply touched them, which they took patiently. He was very good, and much excited hope in his Auditors. As to the necessaries of life, he was very liberal and communicative, ready to do good, and much endeavouring to conceal it, avoiding all that kind of vainglory. Visiting C●esibius, who was sick, and perceiving him to be poor, he privately put a purse under his pillow, which when he found, this, saith he, is the sport of Arcesilaus. Another time he sent him 1000 drachms. b Quom. discern. 〈◊〉. ab. amic. Plutarch relates this as done to Apelles the Chian Painter, whom Arcesilaus besides many other testimonies of kindness coming to visit as he lay sick, and perceiving how poor he was, departed, and returning soon after, bringing twenty drachmas with him, then sitting close to Apelles' bed side, Here is nothing says he, besides Empedo●le's four Elements, Fire, Water, Earth, and Aether mounting high, but me thinks you lie not at your ease, and with that taking occasion to remove his pillow, he conveyed the purse privately under it, which when the old woman that tended him found, and wondering, showed to Apelles, he laughing, said, This is one of Arcesilaus' thefts. c La●rt. He recommended Archias, an Arcadian to Eumenes King of Pergamus, by whom he was exalted to great dignity. He was very liberal and free from covetousness, as appeared by his utensils of silver, and vying with Archecrates and Callicrates. He had many vessels of gold, which he lent unto many upon occasion of feasting. These silver vessels a certain man borrowed to entertain his friends withal; Arcesilaus knowing him to be poor, would never send for them back: Others report he lent them to him on purpose, and when he brought them back, because he was poor, he freely bestowed them on him. He had a fair estate at Pitane, from which Pylades his brother continually supplied him. Eumenes also, son of Phileterus gave him many large presents, whence to him only of all Kings he applied himself. When Antigonus was much followed, and many persons thronged to his house, he forbore, declining his acquaintance. He was intimate with Hierocles, the Governor of Munichia and Pireum, and constantly, on holidays, went thither to visit him: Hierocles often entreated him to visit Antigonus, but he refused, and went along with him as far as the door, and there parted with him. After Antigonus' fight at Sea, many writing consolatory Epistles to him, Arcesilaus was silent. Being sent by his Country on an Embassy to Antigonus at Demetrias, he returned frustrate of his design. He lived the greatest part of his time in the Academy, avoiding to meddle with public business; but sometimes went to the Pireum, as we said, out of love to Hierocles; for which some reproved him. He was very magnificent (indeed a second Aristippus) in the entertainment of his friends. He openly professed love to Theodote and Phileta, Courtesans of Elis, for which being reprehended, he rehearsed the Chria's of Aristippus. He was very amorous, and much affected the company of young men, whence Aristo of Chios, a Stoic, called him a corrupter of youth, temerarious, and impudent. Of those whom he affected are mentioned Demetrius and Leochares; Demochares son of Laches, and Pythocles son of Bugerus, much affected him. For these things he was much inveighed against at the house of Hieronimus the Peripatetic, who had invited his friends to celebrate the birth day of Alcyoneus, son of Antigonus, for the keeping of which Feast, Antigonus sent yearly much money. At this Feast Arcesilaus would not dispute amidst the cups; and when Aridelus propounded a question to him, requiring that he would say something to it, he answered, it is the best property of a Philosopher to know the seasons of all things. But, he was so free from pride, that he counselled his Disciples to go and hear other Masters; and when a certain Chian youth of his School declared, that he was not pleased with what he said so much as with the discourses of Hieronimus, he took him by the hand and led him to the Philosopher, desiring him to cherish him according to his quality. To one that asked why men went from other Sects to the Epicureans, but never from the Epicureans to other Sects: Because, saith he, of men, some are made Eunuches, but of Eunuches never any are made men. d Stob▪ Ser. 143. He said, where there are many medicines, and many Physicians, there are most diseases; and where there are many Laws, there is most iniquity. e Stob. Ser. ● 12. He advised to shun Dialectic, because it turneth all things upside down. f Stob. Ser. 212. He compared Logicians to Gamesters that play at Dice, who take delight whilst they are cozened. g Stob. Ser. 235. He affirmed, that poverty is rugged as Ithaca, but good to bring up a child, in that it enureth to frugality and abstinence, and is generally a good School of virtue. CHAP. IU. His death. a Laert. WHen he drew nigh the end of his life, he bequeathed all his estate to his brother Pylades; to which end, Moereas not knowing it, he sent him first to Chios, and from thence sent for him back again to Athens. He sent three Copies of his Will, one to Amphicritus at Eretria, an other to some friends of his at Athens, the third to Thaumasias his near kinsman, to be kept by them; with the last he sent this Letter. Arcesilaus to Thaumasias, health. I Gave Diogenes my Will to bring to you, for being often sick and infirm of body, I thought fit to make my Will, lest if any sudden accident should befall me, I should depart this life with some in●urie done to you, whom I have found so bountiful towards me. I desire that you, the most faithful of all my friends, will take it into your custody. Approve yourself just to that extraordinary trust which I have reposed in you, that it may appear I have made a right choice. He died, as Hermippus saith, in a kind of frenzy, after he had drunk much Wine, 75 years old, in the fourth year of the 134th Olympiad, as may be conjectured from the succession of Lacydes, in the School which began at that time. The Athenians buried him with such solemnity as never any was before. He took not any women into the house with him, neither had he any children. He flourished according to Apollodorus in the 120. Olympiad. There were three more of this name, one an ancient Comic Poet, the second an Elegiac Poet, the third a Statuary. LACYDES. LAcydes succeeded Arcesilaus; Laert: he was a Cyrenean, (his Father named Alexander) a person of much gravity, and had many Aemulators. He was from his youth much given to study, poor, but pleasing to all company, and of a delightful conversation. As concerning his managing his household affairs, it is reported that when he took any thing out of the place where he kept his Provisions, he locked the door, and threw the key in at a hole that none might steal aught from him; which his servants observing, frequently took it, and, opening the door, carried away what they thought good, and then put it in the same place again, in which fact they were never discovered. But the most pleasant part of the story, is, that (as * Euseb. pra●: evaag. lib. 14. Numenius affirms) he was thereby persuaded to be of the opinion of the middle Academics; that nothing is comprehended by sense, arguing thus; why should I think that sense can comprehend any thing certainly, when I know that my own senses are so often deceived; for when I go abroad, I think that I see with my eyes those things which I leave in my storehouse; when I return I find none of them; which could not be unless our senses were fallible and uncertain. Lacydes upon the death of Arcesilaus, being made master of the School in the 4th year of the 134. Olympiad, taught in the Academy, in the Gardens which were made by Attalus the King, which from him were called the Lacydean Gardens. Laertius, and, from him, Suidas, make him Institutor of the new Academy; but erroneously. He continued this charge 26 years, at the end whereof he resigned it, whilst he was yet alive, to Telecles and evander, Phocians, his Disciples, in the second year of the 141. Olympiad. Attalus sending for him to come to him, returned him answer, that Pictures make the best show at a distance. Studying Geometry in his old age, one said to him, is it now time? he answered, when, if not now? Athenaeus saith, that Lacydes and Timon Philosophers, being invited by one of their friends to an entertainment of two days, and desirous to suit themselves to the company, drunk very freely▪ Lacyd●s went away first, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 half drunk, and perceiving Timon to 〈◊〉 away too, said out of Homer. To our great glory Hector we have slain. The next day meeting Timon again at the same place, and seeing him, not able to take off his cups at once, make a pause, when he put it to his mouth the second time, he said out of another place of Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Those are unhappy who contest with me. Aelian likewise numbers these two amongst the great drinkers, V●r. hist. and perhaps not unjustly; for by excess of Wine he fell into the palsy, of which he died in the second year of the 141. Olympiad. He wrote Philosophicks and of Nature. In the School, he was succeeded, as are said, by evander, evander, by his Disciple, EGESINUS, whom Clemens Alexandrinus calleth Hegesi●aus, of Pergamus, Egesinus, by CARNEADES. CARNEADES. CARNEADES. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, Time, Masters. CARNEADES (successor of Egesinus) was of a L●ert. Cyrene, whence b Acad. qu●●t. 4. Cicero saith, he was an acute person, as being an African. He was son of Epicomus, or Philocomus. Apollodorus, as cited by Laertius, affirmeth he died in the 162. Olympiad; but there is a mistake in the Text; for the words of Apollodorus relate doubtless to the time of his birth, which upon that Authority, we may affirm to have been in the first year of 162. Olympiad. Florus (cited by c Sympo●. quapot ●. 1. Plutarch) adds, he was born on the 7th day of Tharlegion, at what time the Carnean Festivals were celebrated at Cyrene, whence perhaps he took his name. This time falling after the Callippical period, we shall compute it according to d Do●tr. 〈◊〉▪ p. Petavius his method, which although it be not exempt from question, yet is better than that of Scaliger, whose method is not reconcileable to Ptolomy's observations. The fourth of the 164. Olympiad, was Of the Julian period 4585. Epoche of the Callippick period 4383. Which subducted, there remains 202. Subduct two perionods more 152. remains 50. The year propounded therefore is the 50th of the third period. The Neomenia of He●atombaeon, june 26. which is the 177th day of the julian year; the 7th of Thargelion (according to Petavius) at that time was the 302. of the Attic year. To 177. add 302. Sum 479. Subduct 365 Remains 114. The 114th day of the Julian year is the 24th of April, on which fell the 7th of Thargelion; which, the Dominical Letter being B. fell on Sunday, Proleptically taken. e Laert. He was Disciple to Egesinus the Academic, and f Cic. Acad. quaest. 4. learned Logic of Diogenes the Stoic, whence in arguing he would many▪ times say, If I have concluded right, the cause is my own; if not right, Diogenes must return the ●ina he had of me; which was the price the Dialectic Philosophers took. CHAP. II. How he constituted the new Academy. HE succeeded Egesinus in the School, and is by Cicero reckoned the fourth from Arcesilaus, (who constituted the middle Academy, introducing a suspension of Assent, grounded upon the uncertainty of things:) Carneades, constituted the new Academy, maintaining the same kind of suspension, with no less eagerness; yet upon more moderate grounds: * Numen. apud. Euseb. for he held that the incomprehensibility of things, proceeded not from the nature of the things themselves, as Arcesilaus maintained; for as much as every thing really existeth in itself, and if any thing be affirmed or denied of another, it is true or false, as to the thing itself; but the things themselves remaining firm, we derive from them a Phantasia and similitude, which for the most part like false messengers lie and deceive us. To all true things there some false adjoined, and those so like, that, there is no certain note of Judication and assent, wherefore we cannot perceive any thing to be true. But he was nothing less rigid as to the Academical suspension, for * Cic. Acad. quaest. 4. he denied that any thing could be perceived, not so much as that very maxim; Nothing can be perceived, arguing thus. All Phantasms are of two kinds; the first included the perceptible, and imperceptible; the second kind, the probable; and the improbable. Those which are contrary to sense and evidence, pertain to the former division; against the latter we ought not to say any thing. Wherefore there is no Fantasy followed by perception, but by approbation many; for it were contrary to nature that nothing should be probable. More fully * Adu. Mathem. Sextus Empericus. Carneades, saith he, did not only oppose the Stoics, but all that went before him, as to judgement. His first and common argument against all, is, that, by which he showeth absolutely, that there is nothing from which truth can be judged; not reason, not sense, not fantasy, nor any things, for all these in a word deceive us. His second argument is that whereby he shows, that although there be something that doth judge, yet it cannot exist without an affection from evidence. For an animal differeth from inanimate things by the sensitive faculty, it apprehendeth thereby both itself and external things; but sense remaining immovable, impassable, and immutable, is not sense, nor apprehendeth any thing, but being changed, and after some manner affected by incursion of evidents, than it declareth things. In that affection therefore of the soul which ariseth from evidence, we are to seek that which judgeth. This affection is declared when that appeareth from which it proceedeth, which affection is nothing else but fantasy. fantasy therefore is a certain affection in an animal, which showeth both itself and some others, as when we see any thing, our sight is affected in some manner, so, as it was not before that act of seeing. By this alteration we apprehend two things: First, the alteration itself, that is the fantasy. Secondly, that from which this alteration proceeds, the things visible. The like in the rest of the senses. As therefore light manifesteth itself and all things in it, so fantasy being the chief guide of knowledge in an animal, must like unto Light, manifest both itself, and that evident object which effecteth it. But because it doth not always show that which is true, but often erreth and differeth from the thing whence it proceedeth, like ill messengers, it necessarily followeth that all fantasies cannot leave a judgement of truth, but only if it be true. Again, because there is no fantasy so true, but it may be false; and of all fantasies that seem true there are some false, which differ little from them, that which judgeth must consist in common fantasy of true and false. But the common fantasy of these comprehendeth not, and if it comprehendeth not, neither is there any thing that judgeth. And if fantasy have not a judicative power, neither can reason judge, for that is derived from fantasy, and justly: For, that whereof it judgeth, ought first to appear unto it; but nothing can appear but through sense void of reason; therefore neither sense void of reason; nor reason itself is that which judgeth. Thus disputed Carneades against all other Philosophers, to show there is not any thing that judgeth. But, being demanded what judgeth, as to the leading of life and acquisition of beatitude, he hath recourse to probable fantasy; and together with probable, undistracted and circumcurrent, their differences these. fantasy is the fantasy of something, viz. of that of which it is made, and of that in which it is made: That of which it is made is the external sensible object; that in which, the Man. It hath two relations, one to the object phancyed, the other to the phantasm derived from that object. From the relation to the object it is either true or false; true, when it agreeth with the object; false, when it disagreeth: From its relation to the phantasm, there is one which seemeth true, another false. That which seemeth true is by the Academics called Emphasis, and probability, and probable fantasy; that which seemeth not true is called Apemphasis, improbability, and not-p●obable fantasy. For, neither that which seemeth false, and is such; nor that which is true, and seemeth not such, have any thing in their nature persuasive. But, of these fantasies, that which is manifestly false, and seemeth not true, limiteth the judicatory, but is not that which judgeth, as likewise produceth from that which is, but differs from it, such as was that of the fury proceeding from Electra to Orestes. Of that which seemeth true, one kind is tenuious, as that which is in a thing so little, as that it is not visible, either because it takes not up room enough, or by reason of the weakness of sight, which receiveth things confusedly, and not distinctly. The other is that which hath this common property with the true, that it seemeth to be very true. Now of these, the tenuious, loose, remiss fantasy cannot be that which judgeth; for that which cannot clearly manifest itself, nor the thing that effected it, cannot attract us, nor invite assent; but that which seemeth true and is manifest enough, that, according to Carneades, is the judge of truth. This being that which judgeth, it hath a great latitude, and being extended into another species, hath a more probable and vehemently effective fantasy. Probable is taken three ways; first, for that which is true, and seemeth true; secondly, for that which is false, and seemeth true; thirdly, for that which is true, common to both. Whence that which judgeth must be that fantasy which seemeth true, which the Academics call probable. Sometimes the false incurreth; so that it is necessary to use the common fantasy of true and false; yet, not because that more seldom incurreth, I mean that which imitateth the truth, we are not to give credit to that which is for the greater part true, whereby it happeneth our judgement and actions are for the most part directed. That which first and commonly judgeth, Carneades held to be this. But forasmuch as fantasy sometimes is not of one kind, but like a chain, one dependeth on another, there must therefore be a second judge, which is probable and undistracted fantasy. As he who receiveth the fantasy of a man, necessarily receiveth the fantasy of such things as are about him, and without him; of the things about him, as colour, magnitude, figure, motion, speech, clothing, shoes; of things without him, as air, light, day, heaven, earth, companions, and the like. When therefore none of these fantasies seems false, but all agree in seeming true, we credit it the more. That such a one is Socrates we believe, because he hath all those things which Socrates useth to have, as colour, magnitude, figure, gesture, cloak, in none of these disagreeing with itself. And as some Physicians argue a man to be in a fever, not from one symptom, as from a high pulse, or great heat, but from the concurrence of that heat with the pulse, as also from ulcerous touch, redness, thirst, and the like, all agreeing together. So the Academic maketh a judgement of truth, from a concurrence of fantasies, and when none of all the fantasies that join in the concurrence retract him as false, he saith, that which incurreth is true. That there is a credible undistracted concurrence, is manifest from Menelaus: Having left in his ship an image of Helen which he had brought from ●roy, as if it had been Helen herself, landing at the Island Pharos, he there met with the true Helen, and from her attracted a true fantasy, but would not believe that fantasy, being distracted by the other, which told him, that he had left Helen in the Ship. Such is undistracted fantasy therefore, which likewise seemeth erroneous, for as much as there are some more undistracted then others. Of undistracted fantasies, that is most credible and perfect which maketh a judgement. Moreover, there is a circumcurrent fantasy, the form whereof is next to be declared. In the undistracted we only inquire whether none of those fantasies which join in concurrence, attract us as false, but that they all seem true, and not improbable. But in that which is made by concourse, which useth circumcurrence, strictly examines every fantasy which is in that concurrence, as in Assemblies, when the people take account of every particular person that stands for the Magistracy, whether they deserve that power and right of judging. In the place of Judgement, there is that which judgeth, and that by which the judgement is made, the distance and interval, figure, time, manner, affection, and operation, each of which we examine strictly. That which judgeth, whether the sight be dim, for if it be, it is too weak for judgement; that which is judged, whether it be not too little; that through which, whether the air be obscure; the distance, whether it too great; the medium, whether confused; the place, whether too wide and vast; the time, whether too sudden; the affection, whether not phrenetick; the operation, whether not unfit to be admitted. For if all these be in one, that which judgeth is probable fantasy, and together, probable, undistracted, and circumcurrent. Wherefore as when in life we inquire concerning some little thing, we examine one witness; when we inquire into something of greater consequence, we examine more; but when of a thing most necessary, we examine each of the witnesses by the joint testimony of all. So saith Carneades, in light, inconsiderable matters, we make use of probable fantasy, only for judgement; in things of some moment, of undistracted fantasy; in things that concern well and happy living, circumcurrent fantasy. And as in things of great moment they take divers fantasies, so in different circumstances they never follow the same; for they say, they attend only probable fantasy in such things wherein the circumstance of time alloweth not a strict examination: As for instance. The enemy pursues a man; he coming to a Cave, takes a fantasy, that there are some enemies there lying in wait: transported by this fantasy as probable, he shuneth and flieth from the Cave, following the probability of that fantasy, before he accuratly and diligently examine, whether there really be any enemies in ambush in that Cave or no. Probable fantasy is followed by circumcurrent, in those things in which time allows a curious examination of each particular, to use judgement upon the incurrent thing. As a man coming into a dark room, and seeing a rope rolled up, thinking it to be a serpent, he flies away; but afterwards returning, he examines the truth, and perceiving it not to stir, begins to think it is not a serpent; but withal considering, that serpents are sometimes frozen or numbed with the cold, he strikes it with his staff: and having thus by circumcurrence examined the fantasy which incurred to him, he assenteth, that the fantasy he had taken of that body as a serpent is false. And again, as I said, when we manifestly behold, we assent that this is true, having first overrun in our thoughts that our senses are all entire, and that we behold this waking, not in a dream; that the air is perspicuous, and a convenient distance from the object. Hereby we receive a creditable fantasy, when we have time enough to examine the particulars concerning the thing seen. It is the same in undistracted fantasy, which they admit, when there is nothing that can retract us, as we said of Menelaus. Hitherto Sextus. Yet, * Cic. Acad. quaest. 4. though nothing can be perceived, a wise man may assent to that which is not perceived; that is, he may opini●nate; but so as he knoweth himself to opinionate, and that there is nothing which can be comprehended and perceived. He asserted the ultimate end to be the enjoyment of natural principles, De ●in. lib. 2. which, saith Cicero, he maintained, not that he really thought so, but in opposition to the Stoics. He read the Books of the Stoics very diligently, Laert. and disputed against them with so good success, that it gave him occasion to say; If Chrysippus had not been, I had not been. Clitomachus used to say of him, he could never understand what he really held; Cic. Acad. quaest. 4. for he would sometimes argue on one side, sometimes on the other; and by the calumny of his wit, saith Cicero, many times deride the best causes. Of the Sorites used by him, see Sextus Empiricus. CHAP. III. Upon what occasion he was sent on an Embassy to Rome a Plut vit. Cat. Agel. 7. 14. Ma●r. Satur. 1. 5. THE Athenians being fined by the Romans about 500 Talents, at the suit of the Or●pians and Sicyonians, for destroying Oropus a City of Boeotia, sent three Philosophers on an Embassy to the Roman Senate, to procure a mitigation of this fine, which had been imposed upon them without hearing their defence; Carneades the Academic, Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic. About the time of this Embassy there is much disagreement amongst Authors. Agellius saith, they came after the second Punic War, and maketh Ennius' later than their coming; which Petavius justly conceiveth to be false, for as much as Ennius died in the 585th year from the building of the City. But Cicero affirmeth this Embassy to have been when P. Scipio and M. Marcellus were Consuls, which was the 599th year. Pausanias reckoneth it upon the 603d year of the City, which Casaubone approveth. Each of these Philosophers, to show his learning, made choice of several eminent parts of the City, where they discoursed before great multitudes of people to the admiration of all. The Eloquence of Carneades was violent and rapid; that of Critolaus, neat and smooth, that of Diogenes modest and sober. Carneades one day disputed copiously concerning justice before Galba and Cato, Lactant. de Inst. lib. 51▪ the greatest Orators of that time. The next day he subverted all he had said before by contrary Arguments, a●d took away that Justice which he had so much commended. This he did the better to confute those, that asserted any thing. That dispute whereby he overthrew Justice is recorded in Cicero by L. Furius. To these three Philosophers resorted all the studious young men, Plut. and frequently heard and praised them. chiefly the sweetness of Carneades, which was of greatest power and no less fame than power, attracting eminent and benign hearers, filled the City with noise like a great wind; and it was reported that a Grecian person qualified to admiration, attracting all, had infused a serious affection into the young men, whereby forgetting other divertisements and pleasures, they were carried on as it were with a kind of madness to Philosophy. This pleased all the Romans, who gladly beheld their Sons instructed in Greek learning by such excellent men. Only Cato at the first noise of Admiration of the Greek Learning, was troubled, fearing the young men should apply themselves that way, and so prefer the glory of eloquence before Action and Military discipline. The fame of Philosopher's increasing in the City, and C. Acilius, (whom Agellius and Macrobius call Caecilius) an eminent person, having at his own request been the Interpreter of their first Oration to the Senate; Cato (who was then very old) under a fair pretence, moved, that these Philosophers might be sent out of the City, and coming into the Senate-house, blamed the Magistrates, that they had so long suffered such Ambassadors to continue amongst them without any answer, who were able to persuade them to any thing: wherefore he first desired that something might be determined concerning their Embassy, that they might be sent back again to their own Schools, and instruct the Sons of Grecians, and that the Roman youth might, as they did before, apply themselves to the observance of their own Laws and Magistrates. This he did not out of anger to Carneades, as some thought, but out of an ambitious emulation of the Greek humanity and Literature. CHAP. IU. His Virtues and Apothegms. HE was a person infinitely industrious, less conversant in Physic then Ethick, Lib. 8. c. 7. and so studious that he neglected to cut his hair and nails. Valerius Maximus saith, he was so studious, that when he lay down at meals, his thoughts were so fixed, that he forgot to put his hand to the Table, and that Melissa, who lived with him as a wife, was fain to put him in mind thereof, and help him. He was so eminent for Philosophy, that the Orators themselves would many times break up their schools and come and hear him. He had a great and loud-voice, whereupon the Gymnasiarch sent to him not to speak so loud, whereto he answering, send me the measure by which I should speak; the other wisely and appositely replied, you have a measure, your Hearers. He was sharply invective, and in argument almost invincible. He avoided feasting, out of the reason we mentioned, his great studiousness. One named Mentor a Bythinian, as Phavorinus saith, who had endeavoured to seduce a Mistress that he kept, coming into the school, he presently jested at him, in turning these words of Homer, Hither comes one oppressed with hoary years, Like Mentor in his voice and looks appears, Who from the School I charge you turn away. The other rising up, replied, He thus proclaimed, the rest did straight obey. Being to dispute with Chrysippus, he purged himself by white Hellebore to sharpen his wit, lest any corrupt humours in his stomach might oppress the vigour and constancy of his mind. He compared Dialectic to the fish Polypus, Stob. Ser. 212. which when its claws grow long, bites them off; so Logicians, growing subtle, confute their own assertions. He advised men in their greatest prosperity to be mindful of a change, Plut. de tranp. anim. for that which is unexpected is most grievous. He said the Sons of rich men and Kings learn nothing well but Riding, Plut de adul. & Am. dis. for their Masters flatter them; they who contest with them, willingly yield to them; but a horse considers not whether a private man or a Prince, a poor man or a rich be on his back, but if he cannot rule him, he throws his Rider. He seemed to be extremely averse from death, Laert. whence he often said, the same Nature which hath put us together will dissolve us; and hearing that Antipater died by drinking poison, he was a little animated by his constancy in death, and said, then give me too, they ask what, Wine, saith he, In the midst of the night he was struck blind, Laer●. and knew not of it, but waking, bid his servant bring a light; the servant did so, telling him he had brought one, then, said he, read you. CHAP. V. His Death and Writings. HE lived according to Laertius 85. years, or according to Cicecero. 90. The words of * Lae●●. Apollodorus that he died in the fourth year of the 162d Olympiad, which falleth upon the 626th year from the building of Rome, may easily be evinced to be false, by the greatest part of the Circumstances of his life; particularly from this; that Antonius in Cicero saith, when he went proconsul into Asia, he found Carneades the Academic at Athens, who opposed all in dispute, according to the manner of his Sect. The year of Antonius' Pro-Consulship was the 652. year from the building of Rome. But this account as we said before, is to be applied to the time of his birth, from which the 85th falleth upon the first year of the 184th Olympiad, the 90th upon the 2d of the 185th. Laertius saith, at his death there was a great Eclipse of the Moon, which some interpreted to proceed from a Sympathy with his loss. Upon this Eclipse I conceive Petavius grounded his computation of Carneades' death, when he saith, * Doct. temp. it was upon the first year of the 163. Olympiad. May 2. ●er: 2. hora. 5. 46. at Athens. But there being a mistake of the year, there is consequently a greater in the account of the feria and hour. Carneades, as Cicero saith, wrote four Books of Suspension of Assent. He wrote likewise▪ Epistles to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, the only monument left behind him, extant in Laertius' time. Whatsoever else went under his name, Laer●ius saith, was written by his Disciples, of whom he had many, the most eminent Clitomachus. There are remembered two more of this name, one a Philosopher, Disciple to Anaxagoras, mentioned by Suidas; the other an Epigrammatick Poet, mentioned by Laertius. CLITOMACHUS. a Laert. CLITOMACHUS was a Carthaginian, son of b Stephan. Diognetus. He was first called Asdrubal, as Plutarch and Laertius affirm, c L●er●●▪ and professed Philosophy in his own Country, and native Language. Being forty years old, he went to Athens, and heard Carneades, who being much taken with his industry, instructed and exercised him in Philosophy. With Carneades, Cicero saith, he lived until he was old, and succeeded him in the School, and chiefly illustrated his Doctrines by his writings, the number of which books being above four hundred, were a sufficient testimony of his d Ci●. Acad. Qu. l. 4. Laert. industry, and that he had no less of wit, than Carneades of eloquence. He was well versed in three Sects, the Academic, Peripatetic, and Stoic. Of his books are remembered by Cicero, one e Cic. Tusc. Qu. 4. of Consolation to his captive Countrymen, Carthage being then subdued by the Romans; another to f Cic. Acad. Qu. 4. Caius Lucilius the Poet, wherein he explained and defended the Academic suspension of Assent, having written before of the same things to L. Censorinus, who was Consul with M. Manilius, the sum of which discourse was this. g Cic. Acad. 4. The Academics hold there are such dissimilitudes of things, that some seem probable, others on the contrary. But this is not ground enough to say that some things may be perceived, others cannot, because there are many false that are probable, but no false can be perceived and known. Those therefore extremely err, who affirm the Academics to take away sense; for they say not, there is no colour, sapor, or sound; but dispute, that there is not any proper inherent note in these of true and certain: (which having expounded, he adds) A wise man suspends assent two ways; one, when [as we know] he absolutely refuseth to assent to any thing; another, when he withholds from answering, either in approbation or improbation of something, so that he neither denyeth nor asserteth it. In the first way he assents to nothing, in the second he will follow probability, and according as he finds it or not, answers yes or no. He who withholdeth his assent from all things, is yet moved, and acteth something. He reserves therefore these fantasies by which we are excited to action, and those of which being questioned, we may answer on either part, only as of a thing that seemeth to us so, but without assent; neither are all such fantasies approved, but only those which are not obstructed by any thing. h Cic. Tusc. quaest. 5. In asserting good, he joined pleasure with honesty, as Callipho also did. i Sext. Empir. adv. Math. He was a great enemy to Rhetoric, as Critolaus the Peripatetic, and Charmidas were also. Arts they did not expel out of Cities, knowing them to be very profitable to life, no more than they would drive Oeconomick out of Houses, or Shepherds from their Flocks; but they all persecuted, and every where ejected the art of speaking, as a most dangerous enemy. k Stob. Ser. 212. He compared Dialectic to the Moon, which is in continual increase or decrease. l Slob. Ser. 48. Falling sick, he was taken with a fit of a Lethargy, out of which he no sooner came, but he said, Love of life shall flatter me no longer; and thereupon with his own hands ended his life. PHILO. a Stob. Eclog. Ethic. PHILO was of Larissa, he heard Clitomachus many years, and is named by Sextus Empericus, as Constitutor of a fourth Academy; but Cicero affirms, he dissallowed the distinction of Academies, and wrote expressly to prove the first and the new Academy to be both one. c Cicer. Whilst he lived, the Academy wanted not a Patron. d Plut. vit. Cic. The Romans admired him, as Plutarch affirms, above all Clitomachus's Scholars, for his excellent discourse, and loved him for the sweetness of his disposition. Cicero no sooner went out of the first schools and rudiments of learning, but he became an auditor of Philo, as he acknowledgeth himself. Amongst other excellent things (saith f Eclog. Ethic. Stobaeus) he gave this Division of Philosophy. He compared Philosophy to a Physician: As the office of a Physician is first to persuade the sick person to permit himself to be cured; next to confute the reasons of his adversary: So is it of a Philosopher, both which consist in exhortation. Exhortation is a discourse inciting to virtue; whereof one part explaineth its great use, the other refelleth adversaries, or such as any way calumniate Philosophy. The comparison holds in a second manner, thus: As the part of a Physician, after he hath persuaded the Patient to admit of cure, is, to apply the means thereof, as well to remove the causes of the disease, as to induce and settle health; so is it in this Science. After exhortation, he endeavoureth to apply the cure, by removing false opinions wherewith the soul is infected, and by substituting true. In the second place therefore it treats of good and evil, for the sake of which the exhortation was made. Thirdly, the comparison holds thus: As all Medicines refer to one end, health; so all Philosophy to Beatitude. That part which treats of ends is joined with another which treats of life. For as in Medicine, it is not sufficient to restore health, unless it likewise deliver rules by which it may be preserved; so in life, some precepts are required for conservation of the end: And this part also is twofold; private, or common: One considers the affairs of particular persons, as, whether a wise man should manage a Commonwealth, whether he may live with Princes, whether he may marry: The other considers the business of all in general; as, what Commonwealth is best, how Magistrates are to be chosen. This common part is called Politic, and is treated of distinctly by itself, as being of greatest latitude. Now is fall were wise men, there would be no need of more places, for the more subtle divisions would emerge from the precedent. But because there must likewise be a care of the middle sort of men, who cannot apply themselves to long disputations, either through want of time, or diversion of business, there must not be omitted a treating of precepts, which delivereth short rules concerning the use of each. As to the Stoical judicatory, Sex. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. 1. 33. comprehensive fantasy, he held all things to be incomprehensible; as to the nature of the things themselves, comprehensible. Thus he took away the comprehensive fantasy asserted by Zeno. He held that to be a good connex; Sex. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. 2. 11. which beginneth from true and endeth in false, as (if it be day, and I dispute) this, If it is day, I dispute: According to which tenet there may be true axioms three ways, a false only one way: For, when it beginneth from true, and endeth in true, it is true; as, If it is day, it is light: And when it beginneth from false, and endeth in false, it is true; as, If the earth flies, the earth hath wings. Likewise if it beginneth from false and endeth in true, it is true; as, If the earth flies, it is earth. That which is false, is that which beginneth from true, and endeth in false; as, If it is day, it is night; for, the antecedent, it is day, is true; but the consequent, it is night, is false. He appointed, Tusc. Qu. l. 2. that the precepts of Orators should be delivered at one time, those of Philosophers at another. ANTIOCHUS. a Plut. vit▪ Cicer. ANTIOCHUS' was an Ascalonite, b Cic. Ac. qu. 1. brother of Aristus, Disciple of Philo. He lived with L. c Acad. Qu. 4. Lucullus, the Quaestor and General; he was also a great friend to d cio. de Leg. lib. 2. Atticus, whom he invited to the Academy. He is named by Sextus Empericus, as Constitutor of a fifth Academy: For, as e Vit. Cicer. Plutarch saith, he fell off from the Sect of Carneades, either moved by the evidence of sense, or, as some thought, by ambition, and dissension with the Disciples of Clitomachus and Philo. So that with some little alteration, he made use of the Doctrines of the Stoics; and f Cic. Acad. Quaest 4. though he were called an Academic, he had been, but for some alterations, an absolute Stoic; g Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. 1. 33. whence it was said of him, He taught the Stoical Philosophy in the Academy; for he manifested, that the Doctrines of the Stoics were in ●lato. In his old age, saith h Acad. Quaest 4. Cicero, he betook himself to the old Academics, forsaking the new, i Cic. de finib. lib. 5. and diligently enquiring into the opinion of the Ancients, k Acad. Quaest 4. endeavoured to follow Aristotle and Xenocrates, l Cic. de nat. Deor. l. 1. professing, that the Stoics and Peripatetics agreed in the thing, and differed only in words. To which effect Cicero mentions a Book which he sent to Balbus: He wrote also m Cic. Acad. Quaest 4. another against his Master Philo, entitled Sosus. n Flut. vit. Cicer. Cicero being at Athens heard him, and was much taken with the eloquence and volubility of his discourse, ( o Cic. Acad. Quaest 4. declaring him to be the most polite and acute of all Philosophers in his time) p ●lut. but not with the new Doctrine which he introduced. Thus far there is a continued series of the Academic Philosophers. FINIS. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The sixth Part, Containing the Peripatetic Philosophers. LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas▪ Dring. An. Dom. 1656. ARISTOTELES. ARISTOTELES. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, and time of his Birth. UPon the death of Plato his Disciples separated themselves into two Sects. The first continued in the same school, where he taught, the Academy; the other possessed the Lyceum. The first was known by the general name of Academics, or a Am●n●n. Sub. finem●comme●●. in pr●am. Porphyr. Peripatetics of the Academy; the the other by the general name of Peripatetics, or more particularly, Peripatetics of the Lyceum. Of the first we have discoursed already; we come now to the other, of which Aristotle was the Head. b Laert. Aristotle was born at Stagira, a City of Thrace, according to c Polymn. Herodotus, d Lib. 4. & ●. Thucydides, e Eliac. Pausanias and Suidas, by others placed in Macedonia, to take from him the imputation of a Barbarian. It was seated upon Strymon a River which parts those two Countries, having a Haven called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and a little Island of the same name belonging to it. This place, to which Aristotle owed his birth, he afterwards requited with extraordinary Gratitude. f Laert. ●m●●n. His Father was named Nicomachus, descended from Nicomachus Son of Machaon (whose skill in Medicine is celebrated by Homer) Son of Aes●ulapius, from whom Nicomachus, Aristotle's Father, derived not only his Pedigree, but his art also, for he was a Physician. Suidas saith, he wrote six Books of Medicine, and one of Physic. g De compos. medicam. Galen allegeth a Plaster of one Nicomachus; either this or the elder. This Nicomachus ( h Bassus. whom some affirm to have been grandson to Hipp●crates the Physician) lived in the time of Amyntas King of Macedonia, (Father of Philip) a Prince (as justine witnesseth) eminent for all Royal Virtues. To him Nicomachus was not only Physician, but friend and favourite. i Chilia ●. Tzetzes forgot these relations of Aristotle (as Nunnesius observes) when he affirmed that he was called an Aesculapian figuratively, in respect of his skill in Medicine, though it be true also that he did profess that Art. His Mother Laertius and Suidas name Phaestias, k Epist. ●d Ammaum. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, and Ammonius, Phaestis. l Vit. Arist. if he were the Author. Ammonius saith, she also was descended from Aesculapius, alleging in testimony thereof this Epigram, His Mother Phaesis, Sire Nicomachus, Descended both from Aesculapius. But Dionysius Halicarnassaeus saith, she was daughter a Chalcidian, one of the Colony which was sent from Chalcis to Stagira. Her Picture, Aristotle, in piety to her memory, caused to be made by Protogenes an eminent Painter of that time, which Picture m Lib. 35. cap. 9 Pliny reckons amongst the choicest pieces of that Master. Aristotle (as Suidas affirms) had a Brother named Arimnestus, and Sister Arimneste. His Brother died before him, without issue, as appears by his will. Aristotle was born, according to the testimonies of n Laert. Apollodorus, o Epist. ad Ammaeum. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and others, in the first year of the 99 t● Olimpiad, at what time Diotrephes was Archon at Athens, 44. years after the Birth of Plato, as p Deipn. lib. Athenaeus accounts, more justly than Ammonius and Suidas, who reckon but 42. before the birth of Demosthenes, three years. q Lib. 17. cap. 21. Agellius affirms, he was born the seventh year after the recovery of the City of Rome from the Gauls by Camillus; r Nuns. in vit. Aristot. repeated by Schottus in vit. compar at. Arist. & demosth. but because (as Plutarch saith) it is hard to find out on what year the City was taken, it will be hard also to find upon what year it was recovered. The recovery was seven months after its taking, but, in the following year, for it was taken in july, recovered in February. If therefore as Valerius Flaccus, Agellius, and Cassius Hemina account, the taking of the City was in the 363d year from the building thereof, it was recovered in the 364th. Thus Aristotle was born in the first year of the 99th Olympiad, the 370th from the building of Rome. But, if a Livy affirms, the taking of Rome was in the 365th year from the building thereof, and its recovery in the 366th, Aristotle according to that account must have been born in the third year of the 99th Olympiad, in the 372d year from the building of the City. Again, if the City were taken, in the 364th year after the building thereof, and recovered in the 365th year, as Varro, Pliny, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus account, whom Scaliger followeth, Aristotle must have been born in the second year of the 99th Olympiad, the 371. from the building of the City, reckoning always ten months for a year, and not casting them off, as Pliny and others seem to do, and beginning immediately the next year, which months being reckoned, the account will agree with ours; hitherto Nunnesius. CHAP. II. His first Education and Studies. a Ammon. N Icomachus and Phaestis the Parents of Aristotle being both dead, he was brought up by Proxenus an Atarnean, during which time being yet very young, he learned the Liberal Sciences, as appeareth, saith Ammonius, from those writings of his which partly concern Poetry, partly the Poets themselves, as likewise from his Homerical questions, and several Books of the Art of Rhetoric. b Ammon. In gratitude for this care taken by Proxenus in his education, Aristotle afterwards, not only bred up in like manner Nica●or, the Son of Proxenus, in all kinds of Learning, but adopted him his Son, and with his Estate bequeathed his Daughter to him. c Laert. in Testa●, Arist. He likewise caused the Statues of Proxenus and his wife, to be made and set up in honour of them, as is manifest by his Will. d Deipn. lib. 8. Athenaeus (citing an Epistle of Epicure) and e Var. hist. 5. 9 Aelian relate, that having consumed the inheritance left by his Father in prodigality and luxury; he betook himself to the Wars, wherein having ill success, he professed Medicine, and by chance, coming into Plato's School, and hearing their disputes, being of a wit far beyond the rest, he addicted himself to Philosophy, and became famous therein. But this agrees not well with the circumstances of his story, as related by Authors of greater credit and less prejudice. CHAP. III. How he heard Plato. a Ammon. HAving attained the age of 17. years, he went (in obedience to the Pythian Oracle, which advised him to addict himself to Philosophy) to Athens, Laertius saith (out of Apollodorus) that he was then but seventeen years old, in which year▪ Nausigenes was Archon; Dionysius Halicar●assaeus saith, it was the year following, at what time Polyzelus was Archon, perhaps it was upon Nausigenes' going out of his Office, whom Polyzelus succeeded. But b Laert. Eumenus is much mistaken, who saith, he was thirty years old when he came first to Plato, perhaps (as Nunnesius conjectures) because he had read in Plato, that Dialectic ought not to be studied till the thirtieth year. And no less err Ammonius, (if he be Author of that Life) and Olympiodorus, who affirm, that Aristotle coming to Athens in the seventeenth year of his age, heard Socrates three years, whereas Socrates was put to death when Laches was Archon, thirty two years before Nausigenes, under whom Aristotle was seventeen years old. Being recommended to Plato, he became his Disciple, and so continued twenty years, as an Epistle of his to Philip (cited by the old Interpreter of his life) did testify. Plato much loved him, and admired his acuteness of apprehension, and diligence in study; for which ( c De mundi aternit. Philoponus saith) Plato used to call him the Mind of the School; and when d Vet. Interp. he was not at his Lectures, he would say, The Intellect is not here, or, as Rhodiginus, The Philosopher of truth is absent. And comparing his acuteness with the dulness of Xenocrates, Plato was wont to say, e Laert. What an horse, and what an ass have I to yoke together: Xenocrates needs a spur, Aristotle a bit. f Ammon. Whilst he lived with Plato, he was extremely studious, and given to reading, insomuch that Plato called his house, the house of the great Reader, and would often say, g Interp. Let us go to the great Readers house. This may be confirmed by that great number of ancient Authors which are cited in his works. And though h Vit. Epic. Laertius (either in his own, or Carneades' words) saith, that Aristotle hath thrust in as many sentences of old Authors in his writings, as both Zeno and Chrysippus; yet, every one that is acquainted with the writings of Aristotle, knoweth how judiciously and concisely he giveth an account of their opinions, not for ostentation, but disquisition. Some report there was a great enmity betwixt Plato and Aristotle, i Aelian. 3. 19 which first arose from Plato's dislike of his manner of habit: For, Aristotle wore rich garments, and rich shoes, and contrary to Plato's rule, cut his hair short, and wore rings. He had likewise (say they) a scornful derision in his look, and tenacious contradiction in his discourse, which Plato not approving, preferred before him Xenocrates, Speusippus, Amyclas, and others, to whom he communicated his Doctrine and many favours; but repudiated Aristotle, who thereupon, k Laert. whilst Plato was yet alive, set up a School in opposition to him, in the Lyceum: at which ingratitude, ●lato much troubled, said, Aristotle kicks at us as young Colis at the dam that foaled them, when they have sucked their fill, and l Aelian. var. hist. 4. 9 Helladius, apud photium, in biblioth. for that reason, usually called Aristotle the Colt. m Aelian. They add, that Xenocrates being gone into his Country, and Speusippus not well, Aristotle came into Plato's School with some of his followers, and circumvented him with fallacious arguments, whereupon Plato retired to his own house, and there taught privately, leaving Aristotle in possession of the School, which he kept, till Xenocrates returning, ejected him, and reinstated Plato. The chief author of this report seems to have been Aristoxenus, cited by n Fraep. Emang. lib. 15. Eusebius, who as o In Aristoxeno. Suidas observes, assoon as Aristotle was dead, cast many aspersions upon him, out of a malicious revenge, because Aristotle preferred Theophrastus before him in the succession of the School, notwithstanding that Aristoxenus had gained a great name and credit among the Disciples. But as Ammonius argues; it is not likely that Aristotle, if he would, could have ejected Plato out of the School, or have obtained licence to erect a new one in opposition to him; for as much as at the same time, Cha●rias and Timotheus, Plato's kinsmen, were in great power, and Generals of the Athenian forces. Yet, some there are who affirm this, grounding it only on Aristotle's contradicting of Plato in many things; to which Ammonius answers, that Aristotle doth not simply contradict Plato▪ but those who misinterpret his writings. For, if he do sometimes contradict Plato, what wonder? seeing that therein he followeth Plato his Author, whose saying it was, that Truth ought to be preferred before all things; as also that saying, Socrates indeed is dear, but Truth most dear: And elsewhere, What Socrates saith, we must not so much regard, as we ought to be solicitous concerning Truth. The same course Aristotle took, if at any time he confuted Plato's assertion, therein obeying him, by following the Truth, and it is observed by p Licetus de piet. Aristot. some, that he is very sparing in naming him, where he opposeth his doctrine, and that thrice he makes honourable mention of him in his q Lib. 1. cap. 15. Rhetoric, his Book of the World, (if that be his) and his r Probl. 1. ●0. Problems. True therefore it is, (as s Laert. Apollodorus, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, but especially Aristotle himself, in his t Vet. Interp. Epistle to Philip, affirm,) that he was a constant, sedulous hearer of Plato twenty years, u Vet. Interp. unto the thirty seventh of his age, even until Plato died, and then was so great an honourer of his memory, that in testimony of his extraordinary affection, he erected an Altar to him, bearing this inscription: x Ammon. This Altar Aristotle's hand did raise To Plato, whom the impious must not praise. y Comment. in Gorg. ●lat. Olympiodorus speaking of the honour which Aristotle gave to his Master, confirmeth it by this argument, that he writ a whole oration in commendation of Plato, wherein he first made a relation of his life, than praised him. He adds, that Aristotle in his Elegies to Eudemus, extols him thus: And coming to the famed Cecropian Town, In sign of friendship did an Altar raise To him, whom impious persons must not praise: Who straying man to virtue did restore Much by his precept, by example more. One to the Gods so pious, good to men, No future age must think to see again. z Athen. deipn. 8. Aelian. 9 22. &▪ 5. 9 Some affirm, that whilst he lived with Plato, he professed Medicine, and kept a shop: but those a Euseb. prae. par. Evang. Aristocles confutes. CHAP. IU. How he lived with Hermias. a Laert. Suid. P Lato dying in the first year of the 108th Olympiad, and Speusippus his Nephew succeeding in the School, Aristotle went to Hermias the Eunuch, King of Atarna, a City of Mysia in Asia, who heretofore had been his fellow Disciple under Plato, and had a particular kindness for him. Hermias received him with great testimonies of love and respect. With him he lived three years, [ b Suid. instructing him in Philosophy,] at the end whereof, Hermias was (as c Lib. 13. Strabo saith) surprised by Memnon, a Rhodian, and sent to Artaxerxes; King of Persia, who put him to death. Pythai● his sister, a woman of extraordinary virtue, (whom Hermias, having no children, had designed his heir) being upon this accident reduced to great extremities and afflictions, Aristotle, in a pious gratitude to the memory of his friend, (as his own d Euseb. cont. Philos. Letter to Antipater attesteth) took her to wife, and e Laert. set up the statue of Hermias in the Temple at Delphi, with this Inscription. This man the Persian King against all right A sacrifice to his fierce anger made, Not like a foe by martial arms in fight; But as a friend by show of love betrayed. He wrote likewise a Hymn to Virtue, in memory of his Friend, to this effect. Virtue, whom we all obtain With much labour, but more gain, For your sake to die would please, Toil and torments were but ease. You direct men in pursuit Of immortal sacred fruit, Richer far than gold refined, Soft as sleep, as parents kind. Great Alcides for your sake Labours vast did undertake. Leda's valiant twins made known Moore your glories then their own; Ajax and Achilles too Only died for love of you; Ah! for you Atarna's pride, Hermias untimely died. But his name we will revive; That our Muse shall keep alive, Paying hospitable Jove Pious thanks for a friends love. There wanted not those who cast many aspersions and calumnies upon this Virtuous friendship: some affirmed that Hermias loved Aristotle inordinately (an imputation not well suiting with an Eunuch) and that for this Reason, he gave him Pythais to wife, whom Suidas and the Greek Etymologist affirm to have been his Daughter either by Nature or Adoption, Demetrius Magnesius his Niece, Aristippus his Concubine, so little do they agree in their relation. They add that Aristotle was so passionately in Love with her, that he sacrificed to her after the same manner; as the Athenians to Ceres at Eleusis. This Laertius relates as done whilst she was alive; But Lyco first Author of this calumny, that it was after her death. Moreover, that Aristotle in a thankful acknowledgement of his Bounty, wrote a Paean in praise of Hermias, meaning the Hymn last mentioned, which f Deipn. lib. 1●. Athenaeus, proveth against the calumniations of Demophilus not to be a sacred hymn or Paean, but a Scolion or Festival Song. Hence Theocritus the Chian derides him in this Epigram. To the slave Eunuch who Atarne swayed An empty tomb empty Aristotle made, Who from the Academy did retire To wallow in vain pleasures faithless mire. In answer to these calumnies (first raised by Lyco, dispersed further by Aristippus, and continued by those that malign the memory of Aristotle) Apellieo writ certain Books, wherein he accurately confutes those who durst in this manner impudently blaspheme (such are his words) the name of Aristotle; so much prejudice and malice being in the accusation, as might easily argue the falseness thereof. g Laert. Upon the death of Hermias, Aristotle ( h Strab. lib. 13. and with Xenocrates) fled from Atarna to Mitylene, as Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirm in the fourth year of the 108. Olympiad, Eubulus being Archon. CHAP. V. How he lived with Philip and Alexander. ABout this time Philip King of Macedonia, Father of Alexander, taking care for the Education of his Son, now growing towards man's estate, and unwilling (saith a Vit. Alexan●●. Plutarch) to commit his Education to Professors of Music, or any other of the liberal Sciences, as knowing him fit for higher designs, sent to Aristotle the most famous and learned of Philosophers, to come and instruct him. b Lib. 9 cap. 3. Agellius recites his Epistle, which was to this effect. Philip to Aristotle, health. KNow that I have a Son, I render the Gods many thanks; not so much for his birth, as that he was born in your time, for I hope that being educated and instructed by you, he will become worthy both of us, and the Kingdom which he shall inherit. Aristotle at this request of Philip, went to Macedonia to him, in the 4th year of the 108. Olympiad, as c Laert. Apollodorus and Dio●ystus Halicarnassaeus affirm, at what time Alexander was fifteen years old. d Ammon. He lived there infinitely esteemed and beloved of Philip and Olympia his Wife, Alexander's Mother, e Vet. Interp. They caused his Statue to be made and set up in honour of him. Philip had a kindness to particular for him that he allo'wd him in manner an equal share in the Government of the Kingdom, which interest, Ammonius saith, he employed to the advantage as well of private persons, as of the public, as appeareth (saith the Latin Interpreter of his life) by his Epistles to Philip. f Vit. Alexand. Plutarch affirms, that Philip as a recompense to Aristotle, re-edified the Town where he was born, Stagira, which he had before laid waist. He likewise assigned him a School and study, near Mieza a Town of Macedonia not far from thence, where, unto this day (saith Plu●arch) they show the stony seats and shady walks of Aristotle. g Plut. He instructed Alexander in the deepest parts of Learning, not only in Ethick and Politics, but his most reserved and solid Doctrines called Acroatick and Epoptick; never communicated to the Vulgar. That he taught him likewise the Art of Medicine, Plutarch argueth, for as much as Alexander was not only exceedingly delighted with the Theory thereof, but practised it successfully upon many of his friends, to whom he prescribed Receipts and diets, as appeareth, saith he, by his Epistle. h Plut. Perceiving Alexander to be much taken with Homer's Iliads, as conceiving, and calling it the best●●stitution of military Virtue, he took much pains in correcting and restoring the text, and then gave it to Alexander, which copy ●he infinitely prised. He writ a Book to Alexander, entitled; Of a Kingdom, mentioned by Laertius and Ammonius, wherein he instructed him how to rule. i Vet. Interp. So much did he incline the mind of Alexander to do good●, that he used to say, if any day passed wherein he had not conferred some benefit, I have not reigned to day. k Plut. vit. Alex. Alexander so much affected him, that he professed he admired and loved him no less than his Father, because his Father, he said, only gave him being, but Aristotle well-being. The love which Philip and Alexander bore him was so great, that Theocritus the Chian cast the same aspersion upon it, as he did on his friendship with Hermias. In the first year of the 111th Olympiad; Pythodorus being Archon, Philip died, and was succeeded by his Son Alexander, whose active spirit, soon after his coming to the Crown, designed an expedition against the King of Persia. Hereupon Aristotle having now lived with Alexander eight years, (though Justine saith but five, which some interpret of the time before Philip's death, but not without some violence, for that was above seven) preferring the quiet of a Contemplative life before the troubles of War, took leave of him, returned to Athens, leaving in his room calisthenes an Olynthian, his Kinsman (Son of his Cousin Hero) and Disciple; l Laert. whom before his departure observing to speak with too much liberty and obstinacy to the King, he reproved in these words, Son, if thou thus employ thy tongue, Thy thread of life cannot be long. And so it came to pass not long after upon this occasion. Hermolaus Son of Sopolis, a youth of a noble Family that studied Philosophy under calisthenes, hunting the Wild Boar with Alexander, prevented the King by casting his dart first at him, for which he was by the Kings command punished with many stripes. Troubled at the ignominy thereof, he conspired with Sostratus, Antipater, and some other companions of his to murder Alexander▪ which treason being discovered by Epimenes one of the Conspirators, they were all put to death. Aristobulus and Ptolemaeus Son of Lagus affirms they accused calisthenes, as him who instigated them to this attempt. Hereupon calisthenes was put into an iron Cage, and so carried up and down in a miserable fordid condition, and at last, as Laertius relates (though others otherwise) thrown to Lions and devoured. CHAP. VI His School and manner of Teaching. THus Aristotle having lived eight years with Alexander, returned to Athens, as a Laert. Apollodorus and b Epist. ad A●●m. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirm, in the second year of the hundred and eleventh Olympiad, Pythodorus being Archon, where he found Xenocrates teaching in the Academy, which place was resigned unto him by Speusippus, in the fourth year of the hundred and ninth Olympiad. Hence it appeareth, that c Laert. Hermippus erreth, in affirming, that Xenocrates took upon him the School of Plato, at what time Aristotle was sent by the Athenians on an Embassy to Philip. For as d Discuss. Perip. Patricius hath observed, it can no way agree in time, it being certain, as Laertius attests, that Speusippus succeeded Plato in the School in the first year of the hundred and eight Olympiad, immediately upon Plato's death, and continued therein eight years, that is, to the end of the hundred and ninth Olympiad; in the second year of which Olympiad, Aristotle, as we said, went to Philip, not on an Embassy, but upon his invitation to educate Alexander. Neither is the Author of Aristotle's life less mistaken, who saith, that upon the death of Speusippus, the Athenians sent to Aristotle, and that both of them, Aristotle and Xenocrates, took upon them Plato's School, Xenocrates in the Academy, Aristotle in the Lyceum. But this error is easily detected by the same computation; for at the time of Spe●sippus's death, Aristotle was with Alexander, nor did he leave him until six years after, all which time Xenocrates professed Philosophy in the Academy. e Laert. The Academy being prepossessed by Xenocrates, Aristotle made choice of the Lyceum, ( f Suid. a place in the suburbs of Athens, built by Pericles for the exercising of Soldiers.) Here he taught and discoursed of Philosophy, to such as came to him, walking constantly every day till the hour of anointing, which the Greeks usually did before meals, whence he and his followers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from walking Peripatetics. Others say, he was called Peripatetic from walking with Alexander, newly recovered of a sickness, in which manner he used to discourse of Philosophy with him. g Laert. The number of his auditor's increasing very much, he gave over walking, and taught sitting, saying, Now to be silent most disgraceful were, And see Xenocrates possess the chair. Though Cicero and Quintilian affirm, he used this verse against Isocrates, in emulation of whom, he taught Rhetoric to his Disciples every morning. h Laert. So many Disciples resorted to him, that he made Laws in his School, as Xenocrates did in the Academy, creating Archons that ruled ten days. i Agell. lib. 21. cap. 5. The discourse and doctrine which he delivered to his Disciples was of two kinds. One he called Exoterick, the other Acroatick. Exoterick were those which conduced to Rhetoric, meditation, nice disputes, and the knowledge of civil things. Acroatick those in which more remote and subtle Philosophy was handled, and such things as pertain to the contemplation of nature, and Dialectic disceptations. Acroatick Discipline he taught in the Lyceum in the morning, not admitting every one to come and hear them, but those only, of whose wit and principles of Learning, and diligence in study, he had before made trial. His Exoterick Lectures were in the afternoon and evenings; these he communicated to all young men without any distinction, calling the latter his evening walk, the former, his morning walk. CHAP. VII. His Philosophy. IN Philosophy (saith a Vit. Ar. Ammonius) he seemeth to have done more than Man, for there is not any part of Philosophy whereof he treated, but he doth it most accurately, and many things he himself (such was his sagacity and acuteness) finding out, completed and finished. b Ammon. v●. Ar. In Logic it was his invention, that he separated the precepts of Disputation from the things themselves of which we dispute, and taught the manner and reason of disputation. For they who went before, though they could demonstrate, yet they knew not how to make a demonstration; as they who cannot make shoes, but only wear them. Alexander Aphrodisaeus affirms, that he first reduced Syllogisms to Mood and Figure. Philoponus, that he invented all Dialectic Method, whence Theodorus calls him, both inventor and perfecter of Logic, which he indeed in a manner challengeth (but modestly) to himself, in the last Chapter of his Elenches, affirming nothing had been done in that kind before, but what the Eristicks and Sophists taught. As for the Categories, the invention whereof some ascribe to the Pythagoreans, it is much more probable that they were wholly his own; for those books entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under the name of Archytas, from which some conceive Aristotle to have borrowed much, the particulars whereof are instanced by c Dissertat. Peripat. Patricius, The●istius affirms, to have been written, not by the Pythagorean (neither hath Laertius made mention of any writings of his, for the Pythagoreans at that time wrote but little, the first that wrote any thing being Philolaus) but by some Peripatetic, who thought his work might pass with greater credit, if published in the name of so ancient a Philosopher. In Physic the ●ift essence, whereof celestial bodies consist, distinct from the four Elements, is generally ascribed to his invention, only Simplicius citeth the authority of Xenocrates, in his book of the life of Plato, that Plato constituted five simple bodies, Heaven, and the four Elements asserting they differ no less in nature then in figure, for which reason he assigned the figure of a Dodecaedron to Heaven, differing from the figure of the four Elements. But these, as the learned Nunnesius observes, seem to be rather Symbolical, and Pythagorical, than the true meaning of Plato. For Plato in his Timaeus expressly averrs, that the Heavens are of their own nature dissolute, but by the divine Will, are kept together, as it were, by a Tie from being dissolved. Xenarchus, a Philosopher, wrote against the fifth Essence, introduced by Aristotle, whom Alexander Aphrodisaeus exactly answereth. Theodorus calleth Aristotle, the Perfecter of Physic, adding, ●that only his writings upon that subject were approved by following ages, who rejected whatsoever others had written in the same kind, as appeareth by their loss. What Epicure and others have objected against him as a fault, that he enquired with such diligence into the minute, and meanest things of nature, is a sufficient testimony of his excellence and exactness in this study. d Vet. Interpr. In Ethick, whereas Polyaenus placed Felicity in external goods, Plato in those of the soul only, Aristotle placed it chiefly in the soul; but affirmed it to be de●●led and straightened if it want exterior goods, properly using these terms. For those things which are de●iled have the same beauty within, but their superficies only is hidden; and those which are straightened have the same real magnitude. c Ammon. In Metaphysic, which he calleth First-Philosophy, and Wisdom, and (as the more ancient Philosophers before him) Theologie, f Ammon. though there be not any invention of his extant, yet, he perfectly went through all the parts thereof. For he was not only acquainted, as some falsely imagine, with terrestrial things, and those which belong to this World; but even with those things which are above this World, as may appear from the eight book of his Physic, where he saith, that the first cause is not subject to motion, neither in it sel●e, nor by accident, in which words he declareth, that God is not a body, nor any way passable. And in his 12th book of Wisdom, or Metaphysics, he discourseth accurately of God and Intelligences, in a rational clear way, not involved in Fables, or Pythagorical Symbols; but, founding his assertion upon reason and demonstration, as much as the subject, and human reason alloweth. g Dissert. ●eripat. Patricius labours much to prove that whatsoever he had in this kind excellent, he borrowed from Hermes Trismegistus. But ( h In the life of Plato. cap. as we have already said,) Mr. Casaubon hath fully evinced that Book to have been imposed upon the World by some later writer. What is added by the ancient Latin Interpreter concerning Aristotle's sentence of that visual hexagonal Pyramid, (which i Nunncus in Vit. Arist. a learned person hath observed to be chosen as a middle way betwixt the sentence of those who made the optic penicill a pyramid of a quadratick base, and those who made it of a Conic figure,) is very obscure, and hardly admits of an Interpretation worthy so great an Author. CHAP. VIII. His correspondence with Alexander. WHilst Aristotle taught Philosophy at Athens, his Disciple Alexander was employed in an Expedition to Asia against Darius' King of Persia, incited thereunto by the principles of Honour, which were infused into him by Aristotle, particularly from the Precedents of Achilles, Ajax, and other Heroes celebrated by Homer, whose Iliads Aristotle had so carefully recommended unto him. He began this expedition in the third year of the 11th Olympiad, at which time Ctesicles was Archon at Athens, immediately after the departure of Aristotle, who (it is probable) came only for this reason from him, as preferring a quiet and studious life before the troubles of War. The first thing that Alexander did, was to visit the Tomb of Achilles in the Sigaeum, at the sight whereof he broke forth into these words; O fortunate young man, that hadst a Homer to celebrate thy praise ● for had it not been for his Iliads, adds a In Licin. Cicero, in the same Tomb where Achilles' his body lay, his name also would have been buried. He took with him the Iliads of Homer, corrected by Aristotle, and made it his constant companion, insomuch that he put it every night with his dagger, under his pillow. And in a Victory over Darius, having taken a Casket of Unguents of extraordinary value amongst the spoils of Darius, beset with Pearls and precious stones, (as b Lib. 29. Pliny describes it,) his friends telling him how many uses it might be put to, because Unguents did not become a Soldier; Yes, saith he, it shall serve to keep the Books of Homer, that the most precious work may be kept in the richest case; hence was this correct copy called, as Plutarch saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whilst he was in Asia, engaged in the Wars against Darius, in the midst of his continual Victories and business, hearing that Aristotle had published his Acroatick books of natural Philosophy, he sent this Letter to him; Alexander d Agell. 20. 5. ●lut. vit. Alex. to Aristotle, Health. YOu have not done well in publishing your Acroatick discourses, for wherein shall we excel others, if this Learning, wherein we have been instituted, be made common to all? As for me, I had rather excel others in knowledge then in power. Farewell. To which Aristotle returned this answer. Aristotle e Agel. 20. 5. Epist. Grac. to Alexander, health. YOu wrote to me concerning my Acroatick Discourses, that they ought not to have been communicated; but kept secret. Know, that they are made public, and not public, for none but they who have heard us can understand them. Farewell. Thus, notwithstanding Alexander were busied in the Wars, yet he forgot not his Master Aristotle, but kept a friendly correspondence with him. So constant was he in his love to Learning, and particularly so much inflamed (as f Lib. 8. 16. Pliny saith) with a curious desire of understanding the natures of living Creatures, that he sent thousands of men, throughout all Asia and Greece to procure all kinds of living Creatures, birds, beasts and fishes, at an excessive charge; g Lib. 9 Athenaeus saith, 800. Talents, which according to h De ●sse. lib. 2. 19 Budaeus' account is 840000▪ crowns: these men he sent with what they took to Aristotle, that he might not be ignorant of any thing that any Nation afforded; by which information, he composed, as Pliny affirmeth, 50. excellent Volumes, of Li●ing Creatures, of which ten are only left, unless we put into the same number, those Books of his which have some near relation to this subject; as Of the going of living Creatures, 1. Of the parts of living Creatures and their causes, 4. Of the Generation of living Creatures, 5. If this were done by Alexander, as Pliny and Athenaeus attest (though i Lib. 4. 19 Aelian ascribe it to Philip) it must necessarily have been whilst he was in his Asiatic expedition. For Aristotle, as hath been already proved, stayed but a very short time with him after the death of his Father. Aristotle made the same use of this correspondence with Alexander, as he had done of the Interest he before had with Philip, the advantage not only of particular person, but of whole Cities. This City of Stagira, the place of his Birth, did acknowledge, which, at the suit of Aristotle, Alexander caused to be re-edified, and repeopled, and restored to its former state, having before by Philip been laid level with the ground, For, though Plutarch relate this as done in the time of Philip, Laertius, Ammonius, Dion, chrysostom, Aelian, and others hold▪ that it was done by Alexander, to which Valerius Maximus adds, that it was not long before Aristotle's death. In memory of which Benefit, the people of Stagira used to celebrate a yearly Festival, which they called the Aristotelean Feast, naming the month in which it fell Stagirites. l Ammon. Erestus likewise, the Country of Theop●rastus, which Alexander determined to punish very severely; by the mediation of Aristotle was pardoned. That he benefited many particular persons is evident, saith Ammonius, from his Epistles to the King, yet extant, wherein he recommends several persons to him. Hence it is manifest, that the Author of his life is mistaken, when he affirms, that in Alexander's Asiatick expedition, Aristotle accompanied him to the Brachmanes, where he writ that noble piece of the Laws and institutions of 255 Cities. That likewise he traveled over all Persia with Alexander, where during the War, Alexander died, and Aristotle returned into his own Country. This relation agrees not with the other circumstances of Aristotle's life. Alexander died in the fourth year of the hundred and thirteenth Olympiad, two years before Aristotle's departure from Athens. But as it is apparent, that this mistake proceeded only from ignorance (yet that so great, that m Disser●. Peripat. 1. 1. Patricius argues from thence, neither Ammonius not Philoponus to be the Authors of his life) so are there some other errors, which no less manifestly appear to have proceeded from malice, raised, it is likely, by the Authors of the other scandals and imputations, wherewith they sought to blast his memory. n Laert. Some affirm, that Alexander upon the treason of calisthenes, took a great displeasure against Aristotle, for having recommended him to him. For though at first, writing to Criterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, immediately upon this accident, he sent them word, that the youths had confessed, the plot proceeded only from themselves, not by the instigation of any other. o Plut. vi●● Alex. ● Yet afterwards, in an Epistle to Antipater, he imputes the same crime to calisthenes, not without this sharp reflection upon Aristotle: The youths, saith he, were stoned to death by the Macedonians; but, as for the Sophist, I will punish him myself, and those who sent him, and those who entertain in their Cities such as are Traitors to me. Hereupon they interpret the bounty of Alexander to Xenocrates, and favour to Anaximenes, as not proceeding from the magnificence of his disposition, p Laert. but from the displeasure he had conceived against Aristotle, whom he endeavoured to vex, by obliging his adversaries and aemulators. Upon this supposed displeasure was grounded another report, that q Plut. Alex: Aristotle conspiring with Cassander against Alexander, sent him, by Antipater, some of the water of Styx, wherewith he poisoned Alexander. But the Relators hereof differ not a little amongst themselves: Diodorus Siculus and Suidas affirm, that Alexander was poisoned by Cassander son of Antipater; Arianus by jolla his younger son: Porphyrius saith, that nothing but the horn of an Ass, such as the Asses of Scythia had, would contain the poison: justine and Pausanias, the hoof of a Horse; Pliny and Arrian of a Mule; Plutarch and Zonaras, of an Ass. They differ no less about the place whence the water was fetched. Neither indeed can it be expected there should be a better harmony amongst the Relators of this Fable, when there is so great dissension, and variety of relations, concerning the occasion and manner of his death. But the most creditable is that of Ephippus ( r D●ipn. 10. 11. cited by Athenaeus) f Lib. 3. cap. 21. Orosius, g Lib. 12. justine, and others, who aver, that Alexander died of a Fever, caused by excess of drinking. CHAP. IX. Upon what occasion he left Athens, and went to Chalcis. a Laert. TWelve years Aristo●le professed Philosophy in the Lyceum, not molested by any; for though his eminence in Learning procured him many Aemulators and enemies, yet, the favour he had with Alexander, whilst he lived, awed them so much, that they durst not make any discovery of the ill will they bore him. No sooner was Alexander dead (according to Di●nysius Halicarnassaeus) but some of them conspired against his life. To which end, Eurymedon, a Priest, or (according to Pha●orinus) Demophilus, accused him of impiety; that he introduced some Philosophical assertions, contrary to the Religion of the Athenians; that he celebrated Hermias as a God, with a hymn, and had caused his statue to be set up in the Delphian Temple, with an honourable inscription. Some affirm hereupon he made an Oration in defence of himself, at the Court of Areopa●us, wherein he openly pronounced this verse, made out of two in b Odyss. ●. Homer. Pears upon pears, and figs on figs grow here; By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (figs on figs) reflecting upon the multitude of Sycophants which sprung up every day in the City. Hence Phavor●nus saith, he was the first Philosopher that pleaded for himself, and there was an Oration to that purpose went about many years after under his name. But, of the truth hereof, Athenaeus maketh question. c Laert. Others affirm, that Aristotle perceiving the conspiracy that was against his life, stole privately out of Athens, and went to Chalcis, where he spent the rest of his days, returning to his friends, who demanded the reason of his going, this answer, d Aelian. va●. hist. We left Athens, that we might not give the Athenians occasion to commit again the same wickedness e Origen. contr: Celsum li●. ●. they committed against Socrates, that they mi●ht not be guilty of a double crime against Philosophy. To Antipater he wrote the forementioned verse, Pears upon pears, and figs on figs grow here; Giving him to understand how dangerous it was for him to live in Athens, since the Athenians were wholly addicted to Sycophantisme and calumny. This departure of Aristotle from Athens, Dionysius Halicarn●ssaeus placeth in the second year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, Apollodorus a year latter, perhaps less rightly. f Agell. 13. 6. Being near sixty two years of age, very sickly, and without hope of living much longer, the whole company of his followers came to him, and besought him to make choice of a Successor, whom after his death they might look upon as the perfecter of those studies whereinto he had brought them. There were at that time many excellent Scholars in his School, but especially two, Theophrastus and Menedemus, or rather as Patricius reads, Eudemus. These excelled the rest in Wit and Learning. The first was of Lesbos, Eudemus of Rhodes. Aristotle answered them, he would do as they requested, when he saw it convenient. Soon after, the same persons being present who had made this request to him, he complained, the wine which he then drank did not agree with his health, but was unwholesome and harsh; and therefore desired they would send for other sorts, both Rhodian and Lesbian, saying, he would make use of that which he should find best for him. They go, seek, find, bring. Aristotle first calls for the Rhodian, tastes it, a strong wine, saith he, and pleasant: then calls for the Lesbian, which having tasted, both, saith he, are good, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Lesbian is the sweeter; whereby every one understood that his choice was not of the wine, but of his successor, which was Theophrastus of Lesbos, a man of extraordinary sweetness in discourse and conversation: Whence not long after, assoon as Aristotle was dead, all his Disciples applied themselves to Theophrastus. CHAP. X. His Apophthegms. a Laert. OF his Apothegms are remembered these. Being demanded what a man got by lying, he answered, not to be believed when he spoke truth. Being reproved for giving money to a wicked man: ay, saith he, gave it compassionating, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the condition; but, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or as Stobaeus, not to the man, but to humanity. He used this saying frequently amongst his disciples and friends, the eye receives light from the air, the soul ●rom learning. Inveighing against the Athenians, he said, They had invented two things, Corn and Law; but made use only of one, the Corn. He said, The root of learning is bitter, the fruit sweet. Being demanded what grows old soon, he answered, a Benefit. Being demanded what is Hope, he answered, a waking Dream. Diogenes the Cynic offered him a fig: Aristotle 〈◊〉 that Diogenes had prepared some sharp saying, in case he should have refused it, took the fig, telling Diogenes, he had lost both his fig and his conceit. Then throwing it up into the air, and catching it, as boys use to do, O worthy Dioge●es, said he, and restored it. He said, to Learning three things are requisite, Nature, Institution, Exercise. Being told, that one had reviled him: When I am absent, said he, let him beat me too. He said, Beauty was a better recommendation than any Letter. Others ascribe this to Diogenes, adding, that Ar●stotle called beauty, the gift of a specious ●orm. He called Socrates a short-lived Tyranny; Plato, Nature's Prerogative; Theophrastus' silent ●raud; Theocri●us, specious hurt; b Meant per haps of that Carn●ades wh● was Disciple to Anaxago●as. Carneades, a guardlesse Kingdom. Being demanded what difference there is betwixt the learned and unlearned, he answered, as much as between the living and the dead. He said, Learning in prosperity is an ornament, in adversity a refuge. He said, they who educated children well, are more to be honoured, than they who beget them; for these only gave them life, others well-living. To one, boasting of the greatness of his Country: That, saith he, is ●ot to be considered, but whether a man deserve to be of a great Country. He said, Friends are one soul in two bodies. He said, some men lived so sparingly as if they were to live always, others so prodigally, as if they were to die to morrow. To one that asked why we love the company of those that are fair; That, saith he, is a question for a blind man to ask. Being asked what he had gotten by Philosophy, he answered, to do those things voluntarily, which others do for fear of the Law. Being demanded how Disciples should profit most; he answered, if they follow those that are before them, and stay not for those behind them. To a foolish talker, who after a long Discourse said to him, I am afraid I have been tedious to you; not at all, answered he, for I did not mind you. Being asked how we should behave ourselves towards our Friends, he answered, as we would have them do towards us. He said, justice is the virtue of giving to every one according to his desert. He said, Learning was the best provision against old age. He used, as Phavorinus relate● in the second of his Commentaries, to say frequently, he who hath many friends hath none; which is ●●●●wise extant in the seventh book of his Ethics. 〈◊〉 said, Stob. ser. 28. when things happen not as we would, we must will as they happen. Seeing a youth very selfconceited, Ser. 45. and withal ignorant; young man, saith he, I wish I were what you think yourself, and my enemies what you are. Seeing a young man proud of a fine Cloak, Ibid. why boast you, saith he, of a Sheep's Fleece? He said, Ser. 46. they who demonstrate plain things, light a candle to see the Sun. Being reviled by an impudent person; Thou, Ser. 101. saith he, who art versed to bear all things, speakest them with delight, I who am not used to speak them, take no delight in hearing them. Being demanded why he who taught others to speak, Ser. 128. himself held his tongue, a whetstone, saith he, cannot cut, yet it sets an edge upon swords. Being asked who can keep a secret, Ibid. He, saith he, that can hold a glowing coal in his mouth. Seeing a young man very neatly dressed, Ser. 161. are you not ashamed, saith he, when Nature made you a man, to make yourself a woman. A handsome young man, Ibid. much courted, said to him, If I were hated of the Citizens as you are, I would hang myself; And I, replied he, would hang myself if I were loved by them as you are. Being demanded how a man should come to be rich, Serm. he answered; by being poor in desire. It repented him of three things; Ser. 305. that he had ever committed a secret to a Woman; that he had rid when he might have gone a foot; that he had lived one day not having his Will made. CHAP. XI. His will and Death. FRom that speech of Aristotle last mentioned, may be gathered how careful he was to make his Will, but more from the exact form thereof which was thus: a Laert. BE all well; but if it happen otherwise, thus Aristotle maketh his Will Be Antipater my sole Executor during the Minority of Nicanor. Let Aristomenes, Timarchus, Hipparchus, Dioteles, (and if he please, and have leisure) Theophrastus, be Guardians of the children & of Herpylis, and all that I leave. I will that my Daughter, assoon as she shall be marriageable be given Nicanor, for Wife. If any thing happen otherwise (which God forbid) before she be married, or, after she be married before she hath any Children, let Nicanor have the ordering of my Son, and the disposal of all other things, for his reputation and mine. Let therefore Nicanor take care of the Maid Pythais, and my Son Nicomachus, and order their Estates according to their condition, as a Father and a Brother. If in the mean time any thing shall happen to Nicanor (which God forbid) either before my Daughter be married, or, if married, before she hath any Children, if he make any Will, as he appointeth, so let it be. Otherwise, if Theophrastus approve of it, let him marry the Maid, and have the same power, that Nicanor should have had. Otherwise let the Estates as well of the Maid as the Boy be disposed with the joint consent of the Guardians, and Antipater, as they shall think fit. Let likewise the Executors of Nicanor take care to remember us and Herpylis, since that she hath been faithful to me, and, if she will take a husband, that such a one be given unto her as may be no disparagement unto us. Let them give her out of my Estate, besides what is already mentioned, a Talon of Silver, three Maidservants, if she so please, and the handmaid which she hath, and the boy Pyrrhaeus. And moreover, if she will dwell at Chalcis, let her have that habitation which joineth to the Garden, if at Stagira, our Patrimonial seat; which, howsoever Herpylis shall choose, let the Executors furnish it, as they shall think convenient and proper for Herpylis. Let likewise Nicanor take charge of the Boy Mirmax, that he may be restored honourably, as becometh us, unto his own, with all his goods which we delivered to our Trust. Let likewise Ambraces be a free woman, and have bestowed upon her, at her marriage, fifty Drachmas, and the Girl which she hath. I will likewise that to Thales, be given, besides the Handmaid he hath bought, a thousand Drachmas, and another Handmaid. Likewise to Simo, besides that money which he hath already received to buy a Servant; let another Servant be bought, or the like Sum be given again, wherewith he may purchase one. As soon as my Daughter shall be married, let Tycho, Philo, Olympias and his Son be free men Of those boys which served me, let none be sold, but let my Heirs make use of their service, and when they come to age, as they deserve let them be manumitted. Let the Executors take care to those Statues of Nicanor, and his Mother, and Proxenus, which I gave order for to Gryllius, as soon as they are perfected, be set up Let likewise the Statue of Arimnestus be set up, that this monument may remain of him; since he died without Children. I will likewise that the Statue of my Mother be consecrated to Ceres in the Nemaean Temple, or where else shall be thought fitting. Wheresoever my Body is buried by the Executors, thither let the bones of ●ythais, according as she desired, be brought, and laid with mine. Let likewise Nicanor, if he continue well in health, dedicate at Stagira, to Jupiter Soter, and Minerva Sotira, Statues of Beasts, of stone, of four cubits, in performance of the vow which we vowed for him. He died at Chalcis, in the third year of the 114th Olympiad, Philocles being Archon, in the 63. the great Climacterical year, of his age (not as b Laert. Eumelus, 70. years old) as appeareth by the computation of Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarn●ssaeus; thus, y. He came to Athens at 18. Herd Plato 20. Lived with Hermias 3. With Philip and Alexander 8. Taught in the Lyceum 12. Lived at Chalcis 2. in all 63. The manner of his life is variously related, c Lib. 1. Strabo, H●sychius Illustris, and from him Suidas relate, that he drunk Hemlock, either being condemned thereunto by the Athenians, as Socrates was▪ or to prevent their Judgement. d Paraen. ad gent justine Martyr, e Stelieut. 1. Gregory Nazianzen, f Ant. lect. 19 8. Coelius Rhodoginus, the Greek Etymologist, Nonnus, and oth●rs follow the common report, that a question was proposed to him of the wonderful nature of Euripus, an arm of the Sea, coming into Chalcis (as Lucian aver) which ebbeth and floweth seven times in 24. hours. Not being able to resolve it, he died of shame and anxiety. Some affirm that as he sat on the bank, having considered long upon it, he at last threw himself headlong into the River, saying, si●ce Aristotle could not take Euripus, Euripus take thou Aristotle. But the Authors of greatest credit, g Laert. Apollodorus, h Epist. ad Amm. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, i De die. na●ali▪ Censorious, Laer ius and others affirm, that he died of a pain in his stomach, caused by overwatching, and excess of study. For Laertius affirms he was a most indefatigable student, and when he went to bed, he held a brazen ball in his hand, that when he fell asleep, the noise of it falling into a Basin set under it for that purpose, might awake him, which Alexan●er his Disciple imitated. To this pain of the stomach he was very subject, and sometimes assuaged it by applying a bottle of hot oil to his Breast. Notwithstanding this natural infirmity of his stomach, saith Censorinus, and the frequent indisposition of a sickly constitution, he preserved himself a Long time through his Virtue and Temperance, for it is much more strange that he attained the a●e of 63. years, then that he lived no longer. The Author of the book de Pomo, affirmeth, that when he was dying, he said to his Disciples standing about him, it was not without reason that Homer said, the Gods came down to earth to relieve mankind. k Antiq. lect. ●8. 31. Coelius Rhod●ginus adds from the same Author, that when he felt the pangs of death to come upon him, weeping between grief and hope, he often repeated these words, Thou Cause of Causes, have mercy on me: And his Disciples, when they saw he was departing, said, He who receiveth the souls of Philosophers, may ●e take thine likewise, and lay it up in his own Treasury, as the soul o● a right and perfect man, as we have known thee to be. Of this, there is no testimony more ancient, then that of the Author of the book de Pomo, who (as Patricius clearly observes from his writings) was a Christian. l Vet. I●●erp. The Stagirites fetched his body from Chalcis to Stagira, where they buried it with much solemnity, building a magnificent Tomb for him, and erecting an Altar to his memory. CHAP. XII. His Person and Virtues. a Laert. AS concerning his person, he was slender, having little eyes, and a small voice. When he was young, Laertius and Plutarch affirm, he had a great hesitation in his speech. b Aelian. var. hist. He went in a rich habit, and wore rings: his beard was shaved, his hair cut short; he had a high nose, if we credit the head put up by Fulvius Ursinus, found at Rome, at the bottom of the quirinal hill. He was of a sickly constitution, troubled with a natural weakness of stomach, and frequent indispositions, which he overmastered by his Temperance. Saint Hierome affirmeth, he was the Prince of Philosophers, an absolute Prodigy, and great miracle in nature, into whom seemeth to have been infused whatsoever mankind is capable of. He was extremely pious towards God and Man, upon which subject, Fortunius Licetus hath lately written two books. Eusebius, Cassiodorus, and others affirm, that many persons, eminent for sanctity, especially followers of School-learning, have, through the means of Aristotle's Philosophy, been carried on to Inspection into the highest doctrines of true Faith; as, that there is one God, etc. As concerning his gratitude to men, besides those instances already mentioned to Pro●enus and his son, to Hermias and his sister, to his Master Plato, to his own Mother, Brother, and Country, and infinite others; many Philosophers, whose opinion he takes occasion to allege, he mentions with their due praise: of which were his Master Plato (of whom we have already spoken) whom, as we have said, he sometimes mentioned honourably, and sometimes concealeth his name, where he preferreth his own opinion. Amongst others, of whom he maketh honourable mention, are observed Democritus, in his first book de Generatione; Diogenes Apolloniates in the same book, Anaxag●ras, in the first of his Metaphysics. For that he was very moderate, the Interpreter of his life confirms, instancing in his book of Ca●egorems, where he saith, We ought not to determine any thing hastily, but to consider often, and to doubt o● e●ery thing, is not unuseful. And again, in his book of Good, We mu●● remember, being men, not only that we are happy, but that we ought to be able to prove it by firm reason. And again, in his Ethics to Nicomachus: Man is our friend, Truth our friend; but above all, we ought to honour Truth. And in his Meteorologicks: As concerning th●se, we doubt of some of them, others we touch superficially. And in the same, not once or twice, but infinite times, Men do happen upon the same opinions, therefore we ought not to be proud of our own wisdom, in any thing whereof we conceive ourselves to be ●he Inventors. The common report therefore (grounded upon no authority) that he collected the books of the ancient Philosophers, and having taken out of them what he intended to confute, burned them, is manifestly false; for any one that reads Cicero, will find, they were most of them extant in his time. CHAP. XIII. His Wives and Children. HE had two wives, the first Pythais, sister to Hermias, the Eunuch, Tyrant of Atarna, and his adopted heir. Of the scandals that were cast upon him by this marriage, Aristotle fully acquits himself in his Epistles to An ipater, where he professeth, that he married her only out of t●e good will which he bore unto Hermias, and out of a compassion, for the great misfortunes that had happened to her Brother; adding, that she was a woman endowed with extraordinary modesty, and all other virtues. His second wife was named Herpylis, a woman of Stagira, whom Apellico (cited by Eusebius) and (perhaps from him) ●u●das affirm, he married after the death of Pythais: With her he lived to his end, as Hermippus, cited by Athenaeus, and ●imothaeus, by Laertius affirm. Timaeus, a professed calumniator of Aristotle, saith, she was his Concubine, and that Aristo●le lived with her, following the counsel of Hesiod in his Georgics; from which calumny, Hesiod is fully vindicated by Proclus. By Herpylis he had one son, as a Enseb. praepar. Evang. Apellico affirmeth, whom he named after his own Father Nicomachus: To him he dedicated his great Morals, which b De ●in. l. 5. Cicero thinks to have been written by Nicomachus himself: For I see not, saith he, why the son might not be like the Father. c Euseb. This Nicomachus was a disciple of Theophrastus, and much beloved by him; under whom he profited exceedingly in Philosophy, and arrived at much eminence therein. Suidas saith, he writ eight Books of Physic, four of Ethick. Cicero compares him both with his Tutor and Father. Aristocles cited by Eusebius affirmeth he was bred up an Orphan, by Theophrastus, afterwards died young in the Wars, which relation agrees not with Aristotle's Will, nor with Suidas or Cicero, who aver that he writ Books, out of which Laertius brings a citation, in Eudoxo. He had a Daughter also called Pythais, who as Sextus Empericus affirms, was thrice married. First to Nicanor the Stagirite, friend to Aristotle. Secondly, to Procles, who derived his pedigree from Demaratus King of Lacedemonia. By him she had two Sons, Procles, & Demaratus, who studied Philosophy under Theophrastus. Her last husband was Metrodorus, Disciple of Chrysippus the Gnidian, Master of Erastratus. By him she had a son named, after her Father, Aristotle. Of this Aristotle there is mention in the Will of Theophrastus, where he is called the Son of Midias, not Metrodorus. Suidas affirmeth, he died before his Grandfather. CHAP. XIV. His Disciples and Friends. THe Disciples of Aristotle were so many and so eminent, that Nicander of Alexandria, wrote an express Book upon that subject, which, had it been extant, would doubtless have given us an exact account of them, whereas now we must rest satisfied with an imperfect Catalogue. To omit the three Princes that were his Disciple, Hermias, Alexander (of whom already) and Antip●ter, Successor to Alexanander in Macedonia (who amongst other things wrote two books of Epistles, in one whereof he related the death of Aristotle) in the first place is mentioned, Theophrastus of Eressus a City of Leshos, the most eloquent of his Disciples. Him he appointed to succced him in the School. Phanias of Eressus also. He wrote many Books often cited by Athenaeus; amongst the rest, Ammonius citys his Categories, Analytics, and of Interpretation. Eudemus of Rhodes, esteemed by Aristotle in the second place next to Theophrastus. His life was written by Damias, as Simplicius affirms, who often mentions him. He wrote Analytics, and a Geometrical History (both cited by Simplicius) and some other Histories cited by Laertius, wherein he said the Magis were of opinion, that men should rise again after death. He survived Aristotle. Eudemus of Cyprus, who died in Sicily where he took Dion's part, as appeareth from Plutarch. Aristotle in honour of him, called his Dialogue of the Soul after his name. Pasicrates, Brother of Eudemus the Rhodian. To him some ascribe the first lesser Book of Metaphysics, as Philoponus affirmeth. Theodectes; To him Arist●●le dedicated some Books of Rhetoric, mentioned by Valerius Maximus, which he afterward retracted. Patricius conceives he was rather a companion then a Disciple of Aristotle, because he mentions him seven times in his Rhetoric, which he is never observed to have done of any Disciple. Clearchus, of Soli. He wrote many Books often cited by Athe●aeus. Dicaearchus, Son of Phidias of M●ssena in Sicily, a Philosopher, Orator and Geometrician, as Sui●as affirmeth. He is cited by Cicero, mentioned often by Plutarch amongst the best Philop●ers. Arisloxenus, Son of M●esias a Musician of Tarentum in Italy, who going to Ma●tinia there studied Philosophy and Music. He heard his Father; and Lamprus an Erythraean, and Xenopholus a Pythagorean, and last of all Aristo●le, whom after his death he calumniated and wronged much, because he had left Theophrastus his successor in the School, whereas himimself was in great esteem amongst the Disciples. Thus Suidas. Nicanor, mentioned in his Will. Philo, who wrote against one Sophocles, who caused the Philosophers to be voted out of Attica. Plato, In Platone. the younger, mentioned by Laerti●s and Phil●p●nus. Socrates In Socrate. a Bithynian, mentioned by La●r●ius. M●ason, a Phocian, mentioned by Aelian as one of hose who assisted Aristotle in the ejection of Pla●o out of the Academy, Galen likewise mentions him as Author of some medicinal writings ascribed to Aristotle. Phrasidemus, a Phocian, mentioned by Laertius as a Peripatetic Philosopher. It is likely he was a Disciple of A●●st●●le, for he was contemporary with Theop●rastus. Palaephatus, of Abydas, an Historian much beloved of Aristotle. calisthenes an Olynthian, Aristotle's Sister's Son, of whom already. Hipparchus, a Stagirite; of kin to Aristotle. He wrote, as Suidas affirmeth, o● the distinctions of Sexes amongst the Gods, of marriage, and the like. Leo●, a Byzantine, a Peripatetic Philosopher and Sophist. Some affirm he was a Disciple of Aristo●les. He was so excessively fat, that coming to Athens, upon an Embassy, the people laughed at him; to whom he said, do you laugh to see me thus fat, I have a wife a great deal 〈◊〉▪ yet, when we agree, one bed will hold us both, but when we disagree, not the whole house. The people suspecting him of confederacy with 〈◊〉, upon a 〈◊〉 of his, came in a tumult to his house, whereupon fearing to be stoned, he strangled himself. Aeschrion of Mitylene, a heroic Poet, loved much by Aristotle, as Suidas saith. calippus an Athenian, who also heard Plato. Satyrus, whose books of lives and characters are cited by Athenaeus. Hieronimus the Rhodia●, eminent in Philosophy. That he was Aristotle's disciple is acknowledged by Athenaeus. Heraclides of Pontus, a great Philologist. To these add of less note, Echecratides a Methymnaean, and Adrastus a Macedonian, both mentioned by Stephanus. Euxithius, mentioned by Plutarch: Clitus a Milesian: Menon the Historian; Di●teles and Timarchus. CHAP. XV. His Detractours. AS the friends and followers of Aristotle were more in number then those of any other Philosopher, so were also his detractours, of whom having already had occasion to make some mention, we shall not need to give any further account than this of Aristotle's, alleged by a Prepar. Evang. lib. 15. Eusebius. How then is it possible, that what Epicure relates of Aristotle can be true, that when he was a young man, he wasted prodigally all the means his father left him, whereby he was necessitated to betake himself to the Wars; but therein being unfortunate, he set up an Apothecary's shop, and Plato keeping open School, amongst the rest admitted him? And who will credit Timaeus the Tauromenite, who writes, that being come to riper years, he shut up his poor shop, and gave over his mercenary profession? Who can be persuaded to believe what Aristoxenus the Musician saith in the life of Plato, that when he was from home, some strangers rose up, and set up a School in opposition to him? which words some interpret of Aristotle, but erroneously; for Aristoxenus always commendeth Aristotle; [yet Suidas, as we said, averrs the contrary.] Who does not esteem the Commentaries of Alexinus ridiculous? for he bringeth in Alexander as a youth talking with his Father Philip, sleghting the instructions of Aristotle, but approving those of Nicagoras, surnamed Hermes. E●bulides manifestly falsifies in the book he wrote against Aristo●le: For first, he bringeth in some dull Poems as written by others, upon his marriage and affinity with Hermias: then he saith, that he injured Philip, that he was not present with Plato at his death, and that he corrupted his writings. As for the accusation of Demochares against Philosophers, it is not worth the mention; for he asperseth not only Aristotle, but all the rest; and whosoever looks upon his calumnies, will say they are trivial; for he affirms, that some Letters of Aristotle's, against the City of Athens were intercepted and discovered; that he betrayed his own Country Stagira to the Macedonians; that when Olynthus was taken, he informed Philip upon the sale and ransom of the goods and prisoners, which were the most wealthy of the Olynthians. No less foolishly doth Cephisodorus, disciple of Isocrates, calumniate him as an effeminate person, and a glutton, with many other aspersions of the same kind. But of all, the most foolish is that of Lyco, who professed himself a Pythagorean, for he saith, that Aristotle sacrificed to his w●fe after she was dead, as the Athenians to Ceres; and that using to bathe himself in warm oil, he afterwards sold it; and that when he went to Chalcis, those who bought his goods, found in one bark 75 brass pots. Indeed near so many were the first calumniators of Aristotle, from whom sprung up others, some in the same age, others little after, all Sophists, Litigious persons, and Orators; of whose names and books no more remains then of their bodies. As for those who flourished after these, some repeat only what these had said before, and therefore we need not take any notice of them; much less of those, who not lighting upon those books, have framed some inventions of their own, such as they, who affirm, he had 300 pots, for there was not any Author of that time who made mention thereof, but Lyco, and he saith, there were found only 75 pots. And not only from computation of time, and from the persons who assert these calumnies, may any man perceive all they say to be but false, but also from this, that not any two of them lay the same thing to his charge, but every one hath a particular calumny different from the rest. But, if any one of these had been true, Aristotle should have heard of it, not only once from them, but a thousand times. It is manifest therefore, the same thing befell Aristotle which happened to many others, that as well for the respect and friendship he had with Princes, as for the excellency of his Dissertations, the envy of the Sophists of that age persecuted him. But such as are ingenious ought not to mind calumniators, but those who have praised and imitated him, whom they will find to fall nothing short of the others, either for number or worth. Hitherto Aristocles. CAP. XVI. His writings. LAertius hath given a large Catalogue of his Writings, as a testimony of his excellency in all kinds of learning. Their Titles, as reduced to their several heads by Patricius, are these. LOGIC. THe Sophist 1. Of Sciences 1. Sophistick distinctions 4. Of Eristick 2. Eristick solutions 4. Of Genus and Species 1. Of Proprium 1. Epichirematick Commentaries 1. Instances 1. Of those which are said many ways, as according to the propositum 1. For Science 1. Distinctions 17. Diaereticks 1. Of interrogation and answer 2. Propositions 1. Eristick Propositions 4. Syllogisms 1. First Analytics 9 Second Analytics 2. Of Problems 1. Methodicks 8. Term's Antetopical 7. Syllogisms 2. Syllogistick and Termes. 1. Ante-Topicks 1. Topics to Terms 1. Diaeretick 1. Definitions 13 Argumentations 2. Propositions 1. Epichiretick Theses 25. Methodick 1. Of Speech 1. Categories' 1. Of Interpretation 1. In all 123. PHYSIC. OF the Soul 1. Of suffering and being passive 1. Of Elements 3. Of motion 1. Theses of the Soul 1. Of Nature 3. Physic 1. Of Animals 9 Anatomy 7. Anatomic selections 1. Of compound Animals 1. Upon not Generating 1. Of Plants 2. Physiognomick 1. Signs of Tempest. 1. Physics by Elements 38. Perspective Problems 2. Of Stone 1. In all, 75. ETHICK. OF justice 4. Of Philosophy 3. Politic 2. Of Riches 1. Of Nobility 1. Of Pleasure 1. Alexander; or, os Colonies 1. Of a Kingdom 1. Of Education 1. Of Good 3. Oeconomick 1. Of friendship 1. Propositions concerning Virtue 3. Of the passions of anger 1. Ethics 4. Of the Better 1. Of Eligible and Accident 1. Of Pleasure 1. Of Voluntary 1. Of Fair 1. Amicable Theses, 2. Politics 2. Laws 4. Constitutive Law 1. Politic Auscultation 8. Of Just 2. Of Consultation 1. jurisdictions 1. Passions 1. Governments of Cities 158. Proper Democracies, Oligarchicks. Aristocraticks. Tyrannicks. In all 217. METAPHYSIC. OF Contraries 1. Of Principle 1. Of Idaea 1. In all 3. MATHEMATIC. Mathematics 1. Of Magnitude 1 Of Unity 1. Astronomick 1. Optic 1. Of Music 1. Mechanics 1. In all 7. PHILOLOGICK. OF Poets 3. Gryllus, of Rhetoric Works of Rhetorical art 2. Collection of the Theodectick art, 1 Rhetorical Enthymemes 1. Homerical Difficulties 6. Poeticks 1. Comparisons 1. The Olympionicae 1. Phythionick Music. Pythick 1. Pythionick Elenches 1. The Dyonysiack Victories 1. Of Tragedies 1. Poems, 3. So Hermias, to Democritus, Elegies. In all 27. UNCERTAIN, or EXTRAORDINARY. NErinthus 1. Menexenus 1. Erotick 1. Symposium 1. Protreptick 1. Of prayer 1. Collection of arts 12. Art 1. Another art 1. Collection. 2. Of fabulous living creatures 1. Medicine 2. Memorials 1. Encyclicks 2. Inordinate 12. Expounded by their Genus 14. Doctrines 1. Proverbs 1. In all 46. EPISTLES. TO Philip and Alexander 4. To Antipater 9 To Mentor 1. To Aristo 1. To Olympias 1. To Hephaestion 1. To Themistagoras 1. To Philoxenus 1. In all 19 AGAINST THE ANCIENT PHILOSOPHERS. Out of Plato's Laws 2. Out of Plato's Commonwealth 2. Out of Timaeus and Archytas their writings 1. Problems out of Democritus 2. Against Melissus 1. Against Alcmaeon 1. Against Gorgias 1. Against Xenophanes 1. Against Zeno 1. Of the Philosophy of Archytas 3. Of the Philosophy of Sp●usipppus and Xenocrates 1. In all 19 The Sum of all these Books, excepting the Epistles, is 513. Laertius reckons them to be, near 400. perhaps accounting the several Books that are upon the same subject for one. But of these the greatest part is lost, and of many that are extant, the Titles altered; of the extant there are only these: LOGIC. Categories' 1. Of Interpretation 1. First Analytics 2. Second Analytics 2. Topics 8. Elenches 1. PHYSIC. OF natural Auscultation 8. Of Heaven 4. Of Generation and Corruption 2. Of Meteors 4. Of the World 1. Suspected. Of the Soul 3▪ Of Sense and Sensibles 1. Of memory and Reminiscence 1. Of sleep and waking 1. Of Dream 1. Divination by dreams 1. Of the motion of living Creatures 1. Of the length and shortness of life 1. Of youth and age, life and death 1. Of Respiration 1. Of the going of Animals 1. Of Breath 1. Of the generation of Animals 5. Of the parts of Animals 4. The History of Animals 10. Of Colours 1 Of Physiognomy 1. Spurious 2 ETHICK. EThick, to Nicomachus 10. Great Ethick 2. Ethick to Eudemus 7. Of virtues 1. Oeconomick 2. Poli●ick 8. METAPHYSIC. Metaphysic 14. Of the abstruse part of Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians, translated out of Arabic; but suspected to be spurious 14. MATHEMATICS. Mathematic 2. Mechanic 1. Of insecable lines 1. PHILOLOGICK. Rhetoric 3. Rhetoric to Alexander 1. Poetic 1. EXTRAORDINARY. PRoblems 38. Wonders 1. Of Zenophanes; Zeno and Gorgias 1. Besides these, there are many other Books ●ited for his, under these Titles. Magic, Laert. Prooem. Epitome of Orators, Laert. Aris●p. Of Beanes, Laert. Pythag. Of Mixtion, Aristot. de sensu. cap. 3. Of Sapours, Arist. de sensu cap. 4. Physical History, Arist. de incess Animal. cap. 2. Of Nutriment, Arist. de Somno, cap. 3. Selection of Contraries, Arist. Metaph. lib. 3. cap. 2. Division of Contraries, Arist. Metaph. lib. 10. cap. 3. Of Opposites, Simplic. in cap. de Opposite. Comm. 8. Collection of Pythagorick Opinions; Simplic. in lib. 2. de Coelo. Com. 4. Of Ideas, Alexand. in lib. 1. Metaphy●. Comm. 59 where he citys the fourth Book, though Laertius, but one, as if there were no more. Of Enunciation, Alexand. in lib. 4. Metaphys. Com. 25. & 44. Of Affirmation, Alexand. in lib. 4. M●●aphys. Com. 62. Of Platonic assertions, Plut. contra Colo●. Eudemas, Plut. Consol. ad Apollon. Of Drunkenness, Plut. Symposiac. 3. Athenaeus citys the tenth book hereof. Animal, or of Fishes, Athen. De●p●. 7. Of living Creatures▪ and of things pertaining to living Crea●●res, At●en. Of the manners of living Creatures, Athen. Of Pheasants, Athen. Of Consanguinity, Athen. Of wonderful luxury, Athen. Apology, Athen. Histories, Athen. Barbarous jurisdictions. Of Audibles, Porphyr. Comm. in Ptol. M●●s. Proclus in Timaeum Plat. The Cohabitant, P●oclus. Proaem. in Repub. Platon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1. Of Nature. Clem. Alexandrin. Strom. lib. 6. We shall not add the Pepl●s cited by Nicephorus, and the Chriae by Stobaeus, under his name, since it is manifest they belong not to the same Aristotle, as 〈◊〉 hath evinced. These Books Aristotle gave to Theophrastus, when he made him his successor in the School, as Strab● affirmeth; adding, that Aristotle was the first, we know of, that made a Library, which the Egyptian Kings learned of him to do. Theophrastus' bequeathed all his books to Nelius a Scepsian, who carried them to S●epsis, and dying, left them to his heirs, men of no Learning, who only kept them confusedly locked up: And when they understood what care was taken by the A●●alick Kings (in whose jurisdiction Scepsis was) to make a Library in Pergamus, they 〈◊〉 them in a hole under ground [where they continued about 130 years,] by which means they received some injury by the wet and worms. At last, some that were descended from Aristo●l● and Theophrastus, sold them to Apellico a Te●an, [who, according to Athenaeus, was made free of the City of Athens, a person very rich, who, besides many other Libraries, bought this of Aristotle, being himself a lover of Peripatetic Philosophy,] for a great sum of money. This Apellico was more a lover of Books, then of Learning, so that, because they had received some injury, he caused them to be transcribed, supplying the defects not rightly, and by that means put them forth full of faults. The ancient Peripatetics that succeeded Theophrastus, wanting Books, as having but very few, and those Exoterick, could not treat exactly upon any part of Philosophy. They that lived latter, after that these books were published, had much greater helps to Philosophy, and the imitation of Aristotle, although by reason of the infinite faults, they were forced to say many things by guess. Hereunto Rome conduced not a little; for, (soon after the death of Apellico; Sylla taking Athens, in the fourth year of the 173 Olympiad, seized upon his Library, and causing it to be carried to Rome, Tyrannio, a Grammarian, a person studious of Aristotle, obtained leave of the Library-Keeper to be permitted the use of them) the Booksellers not having good writers, and not comparing well the Copies, it occasioned many faults, as well in those Books that were at Rome, as in those transcribed and sold into Alexandria, Plutarch adds, that from this Tyrannio, Andronicus the Rhodian had them, who first made them public, setting forth those volumes, which, saith he, we have. Thus Strabo and Plutarch; Athenaeus saith, that Nelius sold them to Ptolemaeus Ph●ladelphius, by whom they were translated to Alexandria, where how long they lay hid is uncertain, which Library was afterwards burned by julius Cesar. CHAP. XVII. His Commentatours. NO sooner were the writings of Aristotle communicated to the world, but they were entertained with general approbation, which some expressed, by employing themselves in Commenting upon them, whose example was ●ollowed by many in all following ages. To omit Pasicrates the Rhodian, brother of Eudemus, who wrote, as Galen affirmeth, upon the book of Categories, we shall name in the first place, Andronicus the Rhodian; who first published Aristotle's writings, put f●rth a Paraphrase or Comment upon the greatest part of them. Next, his Disciple Boethus, a Sidonian, took much pains in the exposition of Aristotle, whence he is often mentioned honourably by Ammonius●nd ●nd Simplicius. Aristo a Coan, Disciple also to Andronicus, as a Geogr. lib. 14. Strabo affirms▪ living in the time of Nicias, Tyrant of Coos, is reckoned by Simplicius amongst the old Commentatours upon Aristotle's Categories. Nicolaus Damascenus, who lived in the time of Augustus, by whom much loved, is cited by Simplicius and Averro, as an Expositor of Aristotle. A●henodorus of Tarsis, a Stoic, who lived also under Augustus, as Plutarch affirms, is cited by Simplicius, as having written upon Aristotle's Categories; but, rather by way of confutation than interpretation, as did likewise Alexander Aegeus Nero's Tutor, mentioned Simplicius; Cornutus, who lived at the same time; cited by Porphyrius and Simplicius; Lucius and Nicostratus a Macedoman, who lived under Antonius. Sotion of Alexandria, and Achacius, seem to have written upon the Categories, being often cited by Simplicius upon that subject. Taurus the Ber●●●an, a Platonic Philosopher, living under Antonius, wrote first concerning the difference between the Doctrines of Plato and Aristotle. Adrastus' the Aphrodisaean, wrote a Comment on Aristotle's Cagories, and of his Physics, and a Book concerning the Method of his Philosophy. Aspasius, wrote a Comment on all Aristotle's Works, taking particular care to restore the Text, to which end he is often quoted by Simplicius and Boetius. There is a Comment upon some books of the Ethics extant under his name. Herminus, somewhat later, seems to have written upon all, or the greatest part of Aristotle's works, cited by all the Greek Commentatours that are extant, and by Boetius. Alexander the Aphrodisaean, who lived under Antonius and Severus, wrote upon the Analytics, Topics and Elenches, whence styled by the latter Interpreters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Expositor. Galen, who lived at the same time, wrote three Books upon Aristotle of Interpretation, four Books upon the first of the first Analytick, four upon the second of the first, six upon the first of the second Analytick, five upon the second. b Suid. Atticus a Platonic Philosopher, besides seven Books wherein he proved Plato and Aristotle to be of the same Sect, contrary to the assertion of Taurus, he wrote also a Dialogue upon the Categories extant, seven Books upon the Categories cited by Simplicius, a Comment upon the Book of Interpretation, cited by Boetius. Not to mention what he wrote upon Aristotle de Anima, since it appears from Suidas, that it was rather by way of opposition than exposition, which c Grae. affec. l. 12. Theodoret likewise confirms. jamblicus of Chalcis in Coelosyria, Master to julian the Emperor, wrote in an abstruse way upon the Book of Categories. Dexippus, by some thought to be son of jamblicus, wrote a Dialogue on the Categories, extant. Maximus a Byzantine, Disciple of jamblicus, wrote Commentaries on the Categories, and other Books of Aristotle, as Simplicus and Suidas affirm. Plutarch the younger Son of Nestorius flourishing under Valentinian the first, Gratian and Theodosius the first, according to Suidas and Philoponus, wrote Commentaries upon some Books of Aristotle. Syrianus, surnamed the great, of Alexandria, a Philosopher, who flourished under Arcadius, Honorius, Theodosius the second, and Valentini●n the second, wrote Commentaries upon Aristotle's Books of Nature, of Motion, of Heaven, and upon the Categories, cited by Simplicius and Philoponus. Likewise upon the 2d. 5. and 6. Book of Metaphysics, which are extant. Olympiodorus, an Alexandrian, who derived himself from Ammon●us Saccus, and was contemporary to Plutarch and Syrianus, wrote upon Aristotle's Meteors, extant. He was later than that Olympiodorus, who writ upon Plato. Themistius, living, according to Suidas, under julian and jovinian, wrote a Paraphrase upon Aristotle's Physic, 8. Books; a Paraphrase on the Analytics, 2. Books; upon his Books of the Soul, 7. Books. Of the scope and title of the Book of Categories, one Book. Proclus, Disciple of Syrianus, wrote two Books concerning Motions, wherein he made an abstract of Aristotle's second Book of Motion. That he wrote also upon his book of Heaven, and the Elements may be conjectured from the frequent citations of Simplicius. Marinus, who succeeded Proclus in the School, seemeth to have written something upon Aristotle's Book of the Soul, being often cited upon that subject by Philoponus. Ammonius Hermaeus wrote upon Aristotle's Categories, and upon his Book of Interpretation, both which are extant; as likewise upon his Books of the Soul, cited by Philoponus. Damascius, a Platonic Philosopher, Disciple to Ammonius, besides what he wrote in confutation of Aristotle concerning Time, epitomised the four first, and the eight Book of his Physic, and the first Book of Heaven. To these add Ph●loponus and Simplicius, and Asclepius, Disciples to Ammonius. johannes Damascenus, whose compendium of Aristotle's Logic and Physic are extant; he lived about the year 770. Eustathius wrote upon some of the Nicomachian Ethics; and Eustratius upon his book concerning Demonstration. Michael Psellus, about the year 800. and Michael Ephesius, upon the parva naturalia. Magentinus upon the Categories and the book of Interpretation. Nicephorus Blemmydes, (under johannes duca,) upon the Logic and Physic. Georgius Plachymerius and Theodorus Metochita lived about the year 1080. and wrote Epitoms extant. Of Arabic Commentatours were Avicenna and Averro; about the year 1216. The later writers it will be unnecessary to mention, there being a Catalogue of them annexed to Aristotle's works of the Paris Edition. ARISTOTLE'S EPISTLES. Epist Graecan▪ To Philip 1 THey who undertake a Command for the good of their Subjects, not preferred there unto either by Fortune or Nature; trust not in their own power, which they know subject to chance, but grow great in Virtue, whereby they order the Commonwealth wisely. For there is nothing amongst men so firm, and solid, but the rapid motion of the Sun changeth it ere the Evening. Nature, if we inquire into the truth, varieth all lives, interweaving them like the Action of a Tragedy with misfortunes. Men, like flowers, have a set time wherein they flourish and excel others. Wherefore behave not yourself towards Greece tyrannically or loosely, for one argues petulance, the other temerity. Wise Princes ought not to be admired for their Government, but Governance; so that though Fortune change, they shall have the same praise. As for the rest, do all things well, preferring the health of your Soul, by Philosophy, that of your body by exercise. To Philip 2. MOst Philosophers assert beneficence to be something equal to God. To speak the truth, the whole life of Mankind is comprised in conferring and returning Benefits, So as, some bestow, others receive, others return. Hence is it just to commiserate all that are in adversity, for pity is the sign of a mild Soul▪ sternness of a rude, it being dishonest & impious to neglect virtue in misfortunes. For this I commend our disciple Theophrastus, who saith, we never repent of doing good, it brings forth good fruit the prayers and praises of the obliged. Wise men therefore must study to oblige many, thinking that, beside the praise, there may some advantage accrue from hence in the change of Affairs, and if not all, at least some one of those to whom he hath done good, may be in a capacity to requite him. For this reason, endeavour to be ready in doing good, but give not way to your passions, for that is kingly and civil, this barbarous and odious. As you see occasion, practice and neglect not this useful advice. To Philip. 3. THE most excellent Princes, whose honour toucheth the Stars, have conferred most benefits, and not accommodating their sway only to the present, but considering the instability of Fortune, have treasured up good deeds as useful in either condition. In prosperity it procures them Honour, for Honour is proper to Virtue, in adversity Relief, for friends, are much better tried in bad fortune then in good. The sight of benevolent persons is like to that of Land to men in a storm. All Fortune apt to desert us, is the true scope which they propose to themselves who war, on do unjustly, or comply dishonestly, only the clearness of Virtuous persons is not unacquainted with the instability of Fortune, but, by reason, sustaining all accidents, and being, as Plato saith, above them, they are never disordered. Take heed therefore of the rapid motion of things; look upon them as a Circle which reverts into itself; cast up the accounts of life, for chance imposeth many things upon life, and maketh our inclinations follow it. Pardon those that offend ignorantly; be ready to acquit those that do good. This if you perform not once, but continually, your Court will be secure from all danger. This, considering the greatness of the things, I have said is but little, but, considering the person to whom I write, All. To Alexander. 4. I Am in doubt how to begin, for upon whatsoever I reflect, all seems great and wonderful, nor fit to be forgotten, but proper for remembrance, and exhortation, not to be defaced by Time. Good precepts and exhortations of Masters have Eternity for their Spectator. Endeavour to make use of your power, not to oppress, but to oblige others, than which nothing can be greater in Man's life. Mortal Nature, which often yieldeth and is overcome by Fate, obtaineth eternal memory by the greatness of such works. Consider this well; you are not unreasonable as some are, who think good advice ridiculous. Your descent is honourable, your Kingdom hereditary, your Learning sound, your glory admirable; and as much as you exceed others in the Goods of Fortune, so ought you to be excellent amongst the good in Virtue. In fine, do that which is profitable, and finish what you design. To Theophrastus' 5. A Sudden Injury is better than a slow benefit, for the remembrance and harm of that lasts but a little while, but this groweth old, as if it hated to build a work to perpetuity, and many times deferring what we intent to bestow upon another, he meets with a calm elsewhere which alleys the tempest of his mind. Wherefore I say, mutual society ought not only to do no wrong, but, if any be received, to be ready to forgive it; for perhaps to do no wrong is above the power of Man. As for him who hath erred, to make use of reproof, is the property of a good well-seated Judgement. THE DOCTRINE OF ARISTOTLE. THE First PART. CHAP. I. Of Philosophy in general, and particularly of DIALECTIC. THE Philosophy of Aristotle is well known, many abstracts thereof have been published, many are read daily in Universities by public Professors; yet, will it be requisite to our design, to give, a short account thereof, that it may appear wherein the doctrine and method of the Peripatetics is different from that of the Academics and Stoics. a baert. Philosophy, according to Aristotle, is twofold, Practic and Theorelick. To the Practic belongs Ethick and Politic; this, concerning the well ordering of a City, that of a House. To the Theoretic belongs Physic and Logic; but Logic is not properly a part thereof, but a most expedient Instrument. Of Logic he asserted two ends, probable and true; for each he makes use of two faculties, Dialectic and Rhetoric for the probable; Analytick and Philosophy for the true, omitting nothing towards Invention, judgement, and Use. For Invention, his Topics and Methodicks afford a plentiful supply, out of which may be taken problems for probable arguments. For judgement, his first and second Analytics: in the first, propositions are examined; in the second, he treats exactly of their composition, and the ●orm of Syllogism. To Use belongs his Agonisticks, and his Books concerning Interrogation, and his Eristicks, and his Sophistick Elenches, and of Syllogisms, and the like. Hitherto Laertius. Of his Logic we have only these books remaining, Of Categories, of Interrogation, Analytics, Topics, and So●histick Elenches. The first considers simple terms: The second Propositions: The rest Syllogisms, Demonstrative, Dialectic, and Sophistick. The Categories are placed first by the general consent of all Interpreters, neither is it to be doubted, but that the rest are disposed according to the genuine method of Aristotle. For, in the beginning of his b Lib. 1. cap. 2. Analytics, he saith, We must speak of Syllogism before we come to speak of Demonstration, because Syllogism is the more general. And in his c Cap. ●. Elenches, Of Didascalick and demonstrative Syllogisms, we have spoken already in the Analytics, of the Dialectic and Pirastick in the book immediately preceding these: We come not to speak of the Agonistick and Eristick. CHAP. II. Of Terms. a Categ. cap. 1. Terms are of three kinds, Homonymous, Synonymous, and Paronymous. Homonymous, whose name only is common, their essence divers: Synonymous, whose name and definition are common to either: Paronymous have denomination from the same thing, but differ in case or termination. Synonymous, (or Univocal) terms, are reduced to ten general heads, called Categories. 1. b Cap. 5. Substance, of two kinds: First, which is most properly substance, is neither praedicate of, nor inherent in a subject. Second substances are species and genus, which subsist in the first. The properties of first-substances are, 1. Neither to be in, nor praedicate of a subject. 2. To be all substances equally. 3. To signify this particular thing. 4. To have no contrary. 5. To admit no degrees of more or less. 6. To be susceptible of contraries. 2. c Cap. 6. Quantity, of two kinds; Discrete, as Number; Continuous, as a Line. Their properties, 1. To have no contraries. 2. To admit no degrees of more or less. 3. To denominate things equal or unequal. 3. d Cap. 7. Relatives, whose whole being is in some manner affected towards one another; their properties, 1. To have contraries, as Father and Son. 2. To admit degrees of more and less, as in kindred. 3. To follow one another mutually. 4. To be naturally together. e Cap. 8. 4. Quality, from which things are denominated qualitied: it hath four kinds: 1. Habit and disposition. 2. Natural power and impotence. 3. Passable qualities and passions. 4. Form and figure. The properties, 1. To have contraries, as black and white. 2. To admit intention or remission. 3. To denominate things, like or unlike. f Cap 9 5. Action. 6. Passion. Their properties are, to admit contraries, to admit degrees of intention and remission. 7. When. 8. Where. 9 Position. 10. Habit. These admit not contraries, nor degrees of intention or remission. Of those which cannot be reduced to any certain Category, are 1. Opposites. 2. Precedents. 3. Coaequals. 4. Motion. 5. Possession. g Cap. 10. Of Opposites there are four kinds, Relatives, Contraries, extremes in the same kind, as black and white: Privatives, as privation and habit, light and darkness: Contradictories, which affirm and deny, as learned, not learned. CHAP. III. Of Proposition. a De Interpret cap. 1. VOice is a sign of the notions of the mind; as, in the mind are two kinds of Intellection, one simple, expert of truth and falsity, the other either true or false: So in voice, some is simple, some complexe. b Cap. 2. A noun is a voice signifying according to institution, whereof no part is significant by itself. c Cap. 3. A Verb is a voice implying time, whereof no part is significant by itself. d Cap. 4. A Speech, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a voice signifying according to institution, whose parts are significant separate. Of Speech, the enunciative only (called proposition) belongs to Philosophy, the precatory and imperative, to Rhetoric, Poetry, etc. e Cap. 5. etc. Propositions are divided four ways; into simple and complex; into affirmative and negative; into universal, particular, indefinite and singular; into pure and modal; the modal is either necessary, possible, contingent, or impossible. f Cap. 12. Propositions have three accidents, opposition, consectation, conversion. Opposition is either contradictory of a particular to an universal; or contrary, of an universal to an universal; or subcontrary, of a particular negative to a particular affirmative. Consectation, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or aequipollence, is the consideration of those affections of a proposition, in respect whereof, two propositions signify together the same thing, and are together true or false. Conversion is a transposition of the terms, preserving the affirmation, negation, and verity of the proposition: it is either absolute, which reserves the same quantity, but altars the quality; or partial, which reserves not the same quantity. CHAP. IU. Of Syllogism. a Analy●. pri●r. lib. 1. cap. 1. Syllogism is a speech, in which some things being laid down, another necessarily follows. Perfect Syllogism is that which requireth no other to show its power, clearness, and efficacy. Imperfect requires another to that purpose, by conversion, or transposition of the propositions. b Cap. 4. The matter of Syllogism is three terms, the form is the right disposition of the matter, according to figure and mood. Figure is an apt disposition of the medium with the extremes, apt for concluding aright. Mood is a disposition of propositions, according to quantity and quality. There are three figures. The first, when the medium is first subject, then predicate. It hath nine moods, 4. useful, 5. useless and illegitimate: of the useful, two are universal, two particular. The first. Every A is B. Every C is A. Therefore every C is B. The second. No A is B. Every C is A. Therefore no C is B. The third. Every A is B Some C is A. Therefore some C is B. The fourth. No A is B. Some C is A. Therefore some C is B. c Cap. 5. In the second figure, the medium is praedicate of both the extremes. It hath 16 Moods, 4 true, 12 false and illegitimate. Of the true, two are universal, two particular. The first. No M is N. Every O is N. Therefore no O is M. The second. Every M is N. No O is N. Therefore no O is M. The third. No M is N. Some O is N. Therefore some O is not M. The fourth. Every M is N. Some O is not N. Therefore some O is not M. d Cap. 6. In the third figure, the medium is subjected to both extremes. It hath 16 Moods, 10 false and illegitimate; 6. legitimate, which conclude particularly. The first. Every P is R. Every P is S. Therefore some S is R. The second. No P is R. Every P is S. Therefore some S is not R. The third. Some P is R. Every P is S. Therefore some S is R. The fourth. Every P is R. Some P is S. Therefore some S is R. The fifth. Some P is not R. Every P is S. Therefore some S is not R. The sixth. No P is R. Some P is S. Therefore some S is not R. c Cap. 23. Every Syllogism ought to be framed in one of these three Figures; but those of the second and third being imperfect, aught to be reduced to the first, which is the most absolute and perfect. f Anal. Prior. lib. 2. cap. 22. etc. There are six other forms of argument, Conversion of Terms, Induction, Example, abduction, Instance, Enthymem. All these have their efficacy from the power of Syllogism, and are reducible to Syllogism. As concerning the invention, power, and conversion of Syllogism, he is exact and curious to admiration. CHAP. V Of Apodeictick (or demonstrative) Syllogism. a Analyt. pos●er. lib▪ 1. cap. 1. ALL discursive knowledge is made by a praenotion of the things themselves whereof we discourse; for ratiocination is not concerning things unknown. Demonstration is a discursive knowledge, and therefore requireth three praecognitions. First, that the subject is, and what it is in a rude confused manner. Secondly, what the predicate is, and what it signifieth. Thirdly, that the principles are true. b Cap. 2. To know is to understand that a thing is, that this is cause thereof, and that it cannot be otherwise. Demonstration is a scientifick Syllogism. Demonstrative Science is from true, first, immediate, more known, causes of the conclusion. First, as having none precedent, and being adequate to, and convertible with the effect. Immediate or consectaneous, as having no term betwixt to join them. More known, as being praensises to the conclusion, not to be demonstrated by any thing. c Cap. 4. Demonstrative Science is of a thing necessary, whence the demonstration itself consists of necessary propositions; which necessity requireth explication of that which is praedicate, of all by itself, and which is universal. Of all, is that which is attributed to every one and at all times, as a living creature to man. By itself, as being of essence, proper, compatible pierce, and compatible to itself, for itself. An universal attribute is that which is in every one by itself, in as much as it is itself. d Cap. 8. Demonstration is of conclusions of eternal truth, for they are universal propositions; whence it followeth, that neither demonstration nor Science are of perishable things; neither are definitions of such, which are the principles of demonstration. That there is demonstration, it is not necessary to have recourse to Plato's Ideas, separate from singulars; it is enough that there are common natures which are in singulars, and are praedicate of them. e Cap. 11. It is one thing to know that a thing is so, another to know why it is so. Hence there are two kinds of demonstration, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first is the true and most perfect, of which hitherto. f Cap. 13. The other kind of demonstration, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is more imperfect; it is made two ways in the same Science: First, when the cause is demonstrated by the effect thus, Stars which do not twinkle are nearest to the earth; but, the Planets do not twinkle, therefore they are nearest to the earth. Secondly, when the effect is proved by a cause remote, and not reciprocal, or by an effect of the remote cause; as this, Every thing that breatheth is a living creature; but no Wall breaths, therefore no Wall is a living creature. To know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is proper to subalternat principle Sciences, as Geometry and Arithmetic, which contemplate the first proper causes; to know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is of the subalternate and inferior, as Optic and Music. g Cap. 14. Of all figures, the first is most accommodate to knowledge, for that only concludes with an universal affirmative, and therefore in that only is a demonstrative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. h Cap. 15. etc. Thus far concerning Science; the opposite to Science is Ignorance, which is twofold: One of pure negation, as when a boy or ignorant fellow knows not that the Sun is greater than the Earth, because he is ignorant of Astrology. The other, of depraved disposition, as when an ginger or ignorant Optic believes, that things are as they seem: this is error, which erroneous ignorance is in false propositions, or in a Syllogism through a false medium. Defect of sense causeth ignorance of pure negation, for if any sense be wanting, it is necessary, that some science of sensibles be likewise wanting; for, we learn all things either by induction or demonstration. Induction is made of singulars perceived by sense. Demonstration is of universals, which are declared by induction; wherefore the beginning of Science is from singulars, which are sensibles. Hence it is impossible for a man born blind to have the Science of colours. Yet no science is next and immediately from sense, for sense is of singulars, which are here and now; but science and demonstration is of universals, which are every where and ever, not subject to sense. Yet, sense conduceth to science and demonstration, for as much as an universal is collected from particulars, known by sense. CHAP. VI Of Dialectic Syllogism. a Topic. lib. 1. cap. 1. Dialectic Syllogism is that which concludes from probables; probables are those things which appear such to all, or to most, or only to the wise and most eminent. b Cap. 3. Dialectic is a conjectural Art, as Rhetoric and Medicine; therefore (like those) it attaineth not always its end; it is enough for a Dialectic, that he omit nothing of his Art for concluding probably. c Cap. 4. All disputation is of things controverted, either by Problem or proposition. A Problem questions both parts, as, a living Creature, is it the genus of man or not? A proposition questions but one part, as, Is not living creature the genus of man? Every proposition and problem is either genus, (under which is contained the difference) definition, proprium, or accident. d Cap. 5. etc. Definition is a speech, signifying what a thing is. Proprium is that which declareth, not what a thing is, but is in it only, and reciprocal with it. Genus is that which is praedicate, in quid, of many that differ specifically. Accident is that which is neither definition, nor genus, nor proprium, and may be, or not be, in its subject. e Cap. 10. Dialectic proposition is a probable interrogation, received by all or many, or the most excellent, yet so as it is not wholly alienate from the common opinion. f Cap. 11. Dialectic problem is threefold; practic or Moral, pertaining to election or repulse; Theoretic, pertaining to Science, neutral, which conduceth to the rest, viz. Logic. Thesis' is a paradoxal sentence of some eminent Philosopher, contrary to the vulgar opinion. g Cap. 12. Dialectic Arguments is twofold; Induction and Syllogism. h Cap. 13. etc. Arguments are gained by four instruments, 1. Choice of propositions. 2. Distinction of Aequivoques. 3. Invention of differences. 4. Consideration of Similitudes. Problems are either universal or particular; the same places which confirm or confute one, confirm or confute the other. From proprium, genus, and definition is immediately and simply made Demonstration, but not from Accident, because that is external, not necessarily and intimately inhaerent in the Subject. We shall not here say any thing of the multitude of places he hath invented, which are more necessary to those that will learn the Art, then suitable to this abridgement. The Disputant must first find out a place (or medium) secondly, dispose and question it within himself; thirdly, propose it to his adversary. In disputation against the learned, Syllogism is to be used, against the vulgar induction. i Lib. 8. Cap. 4. The office of the opponent is to compel his respondent to this incredible and absurd consequent from his Thesis; of the Respondent to take care, that nothing absurd be collected from his Thesis. CHAP. VII. Of Sophistick Syllogism. a Sophist. elench cap. 1. AN Elench is a Syllogism which contradicts the conclusion asserted by the respondent. Of Elenches some are true, some false; that proper to a Sophos, whose office is to pursue and defend truth, and to discover and confute falsehood; this to a Sophist, who from seeming wisdom acquireth gain, and had rather seem then be. b Cap. 1. A Sophist hath five ends, whereto he endeavoureth to reduce his adversary; the first is Elench, or redargution, c Cap. 3. of which there are two kinds; one in the word, the other out of the word. Sophisms in the word, are six. 1. By homonymy, as that Ill is good, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are good, but Ills are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The fallacy consists in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies sometimes necessarily inevitable, sometimes beneficial. 2. By Amphibolie, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which signifies either that the Enemies would take me, or that I would take the Enemies. 3. By composition, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he who sits can walk, which is true in a divided sense, not in a compounded. 4. By Division; as five are two and three, therefore even and odd. 5. By accent, which is not so easily done in Logic as in Poetry. 6. By figure of the word, when things which are not the same, are interpreted in the same manner as a male for a female. d Cap. 4. Sophisms out of the word are seven. 1. From accident, when that which is demanded is equally competent to the thing, and to the accident; for whereas many things are competent to the same, it is not necessary that they be all in the subject and predicate, as, if Coriscus differs from a man, he differs from himself, for he is a man. 2. From that which is simply, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when that which is said in part is taken as of all, as, if that which is not, is imaginative, that which is not, is. 3. From ignorance of the Elench, when not understanding the true Nature of a contradiction, they think that to be an absolute contradiction which is none, omitting either the same respect in the thing, or the same respect of the same thing; or the simplicity, or the time. To this all Sophisms may be reduced. 4. Of the consequent; when we allow those to be true reciprocal consequences which are not such, as, it is yellow, therefore it is honey, and the contrary, it is not yellow, therefore it is not honey. 5. Of petition of the principle, neither by requiring that to be granted, which was to be proved, or proving the same by the same, the terms only changed; as the Soul is immortal because it is not subject to death. 6. Of a not-cause as a Cause, as when that is taken to be the cause of the thing or conclusion, which is cause of neither; as Arms disturb peace, therefore they are to be taken away. 7. Of Plurality of Interrogations as one, when many things are asked in one; as justice and Impiety, are they Virtues or not? Hitherto of Elenches; the four other Ends whereto a Sophist endeavours to reduce his adversary, are, Falsity, Paradox, Soloecism, and Tautology. Sophisms are solved either by distinction or negation. Thus much may serve for a slight view of his Logic, whereof we have but few Books left, in respect of the many which he wrote upon that part of Philosophy. THE SECOND PART. CHAP. I. Of PHYSIC. NOt to question the Method of Aristotle's Books of Physic, much less their titles (as some, to make them better agree with Laertius' Catalogue, have done) and lest of all their Authority, with Patricius; we shall take them in that order which is generally received; according to which, next Logic is placed Physic. a Metaphys. 5. 1. Physic is a science concerning that substance which hath the principle of motion and rest within itself. The Physical Books of Aristotle, that are extant, treat of these nine general heads. Of the principles of natural things; of the Common affections of natural things; of Heaven; of Elements; of the action and passion of Elements; of Exhalation; of Plants; of Animals; of the Soul. CHAP. II. Of the Principles of Natural Bodies. a Physic lib. 1. cap. 3. 4. THe Principles of natural Bodies are not one, as Parmenides and Melissus held; nor Homoiomeria's, as Anaxagoras; nor Atoms, as Leucippus and Democritus; nor sensible Elements, as Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Empedocles; nor numbers, or figures, as the Pythagoreans; nor Idaea's, as Plato. b Cap. 5. That the Principles of things are Contrary (privately opposite) was the joint opinion of the Ancients, and is manifest in Reason. For Principles are those which neither are mutually of one another, nor of others, but of them are all things. Such are first contraries; as being first, they are not of any other; as contrary, not of another. c Cap. 6. Hence it follows, that being contrary they must be more than one, but not infinite; for then natural things would not be comprensible by Reason: yet more than two; for of contraries only nothing would be produced, but that they would rather destroy one another. d Cap. 7. There are therefore three Principles of natural bodies; two contrary; privation and form, and one common subject of both, Matter. The constitutive Principles are matter and form; of privation, bodies consist not, but accidentally, as it is competent to Matter. e Cap. 8. Things are made of that which is Ens potentially, Materia prima, not of that which is Ens actually, nor of that which is nonens potentially, which is pure nothing. f Cap. 9 Matter is neither generated nor corrupted. It is the first insite subject of every thing, whereof it is framed primarily, in itself and not by accident, and into which it at last resolveth. To treat of form in general is proper to Metaphysics. CHAP. III. Of Nature and the Causes of Natural bodies. a Phys. lib. 2. cap. 1. OF Being's, some are by Nature, as Plants, others from other causes; those have in themselves the principle of their motion; these have not. Nature is a Principle and Cause of the motion and rest of that thing wherein it is, primarily, by itself; and not by accident. Material substances have nature; Natural properties are according to Nature; Nature is twofold, Matter and Form, but Form is most Nature, because it is in act. b Cap. 3. Of Causes are four kinds; the Material, of which a thing is made; the Formal, by which a thing is made, or reason of its essence; The efficient, whence is the first principle of its mutation or rest as a Father; the Final, for which end it is made; as health is to walking. Causes are immediate or remote, principal or accidental; actual or potential; particular or universal. c Cap. 4. etc. Fortune and Chance are Causes of many effects; Fortune is an accidental Cause in those things which are done by election for some end; Chance is larger; an accidental cause in things which are done for some end at least that of Nature. They are both efficient. d Cap. 8. Nature acts for some end; not temerariously, or casually; for those things which are done by nature, are always or for the most part done in the same manner, yet sometimes she is frustrated of her end, as in Monsters, which she intends not. e Cap. 9 Necessity is twofold; absolute, which is from Matter, conditional, which is from the end or form; both kinds are in natural things. CHAP. IU. Of the affections of natural Bodies, Motion, Place, Time. a Physic. lib. 3. cap. 2. MOtion is of a thing which is not such, but may be such, the way or act by which it becometh such, as curing of a body which is not in health, but may be in health, is the way and act by which it is brought to health. Neither is it absurd, that the same thing should be both in act and power, as to different respects; for the thing moved, as water in warming is in act, as to the heat which it hath, in power, as to the greater heat which it is capable of. b Cap. 7. Infinite is that which is pertransible without end, such an infinite in act there is not: not amongst simple bodies, for the elements are confined to certain number and place; neither amongst mixed bodies, for they consist of the elements which are finite. But, there are things infinite potentially; as, in addition, Number which may be augmented infinitely; in division, Magnitude, which may be divided infinitely; in time, and continued succession of generation. c Lib. 4. cap. 3. The properties of place are, that it contains the thing placed; that it is equal to, and separable from the thing placed; that the place and thing placed are together; that it hath upwards or downwards, and the like differences; that every Physical body tends naturally to its proper place, and there resteth. Place is the immediate immovable superficies of a continent body. Those things which are contained by another body are in place; but those which have not any other body above or beyond them are not properly in place. Body's rest in their natural places, because they tend thither as a part torn off from the whole. d Cap. 8. Vacuum is place void of body: such a vacuum there is not in nature, for that would destroy all motion, seeing that in vacuum there is neither upwards nor downwards, backwards nor forwards. Nor would there be any reason, why motion should be to one part more than to another. Moreover it would follow, that it were impossible for one body to make another to recede, if the triple dimension, which bodies divide, were vacuous. Neither is the motion of rare bodies upwards caused by vacuity, for that motion is as natural to light bodies, as to move downwards is to heavy. e Cap. 10. 11. Time is the number of motion by before and after. Those two parts of time are conjoined by (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the present, as the parts of a line are by a point. Time is the measure of rest as well as of motion; for the same measure which serves for the privation, serves for the habit. All motion and mutation is in time; for in every motion there is a swiftness or slowness, which is defined by time. The Heavens, Earth, Sea, and other sensibles, are in time, for they are movable. f Cap. 14. Time being a numerate number, exists not without a numerant, which is the Soul. The measure of time and other things, is that which measureth the first, and most equal motion; this is the motion of the primum mobile, for the first in every kind is the measure of the rest. CHAP. V. Of the kinds and properties of Motion. a Phys. lib. 5. cap. 2. MOtion appertains to three Categories, to Quantity, accretion and diminution; to Quality, alteration; to Where, lecall motion. Rest is a privation of motion in a body, when, where, and how it is apt for motion. b Lib. 6. cap. 1. As all Magnitude is primarily, and pierce, continuous and divisible into infinite, so is all motion, by reason of magnitude, and time itself. For whatsoever is not composed of indivisibles, is divisible into infinite; but no continuous thing is composed of indivisible things, for it is quantitative, whereas indivisibles having no extremes or parts, can neither be conjoined by continuous nor contiguous motion. c Cap. 2. Yet it followeth not, that if there be infinite magnitude, there can be no motion, for it is not infinite in act, but in power, as are likewise time and motion. d Cap. 3. Neither is there any motion in the instant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for nothing is moved or resteth, but in time. e Cap. 4. Motion therefore is divisible, as well in respect to the time wherein it is made, as in respect to the thing wherein it inheres; as both these are always divisible, so may motion itself be divided according to these. f Cap. 5. Whatsoever is changed, assoon as it is changed, must necessarily be in the (next) term to which, for it leaveth the state or form in which it was, and assumeth that to which it tendeth: yet though in motion, there is a first motion of perfection, wherein we may truly say, the mutation is made, yet there is no first motion of inception. g Cap. 6. Whatsoever is moved in any whole time, is necessarily moved in every part of that time. h Cap. 7. All motion is finite, for it is in time, which is finite. Whatsoever is thus proper to motion, is to be applied also to rest and quiescence. CHAP. V. Of the first Mover. a Lib. 7. cap. 1, 2, 5, 6, 7. WHatsoever is moved must necessarily be moved by another, either external or internal. But lest this progression be into infinite, we must of necessity at last come to one first mover, which is not moved by another. This first mover, the cause and origine of all motion, is immovable, one, eternal, and indivisible, void of all quantity. b Lib. 8. cap. 6. Immovable, for whatsoever things are moved, are either immediately moved by a first immovable mover, or by some other which is likewise moved by another, until at last we come to some first mover, for nothing can move itself, unless there be a first mover: but of infinites there is no first. c Cap. 6. One, for he is most perfect, as being Author of the most perfect and most simple motion, that of the primum mobile. Besides, the best in every kind is one; for good is simple, ill multiplicious. d Cap. 7. Eternal, for motion itself is eternal, as appear▪ thus: The mover and the movable must either be from eternity, or have had beginning in some time; if they began at any time, it must have been by motion, and consequently before the first motion there was another, by which the mover and movable began, which were absurd. Again, if they were eternal, yet without motion, it must be either by reason of the inaptitude of the movable, or of its remoteness from the mover. But neither could the movable be made more apt, or brought nigher to the mover, except by motion, whence would follow, that there was a motion before the first motion. Again, Time, the measure of motion is eternal, therefore motion itself is such. That Time is eternal (besides that it is the general agreement of Philosophers) is thus proved; it cannot be conceived without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the instant, which is intermediate betwixt the past and future, both the end of one, and the beginning of the other▪ but, if time had a beginning, this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would have been only a beginning, not end; if time should have an end, this instant would be only an end, not a beginning, both which are repugnant to the nature of a moment. e Lib. 8. cap. 10. Indivisible, void of quantity, the proof whereof is grounded upon three Theorems: 1. That no finite mover can move in infinite time; therefore the first mover is infinite. 2. That there cannot be infinite power in finite quantity; therefore the first mover is incorporeal. 3. That there cannot be finite power in that which is infinite; therefore the first mover is infinite in power. Hence may be collected, that it is impossible the first mover should be divisible, corporeal, or affected with quantity; for if he had any, it would either be infinite, of which kind actual there is none; or finite, wherein could not consist his infinite power. CHAP. VI Of Heaven. HAving treated of the principles, causes, and affections of natural bodies in general, he proceeds next to particulars. a De Coelo lib. 1. cap. 1. The World is perfect, because it consists of bodies which are perfect, and comprehendeth all perfection, itself not being comprehended by any other. b Cap. 2. Of Bodies, some are simple, others compounded of the simple. All natural bodies are movable locally peruse. There is a twofold local motion, simple, which is compatible to simple bodies; and mixed, which to the mixed. Hence it followeth, that there are so many kinds of simple bodies, as variations of simple motion; for of one simple body, there is one proper motion. Simple local motion is twofold: circular, about the centre, and right: the right is either upwards from the centre, or downwards to the centre, and both these either simply, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This fourfold variation of right motion, evinceth that there are four simple bodies called Elements; circular motion must be proper to some other fifth essence, different from the constitutions of the other four simple bodies, more divine and precedent to all the rest: This is Heaven. c Cap. 3. Heaven hath neither gravity nor levity; this is manifest from its motion which is circular, not from the centre which is proper to light things, nor to the centre, as is proper to heavy, but about the centre. Heaven is void of generation and corruption, and consequently of accretion, diminution, and alteration, for it hath no contrary; it is therefore the first body, not to be consumed by time and age. d Cap. 5, 7. No body can be infinite, therefore the world itself is not infinite; neither is there any body beyond it infinite, not intelligible or mathematical. e Cap. ●. There is but one world, for if there were more, the Earth of one would move to the Earth of the other (as being of one kind) and ascend out of its proper place. f Cap. 12. The world is eternal; whatsoever is eternal is ingenerate and incorruptible. Plato therefore erred, in affirming the world to be generated, but incorruptible. If he meant that as it was generated, it is by nature corruptible, yet, shall never be actually dissolved, because of the eternal cause of its conservation, God, he erreth also, for then there would be something that should be always, and yet could not be always. g Lib. 2. cap. 1. Heaven is void of labour (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) for it hath no contrary to retard its motion. h Cap. 2. Heaven hath the threefold difference of position, upwards and downwards, backwards, right and left; for these are proper to all animate things which have the principle of motion within themselves. The right side of Heaven is the East, for from thence begins its motion; the left side the West; and consequently the Arctic pole is lowermost, the Antarctic uppermost; forwards our Hemisphere, backwards the other. i Cap. 3. Heaven naturally moveth circularly, but this circular motion is not uniform throughout all Heaven, for there are other Orbs which move contrary to the primum mobile; that there may be a vicissitude in sublunary things, and generation and corruption. k Cap. 4. Heaven is Spherical, for to the first body the first figure is most proper. If it were quadrangular, triangular, or the like; the angles would sometimes leave a space without a body, and occupate another space without a body. The motion of Heaven is circular, as being the measure of all others, therefore most compendious and swiftest. l Cap. 6. The motion of the primum mobile is aequable and uniform, for it hath neither beginning, middle nor end; the primum mobile and first mover being eternal both, and subject to no variation. m Cap. 7. Stars are of the same body with that wherein they are carried, but more thick and compact; they produce warmth and light in inferior things through frication of the Air by their motion, for swift motion fires wood, and melts lead; yet the spheres themselves are not heated, but the Air only, and that chiefly by the sphere of the Sun, which by his accession towards us increaseth the heat, his beams falling more directly, and with double force upon us. n Cap. 8. The Stars being infixed in the Heavens are moved not by themselves with a proper motion, as fishes in the water, and Birds in the Air, but according to the motion of their Orbs. Otherwise those in the eight Sphere would not be always aequidistant from one another; neither would the stars have always the same side turned towards us, as we see the Moon hath. o Cap. 10. The primum mobile is carried about with the swiftest motion; the seven Orbs of Planets under it, as they are nearer to it, are carried so much the more swiftly about by the motion thereof; and as they are further distant, more slowly. Whence by how much the nigher they are to the primum mobile, so much the slower is their proper motion, because it is contrary to that of the primum mobile, as being from East to West. p Cap. 11. The Stars are round, for that figure is most unapt for self-motion: we see the Moon is round by her orbicular sections; therefore the other Stars are so likewise, for the reason is the same in all. q Cap. 13. 14. The Centre of Heaven is the Earth, round, seated immovable in the midst; which together with the Sea makes up one Globe. CHAP. VII. Of Elements. a De Coelo. lib. 3. cap 3. THe Element of Bodies is a simple Body, into which other Bodies are divided, in which it is either actually or potentially; as in flesh, wood, and the like; there is fire and earth potentially, for into these they are segregated; but actually they are not; for than should the flesh and wood be segregated. Whereas every natural Body hath a proper motion; motions are partly simple, partly mixed; the mixed proper to mixed bodies, the simple to simple; it is manifest that there are simple bodies, for there are simple motions; the circular proper to Heaven, the right to the Elements. b Cap. 5. The Elements are not eternal; for they are dissolved with reciprocal mutations, and perish, and are mutually generated of one another. c Lib. 4. cap. 1. The motive qualities of the Elements are gravity and levity. Heavy is that which is apt to be carried downwards to the Centre or midst of Heaven; light is that which is apt to be carried upwards towards the extremities of Heaven. These are either simple or comparative. Simply heavy is that which is below all, as the Earth; Simply light is that which is above, as all the fire; Comparatively heavy and light are those in which are both these; above some, below others; as Air and Water. From these have mixed things, gravity and levity; the heavy are carried downwards; to a definite medium; the light upwards to a definite extreme, for nothing tends to infinite. Whence it followeth that two Elements are extremely contrary, simply heavy, and simply light, Fire and Earth; which tend to contrary places. Betwixt these are two means, participating of the nature of each extreme, Air and Water. Those Elements which are highest and lightest are most perfect, and have the nature of forms in respect of the inferior, because these are contained by those; to be contained, is the property of matter, to contain, of form. d Cap. 5. Hence it followeth that there are four kinds of particular second matter, differing by the accidental differences of heat, cold, humidity, siccity, levity and gravity, (simple and comparative) though there be but one common matter of them all; for they are made mutually of one another. The mean Elements are heavy in their proper places; for Earth being taken away, Water tending downwards, succeeds in its room; Air descends into the place of Water, but not chose; for Water ascends not into its place of Air, unless by force. In the extreme it is otherwise; for the Air being taken away, the fire will not descend into its place, nor the Earth ascend into the place of Water or Air; for Fire is not heavy, nor Earth light, in their natural place; because they are extreme Elements. e Cap. 6. Figure conduceth to the swiftness or slowness of motion either upwards or downwards, but is not simply, and in itself the cause of motion; so an acute figure cuts the medium swiftly, a broad obtuse figure slowly. Hence a thin plate of Lead or Iron will swim on water, because it comprehends much of the subjected body, which it cannot easily divide or penetrate. CHAP. VIII. Of generation, Corruption, Alteration, Augmentation and Diminution. a De gener. & corrup. lib. 1. cap. 3. THere is a perpetual succession of generation, as well simple as accidental, which proceeds from two causes, Efficient, the first mover, and the Heavens, always moving, and always moved, and Material, the first matter, of which, being nonens actually, ens potentially, all things generable and corruptible consist. This is incorruptible in its self, susceptible of all forms, whereby the corruption of one natural substance, becometh the generation of another, whatsoever matter remaineth upon the corruption, being assumed towards the generation of another. Generation and Corruption are twofold, simple, of a substance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of an accident, generation of the less noble substance is called generation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of the more noble, as that of Earth in respect of fire. Corruption always succeedeth generation, because the term, to which of corruption (viz. nonens) is the term from which of generation; and the term, to which of generation (viz. ens in act) is the term from which of corruption. The matter of that which is generated, and that which is corrupted is the same, for as much as they are, or may be made reciprocally of one another, as Air, of Water, water of Air; but differenly disposed. b Cap. 4. Alteration and generation are different mutations; in alteration the subject remaineth entire, the affections only are changed, as of sick sound; in generation the whole is changed, not any sensible subject remaining. Alteration is a mutation according to quality; augmentation and diminution, according to quantity; local motion according to place. c Cap. 5. Augmentation and diminution differ from other mutations; first, in the object, generation and corruption concerns substances; alteration, quality, lation, place, augmentation and diminution, quantity. Again, in the manner, that which is generated, or corrupted, or altered, not necessarily changeth place, but that which augments or diminisheth, in some manner changeth place, for it is bigger or lesser. Augmentation is an addition to preaexistent quantity; diminution a detraction. Whatsoever is augmented or decreased, is augmented or decreased according to every part thereof, by reception of something throughout all parts; decretion on the contrary. The animate body increaseth, but not the aliment, for the living creature remaineth, the aliment is converted into the substance of the living creature. Hereupon that which is augmented is like unto that which is altered, for both of these remain. All parts of a living creature are augmented; the similar first, as bones and flesh; then the dissimilar, as consisting of the others. Augmentation is made by accession of something according to form, not according to matter; for by it the whole is augmented, and made more such. Accession of parts, according to matter, is not augmentation, for by materials only (destitute of that form, which the parts to be augmented have) the whole living creatures cannot increase. Aliment therefore, whereby the living creature is augmented, must be the same potentially which the things augmented is in act. At first, it is contrary, and dissimilar, being in power the part of a living creature, in act something else: at last it becometh assimilate to the living creature, taking the form of a part (by aggeneration) through the digestive power of the animate body, which changeth the aliment into its own substance. For this reason augmentation presupposeth nutrition. Nutrition is, when the aliment as substance is converted into the substance of the living creature. Augmentation, when the same aliment as quantitative, is added to the quantity of the living creature. Hence a living creature as long as it is sound is always nourished, but not always augmented. As that which is added is potentially quantitative flesh, so it can augment flesh; as it is potentially flesh only, so it nourisheth; which when it can only do (as when so much wine is poured into water that it turns all into water) then there is a diminution of the quantity, but the form remaineth. CHAP. IX. Of Action and Passion. a De gener. & corrupt. lib. 1. cap. 6. COntact is of several kinds, Mathematical, by contiguity; Physical, when the extremes of several bodies meet, and mutually act and suffer; virtual, by power and metaphorical. b Cap. 7. The mutual action and passion of Physical contact is betwixt things, partly unlike as to their form, partly like as to their genus (for they are contraries) matter; each endeavouring to reduce the patient to his own likeness, as fire, wood. Every Physical agent in acting, suffers from the patient, for both the agent and patient are active, endued with forms elementary, susceptible of contraries. But as the first mover is immovable, so is the first agent impassable. c Cap. 9 Every things acts, as it is such, actually; suffers, as it is such, potentially. The conditions of action and passion are five: 1. What the agent is in act, the patient is in power. 2. The patient is such according to each part. 3. That which is more disposed suffers more, and so on the contrary. 4. Every patient is continuous, and not actually divided. 5. The agent must necessarily touch the patient, either immediately or mediately. CHAP. X. Of Mixtion and Temperament. a De gener. & corrupt. lib. 1. cap. 10. MIxtion is not generation, for the matter is not mixed with the form; nor alteration, for the quality is not mixed with the subject; nor augmentation, for aliment, the matter of augmentation, is not mixed with, but converted into the animate body. Conjunction of small bodies is not true mixtion, but coacervation, for those bodies remain actually the same according to their forms, not composing one third according to every part. Things which have not the same matter are not mixed, because they cannot be active and passive reciprocally. Those things which are properly said to be mixed must have one common matter, they must mutually act upon, and suffer one from another, they must be easily divisible; yet so, as that one be not excessive in respect of the other, for than it is not mixtion, but mutation into the more predominant, as a drop of wine into a great quantity of water. b De gener. & corrupt. lib. 2. cap. ●. The principles and differences of Elements (sensible tactile bodies) are tactile qualities, in as much as by such qualities, sensible bodies, as such, are constituted and differ. Of tactile qualities there are seven orders, hot, cold, moist, dry, heavy, light, hard, soft, viscous, arid, rugged, smooth, thick, thin. From the two first orders, are derived the differences of Elements, for by heat and cold, humidity and siccity they act and suffer, and are mutually changed by alterative passions. Of these first qualities two are active, heat and cold, two passive, humidity and siccity. Heat is that which congregates homogeneous things; cold that which congregates heterogeneous things; humid that which is not easily contained in its own bounds, dry the contrary. c Cap. 3. As there are four Elements, there must be four conjunctions of the primary qualities, from each of which the Elements are severally collected. The first conjunction is of hot and dry, whence proceedeth fire; the second of hot and moist, whence Air; the third of moist and cold, whence Water; the fourth of cold and dry, whence Earth. In each of these one quality is predominant; Earth is more dry than cold, water more cold than moist, Air more moist than hot, Fire more hot than dry. All these Elements may be mutually transmutated into one another; the Symbolical which agree in one primary quality are more easily transmutated into one another then the asymbolical, because it is less difficult to change one then many. This transmutation is not a generation, but a kind of alteration, whence it is manifest one Element cannot be the principle of another. d Cap. 7. Mixtion, whereby the Elements concur to the composition of a mixed body, is made by coacervation, as Emped●cles held, but after such a manner that their contrary qualities remain in the mixed; not potentially only, nor simply actually in their height, but in a mean kind of way, their extremities being reduced to some temper. From this contemperation come mixed bodies, differing according to the various proportion of the temperament; and as they are compounded of the Elements, so they resolve into the same. All these mixed bodies consist of all the Elements; of Earth, Cap. 8. for every things participates of the nature of that thing wherein it is produced; of water, because every mixed thing must be concrete and terminated; which properties Water best affordeth to Earth; of Air and Fire, because every perfect mixed body is made by temperament of contraries, such is Air to Earth, Fire to Water. Again, the nature of all mixed bodies as well animate as inanimate, as to mixture, is the same, but that the animate consist of all the Element, is manifest in that they are nourished by them. e Cap. 9 The causes and common principles of mixed bodies are three; material, fomall, efficient. The Material is the power to be and not to be, by which elementary things are generated and corrupted. The formal is the reason of the essence of every thing; f Cap. 10. the universal efficient is the circular motion of Heaven, not only as being eternal, continual and before generation, but chiefly because it bringeth nigh to us, and carrieth far from us that which hath the generative power of all things, that is, the Sun, and the other Stars, which by their accession and recession are the causes of generation and corruption. g Cap. 11. All these are so disposed according to the order of Nature, that because no natural being can be permanent in the same individual state, they may be at lest preserved by a continual succession of many individuums of the same species. Whence the natural cause of generation is only conservation of the species. CHAP. XI. Of imperfect mixed bodies. a Meteor. lib. 1● cap. 1. Mixed bodies are twofold, imperfect and perfect: Meteors are imperfect mixed bodies produced according to Nature, but after a less orderly and constant manner. b Cap. 2. The general matter thereof are the Elements; the efficient, the celestial bodies which act upon inferiors by a kind of coherence. c Cap. 3. Heaven is highest; next Heaven the Element of fire; next fire, air, under air, water and earth. Clouds are not generated in the sphere of fire, nor in the region of the air, partly by reason of the heat which is there, partly because of the motion of the Heavens which carrieth along with it the element of fire, and the upper region of the air, by which motion heat is produced in inferior bodies; for the air being carried along by the Heaven, is heated by that motion, and by the proximity of the Sun and of the Element of fire. d Cap. 4. Flames that appear in the upper part of the air are made thus; The Sun by his warmth extracteth a kind of breath out of the Earth, which, if hot and dry, is called exhalation, and if hot and moist, vapour. Exhalation ascends higher, as being higher, and being got into the upper region of the air, is there enkindled by the motion of the air, and proximity of the fire. Hence come those they call firebrands, goats, falling-starres and the like. e Cap. 5. Hence are also Phasmes, such as are called gulses, chasmes, bloody colours, and the like; the exhalation being variously coloured by reflection of the light, but chiefly seeming purple, which colour ariseth from the mixture of fire and white. f Cap. 6, 7. The efficient cause of Comets are the Sun and stars; the material an exhalation, hot, dry, condensed, and combustible; so as it burns not much, nor is soon extinguished. It is called a Comet, or airy star, when it is a like on every side; a pogoneia or bearded star, when it hath a long train. That it consists of fire is manifest, because at the same time, there is commonly great wind and drought. It appears seldom, and then single, and beyond the Tropics, because stars, especially the Sun, dissipate the matter whereof it consists. g Cap. 8. The Galaxy is not the light of many stars together, as Anaxagoras held, but an exhalation hot and dry, kindled by the motion of many great stars, which are in that part where the Galaxy appeareth. h Cap. 9 We come next to those meteors which are in the middle and lower region of the air. When the Sun and other Stars draw up vapours out of waterish places, into the middle region of the air, they are there kept so long, until they are condensed by the cold of that place into drops of water, which if they come down very small, be called misling, if greater, rain. This thick vapour, which is seen suspended in the air and changeth from air to water, is a Cloud. Mist is the superfluity of a cloud, condensed into water. i Cap. 10. Vapour attracted by a small heat not much above the earth, and descending more condensed by the nocturnal cold, becometh either dew or frost: Frost when it congealeth before it resolves into water; Dew, when it turns into water, so as the warmth cannot dry it up, nor the cold freeze it. k Cap. 11. Snow is a congealed cloud; rain, dew, frost, and snow differ almost only in bigness and smallness. l Cap. 12. Hail, though it be of the same nature as ice, yet is seldom produced in winter, as being caused by Antiperistasis. m Cap. 13. As the air above the earth condensed, becometh vapour, and vapour by cold becometh water, so doth it also in the caverns and receptacles of the earth, by a continual mutation; first it turns into little drops, than those little into greater. Hence comes all springs, and heads of rivers, abundantly flowing out at one part of the earth. Hence great Rivers and Fountains commonly flow from great hills, which have greatest caverns. m Cap. 14. The parts of the earth are in continual mutation, sometimes humid, sometimes dry, sometimes fertile, sometimes desert, by new eruptions or defections of rivers, or access or recess of the sea, according to certain periods of time. Thus have the parts of the earth their youth and age, as well as plants and living creatures, by the heat and conversion of the Sun. Time and the World are eternal; but Nilus and Tanais were not always, for those places whence they first issued, were once dry grounds. n Lib. 2. cap. 2. The proper place of water is the concave superficies of the air: This place the Sea, compassing the earth, possesseth; for the swift and more rare water is drawn upwards by the heat of the Sun; the salt, more thick and terrene settleth downwards. For this reason all waters tend to the sea, as to their proper place▪ yet, hereby the Sea is not enlarged, for the sun draweth out of it, by reason of its expansion, as great a quantity of water, as it receiveth from rivers. o Cap. 3. The sea is, as the world, eternal, the saltness thereof proceedeth from admixtion of some terrene, adust, exhalation. From the top of the Sea is drawn up a fresh vapour; from the bottom, heated by the Sun, an exhalation, which passeth through the Sea, and cometh up with the vapour; but falling back into the Sea, bringeth that saltness with it, as water passed often through ashes. p Cap. 4. Winds are produced by the Sun and Stars, of a hot, dry exhalation, which ascending, is driven down again by the coldness of the middle region of the air, and by reason of the lightness of its nature, cannot go directly to the bottom, but is carried by the air up and down. We call it a hot and dry exhalation, as being more dry than humid. Wind is weakest in the beginning, but gaineth strength, by taking along with it other light exhalations, which it meets with by the way. q Cap. 5. Winds are laid by heat and cold, excessive heat consumeth the exhalations, as soon as it cometh out of the earth; excessive cold binds up the pores of the earth, so as it cannot pass. r Cap. 8. Earthquake is a trembling of the earth, caused by an exhalation hot and dry, enclosed in the bowels of the earth, which striving to get forth, as its nature requireth, and not able, by reason of the solidity of the earth, to pass, maketh the earth shake, forcing a way through it, and bearing down whatsoever opposeth it. The more hot this included spirit is, the more vehement. Of the same nature is lightning, thunder, and the like. Thunder is when an exhalation enclosed in a thick cold cloud, rolleth it up and down, and at last breaketh through it with more or less noise, according to the thickness of the cloud. By this eruption it acquireth a rare kind of heat and light, which is lightning, subsequent to the noise of the eruption; yet, seen before the other is heard, by reason of the quickness of the sight beyond the hearing. s Cap. 9 As of dry exhalations, the rare and dispersed produce thunder and lightning; so of the great and condensed is made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and thunderbolts. t Lib. 3. cap. 1. Of lucid Meteors appearing in the clouds, are Haloes, Rainbows, Parelies, and Streaks: All these are caused by refraction, but differ according to the objects from which they are reflected. A Halo appeareth about some star, when there happeneth a cloud to be, the middle part whereof, by reason of its rarity, being dissipated, the rest of the parts about, by reflection, represent the colour of the star. Rainbow is a refraction of the Sun's beam upon a humid cloud, ready to dissolve into rain. In like manner are caused Parelies and Streaks. u Cap. 7. There are likewise imperfect mixed bodies, under, or within the earth, and these also of two kinds; some caused by exhalation, called Minerals; others by vapour, called Metals, fusile or ductile. CHAP. XII. Of perfect mixed bodies. a Meteor. lib. 4. cap. 1. THe common affections of perfect mixed bodies, are those which proceed from the primary qualities of the Elements, whereof two are active, heat and cold, two passive, humidity, and siccity. The natural effect of these is Generation, when heat and cold overcome the matter; otherwise it is inquination and inconcoction. The opposite to simple generation is Putrefaction; every thing unless violently dissolved putrifieth. Hence those things that putrify, become first humid, then dry; for the external heat expelleth the internal, and at last consumeth it. All things therefore putrify except fire, for putrefaction is the corruption of the natural heat in every humid body, by the external. For this reason, things are less subject to putrify in cold or in motion, and the hotter or greater they are, as a part of the sea may putrify, the whole cannot. Out of putrid things are bred living creatures; for the natural, heat whilst it is separating, endeavoureth as much as possible, that what is taken asunder and segregated by corruption, may gather together in some small parts, which afterwards, by help of the Sun, receive life. Thus are worms, beetles, gnats, and other infects bred. b Cap. 2. Concoction is the effect of heat, inconcoction of cold. Concoction is a perfection caused by natural heat of the opposite passive qualities, which are mixed with the matter, as being passive. The end of concoction in some things is mutation of the essence, as when food is converted into flesh or blood; in others only a mutation according to quantity or quality, as in fruits that ripen. Inconcoction is an imperfection in the opposite passive qualities, proceeding from defect of heat. Concoction is threefold, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Inconcoction is also threefold, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c Cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the concoction of that Element which is in fruits; it is perfect, when the seeds that are within the fruit are capable of producing their like, hereto is opposite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the inconcoction of fruits not able through want of heat to overcome the humidity. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a concoction of an humid interminate by external humidity and heat▪ Hereto is opposite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the inconcoction of a humid interminate, caused by defect of external humidity and heat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a concoction by dry and external heat, yet not excessive, for than it were adustion: to this is opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an incoction caused through defect of heat and fire, or excess of humidity in the subject. d Cap. 4. As concerning the two passive qualities; things are humid and dry, either actually, or potentially. Those things which are mixed of humid and dry, are terminate, for these qualities mutually terminate one another, whence bodies consist not without earth and water, this humid, that dry. And for this reason Animals can only live in Earth and Water, which are their matter. The first affections of terminate bodies are hardness and softness; hard is that which yields not to the touch, soft the contrary. Both these are such, either absolutely, or relatively. They are made such by concretion, which is a kind of exiccation. e Cap. 6. Exiccation is of things that are water, or of the Nature of water, or have water in them, either naturally insite, or adventitious. It is done principally by heat, accidentally by cold. Humectation (its contrary) is the concretion of a vapour into water, or liquefaction of a solid body, as Metal. Concretion is, when the humidity being removed, the dry is reduced together and condensed, either by cold, as in generation of stones, or by heat, as in segregation of salt from water. To concretion is opposite, resolution, which is effected by its contraries. Those things which are condensed by heat only, are resolved by cold only, and so on the contrary. f Cap. 8. Besides these principal affections, there are others secondary, chiefly competent to homogeneous bodies, some passive, some active. Of passive qualities in mixed bodies, there are 18. differences, Concretile, Eliquabile, Mollisicable, Humectable, Flexible, Frangible, Impressible, Formable, Compressible, Tractile, Ductile, Fissile, Sectile, Unctuous, Friable, Condensable, Combustible, exhalable, and their contraries. From these are thus denominated, homiomerious mixed bodies, as Metals, Gold, Brass, Silver, Stone and the like; and whatsoever is made out of these; as likewise similar parts in Animals and in Plants, as flesh and bone, whereof some are more cold, which consist most of water, others more hot, which most of earth and air. CHAP. XIII. Of Plants and Animals. AT the end of his meteors he proposeth to speak of Similar parts; as Blood, and the like; what they are, and to what end, their matter and reason, but especially whence they have their motion; next to proceed to dissimilar parts, and lastly to speak of those which consist thereof, as men, Plants, and the like. Hence Patricius conjectures that his Books of the parts of living Creatures did immediately succeed those of the Meteors, wherein he treateth (as he proposeth) of Similar parts unto the tenth Chapter, of the second Book, and from thence of the dissimilar. But to reduce his Books of living Creatures to this method is the less certain, for as much as many of these (besides those which treated particularly of Anatomy) have been lost, of which perhaps were some which might better have cleared the series, for in the Books themselves concerning Animals, there is nothing to ground it upon. For the same reason, it is uncertain where his Books of Plants ought to have been placed, which are lost. Perhaps they might precede those of Animals; for he asserts that Plants have souls, (contrary to the Stoics) endued with vegetative power; that they live even though cut asunder, as infects, whereby two or more are made of one; that the substance they receive by aliment and the ambient air is sufficient for the preservation of their natural heat. As concerning Animals, we have, Of their Going, one Book. Of their History, ten Books. Of their parts, four Books; Of their Generation, five Books. So tightly hath he treated upon this subject, as cannot well be expressed by an abridgement, and therefore we shall omit it; the rather because little or nothing was done herein by the Academics or Stoics, a collation with whom is the principal design of this summary. CHAP. XIV. Of the Soul. a De anima lib. 1. cap. 1. THe knowledge of the Soul conduceth much to all Truth, and especially to Physic, for the Soul is as it were the principle of animate things. Animate things differ from inanimate chiefly by motion and sense. b Cap. 2. Whence the ancient Philosophers defined the Soul by these; Democritus the Pythagoreans, Anaxagoras by motion; Empedocles and Plato by knowledge; others by both; others by incorporeity, or a rare body; Thales something that moveth; Diogenes, air; Heraclitus, exhalation, an immortal substance; Hippo▪ water; Critias, blood. c Cap. 3. The soul doth not move itself, as Democritus held, for whatsoever is moved, is moved by another. Again, if the soul were moved pierce, it would be in place, and it were capable of being moved violently, and it would be of the same nature with the body, and might return into the body after the separation. Neither is the soul moved by itself, but from its objects; for if it were moved essentially, it might recede from its essence. The soul therefore is not moved pierce, but by accident only, according to the motion of the body. d Cap. 4. The soul is not Harmony, (a proportionate mixture of contraries) for then there must be more souls in the same body, according to the different constitution of its parts. But though we commonly say, the soul grieveth, hopeth, feareth, etc. we are not to understand that the soul is moved, but only that these are from the soul in the body, that is moved; some by local motion of the Organs, others by alteration of them. To say, the soul is angry is no more proper then to say she builds; for it is the man that is angry by the soul, otherwise the soul were liable to age, decay, and infirmity, as well as the organs of the body. e Cap. 5. Neither is the soul a rare body, consisting of elements, for than it would understand nothing more than the elements themselves; neither is there a soul diffused through all things, as Thales held, for we see there are many things inanimate. Some from the different functions of the soul argue, that there are more souls than one in man, or that the soul is divisible, the supreme intellectual part placed in the head, the irascible in the heart, concupiscible in the liver: But this is false, for the Intellect is not confined to any part of the body, as not being corporeal, nor organical, but immaterial and immortal. f Lib. 2. Cap. ● The soul is the first intelechie of a natural organical body, having life potentially. First, Entelechie.] Entelechie is twofold, the first is the principle of operation, as Science; the second, the Act itself. Of a Natural,] g Laert. not of an artificial body, as a Tower or Ship. Organical body,] that is, endued with instruments for operation, as the eye for seeing, the ear for hearing; even plants have simple Organs. Having life potentially,] as it were in itself, for potentially is less than actually; actually, as in him that wakes; potentially, as in him that is asleep. The soul is otherwise defined, that by which we first live, feel, and understand; whence appeareth, there are three faculties of the soul, nutritive, sensitive, intellective; the inferior comprehended by the superior potentially, as a triangle by a quadrangle. CHAP. XV. Of the Nutritive faculty. a Cap. 4. THe first and most common faculty of the Soul is the Nutritive; by which life is in all things, the acts and operation thereof are to be generated, and to take nourishment. Nutriment is received either towards Nutrition or augmentation. Nutrition is the operation of the Nutritive faculty conducing to the substance itself of the animate being. Augmentation is the operation of the Nutritive faculty, whereby the animate body increaseth to perfect Magnitude. In nutrition are considered, the Soul nourishing, the body nourished, and the food by which the nourishment is made; hereto is required a Natural heat, which is in all living creatures. The aliment is both contrary, or unlike, and like, to the body nourished: as it is undigested, we say nourishment is by the contrary; as altered by digestion, like is nourished by its like. CHAP. XVI. Of the Sensitive Faculty. a Cap. 5. THE Sensitive faculty of the Soul is that by which sense is primarily in Animals. Sense is a mutation in the Organ caused by some sensible Object. It is not sensible of itself, nor of its Organ, not of any interior thing. To reduce it to act, is requisite some external sensible object, for sense cannot move itself being a passive power, as that which is combustible cannot burn itself. b Cap. 6. Of sensible Objects there are three kinds; proper, which is perceived by one sense, without error, as colour in respect of sight. Common; which is not proper to any one, but perceived by all. Accidental; which, as such, doth not affect the sense. Sense is either external or Internal, the external are five, Seeing, Hearing, Smelling, Touching, Tasting. c Cap. 7. The object of Seeing is Colour, and some thing without a name that glisters in the dark, as the scales of fish, glow-worms and the like. Colour is the motive of that which is actually perspicuous; nothing therefore is visible, without light. Perspicuous is that which is visible, not by itself, but by some other colour or light, as Air, Water, Glass. Light is the act of a perspicuous thing, as it is perspicuous. It is not fire, not a body, for then two bodies would be in the same place. To sight and all other senses is requisite a medium and convenient distance. The object first affects the medium, than the organ. d Cap. 8. The object of hearing is sound. Sound is made by collision of two bodies, hard, smooth, and hollow, in a medium, as air or water, swiftly and vehemently before the medium be dissipated. Echo is a reflex sound, when the air, gathered together and forced into a vessel, or some place which hindereth its diffusion and progress, reverts as a base against a wall. Sound is always reflected, though not always perceptibly, as light also, otherwise all places would be dark, which were not directly opposite to the Sun, or some lucid body. Sound is made by that which moveth the air; and continually stirreth it, till it arrive at the organ, wherein there is an insite, connatural, animate, immovable air, which being moved by the external air, yieldeth the sense of hearing. Hence it cometh that we can hear under water, for the water cannot get into this air, because of the winding narrow passages of the ear: If it do get in, or the membrance which containeth this air be otherwise broken, it causeth deafness. Voice is the impulsion of air attracted by respiration, and forced against the vocal artery by the soul, which is in the lungs, with some intent of signification. Voice therefore is not proper to all animals, but to such only as have blood and breath. Fishes therefore have not voice. e Cap. 9 The object of smelling is Odour. This sense is not so perfect in men as in other creatures, whence men perceive not odours, unless with delight or dislike, when they are so strong, as to excite one of these. This defect proceedeth from the organ of smelling, which in us is more obtuse. The medium of smelling is air and water, for fishes smell. Hence all living creatures smell not after the same manner; they which breath smell by drawing in the air, the rest not so, because of the different accommodation of the Organ. Those therefore which smell by drawing in the air, cannot smell under water. Odour consists chiefly in dry, as sapor in humid. The organ of smelling is dry potentially, as the object is actually. f Cap. 10. The object of Taste is sapor. Whatsoever is gustable is tactible, and humid, either actually, or at least potentially. Dry things are subject to taste as they are potentially humid, and melt as salt. The taste perceiveth that which is gustable, and that which is ingustable, as the sight darkness, the hearing silence; for every sense perceiveth the presence and absence of its object. That which is potable is perceived by the touch, as humid by the taste, as having sapor. The tongue tastes not that which is dry, because the organ of taste must be such potentially, as the object is actually; but, without humidity nothing is gustable. The kinds of sapours are sweet and bitter; to sweet are referred unctuous, to bitter salt. The mean are sharp, piccant, acid, acute; gustable is that which moveth the taste, and reduceth it to act. g Cap. 11. The objects of Touch are the primary qualities, organ is that part which is potentially that which the object is in act; for that which is like cannot suffer from its like. We feel not things of equal heat, cold, hardness, or softness. The flesh is the medium; the first sensory is something more internal. Herein touch and taste differ from the other senses, whose objects are at greater distance. Touch perceiveth things tactile and not tactile. h Cap. 12. All these senses receive sensible species without matter, as wax the impression of a seal without the gold. The organ or sensory is that in which the sensitive faculty primarily exists; a vehement object destroyeth the organ. i Lib. 3. Cap. 1. That there are no more external senses than these five, is manifest, in that there are no more in perfect animals; neither is there any need of a sixth sense to perceive common objects, which every sense discerns by accident, as motion figure. The act of the object, and the act of the sense itself, as Sonation and Audition, are really the same, differ only intentionally. This act is generally in the sensitive, not in the object. k De Sensu. cap. 6. Sensible qualities are finite, as being bounded by extremes and their contraries, but divisible by accident into infinite, according to the division of their continuous subject. l Ibid. In sensibles, some are potentially sensible, as a part joined to the whole; others actually, as the whole itself, or a part separated from the whole. But of separate parts some are so little, that sense cannot actually perceive them, by reason of their want of due magnitude. m Ibid. Sounds and odours are successively generated in the medium, and by degrees deduced to the organ; but light is produced in an instant in the medium, not carried through it by local motion. CHAP. XVII. Of Common sense. a Lib. 3. cap. 2. EVery external sense perceiveth the differences of its own object, as sight judgeth of black and white; but the differences of divers objects cannot be perceived by the same sense; there is therefore a common sense, which judgeth the actions of external sense, and the differences of all sensible objects. The judgement being of a sensible object, must be done by sense, and by one sense only; for, if there were more, one would object one object apart, the other another, and consequently could not judge between them. For, that which judgeth must have knowledge of all that whereof it judgeth, which no exterior sense can afford, as being consigned to its proper object. Common sense judgeth contrary or different sensibles in the same instant, for it discerneth togther sweet and black, bitter and sweet. Hence it is like the centre of a circle, which in divers respects is called one and many. It is one; as all the external senses are united in it; many, as it is the fountain and judge of them. b De anima, lib. 3. cap. 3. Sense differs from Intellect; for sense is in all living creatures, intellect in few. Sense erreth not about its proper object, but is always true; intellect often erreth by false opinions and habits. CHAP. XVIII. Of fantasy and Cogitation. a Cap. ●. FRom Sense is derived fantasy and Cogitation. fantasy differs from sense and intellect, though it exist not without a previous knowledge of sense, as neither doth cogitation, which is in action of the Intellect, comprehending science, opinion, and prudence. The act of fantasy differs from Cogitation, for we fancy things false and at our own pleasure; but, we think only what is true, and like unto truth, and that not as we please ourselves, but as the thing seemeth. Moreover, when we think that things are ill or good, we are moved with fear, joy, hope; but when we fancy only without application of judgement, we are not moved no more than we are frighted at a picture. fantasy is not properly Sense, fantasy acteth in him that sleepeth, sense doth not. Sense was with us from our birth, fantasy not. Sense is in all animals, fantasy is not. Sense is true, fantasy often false. Sense is only of things present, fantasy of the absent likewise. fantasy is not Science or Intellect, for that is always of things true and real, fantasy often is of things false. fantasy is not opinion, for opinion is followed by faith, fantasy is not. fantasy is a motion in animals from sense in act, by which motion they are variously affected, and conceive things sometimes true, and sometimes false. The error of fantasy ariseth from the error of the senses: fantasy therefore is of near affinity with sense; for though it be not sense, yet it exists not without sense, or in things that have no sense. It is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from light, for sight the most excellent of senses cannot act without light. Many things are done by Animals according to fantasy, either because they have not Intellect as Beasts, or that intellect is obscured in them. CHAP. XIX. Of Memory and Reminiscence. a Lib. de Memor. & Rem. cap. 1. FRom fantasy proceeds Memory, which is of things past, as sense is of the present, opinion of the future. Sense and Intellection are necessarily previous to memory. Hence those Animals only which have sense of time, remember, as horses and dogs; yet memory is not without phantasm, even not that memory which is of Intelligible things, for he that remembreth, is sensible that he first saw, heard, or learned what he remembreth. Memory therefore is reducible per se to fantasy, as being of Phantasms, to intellect only by accident. Hence in the same part of the Soul, wherein Fantasy exists, resideth likewise memory; for if it were placed only in the intellectual faculty, it would not be competent to Beasts, which we see it is. Memory is made by impression of some image by the sense upon the Soul. Hence they who retain not the image and figure of sense, either by continual motion, or excessive humidity, as children, or drought, as old men, remember not. To memory therefore is required a moderate temperature of the brain; yet more inclined to dry. b Cap. 2. Reminiscence is not a resumption or assumption of memory, but differs specifically from both these, for Beasts have not Reminiscence though they have memory, Reminiscence being made by discourse and diligent disquisition, collecting one thing from another by a continued series and order, until at last we call that to mind which we had forgotten. CHAP. XX. Of Sleep and Waking. a Lib. de Som. & Vigil. cap. 1. TO Sense belongeth Sleep and Waking; for those animate things which want sense, neither sleep nor wake, as Plants. Sleep is an immobility, and band as it were of sense; waking is a solution and remission of sense. b Cap. 2. The chief seat of sleep is the common sense, which being bound up by sleep, all the exterior senses, whereof this is the common Centre, are bound up likewise and restrained, for the rest and health of the Animal; which is the end of waking also. c Cap. 3. Every impotence of sense is not sleep, but only that which is caused by evaporation of the Aliment. Hence we are most subject to sleep after meat; for then much humid vapour ascends, which first maketh the head heavy by consistence there, then descends and repels the heat, whereby is induced sleep. That sleep is made in this manner, is evident from all soporiferous things, as poppy, which causeth heaviness in the head by sending up vapours. Labour produceth sleep, by dispersing the humours, whence produceth vapour. Drunken men & Children are subject to sleep much, melancholy persons little, for they are so cold within, that the vapour exhaleth not, especially they being of a dry constitution. Sleep therefore is a recession of the heat inward with a natural kind of circumobsistence. CHAP. XXI. Of Dreams. a Lib de insom. DReaming is an affection of the sensory part, in as much as it is fantastic. A Dream is an apparition or phantasm seen in sleep. After the functions of the external senses, there remain their motions and similitudes induced by their objects into their Organs. These occurring in sleep cause dreams, but not at all times, nor at every age, for their species show not themselves but upon cessation of the humours. Hence Dreams are not immediately after sleep, nor in infants soon after their birth, for then there is too great commotion by reason of the alimentary heat. As therefore in troubled water no image appeareth, or if any, much distorted, but when it is calm, the image is rendered clearly; so when there is a tumult and agitation of the humours, there are no images presented, or those dreadful, such as are the Dreams of melancholy and sick persons; but when the blood passeth smoothly, and the humours are settled, we have pure and pleasing Dreams; A Dream therefore is a phantasm caused by motion of sensibles already perceived by sense, occurring to Animals in sleep. CHAP. XXII. Of the Intellective Faculty. a De Anim. lib. 3. cap. 4. THe third faculty of the Soul is the Intellective, proper to man. Intellect is that part of the Soul whereby it knoweth and understandeth. It is twofold, Patient and Agent. Patient Intellect is that by which Intellect becometh all things, for Intellection is like sense; Sense is by passion from a sensible object, intellect from an intellectual. The properties of patient Intellect are these; it is void of corruptive passion; it is apt for reception of species; it is that species potentially; it is not mixed with the body; it hath no corporeal Organs; it is the place of species. b Cap. 5. That there is also an agent Intellect is manifest; for in whatsoever kind, there is something that is potentially all of that kind, there is something likewise which is the efficient cause of all in that kind; this is the agent Intellect, a cognoscitive power which enlighteneth phantasms and the patient Intellect. The properties thereof are, that it is separable from the body, immortal and eternal; that it is not mixed with the body; that it is void of passion; that it is ever in act; but the patient Intellect is mortal, which is the cause of Forgetfulness. c Cap. 6. The action of the Intellect is twofold, one, Intellection of indivisibles, in which is neither truth nor falsehood, as all simple apprehensions; the other complex, when we compound and unite notions by affirmation or negation. This is always either true or false, the other neither. The simple is precedent to the complex. d Cap. 8. Intellect in act is either Practic or Theoretic. As a sensible object reduceth the sensible faculty from power to act, so doth an intellectual object the intellectual faculty; and as the operation of sense is threefold, simple apprehension, judgement if it be good or ill, and lastly, appetition or aversion according to that perception: So likewise is the operation of the practic intellect threefold: First, it is moved by phantasms, as sense is by external sensibles. Secondly, it judgeth the object to be good or ill, by affirmation or negation. Thirdly, it moveth the will to pursue or shun it, whence it is called practic. This practic intellect is moved as well when the sensible object is absent, as when it is present, only excited by the fantasy. The object of the Theoretic Intellect, is, true or false; of the practic, good or ill. e Ibid. The rational soul in some manner is every thing; for that which actually knoweth, is in some manner the same with the thing known. CHAP. XXIII. Of the Motive faculty. a Cap. 9 BEsides the nutritive, sensitive, and intellective faculties, there is also a motive faculty in animate creatures. That it is not the same with the nutritive is manifest, in as much as it proceeds from imagination and apprehension, which plants have not, neither have they organs fit for motion, which nature would have given them if they had this power. That it is not the same with the sensitive, appears, in that some animals which have sense have not the power, as Zoophytes, which have not the organs fit for this motion. Neither is it the same with the Theoretic Intellect, for that judgeth not as to action; but progressive motion is the action of an animal flying ill, or pursuing good. b Cap. 10. The principles of local motion in animals, are the practic Intellect (under which is comprehended fantasy) and appetite. These two direct and impel the motive faculty to action; intellect and fantasy by directing what is to be shunned, what to be embraced, appetite by shunning or embracing it. Appetite is the chief principle thereof, for that may move without intellect, as in beasts, and many times in men, who desert their reason to follow their pleasure: But intellect never moveth without appetite, that is, will; for appetite is the principle of all motion, honest and dishonest, intellect only of honest motion. In man, appetite is twofold; Will, which followeth the judgement of reason; and sensual appetite, irascible or concupiscible, which followeth sense and fantasy. In the motion of animals, three things are considered: First, that which moveth, and that is twofold; the appetible object, which moveth the appetite as a final cause, not as an efficient; and the appetite itself, which being moved by the appetible object, moveth the animal. Secondly, by what it moves, which is the heart of the animal, by which instrument the appetible object moveth it. Thirdly, that which is moved, the animal itself, perfect. c Cap. 11. Infects are moved locally, as perfect animals are, and consequently by the same principles, appetite and fantasy; but this fantasy is imperfect, diffused through the whole body, as appear by their uncertain motion, only towards present occurrent objects. That they have appetite is manifest, in as much as they are sensible of pain and pleasure. Beasts have sensitive fantasy only; rational creatures, deliberative, which compareth many things conducing to some foreknown end, and chooseth the most expedient. Yet sometimes the sensitive appetite in man overswayeth the rational, but by the order of nature, the will, which is the rational, ought, as being the superior to it, to oversway the sensitive. Thus there are three motions, one of the will commanding, another of the sensitive appetite resisting, and a third of the body obeying. But when the sensitive overruleth, there are only two motions, for the will resists not, but is deceived. CHAP. XIV. Of Life and Death. a De vit. & Mort. cap. 23. GEneration and dissolution are common to all living Creatures, though all are not produced and dissolved in the same manner. b Cap. 24. The generation of a living Creature is the first conjunction of the nutritive Soul with the natural heat. Life is the permanence of that Soul with the said heat. Youth is the increase of the first refrigerative part, age the decrease thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the constant and perfect life which is betwixt both. As long as an animate Creature liveth, it hath natural heat within itself, and as soon as that faileth, dieth. The principle of this heat is in the heart. If it be extinguished in any other part, the Animal may live, but if in the heart, it cannot. This heat is extinguished two ways; first by consumption, when it faileth of itself; secondly, by extinction, from some contrary, as in violent death; the cause is the same in both, defect of aliment, which in the living Creature is its vital moisture, as fire wanting refrigeration, groweth more violent, and soon consumeth the humidity, which being gone, itself must of necessity go out. Refrigeration therefore is necessary to the conservation of the natural heat. Plants are refrigerated by the ambient air, and by aliment: their natural heat is extinguished by excessive cold, and dried up by excessive heat. Animals which live in the air, or in the water, are refrigerated by the air or water, some by breathing, others without. c Cap. 23, 24. Death, according to the extinction of natural heat, is twofold, violent or natural; violent, when the cause is extrinsecall; natural, when the principle thereof is in the animate Creature. For that part whereon life dependeth (the Lungs) is so ordered by nature that its cannot perform its office for ever. Death therefore cometh from defect of heat, when through want of refrigeration the radical humidity is consumed and dried up. Refrigeration faileth naturally, when by progress of time the lungs in Creat●res that have breath, the gills in fishes grow so hard, that they are unapt for motion. d Cap. 23. Old men die easily, as having but little natural heat, and without pain, because his dissolution comes not from any violent affection. e Lib. de l●n. & brerit. cap. 4 The lives of living Creatures, as well of the same, as of divers species differ in length; the longest life, most commonly, is that of some Plants, as the Palm and Cypress; that of Creatures which have blood rather than the bloodless; that of terrestrial creatures rather than the aquatile; that of those which have great bodies, as of Elephants, rather than those of little. f Cap. ●. The causes of long life are first the quantity and quality of the vital moisture, if it be much and fat, not easily dried up nor congealed. Secondly, natural hear, which suffereth not that humour to be congealed. Thirdly, a due proportion betwixt this heat and that moisture. Fourthly, fewness of excrements, for excrements are contrary to Nature, and sometimes corrupt nature itself, sometimes a part. Salacious creatures, or laborious grow soon old by reason of exiccation. For the same reason men are shorter lived than women, but more active. In hot Countries, animate creatures are larger, and live longer then in cold. Those animals which have little or no blood, either are not at all produced in the Northern parts, or soon die. Both Plants and Animals, ●f they take not aliment, die, for the natural heat, when the aliment faileth, consumeth the matter itself, wherein it is, the vital moisture. Aquatile creatures are shorter lived than the terrestrial, and the bloodless than those that have blood, because their humidity is more waterish, and consequently more apt to be congealed and corrupted. g Cap. 6. Plants live long, as having less of waterish moisture, which therefore is not so apt to be congealed. The largeness of the upper parts, as well in Plants as Animals, is a sign of long life, because it argues much natural heat. The upper part of a Plant is the root, not the boughs. THE THIRD PART. CHAP. I. ETHICK. WE come next to the Moral part of Philosophy, including Ethick, OEconomick and Politic. Of the first, we have ten Books of Aristotle's, written to (his Son) Nicomachus, two Books called his Great Ethick; one of Virtues Of OEconemick, two Books; of▪ Politic eight. We shall not have recourse to these for an account of his Doctrine in this kind, being furnished by Stobaeus with a summary of what he and the rest of the Peripatetics asserted in Morality. Ethick ( a Eclog. Ethic. saith he) is so called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Custom; for those things, the principles and seeds whereof we receive from Nature, are to be perfected by Custom and right institution. Hence Ethick pertaineth only to living Creatures, and particularly to man, for the rest acquire Custom, not by Reason, but Necessity, man by Reason. Of the Soul, one part is Rational, the other Irrational; the rational part is judicative, the irrational Appetitive; of the rational, that which is Theoretic, conversant in divine things, is called Science; that which is Practic, conversant in humane Actions, is called Counsel. Of the latter, one part is concupiscible, another irascible. In like manner Virtue is twofold, rational and irrational, consisting in Theory and practice. Ethick Virtue consisteth not in Science, but in election of Goods. Virtue is perfected by three things; Nature, Custom and Reason. For man differing from other Creatures both in body and mind, as being a species placed between divine essences and irrational Creatures, hath some affinity to both; in what is rational, and agrees with the Soul, he is allied to the Divinity; in what is irrational, proper to the body, he agrees with the irrational. Both these desire perfection by Reason; and first, he desireth to be, for this is naturally insite in him. Hence he affecteth things that are according to his Nature, and is averse from things contrary to his nature. He endeavoureth to preserve health, pleasure, life, these being according to nature, expetible in themselves and good. On the contrary, he shuneth sickness, pain, and death, as being repugnant to nature, and therefore ill, and to be avoided. We love our own bodies, we love our own souls, their parts, their faculties, their acts: the principle of appetite, office, and virtue is a providential care of these. If error did not happen concerning things expetible and avoidable, but that we lived continually participant of good, and vold of ill, we should not inquire in these for a true election. But being in things expetible and avoidable, through ignorance often deceived, sometimes rejecting the good, sometimes admitting the ill for good, we necessarily have recourse to constancy of judgement, which having obtained convenient to nature, we call it, from the excellency of its function, Virtue, admiring and honouring it above all things. For actions, and those which are called Offices, proceed from election of things according to nature, and rejection of things▪ repugnant to nature. Herein consist right actions and sins; even on these dependeth almost the whole reason of Election; as we shall briefly demonstrate. That Children are expetible to parents, not only for use of benefit, but also in themselves, is most evident. There is no man so cruel and savage, who doth not rather desire his children after his death should live happily and well, then otherwise: By this affection dying persons make Wills, providing even for the unborn, choosing Tutors and Guardians to assist them. And as Children are loved for themselves, so likewise we love Parents, Brethren, Wife, Kindred, Acquaintance, Countrymen, for themselves, as having some interest in them by nature. For, man is a sociable communicative creature; and though of Friendships, some are more remote than others, it is nothing to the purpose, for all friendship is for its own sake, and not for use only. And if friendship with Countrymen be expetible in itself, it will likewise be expetible in itself with all men; for all those who benefit others, are so affected towards them, that they do most actions for the office sake. Who will not free any man from a wild beast, if he be in his power? Who will not direct a man that is out of his way? Who will not relieve a man that is ready to starve, or direct a man in a desert to a spring? Who desires not to be well spoken of after death? Who abhors not these speeches as unnatural? When I am dead, let earth be mixed with fire, I care not, so I now have my desire. It is manifest therefore, that we have a natural goodwill and friendship towards all mankind, as being a thing expetible in itself, and consonant to reason. The race of Gods and Men is one, From Nature both alike begun. Love of all mankind being thus common to us, much more evidently it is expetible in itself towards those, whom conversation hath made our friends. A Friend, Friendship, and goodwill are expetible in themselves. In like manner praise is expetible in itself; for we contract society with those who praise us: And if praise, glory likewise, which is nothing but the praise of many persons. Now seeing that external Goods are expetible in themselves, much more are the goods of the soul and body expetible in themselves. For, if man be expetible in himself, the parts of man must likewise be expetible in himselves. The parts of man in general are Soul and Body; the body therefore is expetible in itself. Why should the body of another person be dear to us, and not our own? Or, why should our body be dear to us, and not the parts and functions thereof? Health therefore, strength, beauty, swiftness, sound sense, and the rest, are expetible in themselves; for none of ordinary capacity would choose to be deformed or maimed, though no inconvenience would happen thereupon; so that deformity, even without any inconvenience, seemeth justly avoidable. And if deformity be avoidable in itself, beauty is expetible, not for use only, but in itself. For, that beauty pleaseth, is manifest, in as much as all have a natural inclination (besides that of conversation) to such as are beautiful, and endeavour to confer benefits on them, so as it seemeth to procure benevolence. In this respect therefore, beauty is judged expetible in itself, deformity avoidable in itself. It is the same in health and sickness, strength and weakness, activity and heaviness, sense and privation of sense. And if Corporeal goods are expetible in themselves, and their contrary evils avoidable, the parts and virtues of the soul must necessarily be expetible also. For, virtue, beginning, as we said, from the body, and external goods, and reflecting upon itself, and considering how much more near relation it hath to the soul, contracteth a nearer affinity with it. So that the virtues of the soul are much to be preferred before those of the body, which is easily collected from what hath been said. For, if corporeal health be expetible in itself, much more is Temperance, which freeth us from the fury of the passions. And if corporeal strength ought to be numbered amongst goods, much more ought magnanimity, by which the soul is strengthened. And if▪ corporeal Beauty be expetible in itself, much more is that of the soul, justice.. In like manner is it with the virtues. For, there are three kinds of Goods, which though different, have some kind of analogy. That which in the body is called Health, in the soul is called Temperance, and in externals, Riches. What in the body is Strength, in the soul is Magnanimity, in externals, Power. What in the body is Vigour of Sense, in the soul is Prudence, in externals, Felicity. What in the body is Beauty, in the soul is justice, in externals, Friendship. There are three kinds of Goods expetible in themselves, those concerning the soul, those concerning the body, and the external▪ but, especially those of the soul, for the soul is more excellent than the body. Yet though corporeal and external virtues be inferior to those of the soul, they are not to be neglected, partly, as being expetible in themselves; partly, as conducing to civil, sociable, and contemplative life, for life is defined by civil, sociable, and contemplative actions; Virtue (according to this Sect) not being a lover of itself, but communicative and civil. For when we say, virtue is nearest allied to itself, the desire of the knowledge of truth necessarily followeth it, so as wise men may rightly part with their life, and fools rightly preserve theirs; since that to those who are perfect, it is an equal thing to depart this life or not. The excellency of virtue is much increased by corporeal and external goods; yet, the end cannot any way be completed by them. The function therefore of virtue is Beatitude, by successful actions. Corporeal and external goods are said to be efficient of beatitude, for as much as they confer something thereto, not that they complete it, for Beatitude is life. Life consists of actions, but those can neither be reckoned amongst actions nor functions. Hereupon comes in Beneficence, grace, humanity, love of Children and Brethren, of our Country, Parents, Benevolence, of Kinsfolk, Friendship, Equality, and the whole company of Virtues; which who neglect, manifestly sin, as to expetible goods, and avoidable evils; and also in the acquisition and use of Goods, they sin in election, by judgement; in acquisition, by the manners in use, by ignorance. In election they sin, as desiring that which is not good, or preferring the lesser good, as most prefer Pleasant before Profitable, profitable before Honest. In acquisition, as not considering whence, nor in what manner, nor how far it ought to be acquired: In use, for as much as all use being referred either to itself or some other, in the former they observe no moderation, in the latter no decency. In these things, though the wicked sin, yet do the just behave themselves uprightly, following virtue as their leader. In all virtues, there is judgement, Election, and A●tion; there is no Virtue without these; Prudence hath the first place, the rest follow. Virtue is called the best affection, which may be collected from Induction. The Virtue of a shoemaker is that by which he knoweth how to make shoes, and of an Architect, that by which he knoweth how to build a handsome house. Virtue therefore is the best of Affections. Of Virtue there are two principles as it were, Reason and Passion, which sometimes agree, sometimes disagree; for Pleasure or grief, when Reason gets the Mastery, it is called Temperance; when passion, Intemperance; The Harmony and Concord of both is Virtue, one rightly commanding, the other obeying. Expetible is that which attracteth the appetite to itself, avoidadable that which repelleth it, reason consenting thereto. Expetible and good were by the Ancients esteemed the same, for they affirmed Good to be that which all desire. Of Goods, they say some are expetible for themselves, some, for others; the first are either honest or necessary. Honest are the Virtues and their functions; necessary Life, and those things which pertain unto it, as the body with its parts and uses, and those which are called external goods, as riches, peace, glory, Liberty, friendship, for each of these conferreth to the use of Virtue. Beatitude consisteth of Good and successful actions; wherefore it is wholly good, as playing upon pipes is wholly Artificial; for the use of the matter doth not take away the goodness from Beatitude; as the use of Instruments taketh not away from the Art of Medicine. Such things as are made use of towards this perfection, are not to be reckoned as parts; for they; without which the action cannot be, are not rightly parts thereof; for parts conduce to the whole, the rest conduce to the end. Good is divided into honest, profitable and pleasant; these are the scopes of all actions. Beatitude consists of all these. It is the use of perfect Virtue, in perfect life, with prosperous success; and the function of perfect life according to Virtue; and the use of Virtue according to nature without any impediment. Though some assert, that the End, is to be happy, and Beatitude the scope, as, Riches are Good, and to be rich that which is behooveful; yet is it better to follow the Ancients, who assert the End to be that for whose sake all things are, itself not being for the sake of any other; or the ultimate of things expetible; or Life according to Virtue, in corporeal and external goods, either in all or the most principal. This being the greatest Good, useth the Ministry of the rest; for as those things which confer hereunto are to be esteemed Goods, so those things which resist it are Indifferents, for every good action doth not effect Beatitude. They assert Beatitude to be the use of perfect Virtue, as holding some Virtues to be perfect, others imperfect. The perfect are justice and Integrity; the imperfect are Ingenuity and Progression. The perfect agreeth with the perfect, so as the end thereof is the function of that Virtue, whereof no part is wanting. They added perfect life, to show that Beatitude is in men of full age, for a young man is imperfect, and so is his life. Beatitude therefore is in perfect time, the longest that is appointed for us by the Gods. As one Verse makes not a Poem; nor one step a dance, nor one swallow a Summer; so neither doth a short time confer Beatitude, for Beatitude is perfect, and requireth a perfect Man and Time. They added successful Function of Virtue, because the Goods of Nature are necessarily requisite to Beatitude; for a good man may exercise Virtue in misery, but cannot be happy. For as Virtue is the only efficient of honest actions, so is Beatitude of honest, good, and excellent. Neither doth it abide amongst ill or unhappy things, but enjoyeth the Good, nor is deprived of the contemplation of good, or the conveniences of life. Beatitude being the most pleasant & fairest of things, increaseth like an Art by the multitude of its Instruments. It is not the same in God and Man, neither is it equal amongst good men, for it may sometimes be taken away by oppression of miseries. Hence it is to be doubted whether a man may be termed happy as long as he is alive, considering the uncertainty of Fortune, whence Solon said, Consider the end of a long life, whether it be happy. Those who sleep are not participant of Beatitude, but after some manner, as the function of the Soul is capable of awaking. Lastly, they added, Nature, because every waking of good men is not the use of perfect Virtue, but only that which is according to Nature, that is free from madness, for madness as well as sleep depriveth men of use, and of this Reason, and maketh them like Brutes. As Beatitude is said to be the use of Virtue, so is misery of Vice, yet not so, that as this sufficeth to misery, so that doth to Beatitude. Life is made four and unpleasant to the Good by excessive adversity, to the ill even in prosperity, because they sin more, nor can rightly be termed happy. Having asserted Beatitude to be the chief Good, it followeth that we expound how many ways it is taken. Good is understood three ways. First, for that which is the cause of preservation to all beings; next for that which is predicated of every good thing; Lastly, for that which is expetible in itself. The first is God; the second the Genus of Goods; the third, the end, to which all are referred, Beatitude. That which is expetible in itself, is said three ways, either that for which something is done; or, for which all things are done; or, some part of these. Again, of these, some are final, some efficient: final, are the actions proceeding, according to virtue; efficient, the materials of expetible things. Of goods, some are honourable, some laudable, some faculties, some profitable. Honourable, as God, our Prince, Parent: Laudable, as Riches, Empire, Liberty: Profitable, the efficient, as Health. Again, of things good and expetible, some are expetible in themselves, some for others; in themselves, as the honourable, laudable, and faculties; for others, as the Profitable, which effect and conserve other things. Again, of things good in themselves, some are ends, others, not ends: Ends, as justice, Virtue, Health, and whatsoever consisteth of these; Not ends, as Ingenuity, Memory, Learning. Again, of Goods, some are wholly perfect, others not; of the first are Virtue and Prudence, which benefit all; of the latter, Riches and Power, which require to be used by a good man. The same things whereof a good man maketh right use, a wicked man abuseth, as the same which a good Musician useth well, he who is ignorant of Music useth amiss. Whosoever maketh ill use of any thing is hurt thereby; as, a good horse, which is a help to him that knoweth how to ride, hurts the unskilful rider. Again, of Goods, some are in the soul, some in the body, some external: In the soul are ingenuity, art, virtue, wisdom, prudence, pleasure; in the body, health, soundness of sense, beauty, strength, soundness of limbs, and all parts, with their faculties and functions. external are riches, glory, nobility, power, friend's▪ kindred, country. The goods of the soul are either conferred by nature, as Wit and Memory; or acquired by diligence, as the Liberal Sciences; or fall into perfection, as Prudence, justice, and lastly, Wisdom. Again, of Goods, some may be both obtained and lost, as Riches; some obtained, but not lost, as Felicity and Immortality; some lost, but not obtained, as Sense and Life; some neither obtained nor lost, as Nobility. Again, of Goods, some are only expetible in themselves, as Pleasure and Indolence; some efficient only, as Riches; some both efficient and expetible in themselves, as Virtue, Friends, Health. Goods are divided more ways then these, as not belonging all to one Genus, but to all the ten Categories. These things laid down, we come next to speak more accurately concerning Virtue, which they place in both parts of the soul: In the rational part, Integrity, Prudence, Wisdom, Memory, and the like: In the irrational part, Temperance, justice, Fortitude, and other virtues. These (say they) may be extinguished by excess, which they prove by testimony of the senses, as things obscure by manifest. For, as by excess or defect of exercise, health is corrupted, but by moderate exercise is preserved: In like manner is it in Temperance, Fortitude, and other virtues. For, as we do call him who feareth the Thunder, mad, not valiant; so on the contrary, he who feareth shadows is a coward; but, he is valiant, who neither feareth all things, nor nothing. These things increase or extinguish virtue; being moderate, they increase courage; being too great, or too little, they extinguish it. In like manner are all other virtues extinguished by excess or defect, increased by mediocrity. Neither is virtue only limited by these, but by pleasure and grief likewise, in as much as for pleasure we commit wickedness, and for grief shun good. To explain this more fully, they un●old the nature of the soul, wherein are seen three things, passions, faculties, habits: Passions, as, anger, fear, hate, love, emulation, pity, and the like; to which is subsequent pleasure, or grief. Faculties, by which we make use of passions, and are angry, do emulate, and the like. Habits are those from which the functions of these proceedeth rightly, or otherwise. If any man be so disposed, that he is angry upon any occasion, he hath the habit of anger; if so, as to be angry upon no occasion, he hath the habit of stupidity, both which are blamable. The laudable habit is that of meekness, by which we are angry in due time and place. Virtue's therefore are habits, by which the functions of passions become laudable. All virtue consisteth in action; all action is continuous. Whatsoever things are continuous, like magnitude, have excess, defect, and mediocrity, either in relation to one another, or to us. The mean, relating to us, is in all the best, (this is not quantitative, but qualitative, and therefore is perfect; whereas the extremes, excess and defect, being contrary, are repugnant to one another, and to the mean. But, the mean is to both extremes as equality is to inequality, greater than the least, less than the greatest.) Virtue therefore is a deliberative habit, consisting in mediocrity, relating to ourselves. Theophrastus' having laid down some qualities, (following his Master) endeavoureth to conclude from each of them: The examples he allegeth are these; Temperance, Intemperance, Stupidity, Meekness, Wrath, Indolence, Fortitude, Boldness, Timidity, Justi●e, Liberality, Prodigality, Avarice, Magnanimity, Pusillanimity, Arrogance, Magnificence, Ostentation. For of these habits, some are ill, through excess or defect, others good through mediocrity. He is not temperate who desireth nothing, nor he who desireth all things; one like a stone, desireth not even natural expetibles; the other, through excessive desire, becometh intemperate. He only is temperate, who desireth honest things with reason, in due time and measure. He is not meek who is angry upon all occasions, nor he who is angry upon none; but, he who is endued with the mean habit. He is not valiant who feareth nothing, not God himself; nor he who feareth all things, even his own shadow. Nor just, who either assumeth or derogateth too much from himself, but who observeth equality. He is not liberal who giveth away all, nor he who giveth nothing; nor magnanimous, who esteemeth himself worthy all great things, nor he who esteemeth himself worthy none; but he who observeth a decorum. He is not magnificent who is splendid every where, nor he who no where; but who observes due time and place. Thus the Genus of virtues is placed in Mediocrity, and mutually consequent in itself; yet, not alike in all, for prudence is consequent to the rest in its own proper nature; the rest are consequent to it by accession, for he who is just, must necessarily be wise, but not on the contrary. Of passions and appetites, some are good, some bad, some mean; the good are friendship, benevolenee, indignation, shame, confidence, compassion; the bad, envy, malevolence, contumely; the mean, grief, fear, anger, pleasure, desire. Every passion is conversant in pleasure and grief, for which reason, the virtues depend upon them; but, love of money, love of pleasure, love-melancholy, and the like, are habits distinct from vices. Of Love, one kind is of Friendship, another of Conjunction, the third of both. The first is good, the second bade▪ the third mean. Of Friendship there are four kinds: Sodality, Affinity, Hospitality, Erotick: whether that of Beneficence, and that of Admiration be to be added to these, is doubtful. The first is derived from conversation; the second from nature; the third from cohabitation; the fourth from affection; the fifth from goodwill; the last from some faculty. Of all these, there are in general three ends, honest, profitable, and pleasant: All persons that are studious of friendship aim at one or more of these ends. The first friendship is that, which every man hath to himself; the next, to his parent; the rest, to his friends and neighbours. Whence excess in the first, and defect in the rest ought to be avoided; that being esteemed self-love, this reservedness. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken three ways, for a profitable benefit, or for the profitable return of a benefit, or for the remembrance of a benefit. It is placed likewise in the face and speech, whence a man is termed gracious, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A good man must lead a life conjoined with virtue, whether according to th● necessity of the times, he execute the office of a Magistrate, or cohabit with Princes, or impose Laws, or govern some other part of the Commonwealth. If he be not busied in any of these, he must addict himself to a popular life, either by contemplation, or action, or (which is between both) Instruction. For though he ought to follow the action and contemplation of excellent things; yet if the time will not allow him to use both, he may make choice of one, and prefer the contemplative life, yet not neglecting the Commonwealth. He shall therefore marry▪ to the end he may have issue, and addict himself to chaste love, and as occasion requireth, drink wine freely, and finally mantain his life by due observance of Virtue, and be ready to resign it, if there be a necessity, taking care to be buried in his own Country, according to the rites thereof. Thus there are three kinds of life, the Active and Contemplative, and that which consists of both. As the voluptuous is esteemed beneath the dignity of a man, so is the contemplative preferred before the rest. A good man shall addict himself to the Government of the Commonwealth, by choice, not chance; for the active life is conversant in civil affairs. That life is best which is led according to Virtue and Nature; the next is that which is a mean condition, as to both; these are both expetible. But the life which is conjoined with Vice is to be avoided. A happy life differs from a Good in this. The happy is always consonant to Nature, the good sometimes repugnant to Nature. To the first, Virtue only is not requisite; to the other, it is requisite. A mean life is that which is placed in mediocrity, not destitute of offices. Rectitudes in life are according to Virtue, sins according to Vice; Offices in the mean kind of life. To these things thus declared we must add, that Virtue is a habit desiring mean pleasures and griefs, pursuing that which is honest, as it is honest; Vice is the opposite hereto. Wisdom is the Science of the first Causes. Prudence, a habit examining and acting good things, as they are good. Fortitude, a habit betwixt boldness and Fear. Meekness is a mean betwixt wrath and stupidity. Liberality is the mean betwixt Prodigally and penuriousness. Magnanimity is the mean betwixt Arrogance and Pusillanimity. * For the text doubtless is defective, and thus to be supplied. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ See ●rist. Nicom. 4. 2. and M●g. mor. 1. 28. Magnificence is the mean betwixt ostentation and sordidness. Indignation is the mean betwixt envy and malevolence. Gravity is the mean betwixt assentation and contradiction. Modesty is the mean betwixt impudence and Bashfulness. Urbanity is the mean betwixt Scurrility and Rusticity. * But Arist. otherwise, placing Friendship betwixt Arrogation and Derogation. Friendship is the mean betwixt dotage and enmity. Truth is the mean betwixt detraction and boasting. justice is the mean betwixt excess and defect. There are other Virtues, part ranked by themselves, part under the former. As under Justice are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under Temperance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, defined thus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a habit of worshpping the Gods and Demons, a mean betwixt Atheism and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit of observing right towards the Gods and the dead, a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and something that wants a name. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit of doing well voluntarily for their own sakes; a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and something that wants a name. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit, rendering men grateful in Society, a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and something that wants a name. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit avoiding injustice in Contracts; a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and something that wants a name, which pertaineth to extreme right. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit of observing order, a mean between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and something that wants a name. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit liberally content with the present, a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit of sustaining grievous things unconquered, a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit performing excellent things indefatigably▪ a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lastly, Frobity is a virtue consisting of all the rest; it is perfect, as well because it rendereth good things honest and profitable. as, for that it desireth honest things, for their own sake. CHAP. II. OECONOMICK. HAving thus explained the Virtues and the chief Heads of Ethick, it remaineth that we speak of OEconomick and Politic, for as much as Man is by Nature a Civil Creature. The first Commonwealth is the lawful congression of man and woman, for procreation of children, and society of life. This is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Family, it is the ground and beginning of a City. A Family seemeth to be a little City, for marriage being contracted, and children growing up one under another, and joined one to another, there is deduced another family, and so a third, and a fourth. Of these is constituted Neighbourhood and a City, for many Neighbourhoods make us up a City. Th●s as a Family hath in it the seeds of a City, so likewise of a Commonwealth, for in a Family there are the prints of Monarchy, an Aristocracy, and a Democracy. The Society between Parents and children represents a Monarchy; that betwixt man and woman an Aristocracy, as being contracted for issue, mutual comfort and assistance. To these is added a servant, appointed to be such by nature, able for service; but not to live of himself, requiring therefore a Master to govern him. Of all these reduced to a community, is constituted a Family. The government of a Family is by nature given to Men, fo● the counsel of Women is weaker, Children are not yet arrived to it, Servants never can. The whole ordering therefore of a family depends upon the Man; the whole prudence of Oeconomy therefore is in Man: This is partly Paternal, partly Nuptial, partly Herile, partly Acquisitive. For, as an Army requireth Provision, a City, Merchandise, Art, Instruments; so a Family Necessaries, as well for common life as convenience. Of these the Master of the Family takes the first care, how honestly to increase his revenues, and moderate his expenses. He, as being the head of the Family, aught to be skilful in many things, as in Agriculture, grazing, Metals, whereby he may advantage himself without doing injury to others. Of Acquisition there are two kinds, one better than the other; that by Nature, this by Art. CHAP. III. POLITIC. THus much concerning Oeconomick; we come next to speak in short of Politic. First then, Cities are constituted as well for the natural propensity of man to society, as for utility. A City is the most perfect society. A Citizen is he who is concerned in the Magistracy. A City is a complete number of such persons, which proceedeth so far, as that it be not disagreeing within itself, nor contemptible, but may conveniently provide for life, and defend itself against enemies. Economical prudence is one kind, Legislative another, Politic a third, Military a fourth. A City is governed either by one man, or some few, or all; and each of these either rightly, or unjustly: Rightly, when the Princes respect the common good; unjustly, when they consider their own private interest. The right are Monarchy, Aristocracy, Democracy: the unjust, Tyranny, Oligarchy, Ochlocracy. There is also a mixed Government, consisting of the good kinds. And whereas a Commonwealth is often changed into better or worse; that is best which is guided according to Virtue; that worst, which according to Vice. They who command, or advise, or judge in Democracy, are taken out of all, either by suffrage, or lot: In Oligarchy, out of the Richer; in Aristocracy, out of the Best. Sedition in Cities is either according to Reason or Interest; the first, when equals are reduced to unequal extremities; the second, for honour, power, or gain. Commonwealth's are overthrown either by force or fraud. They last longest which respect the public utility. Courts of judicature, Processes, Pleas, and Magistracies, are ordered according to the forms of every Commonwealth. The most general commands are Priesthood, Generalship, Admiralty, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereof some relate to Citi●s, others to Havens and Traffic. The office of a Commonwealths-man is to reform a Commonwealth; which is much harder than to erect one; and to divide the common-people into two parts, one for necessary offices; the other for convenient: Mechanics, Husbandmen, and Merchants are for the necessary sort, continually serving the Commonwealth; but Soldiers and Counselors, who are servants for virtue, and perform noble things, are the more excellent. Old men are most proper to be Counselors, and also Priests, to perform the sacred rites; young men for War. This order is exceeding ancient, first constituted by the Egyptians, who, amongst other things excellently disposed, appointed the Temples of the Gods to be built in the highest places, and the lands of private persons to be disposed, partly at the confines of the Country, partly near the City, whereby both parts of the Country should meet in Tribute and Tax. They likewise well ordered the institution of Sodalities, and a public care for the education of children, and that those who are too young or too old should not marry, to prevent their having weak children. Likewise, that nothing mixed be taken away, nothing perfect exposed, abortion not procured. Thus much of Politic. THE FOURTH PART. CHAP. I. Of METAPHYSIC. THE fourth and last part of Philosophy, which treateth of Ens in general, is by Aristotle termed sometimes, First, Philosophy, sometimes Wisdom, sometimes Theologie, by his followers and Interpreters called Metaphysic, from the order thereof, as Alexander Aphrodisaeus and Philoponus affirm, being placed after Physic, as treating of a less known, and more noble object. Upon this subject, there are fourteen books of Aristotle extant, which, saith Alexander Aphrodisaeus, by the method of the discourse and stile, are easily evinced to be his. a Metaphys. lib. 6. cap. 1. Metaphysic considereth Ens as it is Ens, and the primary cause thereof. b Lib. 4. cap. 2. Ens is Analogous, praedicate primarily of substance, which is one essence; of Accidents, not simply, but in regard of their common attribution to substance. Ens thus being one analogically, the science thereof is one likewise; but it treateth chiefly of substance, because that is the first essence upon which the rest depend, and from which they are denominated. CHAP. II. Of the first Principle. THe first most common axiom, Cap. 3. or complex principle, is this▪ It is impossible that the same thing should be and not be in the same, and according to the same respect. To this principle, Cap. 4. 5. all demonstrations and opinions are reduced. It is itself indemonstrable, as being the first; otherwise there would be an infinite progression in demonstration, and consequently no demonstration. There is nothing more known by which it may be proved, no greater absurdity than the denial of it, that an adversary can be reduced to. With the first negative principle, Cap. 7. the first affirmative hath a near affinity. It is necessary that every thing be predicated affirmatively or negatively of another. It is not true in matter of a future contingent determinately, but only indeterminately. This affirmative principle therefore is not absolutely the first, yet is it true, neither can there be a medium betwixt contradictory propositions, no more then betwixt even and uneven numbers: Every proposition either affirms or denies, therefore every proposition is either true or false; between these there is no medium. CHAP. III. Of Substance and Accident. a Lib. 6. c. 2. OF Ens in general there are three divisions, first, by accident and per se; secondly, Potential and active; thirdly, intentional and real. Of Ens by accident there is no Science, for it is in a manner nonens, it hath no cause per se; it is not generated or corrupted per se; it is not always, nor for the most part, not necessary, whereas Science is of things contrary to these. b Lib. 7. c. 1. Ens per se is divided into ten Categories. The first is substance, and the first Ens, and consequently the first Category, for it is predicated in quids of the first subject, whereas Accidents are predicated in quale or quantum. Again, substance only is Ens per se, accidents are Ens as they are affections of substance. Substance is the first Ens, by Reason or definition, because accidents are defined by Substance. By knowledge, because the knowledge of accidents, depends on the knowledge of substance. By time, for there is some substance without accident, as God and Intelligences, but there is no accident without a substance. Likewise material substances are precedent in Time, at least to some accidents, which arrive unto them after they have some time generated. And lastly, by Nature, for the subject is, by Nature, before that which inhereth in it. Hence this part of Physic treateth only of substance. c Cap. 3. Subject or substance is threefold; matter, form, compositum. The two latter are more Ens then matter, though matter be truly substance, as being the first and last subject which remaineth, though all the affections of a body be taken away. This is first matter, which in itself is neither complete substance nor quantitative, nor in any other Category. Neither is it first substance, for that is separable, and may exist by its own power without others. That is likewise a determinate, perfect, singular substance; but matter cannot be separated from form, neither is it singular or determinable. d Cap. 4. Form is that which the thing itself is said to be, per se, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the being of a thing what it was, the whole common nature and essence of a thing, answerable to the definition. Compound sensible substances have a proper definition; but ens by accident, consisting of subject and accident, hath not, though it may be by accident described and explained. Even categorical accidents being one per se, and of one nature, have a quiddity and definition, not simply as substances, but after their own manner. e Cap. 8. Matter and form are not properly generated, but the whole Compositum, whereto Ideas [separate substances,] confer nothing, neither as efficient, nor exemplary Causes. f Cap. 10. The common substantial, or formal parts of the thing defined, are to be put into the definition of the whole; but the material parts of the Individuum itself, must not. CHAP. IU. Of Power and Act. a Lib. 9 c. 1. NExt Substance we come to Power and Act. Power is either active or passive: Active power is the principle of changing other things, or acting on another, in as much as it is another. Passive power is in a manner the same with active, for the motion of passion and action is really the same, neither can one be without the other, though simply they are divers, being in different subjects, passive in the Patient, active in the Agent. b Cap. 2. Of powers, some are void of Reason, as the power of warming; some rational, as Arts: The rational are of contraries, as Medicine is of health and sick; the irrational of one only, as heat produceth heat. c Cap. 3. The power (contrary to the Megaric Philosophers, followers of Zeno) remains; although not reduced to act; for we call a man Architect, though he be not actually employed in building. Again, Animals have sense, even when they are not in act. Thirdly, it were impossible any thing could be which were not actually. Possible is that whose power, if it were reduced to act, would not imply any impossibility. d Cap. 4. They are mistaken, who think there is any thing possible which shall never actually be, or that there are powers whose acts are impossible; for hence it would follow, that all things should be possible, nothing impossible. Possible is that which doth or may follow from some power; if it never followeth, or cometh out of that power, it is impossible. That which is possible therefore, must at some time or other be in act. c Cap. 5. Of powers there are three kinds, some natural, as Senses; some acquired by custom, as playing on a Pipes; some by discipline, as Arts. The two last require previous operations, the natural do not. Natural and irrational powers are necessarily reduced to act, when the Agent and Patient are at a due distance, and there is nothing betwixt to hinder them. The rational powers are not so, for they are free to act or not to act as they please. f Cap. 6. Act is, when the thing that was in power is otherwise then when it was in power. g Cap. 8. All act is before power, and before all nature which is contained under power, by reason, ●ssence, and time. By reason, because power is defined by act. By time, because though power be temporal before act in the same numerical object, for a man may first be learned before he actually be such; yet, in different things of the same species, act is ever before power in time; for nothing can be made or reduced from power, unless by an agent actually existent. Lastly, act is before power in essence; first, because it is later in generation, for generation beginneth from the imperfect state of a thing, and proceedeth to the perfect. Now all generation proceedeth from power to act. Secondly, act is the end of power; but the end, as it is later in generation, so is it more perfect by nature, and first in intention. CHAP. V. Of True and False. a Lib. 6. c. 2. THe first division of Ens is into intentional and real. b Lib. 9 c. 10. The intentional is either true or false. The intellect asserteth truly, if its judgement be conformable to the thing; falsely, if not conformable, for there is composition and division in the things themselves, as well as in the intellect. Whence if the intellect compound things by affirmation, as they are really compounded, or divide them by negation, as they are really divided, it asserteth truly, otherwise falsely. True and false are in the simple apprehension of things, but simply, not enunciatively, so as that truth is nothing, but a simple perception of the object; falsehood a non-perception or ignorance thereof, though ignorance be not properly falsity. Whence simple apprehension may be true in itself, false it cannot be, for falsity requireth composition. Complex truth and falsehood may be of the same separate substances. He cannot be deceived in the knowledge of things immovable, whosoever hath once conceived them immutable; for either he will judge always truth, or always err, because things immovable are always in the same manner. The vicissitude and deception, and true and false judgement, is only in things contingent and mutable. CHAP. VI Of one, the same, and divers. a Cap. 2. ONe is an affection of Ens, not a substance as Pythagoras and Plato affirmed, but a Categoreme, predicated of every thing as it is Ens. To one is opposite many; by privative opposition, and therefore one is manifested by many, as indivisible by divisible, the privation by the habit. For divisible is more known to sense then indivisible, and multitude than unity. To one are referred the same, equal, like; to many, di●ers, ●●equall, unlike. b Cap. 3. Things are divers, either by Genus or species; by genus those which have not the same matter, nor a mutual generation; or whereof one pertains to corruptible substance, the other to incorruptible. By species, those which have the same genus. Genus is that wherein those things that are divers are said to be the same according to substance. CHAP. VII. Of immortal, eternal and immovable substances. a Lib. 12. 〈◊〉 14. cap. 6. SUbstance is threefold; two kinds natural, whereof one is corruptible, as Animal, the other sempiternal, as Heaven. The third is immovable. That there is a perpetual immovable substance, is proved thus. Substances are first Ens, therefore if all substances are corruptible, all things likewise must be corruptible, which is false; for there is an eternal local motion, circular, proper to Heaven, which it is not possible should have had a beginning, or shall have a dissolution, no more than time. If therefore Time be eternal as motion, there must necessarily be some incorruptible and eternal substance, not only that wherein that eternal motion exists, the Heaven itself; but one substance, which so moveth, that though it remain its self movable, yet it moveth others from eternity to eternity, not having only the power of moving, but being continually in the act of motion. For Plato and the rest, who conceived God to have done nothing for a great while, err, because that power were frustraneous which were not reduced to act. Besides, motion would not have been eternal, unless the moving substance were not only eternal, and in perpetual actual motition; but such likewise, that it could not but it must move always, as being a pure act void of power. Hence the substances which cause eternal motion are void of matter, for they move from an eternal act, and are void of all power. In things that sometimes are, sometimes are not, power is precedent to act; but simply and absolutely act is precedent to power. For, neither things natural nor artificial are reduced from power to act, but by something that actually exists. Now if the same thing always return by a circular motion, it necessarily followeth, that there is something eternal which remaineth ever the same, and operateth in the same manner. Such an eternal first moving substance is the first Heaven. The vicissitude of Generation and corruption is not caused by the first Heaven, for that moveth always in the same manner, but by the inferior Orbs, especially the Sun, which by his accession bringeth life, by his recession death to all things mortal. Thus is the first Heaven eternal, for it is moved with eternal motion; besides which there is something which always moveth, and is never moved itself, and is eternal, and substance, and act. CHAP. VIII. Of Gods. a Cap. 7. THis first mover, moveth in the same manner as things appetible and intelligible, that is, it so moveth others, as itself remaineth immovable. The motion of the first Agent, as it is the first efficient cause, consisteth in that influence thereof, whereby it concurreth effectively with the inferior Intelligences in moving its own orb. Wherefore the efficience of the first mover is an application of the powers of the inferior movers to their proper works, wherein he concurreth with them actively, and independently. Thus the Intelligences move the Heavens, not for the generation of inferior things (for the end must be more noble than the means) but for that chief and amiable good, whereunto they endeavour to be like, as their ultimate end. The first mover is void of mutation, an ens, wholly and simply necessary, and consequently the principle of all. Upon this first principle depend Heaven and nature, because without him, their ultimate end and first efficient, nothing can be, or be operated. This first mover, God, enjoyeth the most perfect life, perpetual and most pleasant, which absolute felicity is proper to him; for as much as he understandeth and contemplateth himself with infinite delight. For, as we are happy in contemplation that lasts but a little while, so is God most happy, in the infinite and most perfect contemplation of himself, who is of all things most admirable. God is an eternal living being, the best of beings, an immovable substance, separate from sensible things, void of corporeal quantity, without parts and indivisible; for such must that principle or substance be which moveth in infinite time. Nothing finite hath infinite power. All magnitude must be either finite or infinite. Finite magnitude cannot move in infinite time; infinite magnitude there is not, as we proved in the Physic. God is impossible, not subject to alteration; the first local motion▪ which is the circular, not being compatible to God, because he is immovable, it followeth that other motions that induce passion or alteration, and are later than local motion cannot likewise be competent to him. CHAP. IX. Of Intelligences. a Cap. 8. BEsides this first Substance the mover of the first Heaven, th●re must likewise be other substances separate from matter, eternal and immovable, precedent over the motions of the inferior orbs; so that after what number and order those orbs are disposed, according to the same are these eternal moving, and immovable substances ordered. From the number of the motions may be collected the number of the Spheres, and consequently of the substances moving, which according to Aristotle are 47. Heaven is numerically one; because the first mover is one. It is an ancient Tradition that these first substances that move the Heavens are Gods. This opinion is truly divine; but what is added, that they had the shape of men, or some other Animal, was only invented for persuasion of the common people, for use of Laws, and the convenience of Life. Thus much may serve for a short view of his Metaphysics. THEOPHRASTUS. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, Masters. THEOPHRASTUS' succeeded Aristotle, he was born at Erestus, (as * De exil. Plutarch, Laertius, and others affirm) a Sea-town of Les●os, seated upon a hill, as a Lib. 13. Strabo describes it, distant from Sigrium 18 Stadia. His Father was named Melantes, as b Laert. Athenodorus affirmeth, according to c Suid. others, Leo, by profession a Fuller. Theophrastus' was first called Tyrtamus. He heard Leucippus in his own Country, afterwards went to Plato, and lastly became an auditor of Aristotle, who changing the roughness of his name, called him, as Suidas saith, first Euphrastus, afterwards Theophrastus, from the divine eloquence of his speech, wherein (as Cicero, d Fr●s. Lib. 1. Pliny, Laertius, e Lib. 13. Strabo, and others aver) he excelled all the rest of his Disciples. f Laert. He was likewise so quick of apprehension, that what Plato had said of Aristotle and Xenocrates, Aristotle applied to him and calisthenes. Theophrastus' was acute to admiration, ready to apprehend every thing that he taught; calisthenes was dull: so that one needed a bridle, the other a spur. CHAP. II. His Profession of Philosophy, and Disciples. ARistotle retiring to Chal●is, in the 2d year of the 114th Olympiad, Laert. Suid. being importuned by his Disciples to appoint a successor, made choice of Theophrastus (as hath been already related in the life of Aristotle) who thereupon undertook the government of the School, and, Aristotle dying, lived in his Garden, ●Demetrius Phalerius cohabiting with him. This time wherein Theophrastus flourished, is reckoned by b Lib. 15. c. 1. Pliny to be about the 440th year from the building of Rome; c Plin. 19 2. 390 years, as d Exercit. Plinian. pag. 350. Salmasius rightly reads, before that time wherein Pliny wrote. e Athen. lib. 1. saith, he went at certain hours to the School, neatly dressed, and there sitting down, discoursed in such manner, that he omitted no gesture suitable to the argument whereupon he treated, so that once to express a Glutton, he licked his lips. f Laert. 〈◊〉 deipn. In the fourth year of the 118th Olympiad, Xenippus being Archon, Sophocles, son of Amphiclides, procured a Law to be made, forbidding all Philosophers to keep public Schools, unless such only, as the Senate and people should think fit to licence; if any did otherwise, he should be put to death. By this decree, saith Athenaeus, he banished all the Philosophers out of the City, amongst the rest Theophrastus, who the year following returned, when as Philo, a Disciple of Aristotle, accused Sophocles for having done contrary to Law: Whereupon the Athenians reversed the decree, ●ined Sophocles five Talents, and called home the Philosophers; by which means, Theophrastus returning, was reinstated in the School. Laertius saith, there came to hear him 2000 Disciples; Suidas saith (if there be no mistake in the number) 4470. of whom were Strato, his Successor, Demetrius Phalereus, Nichomachus son of Aristotle, whom Aristippus saith, he much affected; Erasistratus the Physician, as some affirm, and Menander the Comic Poet. CHAP. III. His Virtues and Apothegms. a Laert. HE was exceeding learned and studious, as Pamphila affirmeth. b Laert. He was very liberal in conferring benefits, and a great cherisher of learning. c Athen. lib. 5. He made collections of money for the conventions of Philosophers, not for luxury, but for temperance, and learned discourses. d Plut. adv. Colot. He twice freed his Country, being under the oppression of Tyrants. e Laert. Cassander son of Antipa●er much esteemed him, and Ptolemy the first wrote Letters to him. f Laert. He was so much honoured by the Athenians, that Agnonides accusing him of Impiety, very hardly escaped from being fined himself. a Laert. Of his Apothegms are remembered these. He said, it is more safe trusting to an unbridled horse, then intemperate speech. b Laert. To a young man at a Feast silent; If you hold your peace, saith he, because you are foolish, than you are wise; but, if you are wise, you do foolishly in holding your peace. c Laert. Stob. He used to say, of all things that are spent, time is the most precious. d Plut. vit. Demost. Being demanded, as Aristo saith, what he thought of Demosthenes; he answered, he is worthy of this City; of Demades; he is above the City. c Sy●p. lib. 2. To Philip Son of Cassander he said, I wonder your eyes do not make music, the pipe of your nose coming so directly upon them. f Plut. de. Anar. To prove that riches are not to be loved and admired he instanced Callias, a rich Athenian, and Ismenias a Theban; these saith he, use the same things, as Socrates and Epaminondas. g Plut. de frat. amor. He said we must not love strangers, to the end we may make trial of them, but make trial of them to the end we may love them. h Plut. de sanit. tuend. He said the Soul paid a dear rent for her habitation in the body. i Stob. He said Falshood raised from Calumny and Envy, endureth a little while, but soon perisheth. k Stob. Ser. 101. Seeing a young man blush, be of good comfort saith he, that is the complexion of Virtue. l Ser. 121. He used to say, stand in awe of thyself, and thou shalt not be ashamed before other. m Ser. 136. He said the good need but few Laws, for things are not accommodated to Laws, but, Laws to things. n Ser. 139. The envious are more unhappy than others in this respect, that they are troubled not only at their misfortunes, but also at the good fortunes of others. o Ser. 141. Being demanded what preserved humane life, he said, beneficence, reward, and punishment. p Ser. 162. He said, Honours are to be acquired, not by conversation and favour, but by action. q Ser. 185. Being demanded what Love is, he answered, the passion of an idle soul. r Ser. 193. He said a woman ought not to be seen herself, nor behold others richly attired, for both are enticements to dishonesty. s Ser. 297. He said, Love is an excessive desire of something irrational, the entrance thereof easy, the disingagement difficult. CHAP. IU. His Will and Death. a Laert His Will is thus delivered by Laertius. BE all well; but if any thing happen otherwise, thus we give order. All those goods which belong to the House, I bequeath to Melantes and Pancreon Sons of Leo; Those which are set apart for Hipparchus, I will be thus disposed. First, that the study and Ornaments belonging thereunto be perfected, and if any thing may be added more to beautify them, that it be done. Next, that the statue of Aristotle be set up in the Temple, and the other Donaries which were before in the Temple. Moreover that the little walk which is near the School be built new, not worse than it was before, and that the Maps of the World be placed in the lower Walk. That an Altar likewise be built, wanting nothing of perfection and splendour. I will that the statue of Nicomachus as big as the life be finished; it is in Praxitele's hands; let him go on with it. Let it be placed wheresoever they shall think good, who have the disposal of the rest, and are named in my Will. Thus much for the Temple and Donaries. My Land at Stagira I bequeath to Callinus, all my Books to Neleus. The Garden and Walk, and all the houses belonging to the Garden I bequeath to my Friends hereafter named, that they may exercise themselves and study Philosophy therein, for men cannot always be abroad. But with condition, that they do not alienate it, nor pretend any propriety thereto, but esteem it a thing sacred in common possession, making use of all things therein as becometh just and loving Friends. The persons to whom I will that this be in common, are, Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Demaratus, calisthenes, Melantes, Pancreon, and Nicippus. Let also Aristotle, son of Midias and Pythias, if he desire to study Philosophy, partake likewise of the same privilege, and let the most ancient of the Overseers take great care of him, that he be instructed as well as is possible in Philosophy. Let us be buried in that part of the Garden, which they shall think most convenient, not erecting a Monument, or any thing that is sumptuous over our Graves. Thus let all things be ordered according as is said; the Temple, Monument, Garden, and walk repaired; let Pompylus, who dwelleth in them, take charge of them, and of other things as he did heretofore, for whose pains therein, let the Possessors thereof consider him. As for Pompylus and Threpta, who have been long since manumitted, and done us good service, if there be any thing which we have bestowed upon them, or they themselves have required, as also the 2000 Drachmas which I appointed to be given to them and Hipparchus, let them firmly possess it all, as I have often expressed to Melantes, & Pancreon, who assented thereunto. Moreover I bestow on them Somatales and the Girl. Of my servants, I manumit Molon, and Cimon, and Parmenon; as for Manes and Callias, when they shall have lived four years in the Gardens, discharging their Office unblamably, I will they be set at liberty. Of the Domestic Utensils, let the Oversee● bestow on Pompylus as many as they think fit, and sell the rest. To Demotimus I give Cairo, to Neleus, Donax; let Eubius be sold. Let Hipparchus give to Callinus 3000 drachms. And for M●lantes & Fancreon, if we did not look upon Hipparchus, as having heretofore been very beneficial to us, and now quite shipwrecked in his Fortunes, we should have appointed him a joint-estate with Melantes and Pancreon. But because I conceive it were not easy for them to be joined in the ordering of one Family with him, and that it would be more to their advantage to receive something certain from Hipparchus, for these reasons, let Hipparchus give to each of them, Melantes and ●ancreon, a Talon. Let him likewise duly furnish the Overseers with all charges necessary for the performance of the forementioned works; which done, let Hipparchus be free and discharged from all debts and Covenants to me. If any benefit come to Hipparchus from Chalcis on my behalf, let him wholly enjoy it as his own. Be these the Overseers of those things contained in my Will; Hipparchus, Neleus, Strabo, Callinus, Demotimus, calisthenes, Ctesarchus. Copies of the Will of Theophrastus, signed with his Ring, are kept; the first by Heg●sias son of Hipparchus. witnesses; calippus a Pelanean; Philomelus, an Euonymean; Lysander an Hybaean; Philion, an Alopecian. The second Olympiodorus hath attested by the same persons. The third is in the hands of Adimantus, delivered to his son Androsthenes. Witnesses, Aimnestus, son of Cleobulus; Lysistratus son of Phidion, a Thasian; Strato, son of Arcesilaus, a Lampsacene; Thesippus, son of Thesippus, of the Potter's street; Dioscorides, son of Dionysius, an Epicephisian. Thus (saith Laertius) was his Will. He died old, having lived eighty five years, Laert. his spirits being wasted, as Suidas affirms, with continual writing; and, upon the marriage of one of his Disciples, giving himself some intermission and rest, it occasioned his end. As he lay upon his deathbed, * Tuscul. lib. 4. Cicero saith, He blamed Nature for giving Hearts and Crows so long life that could do no good thereby, and to Man, who could do most good, so short; whereas if man had been allowed longer time, his life might have been adorned with the perfection of arts and learning. Thus he complained, that assoon as he came within the view of these, he was taken away. His Disciples came to him, Laert. and asked him if he had any thing to say to them; Nothing; saith he, but that the life of man loseth many pleasures only for glory. When we begin to live, than we die; nothing is more unprofitable than the desire of glory. But be happy, and either give over study, for it is very laborious, or go perseverantly through it, for it is of great glory. The vanity of life is much greater than the benefit thereof. But, I have not time to advise you what to do; do you consider at leisure what is best for you: In saying which words he expired. The whole people of Athens followed his body on foot to the grave. CHAP. V. His writings. HE left many Writings, whereof, saith Laer●ius, because they are full of all kind of learning, I thought good to give this Catalogue. First Analytics 3. Latter Analytics 7. Of the Analysis of Syllogisms, 1. Epitome of Analytics 1. Places of Deduction 2. Agonisticks, concerning the Theory of Eristick arguments. Of the Senses 1. To Anaxagoras 1. Of Anaxagoras 1. Of Anaximenes 1. Of Archelaus 1. Of salt, nitre, alum 1. Of Combustibles; or, as the other Edition, of things that may be petrified 2. Of indivisible lines 1. Of Auscultation 2. Of Winds 1. The differences of Virtue 1. Of a Kingdom 1. Of the Discipline of a King 1. Of Lives 3. Of old age 1. Of the Astrology of Democritus 1. Of sublime things 1. Of Apparitions 1. Of humour, colour, flesh 1. Of the Description of the world 1. Of Man 1. A collection of the Doctrines of Diogenes 1. Of Definitions 3. Erotick 1. Another of Love 1. Of Felicity 1. Of Species 2. Of the Epilepsy 1. Of Divine inspiration 1. Of Empedocles 1. Epichirems 18. Instances 3. Of Voluntary 1. Epitome of Plato's Commonwealth 2. Of the diversity of voice in Creatures of the same kind 1. Of Subitaneous apparitions 1. Of biting and blows 1. Of Animals that are said to have wisdom 7. Of those which dwell in dry places 1. Of those which change colour 1. Of those which dwell in caves 1. Of Animals 7. Of Pleasure according to Aristotle 1. Of Pleasure, another, 1. Theses 24. Of hot and cold 1. Of dizziness and dimness 1. Of Sweat 1. Of Affirmation and Negation 1. calisthenes, or of Grief 1. Of Labours 1. Of Motion 3. Of Stones 1. Of Pestilence 1. Of Fainting 1. Megaric 1. Of Melancholy 1. Of Metals 1. Of Honey 1. Of the collections of Metrodorus 1. Sublime discourses 2. Of Drunkenness 1. Of Laws alphabetically 24. Epitome of Laws 10. To Definitions 1. Of Odours 1. Of Wine and Oil. First propositions, 18. Legislative 3. Politics 6. Politic according to several occasions 4. Politic Customs 4. Of the best Commonwealth 1. Collection of Problems 5. Of Proverbs 1. Of Congelation and Liquefaction 1. Of Fire 2. Of Winds 1. Of the Palsy 1. Of Suffocation 1. Of Madness 1. Of Passions 1. Of Signs 1. Sophisms 2. Of the solution of Syllogisms 1. Topics 2. Of punishment 2. Of Hair 1. Of Tyranny 1. Of Water 3. Of sleep and dreams 1. Of friendship 3. Of Ambition 2. Of Nature 3. Of Physic 17. Of the Epitome of Physics, 2. Physics 8. To Natural Philosophers, 1. Of Natural Histories 10. Of Natural Causes 8. Of Chyles 5. Of false Pleasure 1. Of the Soul 1. Thesis Of undoubted Faith 1. Of simple dubitations 1. harmonics 1. Of Virtue, 1. Occasions or Contradictions 1. Of Sentence 1. Of Ridiculous 1. Meridian's 2. Divisions 2. Of Differences 1. Of Injuries 1. Of Calumny 1. Of praise 1. Of Experience 1. Epistles 3. Of casual Animals 1. Of Selection 1. Encomiums of the Gods 1. Of Festivals 1. Of Prosperity 1. Of Enthymemes 1. Of inventions 2. Moral disputes 1. Moral descriptions 1. Of Tumult 1. Of History 1. Of the judgement of Syllo gismes 1. Of flattery 1. Of the Sea 1. To Cassander, of a Kingdom 1. Of Comedy 1. Of Meteors 1. Of Speech 1. Collection of words 1. Solutions 1. Of Music 3. Of Meteors 1. Megacles 1. Of Laws 1. Of things contrary to Law 1. A Collection of the Doctrines of Xenocrates 1. Confabulations 1. Of an Oath 1. Rhetorical Precepts 1. Of riches 1. Of Poësy 1. Problems, Politic, Ethick, Physic, Erotick 1. Proverbs 1. Collection of Problems 1. Of Physical Problems 1. Of Example 1. Of Proposition and Narration 1. Of Poësy, another, 1. Of the wise men 1. Of Advice 1. Of Solecisms 1. Of the Art of Rhetoric 1. Of Rhetorical Arts, 71 kinds. Of Hypocrisy 1. Aristotelick, or Theophrastick Commentaries 6. Natural Sentences 16. Epitome of Physics 1. Of Gratitude 1. Ethick-Characters Of Falsehood and Truth 1. Of the History of Divinity 6. Of the Gods 3. Geometrical Histories 4. Epitome of Aristotle, concerning Animals 6. Epichirems 2. Thes●s 3. Of a Kingdom 2. Of Causes 1. Of Democritus 1. Of Calumny 1. Of Generation 1. Of the Prudence and Manners of Animals 1. Of Motion 2. Of Sight 4. To definitions 2. Of being Given 1. Of Greater and Lesser 1. Of Music 1. Of the divine Beatitude 1. To those of the Academy 1. Protreptick 1. How a City may be best inhabited 1. Commentaries 1. Of the fiery ebullition in Sicily 1. Of Things granted 1. Of the ways of Knowing 1. Of the Lying Argument 3. Ante-Topick 1. To Aeschylus 1. Astrological History 6. Arithmetical Histories of Increase 1. Acicharus 1. Of judicial Orations 1. Epistles concerning Astycreon to Phanias and Nicanor. Of Piety 1. Euias' 1. Of opportunities 2. Of seasonable discourses 1. Of the Institution of Children 1. Another, different 1. Of Institution, or, of Virtues, or, of Temperance 1. Protreptick 1. Of numbers 1. Definitions of syllogistick speech 1. Of Heaven 1. Politic 2. Of Nature 1. Of Fruits and Animals. All which, saith Laertius, amount to 1182. Divisions. These Books, as Theophrastus had ordered in his Will, were delivered to Neleus. What afterwards became of them, hath been related in the life of Aristotle STRATO. CHAP. I. His Life. STrato was successor to Theophrastus. a Laert. He was of b Cicer. Laert. Suid. Lampsacum, his Father c Laert. Suid. Arcesilaus, or, as some, d Suid. Arcesius, mentioned in his Will. e Laert. He was a person of great worth, eminent saith Laertius, in all kinds of Philosophy, but especially in that which is called Physic, the most ancient and solid part, f Cic. de fini●●. 5. wherein he introduced many things new, g Plut. adv. N●t. Colot. dissenting not only from Plato, but from his Master Aristotle. h Cic. de. Nat. dear. From his excellency herein he was called the Natural Philosopher: i Cic. de. N●t. ● cor. 1. Laert. He prescribed all divine power to Nature. k Cic. de finib. ●. Ethick he touched but little. l Laert. He took upon him the government of the School, according to Apollodorus, in the [third year of the] 123 Olympiad, and continued therein 18. years. He instructed Ptolemy the son of Philadelphus, who bestowed 80 Talents upon him. CHAP. II. His Will and Death. His Will, saith Laerthus, was to this effect. THus I order, against the time that I shall die. All those things which are in my house I bequeath to Lampyrion and Arcesilaus. Out of the money which I have at Athens, let my Executors first defray the charges of my Funeral, and the solemn rites after my enterrement, doing nothing superfluously, nor niggardly. The Executors of these things I appoint in my Will be these; Olympicus, Aristides, Mnesigenes, Hypocrates, Epicrates, Gorgylus, Diocles, Lyco, Athanes. I leave the School to Lyco, for the rest are either too old, or otherwise employed. All the rest shall do well if they confirm this choice that I have made. I bequeath likewise all my Books unto him, except those which are written by our own hand, besides all Utensils, Carpets, and Cups for Feasting. Let the Executors give 500 Drachmas to Epicrates and one of the servants, which Arcesilaus shall think good. Let Lampyrion and Arcesilaus discharge all the debts, which Daippus undertook for Hiraeus. Let nothing be owing either to Lampyrion or to the heirs of Lampyrion, but let him be discharged of all, and the Executors bestow on him 500 Drachmas, and one of the servants, as Arcesilaus shall think good; that having taken much pains with us, he may have sufficient for food and raiment. I manumit Diophantus, and Diocles, and Abus. I give Simmias to Arcesilaus. I manumit Dromo. When Arcesilaus shall come, let Hiraeus with Olympicus and Epicrates, and the rest of the Executors cast up the Accounts of the charges of my Funeral and other things; whatsoever is over and above, let Arcesilaus take it of Olympicus, not pressing him upon the day of payment. Let Arcesilaus discharge the Covenants which Strato made with Olympicus, and Aminias, which are in the hands of Philocrates Son of Tisamenus. As for my Tomb, let it be ordered as Arcesilaus, and Olympicus, and Lyco shall think good. This was his Will, preserved by Aristo the Chian. He was of so thin and low a constitution, that he felt not any pain at his death. Of this name Laertius reckons eight. The ●irst a Disciple of Isocrates. The second, this Philosopher. The third a Physician, Disciple of Erasistratus. The Fourth an Historian, who wrote the Wars of Philip and Persaeus with the Romans. The fifth, is wanting. The sixth, an Epigrammatick Poet. The seventh, an ancient Physician. The eighth, a Peripatetic, who lived at Alexand●●a. CHAP. III. His Writings. SUidas saith, he wrote many Books: Laertius gives this Catalogue of them. Of a Kingdom 3. Of justice 3. Of Good 3. Of God 3. Of Principles 3. Of Lives. Of Felicity. Of Philosophy. Of Fortitude. Of Vacuum. Of Heaven. Of Breath. Of humane Nature. Of the generation of Animals. Of mixtion. Of Sleep. Of Dreams. Of Sight. Of Sense. Of Pleasure. Of Colours. Of Diseases. Of judgements. Of Faculties. Of Metallick Machine's: Of Hunger and Offuscation. Of Light and Heavy. Of divine inspiration. Of Time. Of Aliment and augmentation. Of uncertain Animals. Of fabulous Animals. Of Causes. Solutions of Questions. Proems of Places. Of Accident. Of More and less. Of Unjust. Of Priority and Posteriority. Of Priority of Genus. Of Proprium. Of Future. Confutations of Inventions. Commentaries, which are suspected. Epistles; beginning thus, Strato to Arsinoe, Health: LYCO. CHAP. I. His Life. STrato, saith Laertius was succeeded by Lyco, Son of Astyanax of Troas, an eloquent person, and excellent for the education of Children. He heard also Panthaedus the Dialectic. He said, that as Horses need both bridle spur, so in Children there must joined both modesty and ambition. Of his florid expression is alleged this instance. Of a poor Maid he said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A maid is a heavy burden to her Parent when she outruns the flowery season of her youth for want of ● dower. Whence Antigonus said of him, that as the fragrancy and pleasantness of an excellent apple will not admit Transplantation; so whatsoever he said was to be heard only from himself. For this sweetness of discourse some added the letter ● to his name, call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which implieth sweetness: so De exsulio. Plutarch. In stile he was very different from himself. Upon those who were sorry they had not learned when time was, and wished it might be recalled, he jested thus. He said, that they who endeavoured to make amends by a late penitence for their past negligence, were conscious of the impossibility of their wishes; and of those that sought to bring it to pass, he said, they had lost all reason, in applying the nature of a strait line to a crooked ruler, or beholding their face in troubled water, or a confused mirror. He said, that to the wreath of public games in the Forum, many aspired; to the Olympic, few or none. He many times by his Counsel much advantaged the Athenians. In his garments he affected neatness so much, that, as Hermippus saith, he wore an upper garment very precious and fine. He was very expert in all exercises, active and well made for a Wrestler, being thin-eared and well set, as Antigonus Caryslius affirmeth: Whence in his own Country he practised the Elean Games, and played at Ball. He was intimate with Eumenus and Attalus beyond all men, who supplied him with many things. Antiochus also would have had him lived with him, but could not get him. He was so great an enemy to Hieronymus the Peripatetic, that upon a solemn day (of which already in the life of Arcesilaus) he only forbore to come to him. He compared Orators to Frogs; these, saith he, croak in the water, those by the water of an hourglass. He was Master of the School forty years, succeeding Strato in the hundred twenty seventh Olympiad; as he had given order by his Will. CHAP. II. His Will and Death. Laertius produceth a Will of his to this effect. THUS I dispose of my estate, if I shall not recover of this sickness. All that is in my house I bequeath to the Brethren, Astyanax and Lyco, out of which is to be paid whatsoever I owe at Athens to any man, as also the charges of my Funeral and Exequys. What is in the City and Aegina, I bestow upon Lyco, because he is of our name, and hath lived long with us, to our great content, as one that deserved the place of a Son. The Peripatum I leave to those friends that will make use of it, as Bulo, Callinus, Aristo, Amphio, Lyco, Pytho, Aristomachus, Heraclius, Lycomedes, Lyco my Kinsman. Let them put him in that place who they conceive will persevere in it, and discharge it best, which let the rest of my friends confirm for my sake and the places. My Funeral and the burning of my Body be so ordered by Bulo and Callinus, that it be not prodigal nor niggardly. Out of my ●state at Aegina, let Lyco after my death give to the young men as much Oil as shall serve their turns, that hereby the memory of me and him that honours me may be justly preserved. Let them set up my * For Wrestling and other Exercises. Statue, and choose a fit place for the setting up of it, wherein let Diophantus and Heraclides, son of Demetrius assist them. Out of my Rents in the City, let Lyco pay all that I have named after his departure; in the next place let Bu●o and Callinus and the expenses of my funeral be discharged. Let that household stuff be taken away which I have left as common betwixt them. Let likewise the Physicians Pasithemis and Midas be honoured and rewarded for their care of me, and for their skill. To the son of Callinus I leave a couple of Thericlean Pots, and to his Wife, a couple of Goblets, and a fine Carpet, and a shaggy Carpet, and a Coverlet, and two Couch beds, the best that are left, that we may not seem unmindful of their due respect towards us. As for those that served me, I order thus: Demetrius, who hath been long a Free man, I forgive the price of his redemption; and bestow upon him five Minae, and a Cloak and a Coat; and, as having undergone many labours with me, let him be decently supplied with necessaries. Crito, the Chalcidonian, I forgive the price of his redemption, and bestow further on him four Minae Micrus also I manumit, whom let Lyco bring up, and six years hence let him instruct him. In like manner I manumit Chares, whom let Lyco also bring up; I give him two Minae, and my books, that have been published: The rest that have not been published, let them be given to Callinus, and let him take diligent care for the publishing of them. To Syrus the Freeman I give four Minae, and Menodora, and if he owe me any thing, I forgive it him. To Hilara I give five Minae, a shaggy Coverlet, two Couch-beds, a Carpet, and which bed he shall choose. I manumit likewise the Mother of Micrus, and Noemones, and Dion, and Theon, and Euphranor, and Hermias; as also Agatho, after he hath served two years more; as also Ophelio and Possidonius, the bearers of my Litter, after they have served four years more, I will that they be set at liberty. I give moreover to Demetrius, Crito, and Syrus, to each a Bed and Coverlet, such as Lyco shall think sit. This I bestow on them, for as much as they have expressed themselves faithful in the performance of such things as were committed to their charge. As for my burial, whether Lyco will have it here or at home, let it be as he will; for I persuade myself, he will do what is fitting no less than if I had done it myself. When he shall have faithfully performed these things, let the bequests of my Will remain firm. Witnesses, Callinus, an Hermione●n, Aristo, the Chian, Euphronius, a Poeaniean. Thus, saith Laertius, having wisely managed all things appertaining to Learning and Humanity, his prudence and diligence extended even to the making of his Will; so that in that respect also he deserveth studiously to be imitated. He died 74 years old of the Gout. There were four of this name. The first, a Pythagor●an, mentioned in the life of Aristotle. The second, this Peripatetic. The third, an Epic Poet. The fourth, an Epigrammatick Poet. ARISTO. ARisto succeeded Lyco. He was of the Island a Strab. lib. 1●. Ceos, famous for a Law, that whosoever exceeded 60. years of age should be put to death, that there might be no want of Provision for those that were more serviceable. In former time saith Strabo, it had four Cities, now there remain but two, julis and Carthaea, into which the rest were transferred Poecessa into Carthaea, Caressus into julis. In julis Aristo was born. He was an Auditor of Lyco, and succeeded him in the Government of the Peripatetic School, as Cicero, Plutarch, and Clemens Alexandrinus affirm. He was a great imitator of Bion the Boristenite. Cicero saith, he was neat and elegant. He wrote a Treatise of Nilus, cited by Strabo, and Amatory Similes, frequently cited by Athenaeus. In the second Book of his b Athen. d●ip. 10. Amatory Similes, he saith, that Polemo the Academic advised to provide such entertainment at Feasts, as should be pleasant not only at the present, but also on the morrow. c Athen. deipn. ● 12. In the same Book of his Amatory Similes, of an Athenian well in years, named Dorus, who would be thought handsome, he applied the words of Ulysses to Dolo, Rich presents sure may lead away, And thy too easy Soul betray. d Deipn. lib. 15. In the second of his Amatory Similes, he saith, the ancients first bound their heads, conceiving it good against the pain caused by the vapours of the wine; afterwards for more ornament they used Garlands. Laertius upon the testimony of Panaetius and Sosicrates affirmeth, that all the writings ascribed to Aristo of Chios the Stoic (except the Epistles) belong to Aristo the Peripatetic, their Titles, these, protreptics 2. Of Zeno's Doctrine: Scholastic Dialogues 6. Of Wisdom, Dissertations 7. Erotick Dissertations. Commentaries upon vainglory. Commentaries 15. Memorials 3. Chrya's 11. Against Orators. Against Alexinus' oppositions. To the dialectics 3. To Cleanthes, Epistles 4. CRITOLAUS. CRitolaus was, according to Plutarch, of Phaselis, an eminent Sea-Town of Lycia; described by a Lib. 16. Strabo to have three Havens, and a Lake belonging to it. He was an Auditor of Aristo, and succeeded him in the School, as Cicero, Plutarch, and Clemens Alexandrinus affirm. He went to Rome on an Embassy from the Athenians in the 534th year, from the building of the City, which falleth upon 2d year of the 140th Olympiad. b Sext. Emper. He condemned Rhetoric, as being used rather as an Artifice, than an Art. DIODORUS. DIodorus was Disciple to Crito aus, and succeeded him in the School, as is manifest from Clemens Alexandrinus, who adds, that in his assertion concerning our chief end, he joined Indolence with honesty. He is mentioned by Cicero; how long he taught, or who succeeded him is unknown. Thus far we have an unintermitted account of the Peripatetic School. FINIS. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The Seventh Part, Containing the Cynic Philosophers. LONDON. Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas Dring: An. Dom. 1656. ANTISTHENES' ANTISTHENES. CHAP. I His Life. THe Cynics are derived from Antisthenes; Disciple of Socrates, who, being most pleased with those discourses of his Master, which treated of Tolerance and laboriousness, instituted this Sect. a Laert. He was born at Athens, his Father an Athenian named Antisthenes also; his Mother a Thracian, or, as Plutarch, a Phrygian, in whose defence, to those who reproached him that she was a Foreigner, he answered Cibele the Mother of the Gods was a Phrygian. He likewise derided the Athenians for boasting of their being Natives, saying, they were nothing more noble than snails and Locusts. b Laert. vi●. Soc●. Neither did Socrates the less esteem him; but on the contrary, hearing that he had behaved himself valiantly at the Fight at Tanagra, he said of him, I knew two Parents both Athenians could not beget so excellent a Person. He first heard Gorgias the Orator, whence his Dialogues are written in a Rhetorical stile, consisting chiefly in verity and exhortation. Hermippus saith, at the Istmian meeting, he used to make Orations in praise and dispraise of the Athenians, Thebans and Lacedæmonians, before all the assembly; But seeing many of the Citizens come thither he refrained. Next he applied himself to Socrates, and profited so much under him, that he counselled his Scholars, to become his fellow-di●ciples under that Master. He lived in the Piraeum, and went every day 40. Stadia, to hear Socrates. He affected even whilst he was Disciple to Socrates to go in poor habit, and c Laert. Aelian. once having turned the torn part of his garment outermost, Socrates spying it, said, I see vainglory through a hole; or, as Aelian, do you use this ostentation before us also? d Laert. Upon the death of Socrates he was the occasion of banishment to Anytus, and of death to Melitus; for Melitus meeting with some young men of Pontus, invited to Athens by the same of Socrates, he brought them to Anytus, telling them he was wiset then Socrates, whereupon the standers by in indignation, turned them both ou● of the City; of which already in the life of Socrates. CHAP. II. His institution of a Sect. a Laert. S. Ocrates being dead, of whom he learned tolerance and apathy, he made choice of Cynosarges, a Gymnasium at Athens just without the gates, as of the fittest place in which he might discourse of Philosophy. b Suid. It was so called upon this occasion. Didymus the Athenian sacrificing in his own house, a white dog that was by, snatched the Victim, and running away with it, laid it down in another place; Didymus much troubled thereat, consulted the Oracle, which enjoined him to erect a Temple in that place where the Dog had laid down the Victim, and to dedicate it to Hercules, which was called Cynosarges, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Temple of the white Dog. c Laert. Hence Antisthenes & his follower's were called Cynics, and, by those that disapproved their institution, Dogs; Antisthenes himself being termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the sincere Dog. He first doubled his old fordid Cloak, and wore it alone [without a Coat] as Diocles affirmeth; he carried likewise a staff and fatchell. Neanthes saith, he first used a single Cloak. Sosicrates in the third of his Successions, saith, Diodorus the Aspendian wore a long beard, and carried a staff and Wallet. d Laert. His assertions were these, that Virtue may be acquired by teaching; that those persons are noble, who are Virtuous; That Virtue was self-sufficient to Felicity, not needing any thing but a Socratic Courage; That Virtue consisteth in Actions, not requiring many words nor much learning, and is self-sufficient to wisdom, for all other things have a reference thereto; That insamy is good and equal to labour, and that a wise man ought not to govern the Commonwealth according to the Laws in force, but according to Virtue; That a wise man, to have issue, may make choice of beautiful women, and love, for a wise man only knoweth what ought to be loved. Diocles addeth these; That nothing is new to a wise man; That a good man deserveth love, that virtuous persons are friends; that we ought to get assistance in War, valiant and just; that virtue is an Armour never can be taken from us; That it is better with some few good men to oppose all the wicked, then with many wicked men to contend with few good; Observe your Enemies, for they first find out your faults; Esteem a just man more than a neighbour; The same virtue belongeth to man and to woman; those things are good wh●ch are honest, ill which are dishonest; All things esteem strange; Wisdom is the safest fortification, for 〈◊〉 neither fall away, nor can be betrayed; In these inexpugnable things we ought to build Forts, by meditation. e Lib. 9 c 5. Agellius saith, he esteemed Pleasure the greatest ill, whence he used to say, I had rather be mad, then be addicted to pleasure. f Laert. vit. Menedem. As to the opinion of the Cynics in general (not esteeming them, saith Laertius, a mere form and institution of life, but a true Sect of Philosophy) they were these. They took away, with Aristo the Chian, Dialectic and Physic, and only admitted Ethick; whence, what some said of Socrates, Diocles applied to Diogenes, affirming he used the same expressions, that we ought to inquire, What good and ill Our ●ouses fill. They likewise reject the liberal Sciences, whence Antisthenes said, those who have acquired Temperance, ought not to study any learning, left by other things they be diverted. Geometry likewise, Music, and the like, they wholly took away. Whence Diogenes, to one that showed him a Watch, It is an excellent invention, saith he, against supping too late. And to one that entertained him with Music; Wisdom the greatest Cities doth protect; But Music cannot one poor house direct. They likewise, as the Stoics, affirmed to be happy to live according to Virtue, as Antisthenes, in his Hercules; for there is a kind of affinity betwixt these two Sects, whence the Stoics asserted Cynisme to be the nearest way to Virtue, and so lived Zeno the Cittiean. Their diet was slender, their food only such as might satisfy Nature, their Cloaks sordid; they despised riches, glory, and nobility: Some of them fed only on herbs and cold water, living under such shelters as they could find, or in Tubbs, as Diogenes did, who affirmed, it was proper to the Gods to want nothing, and that those who stand in need of fewest things, come nearest to the Gods. They held also, according to Antisthenes in his Hercules, that Virtue may be acquired by Learning, and that it cannot be lost; that a wise man deserves to be loved, and never sinneth, and is a friend to such as are like him, and trusteth nothing to Fortune. They took away with Aristo the Chian, all things between Virtue and Vice. CHAP. III. His Apothegms. OF his Apothegms are remembered these. Laert. He proved Labour to be good, by the examples of Hercules and Cyrus, one a Grecian, the other a Barbarian. He first defined Speech thus, Speech is that which declareth that which is or was. To a young man of Pontus that came to be his Disciple, and asked him what he must bring with him, he answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a new Book, a new pen, and a new tablet, where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is equivocal, and signifieth (divided 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Wit. To one, demanding what kind of Wife he should take; If a fair one, saith he, she will be common; if foul, a torment. Hearing that Plato spoke ill of him; it is Kinglike, saith he, to do well, and be ill spoken of. Being initiated into the Orphick solemnities, the Priest telling him, that they who were initiated into those rites, were made partakers of many excellent things in the next world: Why then, saith he, do you not die? To one that reproached him that both his Parents were not free, Neither, saith he, were they both wrestlers, and yet I am a wrestler. Being demanded why he had few Disciples, I beat them away, saith he, with a silver staff. Being demanded why he rebuked his Disciples so sharply; So, saith he, do Physicians the sick. Seeing an Adulterer running away, Unhappy man, saith he, how much danger might you have escaped for one half penny. He said according to Hecaton, It is better to fall among Crows than flatterers; for those only devour the dead, these the living. Being demanded what was most happy for man, he answered, To die in prosperity. To a friend, complaining he had lost his notes; You should have writ them in your mind, saith he, and not in your book. As rust consumeth iron, so envy, saith he, consumeth the envious man. Those who would never die, saith he, must live piously and justly. He said, Cities were then perishing, when they could not distinguish the good from the bad. Being commended by some wicked men; Laert. Stob. I am troubled, saith he, to think what ill I have done. He said, the cohabitation of concording Brethren is firmer than any wall. He said, we ought to carry such provision along with us, as if we should happen to be shipwracked, we might swim away with. To those who reproached him for conversing with wicked persons; So do Physicians with the sick, saith he, yet are not sick themselves. He said, It is absurd to separate corn from the weeds, and in way to reject the unserviceable person; 〈◊〉, in a Commonwealth, not to extirpate the wicked. Being demanded what he had gained by Philosophy, he answered, that I can converse with myself. At a Feast, to one that said to him, 〈◊〉; he replied, Do you then pipe. Diogenes demanding a Coat, he bade him double his Cloak. Being demanded what learning is most necessary; That, saith he, which unlearneth ill. He advised those who were provoked by revile, to bear it with greater Fortitude, then if stones were cast at them. He derided Plato, as being proud, and seeing at a show a horse going loftily, turning to Plato, Me thinks, saith he, you would have acted the part of this horse very well. This he said, because Plato at the same time had commended the horse. Another time visiting Plato, as he lay sick, and looking into the basin whereinto he had vomited, I see here, saith he, the choler, but not the pride. He advised the Athenians to love Asses as well as Horses, which they conceiving absurd; and yet, saith he, you choose those for Generals, who know nothing, but how to stretch out the hand. To one that said to him, many praise thee; Why, saith he, what ill have I done? To one that demanded (as Phanias saith) what he should do to be a good and an honest man: if you learn, saith he, of knowing persons, that the vices which you have are to be avoided. To one that praised a life full of delicacies; Let the sons of my enemies, saith he, live delicately. To a young man, who desired his statue might be made handsomer than himself; Tell me, saith he, if the brass itself could speak, what you think it would boast of; the other answered, of its handsome figure: Are you not ashamed then, replies he, to be proud of the same that an inanimate creature would be? A young man of Pontus promised to supply him, as soon as his ship came home laden with saltfish; hereupon he took him to a meal-woman, and filling his satchel departed; she calling to him for money: This young man, saith he, will pay you as soon as his ship comes home. When at any time he saw a woman richly dressed, he went to her house, and bad her husband bring out his horse and arms, that if he were so provided, he might allow her those freedoms, being better able to justify the injuries it occasioned; otherwise, that he should take off her rich habit. He said, Stob. Ser. 1. Neither a feast is pleasant without company, nor riches without Virtue. He said, Stob. Ser. 38. Those pleasures which come not in at the door, must not go out by the door, but by incision or purging with Hellebor, or by * Ser. 44. starving, so to punish those surfeits which we have incurred for a short pleasure. He said, Ser. 50. Whosoever seareth others is a slave, though he know it not himself. He said, Ser. 53. No covetous man can be a good man, or a King, or a freeman. Being demanded what a feast is, Ser. 87. he answered, The occasion of surfeits. He said, Ser. 117. We ought to aim at such pleasures as follow labour, not at those which go before labour. He said, Ser. 148. Common Executioners are better than Tyrants; those p●t only guilty men to death, Tyrants, the innocent. He said, Ser. 171. We ought to wish our enemies all good things but Fortitude, for that they possess would fall into the hands of the Victor, not the Owner. Him that contradicteth, he said, Ser. 212. he said, we must not again contradict, but instruct; for a madman is not cured by another's growing mad also. He said, Plut. rep. Stoic. Plut. vit. Lyc. A man should always have in readiness his wits or a rope. Seeing the Thebans much exalted with their success at the Luctrian sight, he said, They were like boys that triumph when they have beaten the. Masters. To some that commended a Piper; Plut. vit. Per. But, saith he, he is an ill man, for else he would never have been so good a Piper. CHAP. IU. His Writings. OF his Books saith Laertius, there are ten Tomes. The first containeth these. Of speech, or of Characters. Ajax, of the speech of Ajax. Ulysses, or of Ulysses. An apology for Orestes. Of Lawyers. Isographe, or Desias, or Isocrates. Against Isocrates's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second Tome. Of the Nature of Animals. Of Procreation of children, or of Marriage, Brotick. Of Sophists, Physiognomick. Of justice and Fortitude Protreptick 1, 2, 3, Of Theognis. The third Tome. Of Good. Of Fortitude. Of Law, or of Policy. Of Law, or of Fair and Iust. Of Freedom and Servitude. Of Faith. Of a Guardian, or of Trusting. Of Victory, Oeconomick. The fourth Tome, Cyrus. Hercules the Greater, or of Strength. The fifth Tome. Cyrus, or of a Kingdom. Aspasia. The sixth Tome. Truth. Of Dissertation, Anti-logick. Sathon, of Contradiction 3. Of Dialectic. The seventh Tome. Of Discipline, or of names, 5. Of dying. Of Life and Death. Of things after death. Of the use of names, or Eristick. Of Interrogation and answer. Of Opinion and Science 4. Of Nature 2. Interrogation concerning Nature 2. Opinions, or the Eristick. Problems concerning Learning The eighth Tome. Of Music. Of Interpreters. Of Homer. Of Injustice and impiety. Of Chalcas. Of the spy. Of Pleasure. The ninth Tome. Of the Odysseis. Of Minerva's wand, or of Telemachus, Helena, and Penelope. Of Proteus The Cyclops, or of Ulysses. Of the use of Wine, or of Drunkenness, or of the Cyclops. Of Circe. Of Amphiaraus. Of Ulysses and Penelope. Of the Dog. The tenth Tome. Hercules, or Midas. Hercules, or of Prudence, or of strength. The Master, or Lover. The Masters, or spies. Menexenus, or of Ruling. Alcibiades. Archelaus, or of a Kingdom. These saith Laertius, were his writings, the great number whereof Timon derides, calling him an ingenious Trifler. There is also among the Socratic Epistles one under his name to this effect. Antisthenes' to Aristippus. IT is not the part of a Philosopher to live with Tyrants, and to waste time at Sicilian Feasts, but rather to be content with a little in his own Country; but you esteem it the greatest excellence of a Virtuous person, to be able to acquire much wealth, and to have powerful friends. Riches are not good; neither if they were in themselves good, are they such, being thus obtained, nor can a multitude of unlearned persons, especially Tyrants, be true friends. Wherefore I would co●nsell you to leave Syracuse and Sicily; but if, as some report, you are in love with Pleasure, and aim at such things, as beseem not wise persons, go to Anticyra and cure yourself by drinking Hellebore, for that is much better for you then the Wine of Dionysius; this causeth madness, that assuageth it. So that as health and discretion differ from sickness and ●olly, so much shall you be better than you are in these things which you now enjoy Farewell. The Answer to this Epistle, see in the life of Aristippus. CHAP. V. His Death. HE died saith Laertius of sickness. As he lay on his deathbed, Diogenes came to him and asked him if he wanted a friend. Another time he came to him with a dagger; Antisthenes crying out, who will free me from this pain, he showed him the dagger, saying, This shall, Antisthenes replied, I say from my pain, not from my life; for he bore his sickness somewhat impatiently through love of life. Theopompus commends him above all the Disciples of Socrates, as being of such acute and sweet discourse, that he could lead any man to what he would. There were three more of this name, one a Heraclitean Philosopher; the second of Ephesus, the third of Rhodes a Historian. DIOGENES. CHAP. I. His Country, Parents, Time, Banishment. a Laert. DIOGENES was of Sinopis, a City of Pontus, his Father named Icesius, or, as others, Icetes; by profession a mony-changer. He was born (as appears by computation from his death, which was in the 90t year of his age, in the first year of the 114t Olympiad, Hegesias being Archon) about the third year of the 91st Olympiad. Suidas saith, he was first called Cleon. Diocles saith, his Father trading publicly in exchange of money, was surprised, coining false money, and thereupon fled: But Eubulides saith, Diogenes himself did it, and fled together with his Father; even Diogenes in his Podalus, acknowledgeth as much. Some affirm, that being made overseer, he was persuaded by the workmen to go to Delphi, or Delos, the Country of Apollo, to inquire of the Oracle if he should do that whereto he was advised, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is of ambiguous signification, implying, to alter the course of life, and to coin false money. The Oracle assented: Diogenes not understanding it in the Civil sense, betook himself to coining, and being taken in the act, was banished, or, as others say, fled for fear. Some affirm, he adulterated the money he received from his Father, for which the Father was cast in prison, and there died; the Son fled, and coming to Delphi, enquired of the Oracle by what means he should become eminent, whereupon he received that answer. b Aelian. var. Hist. 13. 28. When he left his Country, one of his servants followed him, named Manes, who not enduring his conversation ran away from him; some persuaded Diogenes to inquire after him, who answered, Were it not a shame, since Manes doth not need Diogenes, that Diogenes should need Manes. The fellow wand'ring up and down came at last to Delphi, where he was torn in pieces by dogs. DIOGENES. CHAP. II. How he lived at Athens. COming to Athens, saith Laertius, he applied himself to Antisthenes, following the Cynical Philosophy instituted by him. a Aelian. var. Hist. 10. 16. Antisthenes' having invited many to hear him, and but few coming, at last in anger would not suffer any to come to him, and therefore bad Diogenes be gone also. Diogenes continuing to come frequently, he chid and threatened him, and at last struck him with his staff: Diogenes would not go back, but persisting still in his desire of hearing him, said, Strike if you will, here is my head, you cannot ●inde a staff hard enough to drive me from you, until you have instructed me. Antisthenes' overcome with his perseverance, admitted him, and made him his intimate friend. From that time forward he heard him. Some affirm, saith Laertius, he first wore a double Cloak, upon which he used to lie [at night:] He likewise carried a wallet, wherein was his meat. He made use of all places for all things, dining, sleeping and discoursing in any place, insomuch that pointing to Jupiter's walk, and the Pompaeum, two public places at Athens, he said, the Athenians built them for his dwelling. Falling once sick, he walked with a staff, which afterwards he continually used, as likewise a wallet, not in the City, but when he traveled. He wrote to one to build him a little house, which the other not doing so soon as he required, he made use of a Tub in the Metroum to live in, as he declareth in his Epistles. In Summer he used to roll in the burning Sand, in Winter, to embrace statues covered with Snow, accustoming himself continually to sufferance. b Plut▪ A Lacedaemonian seeing him in this posture in the depth of Winter, asked him if he were not a cold; Diogenes said, he was not: What you do then, replied the other, is no great matter. At first he used to beg, of which there are many instances: He one time begged of a man thus, If you have given to others, give also to me? if to none, begin with me? c Laert. Another time he begged of a Statue, whereof being demanded the reason, That I may the better, saith he, bear a refusal. He requested something of a covetous person, who delaying to give; Man, saith he, I ask you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, food, not a grave. He requested something of a person very obdurate, who answered yes, if you can persuade me to it; Nay, replied he, if I were able to persuade you to any thing, it should have been to have hanged yourself. Of a Prodigal he begged a Mina; the other asked why he begged a Mina of him, and of others but an Obolus: Because, saith he, I hope to receive of others again; but whether I shall ever have any more of you, the Gods know. Being reproached that Plato begged not, but he begged: Yes, saith he, he beggeth too; but, Close in your ear, Lest others hear. d Aelian. var. Hist. 4. 27. Having received some little money from Dionysius the Carysian, he said, The Gods afford thee thy desire, A man and house— Alluding to his effeminacy. e Laert. For this reason he said, the imprecations of Tragedians concurred in him, for he was without any City, without a house, deprived of his Country, a beggar, a vagabond, having his livelihood only from day to day. And yet, adds f Var. hist. 3. 29. Aelian, he was more pleased with this condition, than Alexander with the command of the whole world, when having conquered the Indians, he returned to Babylon. g Laert. Seeing a Mouse, as Theophrastus saith, running up and down, he thence took occasion of comfort, considering it a creature that looked not for lodging, and was not displeased with darkness, nor nice, as to diet. He walked in the snow barefoot, and tried to eat raw flesh, but could not. He said, he imitated singing-Masters, who raise their voice too high, thereby to teach others the just tone. The Athenians loved him much, for a youth having bored holes in his Tub, they punished him, and gave Diogenes a new one. He used to perform the offices of Ceres and Venus in public, arguing thus; if it be not absurd to dine, it is not absurd to dine even in the marketplace; but, it is not absurd to dine, therefore it is not absurd to dine even in the marketplace. h Laert. It is explained by Plutarch, de rep. Stoic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the public Forum; I would, saith he, I could as easily satisfy my hunger. i Laert. As he dined in the Forum, some that were present called him Dog; Nay, saith he, you are Dogs that stand about me when I am at dinner. Being reproached for feeding in the open Forum; In the Forum, saith he, I grew hungry, Being reproached that he drunk in a victualling house; And in a Barber's shop, saith he, I am shaved. He lived without any servant; Being demanded by one whether he would have a maid-servant, or a man, he said▪ neither; who then, answered the other, shall carry you out to your grave when you die? Diogenes replied, he that wants a house? CAHP. II. How he lived at Corinth. a Laert. IN his old age he took a voyage to Aegina, but was by the way taken by some pirates, the name of whose captain was Scirpalus. They carried him to Crect, & there exposed him to sale, they asked him what he could do, he answered, he could command men, and to the Crier, he said, if any man want a Master let him buy me. Offering to sit down, they would not suffer him, (it being the custom of such as were to be sold for slaves, to leap up and down) 'tis no matter for that, saith he, Fishes are sold which way soever they lie, adding, he wondered that men being to buy a pot or vessel, examine it curiously on the inside, but if a man, they are satisfied with his look and outside. Pointing to a Corinthian richly attired that passed by, named Xeniades, sell me saith he, to that man, for he wants, a Master. To Xeniades as soon as he had bought him, he said, Be sure you do as I command you, he answered in the common proverbial verse. The springs of Rivers upwards run. Diogenes' reply'd●, if being sick you had bought a Physician would you obey his advice, or would you say as before, The springs of Rivers upwards run. His friends, according to Cleomenes, offered to redeem him, but he told them they were fools, for Lions were not slaves to their Keepers, but the Keepers to the Lions, for the property of servitude is to fear, and men fear Beasts. b Laert. Xeniades having bought him, carried him to Corinth, b Laert. ask him what he could do, he answered, he knew how to command free persons. Xeniades wondering at his answer, set him at Liberty, and delivered his Sons to his charge, saying, take then my Children and command them. c Gell. He put the Government of his family also into his hands, ᵖ Lan●. which he acquitted himself of excellently well in every thing, in so much that Xeniades said, he had brought a Good Genius into his House. He did not suffer the young men that were under his charge, to exercise themselves as Wrestlers, but only till they were warm, and for their health sake. He taught them many sayings of Poets by heart, and some of his own, and that they might more easily remember the full sum of Learning, he made a brief Collection thereof. He taught them at home to minister, using thin diet, and drinking water, to go negligently in habit, shaved, without coats, without shoes, and silent, looking upon themselves as they went. He brought them up likewise to Hunting. On the other side, they took great care of Diogenes, and recommended him to their Parents. e Plut. vit. Alex. When Alexander was upon expedition against the Persian, many Philosophers came to salute him, the same duty he expected from Diogenes, who was at that time at the Craneum, a Gymnasium in Corinth, where he lived idly, not minding Alexander. Alexander therefore went and found him out sitting in the Sun, he rose a little to look upon the great crowd of people that came along with Alexander, who saluting him, asked Diognes' what he would desire of him, he answered, that you would stand aside a little from betwixt me and the Sun. Hereat Alexander was so surprised, and so much admired his high mind, that his Attendants in returning, laughing thereat, but I, saith he, were I not Alexander, would choose to be Diogenes. CHAP. IU. His Philosophy. a Laert. ANd concerning Opinions, he said, there is a twofold Exercitation, one spiritual, the other corporeal; If in the first of these we employ ourselves constantly, frequent fantasies will occur, which facilitate the performance of Virtue; the one cannot be without the other, a good habit and strength being necessary both in respect of the soul and the body. That Virtue is easily acquired by exercitation he argued, in as much as in the Mechanic Arts and others, that Artists by practice quickly arrive at an extraordinary readiness therein, and Wrestlers and Musicians excel one another according to the continual pames they take therein one more than another, and if they should have taken the same pains about their souls, it would not have been unprofitably and imperfectly employed. He said nothing in life can be rightly done without exercitation, and that exercitation could master any thing, for whereas men should choose Natural Labours, whereby they might live happily; they on the contrary make choice of the unprofitable, and through their own folly, are in continual misery. For even the contempt of Pleasure, if we accustom ourselves thereto will be most pleasant; and as they, who inure themselves to a voluptuous life cannot be taken off it without much trouble and grief; so they who exercise themselves in a contrary manner with as great ease contemn even the pleasures themselves. He ascribed not so much to Law as to Nature; He affirmed that he followed the same course of life with Hercules, preferring nothing before Liberty. He asserted that all things belong to the wise, arguing thus; all things belong to the Gods, the Gods are friends to wise persons; all things are common amongst friends; therefore all things belong to the wise. As concerning Law, he held that without it a Commonwealth could not be ordered, for, saith he, without a City there cannot be any profit of Civil things; a City is a Civil thing; of Law without a City there is no profit, therefore Law is Civil. He derided Nobility, glory, and the like, saying, they were the Ornaments, or veils of wickedness, and that only a right Commonwealth ought to be honoured. He held that there ought to be a Community of women, conceiving marriage to be nothing, and that every man and woman might enjoy one another as they pleased themselves, and consequently that all Children should be in common. He held that it was not unlawful to take any thing out of a Temple, or to feed upon living Creatures, neither was it impious to eat man's flesh, as appeared by the practice of other Nations, adding that all things are in all and by all; in bread there is flesh, in flesh bread; the remainders of flesh and bread being insinuated by occult passages into other bodies, and evaporating in like manner. This Laertius citys out of a Tragedy of his named Thyestes, if saith he, that Tragedy belong to him, and not rather to Philiscus, or Pasiphon. Music, Geometry, Astronomy and the like he rejected as unprofitable and unnecessary. CHAP. V. His Apophthegms. a Laert. HE was very acute saith Laertius in deriding others. He said Euclides school was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not a School, but Anger, for the dialectics affected Litigious dispute. He said Plato's school was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not an exercitation, but Consumption. He said, when he looked upon Pilots, Physicians and Philosophers, Man was the wisest of all Creatures; but when he looked upon Interpreters of Dreams, Prophets or persons puffed up with wealth or honours, nothing is more foolish then man. He said that he often sound it convenient in life to have ready an answer or a rope. At a great Feast, seeing Plato eat Olives; Why, saith he, you being a wise man, and going to Sicily for such entertainments, did you not enjoy them: He answered, by the Gods Diogenes, I fed upon Olives there likewise as well as upon other things. Diogenes replied, why then needed you to have gone to Syracuse, were there no Olives at that time in Attica? This Phavorinus ascribes to Aristippus, adding, that as he was eating figs, he met him, and said, taste: the other taking and eating; I bade you, saith he, taste, and not devour. In the presence of some friends of Plato sent to him by Dionysius, Diogenes trod under foot Plato's robe, saying, I tread under foot Plato's pride: But Diogenes, answered Plato, how proud are you yourself, when you think you contemn pride? Sotion relates this as said to the Cynic by Plato. b St●b. Ser. 133 Diogenes sent to Plato for wine and figs, he sent him a large vessel of wine and figs; whereupon Diogenes, as you, saith he, being demanded how much 2. and 2. are, answer 20. so you neither grant what I request, nor answer what I demand; thus censuring his verbosity. Being demanded in what part of Greece he had seen good men; Men, saith he, no where, but good boys at Lacedaemon. Making a serious discourse, and perceiving that no man came to hear him, he began to sing, whereat a great many gathered together, whom he reproached for coming to trifles, being so backward to serious things. He said, men contested in undermining or kicking, but none about goodness. He wondered at Grammarians, who enquiring after the misfortunes of Ulysses, forgot their own; and at Musicians, who whilst they tune their instruments, have discordant affections in their souls; and at the Mathematicians, that gazing upon the Sun and Moon, neglected what was just at their feet; and at c Stob. 296. Orators, who studied to speak just things, and neglected to act them; and lastly at covetous persons, for dispraising money, which they loved above all things. He reprehended those, who though they commended just men for thinking themselves to be above money, yet esteemed the rich happy. He was angry at those, who when they sacrificed to the Gods for their health, feasted at the same time contrary to their health. He wondered at Servants, who seeing their Masters eat excessively, did not take away their meat. He praised those, who being about to marry, would not marry; who being about to go sea, would not go to sea; who being about to undertake some public office, would not undertake it; and who being about to bring up children, forbore to bring them up; and who could compose themselves to live with great men, yet never went to them. He said, when we stretch out our hand to our friend, we should never clutch our fist. One bringing him into a new house, and forbidding him to spit, he spat in his face, saying, he could not find a worse place. Some ascribe this to Aristippus. Crying out upon a time, Men come hither, a great many flocked about him, whom he fell upon with his stick, and beat them, saying, I called men, not varlets. This Hecaton in his Chr●ae relates. Alexander said, if he had not been born Alexander, he would have desired to have been born Diogenes. He said, they were not maimed who were dumb and blind, but they who had not a wallet. Going once half shaved to a feast of young men, as Metrocles relates, they beat him, whereupon he took their names, and setting them down in a parchment roll, he wore it at his breast, whereby being known, they were reviled and beaten. He said, he was the Dog of the praised, but none of the praisers durst go a hunting with him. To one saying, at the Pythian Games I overcame men; No, saith he, I the men, you the slaves. To those who said to him, you are now old, take your ease; what, saith he, if I were to run a race, should I give over when I were almost at the end, or rather contest with greater courage? Finding Demosthenes the Orator at dinner in a common victualling house, who ashamed, would have stolen away; nay, saith he, you are now the more popular. Aelian relates it thus, Diogenes being at dinner in a common victualling house, and seeing Demosthenes pass by, invited him in, Demosthenes refusing; do you think it, saith Diogenes, a disparagement to dine here, when your Master dines here every day? meaning the common people, to whom Orators are but servants. To some strangers who were desirous to see Demosthenes, pointing to him with his middle finger; this, saith he, is he that leads the Athenians. In reproof to one who had thrown away his bread, and was ashamed to take it up again, he tied a string about the neck of a bottle, and dragged it after him through the Ceramick. He said, most men were mad Praeter digitum, all but the finger; if any man should walk pointing with his middle finger, he will be thought mad; if his forefinger, not so. He said, the most precious things were sold cheapest, and so on the contrary; for a Statue will cost 3000 pieces of silver, a peck of wheat, two pieces of brass. To one, who came to him to study Philosophy, he gave a fish, and bid him follow him, the other ashamed, threw it away and departed: not long after, meeting the same person, he laughing, said, The friendship betwixt you and me was broke off by a Fish. Diocl●s relates it thus; One saying to him, command me Diogenes, he gave him a penny worth of cheese to bring after him; the other refusing to carry it, our friendship, saith he, a pennyworth of cheese hath dissolved. Seeing a boy drink water in the hollow of his hand, he took his little cup out of his wallet and threw it away, saying, The boy outwent him in srugality. He threw away his dish also, seeing a Boy that had broken his, supping up his broth in the same manner. Seeing a woman prostrate herself unhandsomely in prayer, and desirous to reprove her superstition, as Zoilus the Pergaean reports, came to her, and said, Are you not ashamed, woman, that God who stands behind you (for all things are full of him) should see you in this undecent posture. He said, such as beat others ought to be consecrated to Aesculapius, the God of Chirurgery. He said, against Fortune we must oppose courage; against Nature, Law, against Passion, Reason. In the Craneum, Alexander standing by him, as the Sun shone, said to him, ask of me what thou wilt; he answered, Do not stand between me and the Sun. One reading a long tedious discourse, and coming at last near a blank leaf at the end of the book, Be of good courage friends, saith he, I see land. To one, proving by the horned Syllogism that he had horns, he feeling of his forehead, but I, saith he, feel none. In like manner another maintaining there was no such thing as motion, he rose up and walked. To one disputing concerning Meteors, How long is it, saith he, since you came from heaven? A wicked man having written over the door of his house, Let no ill thing enter here: Which way then, saith he, must the Master come in? He anointed his feet with sweet Unguents, saying, the scent went from the crown of his head into the air; but from his feet to his nostrils. To some Athenians, that persuaded him to be initiated into some Religious Mysteries, alleging, that such as were initiated had the chiefest places in the other World: It is ridiculous, saith he, if Agesilaus and Epaminondas live there amongst bogs, and the common people that are initiated live in the blessed Islands. Or as Plutarch, hearing these verses of Socrates: — Thrice happy they Who do these Mysteries survey; They only after death are bless, All miseries pursue the rest; What, saith he, shall Patoetion the thie●e be in better condition (because he was initiated) than Epaminondas. Mice coming to him as he was at dinner; See, saith he, Diogenes also maintaineth Parasites. d Aelian. var. hist. 14. ●3. Diogenes being present at a discourse of Plato's▪ would not mind it, whereat Plato angry, said, Thou dog, why mindest thou not: Diogenes unmoved, answered, Yet I never return to the place where I was sold, as dogs do, alluding to Pl●to's voyage to Sicily. Returning from a Bath, one asked him, if there were many men there; he said, no: The other ask if there were much company; he said, there was. Plato defining Man a two-footed Animal without wings, and this definition being approved, Diogenes took a Cock, and plucking off all its feathers, turned it into Plato's School, saying, This is Plato's Man▪ whereupon to the definition was added, having broad nails. To one demanding at what time he should dine, if thou art rich, saith he, when thou wilt, if poor, when thou canst. At Megara, seeing their sheep with thick fleeces, and their children almost naked; It is better, saith he, to be the sheep of a Megaraean, than his son. To one, who hitting him with the end of a long pole, bade him him take heed, Why, saith he, do you mean to hit me again? He said, the Orators were the servants of the multitude; Crowns, the biles of glory. e Stab. Ser. 4. He lighted a candle at noon, saying, I look for a man. He stood in the rain without any shelter, some that were present pitying him; Plato, who was there likewise, said, if you will show yourselves pitiful to him, go away, reflecting upon his vainglory. One giving him a box on the ear, O Hercules, saith he, I knew not that I should have walked with a Helmet. Medea's giving him many blows with his fist, saying, there are 3000 drachmas [alluding to the fines imposed upon such outrages] ready counted for you upon the table: The next day he got a Caes●us, and beat him with it, saying, There are three thousand drachmas ready counted for you. Lysias an Apothecary ask him, if he thought there were many Gods: How, saith he, can I think otherwise, when I take you to be their enemy. Others ascribe this to Theodorus. Seeing one that had besprinkled himself with water: O unhappy man, saith he, dost thou not know, that the errors of life are no more to be washed away by water, than errors in grammar. He rebuked those who complained of Fortune, saying, They did not request what was good, but that which seemed good to them. Of those, who are terrified with dreams, he said: You never are concerned for the things you do waking, but what you fancy in your sleep you make your greatest business. f Et Plut. 〈◊〉 curiositate. At the Olympic Games the Crier proclaiming Dioxippus hath overcome men; he slaves, saith he, but I men. Alexander sending an Epistle to Antipater at Athens, by one whose name was Athlias, Diogenes being present said, Athlias from Athlias, by Athlias to Athlias, alluding to the name, which implieth misery. Perdiccas' threatening him with death unless he would come to him; that is no great matter, saith he, for a Cantharideses or spider may do as much; you should rather have threatened, that you would have lived well without me. He often said the Gods had given to men an easy life, but that it was hidden from those who used choice diet, unguents and the like; whence to one whose servant put on his clothes, you will not be truly happy, saith he, until he wipe your nose also, that is, when you have lost the use of your hands. Seeing some that had the charge of the things belonging to the Temple, leading a man to Prison, who had stolen a Cup out of the Treasury, the great thiefs, saith he, lead Prisoner the lesser. To a young man that throwing stones at a Gibbet, well done, saith he, you will be sure to hit the mark. To some young men that coming about him, said, take heed you do not bite us: fear not boys, said he, Diogenes eat not Beets [for so he termed effeminate persons.] To one feasting, clothed in a Lion's skin, do not saith he, defile virtues Livery. To one extolling the happiness of Callis●henes, in that living with Alexander he had plenty of all things; nay, saith he, he is not happy, for he dines and sups when Alexander pleases. When he wanted money, he said, he went to redemand, not borrow it of his friends. Seeing a young man going along with some great persons to a Feast, he took him from them, and carried him to his own friends, bidding them to look to him better. To one neatly dressed, who had asked him some question, I cannot answer you, saith he, unless▪ I knew whether you were a man or a woman. g Vit. Athenae. Of a young man playing at Cattabus in a Bath, by how much the better, saith he, so much the worse. At a Feast one threw a bone to him as to a dog, which he like a dog took up, and lifting his leg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Orators, and all such as sought glory by speaking, he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thrice men, instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thrice wretched. He called an unlearned rich man a sheep with a golden Fleece. Seeing written upon the Gates of a Prodigal's house, TO BE SOLD; I knew, saith he, being so overcharged with wine, it would vomit up the owner. To a young man professing himself much displeased at the many persons that courted him, let him see, saith he, that you are displeased by casting off your effeminacy. Of a foul Bath, where, saith he, shall they be washed that wash here? A big fellow that played on the harp, though by all others discommended for playing ill, he praised, being asked why, because, saith he, being an able fellow, he chooseth rather to play on the harp then to steal. A certain harper who played so ill, that the company always went away and left him, he saluted thus, Good morrow cock, the other ask why, because, saith he, your Music maketh every one rise. Seeing a young man doing something; which though it were ordinary, he conceived to be unseemly, he filled his bosom with beans, and in that manner walked through the people, to whom gazing upon him, I wonder, saith he, you look at one and not a● him. Hegesias desiring him to lend him some of his writings, you are a fool, saith he, Hegesias, who eat figs not painted but real; yet neglect true exercitation, and seek after the written. Seeing one that had won the Victory at the Olympic Exercises feeding sheep; you have made haste, saith he, good man, from the Olympic Exercises to the Nemaean, the word alluding to feeding of sheep. Being demanded how it cometh to pass that Wrestlers are for the most part stupid fellows, he answered, because they are made chiefly of the skins of Oxen and swine. To a Tyrant, demanding of him what brass was best, he answered that whereof, the Statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton were made. This others ascribe to Plato. Being asked how Dionysius useth his friends, as vessels, saith he, emptying the full, and throwing away the empty. A young man newly married, having written upon his house, the Son of Jupiter, Hercules, Callinicus dwelleth here let nothing ill enter, he added, Assistance after a defeat, implying it was too late, he being already married. He said Covetousness is the Metropolis of all evil. Seeing one, that had wasted all his means, eating Olives, if you had used to dine so, said he, you would not have supped so. He said, Good men are the Images of the Gods, love is the business of idle persons. Being asked what is the most miserable thing in life, he said, an old man in want. i Et. Stob. ser. 65 Being demanded, the bitings of what beasts were most dangerous, Of Wild Beasts, saith he, a Detractor, of Tame, a Flatterer. Beholding a picture of two Centaurs very ill painted, he said, which of these is Chiron; the jest consisteth in the Greek word, which signifieth worse, and was also the name of a Centaur, tutor to Achilles. He said, the discourse of flatterers is a rope of honey. He called the belly the Charybdis of life. Hearing that Didymo, an Adulterer, was taken; he deserves, saith he; to be put out of his name (meaning emasculated) k Stob. Ser. 55. Being asked why gold looks pale; because, saith he, many lie in wait for it. Seeing a woman carried in a Litter; that is not, saith he, a fit cage for such a Beast. Seeing a Servant that had run away from his Master, sitting upon the brink of a well: Young man, saith he, take heed you do not fall in: alluding to the punishment of fugitive servants. Seeing one that used to steal garments in the bath, he said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Do you come for unguents, or for another garment? Seeing some women hanged upon an Olive-tree; I would, saith he, all trees bore the same fruit. Seeing a thief that used to rob Tombs, he spoke to him in that verse of Homer, — What now of men the best, Comest thou to plunder the deceased? Seeing a handsome youth all alone asleep, he awaked him, saying in the words of Homer, Awake, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To one that feasted sumptuously, he said that verse of Homer. Son, thou hast but a little time to live. Plato discoursing concerning Ideas, and naming 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he should say, Tabletty and Cuppeity, he said, I see Plato, the table and the cup, but not the tableity and cuppeity. Plato answered, it is true indeed, you have eyes by which the table and cup are seen; but not an Intellect, by which tableity and cuppeity are seen. Being demanded what he thought Socrates; he answered, mad. Being demanded at what time a man should marry; a young man, saith he, not yet; an old man not at all. To one that asked, what he should give him to let him strike him, he answered, a Helmet. l Stob. Ser. 161 To a young man dressing himself neatly if this, saith he, be for the sake of men, you are unhappy; if for women, you are unjust. Seeing a young man blush; take courage, saith he, that is the colour of Virtue. Hearing two men plead against one another, he condemned both, saying, one had stolen, and the other had not lost. Being demanded what wine he thought most pleasant, he answered, that which is drunk at another's cost. To one that said, many deride thee; he answered, but I am not derided: as conceiving, saith m Vit. Fab. Max. Plutarch, those only to be derided, who are troubled at such things. To one who said, Life is an ill thing: Life, saith he, is not an ill thing, but an ill life is an ill thing▪ n Stob. Ser. 39 As he was dining upon Olives, they caused Tart to be set before him, which he threw away, saying, Stranger, when Kings approach, withdraw. The words of Laius' Officers to Oedipus. Being asked what kind of dog he was, he answered, When he was hungry, a Spaniel, when his belly was full, a Mastiff; one of those which many commend, but d●re not take abroad with them a hunting. Being demanded whether wise men might eat dainties; all things, saith he, as well as others. o Stob Ser. 77. Being demanded why men gave to Beggars; and not to Philosophers; because, saith he, they are afraid they may be lame or blind, but are not afraid they may be Philosophers. To one that reproached him as having counterfeited money; indeed, saith he, there was a time when I was such a one as you are; but the time will never come that you will be as I am. Coming to Mindus, and seeing the Gates very large, the City small; Mindinians, saith he, shut your Gates, left your City run out at them. Seeing a thief that was taken stealing purple, he applied that verse of Homer to him, The purple death, and potent fate have seized. To Craterus, who invited him to come to him, he returned answer, I had rather lick salt at Athens, then enjoy the greatest delicacies with Craterus. Meeting Anaximenes the Orator, who was very fat; Give us, saith he, some of your flesh, it will ease you, and help us. The same Anaximenes being in the midst of a discourse, Diogenes showing a piece of saltfish, diverted the attention of his Auditors; whereat Anaximenes growing angry, See, saith he, a hard pennyworth of saltfish hath broke off Anaximenes' discourse. Some ascribe this to him. Plato seeing him wash herbs, came and whispered thus to him, If you had followed Dionysius, you would not have needed to wash herbs; to whom he returned this answer in his ear, if you had washed herbs, you needed not to have followed Dionyfius. To one that said to him, many laugh at you and Asses perhaps at them, saith he; but they care not for Asses, nor I for them. Seeing a young man studying Philosophy: Well done, saith he, you will teach those, who love your outward beauty, to admire your soul. To one that admired the multitude of votive offerings in Samothracia, given by such as had escaped shipwreck: There would have been far more, saith he, if those who perished had presented theirs. Others ascribe this to Diagoras the Melian. To a young man going to a feast, he said, You will come back Chiron: (alluding to the word which implieth worse) the young man came to him the next day, saying, I went and returned not Chiron: No, saith he, not Chiron, but Eurylion. Returning from Lacedaemon to Athens, to one that asked him, from whence he came, and whither he went: From men, saith he, to women. Returning from the Olympic Games, to one that asked if there were much people there; Much people, saith he, but few men. He compared Prodigals to figtrees growing on a precipice, whose fruit men taste not, but crows and vultures devour. Phryne the Courtesan, having set up a golden Statue of Venus at Delphi, he wrote on it, From the iatemperance of the Grecians. Alexander coming to him, and saying, I am Alexander the great King: And I, saith he, am Diogenes the Dog. Being asked why he was called Dog: I fawn on those that give, saith he, I bark at those that will not give, and I bite the wicked. As he was gathering figs, the keeper of the Orchard spying him, told him, it is not long since a man was hanged upon that Tree: And for that reasou, saith he, I will cleanse it. p Ael. 12. 58. Observing Dioxippus the Olympic victor, to cast many glances upon a Courtesan: See, saith he, a common Woman leads the martial Ramm by the neck. To two infamous persons stealing away from him: Fear not, saith he, dogs eat not thistles. To one that asked him concerning a youth taken in adultery, whence he was; he answered, of Tegea, Tegea (a City of Arcadia) whereto he alluded, is a public Brothel. Seeing one, that in former times had been an ill Wrestler, profess Medicine; What is the matter, saith he, have you a design to cast those down that have thrown you? Seeing the Son of a common woman throw stones amongst a crowd: ●ake heed, saith he, you do not hit your Father. To a youth, showing him a sword, given him by one that loved him, he said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To some that extolled one who had bestowed something on him: But you do not praise me, saith he, who deserved to receive it. To one that redemanded an old Cloak of him, if you gave it me, saith he, I must keep it, if you lent it me, I must make use of it. To a suppositi tious person that said to him, you have gold in your Cloak, Yes, saith he, and for that reason I lay it q The jest consisteth in the allusion betwixt those two Greek words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under me when I go to sleep. Being demanded what he had gained by Philosophy, if nothing else saith he, at least this, to be preapred for all fortunes. Being demanded of what Country he was, he answered, a Citizen of the World. To one that sacrificed, praying he might have a child, you pray for a child, saith he, but never trouble yourself what kind of child it may prove. At an ordinary, being demanded money, he answered the Master in that verse of Homer, Ask others, but from Hector hold thy hand. r Et Stob. ser. He said the Mistresses of Kings were Queens; for the Kings did whatsoever they would have them. The Athenians having decreed to stile Alexander Bacchus, and make me, saith he, Serapts. To one reproaching him for living in filthy places, the Sun, saith he, visits Kennels, yet is not defiled. Being at supper in the Temple, they brought him course bread, he threw it away, saying, nothing but what is pure must come within a Temple. To one that said, why do you, who know nothing, profess Philosophy? he answered, though I should but pretend to study Philosophy, yet that were a profession thereof. To one that recommended his Son to him, saying, he was very ingenious, and exceeding well educated, he answered, why then doth he need me? Those who speak good things, but do them not, differ nothing from a Lute, for that neither hears nor hath sense. He went to the Theatre, as all the people were going out, being asked why he did so, This, saith he, is that I study all my life time. Seeing an effeminate young man, are you not ashamed, saith he, to use yourself worse than Nature hath done? she hath made you a man, but you will force yourself to be a woman. s Stob. ser. 104. Seeing an ignorant man tuning a Lute, are you not ashamed, saith he, to try to make a Lute sound harmoniously, and yet suffer your life to be so full of discord. To one that said he was unfit for Philosophy, why do you live, saith he, if you care not for living honestly. To one who despised his own Father, are you not ashamed, saith he, to despise him who is the cause you are so proud? Hearing a handsome youth speak foolishly, are you not ashamed, saith he, to draw a leaden dagger out of an ivory sheath. Being reproached for accepting a Cloak from Antipater, he answered in those words of Homer, The gifts of Gods must not be thrown away. One that hit him with a pole, and then bid him take heed, he struck with his staff, and said, and take you heed. To one that sued to a Courtesan, What mean you wretch saith he, to sue for that which is much better to miss. To one that smelled sweet of Unguents, take heed, saith he, this perfume make not your life stink. He said, Slaves serve their Masters, but wicked men their passions. Being demanded why slaves are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Footmen, because saith he, they have feet like men, but such minds, as you that ask the question. Seeing an unskilful Archer going to shoot, he sat down at the mark, lest, saith he, he should hit me. He said lovers are unhappy in pleasure. Being demanded whether death be ill, how, saith he, can that be ill, whereof when it cometh we have no sense. Alexander coming to him, and saying, do you not fear me? what saith he, are you good or ill, he answered good: who, replies Diogenes, fears that which is good? He said, Learning is a regulation to young men, a comfort to old men, wealth to poor men, and an Ornament to rich men. To Didymo an Adulterer curing a maid's eye, take heed, saith he, least in curing the eye, you hurt not the ball, [the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying both the eyeball and Virginity.] To one that said his friends lay in wait for him, what then is to be done, saith he, if friends and enemies must be used alike. Being demanded what is best amongst men, he answered, freedom of speech. Coming into a school, and seeing there many statues of the Muses, but few Auditors, by the help of the Gods, Master, saith he, you have many Auditors. To one that asked him how he might order himself best, t St●b. Eth. ser. 1. by reprehending, saith he, those things in yourself which you blame in others. He gave good counsel to a person very dissolute, Ser. being demanded what he was doing, he answered, washing an Aethiop. He went backwards into the School of the Stoics, Ser. 3●●. whereat some laughing, are you not ashamed, saith he, to do that in the whole course of your life, for which you deride me in walking. He said, Ibid. men provide for their living, but not for their well living. He said, Ser. 37, § 84. it was a shame to see Wrestlers and Singing-Masters observe temperate diet, and moderate their pleasures, one for exercise, the other for his voice, and yet no man would do so much for virtue's sake. He said, Ser. 45. Pride, like a shepherd, driveth men whither it pleaseth. Seeing the high walls of Megara, Ser. 48. he said, Unhappy people, mind not the height of your walls, but the height of their courages who are to stand on the walls. He compared covetous men to such as have the dropsy, Ser. 53. those are full of money, yet desire more; these of water, yet thirst after more: Passions grow more intense by enjoyment of what they desire. Seeing a man make love to old rich widows: Ser. 53. This love, saith he, is not blind, but toothless. Being demanded what beasts were the worst: Ser. 54. in the field, saith he, Bears and Lions, in the City, Usurers and Sycophants. He compared flattery to an empty tomb, Ser. 64. on which Friendship was inscribed. Blaming Antisthenes for being too remiss in discourse, Ser. 66. in regard that when he spoke loudest he could hardly be heard, and calling himself the Trumpet of reproof: Antisthenes replied, he was like a Bee, that makes no great noise, yet stings sharply. He said, Ibid. reproof is the good of others. A certain Athenian ask him why he lived not with the Lacedæmonians, Ibid. whom he praised so much: Physicians, saith he, though they study health, converse with the sick. He said, Ibid. other dogs bark at their enemies, I, my friends, that I may preserve them. He asked Plato if he were writing Laws: Ibid. Plato affirmed he was. Did you not write a Commonwealth before, said Diogenes? I did, answers Plato. And had not that Commonwealth Laws▪ saith he? The other answering it had: To what end, replied Diogenes, do you write new Laws? He said, Ser. 6●. To give Physic to a dead body, or advise an old man, is the same thing? To a bald man that reviled him, Ser. 71. I will not return your reproaches, saith he, yet cannot but commend your hair, for leaving so bad a head. To an Informer that fell out with him; I am glad, Ibid. saith he, of the enmity betwixt us, for you hurt not your foes, but your friends. To one that reviled him; Ser. 72. No man, saith he, will believe you when you speak ill of me, no more than they would me, if I should speak well of you. Alexander sent him a dish full of bones, Ser. 71. with this message, It was meat for dogs; he answered, Yea, but not sit for a King to send. He said, Ibid. it was the same fault to give to them that deserved nothing, as not to give to them that do. He said, Ser. 87. As houses, where there is plenty of meat, are full of mice, so the bodies of such as eat much are full of diseases. At a Feast, Ser. 88 one giving him a great cup full of wine, he threw it away; for which being blamed, If I had drunk it, saith he, not only the wine would have been lost, but I also. Being demanded what was hardest, Ser. 105. he answered, To know ourselves, for we construe most things according to our own partiality. He said, Ser. 117. Medea was a wise woman, not a Witch, who by labour and exercise corroborated the bodies of effeminate persons, whence arose the fable, that she could renew age. To one that professed himself a Philosopher, Ser. 126. but argued litigiously, he said, Why do you spoil the best part of Philosophy, yet would be thought a Philosopher? Questioning one of those young men that followed him, Ser. 133. he was silent; whereupon Diogenes, Do you not think, saith he, it bebelongs to the same man to know when to speak, and when to hold his peace? Being demanded how a man should live under the authority of superiors; Ser. 149. & 153. as we do by fire, saith he, not too near, lest it burn, not too far off, lest we freeze. Seeing some women talking privately together: Ser. 183. Behold, saith he, the Asp borrows poison from the Viper. Being demanded what was the heaviest burden the earth bears, Ser. 210. he answered, an ignorant man. An ginger in the Forum discoursing to the people, Ser. 211. and showing them in a tablet the erratic Stars: No, saith Diogenes, it is not the Stars that err, but these, pointing to the people. Being demanded what men are the most noble: Ser. 216. They, saith he, who contemn wealth, glory, and pleasure, and overmaster the contraries to these, poverty, ignominy, pain, death. Seeing the servants of Anaximenes carrying many goods, Ser. 230. he demanded to whom they belonged; they answered, to Anaximenes. Is he not ashamed, replied Diogenes, to have so much household stuff, and yet not be master of himself. He said, Ser. 233. Virtue dwelleth neither in a rich City, nor a private House. He said, Ser. 235. Poverty is a selfe-taught help to Philosophy, for what Philosophy endeavours to persuade by words, poverty enforceth in practice. To a wicked man reproaching him for his poverty; Ibid. I never knew, saith he, any man punished for poverty, but many for wickedness. He called Poverty a selfe-instructing virtue. Ibid. To one that reproached him with poverty: Ser. 23●. What mean you, saith he; poverty never made a Tyrant, riches many. Alexander seeing him asleep in his Tub, Ser. 148. said, O Tubb full of wisdom: The Philosopher rising up, answered, Great King, One drop of Fortune's better far Then Tubbs replete with wisdom are. To whom a slander by replied, One drop of Wisdom Fortune's Seas excels; In unwise soul's misfortune ever dwells. Seeing an old woman painted, Ser. 270. if this he for the living, you are deceived, saith he, if for the dead, make haste to them. To one bewailing his own misfortune, Ser. 271. as that he should not die in his own Country, be of comfort, saith he▪ the way to the next World is alike in every place. Having a great pain in his shoulder which troubled him much, Ael. var. hist. 10, 11. one said to him in derision, why dost thou not die Diogenes, and free thyself from this misery, he answered, it is sit they should live who know how to order their life, for you who know not what to do or say, it is a convenient time to die. He used to say, Plut. de ●xul. Aristotle dineth when Philip pleaseth, but Diogenes when it pleaseth Diogenes. At Cori●th, Plut. quom. her. Resp. seeing Dionysius the younger, who was deposed from the Kingdom of Sicily, This is a life, saith he, you deserve not, you merit rather not to live here freely and without fear, but at home in perpetual imprisonment. To some who commended Plato, Pl. de virt. Moral. he said, what hath he done worthy commendation, having professed Philosophy so long, yet never moved any to grief. To one demanding how he might take the greatest revenge upon his Enemy, Pl. de and. Poet. he answered, by being good and virtuous yourself. In commending his Master Antisthenes, Macrob. Sat. 7. 3. he would say of him, of rich he made me poor, and instead of a fair house, made me live in a Tub. CHAP. VI His Writings. OF the Writings ascribed to him are these, Dialogues. Ichthyas The Geay. The Leopard. The Athenian people. Policy. Ethick art. Of Riches. Erotick. Theodorus. Hypsias. Aristarchus Of Death. Epistles. Tragedies 7. Helena. Thyestes. Hercules. Achilles. Medea. Chrysippus. OEdipus. Sosicrates and Satyrus affirm that none of these were written by Diogenes; the Tragedies Satyrus ascribes to Philischus of Aegina. Sotion affirmeth these only to have been written by Diogenes. Of Virtue. Of Good. Erotick. The poor. The Tolerant. The Leopard, Cassander. Cephalio. Philiscus. Aristarchus. Sisyphus. Ganymede. Chria's, & Epistles. CHAP. VII. His Death. HE died, as Demetrius saith, at Corinth about 90. years old, the same day that Alexander died at Babylon, Laert. which according to Aelian was the seventh of Thargelion in the first year of 114 t● Olympiad. The manner of his death is variously related. Eubulus saith, he lived to his end with Xeniades, and was buried by his Sons. As he lay sick, Xeniades asked him how he would be buried, he answered, with his face downwards; Xeniades demanding the reason, because, saith he, all things will be turned upsidedown, alluding, saith Laertius, to the greatness of the Macedonians, who not long before were a poor inconsiderable people. Some report that being near death, he gave order that his body should be left unburied, that the wild Beasts might partake of him, or be thrown into a ditch, and a little dust be cast over it, or thrown upon a dunghill, that he might benefit his Brethren. Aelian ar. hist. 8. 14. saith, that being sick to death, he threw himself down from a bridge which was near the Gymnasium, and ordered the Keeper of the Palaestra to take his body and throw it into the River Ilissus. Others affirm he died of a surfeit of raw flesh, others that he stopped his own breath, others, that cutting a Cuttlefish, in pieces to throw it to dogs, it bit asunder a Nerve in his foot, whereof he died. Others affirm he died as he was going to the Olympic Games: being taken with a Fever, he lay down by the way, and would not suffer his friends to carry him, but sitting under the shade of the next tree, spoke thus to them; This night I shall be a Victor or vanquished, if I overcome the Fever, I will come to the Games, if not, I must go to the other World, and drive it away by death. Antisthenes' saith, his Friends were of opinion he stopped his own breath, for coming as they constantly used to visit him in the Cranaeum where he lived, they found him covered; they did not imagine it was sleep, by reason of his great wakefulness; but immediately putting back his Cloak perceived he was dead. Hereupon there arose a contention amongst them who should bury him; they fell from words to blows, but the Magistrates and great ones of the City came themselves and buried him, by the gate which leads to Isthmus. Over the Sepulchre they placed a Column, and upon it a Dog cut out of Parian stone. Afterwards his own Countrymen honoured him with many brazen Statues, bearing this Inscription; Time doth the strongest Brass decay Diogenes, thou ne'er canst die, Who to content the ready way To following Ages didst descry. Laertius reckons five of this name, the first of Apollonia, a natural Philosopher. The second a Sicionian. The third this. The fourth a Stoic of Seleucia. The fifth of Tarsis. MONIMUS. a Laert. MOnimus was a Syracusian, Disciple to Diogenes, he was first servant to a Mony-changer, to whom Xeniades who bought Diogenes, often coming, he was so taken with the worth and Virtue of the person, that he counterfeited himself mad, and threw all the money from off the Table, whereupon his Master turning him away, he betook himself to Diogenes. He followed likewise Crates the Cynic, and others of that Sect, which confirmed his Master in the opinion that he was mad. He was a person eloquent and learned, mentioned by Menander in his Hippocomus, of so great constancy, that he contemned all glory for virtue's sake. He wrote some things, which at first appearance seemed Ludicrous, but contained deep serious sense; as of Appetites, two Books, and a Protreptick. ONESICRITUS. a Laert. Onesicritus was of Aegina, or according to Demetrius an Astypalaean; he had two Sons. He sent the younger named Androsthenes to Athens, who hearing Diogenes would not depart thence. Hereupon he sent the elder, named Philiscus, who stayed there likewise for the same reason. Lastly, the Father himself went, and was so much taken with Diogenes, that he became a sedulous Auditor of him, as his two sons were. He was esteemed amongst the most eminent Disciples of Diogenes; Laertius compares him with Xenophon; one fought under Cyrus, the other under Alexander: One wrote the institution of Cyrus, the other, the praise of Alexander: Their styles also were very like. CRATES. Crates was a Theban, Laert. Son of Ascandas: He was likewise reckoned amongst the most eminent of Diogenes' Disciples; yet Hippobotus saith, he was not a Disciple of Diogenes, but of Bryso the Achaean. He flourished about the 113th Olympiad. Antisthenes', in his successions, saith, that being at a Tragedy where Telephus was represented, carrying a Basket in a sordid condition, he betook himself to the Cynical Philosophy, and selling all his estate, (for he was very rich, having gotten together above two hundred talents) he distributed it amongst the Citizens, and was so constant a Professor of this Philosophy, that Philemon, the Comic Poet, taketh notice thereof in these words, By him in Summer a thick Coat was worn, In Wintertime (so temperate) a torn. Diocles saith, Diogenes persuaded him to part with his estate, and to throw all the money he had left into the Sea: and that the house of Crates was from Alexander, that of Hipparchia his Wife, from Philip. Some of his near friends that came to him to dissuade him from this course of life, he beat away, for he was of a resolute spirit. Demetrius the Magnesian saith, he deposited some money in the hands of a Banker, with this condition, that if his sons betook themselves to any Civil employment, it should be repaid again; but, if to Philosophy, it should be distributed amongst the people, for as much as a Philosopher stands in need of nothing. Eratosthenes relates, that having a son named Pasicles, by his Wife Hipparchia, assoon as he arrived at man's estate, he brought him to the house of a young maid that was his slave, saying, This is a hereditary matrimony to you: but those who commit adultery, are, according to the Tragedians punished with banishment or death; Those who keep Concubines were, according to the Comedians, by luxury and drunkenness, transported to madness. Pasicles, the Disciple to Euclid, was his brother. He said, 'tis not possible to find a man without a fault, for, in every Pomegranate there is at least one grain corrupt. Having displeased Nicodromus a Lutinist, he beat him black and blue; whereupon he pasted a piece of paper on his forehead, wherein was written, Nicodromus did this. He was exceedingly invective against common women. He reproved Demetreus Phalerius for sending bread and wine to him, saying, I wish the fountains also produced bread; intimating that he lived with water. The Athenian Magistrates blamed him for wearing a long robe; I will show you Theophrastus, saith he, in the same attire; which they not believing, he brought them to a Barber's shop, where he was sitting to be trimmed. At Thebes, being beaten by the Master of the Gymnasium; or, as others, at Corinth by Euthicrates, he laughed, saying, He by the foot him drew, And o'er the threshold threw. Zeno in his Chrias saith, he sowed a sheep-skinn upon his cloak, to appear the more deformed. He was of a very unhandsome look, and whilst he discoursed, laughed. He used to lift up his hands and say, Be of good courage, Grecians, both for the eyes and all other parts, for you shall soon see these deriders surprised by sickness, and proclaiming you happy, blame their own slothfulness. He said, we ought so long to study Philosophy, until the leaders of the Army seem to be Horse-drivers. He said, they who lived with flatterers were forsaken persons, living like sheep amidst wolves, not with those who wished them well. Perceiving he drew nigh to death, he looked upon himself, saying, — And dost thou go, old friend, To the next world, thou whom old age doth bend. For he was crooked through age. To Alexander, ask whether he would that his Country should be restored or not: To what end, saith he, seeing there will come perhaps another Alexander, and depopulate it. He said, contempt of glory and want were his Country, which were not subject to Fortune; and that he was Countryman to Diogenes, not fearing any body. Coming into the Forum, Sub. Ser. 37. where he beheld some buying, others selling: These, saith he, think themselves happy in employments contrary to one another; but I think myself happy, in having nothing to do either way. To a young man, Ser. 6●. followed by a great many Parasites: Young man, saith he, I am sorry to see you so much alone. He said, Ser. 77. we ought not to accept gifts from all men, for virtue ought not to be maintained by vice. Seeing at Delphi a golden Image of Phryne the Courtesan, Ser. 87. he cried out, This is a Trophy of the Grecian intemperance. Seeing a young man highly fed and fat: Unhappy youth, saith he, Ibid. do not ●ortifie your prison. He said, Ser. 237. He gained glory, not by his riches, but his poverty. To one, Ibid. demanding what he should get by Philosophy: You will learn, saith he, to open your purse easily, and to give readily, not as you do now, turaing away, delaying and trembling, as if you had the palsy. He said, Ibid. Men know not how much a Wallet, a measure of Lupins, and security of mind is worth. The Epistles of Crates are extant, wherein, saith Laertius, he writes excellent Philosophy, in style resembling Plato. He wrote Tragedies likewise, full of deep Philosophy. He died old, and was buried in Boeotia. METROCLES. a Laert. METROCLES was Disciple of Crates, Brother to Hipparchia. He first heard Theophrastus the Peripatetic, etc. afterwards applied himself to Crates, and became an eminent Philosopher. He burned, as Hecaton saith, his writings, saying, These are the dreams of wild fantastic youth. He burned likewise the dictates of his Master Theophrastus. Vulcan come hither, Venus needs thy aid. He said, Of things, some are purchased by money, as Houses; some by time and diligence, as Learning: Riches is hurtful, if not rightly applied. He died old: he strangled himself. Of his Disciples are remembered Theombrotus and Cloemenes. Demetrius of Alexandria was Auditor of Theombrotus: Timarchus of Alexandria, and Echicles of Ephesus were Disciples of Cleomenes. Echicles heard also Theombrotus, from whom came Menedemus; of whom hereafter. Amongst these was also Menippus, of Sinopis. HIPPARCHIA. HIpparchia was likewise taken with the Discourses of those Cynics, she was Sister to Metrocles; they were both Maronites. She fell in love with Crates, as well for his discourse as manner of life, from which none of her Suitors by their Wealth, Nobility or Beauty, could divert her, but that she would bestow herself upon Crates, threatening her Parents, if they would not suffer her to marry him, she would kill herself. Hereupon her Parents went to Crates, desiring him to dissuade her from this resolution which he endeavoured but not prevailing went away, and brought all the little furniture of his house and showed her, this saith he, is your husband, that the furniture of your house, consider upon it, for you cannot be mine unless you follow the same course of life. She immediately took him, and went up and down with him, and in public, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and went along with him to Feasts. At a Feast of Lysimachus she met Theodorus the Atheist, with whom she argued thus; If that, which if Theodorus do be not unjustly done, neither is it unjustly done if Hipparchia do the same; But Theodorus if he strike himself doth not unjustly; therefore Hipparchia doth not unjustly if she strike Theodorus; Theodorus answered nothing, only plucked her by the Coat, which she wore not like a woman, but after the manner of the Cynics, whereat Hipparchia was nothing moved, whereupon he said, Her Web and Loom She left at home. I did saith she, Theodorus, and I think have not erred in choosing to bestow that time which I should have spent in weaving on Philosophy. Much more saith Laertius is ascribed to her. MENIPPUS. Menippus' was a Cynic, a Phoenician by birth, Servant by condition, as Achaicus affirms. Diocles saith, his Father was of Pontus called Bato. Menippus for acquisition of riches wentto Thebes and was made free of that City. He wrote nothing serious, all his books being full of mirth, not unlike the writings of Meleager. Hermippus saith, he was named Hemerodanista, the daily Usurer, for he put out money to Merchants upon Interest, and took pawns; at last being cheated of all his goods, he hanged himself. Some say the Books that are ascribed to him were writ by Dionysius and Zopyrus, Colophonians, which being ludicrous, they gave to him as a person disposed that way; they are reckoned, thirteen. Naenia's. Testaments. Epistles, in the persons of the Gods. Two natural Philosophers, Mathematicians & Grammarians. Of Epicure. Laertius reckons six of this name; the first wrote the Lydian story, and epitomised Xanthus. The second this. The third a Sophist, of Caria. The fourth a Graver. The fifth and sixth Painters, both mentioned by Apollodorus. MENEDEMUS. MEnedemus was Disciple of Colotes, of Lampsacum; he proceeded as Hippobotus relates, to so great extravagance that he went up and down in the habit of the Furies, declaring he was come from the World below to take notice of such as offended, and that he was to return thither to give an account of them. He went thus attired, a dark Gown to his heels, girt with a purple girdle, upon his head an Arcadian hat, on which were woven the twelve signs, tragic buskins, a long beard, in his hand an ashen staff. Hithertherto of the Cynics. FINIS. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. The Eighth Part, Containing the Stoic Philosophers. LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Tho: Dring. An. Dom. 1656. ZENON▪ ●● ZENO. CHAP. I His Country, Parents, and first Studies. THE Sect of Stoics had its original from the Cynics, Zeno was the Author thereof, who having first been a Scholar of Crates, and afterwards a hearer of other Philosophers, at last instituted this new Sect. a Laert. He was born at Cittium, a Greek Sea-Town in the Isle of Cyprus, b Strab. lib. with a locked Haven, inhabited by Phoenicians, c Suid. whence he sometimes was termed the Phoenician. His Father was called Mnaseas, by some Demeas, a Merchant, whence was objected to Zeno, the obscurity of his Birth and Country, as being d Cic. de fin. a stranger; and of mean Parentage, whereof he was so far from being ashamed, that e P lut. de rep. Stoic. he refused to be made a Citizen of Athens, as conceiving it an undervaluing of his own Country; in so much as f Laert. when he contributed to a Bath in Athens, and his name was inscribed upon a Pillar with the Title of Philosopher, he desired they would add a Cittiean. g Laert. Zeno (as Hecaton and Apollonius Tyrius relate,) enquiring of the Oracle what course he should take to lead the best kind of life, was answered, that he should converse with the dead, whereupon he addicted himself to the reading of ancient Authors. h Laert. Herein he was not a little furthered by his Father, who, as Demetrius saith, trading frequently to Athens, brought him as yet but very young, many Socratical Books, which excited in him a great affection to learning. i Laert. Being now 17. (or as Persaeus 22) years old, he took a voyage to Athens, carried thither as well by his particular inclination to Philosophy, as by his business, which was to fallen some Purple that he had brought out of Phoenicia. He took along with him a hundred Talents, and having sold his Merchandise, applied himself to Philosophy, yet continued to lend his money out to Merchants upon interest, so to improve his stock. Some affirm his Ship was cast away in the Piraeum, which news being brought him to Athens, he seemed nothing at all moved, but only said, Thou dost well Fortune; k Plut. de util. cap. ex inimic. to drive me into a Gown, or as Seneca, Fortune commands me to study Philosophy more earnestly. l Laer. Others say, that being troubled at the loss of his Ship, he went up to the City of Athens, and sitting in a Booksellers shop, read a piece of Xenophon's Commentaries, where with being much pleased, he asked the Bookseller where, such men lived, Crates by chance passing by, the Bookseller pointed to him, saying, follow that man; which he did, and from that time forward, became a Disciple of Crates. CHAP. II. Of his Masters. ZEno thus changing the course of his life, applied himself to Crates, a Laert. being apt to Philosophy, but more modest then suited with the Cynical Sect. Which Crates to remedy, gave him a pot full of pottage to carry through the Ceramick, and perceiving him to hide it, as ashamed, with his Coat, he struck the pot with his stick and broke it. Zeno running away, all wet, what, said he, are you running away little Phoenician, no body hurt you? He made a little hollow cover of a pot, in which he carried the money of his Master Crates, that it might be in readiness when he went to buy meat. Thus he lived a while with Crates, during which time he writ his Book of the Commonwealth, whence some jesting, said, it was written under the Dog's tail. At last deserting, Crates he applied himself to b Laert. Stilpo the Megaric Philosopher. Apollonius Tyrius saith, that taking hold of his Cloak to pluck him away from Stilpo, he said, O Crates, the handles by which the Philosophers are to be taken hold of, are their ears; Led me by those your way, or else though you constrain my body to be with you, my mind will be with Stilpo. With Stilpo he remained ten years. From Stilpo he went to Xenocrates, being so well satisfied with the instruction of these two Masters, that he said, he made a very good voyage when he was shipwrecked, though others apply it to his living with Crates. c Laert. He afterwards applied himself to Diodorus Cronus, as Hippo●otus avers, under whom he studied Dialectic, to which Science he was so much addicted, that d Laert. when a certain Philosopher of that Sect had informed him of seven species of Dialectic, in that sallacy which is called the Mower, he asked him what he was to give him for his reward, the Philosopher demanded a hundred pieces of Silver, Zeno (so much was he affected to Learning) gave him two hundred. e Laert. Suid. Lastly, notwithstanding, that he had made a great progress in Philosophy, he heard Polemon, whose Doctrine was against Pride; whereupon Polemon told him, Zeno, I am not ignorant, that you lie in ambush, and come slily into my Garden (as the Phoenicians use) to steal away Learning. CHAP. III. His School and institution of a Sect. HAving been long a hearer of others, he at last thought fit to communicate the Learning which he had received and improved. To this Laert. end he made choice of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the painted walk, so named from the pictures of Polygnotus, otherwise called Pisianactia. Here he constantly walked and discoursed, resolving to settle there, and make the place as full of tranquillity as it had been before of trouble: For, in the time of the thirty Tyrants, near 1400 Citizens were there put to death. Hither resorted a great many Disciples to him, who were at first called Zenonians, as Epicure affirmeth, from their Master; afterwards from the place where he taught, Stoics, as Eratosthenes in his eight Book of ancient Comedy; adding, that not long before, some Poets that lived there were called Stoics also, upon which occasion the name was very well known. He was subtle in disquisition and dispute. He disputed earnestly with Philo the Dialectic, and exercised himself together with him: so that Zeno the younger admired him no less, than his Master Diodorus. He first seemeth (saith Laertius) to have set a bound to the looseness and extravagance of propositions: But, of this more, when we come to speak of his Philosophy, which by reason of its largeness, we remit to the end of his life. CHAP. IU. What honours were conferred upon him. ZENO by the Philosophy which he taught, and the practice of his life conformable to that doctrine, gained so high an estimation amongst the Athenians, that a Laert. they deposited the keys of the City in his hands, as the only person fit to be entrusted with their liberties. His name was likewise much honoured by his own Countrymen, as well those at Cyprus, as those who lived at Sidon. Amongst those who honoured and favoured Zeno, was Antigonus Gonotus King of Macedonia, a Prince no less eminent for his Virtue then his Greatness, much esteemed him, and, as often as he went to Athens, heard him. He sent many times to invite him to come to him, amongst the rest, one Letter to this effect, alleged by Apollonius Tyrius. King Antigonus to Zeno the Philosopher, health. I Think that I exceed you in Fortune and Glory; but, in Learning and Discipline, and that perfect felicity which you have attained, I am exceeded by you: Wherefore I thought it expedient to write to you, that you will come to me, assuring myself you will not deny it. Use all means therefore to come to us, and know, you are not to instruct me only, but all the Macedonians. For, he who teacheth the King of Macedonia, and guideth him to Virtue, it is evident, that he doth likewise instruct all his Subjects in Virtue. For such as is the Prince, such for the most part are those who live under his Government. Zeno answered thus: To King Antigonus Zeno, health. I Much esteem your earnest desire of Learning, in that you aim at Philosophy, not popular, which perverteth manners, but that true discipline which conferreth profit, avoiding that generally commended pleasure which effeminates the souls of some young men. It is manifest, that you are inclined to Generosity, not only by nature, but by choice. A generous nature, with indifferent exercise, assisted by a Master, may easily attain to perfect Virtue. But, I am very infirm of body by reason of my age, for I am fourscore years old, and therefore not able to come to you. Yet, I will send you some of my condisciples, who, in those things that concern the Soul, are nothing inferior to me; in those of the Body are much superior to me, of whom, if you make use, you will want nothing conducing to perfect Beatitude. Thus Zeno absolutely refused to go to Antigonus, but sent him his Disciple Persaeus son of Demetrius, a Cittiean (who flourished in the 130th Olympiad, Zeno being then very old) and Philonides a Theban, both mentioned by Epicurus in his Epistle to Aristobulus, as having been with Antigonus. CHAP. V. His Apothegms. OF his Apothegms are remembered these: Of a man very finely dressed, stepping lightly over a Kennel; He doth not care for the dirt, Laert. saith he, because he cannot see his face in it. A certain Cynic came to him to borrow Oil, saying, he had none left: Zeno denied him, and as he was going away; Now, saith he, consider, which of us two are the more impudent. Cremonides, Laert. whom he much affected, and Cleanthes sitting down beside him, he arose; whereat Cleanthes wondering, I have heard good Physicians say, saith he, that the best remedy for tumours is rest. Two sitting by him at a Feast, he that was next him hit the other with his foot: Zeno hit him that was next him with his knee, and turning him to him, What then think you, saith he, that you have done to him that sits below you. To one that loved the company of boys, Neither have those Masters, saith he, any wit, who converse●l●ies with the boys, nor the boys themselves. He said that elegant speeches were like Alexandrian silver, fair to the eye, and figured like money, but not a whit of the more value. Speeches which are otherwise, he likened to Attic Tetradrachmes, which had a rough stamp, but, were of greater value. Aristo his Disciple discoursing many things foolishly, some petulantly, others confidently, It cannot be, saith he, but your Father was drunk when you were begot: whereupon himself being very concise of speech, he called him the ●alker. To a great eater, Laert. Athen. deipn. who left nothing for those that eat with him, he caused a great fish to be set before him, and immediately to be taken away; the other looking upon him, What, said he, do you think your companions suffer every day, seeing that you cannot suffer my greediness once? A young man, Laert. who questioned something more curiously then suited with his age, he brought to a Glass, and bade him look in it, and then asked him, whether he thought that question agreed with that face. To one that said, he disliked many things of Antisthenes' writing, he brought his Chria of Sophocles, and asked him, if there were any thing therein excellent: The other answered, he knew not: Are you not ashamed then (replied Zeno) if Antisthe●es have said any thing ill, you select and remember that: but if any thing excellent, you are so far from remembering, as not to minile it? To one that said, the speeches of Philosophers were short You say very true, saith he, so should their very syllables be, as much as is possible. One saying of Polemon, that he proposed some things, and said others: He frowning, said, What rate do you set upon things that are given? He said, that a Disputant should have the voice and lungs of a Comedian, but not the loudness. To those that speak well, he said, we should allow a place to hear, as to skilful Artificers to see; on the other side, the hearer must so attend to what is spoken, that he take no time to censure. To a young man that spoke much; your ears, saith he, are fallen into your tongue. To a handsome youth who said, that he thought that in his opinion, a wise man ought not to love: Nothing, saith he, will be more unhappy to you that are handsome. He said, that most Philosophers are in many things fools, in trivial and vulgar things ingnorant. He pronounced that of Capecia, who when one of his Disciples began to grow high, beating him, he said, Right is not placed in great, but great in right. To a young man discoursing with much confidence; Young man, saith he, I should be loath to tell you my thoughts. A youth of Rhodes handsome and rich, but refractory to him, not enduring, he bade him first fit in a dirty seat, that he might dirt his Gown, next placed him amongst the beggars, that he might converse with them and their rags, until at last the young man went away. He said, that nothing is more unseemly than pride, especially in young men. He said, that we must not only commit to memory speeches and words, as those who make ready some dish of meat, but apply it, and make use of it in our minds. He said, that young men must use all modesty in their walking, in their behaviour, and in their garments; often repeating those verses of Euripides concerning Capaneus, He was not puft up with his store, Nor thought himself above the poor. He said, nothing was more alienate from the comprehension of Sciences than Poetry: and, that we need nothing more than Time. Being asked who is a friend, he answered, My other self. Having taken his servant in a theft, he beat him; the fellow said, it was his destiny to steal, and to be beaten, said he. He said, that Beauty is the sweetness of the voice; or, according to some, he called it, the flower of Beauty. Seeing the servant of one of his companions black and blue with stripes; I see, saith he, the fruits of your anger. To one that smelled sweet of ointments; Who is it, saith he, that smells so esseminately. To Dionysius surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the retractor, who asked him, why he corrected all but himself; because, saith he, I do not believe you. To a young man who spoke too freely, for this reason, saith he, we have two ears and but one tongue, that we should hear much and speak little. He was invited to a Feast with other Philosophers by the Ambassadors of Antigonus (according to Laertius of Ptolemy) and whilst of the rest every one amidst their cups made ostentation of their Learning, Laert. Stob. serm. 126. he alone sat silent, whereupon the Ambassadors ask him what they should say of him to Antigonus; That which you see, saith he, for of all things, it is hardest to contain speech. Being demanded how he behaved himself when reviled, he said, as an Ambassador dismissed without answer. He changed the Verses of Hesiod, thus; Who good advice obeys, of men is best, Next, he who ponders all in his own breast. For that man (saith he) is better who can obey good advice, and make good use thereof, than he who finds out all things of himself; for the latter hath only understanding, but the other practice also. Being demanded how it came to pass that being very austere, Laer. Athen. Deipn. he notwithstanding was very cheerful, and merry at a Feast, he answered, Lupins, ●hough in themselves bitter, being sleeped, grow sweet. He said it was better to slip with the foot then with the tongue. He said, that to do well is no small matter, to begin well depended on a small moment. This some ascribe to Socrates. One of the young men in the Academy speaking of foolish studies, Stob. ser. 33. If you do not dip your tongue in your mind, saith Zeno, you will speak many other foolish things. He accused many, Stob. ser. 38. saying, when they might take pleasure in labour, they would rather go to the Cook's shop for it. He said, Stob. ser. 39 citing Mulonius. Stob. ser. 52. that we should no affect delicacy of diet, not even in sickness. Being demanded by one of his friends, what course he should take to do no wrong, Imagine, replied he, that I am always with you. Being demanded whether a man that doth wrong, Stob. ser. 52. may conceal it from God, no, saith he, nor he who thinketh it. To some that excused their prodigality, Stob. ser. 7. 74. saying, that they had plenty, out of which they did it; will you excuse a Cook, saith he, that should oversalt his meat because he hath store of salt. He said that of his Disciples, some were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stob. ser. 133. lovers of Knowledge, others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lovers of speaking. He compared the Arts of Dialectic to just measures filled, not with Wheat or any thing of value, Stob. ser. 212. but with chaff and straw. He said, Stob. ser. 217. we ought not to inquire, whether men belonged to great Cities, but whether they deserved a great City. Seeing a friend of his too much taken up with the business of his Land, Stob. ser. 222. unless you lose your Land, saith he, it will lose you. He said, Stob. ser. 297. a man must live not only to eat and drink, but to use this life for the obtaining of a happy life. Antigonus being full of wine, Aelian, var. hist. 9 26. went to visit him, and kissing and embracing him as a drunken man, bade him demand, whatsoever he would, swearing that he would give it him; Zeno answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at once reproving his vice, and taking care of his health. Stretching out the fingers of his right hand, he said, such is fantasy, then contracting them a little, Cic. Acad. quast. 4. such is assent; then closing them quite, and shutting his fist, such is comprehension; then putting to it his left hand and shutting it close and hard, such (saith he) is science, of which none is capable but a wise man. CHAP. VI His Death. ZEno having continued according to a Laert. Apollonius Master of his School fifty eight years, and attained to the ninety eighth of his age, by the computation of Laertius and b De long●v. the numerical l●tter in Suid●s is corrupt. Lucian (for that he lived but seventy two years, as some affirm upon the testimony of c Laert. Persaeus, seems to be a mistake, seeing that his Letter to Antigonus was written in his 80●● year) d Laert. in all which time he was never molested by any sickness, died upon this occasion. Going out of the School, he fell and broke his finger, whereupon striking the Ground with his hand, he said, as Nio●e in the Tragedy, I come, why do you call me? or as others, why do you drive me? and going out, e Laert. some say, he immediately strangled himself; f Suid. others, that by little and little he famished himself. g Laert. When the news of his death came to Antig●nus, he broke forth into these words, What a spectacle have I lost! and being demanded why he so much admired him, because, said he, though I best owed many great things upon him, he was never therewith exalted nor dejected. He sent immediately Thraso on Embassy to the Athenians, requesting, that they would build him a Tomb in the Ceramick, which the Athenians performed, honouring him with this Decree. A DECREE. ARrhenides being Archon, the Tribe of Acamantis having the first place in the Phrytanae●●m, the tenth day of Maimacterion, the three and twentieth of the sitting of the Phrytanaeum, the Congregation of Precedents decreed thus, Hippo Son of Cratistoteles a Xympetean, and the rest of the Precedents, Thraso Son of Thraso, an Anacaean; declared; Whereas Zeno Son of Mnaseas a Cittiean, hath professed Philosophy many years in this City, and in all other things performed the office of a good man, encouraging those young men, who applied themselves to him, to Virtue and Temperance, leading himself a life suitable to the Doctrine which he professed, a Pattern to the best to imitate; The People have thought fit (good Fortune go along with it) to do honour to Zeno Son of Mnaseas the Cittiean, and to crown him with a Crown of Gold according to the Law, in reward of his Virtue and Temperance, and to build a Tomb for him publicly in the Ceramick. For, the making of which Crown, and building of the Tomb, the People shall make choice of five men of the Athenians to take charge thereof. This Decree the Scribe of the People shall write upon two Pillars, one whereof shall be placed in the Academy, the other in the Lyceum. The charge of the Pillars, he who is Overseer of the Public works shall undertake to defray, by way of rate, that all may know, the Athenian People honour good men both alive and dead. To take care of the building are appointed, Thraso an Anacaean, Philocles, a Pyrean, Phaedrus, an Anaphistian, Medon, an Acarnean, Micythus a Sympalletean. The Athenians caused likewise his Satue in Brass to be set up, as did also the Cittieans his Countrymen. Antipater the Sidonian bestowed this Epitaph upon him. Here Zeno lies, who tall Olympus s●al'd, Not heaping Pelion on Ossa's head, Nor by Herculean labours so prevailed, But found out virtue's path which thither led. Another Epigram was written upon him by Xenodotus the Stoic, disciple of Diogenes. Zeno thy years to hoary age were spent; Not with vain riches, but with self-content: A stout and constant Sect derived from thee The Mother of nought-dreading liberty: Phoenicia, whence thou issuedst who can slight? Thence Cadmus too, who first taught Greece to write. CHAP. VII. His Person and Virtues. AS concerning his Person, a Laert. Timotheus saith, he was wry-necked: Apollonius Tyrius, that he was lean, tall, and of a swarthy complexion, whence styled by some (as Chrysippus) the Egyptian sprig. b Laert. His look was sad, grave, severe and frowning; his constitution not strong, for which reason Persaeus saith, he forbore to feast much. His ordinary diet consisted in raw food, especially Figgs, both new and dried, bread and honey which he eat moderately, and a little sweet Wine. His continence was such, Laert. that when Persaeus, who cohabited with him, brought a she-Minstrell to him, he immediately sent her back. Notwithstanding his severity, Laert. he was very complaisant, and often feasted with King Antigonus, and meeting him sometimes drunk, went along with him to Aristocles the Musician, to nightly banquets and plays. Popular ostentation he avoided by sitting in the lowest place, Laert. whereby he freed himself from the troublesome importunity of the other part. He never walked with more than two or three at once: Cl●anthes saith, Laert. he many times gave money to people that they would not trouble him, & throng about him. Being on a certain time encompassed by a great crowd, he showed them a wooden ball on the top of the cloister, which formerly belonged to an Altar: This, saith he, was once placed in the niddle; but, because it is troublesome, it is now laid aside: I desire you would in like manner withdraw yourselves, that you may be less troublesome. He was so free from being corrupted by gifts, that * Laert. Democharis son of Laches, desiring him to let him know what business he would have to Antigonus, promising to write about it, and assuring him, that Antigonus would furnish him with whatsoever he desired; he turned away from him, and would never after converse with him. He was so humble, Laert. that he conversed with mean and ragged persons, whence Timon; And for companions gets of servants store, Of all men the most empty and most poor. He was most patient and frugal in his household expenses, something inclining to the sordidness of the Barbarians. Laertius mentions one servant that he had, Seneca averrs he had none. Whensoever he reprehended any, Laert. it was covertly and afar off, as may appear by many of his Apophthegms. His habit was very mean, Laert. whence it was said of him, Him nor the Winter's rigid frost or rain, The scorching Sun or sharp disease can pain: Not like the common sort of people he; But, day and night bend on Philosophy. The Comic Poets unwittingly, intending to discommend him, praise him, as Philemon, in his Comedy of Philosophers, He Water drinks, than Broth and Herbs doth eat▪ To live, his Scholars teaching, without meat. This some ascribe to Posidippus. His virtues were so eminent, that they grew at last into a Proverb, More continent than Zeno the Philosopher, whence Possidippus; — He ere ten days were spent, Zeno in Continence outwent. Indeed he excelled all men in this kind of Virtue, and in Gravity, and, by jove (addeth Laertius) in Felicity likewise. CHAP. VIII. His Writings. HE wrote many Books, wherein (faith Laertius) he so discoursed, as no Stoic after him: their Titles are these: Of Commonwealth, Laert. written whilst he was an auditor of Crates, and (as De vit. Alex Orat. 1. Plutarch saith) much applauded, the scope whereof was this, That we should not live in several Cities and Towns by distinct Laws; but, that we should own all men as our Countrymen and fellow-cittisens': that there should be one manner of life and one order, as of one flock which grazeth by equal right in one pasture. Of Appetite; or, Of human Nature. Of Passions. Of Office. Of Law. Of the Discipline of the Grecians. Of sight. Of the Universe. Of signs. Pythagor●cks. universals. Of words. Homerical Problems 5. Of hearing Poetry. The Art. Solutions. Confutations. Memorials. The Morals of Crates. * Laert. Some, amongst whom is Casius a Sceptian, reprehended many things in the writings of Zeno: First, that in the beginning of his Commonwealth, he affirmeth the liberal Sciences to be of no use. Again, that all wicked men are enemies among themselves, and slaves and strangers, as well Fathers to their Children, as Brethren to Brethren. Again, that only good men are citizen's, and Friends, and Kindred, and Children, as he affirmeth in his Book of the Commonwealth. So that according to the Stoics, Parents should be enemies to their Children, because they are not wise. That in his Commonwealth he would have Women to be in common. That no Temples, Courts of judicature, nor public Schools, should be built in a Commonwealth. That Money is not necessary, neither for exchange nor traffic. That Women should go in the same habit as men. CHAP. IX. His Disciples. ZENO (saith Laertius) had many Disciples; the most eminent these: PERSAEUS Son of Demetrius, Laert. a Cittiean; some affirm he was Zeno's Scholar, others that he was one of the servants which were sent by Antigonus to Zeno to transcribe his writings; * Athen: whence Bion seeing this inscription on his Statue, PERSEAEUS OF ZENO A CITTIEAN said, the Graver mistake, for instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he should have put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a servant. Afterwards he returned to Antigonus King of Macedonia; Antigonus to make a trial of him caused a false report to be brought him, that his lands were spoiled by the Enemy; whereat appearing troubled, Do you not see, saith Antigonus, that riches are not to be reckoned amongst indifferent things? Antigonus so much favoured him, that he preferred him to the government of Acrocorinthus; on which Fort depended not only Corinth, but all Peloponnesus; in this charge he was unfortunate; for the Castle was taken by the cunning of Aratus a Sicyonian ( * Deipn. Athenaeus saith, whilst Perfaeus was feasting) who turned out Persaeus, whereupon afterwards to one that maintained only a wise man is a Governor: and I saith he, was once of the same mind, being so taught by Zeno, but now am of another opinion; the Sicyonian young man (meaning Aratus) hath taught me otherwise; Thus Plutarch; But Pausanias saith, that Aratus upon taking of the Fort, amongst others put Persaeus the Governor to death. He said, C●. that those were esteemed Gods who had invented some things very useful to humane life. He wrote these Books; Of a Kingdom; The Lacedaemonian Commonwealth; of marriage; of impiety; Thyestes; Of Love, protreptics, Exercitations; Chryas, 4. Commentaries; against Plato's Laws 7. * Athen. Deipn. Symposiack Dialogues. ARISTO Son of Miltiades, a Chian, surnamed the Siren: when Zeno fell into a long sickness, he left him, and went (as Diocles saith) to Polemo: He was also a follower of Persaeus, whom he flattered much, because of his favour with Antigonus; for he was much given to pleasure even unto his end; Thus revolting from his Master Zeno, he asserted, That the end consists in those mean things which are betwixt virtue and vice, that is, in indifference; not to be moved on either side, nor to imagine the least difference to be in these things, but that they are all alike; For a wise man is like a good Player, who whether he personate Agamemnon or Thersides, Cic. Acad. quast. 4. will act either part very well: Thus he took away the dignity which Zeno held to be in these mean things betwixt virtue and vice; Cic. de finib. 4. holding that there is no difference in them. He took away Physic and Logic, affirming that one is above us, the other appertains nothing to us; Ethick only appertains to us; he compared Dialectic reason to cobwebs, which though they seem artificial, yet are of no use. He introduced not on any virtues as Zeno, nor one called by several names as the Megaric Philosophers, but affirmed they have a quodammodotative relation to one another. Professing these teneus, and disputing in Cunosarges, he came to be called Author of a Sect; whence Milciades and Diphilus were called Aristonians. He was very persuasive, and wrought much upon the common people, whence Timon in Sillis, One of Aristo's smooth persuasive race. He defended eagerly this Paradox of the Stoics, that a wise man doth not opinionate, but know, which Persaeus opposing, caused of two like twins, first, one to give a depositum to him, than the other to come and redemand it, and by his doubting, if it were the same person, convinced him. He inveighed against Arcesilaus, [ * Laert: vit. Arces. calling him a corrupter of youth.] On a time, seeing a Monster like a Bull, but of both sexes, he said, Alas! here is an argument for Arcesilaus against energy. To an Academic who said, he comprehended nothing, Do you not see (saith he) him who sitteth next you? which he denying, Who struck you blind, saith he, or took your light away? He wrote these Treatises, protreptics 2. of Zeno's Doctrine Scholastic Dialogues 6. of Wisdom dissertations 7. Erotick dissertations: Commentaries upon vainglory: Commentaries 15. Memorials 3. Chrias 11. against Orators: against Alexinus his oppositions: to the dialectics 3. to Cleanthes Epistles 4. But Panaetius and Sosicrates affirm the Epistles only to be his, the rest to be Aristo's the Peripatetic. The Sun striking hot upon his head (which was bald) occasioned his death. There was another of the same name, a Juliite, a Peripatetic; another an Athenian, a Musician; a fourth a Tragic Poet; a fifth an Alaean, who writ the Rhetorical art; a sixth of Alexandria, a Peripatetic. ERILLUS (or as Cicero, Laert. Herillus) was a Carthaginian: when he was a boy, he was loved and courted by many, which Zeno, by causing him to be shaved, diverted. He held, that the end is science, which is to live so, as to refer all things to Science, joined with life: That Science is a habit susceptive of fantasies, falling under reason. Yet, sometimes he said, there is no end; but, that the end itself is changed by the things, and those which are joined to the things, as Brass, of which the Statues of Alexander or Socrates is made. That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the end, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ; one is objected to unwise persons as well as wise, the other to wise only. Those things which are betwixt virtue and vice are indifferents. His Books are written in a short stile, consisting of few words, but very efficacious, wherein is contained what he held contrary to Zeno. His writings these, of Exercitation, of Passion, of Suspicion, the Lawgiver, Majeutick, Antipheron, the Master, the Preparative, the Directive, Hermes, Medea, Dialogues, moral Theses. His Disciples were called Herilians, named by Cicero as a particular Sect amongst the Socratics. DIONYSIUS, son of Theophantus, Laert. an Heracleot, from the change of his opinion surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the retractor. He was from the beginning studiously addicted to learning, and writ Poems of all kinds; then betook himself to Aratus, being much pleased with him. Of Philosophers he first heard, as Diocles affirms, Heraclides his countryman; then Alexinus, and Menedemus; after these Zeno. Revolting from Zeno, he addicted himself to the Cyrenaeans; he went to common houses, and addicted himself to other pleasures. He asserted the end to be pleasure, and that by reason of his own purblindnesse; for being much grieved thereat, he durst not affirm grief to be one of the indifferents. He died eighty years old, starved. His writings are thus entitled, Of apathy 2. of riches and favour and punishment, of the use of men, of good fortune, of the Kings of the ancients, of things that are praised, of the customs of the Barbarians. SPHAERUS was of Bosphorus, he first heard Zeno, than Cleanthes, and having made a sufficient progress in learning, went to Alexandria to Ptolemy Philopater, where there arising a dispute, whether a wise man doth opinionate, and Sphaerus maintaining that he doth not, the King commanded some Quinces, Athenaeus saith Birds, of wax to be set before him, wherewith Sphaerus being cozened, the King cried out, that he assented to a false fantasy: Sphaerus presently answered, that he assented not that they were quinces, but that it was probable they were quinces: but comprehensive fantasy differs from probable; * Athen. for that is never false, but in probable matters sometimes a thing falleth out otherwise than we imagined. * Laert. Mnesistratus accusing him, that he denied Ptolemy to be King, he answered, that he thought Ptolemy, or such a one was King. His writings are these: Of the world, of the seed of Elements, of fortune, of leasts, against atoms and apparitions, of the organs of sense, upon Heraclitus five dissertations; of moral description, of office, of appetite, of passions 2. dissertations of a Kingdom; of the Lacedaemonian Commonwealth, of Lycurgus and Socrates 3. of Law, of Divination, Erotick Dialogues, of the Eretriack Philosophers, of things like, of definitions, of habit, of contraries 3. of reason, of riches, of glory, of death, of the art of Dialectic 2. of categorems, of ambiguities, Epistles. CLEANTHES, whom Zeno compared to writing tables, that are so hard, they will not easily admit an impression; but having once received it, keep it long. He succeeded Zeno, of him therefore apart. Philon, a Theban. calippus, a Corinthian. Possidonius, an Alexandrian. Athenodorus of Soli; there were two more of the same name, Stoics. Zeno, a Sidonian. Last in the Catalogue of his Disciples must be remembered an Eretrian youth (mentioned by * Ethic. Serm. 198. Stobaeus) who heard Zeno till he came to be a man; then returning to Eretria, his Father asked him what he had learned all that time, he answered, he would shortly let him see, and did so; for, not long after his Father in anger did beat him, which he took quietly, saying, This I have learned, to bear with the anger of a Father, and not to oppose it. In the life of Zeno (for as much as he is author of that Sect) it will be requisite to give account of the Doctrine of the Stoics in general; wherein, if the terms seem harshly rendered, it will easily be forgiven by those, who consider, the Stoics were no less particular in their words, then in their doctrines. THE DOCTRINE OF THE STOICS. The First PART. CHAP. I. Of PHILOSOPHY in general, and particularly of DIALECTIC. a Plut. de plac. Phil. 1. 1. WISDOM is the Science of things divine and humane; Philosophy is the exercitation of convenient Art: Convenient is only and supreme virtue. Of Virtues in the most general sense there are three kinds, Natural, Moral, Rational; for which cause Philosophy likewise hath three parts, Physic, Ethick, Logic: Physic, when we inquire concerning the World, and the things in the world: Ethick is employed about humane life: Logic is that part which concerns reason, which is also called Dialectic. b Laert. Thus Zeno the Cittiean first divided it in his book of Speech, and Chrysippus in his first book of Speech, and in his first of Physics; and Apollodorus Ephillus in his first book of Introductions into Doctrines; and Eudromus in his moral Institutions; and Diogenes the Babylonian, and Possidonius. These parts Apollodorus calleth Places; C●rysippus and Eudromus species, others genus. That Logic is a part of Philosophy distinct from the rest, (wherein all the Stoics agree) is proved by two arguments● the first this: c Ammonius in Categ. Every thing which useth another; if that which the thing using, useth, be neither part nor particle, nor part of part of any other, it must be part or particle of the thing using; as medicine useth the art of prescribing diet, which art being neither part nor particle of any other, is consequently a part or particle of Medicine; of part, as to the cure, of particle, as to the practice. d Philop. in lib. 1. Anal. prior. Philosophy; is conversant about Logic; Logic therefore is either a part or particle of Philosophy; but, a particle it is not, for it is not a part either of the Contemplative or the Active. That which is a particle of any thing, aught to have the same matter and scope, with that whereof it is a part: Logic hath neither of these common with Active Philosophy; the matter whereof is humane things, and moderation of Appetite, the common scope, what in them is to be embraced or shunned: but, the matter of Logic is propositions, the scope, to demonstrate by a composure of propositions, that which necessarily falls out upon the collection. Neither is Logic a part of the Contemplative, the matter whereof is things divine, the end, contemplation of them: now, if it be not a part, either of the Contemplative or the Active, it is not a particle of Philosophy, but equally separate from both these, and consequently it must be a part of it. e Ammonius in Categor. The second Argument is thus. No Art frameth its own Instruments, if therefore Philosophy make Logic, it is not its Instrument, but part thereof. f Sext. Empir. adv. Log. 1. Philosophy, is by some compared to a field which produceth all manner of fruit; Physic to the soil and tall trees, Ethick to to the mature pleasant fruit, Logic to the strong fence. Others liken it to an Egg; Ethick to the yolk, which some affirm to be the Chicken; Physic to the white, which is the nourishment of the Chicken; Logic to the outside or shell, Possidonius, (because the parts of Philosophy are inseparable from one another, but plants are distinct from the fruits, as walls from hedges) chooseth rather to compare Philosophy to a living creature, Physic to blood and flesh, Logic, to bones and nerves, Ethick to the soul. (Thus Sextus Empiricus, by whom, perhaps, Laertius is to be corrected, who saith, They likened Ethick to the Flesh, Physic to the Soul) Lastly, they compare Philosophy to a City, well fortified and governed according to Reason. g Laert. Some affirm, that none of these parts are distinct from the rest, but, all intermingled with one another, for which reason, they deliver them confusedly. The greater part place Logic first, Ethick next, Physic last; because the mind ought first to be fortified for the keeping of those things which are committed to it; so, as it be not easily expugnable. The Dialectic place is a fortification for the mind. Secondly, to describe the contemplation of manners, that they may be reform, which is safely undertaken, when the Logical power is first laid down. Lastly, to induce the contemplation of Nature, for that is more divine, and requireth a more profound attention. This method h De plac. Phil. Pittarch affirms to have been observed by Chrysippus, adding that of Physic, the last part, is that which treateth of God; for which reason they call the precepts of Religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It seems therefore, that there is some mistake in Laertius, who of those who place Logic first, Physic next, and Ethick next, and Ethick last, citeth Zeno in his Book of Speech, and Chrysippus, and Archedemus, and Eadromus. But Diogenes the Ptolemaean (continueth he) begins with Ethick: Apollodorus puts Ethick in the second place; Panaetius and Possidonius begin with Physic, as Phanias, companion of Possidonius affirms, in his first of Possidonius' dissertations. i Laert. Of Logic, Cleanthes assigneth six parts, Dialectic, Rhetoric, Ethick, Politic, Physic, Theologick: Some affirm, these are not parts of Logic, but of Philosophy itself: so Zeno of Tursis. The Logical part is by some divided into two Sciences, Rhetoric and Dialectic; some add the definitive part, some divide the definitive part into that which concerns invention of truth (by which the differences of Fantasies are directed) and that which concerns knowledge of truth; for things are comprehended by notions. k Laert. Rhetoric is the science of well speaking, by dilating upon the thing comprehended. Dialectic is the science of well speaking, (that is true and consentaneous) or well disputing by question and answer. It is defined by Possidonius, the science of true, false, and neuter. l Laert. Rhetoric is of three kinds, deliberative, judicial, demonstrative: The parts of Rhetoric are Invention, Style, Disposition, Pronunciation: Rhetorical Speech is divided into Proem, Narration, Confutation, Epilogue. m Laert. Dialectic is necessary, and a virtue within its species, containing other virtues; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Science whereby we are taught when to assent, and when not; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a firm reason, whereby we resist appearances, and are not led away by them: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fortitude of reason, which keeps us from being transported with the adverse opinion: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a habit directing fantasies to right reason. n Laert. Dialectic is a Science or certain comprehension, or a habit, not erring by reason in reception of fantasies; but, without Dialectic, a wise man cannot be infallible in reason; for by this, we discern the true, false, and probable, and distinguish the ambiguous. CHAP. II. Of the Instruments and rules of judgement. a Laert. IN the first place, they put the discourse concerning fantasies and sense, as a Judicatory, whereby the truth of things is discerned. b Cic. Acad. 1. The Senses (according to Zeno, who made many alterations in Dialectic, and asserted many things of the Senses that were wholly new) are joined by a certain kind of extrinsecall impulsion, termed fantasy. To these fantasies received by the senses, is added an ascension of the mind, which is placed in us voluntary. The fantasy, when seen, is comprehensible; when received and approved, comprehension, and, if so comprehended, as that it cannot be plucked away by reason, Science. c Galen. hist. phillip Judgement is a perspection which discerneth a thing. d Sen. Empir. adv. log. That which judgeth is taken two ways: 1. By which we say, somethings are, others are not, these are true, those are false. 2. Of Essence only; and this is understood three ways, commonly, properly, and most properly. Commonly, for every measure of comprehension, in which sense, even those things which judge naturally, have this appellation, as sight, hearing, taste. Properly, for every artificial measure of comprehension; thus a cubit, a balance, a ruler, a pair of compasses, are called things that judge; but sight, and hearing, and the other common instruments of sense, are not. Most properly, for every measure of comprehension of a thing, uncertain, and not evident. In which sense, those things which belong to the actions of life, are not said to be things judging, but the logical only, and those which dogmatic Philosophers allege for the invention of truth. The Logical is subdivided into that from which, that by which, and the application or habitude. From which, the man; by which, the sense: the third is the application of fantasy or sight. For as in the Staticks, there are three things which judge, the weigher, the balance, and position of the balance: The weigher is the judge from which, the balance the judge by which, the position of the balance, as it were a habitude. And again, as to discern right or oblique things is required, an Artificer, a Ruler, and the application thereof; in like manner in Philosophy are required those three things mentioned to the discernment of true and false: the man from whom the judgement is made, is like the weigher or artificer; to the balance and ruler answer sense and cogitation, by which the judgement is made; to the habitude of the forenamed instruments, the application of fantasy, by which a man cometh to judge. e Laert. The judge of truth, they affirm to be comprehensive fantasy, that is, proceeding from that which is: so Chrysippus in the 12th of his Physics, and Antipator, and Apollodorus. But Boethus holds many judicatories, the mind, and sense, and appetite, and science; from whom Chrysippus dissenting in his first Book of Reason, affirmeth the Judicatories to be Sense and Anticipation. Anticipation is a natural notion of universals. Others of the more ancient Stoics (as Possidonius saith in his Book of judgements) assert right reason to be the Judicatory. CHAP. III. Of Sense. a St. Aug. Civil. dci. 8. 7. Dialectic is derived from corporeal senses; for, from thence, the soul conceiveth notions (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of those things which are explained by definition, and from thence is propagated and connexed the whole reason of Learning and Teaching. b Laert. Sense is a spirit, proceeding from the supreme part of the Soul, and permeating to the Organs. c Origen contra. Cels. lib. 7. Whatsoever things are comprehended, are manifestly comprehended by sense; all conceptions of the mind depend upon sense. d Cic. Acad. qu●st. 1. Comprehension made by the senses is true and faithful, (according to Zeno) for as much as nature hath given it as a rule for science, and principle of herself. e Cic. Acad. qu●st. 4. Nothing is more clear than this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evidence; there cannot be any speech more perspicuous. f Sext. Empir. pyrrh. hip. 2. 8. Of Sensibles and Intelligibles, some are true, but, not directly sensible; but, by relation to those things which are next, as falling under Intelligence. CHAP. IU. Of fantasy. In the first place (saith a Laert. Diocles the Magnesian) they put the reason concerning Fantasy and Sense, as a judgement, whereby the truth of things is discerned. It is fantasy as to its genus, and likewise in as much as the reason of assent, comprehension, and intelligence (which is more excellent than the rest) consists not without fantasy; for fantasy goeth first, than the mind endued with elocution, declareth by words what it suffers from the fantasy. b Plut. plac. Phil. 4. 12. fantasy is so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, light; for as light showeth itself, and with itself all those things which are contained within it; so fantasy showeth itself, and that which maketh it. c Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hip. lib. 2. fantasy is an impression in the Soul: Cleanthes adds, an impression by depression and eminence, as that impression, which is made in Wax by a Seal. Chrysippus conceives this to be absurd; for 1. saith he, When the soul first apprehends a triangle and a square, it will follow, that the same body, at the same time, must have in itself several figures, which is absurd. Again, whereas many fantasies are together consistent in us, the Soul must have divers figures, which is worse than the former: He therefore conceived, that Zeno used the word Impression, for Alteration, meaning thus: Fantasy is an alteration of the Soul, whereby it is no longer absurd, that the same body (many several fantasies being at the same time consistent in us) should receive several alterations. For, as the air receiving at once innumerable different percussions, hath presently many alterations; so the supreme part of the soul, receiving various fantasies, doth something which hath proportion and conformity thereto. Some object that this exposition is not right; because, though every fantasy is an impression and alteration in the Soul; yet, every impression or alteration of the Soul is not fantasy: as when the finger smarts or itches, and the hand is rubbed, there is then an impression and alteration in the soul; but it is not fantasy, because it is not in the supreme part of the soul. They answer, That in saying, an impression in the Soul, is employed as in the Soul as fully, as if we should say, fantasy is an impression in the Soul as in the Soul; as when we say, the white in the eye, we imply, as in the eye; that is, the white is in a certain part of the eye, which all men have so by nature. So when we say, fantasy is an impression in the Soul, we imply the impression to be made in the supreme part thereof. Others more elegantly answer, that the word Soul is taken two ways, either for the whole, or for the principal part: when we say, man consists of soul and body; or, that death is a separation of the soul from the body, we mean properly the supreme part, wherein properly consists the motion and goods of the Soul. When Ze●o therefore calleth fantasy an impression in the Soul, he is not to be understood of the whole Soul, but, of part thereof; as if he should say, fantasy is an alteration of the supreme part of the Soul. To this interpretation, some object thus: Appetition, Ascension, and Comprehension are alterations in the supreme part of the soul; but, these differ from fantasy, that being a certain kind of persuasion and affection, whereas this is more operation than appetition, therefore the definition is not good, being compatible to many other things. They answer by recourse to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (impliances) that a definition is understood to be in all. As he who saith, Love is an application of the Soul towards procurement of Friendship, implieth amongst young people; so when we say, that fantasy is an alteration in the supreme part of the soul, we imply by persuasion; for, alteration is not made by operation. d Laert. Of Fantasies there are many kinds, some are sensible, others not-sensible. Sensible are those which are received through one or more of the senses: Not-sensible are those which are received through the mind, as of incorporeals, and other things comprehended by reason. The sensible form from things that are, are made with concession and assent. There are also apparitions of fantasies, proceeding from things which are. Again, some are rational, others irrational; rational, those of reasonable creatures; irrational, those of unreasonable. The rational are intelligence, the irrational have no name. Again, some are artificial, others inartificiall; for, an Image is considered by an Artist one way, by him that is not an artist another way. e Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hip. lib. 2. Again, some are probable, some improbable: The probable are those which make an easy motion in the soul; as, It is now day, I discourse, and the like. The Improbable are of a contrary nature, averting us from assent; as, it is day, the Sun is not above the earth; if it is dark, it is day. Both probable and improbable are those, which, by relation to other things, are sometimes such, as in doubtful speeches, neither probable nor improbable are such, as these, The stairs are even, the stairs are odd. Of probable and improbable Fantasies, some are true, some are false, some are neither true nor false. True are those, whose predication is true, as, It is day, 'tis light: False, whose predication is false; Both true and false, as happened to Orestes in his madness, meeting Electra; that he met something, it was true, for it was Electra; but, that it was a fury, was false. Neither true nor false are those which are taken from the Genus; for the Genus is not such as the Species in all respects: as, of men, some are Grecians, some are Barbarous; but, man in general is not Grecian, for then all men must be Grecians, neither barbarous, for the same reason. Of true Fantasies, some are comprehensive, others are not-comprehensive. Not-comprehensive are those which happen through sickness, or perturbation of mind; many being troubled with frenzy or melancholy, attract a true fantasy which is not comprehensive, even from that which extrinsecally occurrs casually, for which reason, they neither assert it often, nor assent unto it. Comprehensive fantasy is that which is impressed and signed by that which is, and conformable to that which is, so as it cannot be of that which is not. To comprehensive fantasy three conditions are requisite▪ 1. That it arise from that which is; for many fantasies arise from that which is not, as in mad men. 2. That it be conformable to that which is; for some fantasies are from that which is, but represents the similitude of that which is not: as Orestes derived a fantasy from that which was, viz. from Electra, but not according to that which was; for he thought her to be one of the furies. Comprehensive fantasy must be conformable to that which is, and so impressed and signed, as that it may imprint artificially all the properties of the thing phancied, as Gravers touch all the parts of those things which they imitate, and the impression made by a Seal on Wax exactly and perfectly beareth all its characters. Lastly, that it be without impediment; for sometimes comprehensive fantasy is not creditable, by reason of outward circumstances; as when Hercules brought Alcestis taken out of the Earth, to Admetus, Admetus drew from Alcestis a comprehensive fantasy, but did not credit it; for, he considered, that she was dead, and therefore could not rise again, but, that sometimes Spirits appear in the shape of the deceased. f Plut. plac. Phil. 4. 12. fantasy, Phantaston, Phantasticon, and Phantasm, according to Chrysippus, differ thus: fantasy is a passion made in the Soul, which showeth itself, and that which made it; as, when with our eyes we see white, it is a passion engendered by sight in the Soul, and we may call this a passion, because the object thereof is a white thing which moveth us: the like of smelling and touching. Phantaston is that which maketh fantasy; as the white and the cold, and whatsoever is able to move the Soul, that is phantaston. Phantasticon is a frustaneous attraction, a passion in the Soul proceeding from nothing; as in those who sight with shadows, or extend their hands in vain: for, to fantasy is objected phantaston, but phantasticon hath no object. Phantasm is that, to which we are attracted by that frustraneous attraction, which happens in melancholy, or mad persons; as Orestes in the Tragedy, when he saith, Bring hither, Mother, I implore, These snaky bloody Maids no more, Whose very looks wound me all o'er. This he saith in his madness, for he saw nothing: wherefore Electra answers him, Ah quiet in thy bed (unhappy) lie: Thou seest not what thou thinkst before thy eye. CHAP. V. Of True and Truth. a St. Aug. contra Acad. lib. 2. TRUE (according to Zeno) is that which is impressed in the mind from that whence it is, in such manner, as it cannot be from that which is not: or, as others, b Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hip. 2. 8. True is that which is, and is opposed to something: False is that which is not; yet, is opposed to something also. Truth and true differ three ways, by Essence, by Constitution, by Power. By Essence, for truth is a body; but, true is incorporeal, for it is a dicible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and therefore incorporeal. On the contrary, Truth is a body, as being the enunciative Science of all true things. All Science is in some measure the supreme part of the Soul, which supreme part is a body: therefore truth in general is corporeal. By Constitution; True is conceived to be something uniform and simple by nature; as, It is day, I discourse. Truth, as being a Science, consisteth of many things, by a kind of conservation. Wherefore as a People is one thing, a Citizen another; a People is a multitude consisting of many Citizens; but, a Citizen is no more than one. In the same manner differeth truth from true. Truth resembleth a People, true a Citizen; for, truth consisteth of many things collected, true is simple. By Power; for true doth not absolutely adhere to truth: A fool, a child, a madman, may speak something true, but, cannot have the Science of that which is true. Truth considers things with Science, insomuch that he who hath it is wise; for, he hath the Science of true things, and is never deceived, nor lieth, although he speak false, because it proceedeth not from an ill, but, good affection. CHAP. VI Of Comprehension. a Cic. Acad. quaest. 1. COmprehension (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was first used in this sense by Zeno, by a metaphor taken from things apprehended by the hand; b Cicer. Acad. quaest 4. which allusion he expressed by action. For, showing his hand with the fingers stretched forth, he said, such was fantasy: then bending them a little, said, such was Assent; then compressing them, and clutching his fist, such was Comprehension. c Galen. Hist. phillip Comprehension is a firm and true knowledge, non-comprehension the contrary; for some things we only think that we see, hear, or feel, as in dreams and frenzies; other things we not only think, but, truly do see, or hear, or feel. These latter, all (but the Academics and Sceptics) conceive to fall under firm knowledge, the other, which we imagine in dreams or frenzy are false. d Sext. Empir. adv. Geom. cap. 19 Whatsoever is understood, is comprehended by the mind, one of these two ways, either by evident incursion (which Laertius calls by sense) or by transition from evidence (Laertius, collection by demonstration) of which latter there are three kinds, by Assimilation, by Composition, by Analogy. By incurrent evidence is understood white and black, sweet and sour. By Transition, from evidents: by Assimilation is understood Socrates by his Picture: by Composition, as of a horse and a man is made a Centaur; for putting together the limbs proper to both species, we comprehend by fantasy that which was neither horse nor man, but a Centaur compounded of both. By Analogy, things are understood two ways; either by augmentation; or, when from common ordinary men, we by augmentation fancy a Cyclops, who not like Men that with Cares gifts are fed: But, some tall hill erects his head. Or by Diminution, as a Pigmy. e Laert. Likewise the Centre of the earth is understood by analogy from lesser Globes. To these kinds add, f Laert. Comprehension by transference, as eyes in the breast; by contrariety, as death; by transference, as dicibles and place; by privation, as a man without hands; just and good are understood naturally. CHAP. VII. Of Assent. a Cic. Acad. qu●●st. 4. THese things being enough known, which we have already explained, let us now speak a little of Assent, and approbation, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not that is not a large place, but the grounds thereof have been already laid: For when we explained the power that was in the senses, we likewise declared, that many things were comprehended and perceived by the senses, which cannot be done without Assent. Moreover, seeing that betwixt an inanimate and an animate being, the greatest difference is, that the inanimate doth nothing, the animate doth something, we must either take away sense from it, or allow it assent, which is within our power. When we will not have a thing either to perceive or assent, we in a manner take away the soul from it; for as it is necessary, that the scale of balance which is laden should tend downwards; so is it that the soul should yield to things that are perspicuous. b Cic. lib. d. Fato. Although assent cannot be made unless it be moved by Fantasy, yet when that fantasy hath an immediate cause, it hath not (according to Chrysippus) this principal reason, not that it can be made without any extrinsecall excitation (for it is necessary that assent be moved by fantasy) but it returns to its Cylinder and Cone, which move not by impulsion, then of their own nature, the Cylinder seems to roll, and the Cone to turn round. As therefore he who thrust the Cylinder gave it the beginning of motion, but did not give it volubility; so the objected fantasy imprinteth, and as it were sealeth in the soul its species, yet the assent is in our power, and that (as we said in a Cylinder) extrinsecally impelled, the motion is continued by its own power and nature. c Agell. 19 9 and from him St. August. Civit. dei. 9 4. Fantasies, wherewith the mind of man is presently affected, are not voluntary or in our own power, but infer themselves by a kind of violence, approbations (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) by which these fantasies are known and judged, are voluntary, and made according to our arbitrement. So as upon any dreadful noise from heaven, or by the fall of any thing, or sudden news of some danger or the like; it is necessary that the mind of a wise man be a little moved, and contracted, and appalled, not through opnion perceived of any ill, but certain rapid and inconsiderate motions, which praevert the office of the mind and reason. But presently the same wise man approveth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those dreadful fantasies, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but rejects and refuses them, nor is there any thing in these which seemeth to him dreadful. Thus differs the souls of wise and unwise men: The unwise, when fantasies appear cruel and difficult at the first impulsion of the mind, think them to be truly such as they appear, and receiving them as if they were justly to be feared, approve them by their assent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (this word the Stoics use upon this occasion:) But a wise man suddenly changing colour and countenance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, assents not, but retaineth the state and vigour of his judgement, which he always had of these fantasies, as nothing dreadful, but terrifying only with a false show, and vain fear. CHAP. VIII. Of Notions. a Cic. Acad. 1. FRom Sense, the rule of Science, Notions are imprinted in the Soul, by which, not only principles, but larger ways to reason are found out. b Plut. de plac. Phil. 4. 11. A man when he is born, hath the supreme part of his Soul, like unto clean paper, upon which every notion is inscribed. The first manner of inscription is by the Senses; as for example: They who perceive a thing that is white, after it is taken away, retain the memory thereof; but, when they have conceived many remembrances of one species, than they say, they have experience, for experience is a multitude of similitudes. Of Notions, some are natural, which are in such manner as we we have said, and without Art: Others gained by learning and industry: These are properly called Notions, the other Anticipations. The reason for which we are called rational, is said to be perfected by anticipations in the first seven years. Intelligence is the phantasm of the intellect of a rational creature; for phantasm, when it lighteth upon a rational Soul, is then called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Intelligence, a word taken from the Intellect. For, to other Creatures there happen not phantasms, to the Gods only and to us these are incident. Those which belong to us, are Phantasms, as to their genus, Notions, as to their species; as denaries and staters, when paid for transportation, are called Naula. c Arrian. 1. 22. Common notions are planted in all men, (in which they all agree together) one is not repugnant to another; for, who holds not, that good is profitable, and aught to be chosen with utmost endeavours? Who holds not, that what is just, is fair and well-beseeming? Whence then proceed contentions and differences? to wit, from the application of first notions to singular things. d Simp. in Epict. These Notions, and whatsoever is of this kind, which right reason conformeth in us, being long examined, are true, and suitable to the natures of things. CHAP. IX. Of Science and Opinion; a Cicer. Acad. qu●st. 1. THat which is comprehended by Sense, Zeno called Sense, and if so comprehended, as not to be plucked away by reason, Science, otherwise Ignorance; from which proceedeth Opinion, which is weak and common, to the false and unknown. b Sext. Emp. adv. Logic. 1. These three are joined together, Science, Opinion, and Comprehension, which borders upon the other two. Science is a firm, stable, immutable comprehension with reason: Opinion, an infirm, weak, assent: Comprehension, which cometh between both, is an assent to comprehensive fantasy. Comprehensive fantasy is true, in such manner, that it cannot be false. Therefore Science is in wise men only, Opinion in fools, Comprehension is common to both, as being that by which truth is judged; c Cicer. Acad. quaest. 1. and is for this reason reckoned by Zeno, neither amongst the right (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) nor amongst the bad (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) but betwixt science and ignorance, affirming, that this only is to be credited. CHAP. X. Of Voice, Speech, and Words. a Sext. Emp. adv. L●g. cap. de vero. These three are joined to one another; that which is signified, that which signifieth, and the contingent. That which signifieth is the voice, as Dion: That which is signified, is the thing itself declared by the voice; it is that which we apprehend, and is present in our cogitation. The contingent is the outward subject, as, Dion himself. b Laert. Dialectic being conversant about that which signifieth, and that which is signified, c Laert. is divided into two places: one, of Significats; the other of Voice. The place of significats is divided into fantasies, and subsistents on fantasy, dicibles, axioms, etc. In the other place, concerning Voice, is declared literal Voice, the parts of speech, the nature of Solaecisms and Barbarisms, Poems, Ambiguities, Song, Music, and (according to some) definitions and divisions. d Laert. The fantasies of the mind precede speech, (Of these therefore we have already treated) then the mind endued with the faculty of speaking, declareth by speech what it receiveth from the fantasy; For this reason, e Laert. the consideration of Dialectic, by the joint consent of all, seems as if it ought to be first taken from the place of voice. f Laert. Voice is air percussed, the proper sensible object of hearing, (as Diogenes the Babylonian, in his Art of Voice.) The voice of a living sensitive creature, is air percussed with appetite; the voice of man is articulate, proceeding from the mind: at his four teenth year it is perfected. Speech (as g Laert. Diogenes saith) is a literate voice; as, It is day. Word is a significative voice, proceeding from the mind. Language is a speech according to the variety of Nations, whereof each useth its peculiar dialect; as the Attic saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the jonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Voice and Speech differ, in that voice is a sound, but speech articulate only. Speech and Word differ; for word is always significative; but, speech sometimes signifieth nothing, as Blitri, which is no word. To speak and to pronounce differ: voices are pronounced, but things only are spoken: h Sext. Emp. adv. Leg. cap. de vero. for, to speak is to pronounce a significant voice of a thing that is said. i Varro de ling. lat. lib. 5. Hence Chrysippus saith, that he who beginneth to speak and pronounce words, before he can put them in their right place, doth not speak, but thinketh that he speaks; as, the Image of a man is not a man: so in Crows, Daws, and Children, when they first begin to speak, the words which they say are not words. He only speaketh, who knoweth to put a word in the right place. They (particularly k Cicero. Zeno) l Dionys. Halic. took much pains in the invention and explication of words, m Hieronym. wherein they distinguished very subtly. Hence Cicero calleth the Stoics Architects of words. Ammonius, the Grammarians, followers of the Stoics. n Laert. The Elements of speech are the 24 Letters. Letter is taken three ways: First, for the character of figure which is form. Secondly, for the element or power: Thirdly, for the name, as A. Of the Elements, seven are Vowels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 six Mutes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o Laert. Of speech there are five parts, as Diogenes saith in his Book of Voice, and Chrysippus ( p Dionys. Halic. at first they reckoned but four, separating the Articles from the Conjunctions, afterwards the latter Stoics, dividing the Appellatives from the Nouns, made them five) Noun, Appellation, Verb, Conjunction, Article. (Antipater in his Book of Speech added the medium) Appellation (as Diogenes saith) is a part of speech signifying a common quality; as, Man, Horse. Noun a part of speech denoting a proper quality; as Diogenes, Socrates. Verb (as Diogenes saith) a part of speech signifying a thing, which is predicated of one or more things, incomposed; or, as some say, an Element of speech without cases, whereby the parts of speech are connected; as, I write, I speak. Conjunction is a part of speech without cases, conjoining the parts of speech. Article is an element of speech, having cases; distinguishing the kinds and numbers of Nouns; as, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q S. August● de Dialect. cap. 6. Every word, by reason of that which it signifieth, calleth four necessary things into question, its origine, power, declination, ordination. As concerning the first, which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they conceived, that names were given by nature: the first pronounced voices, imitating the things themselves, from which the names were afterwards imposed, by wh●ch reason, they derive Etymologies, conceiving that there is not any word, for which there cannot be given a certain reason. They therefore studiously enquired whence words are deduced, much pains was taken, first, by Zeno, then by Cleanthes, afterwards by Chrysippus, to give a reason of commentitious fables, and to explain the causes of words, why they are called so and so. This beginning is to be sought, until we arrive so far, as that the thing agree in some similitude with the sound of the word, as when we say, tinkling of brass, the neighing of horses, the bleating of sheep, the gingling of chains: These words by their sound, express the things which are signified by them. But, for as much as there are things which found not, in these the similitude of touching hath the same power: As, they touch the sense smoothly or harshly, the smoothness or harshness of letters in like manner touch the hearing, and thereby occasioneth their names. As when we say smooth, it sounds smoothly: so, who will not judge harshness to be harsh by the very word? It is smooth to the ear when we say pleasure; harsh, when we say crux, a cross: the things themselves make good the sound of the words. Honey, as sweetly as the thing itself affects our taste, so sweetly doth the name touch our hearing: Sour, as harsh in both. Wool and Briars, as the words are to the hearing, the things are to the touch. These are conceived to be the infancy, as it were, of words, when the sense of the thing concord's with the sense of the sound. From hence proceeded the licence of naming, according to the similitude of the things among themselves: as when, for example, crux, a cross, is therefore so called, because the harshness of the word concord's with the harshness of the pain which the cross affecteth. But, Crura, thighs, are so called, not from harshness of pain; but, because in length and hardness, they are, in respect of the other limbs, like unto the wood of a cross. Hence it comes to abuse, that the name usurped, not of a like thing, but, as it were near: for what likeness is there between the signification of little and minute, when as that may be little, which not only is nothing minute, but is somewhat grown; yet, by reason of a certain nearness, we say minute for little. But, this abuse of the word is in the power of the speaker; for, he may use the word little, and not minute. This example belongs to that which we will show, when we call that a fishpond which hath no fish in it, nor any thing like a fish: It is denominated from fishes, by reason of the water, wherein fishes live. So the word is used by translation, not from similitude, but a certain kind of vicinity. And if any one should say, that men in swimming resemble fishes, and that from thence a fishpond is so named, it were foolish to refuse it, since that neither is repugnant to the nature of the thing, and both are occult. But, this is to the purpose, which we cannot dilucidate by one example, how much the origine of the word, which is taken from vicinity, differs from that which is derived from similitude. From hence there is a progression to the contrary. Lucus is thought to be so named, quod minime luceat; and bellum, quòd res bella non sit; and soedus, quòd res foeda non sit. But, if we derive p●rcus, as some do, à soeditate, it returns to that vicinity, when that which is made, is named from that by which it is made. For this vicinity is very large, and divided into many parts, either by efficience, as this word procus à foeditate; from which likewise foedus: or by effect, as puteus, so named, because the effect thereof is potatio: or by that it containeth, as urbs ab orbe, because in a place which they liked, they first made a tract about it with a plough, as Virgil saith of Aeneas, — Urbem designat Aratro. Or by that which is contained, as if horreum were derived from hordeum; or by abuse, as hordeum for wheat, or the whole from a part, as mucro, which is the point for the whole sword; or a part from the whole; as capillus quasi capitis pilus. What need we go any further? whatsoever else can be reckoned, we may see the origin of the word contained, either in the similitude betwixt things and sounds, or in the similitude betwixt things themselves, or in vicinity, or contrariety, which origine we cannot pursue beyond similitude. But this we cannot do always, for there are innumerable words, the reasons of which ly●hid. To the infancy, or rather stock and seed of such words, beyond which, no origine is to be sought, neither if a man do inquire can he find any, they proceed in this manner: The syllables, in which v hath the place of consonant, as in these words, venture, vafer, velum, vinum, vomis, vulnus, have a thick, and as it were, a strong sound, which the very custom of speaking confirmeth, when from some words we take them away, lest they should burden the ear; for which reason we say amâsti, rather than amavisti, and abiit, not abi●it, and innumerable of the same kind. Therefore when we say Vis, the sound of the word having, as we said, a kind of force, suiteth with the thing which it signifieth. Now from this vicinity, by that which they affect, that is, because they are violent, vincula seem to be named, and vimen, quo aliquid vinciatur. Thence vites, because they clasp about those things by which they grow. Hence also by similitude, Terence calls a crooked old man vietum. Hence the Earth, worn into winding paths by the feet of passengers, is called via; but if via be so named, quasi vi pedum trita, the origine returns to the vicinity: But let us suppose it derived from the similitude it hath with vitis, or vimen, that is, from its winding, one asketh me why it is called via? I answer, from the windings and crookedness thereof, which the ancients called vietum; thence the rounds of a wheel vietoes. He demands, how vietum comes to signify winding? I answer, from the similitude of vitis, a Vine: He requires whence vitis is so named? I say, because it doth vincere those things which it comprehends. He questions whence vincere is derived? We say, à vi: He asks, whence vis? We give this reason, because the word in its robust and forcible sound agreeth to the thing which it signifieth. He hath nothing more to demand. t Galen. de decret. Hipp. & Plat. lib. 2. In like manner, in this word Ego, as Chrysippus observes, in pronouncing the first syllable, we depress the under-lip, as if it were to point to ourselves, then by motion of the beard we point to our own breasts: of which u Agell. 10. 5. Nigidius hath given more instances, in his Grammatical Commentaries. The second question concerning words, is of their power, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of significants; whence x Laert. Chrysippus divided Dialectic into two parts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of significants and significats. Here they inquire, how many ways every thing may be said, and how many ways a thing said may signify. Here is examined the ambiguity of words: y Laert. Ambiguity (or amphiboly) is a word signifying two or more things, naturally, and properly, according to the language of the Nation, in such manner, that many senses may be collected from the same words, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which one way signifies, the pot fell thrice, another way, the she-minstrell fell. z Agell. 9 12. Every word (according to Chrysippus) is by nature ambiguous, for the same may be taken two or more ways: y D. August. de dialect. Neither is that any thing to the purpose which Hortensius calumniates in Cicero, thus, They affirm that they hear ambiguities acutely, explain them clearly. The same persons hold, that every word is ambiguous; how then can they explain the ambiguous by the ambiguous, that were to bring a candle not lighted into the dark. This is ingeniously and subtly said, but like that of Scaevola to Antonius, you seem to the wise to speak acutely, to fools truly: for what else doth Hortensius in that place, but by his ingenuity and facetiousness, as an intoxicating cup, bring darkness upon the unlearned. For, when they say, every word is ambiguous, it is understood of single words. Ambiguities are explained by disputation; no man disputeth by single words, none therefore explaineth ambiguous words by ambiguous words. And yet seeing that every word is ambiguous, no man can explain the ambiguity of words, except by words, but those conjoined and not ambiguous. As when we say, every Soldier hath two feet, it doth not follow, that a whole Regiment of Soldiers that have two feet, should have in all but two feet. So when I say, every word is ambiguous, I do not say, a sentence, nor a disputation, although they are woven of words. Every ambiguous word therefore may be explained by inambiguous disputation. The third question is concerning Declination, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z Agell. 2. 25. Some follow Analogy, others Anomaly: Analogy is a like declination of like, in Latin proportio. Anomaly is an inequality, following the customs of declinations. a Varr●. de ling. lat. Chrysippus wrote six books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, showing, that like things are noted with unlike words, and unlike things with like words. The last question is concerning Ordination, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Dionys. Ha●●carn. de compos. verb. Upon this subject Chrysippus wrote two books (Laertius reckons more) whose scope is not Rhetorical, but Dialectic, as will easily appear to the Reader: Of the Syntax of Axioms: of true and false Axioms: of possible and impossible: of contingent, and transient, and ambiguous, and the like, which confer nothing to single speech, or pleasure, or grace to elocution. c Laert. There are five excellencies of speech, Propriety, Perspicuity, succinctness, Decorum, Elegance. Propriety is a proper phrase, according to Art, not after the common expression. Perspicuity is, when that which is intended is delivered clearly. succinctness is, when that only is comprised which is necessary to the thing. Decorum, is a conformity to the thing. Elegance is an avoiding of vulgar phrase. d Laert. Amongst the faults of speech is Barbarism, a phrase not in use with the best persons; and Sol●ecisme, a speech incoherently framed. CHAP. XI. Of Definition and Division. a Laert. DEfinition (according to Antipater in his book of Definitions) is speech by Analysis pronounced adaequately; or (as Chrysippus in his book of Definitions) an answer to this Question, what a thing is. b Sext. Empi●. adv. Log. Those definitions are vicious which include any of those things which are not in the things defined, or not in all, or not in some; so as if we should say, A man is a rational creature, or, a mortal grammatical creature; seeing that no man is immortal, and some men are not Grammarians, the definition is faulty. c Cicer. Topic. We must therefore, when we take those things which are common to the things we would define, and others prosecute them so far, until it becomes proper, so as not to be transferrible to any other thing; as this. An inheritance is riches, add which by the death of some person falleth to another, it is not yet a definition, for riches may be held many other ways, as well as by Inheritance; add one word, by right of Law; now the thing will seem disjoined from community; so that the definition is thus explained. Inheritance is riches, which by the death of some person falleth to another by right of law: It is not yet enough, therefore add, neither bequeathed by will, nor detained by possession, and it is perfect. d Cic. Topic. Of definition there are two kinds; one of things which are; the other of things which are understood. Those things which are, we call such as may be seen or touched, as a field, house, a wall, and the like. On the other side, we say those things are not, which cannot be touched or shown, as possession, gardianship, nation, kindred, which have not any body, yet there is some conformity in the understanding which we call notional, whereby in argumentation they may be explained by definition. This latter kind is rather called Description, a speech, which by the exterior figure of the things bringeth us to the things themselves, or a Definition simply expressing the power of a definition. e Cic. Topic. Again, of definitions, some are of partitions, others of divisions. Of partitions, when the thing proposed is torn (as it were) into pieces, as if we should say the Civil Law is that which consisteth in Laws, Senators, things judged, the authority of Lawyers, Edicts of Magistrates, manners and Equity. The definition of divisions comprehendeth all species which are under the genus defined, thus. Abalienation is of that thing which is in our power, or a deliverance of it into the power of another, or a concession by Law, amongst whom those things may be done by civil right. f Laert. Division is a section of the genus into its immediate species; as, of living creatures, some are rational, some irrational. g Sext. Empir. adv. Math. 10. 2. This therefore is an ill division, of men, some are Grecians, some Egyptians, some Persians, some Indians; for the next species are not disparate, but opposite, we must therefore say thus; Of men, some are Grecians, some Barbarians, and again, by subdivision of Barbarians, some are Egyptians, some Persians, some Indians, which likewise is in the division of things that are. For those which are good and bad are different to us, those who are intermediate betwixt good and bad are indifferent to us. The division therefore ought not to be so, but rather thus: Of things that are, some are indifferent, others different, of the different, some are good, some are ill; For this division is like unto that which saith, of men, some are Grecians, others Barbarians; of Barbarians, some are Egyptians, some Persians, some Indians; the other is likewise; Of men, some Grecians, some Egyptians, some Persians, some Indians. Hence it followeth, that h Sext. Empir. adv. Moral. 10. perfect division hath an universal power; for he who divideth thus; Of men, some are Grecians, others Barbarians, saith as much as this, if there are any men, they are either Grecians or Barbarians, for if there be any man, who is neither Greek nor Barbarian, the division must necessarily be ill, the universal false. Wherefore when we say, of things that are, some are good, some ill, some intermediate, it is as much (according to Chrysippus) as this universal: if there be any things that are, they are either good, or ill, or indifferent. But this universal is false, if any thing false be subjected to it: For, if two things be subjected, one good, the other ill; or, one good, the other indifferent, in this expression of those things which are, one kind is good, that is true, but this, these are good, is false, for they are not good, for one is good, the other ill. And again, these are ill, is false, for they are not ill, but only one of them. The like in indifferents; for, it is false that these are indifferents, as that these are good or ill. i Laert. There are three forms of division, anti-division, sub-division, partition. Anti-division is a distribution of the genus into species by the contrary; as for example, by negation, as of things that are, some are good, others not good. Sub-division is division upon a division: as, of things that are, some are good, others not good; of the notgood, some are ill, others indifferent. Partition, is a distribution of the genus into places (according to Crinis) as of goods, some belong to the Soul, others to the Body. CHAP. XII. Of Genus, Species, etc. a Laert. GENUS is a comprehension of many Notions referred to one, as, a living creature, for this includes all living creatures. Notion is a fantasy of the mind, not any thing existent or qualitative, but, as it were, something existent, and qualitative; as the notion of a horse, no horse being present. Species is that which is contained under the Genus; as, under living creature is contained man. Most general, is that which is a Genus, but hath no Genus: Most special, that which is a Species, but hath no Species. To this place of Voice belong likewise, as we said, the consideration of Poem and Poesy. Poem (according to Possidonius, in his introduction to Speech) is a speech in meeter or rhithme, not prose, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Poesy is a significant Poem, with design, containing the imitation of things divine and human. CHAP. XIII. Of Things. NOtions, words, and things, as we have said, are conjoined together. From notions we came to words, from words we come now to the things themselves: By Notions Things are perceived. a Laert. Those are said to be Things which are dicible. b Philop. in Analyt. prior. The Stoics by a new name call things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Contingents, because we desire that things might befall us, and that we might obtain them. c Sext. Empir. adv. Log. Contigents therefore is the subject itself, beyond the notion or word, as Dion. d Alexand. Aphrod. in Top. 4. They comprehend all things under one common Genus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, somewhat; e Senec. Epist. 19 placing this Genus above all, the reason this: In nature somethings are, somethings are not. For, those things which are not, but only incur in the mind, as Centaurs, Giants, and whatsoever else is form by false cogitation, hath some image, although it hath no substance. Even Negatives are in being. Somewhat therefore is more general than Ens, which is understood only of Corporealls. f Simplic. in Categ. Things are subdivided into four Genus', Subjects, and qualitatives, & quodammodotatives in themselves, and quodammodotatives as to others. g Simplic. ibid. Thus the Stoics treating more strictly and subtly of these things, contract the Predicaments into a lesser number, taking some of those things which they diminished, but with some alteration. CHAP. XIV. Of Subjects. a Simplic. in Categ. THere is not any thing besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Subject: The differences concerning this are nonsubsistent. b Simplic. ibid. Subject is twofold; one, which is called the first subject, such is matter, expert of all qualities, which Aristotle calleth a body potentially. The other, that which is affected with quality, as Brass, and Socrates, with those things which are in them, or praedicate by them. CHAP. XV. Of Qualitatives. a Dexipp. in categ. 2. 22. QUalitatives have a subsistence, and are separate from their subjects. For qualities (as all other accidents) are bodies, seeing that according to Zeno, nothing can be effected by that which is incorporeal, nor can that which is incorporeal effect any thing; whatsoever effecteth is a body. Effective quality therefore is a body. Matter is expert of quality, but qualities are not expert of matter. b Simplic. in categ● Quality is the habit of that which is qualitative. Qualitative is taken three ways: First, for whatsoever hath difference, whether it be motion or habit, and whether hardly or easily separaable. In this sense, not only he who is wise, but he who stretcheth out his hand are qualitative. The second signification includes not motions but habits only, which they define qualitative, that is, which hath a difference endued with habit, as a wise man, or an armed man. Of these, some are adequate, to the measure of their pronunciation and consideration; others not adequate. These they omit, those which are adequate, equal, and permanent, they call qualitative; as, a Grammarian, and a wise man; neither of these exceeds, or falls short of his quality. Likewise a lover of meat, and a lover of wine, being in act such, as a glutton, and a drunkard, because they make use of those parts which serve to this end, are so called: so that if any man be a glutton, he is consequently a lover of meat; but, if he be a lover of meat, he is not therefore immediately a glutton; for, being destitute of those parts which he useth in eating, he wanteth the act, but not the habit. Quality is adaequated to qualitative in this last sense. c Bursius in dialect. Cicer. 4. 3. All qualities are either causes, and then they are called forms; or effects, and then they are generally called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, habitualls, which word Antipater extends as large, as the common accident, both of things corporeal and incorporeal, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, somewhat. Of habitualls there are four kinds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they reside in the mind; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they fall from the mind into the voice; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ when by the motion of the mind, they are praedicate of any thing; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they happen to subjects. d Simplic. in Categ. Habits are only things united, but those which are conjoined by contiguity, as a Ship; or by distance, as an Army; in these there can be no habit, nor one thing spiritual above all, nor one reason, whereby they may come to subsist within one habit. It is common to quality of corporeal things to be the difference of their substance, Ibid. no● taken severally, but contracted into one notion and property of the mind, nor by time or strength reduced to form, but by its own tality, according to which the generation of the qualitative subsists. Power (a species of quality) is that which hath and giveth the faculty of exercising many accidents, Ibid. as prudence giveth the faculty of walking prudently, and discoursing prudently: or, according to some, Power is that which giveth the faculty of exercising many accidents, and which ruleth and governeth the acts subjected unto it. What Aristotle called natural Power, Ibid. they name Aptitude. Habits are intended and remitted, Ibid. dispositions cannot be intended or remitted. Thus the straightness of a wand, although it may easily be discomposed and bend, is a disposition, for straightness cannot be intended or remitted. Likewise the virtues are dispositions, not in respect of their firmness and constancy, but because they cannot admit of degrees of more and less: but, Arts must either have firmness, or not be dispositions. Thus habitude is taken in the latitude of the species, disposition in the chief perfection of the species, and in that which is the most it can be, whether it be easily altered (as the straightness of a wand) or not. CHAP. XVI. Of Quodammodotatives. THe third kind of things are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Quodammodotatives. a Plotin. ●. 30. They differ from Qualitatives, because matter is otherwise affected by habits, otherwise by Quodammodotatives, in this or that manner. Moreover Qualitatives are Quodammodotatives as to matter, and conversant therein; but properly, quodammodotatives are conversant in qualitatives. b Simplic. in Categ. Again, as habitualls may be said to extend further than habits, so quodammodotatives are larger than qualitatives: for quodammodotatives extend even to those things which are quodammodotatives as to others, and include them; but qualitatives consist only in those which make a difference. c Simplic. ibid. This place Boethius conceives to have the power of habit. Habit chiefly and universally is taken three ways: First, to be to itself, and according to itself: Secondly, in respect to another: Thirdly, of another to it. That which is considered as to itself, pertains to quodammodotatives; as, armed, for it is a habit of ones self to one's self. That which is to another, pertains to relation; for, a Father, or a right hand, are said, according to a habit, not of themselves to themselves, but of them to another. But that which is of another to us, as of an armed man, being the habit of another to us, pertains to habit. To this head they reduce quantitatives and quantity, and their species, place, time, and some species (according to Aristotle) of quality, figure and form; as also action, passion, site, habit. CHAP. XVII. Of Quodammodotatives as to others. THe last genus of things is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quodammodotatives as to others. a Simplic, in Cat●g. Of these there are two kinds, Relatives, and quodammodotative-Relatives. The Relatives are opposed and distinguished from those which are by themselves, and absolute. The quodammodotative-relatives are opposed to those which have a difference, as for example, Sweet and Sour, and whatsoever is of the like kind, are relatives; but quodammodotative-relatives, are as the right side, father, and the like; for, they have a difference, in that they are characterised by differences, according to some species. As therefore there is one notion of those which are by themselves, and absolute, another of those which are considered with difference: so some things are relatives; others quodammodotative-relatives. The consequence of conjunctions in these is contrary; for, with those which are by themselves, coexist those which have a difference; for, those which are by themselves have some differences, as white and black. But, those which are by themselves, coexist not with those which have a difference. Sweet and bitter have differences, whereby they are characterized; yet, they are not absolute, but relatives. But, those which are quodammodotative-relatives, being contrary to those which have differences, are likewise relatives. For, the right side, and a Father, besides that they are quodammodotative, are likewise relatives: but, sweet and bitter being relatives, have a difference, whereby they are contrary, being quodammodotative relatives. Those which are quodammodotative relatives, it is impossible should be by themselves, and absolute, or by difference; for they depend solely upon relative habit. Relatives therefore are not by themselves, for they are not absolute; yet, are they according to difference, because they are distinguished by some character. To express this more clearly, Relatives are those, which by their proper character respect another; quodammodotative-relatives are those which use to happen to another, but not without mutation and alteration of those things which are about them; yet, with respect of something external. If therefore any thing with difference respect another, it is only relative, as, habit, science, and sense: but, if it respect another, not out of inherent difference, but in pure habit, it is quodammodotative-relative. For, a Father, and right side, to their consistence, require some external things, for as much as there being no mutation made in them, he is no longer a Father, his Son being dead, and the right side is no longer so, after he is risen, in respect of whom it was said to be such; but, sweet and bitter will not alter, unless their power be likewise changed. If therefore quodammodotative are changed in habit to another, although they receive no passion in themselves, it is manifest they have their being in the habit alone, not in difference. a Laert. vit. Aristoni●. This genus was first introduced by Aristo, b Simplic. in Categ. who defined quodammodotative relatives to be those, whose being is the same with their quodammodotative being to one another: And so also Andronicus defines them. CHAP. XVIII. Of Dicibles. TO the place concerning things and significats, belongeth that concerning Dicibles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to which true and false is common. a Laert. Dicible is that which con●isteth according to rational fantasy. b Sext. Empir. adv. log. Rational fantasy is that, by which what is comprehended by fantasy, may be expressed by speech. Every thing that may be said, aught to be said, for from thence is derived the denomination. c Ammon. in pro●●● Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Dicible is a mean betwixt notion and thing. Dicibles are notions, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but not merely and simply notions, d Burrs. in dial. Cic. 5. 1. which in as much as they are the principles of science, and are intelligences, are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ but, in as much as they reside in the mind, are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and are genus and species, in which manner, being ready for expression, they are called dicibles, and pertain to the enunciative faculty of the soul. For, whatsoever is said, if it be so considered as it is said of something, they are Categorems; if so, as it breaketh forth into voice, and with voice, they are words, if retained in the mind, ready to break forth, they are dicibles. Dicible therefore is a word, and yet signifies not a word, but that which is understood in the word, and is contained in the mind. e Laert. Of Dicibles there are two kinds, the defective, and the perfect. The defective are those which an imperfect enunciation, not completing the sentence, but requiring something to follow; as writeth, for we ask, who? To this kind belongeth Categorems, which are praedicate of other things. The perfect are such as have a perfect enunciation: Of these there are two kinds: The first peculiarly called perfect, which though they complete the sentence, yet, signify neither true nor false. Of these there are many kinds, as Interrogation, percontation, imperative, adjurative, optative, imprecative, or execrative, substitutive, hypothetical, compellative, like to, or transcending an axiom, and dubitative. Interrogation is that which is a perfect sentence, but requireth an answer, as, Is it day? for this is neither true nor false; so that it is day, is an axiom, is it day? an interrogation. Percontation is a thing for which we cannot answer significantly, as in Interrogation, yes: but as thus, he dwelleth in such a place. Imperative is a thing, in speaking whereof, we command, as, Go thou to the Inachian stood. f Ammom, in lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Adjurative, as witness thou Earth. Optative, which he we speak wishing, as, Great jove who dost in Ida reign, The Victory let Ajax gain. Imprecative, or execrative, as, As on the ground this wine I pour, So may the Earth his blood devour. Substitutive, or expositive, as, let this be a right line. hypothetical, as, supposing the Earth to be the Centre of the Globe of the Sun. Compellative is a thing in speaking which we call another, Laert. as, Atrides, Agamemnon, King of men. Like to, or transcending an axiom, is that which hath an axiomatical manner of speaking; but because it superabounds in some particle or affection, it is not ranked amongst axioms, as, How beauteous is thy Virgin-Train! How like to Priam's Son, that swain! Dubitative is a thing different from an axiom, which, whosover speaks, maketh a doubt, as, Then are not life and grief of kin? all these are neither true nor false. The other kind of perfect dicibles which complete the Sentence▪ affirmeth or denyeth, and is either true or false. It is called axtom. CHAP. XIX Of Categoremes. a Laert. CAtegoreme is that which is praedicate of another, or a thing construed with one or more, or (as Apollodorus) a defective dicible, construed with the right case, to make an axiom. b Ammon. in Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whatsoever is praedicate of another, is praedicate of the name of the case; and both these are either perfect, as that which is praedicate, and together with the subject sufficient to make an Axiom. Or they are de●ective, and require some addition, to make thereof a perfect praedicate. If that which is praedicate of a name, make an axiom, it is a Categorem, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a congruity, as walke●h, for example, Socrates walketh. But if it be predicated of the case, (whereby transitions are made from one person to another, wherein it is necessary, that some oblique case, be likewise pronounced with the right, they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as an addition to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (or as c Lib. 3. Priscian renders it, less than congruities) as, Cicero saved his Country. Again, if that which is praedicate of some noun, require a case of some other noun to be added to make up the axiom, so as the construction be made of two oblique cases, they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, incongruities, or, according to Ammonius, less than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as, it pleases me to come to thee; whether the nouns only or the words require it. d Laert, Again, of Categoremes, there are four kinds, right, supine, neuter, and reciprocally active and passive. Right are those which have a motion tending to another, and are construed with one of the oblique cases, for the making of a Categorem, as heareth, seeth, discourseth. Supine are those which are considered from habit to an agent, and is construed with a passive particle, as, I am heard, I am seen. Neuter, as those which are neither way, as, to be wise, to walk. Reciprocally, active and passive are those, which seem supines but are not, for they are acts, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for therein is included 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The right (or nominative) case, is so called by the Stoics, whom the Grammarians follow, because it falleth directly from the notion which is in the mind. Oblique cases are the Genitive, Dative and Accusative. CHAP. XX. Of simple Axioms. a Laert. AXiom is that which is either true or false, or a thing perfect by itself, negative, or affirmative, as far as it extends; or, (according to Chrysippus, in his dialectic definitions) Axiom is that which affirmeth or denyeth as far as it extends; as, Dion walketh. It is called Axiom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because assent is either given to it or not: for he who saith, it is day, assenteth thereunto. If it be day, the axiom is true, if it be not, false. b Laert. Of Axioms, the first and most proper difference is of the simple and not simple (thus divided by Chrysippus, and Archidemus and Athenodorus, and Antipater, and Crinis.) c Laert, Sext. Empir adv. Log. cap de ver●. Simple axioms are those which consist neither of one axiom twice taken, nor of different axioms, neither by one or more conjunctions; as, It is day, 'tis at night, Socrates disputes. d Laert. Of simple axioms there are many kinds, Apophatick, or negative, arnetick, or universally negative; steretick, or privative; categorick, or praedicative; categoreutick, or indicative; indefinite and mediate. e Laert. ●pul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Negative axioms are those, in which a negative particle is proposed; as, If this is, that is not. But if the negation be of the latter part of the Axiom, the other part not being negative, than the axiom is not negative, but praeicative; as, It happeneth to some pleasure not to be good. This therefore declareth what happeneth to the thing, and therefore is praedicative. f Boes. in Ci●● Top. A species of negative axiom, is the supernegative, when, between the parts connected and copulated by two affirmations, a preposition with a negation is interposed, and that very negation denied; as, If it is day, it is not light. Of the same kind are all those, wherein negation is proposed to negation; as, It is not both day, and not light. g Laert. Universally negative axioms are those, which consist of an universal negative particle, and a Categorem; as, no man walketh. h Laert. Privative are those which consist of a privative particle, and an axiom in power, as, he is inhuman. i Laert. Praedicative are those, which consist of a right ca●e and a Categorem; as, Dien walketh. k Laert. Indicative, or l S●xt. Empi●. definitive is that which consists of a demonstrative right case, and a Categorem; as, this man walketh. m Laert. Sext. Empir. Indefinite is that, which consists of one or more indefinite particles; as, a certain man walketh, he is moved. n Sext. Empit. Intermediate are of this kind, a man si●teth, or a man walketh; a certain man walketh is indefinite, for it determines no single person; that man sitteth is definite, Socrates sitteth is intermediate; for it is not indefinite, because it determines the species, nor definite, because it is not pronounced with demonstration, but it is intermediate betwixt both. o Sext. Emp. An indefinite axiom, as, some one sitteth, is true, when the thing definite is true; as, he sitteth; but, if none of the singulars do sit, the indefinite axiom is not true, that some one sitteth. CHAP. XXI. Of not-simple Axioms. a Laert. sixth▪ Emp. adv. Log. de vero. NOt-simple axioms are those, which are in a manner double, consisting of one axiom diversified, or of axioms: of one axiom dversified; as, if it be day, it is day: of axioms, as, if it be day, 'tis light. b Sext. Emp. adv. Log. cap. de vero. In not-simple axioms, that which immediately followeth the conjunction if, or whereas, is called the Antecedent, the first, or the beginning; the rest is called the ending, or Consequence, or second. Notwithstanding that the axiom be pronounced by inversion; as, It is light, if it be day; for in this, the ending or consequence, is, it is light, although it be spoken first; the antecedent, it is day, although it be put in the second place; for it immediately followeth the conjunction if. The Laws and rules of Consequents are these: 1. c Laert. From true followeth true; as, if it be day, it followeth that it is light. 2. From false followeth false; as, if this be false that it is night, this is likewise false, it is dark. 3. From false followeth true, as from this, the Earth flieth, followeth, the Earth is. 4. From true doth not follow false; for from this, the Earth is, it followeth not, that the earth flies. d Laert. Of not-simple propositions there are many kinds, Connex, Adnex, Conjunct, Causal, Declarative of the more, and Declarative of the less. e Laert. Connex (according to Chrysippus in his Dialectic, and Diogenes in his Dialectic Art) is that which consists of the connective conjunction, if; which conjunction declareth, that the consequent is second to the first; as, if it be day, it is light. Of a diversified axiom, and the conjunction if, consisteth this connex, If it be day, it is day, these are properly right axioms. Of different axioms, and the conjunction whereas, this, if it is day, 'tis light. f Philop. in Anal. prior. Connex axioms are called also tropical, because they turn from the antecedent to the consequent. The rules of connex axioms are these: f Laert. That is a true connex, wherein the contrary of the consequent is repugnant to the antecedent, as, if it is day, 'tis light; for, that it is not light, the contrary to the consequent, is repugnant to, it is day, the antecedent. A false connex is that wherein the contrary to the consequent is not repugnant to the Antecedent; as this, if it is day, Dion walks; for, that Dion walketh not, is not repugnant to, it is day. g Laert. Adnex (which some reckon as a species of the connex) according to Crinis, in his Dialectic, is an axiom connected by the conjunction whereas, beginning with an axiom, and ending with an axiom; as, whereas it is day, it is light, the conjunction showeth, that the second is a consequent of the first, and that the first is subsistent. The rules of adnex axioms are these: h Laert. That is a true adnex, which beginneth from true, endeth in that which is consequent; as, whereas it is day, the Sun is over the earth. False is that, which beginneth from false, or endeth not consequently; as, whereas it is day, Dion walketh, if this be said when it is not day. i Laert. A conjunct axiom is that, which is knit together by Conjunctions copulative; as, it is both day, and it is light. The rules thereof are these: That is a right conjunction wherein all things are true; as it is day, and it is light. That is false, which hath something false. An axiom which hath neither conjunction nor disjunction, is to be taken in the sense of the speaker; for conjunction is sometimes taken for disjunction; as, to me, and my heir. A disjunct axiom is that which is disjoined, Laert. by a disjunctive conjunction; as, either it is day, or it is night. This conjunction showeth, that one of the axioms is false. All things that are disjoined, Agell. 16. 8. are repugnant to one another, and their opposites likewise are repugnant. Of all things that are disjoined, one must be true, the rest false, otherwise nothing at all is true, or all, or more than one are true, either those which are disjunct, will not be repugnant, or those which are opposite to them will not be contrary to one another, than the disjunct will be false, and is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as this is, in which the opposites are not contrary; either thou runnest, or walkest, or standest, for they are repugnant to one another, but their opposites are not repugnant, because not to walk, and not to stand, and not to run, are not contrary in themselves; for, those things are said to be contrary, which cannot be true together. But you may at the same time neither walk, nor run, nor stand. Every disjunction therefore is not only true, but necessary; for if of contraries there could be a false conjunction, no disjunction could be true. A Causal axiom is that which is connected by this conjunction, because, as because it is day, 'tis light; for the first is, as it were cause of the second. The rules thereof are these: A causal conjunction is true, when beginning from true, it endeth in the consequent, and cannot have the antecedent for its consequent; as because it is day, 'tis light: but this axiom, it is light, doth not follow from the other, it is day. A false causal is that which either beginneth from false, or endeth in that which is not consequent, or whose antecedent may be the consequent, as, because it is night, Dion walks. An Axiom declarative of the morel, is that which is construed with this conjunction, more, as it is more day than night. Declarative of the less, is contrary to the former, as, it is less day than night. CHAP. XXII. Of contrary Axioms. COntrary Axioms are those which are repugnant to one another, Laert. according to truth and falsehood, whereof one affirmeth, the other denyeth, as, it is day, it is not day. Only Negatives are contrary, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and opposite, and repugnant, for only in contraries one proposition is true, the other false. The other three kinds of contraries alleged by Arist●tle, are pronounced without a conjunction. Whatsoever is pronounced without a conjunction, is neither true nor false, for true and false belongeth to axiom. Axiom is a speech which consisteth in the conjunction of some thing, whereas of Aristotle's other three kinds of contraries, none are conjunct but simple, as black and white, double and single, sight and blindness. Adverse are (as likewise defined by Aristotle) those which in the same kind are most distant. Nothing that is pronounced by negation is adverse, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to another, for then the adverse to Virtue will be not Virtue, and to Vice not Vice, and under not Virtue will be included many other things beside vice, even, a stone, a horse, and whatsoever is beside Virtue; under not vice, will be found Virtue and all other things. Thus all things would be adverse to one, and the same the adverse to Virtue and Vice. Moreover if Virtue were not adverse to Vice, but to not-vice, the intermediate will be adverse both to good and bad, which is absurd. The rules of contraries are these. 1. * Simplic. Contrariety is principally in acts, habits, and the like. 2. Categorems and qualitatives are called as it were contrary. Prudently and imprudently in some manner lead to things contrary, but contraries absolutely are in things: and prudence is so immediately contrary to imprudence, not this to that: Contraries are either distunctive or sul disjunctive, disjunctive as when we say, it is either day or night. Sul disjunctive are of two kinds, either in whole, betwixt universals, as every living creature either doth or suffereth, no living Creature either doth or suffereth; or in part, betwixt particulars; as he either sitteth or walketh; he neither sitteth nor walketh. The rules of contraries are these; of Disjunctives one being asserted, the other is necessarily taken away; one being taken away, the other is necessarily asserted. Of subdisjunctives in whole, both cannot be true, both may be false; both cannot be affirmative, both cannot be negative. Of subdisjunctives in part, both may be true, because they are taken in part. CHAP. XXIII. Of Possible and Impossible, Necessary and Unnecessary, Probable, paradoxal and Reasonable axioms. a Laert. MOreover of axioms some are possible, others impossible; some necessary, others not unnecessary. A possible Axiom is that which is susceptible of a true praedication, without obstruction from those things, which, though external, are yet contingent with the thing itself; as Diocles lives. Impossible is that which can never be susceptible of truth, externals oppugning it, as, the Earth flies. Necessary is that which is so true, as that it cannot any way receive a false praedication, or, may receive it, but those things which are extrinsecall, will not permit that it be true, as Virtue profiteth. Not-necessary is that which may be either true or false, exterior things not obstructing it, as Dion walks. b Simplic. in lib. Arist. de opposite. These future repugnants and their parts are according to the same manner, as the present and the past. For, if it be true that the thing either shall be or shall not be, it must be either true or false, because future's are determined according to these; as, if a Navy is built to morrow, it is true to say that it shall be built, but if it be not, it is false to say that it shall be built, because it will not be, therefore it will either be or not be, and consequently one of the two is false. Concerning possibles and necessaries, there is great difference betwixt Diodorus and Chrysippus. c johan▪ Grammat. in Arist. de opposite. Diodorus holds that only to be possible which either is, or will hereafter be. That which neither is, not ever shall be is impossible. As for me to be at Corinth is possible, if I ever were there, or ever shall be there, but if I never was there, nor ever shall be there, it is impossible. That a Boy shall be a Grammarian is not possible, unless hereafter he come to be one. d Cic. de fa●. On the contrary, Chrysippus held, that those things which neither are nor ever shall be, are yet possible to be, as, to break a gem, though it never come to be broken. c Alexand. Aphrod in anal▪ prior. Moreover that from possibles an impossible may follow, as in this Axiom, which is a true connex: If Dion be dead, He (pointing to Dion) is dead: The antecedent, if Dion be dead is possible, because it may at some time be true that he shall be dead; but this Axiom, he is dead, is impossible: for Dion being dead, the Axiom likewise is abolished, that he is dead, seeing he is no longer that man, capable of being demonstrated by the pronoun, He, for, he, is a demonstration of a living creature. If therefore Dion being not yet dead, this word, He, may be said of him, being dead, it cannot be said, he is dead. So that in this place, he is dead, is impossible. For it were not impossible, if, some time after the death of Dion, of whom it was before praedicate in the connex whilst he lived, it might be again praedicate, he is dead; but because that cannot be, it is impossible, that, he is dead, should be praedicate of him. To conclude, d Epictet. 11. 19 some held with Diodorus, that whatsoever is past, is true of necessity. That to impossible there followeth not a possible, and that what cannot be done, neither is nor shall be true. Others (as Cleanthes and Antipater) that something is possible that neither is nor shall be; that to possible followeth not impossible, and that which is past, is not true of necessity. Others, that something is possible which is not true; that whatsoever is past, is true of necessity, and that to possible followeth also impossible. Furthermore of Axioms, some are e Laert. probable, some paradoxal, some reasonable. A probable Axiom is that which persuadeth us by a specious show to assent unto it; as, whatsoever bringeth forth another is a mother; which is false, for the hen is not the mother of the egg. f Laert. paradoxal Axioms are those which seem true only to the wise, g Cic. Parad. contrary to the opinion of all others. h Epictet. 1. 25 These are likewise in other Arts, besides Philosophy; for what is stranger than to prick the eyes for the recovery of sight? If we say this to one ignorant of Chirurgery, will he not laugh at it? It is not therefore strange, that such things as are true in Philosophy should seem paradoxes to the unlearned. i Laert. A reasonable Axiom, is that which hath many conditions requisite to the truth thereof, as, I shall live to morrow. CHAP. XXIV. Of Reciprocal Axioms. HItherto of the contrariety and repugnance of Axioms. Now of their consent and agreement, whereby one followeth and is correspondent to another, either according to truth or falsehood, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, reciprocation. Of Reciprocation there are three kinds: the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, perversion, a migration into false; the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, conversion, a migration into true; the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, equipollence, into the same. CHAP. XXV. Of Signs. TO the place of Axioms appertain likewise Signs. a Sext. Emp. hypot. 2. 1. Sign is an axiom antecedent, in a true connex, and having power to detect the consequent. b Sext. adv. log. c●p. de signo. Sign is taken two ways: Commonly, for whatsoever falleth under any sense, and signifieth something that proceedeth from it: and Properly, for that which declareth a thing, which is not manifest. Things which are certain require no sign, Sext. Empir. ibid. & Pyr●h. hip. 2. 10. for they are comprehended of themselves; neither those which are wholly uncertain, for they can no way be comprehended; Galen. Hist. Philos. but, those only, which are uncertain in time, or by nature, may be comprehended by signs, but not by the same. Things that are uncertain in time, are comprehended by commemorative signs; things uncertain by nature, are comprehended by demonstrative. Of signs therefore, some are demonstrative, others communicative. A communicative sign is that which is so near to the thing, that together with the sign the thing itself appeareth, into the knowledge whereof the sign bringeth us, as smoke, which when we see, we know it proceeds from fire. A demonstrative sign is that, which not being observed before with an evident sign, leads us by that to the knowledge of the thing; as when a female hath milk, we presently know that she hath brought forth. CHAP. XXVI. Of Reasons or Arguments. Dialectic is the discipline of speech, concluded by reason. Reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes called also Argument, and Interrogation, is, according to a Laert. Crinis, that which consists of one or more sumptions, and an assumption, and an inference; as, If it be day, it is light. But it is day: Therefore it is light. Sumption. Assumption. Inserence. The Reason of the Stoics differs from the Syllogisms of Aristotle in three respects: b Alexand. Aphrod. in anal. prior. First, a Syllogism, according to Aristotle, cannot have less than two propositions, a reason may have but one; as, Thou livest, theresore thou breathest: which kind Antipater calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Secondly, in Syllogisms, something besides that which is granted in the premises; but in Reasons, the conclusion may be the same with both, or either of the sumptions. The first are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as, If it is day, it is day. But it is day: Therefore it is day. c Alex. Aphrod. in anal. pr. The second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as, It is either day, or not day. But, it is not day, Therefore it is not day. d Alex. Aphrod. in anal. prior. Lastly, in Syllogisms, the conclusion must necessarily follow, by reason of the premises, whereas there are three kinds of reasons which have not this property: The first, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, already mentioned: The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not methodically conclusive reasons; as The first is greater than the second. The second is greater than the third: Therefore the first is greater than the third. This concludes necessarily, but not Syllogistically, unless this proposition be put in the first place: What is greater than another, is greater also than that which is less than that other. Of the same kind is that Theorem in the first of Euclid's Elements, This line is equal to that, therefore this line is likewise equal to that, which is true indeed; but to conclude syllogistically, requires this universal proposition, Those which are equal to a third, are equal to one another. The third kind of reasons, from which Syllogism differeth by this property, are e Alex. Aphod. in anal prior. & in Topic. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, redundant reasons, and those of two kinds: The first are such as have a superfluous sumption; as, Every just thing is honest, Every honest thing is good, Every good thing is expetible in itself; Therefore every just thing is good. The second are those in which the proper conclusion is not inferred, but something consequent, or accident, as that argument of Epicure: Whatsoever is dissolved hath not sense, Whatsoever hath not sense pertaineth not to us: Therefore death pertaineth not to us. Whereas to conclude syllogistically, we should say, Therefore whatsoever is dissolved pertaineth to us. In a reason or argument, the sumption 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the assumption f Not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the learned Bursius hath observed, dia●. Cic. 6. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (termed by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉), are axioms received by consent of the adversary, for construction of that which is called Inference 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, conclusion) because it is inferred from the rest. g Galen. de D●●ctrina Hippo●●. & Plat. lib. 2. Of sumption and assumption according to Chrysippus, there are four differences: The first Scientifick: The second Exercitative, or (as Aristotle calls it) Dialectic: The third Probable and Rhetorical: The fourth Sophistick. CHAP. XXVII. Of conclusive Reasons. a Laert. Sext. Empir. OF Reason's there are two kinds, conclusive, and not-conclusive. Conclusive reasons are those, in which the Sumptions being granted, from the concession thereof, the Inference seemeth to follow. Conclusive reasons, in respect of their matter, are of two kinds, true and false. True are those, which from true sumptions collect a true inference. Not-true the contrary. The Laws and rules of true and false reasons, are these: 1. Truth is consequent to truth: as, If it is day, it is light. 2. False is consequent to false: as, If it be false that it is night, it is likewise false that it is dark. 3. False is consequent to true: as, Earth, if it flies is earth. 4. False is not consequent to true: for, because it is earth, it is not therefore consequent that it flies. Again, of true reasons, some are demonstrative, others not-demonstrative. A demonstrative reason is that, which by things that are certain, or perspicuous, collecteth that which is uncertain and less perspicuous: as, If sweat issue through the skin, we may understand pores; but sweat issues through the skin, therefore we may understand pores. Not-demonstrative are contrary: as, If it is day, it is light; but it is day, therefore it is light. Herein the inference, it is light, is certain. CHAP. XXVIII. Of Syllogistick Conclusive Reasons, or Syllogisms. COnclusive reasons, as to their from likewise, are of two kinds; Syllogistically conclusive, and not Syllogistically conclusive. a Laert. Syllogistically-conclusive Reasons (or Syllogisms) are those which either cannot be more concluded, or whereof one or more of the sumptions are reduced to those which cannot be concluded again; as, if Dion walks, he is moved. Syllogisms (by which the Stoics understand only the tropical, or hypothetical,) are of three kinds, connex, disjunct, conjunct. b Simplic. in Epictet. A connex Syllogism is, when two are so connected in themselves, that one is the antecedent, the other the consequent, in such manner, as, if the antecedent be asserted, the consequent followeth, and the consequent being taken away, the antecedent is likewise taken away, as, if it be day, it is not night, this antecedent is true, therefore it followeth, it is night. This kind of Syllogism pertains to the first and second moods. In the first it is called from Position of the antecedent, to Position of the consequent; in the second, from negation of the antecedent, to negation of the consequent. The Laws concerning the truth, or falsehood of these Syllogisms are the same with those of connex axioms. Of connex Syllogisms there are two kinds; connex in themselves, as, if it is light, it is light, but it is light, therefore it is light; and connex by others; as, if it is day, it is light, but it is day, therefore it is light. A conjunct Syllogism, is, c Cic. Topic. 1. when we deny something conjunct, and to these add another negation, and of these take the first, that what remains be taken away, as, d Cic. ibid. it cannot be that a Legacy is money, and money not a Legacy; but a Legacy is money, therefore money is a Legacy. e Simpl●c. A disjunct Syllogism is that in which there cannot be more than one thing true, or, that in which if one be, the other is not, or, if one be not, the other is, as, It is either day or night, but it not night, therefore it is day; for one being asserted, the other is taken away, and so on the contrary. f Sext. Hypotyp. Pyrrh. cap. 14. The evidence of this Syllogism Chrysippus conceives to be so great, that even dogs have knowledge thereof. For coming to a place where there are three ways, if by the sent they find that the Beast hath not gone in two of them, they run directly to the third without scenting, as if they argued thus, the Beast went either this way, or that way, or that way, but neither this way nor that way, therefore that way: The Laws of disjunct Syllogisms are the same as those of disjunct Axioms. CHAP. XXIX. Of Moods. a Laert. SYllogistick, conclusive Reasons are disposed into Moods. Of Moods there are two kinds, the first simple, properly called a Mood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, defined a kind of figure of the Reason, as thus, If the first is, the second is, But the first is, Therefore the second is. (It is observable by the way, that the Stoics for letters used numbers.) The other compounded, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being consistent of both reason and Mood, as, If Plato liveth, Plato breatheth, But the first, Therefore the second. This is used in a long Syntax, that it be not necessary to speak a long assumption, or a long inference, but they abbreviate them thus, but the first, therefore the second. Of Moods or Tropes there are two kinds, one of indemonstrables, so termed, not that they cannot be demonstrated, but because they conclude so evidently, that they need not be reproved; the other of demonstrables. Of Indemonstrable Moods, there are (according to Chrysippus) five, according to * Cic Topic. Martian C●p●l. others more or less. The first, wherein every reason consists of a connex, and an antecedent from which beginneth the connex, and the consequent is inferred, as, If the first, than the second, But the first, Therefore the second. The second indemonstrable is, which, by the consequent of the connex, and the contrary of the consequent, hath a conclusion contrary to the antecedent, as, If it is day, 'tis light, But it is night, Therefore, it is not day. The third is, that which by a negative complication, and one of those which are in the complication, infers the contrary to that which remains, as, Plato is not both dead and alive, But Plato is dead, Therefore Plato is not alive. The fourth is that which by a disjunctive, and one of those which is in the disjunctive, concludeth the contrary to that which remains, as, Either it is the first or second, But it is the first, Therefore it is not the second. The fifth is that wherein the whole reason is connected by a disjunctive, and one of those which are in the disjunctive of the contrary, inferreth the rest, as, Either it is night, or it is day, But it is not night. Therefore it is day. CHAP. XXXI. Of not-Syllogistick-conclusive Reasons. a Laert. Reason's not-syllogistically-conclusive (which are likewise especially called (as their genus) conclusive in opposition to Syllogisms) are those which conclude not by way of Syllogism, as, It is false, that it is both night and day, But it is day, Therefore it is not night. And this of Chrysippus. Whatsoever is good is laudable, Whatsoever is laudable is honest, Therefore whatsoever is good is honest. These not-syllogistick, or categorick-conclusives, are frequently used by the Stoics (as by Zeno in Cicero) but immethodically, not reduced to Mood and figure. Those they applied only to tropical reasons● as in which consisteth the sole way and order of inference. The categorical are not Syllogisms, because in them something is ever omitted, and therefore they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, immethodically conclusive; as in that argument of Chrysippus last mentioned, two assumptions, and an inference are omitted, for it ought to be thus, If it be good, it is laudable, But it is good, Therefore it is laudable. And again, If it be laudable, it is honest, But it is laudable, Therefore it is honest. Hence are derived those reasons which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, adjic●ent and adject, consisting of propositions continually assumed without conclusions. Adject are those whose conclusion is omitted; Adjicient, those whose demonstrative proposition is omitted, as, The first of every second, The second of every third, The third of every fourth, Therefore the first of every forth. In this adject, the conclusion is omitted, which is, therefore the first of every third CHAP. XXXI. Of not-conclusive Reasons. a Laert. NOt-conclusive Reasons are those, whose opposite to the inference is repugnant to the connexion of the sumptions: b Sext. Empir. adv. Logic. They are of four kinds. 1. By incoherence. 2. By redundance. 3. By being in an ill figure. 4. By defect. By incoherence, when the propositions have no conjunction or communion with one another, nor with the inference, as, If it is day, it is light, But corn is sold, Therefore it is light. For neither, it is day, hath any communion with, Corn is sold. nor both of them together, with, it is light; but each dependeth upon something else. By redundance, when something is assumed to the proposition extrinsecall and superfluous, as, If it is day, it is light, But it is day, and Virtue profiteth, Therefore it is light. For Virtue profiteth is superfluously assumed with the other proposition, the inference depending upon the other two. By being in an ill figure, as, this is a right figure, If the first, the second, But the first is, Therefore the second. But this, If the first, the second, But not the second,— Is not conclusive, not that in this figure, there cannot be reason which may collect truth from truth, for that it may do as thus, If there are four, six are eight, But three are not four, Therefore six are not eight. But because there may be some ill reasons in it, as this, If it be day, 'tis light, But it is not day, Therefore it is not light. By defect, when there want one of the collective propositions, as, Riches are either ill or good, But riches are not good; Therefore they are ill. For in the disjunct there wanteth this, or indifferent, so that to be perfect the sumption should be thus, Riches are ill, or good, or indifferent. CHAP. XXXII. Of fallacious Reasons or Sophisms. BY Dialectic are discerned true and false reasons: the latter are Sophisms, proper to Sophists, who dispute for vainglory, or gain; as true reasons are to Logicians, whose end is only to find out truth. Of fallacious reasons there are many kinds; the Quiescent reason, or Sorites, the Lying, the Inexplicable, the Sluggish, the Dominative, the Veiled, Electra, the Horned, the Crocodilite, the Reciprocal, the Nullity, the Defective, the Mower, the Bald, the Occult, the Negative. a Suid. Sorites, named from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a heap, is, b Ulpian. 48. ad Sabin. when from things evidently true, by short mutations, the dispute is brought to things evidently false: c Laert. though the example be falsely applied, as Bursius and Casaubon have observed. as, Are not two few? are not three so likewise? and four, and so on to ten? But, two are a few, therefore ten. d Laert. in Chrysip. It is called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the quiescent reason, e Cic. Acad. qu●st. 4. because the way to withstand it is by stopping, and withholding the assent. The lying reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a captious argument, not to be dissolved. Of this, see the life of Eubulides. f Agel. 9 15. The inexplicable reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called, from the intricate nature thereof, not to be dissolved, wherefore it seems to be the same with the lying, and perhaps the genus to most of those which follow. The sluggish reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is manifested by this example: g Cicer▪ de ●at●, If it be decreed that you shall recover of this sickness, you shall recover whether you take Physic or not. Again, if it be decreed you shall not recover, you shall not recover, whether you take Physic or not: Therefore it is to no purpose to take Physic. This argument is justly termed fluggish, faith Cicero, because by the same reason, all action may be taken away from life. The Dominative reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; of this already in the life of Diodorus. The veiled reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Of this, and Electra, and the Horned reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the life of Eubulides. The Crocodilite, so named from this Egyptian fable: h ●oxop●t. in Apthe. A woman sitting by the side of Nilus, a Crocodile snatched away her child, promising to restore him, if she would answer truly to what he asked; which was, Whether he mean● to restore him or not. She answered, Not to restore him, and challenged his promise, as having said the truth. He replied, that if he should let her have him, she had not told true. The reciprocal reasons, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such was that of i Agell. 5. 10. Protagoras the Sophist, against Euathlus, a rich young man, his disciple, who promised him a great sum of money for teaching him, whereof half he paid in hand, the other half was to be paid the first that he should plead before the Judges, and carry the cause. Having learned long, and attained a great perfection in Rhetoric, he forbore to pled in public, that he might defraud Protagoras. Protagoras sues him, and the cause coming to hearing, begins thus: Know, foolish young man, that which way soever the Cause goes, whether for thee or against thee, thou must pay what I demand. If against thee, it will be given me by judgement; if for thee, thou must pay it according to our agreement. E●athlus answers: I might have been entrapped by your subtlety, if I did not plead myself, but had employed some other to plead for me. Now I rejoice doubly in the victory, that I shall be too hard for you, not only in cause, but in argument. Know therefore, my most wise Master, that which way soever the cause go, either with me, or against me, I will not pay what you demand. If it go with me, the judgement will acquit me; if against me, you are to have nothing by our agreement. The Judges not able to determine it, dismissed them both. k Oay●. The nullity, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, used by Ulysses, who called himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, no body, when he hurt Polypheme, whence it came to be so named. The defective reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mentioned by Laertius in Zenone: The mower, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Lucian: The bald, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Laertius in Eubulide: The occult, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Laertius in Eubulide: The negative, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Laertius in Chrysippo, and by Epictetus. But of these enough. CHAP. XXXIII. Of Method. THere are two kinds of disputation: a Cic. Off●●. 2. One, when the truth itself is subtly polished in the dispute: The other, when every expression is accommodated to the vulgar opinion; for, we must use popular and usual words, when we speak of popular opinions, which Panaetius in the like manner hath done. b Cic. de ●in. 3. The first way was peculiar to the Stoics, short, acute, and spinous, called likewise Logic, most worthy of Philosophy; for this useth definitions, divisions, and the lights which they afford, as likewise similitudes, dissimilitudes, and the nice acute distinction of them. The vulgar way of dispute is likewise twofold: One by continued oration: The other by question and answer; the first called c Senec. ●pist. 14. 90. Analytick, or d Cic. de sin. 2. Rhetorical; the other e Senec. Ep. 14. 90. Topick, or f Cic. de sin. 2. dialectical. g Cic. ibid. Though the first be delightful, yet the latter is more commodious, when we insist on particulars, and understand what every man granteth, what every man denyeth, what we would have concluded from concessions, and brought to an end. For, when a 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 ●n like 〈…〉 it beats many things along with it; yet we can hold nothing, we cannot stop the ●apid 〈…〉 h Cic. de nat. deor. 2. The other● concluding as Zeno used, more shortly and narrowly, 〈…〉 reprehension. As a River in its course, cannot at all, or very ●●rdly be corrupted, but water shut up, 〈◊〉: So by 〈…〉, the faults of the oppo●● are carried quite away; in 〈…〉 speech, they are not easily defend●● 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ But each of these methods hath a several use, the 〈◊〉 proper for exposition of A●s and Sciences, the oth●● for 〈◊〉 THE SECOND PART. CHAP. I. ETHICK, and the parts thereof. a Laert, THE Moral part of Philosophy is divided into these places; Of appetite, Of good and ill; Of passions, Of Virtue, of the End; Of the first estimation, of Actions, Offices, exhortations and dehortations. Thus distinguisheth Chrysippus, Archidemus, Zeno of Tarsis, Apollodorus, Diogenes (the Babylonians) Antipater▪ and Possidonius. But Zeno the Cittiean, and Cleanthes, as being more ancient, were less accurate in their manner of treating upon these things. CHAP. II. Of Appetite. THE consideration of Ethick, beginneth properly from Appetite. a Stob. eclog. Ethic. Appetite is moved by Fantasy of an Office, for it is the impulsion of the soul to something. Appetite in rational and irrational Creatures is different; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not rational appetite, but a species of rational appetite. Rational appetite is defined an impulsion of the intellect to the doing of something. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a species of practic appetite, being an impulsion of the Intellect to something future. Hence appetite is taken four ways, for rational and irrational inclination, and for rational and irrational aversion. To these may be added the habit of Appetition, which is likewise called appetite, the Origine of all appetitive acts. Of practic appetite there are many species, of which are 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Designation. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an appetite before appetite. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an action before action. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an appetite to something now existent. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a will by ratiocination, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Will before Will. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an appetite joined with reason. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a spontaneous Will. CHAP. III. Of first natural Appetite. a Laert. THe first appetite of a living creature is to preserve itself, this being from the beginning proper to it by nature, as Chrysippus in his first Book of Ends, who affirms that the care of ourselves, and consciousness thereof, is the first property of all living Creatures. For, Nature producing a living Creature, intended either to alienate it from itself, or to commend unto its own care; but the first is not likely; it followeth therefore, that Nature commendeth to every thing the preservation of itself, whereby it repulseth whatsoever is hurtful, and pursueth what is convenient. b Cic. de sin. 3. As soon therefore as a living Creature cometh into the World, it is conciliated to itself; commended to the conservation of itself and its own state, and to the election of such things as may preserve its state, but alienated from destruction, and from all such things as may destroy it. This is manifest in as much as before the accession of pleasure or grief, young creatures desire those things which conduce to their welfare, and refuse the contrary, which would not be, if they did not love their own state, and fear destruction. Neither could they desire any thing without having some sense of themselves, whereby they love themselves, and what belongs to them. Hence it is manifest, that the principle of this love is derived from themselves. c Laert. Whereas some must hold the first appetite of a living creature to be that of pleasure, that is false. d Cic. sin 3. The greater part of Stoics conceive that Pleasure is not to be placed amongst the natural principles of love to ourselves, for if nature had so ordered it, many dishonest things would have followed. e Laert. Pleasure is an after-accession, when as Nature enquiring by itself into itself, receiveth those things which are agreeable to its constitution, after which manner living creatures are exhilarated, and plants sprout forth. Nature hath thus far made no difference betwixt plants and living creatures, that whereas plants are ordered without appetite or sense, there is in living creatures, something according to the nature of plants: But, there being over and above in living creatures, an innate appetite, whereby they go to those things that are proper for them, the natural part in them is governed by the appetitive. f Cic. ●in. 3. That we naturally love those things which are first proposed unto us by nature, may be argued from hence, in that there is no man, if both were put to his choice, but had rather have all his limbs able and sound, rather than useless and imperfect. These comprehensions we conceive fit to be acquired for their own sake, because they have in themselves something, as it were, complex, including Truth. This is discernible in young ones, whom we see delighted, though it nothing concerns them, if they themselves find out any thing by reason. Even the Arts we conceive to be assumed for themselves, aswell because in these there is something worthy assumption, as because they consist of knowledge, and contain somethings constituted by reason and power. CHAP. IU. Of Appetites consequent to the first. a Cic. de ●in. 3. THus according to the first innate principles of Nature, those things which are according to nature being expetible in themselves, their contraries avoidable in themselves, the first office is to conserve itself in the state of nature, the next, to obtain those things which are according to nature. Here beginneth good to be first understood, for it is the first conciliation of man to things according to nature. This Good, as soon as man receiveth intelligence or notion thereof, and seeth the order and concord of Offices, he esteemeth far above those things which he formerly loved, and by rational knowledge collecteth, that herein is placed the chief good of man, laudable and expetible in itself. To this chief good, which consisteth in homologie or convenience, all honest actions having reference, honesty itself, which is reckoned amongst the good, though it rise afterward, is notwithstanding alone expetible in its own power and dignity. But, of those which are the first objects of nature, none is expetible in itself. Now whereas offices proceed from the first natural objects, they must necessarily be referred to the same; so as all Offices tend to the fulfilling of the first natural appetites; yet, not so, as if therein consisted the ultimate good. Honest action is in the first conciliation of nature, for it is consequent, and ariseth as we said afterward; yet, it is according to nature, and much more allective than all that go before it. And seeing that all offices proceed from the first natural appetites, even wisdom itself must be derived from thence likewise. But as it often happens, that he who is recommended to another, more esteemeth him to whom he is recommended, than the person which recommended him: so it is not strange, that we being recommended to wisdom by the first natural appetite, afterwards more esteem that wisdom, than those things whereby we arrived at it. And as our limbs are given to us for a certain reason of living, so the appetition of the soul is given, not for every kind of life, but for one certain form of living; so likewise reason and perfect reason. For, as action is proper to a Player, motion to a Dancer; yet, not any, but one certain kind: so the life that is to be acted, is in one certain kind, not in any, which kind we call convenient and consentaneous. Wisdom is not like the art of a Pilot, or a Physician; but rather to that Action we mentioned, and to Dancing, that the extreme, that is, the effection of the Art be in the Art itself, and not extrinsecall. There is another similitude betwixt Wisdom and these Arts, for in them are those things which are done rightly; yet, are not all the parts whereof they consist contained therein. Things done rightly, or Rectitudes, contain all numbers of virtue; for, only wisdom is wholly converted into itself, which is not in other Arts. But, improperly is the Art of a Pilot and a Physician, compared with the ultimate of Wisdom: For, wisdom includeth Fortitude and Justice, and judgeth all things that happen to man to be below it, which happeneth not in other Arts: but, none can hold these virtues which we last mentioned, unless he affirm, there is nothing that is different, but honest and dishonest. CHAP. V. Of Good and III. HItherto of Appetites, we come next to their Objects. a Stob. Things (according to Zeno) are whatsoever participate of Essence. Of things, some are good, some ill, some indifferent. b Cic. de sin. 3. Good is several ways defined by the Stoics▪ but their definitions tend all to one end. c Sext. Empir. myrrh. 3. 20. Good is profit, or that which differeth not from profit. Profit is virtue, and virtuous action, not different from profit is ● virtuous man, and a friend. For virtue being a quodammodotative Hegemonick, and virtuous action being an operation according to virtue, is plainly profit. A virtuous man and a friend is not different from profit; for profit is a part of Virtuous, as being the Hegemoniack thereof. Now the wholes are neither the same with their parts, for a man is not a hand, nor different from their parts, for they subsist not without parts; wherefore the whole is not different from its parts, and consequently, a virtuous man being the whole, in respect of his Hegemoniack, which is profit, is not different from profit. Good is by some defined that which is expetible in itself; by others, that which assisteth to felicity, or compleateth it: by e Cic. de finib. 3. Diogenes, that which is absolute by nature; [or, f Laer● that which is perfect, according to the nature of a rational creature.] The consequent thereof is a beneficent motion, or state absolute in nature. Whereas things are known, either by use, or conjunction, or similitude, or collation, by this fourth kind is the knowledge of good; for when from those things which are according to nature, the mind ascendeth by collation of reason, than it attaineth the notion of good. h Cic●de finib. 3. Good is known and named, not by accession, increase, or comparison with other things, but by its proper power. For as Honey, though it be most sweet, yet, in its proper kind of taste, not comparative to any other, we perceive it to be sweet: So this good of which we speak, is that which is most to be esteemed, but that estimation consisteth in the kind, not the magnitude. For, estimation being neither amongst the good nor ill, whatsoever you apply it to, it will remain in its kind. Different therefore is the proper estimation of virtue, which consisteth in the kind, not in increase. i Laert. Stob. To Good belongeth all virtue, as Prudence, Justice, Temperance, Fortitude, and whatsoever participates of those, as virtuous actions and persons. k Laert. Accessions hereto are joy, cheerfulness, and the like. l Laert. Stob. Ills are the contrary vices, as Imprudence, Injustice, Intemperance, Pusillanimity, and whatsoever participates of vice, as vicious actions and persons. m Laert. The accessions hereunto are discontent, affliction, and the like. n Stob: Of Goods, some, as we have said, are Virtues, others not-vertues, as, Joy, Hope, and the like. In like manner of Ills, some are Vices, as those already mentioned; others not-vices, as Grief and Fear. Again, o Stob. of Goods, some are continual in all the virtuous, and at all times; such is all virtue, sound sense, wise appetition, and the like. Others are intermissive, as joy, hope, and prudent counsel, which are not in all the wise, nor at all times. In like manner of Ills, some are continual in all, and always in the imprudent, as all vice, and imprudent sense, and imprudent appetite: Others intermissive, as grief, fear, and imprudent answer, which are not always in the wicked, nor at all times. p Laert. Stob. Sext. Empir. Pyrth. hypot. 3. 21. Again, of Good there are three kinds: The first from which profit cometh, as from its first cause, such is virtue: The second, by which profit cometh, as virtue, and virtuous action: The third that which may profit, as virtue, and virtuous actions, and a virtuous man, and a friend, and the Gods, and good Demons. q Sext. Empir. Thus the second signification includeth the first, and the third, both the first and second. r Laert. Stob. In like manner of Ills, there are three kinds: First, that from which hurt originally proceedeth, as vice: Secondly, that by which hurt cometh, as vicious actions: Lastly, and most largely, whatsoever is able ●o hurt. f Laert. Stob. Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hip. 3. 23. Again, of Goods, some are in the Soul, as virtue, and virtuous actions: some without the Soul, as a true friend, a good Country, and the like: some neither within nor without the soul: as good and virtuous men. t Laert. Stob. In like manner of Ills, some are within the Soul, as vices, and vicious actions; some without the Soul, as, imprudent friends, enemies, and the like; some neither within nor without the Soul, as wicked men, and all that participate of vice. u Laert. Stob. Of goods within the Soul, some are habits, some affections, some neither habits nor affections. The virtues themselves are affections, their studies habits, nor affections, their acts neither habits nor affections. x Laert. Stob. In like manner of Ills, some are affections, as vices; some habits only, as infirmities of mind, and the like; some neither habits nor affections, as vicious actions. y Laert. Stob. Cic. de finib. 3. Again, of Goods, some are final, some efficient, some both final and efficient. A friend, and the benefits arising from him, are efficient goods. Fortitude, magnanimity, liberty, delectation, joy, tranquillity, and all virtuous actions are final goods. Both efficient and final (as all virtues) as they perfect felicity, they are efficient, as they constitute it as parts thereof, final. z Laert. Stob. In like manner of Ills, some are final, some efficient, some both. A friend, and the damages incurred by him, are efficient. Fear, baseness, servitude, stupidity, frowardness, grief, and all vicious actions, are final: participant of (are vices) as they procure misfortune they are efficient, as they constitute it as parts thereof, final. a Stob. Again, of goods, some are expetible in themselves, not desired for the sake of any other: Others are preparatory to some other, called effectively expetible. The expetible in themselves are (according to Diogenes) of two kinds: 1. Ultimately expetible, as Beatitude. 2. Those which have in them the cause of being expetible, as every good hath. Again, of goods some are necessary to Beautitude, as all Virtues and their Acts, others not-necessary, as Joy, delectation, and study. In like manner of Ills, some are necessary to Infelicity, as all the Vices and their Acts, others not-necessary thereunto, as, all passions and infirmities of the soul, and the like. c Stob. Again, of goods, some consist in motion, as Joy ● delectation and the like; some in affection, as quiet imperturbation; Of those which consist in affection, some are likewise in habit, as the Virtues; others in affection only as the former. Neither consist the Virtues only in habits, but other Acts likewise, changed by a Virtuous man, in a manner, into Virtue. Of these goods which are in habit, are those we call studies, as love of Learning, and the like. For these arts by their affinity with Virtue lead directly to our chief end. Again, d Stob. of goods some are absolute, as Science, others relative, as honour, benevolence, friendship, and the like. e Stob. Science is a certain infallible comprehension by reason. It is taken three ways. First, for a System of Sciences conjoined together in a good man; Secondly, for a System of artificial Sciences, having a certainty. Lastly, for a demonstrative infallible habit of fantasies by reason. f Stob. Friendship, is a community of life and consent of studies. The kinds thereof are six. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a friendship amongst known persons. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, amongst Familiars. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, amongst those of the same age. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, towards strangers. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, amongst kindred. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Love. g Laert. Stob. Again of goods, some are simple, as knowledge, others mixed, as, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good use of Children conformable to nature, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good use of old age conformable to nature, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good use of life conformable to Nature. Exemption from grief, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and conservation of order, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same with, as the mind is with prudence, and communion with goodness; yet are otherwise referred, which is observable likewise in the other Virtues. Hence are the same distinctions appliable to ill. h Laert. Stob. Every good is beneficial, opportune, conducible, useful, commendable, fair, helpful, eligible, just. Beneficial, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as conferring that whereby we receive benefit. Opportune, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as comprising that whereof we stand in need. Conducible, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as, resolving into itself the means, as the gain acquired by traffic exceeds the charge. Useful, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as conducing to our profit. Commendable, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the use. Fair, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as proportioned to the necessities of the receiver. Helpful, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it relieves us. Eligible, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being in reason to be preferred. Just, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being conformable to Law. i Stob. On the contrary, every ill is unbeneficiall, importune, inconducible, unuseful, uncommendable, foul, unhelpful, avoidable, and unjust. k Laert. Perfect good, is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fair, because it is absolute in all numbers required of Nature, and perfectly proportionate. l Laert. Of fair, (or honest) there are four species, Just, valiant, temperate, knowing; in these are honest actions consummated. m Laert. Likewise of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, foul (or dishonest) are four species, unjust, cowardly, dissolute, foolish. n Laert▪ Honest, is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fair, first, because it renders those who are endued therewith worthy of praise; Secondly, because it is most suitable to its proper work; Thirdly, because it is an ornament; we say, a wise man is only good and fair. o Laert. Only that which is good is fair or honest: so Hecato in his third Book of Good; and Chrysipp●s of Fair. This is Virtue, and what participates thereof, which is all one, as to say, that, whatsoever is good is honest likewise, and reciprocally whatsoever is honest is good. p Cic. de sin. 3. That what is honest only is good, is proved thus. Whatsoever is good is laudable, whatsoever is laudable is honest; therefore whatsoever is good is honest. Again, there is no good which is not expetible, nothing expetible which is not pleasant and amiable, therefore approvable, therefore laudable, therefore honest. Again, no man can glory in a life that is miserable or not happy, therefore to glory is proper to the happy, but to glory relateth only to that which is honest, therefore honest life is happy. And as he who is laudable, hath some eminent mark of renown & glory, for which he is justly styled happy, the same may be said of the life of such a man, whence if a happy life consist in honesty, only that which is honest is to be esteemed good. Moreover, what man can be termed constant, firm, magnanimous, unless we grant that pain is not an ill? For, he who reckoneth death amongst the Ills cannot but fear it; so no man in any thing can neglect and contemn that which he accounteth ill. This being granted, the next assumption is this, he who is magnanimous and valiant, despiseth, as if they were nothing, all things that can arrive to man, whence it followeth, that nothing is ill which is not dishonest, and this sublime, excellent magnanimous person, accounting all humane things below him, confideth in himself and his own life past and future, knowing that no ill can happen to a wise man. Whereby we see that what is honest only is good, which is to live happily and honestly. q Cie. ibid. On the other side, nothing is good, but what is honest; for, who is, or ever was so fervently covetous, and of such disordinate affections, that the same things, for the attainment whereof he would perpetrate any wickedness, he had not much attained unto (setting aside all punishment) without all that wicked means? What advantage or fruit do we aim at, in desiring to know those things which are hidden from us, how they are moved, and by what causes agitated in heaven? Who is so savage, so obdurate to natural studies, that he abhors things worthy knowledge, receives them without pleasure or some benefit, and values them at nothing? Who is there, that when he heareth of the actions, speeches, counsels of magnanimous persons, eminent in all virtue, is not affected with any pleasure? Who is there, that being instituted in an honest family, and ingenuously educated, is not offended at dishonesty, though it bring no hurt to him? Who is there, that looks without trouble upon such as live impurely and flagitiously? Who doth not hate fordid, vain, light, frivolous persons? If dishonesty were not in itself avoidable, why should men, when they are in the dark, or in a Wilderness, abstain from any thing that is evil; but, that the very deformity and dishonesty thereof deterrs them? Nothing therefore is more clear, than that honest things are expetible in themselves, and dishonest things avoidable in themselves. Hence it followeth, that what is honest, is more estimable than those mean things which accrue by it. And when we say, that folly, temerity, injustice, and intemperance are avoidable, in respect of those things which are consequent to them, it contradicts not the former assertion, that what is dishonest only is ill, because they relate not to the hurt of the body, but, to dishonest actions which proceed from vice. r Laert. All good is equal, and every good is highly expetible, and admits neither increase, nor decrease. s Cic. de fin. 3. Here cometh in a great controversy betwixt the Stoics and the Peripatetics, which though Carneades affirm to be only verbal, Cicero holdeth to be more in things than words. t Cic. ibid. The Peripatetics hold, that all goods are requisite to happy life; the Stoics, that whatsoever is worthy estimation, compre●iendeth happy life. Those holding pain to be an ill, it follows, that a wise man cannot be happy upon the rack. These, who account not pains among the ills, hold, that a wise man continueth happy in the midst of torments: For, if some bear those pains with greater courage for their Country, or some lighter cause, opinion, not nature increaseth or diminisheth the power of the pain. Again, the Peripatetics asserting three kinds of good, affirm a man to be so much the more happy, the fuller he is of external corporeal goods; or, in the Stoics expression, he who hath most corporeal estimables, is most happy, for as much as by them, Beatitude is completed. On the contrary, the Stoics hold, that those goods which they call of nature, make not by their frequency a life more happy, or are more expetible, or more estimable: For then wisdom being expetible, and health expetible, both together would be more expetible than wisdom alone; whereas either being worthy estimation, both are not more worthy of estimation than wisdom alone. For the Stoics, who hold health to be estimable, but place it not amongst the goods, hold likewise, that no estimation is to be preferred before virtue. From this, the Peripatetics descent, asserting, that an honest action without pain, is more expetible, than the same action with pain; the Stoics otherwise. For, as a Taper is darkened by the light of the Sun, and as a drop of water is lost in the vastness of the Aegean Sea, and as in the riches of Croesus the accession of one farthing, and one step in the way between this and India; so in that end of all good which the Stoics assert, all the estimation of corporeal things must necessarily be obscured, overwhelmed, and perish, by the splendour and magnitude of virtue. And as opportunity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is not made any thing greater by production of time, for whatsoever is opportune hath its measure; so right affection, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the good itself placed in it, that it be conformable to nature, admitteth no accession of increase. For as that opportunity, to those of which we speak, are not made greater by production of time, for which reason the Stoics conceive, that a happy life is not more to be desired, if it be long, then if it be short; and they use this simile: As it is the praise of a shoe to fit the foot, neither are many shoes preferred before two, nor the greater before the less: So in those things, whose good is confined to opportunity and convenience, neither are the more to be preferred before the fewer, nor the longer before the shorter. Nor do they argue acutely, who say, if long health be more to be esteemed then short, then likewise a long use of wisdom, more than a short; they understand not, that the estimation of health is judged by space, that of virtue by opportunity; as if they should say likewise, a good death, or a good labour to a woman in travel, is better long then short: So that they see not, that some things are more esteemed for their shortness, others for their length. CHAP. VI Of Eupathies. a Cic. Tusc. q●aest. lib. 4. AS soon as any object is presented to us, which seemeth good, Nature [as we said] drives us on to the acquisition thereof, which, being done constantly and prudently, is called Will; imprudently and excessively, Desire. b Cic. ibid. Moreover, while we are so moved, that we are in some good, that happeneth also two ways, when the Soul is moved quietly and constantly according to reason, this is called Joy; when vainly and excessively, Pleasure. c Cic. ibid. In like manner, as we desire good things by nature, so by nature we decline the ill: This declination, if done according to reason, is called Caution, if without reason, Fear. d Cic. ibid. Laert. Caution is only in a wise man, of fear he is not capable. Hence it appeareth, that there are three kinds of good affections of the mind, called e Laert. Eupathies, or f Cic. Constancies; joy, Caution, Will. 1. g Laert. joy is contrary to pleasure, as being a rational elevation of the mind. 2. Caution is contrary to fear, as being a rational declination of ill. 3. Will is contrary to desire, as being a rational appetite. These are the primary Eupathies; and as under the primary passions are comprehended many subordinate passions; so are there secondary Eupathies subordinate to those. Under joy are 1. Delectation: 2. Cheerfulness: 3. Aequanimity. Under Caution, 1. Respect: 2. Clearness. Under Will are, 1. Benevolence: 2. Salutation: 3. Charity. Notwithstanding that Eupathies and passions are contrary; Cic. Tusc. q●aest. yet are there but three Eupathies, though there are four passions; for, there is no Eupathie contrary to Grief. CHAP. VII. Of Passions. a Laer●. FRom falsities proceedeth a perversity of Intellect, hence spring up several passions, and causes of disorder. b Laert. Zeno defineth passion, a praeternatural motion of the Soul, (or as c Tusc. quaest. 4. Cicero renders it, a commotion of the Soul, averse from right reason, against Nature.) Others more briefly, a more vehement appetite. More vehement they call that, which recedeth from the constancy of Nature, d Laert. and is contrary to nature; wherefore all passion is an excessive stupid desire. e Cic. ibid. The kinds of passion arise from two opinionated goods, and two opinionated evils, so they are four. From the good, desire and pleasure; pleasure from present good, desire from future, from the ill, fear, and grief, fear, from the future, grief, from the present, for these things, whose coming we fear, when they do come, grieve us. Pleasure and desire arise from an opinion of good things, desire is fervently transported to that which seemeth good, pleasure rejoiceth when we have obtained what we desire. Thus f Stob. desire and fear go foremost, that to apparent good, this to apparent ill, pleasure and grief follows; pleasure, when we attain what we desire, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. so supply the▪ Text. grief, when we incur what we fear. g C●●. ibid. All passions arise from judgement and Opinion, whence they are more strictly defined, (that it may appear not only how vicious they are, but also that they are in our power) thus; h Cic. Grief is a fresh opinion of present ill, wherein it seemeth fit that the mind be contracted and dejected, or i Stob. a contraction of the soul caused by opinion of present ill. k Cic. Pleasure is a fresh opinion of present good, wherein it seemeth good that the mind be exalted, or l Laert. an irrational elevation of mind to something that seemeth eligible. m Cic. Fear is an opinion of imminent ill, which seemeth to be intolerable; or a contraction of the soul disobedient to reason, caused by expectation of ill. n Cic. Desire is an opinion of good to come, that if it were present, it were fit for our use, or o Stob. an appetite disobedient to Reason, caused by the opinion of consequent good. These four are, as Hecato saith, primary passions, under each of which there are subordinate passions, several species belonging to their proper genus. Under Grief are these kinds, p Laert. Cic. Envy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, invidentia; a grief at the prosperity of others, q Cicer. which doth no hurt to him that envieth, * ●lut. Cont. Stoic. for some men desire to see their neighbours suppressed, that themselves might be advanced above them. For if a man grieve at the prosperity of another whereby he is dammaged, he is not properly said to envy, as that of Hector to Agamemnon; but he who is nothing damaged by the prosperity of another, yet grieveth thereat, truly envieth. r Cic. Emulation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (not here taken for the imitation of Virtue, for that is laudable) a grief that another man enjoyeth that which we desire and want, or as Laertius, a grief for another's felicity, which we wish to ourselves, and an emulation thereof as greater than our own. s Laert. jealousy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, obtrectation, a grief lest another enjoy what we ( t Cic. love and) possess. u Laert. Compassion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 misericordia, a grief for the misery another suffers undeservedly, y Cic. for no man compassionates the punishment of a parricide or Traitor. y Laert. Cic. Anguish, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, anger, an oppressive grief. z Cic. Stob. Mourning, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Luctus, grief for the death of a friend that was dear to us. a Cic. Wailing, Moeror, a grief accompanied with Tears. b Cic. Laert. Trouble, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aerumna, a laborious piercing grief. c Cic. Sorrow, Dolour, a vexatious grief, perhaps the same which in Stobaeus is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a grief with conflict of Spirit. d Cic. Lamentation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a grief with thoughtfulness, e Laert. proceeding from and increasing by consideration and discourse. f Cic. Molestia, a permanent grief. g Cic. Affliction, a grief with corporeal torment. h Ci●. Desperation, a grief without any hope of amendment. i Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an urgent grief attended by difficulty. k Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a grief taking away the voice. l Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an irrational grief corroding, and hindering us from enjoying the present. Under Pleasure are, m Cic Laert. whence supply Stobaeus where (pleasure being omitted) these are applied to a wrong head. Malevolence, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Pleasure at another's Ill, without any good to ourselves. This hath no real subsistence; for no good man was ever known to rejoice at the harm of another. n Cic. Laert. Delectation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a pleasure affecting and soothing the mind by the Ear, and in like manner by the eye, touch, smell or taste, which are all of one kind. o Cic. jactation, a boasting Pleasure, with insolent behaviour. p Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an inclination of the mind to dissoluteness. q Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the dissolution of Virtue. r Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a pleasure from things not expected. s Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Pleasure caused by sight, without deceit. Under Fear, are t Laert. Stob. Dread, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear causing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. u Laert Stob. Sloth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pigritia, a fear of future action, or susception of labour. * Laert. Stob. Shame, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear of ignominy. y Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear of some unusual fantasy. z Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear with loss, or trepidation of voice. a Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear of something uncertain, or a fear of offending or falling. b Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear of Gods or Demons. c Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fear of some grievous thing. d Cic. Terror, a fear, which by striking the mind causeth redness, paleness, trembling, or gnashing of the teeth. e Cic. Timor, a fear of approaching ill. f Cic. Pavor, a fear thrusting the mind out of its place. g Cic. Examinatio, a fear consequent, and as it were companion to Pavor. h Cic. Conturbatio, a fear, which disperseth all our thoughts. i Cic. Formido, a permanent fear. k Stob. The Passions subordinate to desire, are generally two, Anger and Love. l Laert. Cic. Anger is a desire of taking revenge upon those by whom we conceive ourselves wronged. m Stob. The species thereof are, n Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or as Cicero, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excandescentia, anger beginning. o Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, anger increasing. p Cic. Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●odium, anger inveterate. q Cic. Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are confounded by Laertius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inimicitia, anger watching the occasion of revenge. r Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, anger breaking forth into action. s Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a desire, whereby we wish ill to another, with continual progression. t Cic. Malice, Discordia, a bitter anger, with utmost hatred, conceived in the Heart. u Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a desire conversant in difference of opinions. * Stob. Love is an impulsion of good will for apparent beauty, y Laert. whereby it is distinguished from the love of the virtuous, which is a voluntary susception of labour for true beauty. The species of Love are, z Laert. Cic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, indigentia, an (inexpleble) desire, of that which we want, and being separated from it, in vain incline to it. a Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, desiderium, a desire to see that which is not present. They b Cic. distinguish these two thus; Desire is of those things which are said, or praedicate of any thing which they call Categoremes, as to have riches, to take honours; Indigence is of the things themselves, as of honours, of money. c Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, desire of conversation of that which is absent. d Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, desire of Pleasure. e Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, desire of Riches. f Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, desire of glory. g Stob. In all these passions there is opinion. h Laert. Cic. Opinion is a weak assent. i Laert. Hence passions, (as Chrysippus in his Book of passions affirms) are Judgements; for Avarice is an opinion, or false judgement that money is good; drunkenness, and intemperance, are the like. k Stob. Opinion is likewise sudden from the contractive motion of an unreasonable elation of mind, unresonable and praeternatural, in as much as it is not obedient to reason. For every passion is violent, wherefore oftentimes, though we see in those that are transported by passion, the inconvenience thereof; yet notwithstanding the same persons that condemn it, are carried away by it, as by a headstrong horse, and therefore properly may use that saying: Against my judgement Nature forceth me, Meaning by judgement the knowledge of right things for man is carried beyond nature by passion, to transgress natural reason and right. l Stob. All those who are led by passion, are diverted from reason, but in another manner than those who are deceived. For the deceived, as for example, They who think Atoms to be the principles of all things, when they come to know that they are not, change their judgement: but, those that are in passion, although that they are taught not to grieve, or fear, or give way to any passion in the Soul; yet, they do not put them off, but are led on by their passions, until they come to be subject to their tyrannical sway. CHAP. VIII. Of Sickness and Infirmities. a Cic. Tusc. quaest. 4. THE fountain of all passions is Intemperance, which is a total defection from the mind, and from right reason, so averse from the prescription of reason, that the appetites of the Soul can by no means be ruled, or contained. As therefore Temperance allayeth appetites, and causeth them to obey right reason, and preserveth the considerate judgements of the mind; so Intemperance, the enemy thereto, inflameth, troubleth, and enciteth the state of the Soul. Thus griefs, and fears, and the rest of the passions, all arise from this. For, as when the blood is corrupt, or phlegm, or choler aboundeth, sicknesses and infirmities arise in the body: so the disorder of ill opinions, and their repugnance to one another, devesteth the Soul of health, a●d troubleth it with diseases. b Laert. Stob. Cic. By passions the mind becometh indisposed, and as it were sick. Sickness of mind, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is an opinion and desire of that which seemeth greatly expetible; but, is not such, as love of women, of wine, of money. These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, have likewise their contraries in the other extreme, as hatred of women, of wine, of men. c Laert. Stob. Cic. This sickness of mind happening with imbecility, is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, infirmity. For, as in the body there are infirmities, as Gouts, Convulsions, and the like; so are there infirmity in the mind, as love of glory, love of pleasure. And as in bodies, there is a propensity to some particular diseases; so in the mind, there is a proclivity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to some particular passions, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propensity to envy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propensity to unmercifulness, and the like. d Cic. Tusc. quaest. 4. In this place, much pains hath been taken by the Stoics, chiefly by Chrysippus, to compare the sicknesses of the mind with those of the body. Passion (for as much as opinions are inconstantly and turbulently tossed up and down) is always in motion, and when this fervour and concitation of the mind is inveterate, and, as it were, settled in the veins and marrow, then ariseth sickness and infirmity, and those aversions which are contrary to those infirmities and diseases. These differ only intentionally, but really are the same, arising from desire and pleasure; for, when money is desired, and reason not immediately applied, as a Socratic medicine, to cure that desire, the evil spreadeth through the veins, and cleaveth to the bowels, and becometh sickness and infirmity, which when they grow inveterate, cannot be plucked away. The name of this sickness is avarice. In like manner arise other sicknesses, as, desire of glory, desire of women, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the rest of sicknesses and infirmities. Their contraries arise from fear, as, hatred of women, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hatred of mankind, inhospitality, all which are infirmities of the mind, arising from fear of those things which they fly and shun. Infirmity of mind is defined, a vehement opinion, inherent, and wholly implanted in us, of a thing not to be desired, as if it were exceedingly to be desired. That which ariseth from aversion, is defined a vehement opinion, inherent, and throughly implanted in us, of a thing that ought not to be shunned, as if it ought to be shunned. This opinion is a judging ourselves to know what we have not. Under Infirmity are these species, Love of money, of honour, of women, of curious meats, and the like. Love of money, Avarice, is a vehement opinion, inherent, and throughly implanted in us, as if it were exceedingly to be desired. In the like manner are all the rest defined. Aversions are defined thus, Inhospitality is a vehement opinion, inherent, and throughly implanted in us, that guests ought to be shunned. In like manner is defined hatred of womenkind, such as was that of Hippolytus; and of mankind, as that of Timon. As some are more prone to one sickness then to another; so are some more inclinable to fear, others, to other passions; in some is anxiety, whereby they are anxious; in others choler, which differeth from anger; for it is one thing to be cholorick, another to be angry, as anxiety differs from grief; for all are not anxious who are sometimes grieved, nor are all that are anxious grieved always: as there is a difference betwixt ebriety and ebriosity, and it is one thing to be a lover, another to be amorous. This propensity of several persons to several sicknesses, is called, from an analogy to the body, Infirmity, whereby is understood a propensity to be sick: but in good things, because some are more apt to some goods then to others, it is styled Facility, in ill things Proclivity, implying a lapsion; in neuters it hath the former name. As there is sickness, infirmity, and defect in the body, so in the mind. Sickness is the corruption of the whole body. Infirmity is sickness with some weakness. Defect is, when the parts of the body disagree with one another, whence ariseth pravity, distortion, deformity of the limbs; so that those two, sickness and infirmity, arise from the confusion and trouble of the health of the whole body; defect is seen in perfect health. But, in the mind, sickness is not distinguished from infirmity, but by cogitation only. Vitiosity is a habit or affection, inconstant in itself, and oft differing in the whole course of life; so that in one by corruption of opinions, is bred sickness and infirmity; in the other, inconstancy and repugnance. For, every vi●e hath not disagreeing parts, as of them who are not far from wisdom, that affection is different from itself, as being unwise, but not distorted nor depraved. Sicknesses and infirmities are parts of vitiosity; but, whether passions are parts thereof also, it is a question. For vices are permanent affections, passions are moving affections, so that they cannot be parts of permanent affections. And as in all things the Soul resembleth the Body, so in good likewise. In the body, the chiefest are beauty, strength, health, soundness, agility; so likewise in the mind. And as the good temper of the body is, when those things whereof we consist agree well among themselves: so the health of the Soul is, when the judgements and opinions thereof agree. This is the virtue of the Soul, which some affirm to be Temperance; others, a Soul obedient to the precepts of Temperance, and obsequious thereunto, not having any speciousness of her own. But, whether one or other, it is only in a wiseman; yet, there is one kind of health of the soul, which is common also to the unwise, when by the care of Physicians, the distemper of the mind is removed. And as there is in the body an apt figure of the limbs, together with a sweetness of colour, which is called Beauty; so in the soul, equality, and constancy of opinions, and judgements following virtue, with a certain firmness and stability; or, including the very power of virtue, is called Beauty. Likewise, correspondent to the powers, nerves, and efficacity of the body, in the same terms are named the powers of the Soul. Agility of body is called quickness, the same commendation is ascribed to wit, in respect, that the Soul overrunneth many things in a short time. Only there is this difference betwixt Souls and bodies: Strong souls cannot be assaulted by diseases, strong bodies may● but, the offensions of bodies may happen without any fault, those of the Soul cannot, all whose sicknesses and passions proceed from contempt of reason, and therefore are in men only; for, though beasts do somethings like this, yet, they fall not into passions. Betwixt acute and obtuse persons, there is this difference, the ingenious, as Corinthian Brass rusteth, slowly falling into sickness, and more quickly got out of it: the dull do not so, neither doth the soul of an ingenious person fall into every sickness and passion; for, there are not many things extremely savage and cruel, and some also have a show of humanity, as compassion, grief, fear. But, the infirmities and sicknesses of the mind are less easily rooted out, than those great vices which are contrary to the virtues; for, the sicknesses remaining, the vices may be taken away, because the sicknesses are no sooner healed, than the vices are removed. CHAP. IX. Of Virtue and Vice. a Laert. Virtue is a convenient affection of the Soul, throughout all life. Of virtues there are three kinds: The first general, taken for any perfection of a thing, as of a Statue: The second are c Stob. Sciences, or contemplative, which, according to Hecaton, consist in speculation, as Prudence and justice. d Stob. The third not-sciences, or not-contemplative, which are considered as consequent to the speculative; as, health, strength, hope, joy, and the like. Health is consequent to Temperance, a theoretic virtue, as strength to the building of an Arch. They are called not-contemplative, because they require no assent, but are by after-accession, and common even to the wicked, as health and strength. Vice is the contrary to virtue, for e Laert. Stob. the rational creature is perverted sometimes by the persuasion of exterior things, sometimes by the counsel of those with whom he converseth, contrary to nature, who gives us inclinations unperverted. Of vices therefore there are two kinds: The first f Laert. ignorance of those things whereof virtues are the knowledge; as, imprudence, intemperance, injustice: The second not-ignorances'; as, pusillanimity, imbecility. g Laert. Panaetius asserteth two virtues, Theoretic and Practic: others three, Rational, Natural, Moral. Pessidonius four; Cleanthes, Chrysippus, and Antipater more; Apollodorus one only, Prudence. h Laert. Of virtues, some are primary, others subordinate. The primary are four, Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, justice; the first conversant in offices, the second in appetite, the third in tolerance, the fourth in distribution. i Laert. Prudence is the Science of things that are to be done, and not to be done, and neuter, or the knowledge of good, bad and neuter in civil life. k Stob. The Virtue's subordinate to Prudence are five. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, l Laert. Stob. The Science of things that are to be done, how thy may be done beneficially. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stob. The Science of comprehending things to be effected. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stob. The Science of finding out our office. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stob. The Science of attaining the scope in every thing. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stob. The Science of finding out the issues of things. m Stob. by whom correct Lae●tius, who applies this definition to Temperance. Temperance, is the Science of things expetible, avoidable and neuter. Under Temperance are these species. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, n Stob. the Science of time and order for the welldoing of things. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, o Stob. the Science of honest and dishonest motions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, p Stob. the Science of avoiding just blame. q Stob. Fortitude, is the Science of things grievous, not grievous and neuter, the species under it these. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, r Stob. a Science tenacious of right reason. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, s Stob. a Science persisting in right judgement. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, t Stob. a Science whereby we trust that no ill shall happen to us. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, u Stob. Laert. the Science of overcoming those things which happen to the good and bad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * Stob. a Science of the Soul which renders her invincible. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, y Stob. the Science of going through to the attainment of that which we propose to ourselves. z Stob. justice is the Science of distributing to every one according to his desert; under Justice are four subordinate virtues. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Stob. The Science of worshipping the gods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Science of well-doing. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Science of equality in community. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Science of contracting honestly with others. b Laert. In like manner of Vices, some are 〈◊〉, others subordinate to the primary. The primary vices are, Imprudence, Intemperante, Pusillanimity, Injustice. c Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ so supply the Text. Imprudence is the ignorance of things good, ill and neuter; and the ignorance of things to be done, not to be done, and neuter. Intemperance is the ignorance of things expetible, avoidable and neuter. Pusillanimity is the ignorance of things grievous, not grievous and neuter. Injustice is the ignorance of distributing to every one according to his deserts. d Stob. The subbordinate vices to these are correspondent to the secondary virtues, as, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are defined answerably to their opposite virtues. e Stob. These virtues are perfect, and consist in contemplation; but, there are other virtues, which are not arts, but faculties; consisting in exercise, as, health of the Soul, integrity and strength thereof, and pulchritude. For, as the health of the body is a good temperature of hot, cold, dry, and moist; so the health of the soul is a good temperature of the doctrines in the soul. And as the strength of the body consisteth in a tension of the nerves; so the strength of the soul in a proper extension▪ thereof to judgement and action. And as the beauty of the body is a symmetry of all the parts to one another, and to the whole: so the beauty of the soul is the symmetry of the reason and parts thereof, to the whole, and to one another. f Stob. All those virtues which are Sciences and Arts; have common theorems, and the same end, wherefore they are (as g ●lut. repugn. Stoic. Zeno saith) inseparable, connexed to one another, as Chrysippus, Apollodorus and Hecaton affirm. He who hath one, hath all (saith h Plut. repugn. Stoic. Chrysippus) and he who doth according to one, doth according to all. He who hath virtue, is not only contemplative, but also practic of those things which are to be done. Things which are to be done are either expetible, tolerable, distributible, or retainable; so that whosoever doth one thing wisely, doth another justly, another constantly, another temperately; and so is both wise, magnanimous, just, and temperate. i Stob. Notwithstanding, these virtues differ from one another by their heads: For, the heads of prudence are, to contemplate and do well, that which is to be done in the first place, and in the second, to contemplate what things are to be avoided, as obstructive to that which is to be done. The proper head of temperance is to compose our own appetites in the first place, and to consider them; in the second, those under the subordinate virtues, as being obstructive and divertive of appetites. The heads of Fortitude 〈◊〉 the first place, to consider all that we are to undergo; in the second, other subordinate virtues. The heads of justice are in the first place, to consider what every one deserves, in the second, the rest. For all virtues consider the things that belong to all, and the subordinate to one another. Whence Panaetius saith, it is in virtue as in many Archers, who shoot at one mark distinguished by divers colours: every one aims at the mark, but one proposes to himself the white line, another the black, and so of the rest. For, as these place their ultimat end in hitting the mark, but every one proposes to himself a several manner of hitting: so all virtues have Beatitude, which is placed conformably to nature for their end, but several persons pursue it several ways. k Stob. As virtues are inseparable, so are they the same substantially with the supreme part of the soul, in which respect all virtue is said to be a body, for the Intellect and Soul are a body, for the soul is a warm spirit innate in us. Therefore our soul is a living creature, for it hath life and sense, especially the supreme part thereof, called the Intellect. Wherefore all virtue is a living creature, because it is essentially the Intellect. And therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for that expression is consequent to this assertion. l Stob. Between virtue and vice there is no medium (contrary to the Peripatetics, who assert a mean progression betwixt virtue and vice) for all men have a natural appetite to good: and as a stick is either strait or crooked, so man must be either just or unjust; but cannot be either more or less just or unjust. m Ldert. That virtue may be learned, is asserted by Chrysippus, in his first book of the End, and by Cleanthes, and Possidonius in his Exhortations, and Hecaton, because men of bad are made good n Stob. That it may be lost is likewise affirmed by C●rysippus, denied by Cleanthes. The first ●aith, it may be lost by drunkenness or madness: the other, that it cannot be lost, by reason of the firm comprehensions of the soul. o L●e●● Virtue is in itself virtue, and not for hope or fear of any external thing. It is expetible in itself, for which reason, when we do any thing amiss, we are ashamed, as knowing that only to be good, which is honest. q Lae●●. In virtue consisteth Felicity, for the end of virtue is to live convenient to nature. Every virtue is able to make a man live convenient to nature: for, man hath natural inclinations for the finding out of Offices, for the composure of Appetites, for tolerance and distribution. Virtue therefore is selfe-sufficient to Beatitude, as Zeno, Chrysippus, and Hecaton assert. For if, ●aith he, magnanimity, as conceiving all things to be below itself, is selfe-sufficient, and that be a part of virtue, virtue itself, which despiseth all things that obstruct her, must also be selfe-sufficient to Beatitude. But Panaetius and Possidonius deny, that virtue is selfe-sufficient, affirming, that it requireth the assistance of health, strength, and necessaries; yet, they hold, that virtue is always used, as Cleanthes affirms, for it cannot be lost, and is always practised by a perfect mind which is good. s Laert Justice is not by nature, but by prescription, as law and right reason: Thus Chrysippus in his book of honest. t Stub. Virtue hath many attributes, it is called 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good, because it leadeth us to right life. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is approved without any controversy, as being most excellent. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is worthy of much study. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it may justly be praised. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it inviteth those who desire it. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it conduceth to goodness of life. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is useful. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is rightly expetible. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because being present it profiteth, being absent, it it doth not. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it hath an use that exceeds the labour. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is alone sufficient to him that hath it. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it takes away all want. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is common in use, and extendeth to all the uses of life. CHAP. X. Of the End. a St●b. THe end is that, for whose sake all offices are done, but itself is not done for the sake of any: or that to which all things done conveniently in life are referred, itself is referred to nothing. b Stob. The end is taken three ways: First, for the final good, which consisteth in rational conversation: Secondly, for the scope, which is convenient life, in relation thereto: Lastly, for the ultimate of expetibles, unto which all the rest are referred. c Stob. Scope and end differ; for scope is the proposed body, which they who pursue Beatitude aim at. Felicity is proposed as the scope, but the end is the attainment of that felicity. If a man throw a spear or an arrow at any thing, he must do all things that he may take his aim aright, and yet so, as to do all things whereby he may hit: So when we say, it is the ultimate end of man to obtain the principles of nature, we imply in like manner, he must do all things necessary to taking aim, and all things likewise to the hitting of the mark; but, this is the last, the chief good in life, that as to be selected, notdesired. Reason being given to rational creatures, for the most perfect direction, to live according to reason, is in them to live according to nature, that being the Artificer of Appetite. Hence e Stob. Zeno first (in his discourse of human nature) affirms, that the end is, to live conformably, that is, to live according to one reason concordantly, as on the contrary, savage Beasts that are always at difference, live miserably. The followers of Zeno, f Stob. conceiving his expression not full enough, enlarged it. First, Cleanthes his successor, added, to nature, making it up thus, The End is to live conformably to Nature, which is to live according to virtue: for nature leads us to virtue. Thus Cleanthes in his book of Pleasure, and Possidonius, and Hecaton in his book of Ends. g St●●. Chry●ippus, to make the expression of Cleanthes more clear, expounds it thus, To live according to expert knowledge of things which happen naturally: For our natures are parts of the Universe, our end therefore is to live conformably to nature, which Chrysippus, in his first book of Ends, expounds, both our own proper human nature, and likewise the common nature of the Universe. But Cleanthes allows only common nature to be followed, and not the particular. To live according to this knowledge, is all one, as to live according to virtue, not doing any thing forbidden by our common Law. Right Reason, which is current amongst all, being the very same that is in God, the Governor of all. The virtue therefore, and beatitude of a happy man, is, when all things are ordered according to the correspondence of a man's Genius, with the will of him who governs the Universe. h Stob. Diogenes defineth the end, A good use of reason, in the election and refusal of natural things, choosing those that are according to nature, and refusing those that are repugnant to nature. So likewise Antipater. Archidemus defineth it, To live, performing completely all offices, choosing of those things which are according to nature, the greatest and most principal, and not to be able to transgress them. Panaetius, to live according to the appetites given us by nature. Possidonius, to live contemplating the truth and order of the Universe. i Ci●●de fin● 4. Thus by living according to nature, the Stoics understand three things: First, to live according to the knowledge of those things which happen by nature. This is Zeno's end, to live convenient to nature. Secondly, to live, preserving all, or the greater part of mean offices. This exposition differeth from the former; for that is a Rectitude, proper only to a wise man, this is the office of a progressive, not perfect person, which may likewise be to the foolish. The third is, to live in enjoyment of all, or the greater part of those things which are according to nature. This is not constituted in our action, for it consisteth of that kind of life which enjoyeth virtue, and of those things which are according to nature, and are not in our power. k Cic. de fi●●. 2. The chief good therefore, is to live suitably to the knowledge of those things which arrive by nature, elective of those which are according to nature, and rejective of those which are contrary to nature. l Philo. jud mel 〈◊〉. This is to live conveniently and conformably to nature, when the soul entering into the path of virtue, walketh by the steps and guidance of right reason, and followeth God. That which in other arts is artificial, is here epigematick and consequent. m Stob. This end is Beatitude. Beatitude, by Zeno. is defined a good course of life, which definition is used likewise by Cleanthes and Chrysippus, and all their followers, who affirm Beatitude to be nothing but happy life. Fair and good, and Virtue, and that which participates of Virtue are equivalent terms, whence it follows that n Stob. Beatitude is all one with living according to Virtue. o Cic. And as Good, and Virtue admit no degrees of increase or diminution, neither doth the ultimate end of all good and Virtue increase or diminish. For, as they who are drowned, are no more able to breath, though they are nearer the top of the water than they who are in the bottom; nor a little whelp, the time of whose sight approacheth, see any more than one that is newly littered; so he, who hath made some little progress in Virtue, is no less in misery than he who hath made none. CHAP. XI. Of Indifferents. OF things as we have said, some are good, some ill, some indifferent. a Cic. de finib. 3. To deny this difference of things, would be to confound all life, as Aristo doth, neither could there be any function or act of wisdom, since that, if amongst those things which appertain to life there were no difference, no election were requisite. Good and ill, as we said, are these things which are honest or dishonest. Of these hitherto. Betwixt both these, there are some things which confer nothing to happy or unhappy life, called Indifferents. b Laert. To profit is a motion or state proceeding from Virtue; To hurt is a motion or state proceeding from Vice; but Indifferents neither profit nor hurt, such are life, health, pleasure, Beauty, Strength, riches, honour, Nobility, and their contraries; death, sickness, grief, deformity, imbecility, poverty, dishonour, meanness and the like. Thus Hecaton in his seventh Book of Ends, and Apollodorus in his Ethics, and Chrysippus. These therefore are not goods, but indifferents. For, as the property of Heat is to warm, not to cool, so is it of good to profit, not to hurt. But health and wealth do not hurt more than they profit, therefore health and wealth are not goods. Again, that which we may use ill as well as well, is not good; but health and wealth may be used ill as well as well, therefore health and wealth are not goods. Yet P●ssidonus reckons these amongst goods. But Hecaton in his 19th of Good, and Chrysippus of Pleasure, will not allow Pleasure a good: For pleasures are dishonest, but nothing dishonest is good. c Cic de finib. 3 Moreover, Riches, as Diogenes conceiveth, have not only this power that they guide to Pleasure and good health, but that they comprise them. They do not the same in Virtue nor in other arts, whereto money may be a guide, but it cannot contain them. Thus if Pleasure or health were good, riches likewise should be numbered amongst the good, but if wisdom be good, it followeth not that riches likewise be good, nor that any thing which is not reckoned amongst the good, not that which is good can be contained by any thing which is not amongst the good. And also for this reason, because Sciences and comprehensions of things, by which Arts are produced, move appetition; but riches are not reckoned among the good, it followeth that no Art can be contained in Riches, and much l●sse any Virtue, for Virtue requireth far more study and exercise then Art, and compriseth the firmness, stability, and constancy of all life, which Art doth not. d Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hip. 3. 22. whence supply Laertius and Stob●us. Things are said to be indifferent in three respects; First, if they move neither appetite nor aversion, as, if the stars be of even number, or to have even or uneven hairs on our head, to stretch out the finger this way or that way, to take up straw and the like. Secondly, things are said to be indifferent which move appetite and aversion equally, not one more than the other; as in two pieces of Silver of equal value, no way different, which to him who comes to make choice of either, are indifferent. There is an appetition to the election of one, but not more of this then of that. The third kind of indifferents are those which are neither good nor ill, expetible nor avoidable, conducing neither to happiness nor unhappiness. In this sense all things are called indifferent, which are betwixt Virtue and Vice, as health, wealth, strength, glory, and the like; for we may be happy without these, though their use hath some relation to happiness, their abuse to unhappiness. In this sense whatsoever we may sometimes use well, other times ill, is indifferent, which kind appertaineth chiefly to Ethick. e Stob. Again, of Indifferents some are Natural, and move appetite, as health, strength, soundness of sense and the like; some Praeternatural which move avertion, as sickness, infirmity, and the like; some Neuter, which move neither appetite nor aversion, as the constitution of the soul and body, one capable of receiving Fantasies, the other wounds. f Stob. Of natural and praeternatural indifferents, some are primary, others by participation. Primary natural Indifferents are motions or affections convenient with reason, as health and strength. Participant are those by which that motion or affection is communicated, as a healthful body, ●ound sense. g Stob. Praeternatural Indifferents are the contrary to these. CHAP. XII. Of Estimation. a Laert. EStimation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a certain concurrence with convenient life, which concerns all good. b Stob. Estimation is twofold; one, a mediate power or use concurring with life according to nature; such we call health or wealth, as far as they conduce to life, according to nature. The other is the valuation of the Estimator, imposed by him who is skilful in such things. c Stob. Again, Estimation is taken three ways: First, for absolute donation: Secondly, for return of approbation: Thirdly, as Antipater calls it, Elective, by which, when some things are proposed, we rather choose these then those; as health before sickness, life before death, and riches before poverty. In like manner, disestimation is taken three ways, the terms only changed to the contrary. Donation according to Diogenes, is a judgement, that a thing is according to nature, or conferreth use thereto. Approbation is in in man, not in things. Election only in the good, not the indifferent. d Laert. Stob. Sext. Empir. Pyrrb. hip: 3. 24. Hence followeth another distinction of indifferents, whereof some are preferred, some rejected, some neither preferred nor rejected. Preferred are those, which though they are indifferents, have nevertheless a sufficient reason why they are to be had in estimation, as health, soundness of sense, exemption from grief, glory, and the like. Rejected are those, which are not worthy any estimation, as poverty, sickness, and the like. Neuter are those, which are neither preferred nor rejected, as to extend or contract the finger. These terms preferred, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and rejected, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were invented by Zeno, upon this ground: c Cic. de fin. 3. As when we speak of the Court, no man ●aith, the King himself is preferred to dignity, but those who are in some honour, next and second to him in rank: so when we speak of life, we call not those things which are in the first place, the preferred or promoted, but those which are in the second: and so likewise in the rejected. Now forasmuch as good hath the first place, it follows, that what is preferred, is neither good nor ill. [No good is reckoned amongst the preferred, because that hath the greatest estimation; but the preferred having the second estimation, approacheth somewhat to the nature of good. It is called preferred, not that it conduceth to Beatitude, but in respect of the rejected.] We define it thus: an Indifferent with mean estimation; for it could not be, that nothing should be left in mean things, that is according to, or contrary to nature, neither being left, that nothing should be placed in them, which is sufficiently estimable, this being granted, that there is not something preferred. Rightly therefore this distinction is made, and may more fully be explained by this smile. As if we should suppose our ultimate end, to be so to cast the die that it may chance right, the die that shall be so to cast as to fall right, must have some thing preposed and preferred towards its end; and on the other side the contrary, yet the preposition of the die, nothing conduceth to that end; to those which are preferred, relate indeed to the end, but nothing pertain to the power and nature thereof. f Laert Stob. Of the preferred some are in the Soul, as ingenuity, art, progression and the like; some in the body, as life, health, strength, ability, soundness, beauty: some external, as riches, honour, nobility and the like. g Laert. Stob. In like manner of the rejected, some are in the Soul, as he betude, ignorance; some in the body, as death, sickness, infirmity, maim, deformity. Some external, as poverty, dishonour and meanness. Likewise of the Neuter, some are in the Soul, as imagination, assent; some in the body, as whiteness, blackness, some external, which having no estimation or use, are of little value. Those which are preferred in the Soul, conduce more to living according to Nature, and are of more worth than those of the body, or the external, as to have a good disposition of mind, is better than to have a good disposition of body. h Stob. Again, of the preferred, some are preferred for themselves, as ingenuity, countenance, state, notion, and the like; some for others, because they effect something, as Riches, and Nobility; some both for themselves and others, as health, strength, soundness▪ ability: for themselves, as being according to Nature; for others as affording no small benefit. i Cic. de finib. 3. As concerning Reputation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chrysippus and Diogenes affirm, that being separated from utility, we should not so much as stretch out our finger for it. But those who followed them, not able to withstand Carneades, affirmed Reputation to be preferred for itself, and that it was proper for an ingenuous man freely educated, to desire to be well spoken of by his Parents, kindred, and good men, and that for the thing itself, not for the use thereof, adding, that as we provide for Children, though to be born after our death; so we must provide for future reputation after death, even for its own sake separated from all use. k Stob. In like manner of the rejected, some are rejected for themselves, some for others, some both for themselves and others, which appears by the rule of Contraries. CHAP. XIII. Of Actions and Offices. OF those Actions which proceed from appetite, some are offices, some praeteroffices, some neuter. b Laert. Cic. de ●●nib. 3. Office is that which is preferred, and hath a good reason for the doing thereof, as being convenient to life; or, as others, Office is whatsoever reason requireth to be done, as, to honour our Brethren, Parents, Country, to relieve our friends. Zeno first gave it this name, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Office, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is an action conformable to the dictates of nature, and extends even to plants, and irrational living creatures, for offices may even be observed in those. Praeter-office is an action, which reason requireth that we do not, as, to neglect our Parents, to contemn our Brethren, to disagree with our Friends, to despise our Country, and the like. Neuter are those actions which reason neither requireth nor forbiddeth, as the taking up of a straw. b Stob. Of Offices, some are perfect, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rectitudes, actions done according to virtue; as, to do wisely, to do justly: Others not-rectitudes, actions which have not a perfect office, but a mediate; as, to marry, to go an Embassy, to discourse, and the like. Of rectitudes, some are in things requisite, others not: Of the first kind are, to be wise, temperate, and the like: of the second, those which are not requisite to the being such. In like manner are praeteroffices divided. Again, of Offices some are ordinary, as, to have a care of ourselves, of our limbs, and the like: Some extraordinary, as, to maim ourselves, throw away our goods. Accordingly is it of praeteroffices. Again, of Offices, some are continual, as, to live virtuously: some intermassi●e, as, to question, answer, walk, and the like. Accordingly it is of praeter-o●fices. c Cic de sin. 3. Office is a mean thing, placed neither amongst the good, nor their contraries; for, there is something in this approvable, so as a right reason may be given for it, as done approvably. That which is so done is office. And forasmuch as in those things which are neither virtues nor vices, there is something which may be of use, it is not to be taken away. Again, it is manifest, that a wise man doth something in these mean things; he therefore, when he doth it, judgeth that it is his office so to do; but, a wiseman is never deceived in judgement, therefore there is an office in mean things. Again, we see there is something which we call a thing rightly done, or a Rectitude, but that is a perfect office; therefore there is an inchoat office; as, if it be a Rectitude justly to restore a depositum, to restore a depositum must be a simple restitution without the additional term, is an office. d Cic. de finib. 3. And since it is not to be doubted, but that in mean things, some are to be performed, others rejected, whatsoever is done in that manner, is comprehended in common office, whence it is manifest, that all men by nature lov●ng themselves, as well the foolish as the wise, will take those things which are according to nature, and reject the contrary. This is therefore one common office of the wise and unwise, conversant in mean things. All offices proceeding from these, it is justly said, that to these are referred all our thoughts, even the forsaking of life, or continuing in it. In whom most things are according to nature, the office of that person is to remain in life, in whom there are, or are foreseen to be more things contrary to nature, his office is to forsake life, although he be happy, and of a fool to con●tinue in life, although he be miserable; for that good, and that ●ll, as we have often said, are things that follow afterwards. The first principles of natural appetite, fall under the judgement and election of a wise man, and is as it were the matter subjected to wisdom. Thus the reason of continuing in life, or forsaking it, is to be measured by all those things we mentioned. For, neither are they who enjoy virtue, obliged to continue in life, nor they who live without virtue to die, and it is often the office of a wise man, to part with his life, even when he is most happy, if it may be done opportunely, which is to live conveniently to nature. This they hold, that to live happily, depends on opportunity; for wisdom commandeth, that a wise man, if it be required, should part with his life. Wherefore vice not having power to bring a cause of voluntary death, it is manifest, that the office even of fools, who are likewise wretched, is to continue in life, if they are in the greater part of those things, which we hold to be according to nature. And forasmuch as going out of life and continuing in it be alike miserable, neither doth continuance make his life more to be avoided. We say not therefore without cause, that they who enjoy most naturals, should continue in life. Hitherto it appertains to know, that the love of Parents towards their Children is the effect of nature, from which beginning, we may tract all mankind, as proceeding from thence. First, by the figure and parts of the body, which declare, that nature carefully provided for procreation. Neither can these two agree, that nature order procreation, and takes no care that those which are procreated should be loved: For even in beasts the power of nature may be seen, whose care when we behold in bringing up of their young, me thinks we hear the very voice of nature herself. Wherefore as it is manifest, that we abhor pain by nature, so it is likewise apparent, that we a●e dr●ven by nature to love those we have begotten. Hence ariseth a common natural commendation of men amongst men, that it behooveth a man not to seem alienate from man, for this very reason, because he is man. For, as among the parts of the body, some are made only for themselves, as the eyes and ears; others assist towards the use of the other parts, as the thighs and hands: so though some huge beasts are born only for themselves; yet, that ●hell fish which is called patula prima, and the pinnoteres, so named from keeping its shell, which shutteth itself up so close, as if it taught others to look to themselves: as also Ants, Bees, Storks, do something for the sake of others. Much nearer is the conjunction of mankind, so that we are inclined by nature to Conventions, Counsels, Cities. e Cic. offic. 1. Whatsoever is produced upon the earth, is created for the use of man; but, men are generated for men that they may profit one another. In this we ought to follow nature our leader, and to bring forth common benefit to the public, by mutual offices, by giving, by receiving, by arts, by endeavours, and by faculties, to unite the society of man with man. f Cic. de sin. 3. The world is governed by the power of God; it is as it were, a common City of men and Gods, and each of us is a part of the world, whence it followeth by nature, that we should prefer the common benefit before our own. For as Laws prefer the safety of the general before that of any particular; so a good and wise man conformable to Law, not ignorant of civil office, taketh more care for the benefit of the general, then of any particular, or of his own. Nor is he who betrays his Country more to be condemned, than he who deserts the common benefit or safety. Whence it followeth, that he is to be commended who undergoeth death for the Commonwealth, and teacheth us, that our Country is dearer to us then ourselves. And because that speech is esteemed inhuman and wicked of those who affirm, they care not when they are dead if all the earth were set on fire; it is certainly true, that we are likewise to provide for those who shall hereafter be, even for their own sake. From this affection of the soul, whence proceed Wills and commendations of dying persons, as also, forasmuch as no man will live solitary in a desert, even with the greatest abundance or plenty, it is easily understood, that we are born for conjunction, congregation, or natural community, we are impelled by nature to benefit others the most that we can. All these are offices, chiefly by teaching and communicating the reasons of prudence, so that it is not easy to find one, who will not communicate to some other what he knoweth himself. Thus we are not only inclined to learn, but also to teach. And as it is given to Bulls by Nature, to fight even with Lions, for their heifers with great force & impetuosity; so they who abound in wealth, and are able to do it (as is related of Hercules and Bacchus) are incited by nature to preserve mankind. Likewise, when jupiter is styled Op●imus and Maximus, Salutaris, ●hospitalis, Stator, we hereby express that the safety of mankind is under his tuition. But we cannot expect, if we ourselves are vile, abject, and neglected amongst ourselves, that we should be dear to the immortal Gods, and loved of them. As therefore we make use of our limbs, before that we have learned for what cause of utility we have them, so are we conjoined and consociated amongst ourselves by Nature to civil community, which if it were otherwise, neither would there be any room for Justice or goodness. Yet though there are mutual Chains betwixt man and man, man hath no common right with beasts, [ g g Laert. by reason of our dissimilitude, as both Chrysippus and Possidonius affirm] for all other things saith Chrysippus, were made for men and the Gods, but they for community and society one with another, so that men may make use of Beasts for their benefit without doing any wrong. Moreover, since the nature of man is such, that there is a certain civil right betwixt him and all mankind, he who preserveth that right, is just, who transgresseth it, unjust. But as in a Theatre, though it be common, that room which a man possesseth, is justly said to be his place; so this civil right in a City and the World doth not repugn to the propriety of particular persons. In order to the conservation of all society, conjunction, and dearness betwixt man and man, emoluments and detriments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which benefit or hurt must be common amongst them, and not only common but equal. Convenients and Inconvenients, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, must be common, but not equal. Those which benefit or hurt, are either good or ill, and therefore must necessarily be equal; convenient and inconvenient are ranked amongst the preferred and rejected, and therefore cannot be equal: Emoluments and detriments are common, but rectitudes and sins not common. Herein Friendship is requisite, as being one of those things which benefit. Some affirm, that a good man ought to be as much concerned for his friend as for himself; others, that every man ought to be most concerned for himself. Yet these latter confess, that it is contrary to Justice, whereunto we are born, to take away any thing from another, and assume it to ourselves. Neither can friendship be contracted, nor Justice performed for private respects and advantages, for then these advantages might overthrow and pervert them. But neither could Justice or friendship be at all, unless they were expetible in themselves. Justice is by Nature; it is contrary to a wise man, not only to do an injury, but even to hurt. Neither can it be right to injure those who are our friends, or have deserved well of us; Equity cannot be separated from Utility; whatsoever is equal and just, is likewise honest, and reciprocally; whatsoever is honest, is equal and just. h Cic. offi●. lib. 1. and again, lib. 3. Panaetius, who discoursed most accurately of Offices, proposeth three kinds wherein men use to deliberate or consult of Offices. First, when they doubt, whether that of which the question is, be honest or dishonest. Secondly, whether it be profitable or unprofitable. Thirdly, if that which hath the show of honesty be repugnant to that which seems profitable. i Laert. Next the Gods, we are to reverence our Parents and Brethren. k Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. hypot. 3. 25. As concerning the burial of Parents, Chrysippus saith, it ought to be done in the most simple manner. For the body, as the Nails, teeth, or hair, thereof nothing pertaineth to us, and therefore ought not to be used with any curiosity or respect. Flesh, if it be useful, aught to be converted into aliment (though it were a part of our own body, as the foot) as is proper to it; if useless, put under ground, or thrown into some remote place, without more respect than we have of our nails or hair when cut off. l Cic. de offic. lib. 3. Concerning the Office of the Buyer, and the Seller, Diogenes the Babylonian, and Antipatet his Disciple differ. Antipater holds that all must be laid open, that the Buyer be not ignorant of any thing that the Seller knoweth; Diogenes that the Seller as far as is appointed by civil Law, ought only to tell the faults, and to conceal the rest, for as much as he in ●elling desireth to sell to his best advantage. Hecaton in his sixth Book of Offices, is full of these questions, as whether a good man in a dearth may give over house-keeping. He disputes it on both sides, but concludes that the office is directed rather by profit then humanity. He question●, whether if at Sea, a Ship be to be disburdened by the casting out of something, we should rather cast overboard a horse of great price, or a slave worth little. In this case, private interest leads one way, humanity another. If a ●ool in a shipwreck catch hold of a plank, may a wise man wrest it from him if he can? He saith, he may not, for it is injurious. What may the Master of the Ship? May not he take his own? No; no more than h● may throw a Passenger out of the Ship, because it is his own, into the Sea. For until they come to the place to which they are bound, the Ship is not the Masters, but the Passengers. What if two Shipwracked persons light upon one plank, and both pl●●k at it, should one give it over to the other? yes; but to him, who, it is more expedient, should live, either for his own sake or the Commonwealth. But what if these be alike in both? There will be no contention, but either as it were by lot, or mication with the fingers (givoco della mora) one will give place to the other. What if a Father rob Temples, undermine the public treasury, should the Son reveal it to the Magistrates? It were a great wickedness. On the contrary, he ought to defend his Father, if he be called into question. But is not our Country before all Offices? yes, but it is for the good of our Country to have Citizens pious to their Parents. What if a Father should aim at possession of the tyranny, on endeavour to betray his Country, shall the Son keep his Cou●sell? He shall beseech him not to do it. If that prevail not, he shall accuse him, yea, threaten; and lastly, if the matter shall tend to the destruction of the Country, he shall prefer the safety of the Country before that of his Father. If a wise man receive Counterfeit money for good, if afterwards he know it to be counterfeit money, may he pay it where he owes anything for good? Diogenes saith he may, 〈…〉 may not. If a man sell Wine that will not last, and know it to be such, ought he to declare it or no? Diogenes thinks he is not obliged, Antipater conceives a good man must. These are as it were cases of Controversy amongst the Stoics. CHAP. XIV. Of Praeteroffices. a St●b. As every perfect Office in a rational Creature is a Rectitude, and always complete in all numbers; so every Praeter-office in a rational creature is a sin. A sin is that which is done contrary to right reason, or in which something of Office is omitted by a rational Creature. b ●lut. de repugn.. Stoic. A good deed is the command of the Law. Sin the prohibition of the Law. Hence it is that the Law forbiddeth fools and mad men many things, but prescribeth them nothing, because they are not capable of doing any thing well. c S●●b. All sins are impiety, as being a resisting of the will of the Gods. The God's love Virtue and its works; they hate vice and its works. Every sin therefore displeaseth them, and consequently is impiety. d ●lut. de repugn. Stoic. All sins are equal (so Chrysippus in the first of his moral questions, and Persieus, and Zeno) though not alike, for they flow from one fountain, as it were of vice, and the judgement is the same in all, but by the external object by which that judgement is made, they are rendered unlike. That they are equal is evident from this: If there be not one truth more truth than another, nor one falsehood more falsehood than another, neither is one deceit more deceit than another, nor one sin more sin than another. He who is distant from Canobus a hundred furlongs, and he who is distant but one furlong, are both alike not at Canobus: so he who sins more, and he who less, are both alike not in the right way. Yet, though sins are equal, there are some differences in them, forasmuch as some proceed from an obdurate incurable affection, others from an affection not obdurate nor incurable. And though every lie is equally a lie, yet all men do not lie equally; but, every sin is equally sin, for every sin consisteth in lying. Thus Chrysippus, Persaeus, and Zeno: But Heraclides of Tarsis, friend to Antipater, and Athenodor●s hold, that sins are unequal. CHAP. XV. Of wise or virtuous Persons. Paradoxes. THere are (according to Zeno) two kinds of men, the wise or virtuous, and the vicious. The wise make use of virtue through the whole course of their life, the vicious of vice. a Sen●●. Of the wise there are two sorts, one in perfection consummate; the other in progression, procedent: Of the first are these following paradoxes to be understood; b Cic. in Laert. not that the Stoics positively affirm there ever was such a one in nature (for c Quintil. lib. 12. Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus were great and venerable persons, yet, did not attain the height of human nature) but, that such a one might possibly be. d Laert. A wise man is void of passion, for he cannot fall. There is another kind of person void of passion likewise, a wicked man that is obdurate and inflexible. e Laert: A wise man is void of pride, honour and dishonour are alike to him. There is another kind of person void of pride, a wicked man, equally inclinable to dishonour as to honour. f Laert. Stob. A wise man is austere, for he neither speaketh for complaisance, nor admitteth any thing spoken in that kind. There is another sort of austere persons, which resemble ●oure wine, not fit for drinking, but for medicines only. g Laert. A wise man is sincere, for he taketh care, that he be not thought better than he is, by reason of some specious show, and withal to express whatsoever good he hath, without any Rhetorical gloss. h Laert. Plut. de repugn. Stoic. citing Chrysippus. A wise man is not pragmatical; for he declines the doing of ●ny thing that is beyond his office. i Laert. St●b A wise man is ●●ver drunk, although he drink wine▪ for he never sinneth, but doth all things according to Virtue 〈◊〉 k Laert. A wise man is never mad, yet sometimes strange fantasies may occur to him through melancholy or deliration, not according to the reason of eligibles, but praeternatural. l 〈◊〉 A wise man is never grieved; for grief, according to Apollodorus, is an irrational contraction of the Soul. m Laert. A wise man is divine: for he hath God with himself; but 〈◊〉 wicked man is an Atheist. An Atheist is taken two ways, for him who is an Enemy to the Gods, and for him, who believeth there are no Gods: which all wicked men do not. n Stob. A wicked man is impious, because he doth all things according to Vice, as the good according to Virtue; and he who hath one vice hath all. He is an Enemy to the Gods, for enmity is the discord of life, as amity is the concord. The wicked differs from the Gods in his course of life, and therefore is an Enemy to them, for they account all their Enemies who are contrary to them. The wicked are contrary to the good, God is good, therefore the wicked are Enemies to God. o Laert. A wise man is religious, for he is skilful in all divine rites. Religion is the Science of divine worship. He sacrificeth to the Gods, and is pure, detesting all sin, holy and just in Divine things. P Laert. A wise man only is a Priest, skilful in Sacrifices, business of the Temple, expiations, and other things proper to the Gods. q Stob. A wise man only is a Prophet, endued with the Science of those signs which are communicated by Gods or Demons which belong to humane life. In him therefore are all kinds of vaticination, as well by dreams, birds, and other things. r Laert. A wise man reverenceth and loveth his Parents and Brethren, next the Gods. He hath likewise an innate love of his Children, which the vicious hath not. s Laert. A wise man ought to apply himself to some office in the Commonwealth (according to Chrysippus) unless otherwise diverted; For he will encourage Virtue, and suppress Vice, t Stob. especially in those Commonwealths which are far from perfection. He ought to make Laws, instruct men, prescribe rules. To which is opposite, study of popularity, specious deceit, prescription of things unprofitable, which are not compatible to a wise man. u Laert. Cic. de finib. 3. A wise man ought to marry (as Zeno in his Commonwealth) that he may have Children. x Laert. A wise man doth not opiniona'e or think; but believe or know, for he never assents to any falsity. y y s ●cb Ignorance is an infirm assent; he thinks all firmly. There are two kinds of opinion, one an assent to things not comprehended, the other a weak belief. Neither of these are in a wise man, for he never assented without comprehension, and then always firmly, for nothing is hidden from him, otherwise he might have a false opinion. Therefore he is never diffident. Faith is proper to a wise man, for it is a firm existimation. A Science is a firm habit, therefore a wicked man doth neither know nor believe. z Laert Cic. de finib. lib. 3. A wise man must imitate the Cynics: for Cynicisme is the nearest way for virtue, as Apollodorus in his Ethick: a Stob. Others say, a wise man ought to continue in that Sect, if he have been thereof; but if he have not, to enter into it. b Laert. A wise man may upon occasion eat man's flesh. Of this already amongst the Offices. c Laert. Cicer. Paradox. A wise man only is free, the wicked are slaves; for liberty is the power of doing according to our own judgement. Servitude is a privation of the power of doing according to our own judgement. There is another kind of servitude which consisteth in subjection, a third in being possessed and subjected, to which is opposed vicious domination. d Laert. A wise man only is a King: For Monarchy is a principality subordinate to none, which only consists in the wise, as Chrysippus in his treatise, That Zeno used words properly. For (saith he) a Prince must know both good and bad, which none of the wicked knoweth. e Stob. Dominion and the kinds thereof, Monarchy, Magistracy, Generalship, Admiralty, and the like, are only proper to a wise man; therefore the wise only command, though not actually, yet potentially. f Laert. A wise man only is proper to be a Magistrate, judge, and Orator; but not any of the wicked. g Laert. A wise man is void of sin; for he cannot fall into error. h Laert. A wise man is innocent, and uninjurious, for he cannot hurt either himself or others, i Stob. nor receive, nor do any injury: For, injury is a hurtful injustice, which is not compatible to a wise man, although he may be unjustly assaulted: for he having within himself all good and virtue, is not capable of vice or harm. k Laert. Stob. A wise man is not merciful, nor pardons any, remitting nothing of the punishments inflicted by Law, as knowing them to be proportioned to, not exceeding the offence, and that whosoever sinneth, sinneth out of his own wickedness. A wise man therefore is not benign, for he who is benign, mitigates the rigour of Justice, and conceives the punishments inflicted by Law to be greater than they ought: But, a wise man knoweth the Law to be good, or a right reason, commanding what is to be done, and what not. l 〈◊〉 A wise man nothing wonders at those things which seem paradoxal, as Charon's Cave, the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, and hot springs, and ebullitions of fire. m Laert. A wise man will not live in a desert, for he is communicative by nature, and practic, and will undertake exercise to strengthen his body. n Laert. A wise man will pray, requesting good things of the Gods, as Possidonius affirms, in his first of Offices, and Hecaton in his thirteenth of Paradoxes. o Laert. Stob. A wise man only is a friend: Friendship is only amongst the wise, for in them only is an unanimity as to things that concern life and community, so as our friends may make use of them as freely, as we ourselves. Unanimity is the Science of common good. A friend is expetible in himself. Plenty of friends is a good: but, amongst the wicked, there is no friendship; for friendship being real and not feigned, it is impossible it should consist without faith and constancy. But, in the wicked, there is infidelity, and inconstancy, and hostility, and therefore not friendship, but some external connexion's, whereby necessity or opinion ties them together. p Laert. A wise man doth all things well, as we say, all Pipes play the Ismenian tune well. q Stob. He doth all things wisely, temperately, prudently, modestly, and according to the other virtues, throughout the whole course of his life. A wicked man doth all amiss, sinning in the whole course of his life, inconstant by nature, often grieved by his own ill actions, wretched and troubled, for as much as he is vexed at the thing done, so much is he angry at himself for being the Author of it. r La●●t. Cic. Tuse. qu●st. 4. A wise man lo●eth ( s Cic. de ●in. 3. (●vertuously) those, whose beauty express their inward virtue. Thus Zeno, Chrysippus, and Apollodorus affirm. For love is an impulsion of benevolence, raised from beauty, which love is not of conjunction, but of friendship. For this reason, Zeno, though he were in love with Thrasonides, a young woman that was in his power, yet, suppressed his affection because she was averse from him. This Chrysippus calls the love of friendship, it is no way discommendable, for beauty is the flower of virtue. t Laert. A wise man upon ●●casion will die voluntarily for his Country and friends; or, in case he seized by some excessive pain, loss of his senses, or incurable diseases. u Stob. A wise man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fo● he compasseth that which is proposed; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for he is every way augmented; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for he hath attained the just height of wisdom; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for he is invincible, and insuperable. The wicked are the contrary. x Stob. A wise man profiteth the wise, and is mutually profited by all the wise, though not friends or acquaintance, for betwixt them there is a concord and community of goods, and he who benefiteth another, benefiteth likewise himself. A wicked man neither conferreth nor receiveth benefits; for one is to move towards virtue, the other is to be moved towards virtue. y Stob. A wise man is a good O●conomist, skilful to ' acquire wealth. Oeconomist is a habit active, and contemplative in the business of a family, Oeconomy is the ordering of expenses, works, and possessions; the Science of acquisition is a reason whereby wealth is attained, which some account in indifferents, others in good. But no wicked man is a good Oeconomist, since only a wise man knoweth from whence, how, and how far gain may be a squired. z Stob. A wise man only is perfect, for he wanteth no virtue; a wicked man is imperfect, for he hath no virtue. Therefore the wise are always happy, the wicked miserable; which happiness, according to Chrysippus, differs nothing from that of God, nor is l●sse expetible. The wicked partake of no good, because virtue and that which partakes thereof is good, and those things which are convenient and requisite are proper only to the wise, as the contraries to the wicked. a Stob. A wise man is only rich; for good is true riches, and ill true poverty: a wicked man is poor, not having the means to become rich. b Stob. A wise man is only obedient; the wicked can neither obey nor command. c Stob. A wise man only is honourable; for honour is the reward of virtue, the wicked wanting this, are justly dishonourable. d Stob. A wise man only is ingenuous and noble, according to some of the Stoics; but, others deny it, referring these not to nature, but institution only, according to the proverb, Custom is a second Nature. So that ingenuity is an habit of nature or institution apt to virtue; Nobility is a habit of descent or institution, apt to virtue. e Stob. A wise man is pleasing, persuasive, opportune, and sincere; for he is expert in every thing, affable in conversation, and helpful to the public: The wicked are the contrary. f Stob. A wise man is the best Physician, for he hath considered his constitution, and those things which are requisite for his health. g Stob, A wise man may lawfully part with his life, the wicked cannot, because in their life they never acquire virtue, nor eschew vice. But life and death are limited by offices, and their contraries. h Stob. A wise man will accept of Empire, and cohabit with Princes; but not unless he porceive it may be done without danger, and to much advantage. i Stob. A wise man never lieth; for he who speaketh a falsehood is not properly said to lie, unless it be with intent to deceive. A lie may be used many ways without assent, as in War against enemies, or in the like necessity. k Stob. A wise man neither deceiveth, nor is deceived, for he never sinneth, he useth not his sight, hearing, or any other sense ill. He is not suspicious, nor repenteth, for both these are proper to fallacious assent. He can no way be changed or err, or opinionate. l Stob. A wise man only (though not all wise men) is happy in Children, in old age, in death. m Stob. A wise man doth nothing contrary to his appetite, for all such things are done with a privation, and nothing adverse unforeseen happeneth to him. n Stob. But in the primitive time, there was some wise man that did not desire or will any thing, because that those things which were then present, were not sufficient to be required by him. o Stob. A wise man is meek, for meekness is a habit whereby things are done meekly, not breaking forth into Anger. p Stob. A wise man is peaceful and modest. Modesty is the Science of decent motion; tranquillity the order of natural motions. The contrary to these are seen in the wicked. q Stob. A wise man is free from all Calumny; he calumniates none, and is not calumniated by any; for Calumny is a lying imputation of feigned friends, to which the wise are not liable, for they are true friends; the wicked are, for they are feigned. r Stob. A wise man delayeth 〈◊〉 b'ing, for delay is an omission of Office through slothfulness, of which Hesiod, Nothing defer a year, a month, a day, He fights against himself that doth delay. f Stob. A wise man can only incite, and be incited to Virtue, a fool cannot, for he neglecteth precepts, and goeth no further than the words, not proceeding to Action. A wicked man is not desirous to hear or learn, as not being capable by reason of his imprudence of what is rightly said; whence it followeth, that he can neither be incited nor incite to Virtue. He that is capable to be incited, or to incite, must be prepared by Philosophy, which is not compatible to a wicked man, for he who diligently heareth Philosopher, is not prepared to Philosophy, but ●e who expresseth their doctrine in their life and actions. This no wicked man can do, for he is prepossessed by Vice. If he should be incited, Vice would pull him ba●k; but none that is vicious incited to Virtue, as none sick to health. t Stob. Every wicked man is an exile, wanting Law and Country, for both these are good. That a City or Country is good, Cleant●es proveth thus. If there be a habitation, where those, who fly for succour, find justice, it is good, but a City is such a habitation, therefore a City is good. A City is taken three ways; for a habitation, for a convention of men, and for both. In the two latter significations it is called good. u Stob. Every wicked man is rustic, for rusticity is ignorance of Laws and civil manners. A wicked man refuseth to live according to Law, and is hurtful as a savage Beast. x Stob. A wicked man is tyrannical, cruel, violent, and in●urious, whensoever he gets an occasion. y Stob. A wicked man is ungrateful, not obliging nor requiting; for he doth nothing by Friendship. z Stob: A wicked man is not perseverant, for perseverance is the Science of obtaining our purpose, not being deterred by labour. a Stob. A wicked man is not capable of the right of donation. Donation is the good bestowing of estimation, but nothing that is good is compatible to the wicked. b Stob. E●ery wicked man is delighted with his wickedness, which we may perceive not so much by his discourse, as actions, which shows that he is carried on to wickedness. THE THIRD PART. CHAP. I. PHYSIC, and the parts thereof. a Laert PHYSIC is divided into these places; Of Bodies, Of Principles, Of Elements, Of Gods, of Place, Of Vacuum: thus especially; but generally into three places; Of the world, Of Elements, Aitiologick of Causes. That concerning the World is divided into two parts; whereof one, Contemplation, is common also to the Mathematics, concerning fixed stars and Planets; as whether the Sun be of the same magnitude as he appears to be, and whether the Moon be so likewise; of their periods and the like; The other contemplation proper only to Physic, to inquire into the essence of these; whether the Sun and Stars consist of matter and form; whether generate or ingenerate, whether animate or inanimate, whether corruptible or incorruptible, whether governed by Providence or the like. The place concerning Causes is likewise twofold; whereof one, Contemplation, is common also to medicinal disquisitions, whereby they inquire concerning the principal part of the soul, and those things which are produced in the Soul & seed, and the like. The other is likewise usurped by the Mathematics, as, in what manner we see, what is the cause of the visual fantasy; How are made Clouds, Thunder, Rainbows, Halo's, Comets and the like. CHAP. II. Of Bodies. a Senec. Epist. 89. Natural Philosophy brancheth into two parts, of Corporealls and incorporeals. A body is that which doth or sufficeth b 〈◊〉. It is the sense with essence or substance, and finite: c Flut. 〈◊〉 Stoic. whatsoever is, is a body, for whatsoever is, either doth or suffereth. d Laert. Principles are Bodies void of form. Elements are bodies endued with form. e Flut. plac. phillip 1. 11. Causes are corporeal, because they are spirits. f Plut. con●. Stoic. Qualities are Corporeal, for they are spirits, and aerial intentions, which affect the parts of all things, generated with form and figure. g Plut. cont. Stoic. Ter●●l▪ d● anima 〈…〉. Virtues, Vices, Arts, Memory, fantasies, Affections, Appetitions, Assents, are bodies, existing in the Supreme part of the Soul. h Sen. Ep. 113. The Soul is a Body, because it maketh us to be living Creatures. i Plut. Night and day are bodies. k L●ert. Voice is a body, for it maket●● that which is heard; in a word, whatsoever is, is a body and a subject, ( l Orig. for the Stoics take away intellectual substances, affirming all things that are, to be comprehended by sense) only differences are not subsistent. m L●ert. A solid body (according to Apollodorus) is divisible three ways, into length, breadth, and depth. A superficies is the term of a body, or that which hath only length and breadth, but no depth; thus Possidonius. A line is the term of a Superficies, or a length without breadth, that which hath length only▪ A point is the term of a line, or th● lest mark. n Stob. Phys. 17 A body is divisible into infinite, yet it consisteth not of infinite bodies. CHAP. III. Of Principles. a S●nec▪ E●▪ 29. THe place concerning bodies is divided into two degrees, into those which produce, and those which are produced, the first Principles, the second Elements. b Laert. ●Principles and Elements differ: Principles are ingenerate, incorruptible: Elements shall perish by conflagration. Moreover, Principles are bodies, and void of form; Elements have form. c Laert. There are two principles of all things, the Agent, and the Patient: The Patient is a substance void of quality, called Matter: the Agent is the reason which is 〈◊〉 the Matter, God. d Sen. Ep. 65. Matter is sluggish, a thing ready for all things, but will cease if none move it. The Caus●, that is, the Reason, ●formeth m●tter, and moldeth it which way he pleaseth, out of which he produceth various wo●ks. There must▪ therefore be something out of which a thing is made, and also by which it ●s made. This is the Cause, that Matter. c Ibid. The Cause or active Reason is God. f Cic. In the Agent there is power, in the Patient a certain matter [or capacity,] and in both, both; for matter itself could not 〈◊〉, if it were not kept together by a power, nor that power without some matter; for there is nothing, which is not compelled to be somewhere. g Lactant. 7. 3. Both 〈◊〉, God and the World, the Artist and his work, they comprehend within this term, Nature, as if nature were▪ God mixed through the World. h 〈◊〉 Sometimes they call that nature which containeth the World, sometimes that which generateth and produceth things upon the earth. The Agent is, as we said, called the Cause. i St●b. Phys●. 1. 16. A Cause, according to Zeno, is that, by which there is an effect, which is not a Cause 30 or,) as 〈◊〉 the reason of the effect; or, as P●ss●donius, the first Author of a thing. A Cause is a body, a not Cause a Categorem. It is impossible that the cause being assigned, the effect should not be present, which is to be understood thus. The Soul is the ●ause through which we live, Prudence the Cause by which we are wise. It is impossible, that he who hath a Soul should not live, or he who hath Prudence should not be wise. CHAP. IU. Of Matter. a Laert THe substance of all [ b Stob. Phys. 14. qualitative] beings is first Matter, according to Zeno and chrysippus', in his first of Physics. c Laert. Matter is that of which every thing is made, it hath two names, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Substance, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Matter. Substance is of all things in general, Matter of particulars. d Laert. Universal matter is [ c Sword● Phys. 14. according to Zeno, wholly eternal,] not admitting, as Chrysippus▪ saith, increase or de●rease. f Laert. Particular matter admitteth augmentation, and diminution, g Stob. Phys. 14. for it remaineth not always the same, but is separated and mixed, so that, according to Chrysippus, its parts perish by separation, and exist by mutual mistion. But those who call fire, air, water, and earth, Matter, assert not a thing void of form, but of a body. h Stob. Phys. 14. Matter is a body, [ i Laert. and finite.] Possidonius saith, that the substance and matter of the Universe is void of quality and form, in as much as it hath not a certain figure and quality in itself; but it is always seen in some figure and quality. But, the substantial nature of the Universe, differs from matter intentionally only. k 〈◊〉. Matter is passable, for if it were immutable, things could not be generated of it. Hence it followeth, that it is divisible into infinite; yet, itself, as Chrysippus saith, it not infinite, for nothing that is divisible is infinite, but matter is continuous. l St●b. Phys. 14. Through this matter, Zeno affirmeth, that the reason of the World, which some call Fate, is diffused as feed. CHAP. V. Of the World. OF this matter was made the World. The World hath several appellations, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the World, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the ●ll; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Whole. a Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, World, is taken three ways: First, for God himself, who is properly qualified with all Essence, incorruptible, and ingenerate, who framed the Universe after a certain period of time, who resolved all nature into himself, and again generated it out of himself. Secondly for the starry Ornament: and thirdly that which consists of both. b Laert. The All, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is one way taken, as Apollodorus saith, for the World, and another way for the System of the World, and the vacuity beyond it. The World is finito, the v●●uity infinite. c Stob. Phos. cap. 24. Thus likewise they distinguish betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, includeth also an infinite vacuity, in which the world is: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifies the world without that vacuity, which neither is increased nor diminished; but its parts are sometimes extended, sometimes contracted. It began from the earth as its centre, for the centre is the beginning of a Circle. d Laert. The world is that which is properly qualitied with the essence of all things; or, as e Stob. c. 24. Chrysippus and f Laert. ` Possidonius define it, a System of Heaven and Earth, and of the natures therein contained; or a System of God and Men, and of all things that were made for them. g 〈…〉 dei. cap. 10. The world was made by God, for if (saith Chrysippus) there be any thing which produceth such things, as Man, though endued with reason, cannot produce, that (doubtless) is greater and stronger, and wiser then man. But a Man cannot make the Celestial things, therefore that which made them, transcendeth man, in Art, Counsel, Prudence, and Power, and what can that be but God? h Cic. de nat. 2. The World was made for those animate ●ssences which have the use of Reason, these are the Gods and men, than whom nothing is better. i Lactant de ira dei cap. 13. All things of which it consisteth, and which it produceth within itself, are accommodated to the use of Man. The World was made in this manner; k Laert. God in the beginning being alone by himself, converted all substance (which according to Zeno was fire) first into air, then into Water. And as in the Plant the seed is contained; so God, who is the prolisick reason of the World, left such a ●eed in the humidity, as might afford easy and apt matter for the generation of those things that were to be produced. l Laert. Stob. Phys. cap. 20. Zeno addeth, that one part tending downward, was condensed into Earth, another part remained partly water, and partly, being exhaled, air, of a particle of which air flashed out fire. m Stob. Phys. cap. 20. Cleanthes describeth it in this manner. The Univ●rse being set on fire, the middle part thereof first settled downwards, than the next parts by little and little were quenched. Thus the Universe being wet, the extreme fire, (the middle part opposing it) sprang upward, and began the costitution of the World, and the revolution of this constitution shall never end. For as the parts of every thing are at certain times produced of Seed; so the parts of the Universe (amongst which are living Creatures and Plants) are produced in their seasons; and as some reasons of the parts are mixed together in the seed, which being composed, are again dissolved, so of one are all things made; and again▪ of one is all compounded by an equal and perpetual revolution. n Laert. The World is One, of the same corporeal substance, and of a Spherical figure, for this is of all figures most apt for motion. Thus Zeno, Chrysippus, P●ssidonius, and others. o Laert. The World is feared in an infinite incorporeal vacuity, which is beyond it, circumfused about it, p Plu Pl. ● hill. 2. 9 into which the world shall be dissolved by conflagration. The World is finite, the vacuity infinite, yet q ●●ut. Pl. ●h ●. 2. 9 P●ssidonius saith, it is no more than will suffice for the resolution of the World, when it shall p●rish. r ●lut. contra. Stoic. By this argument they confute the motion of Atoms downward; introduced by Epicure, for in that which is infinite, there are no local differences of high or low. The world is not heavy, because the whole fabric thereof consisteth of heavy and light Elements, and, being placed in the midst, whither such bodies tend, it keepeth its place. s Laert. In the World there is no vacuity, but it is completely one, for that necessitates a conspiration and harmony, betwixt celestials and Terrestrialls. The World only is t P●ut. contr●. Stoic. self-sufficient, because it alone hath all in itself, whereof it standeth in no need. Of itself it is nourished and augmented, whereas the parts are transmuted and converted into one another. The World is a u Plut. cont. Stoic. perfect body, the parts of the World are not perfect; because they are respective to the whole, and not of themselves. The Universe is by Nature apt to move itself in all parts, to contain, preserve, and not break, dissolve and burn itself, the Universe sending and moving the same point, and the parts thereof having the same motion from the Nature of the body. Like it is that this first motion is naturally proper to all Bodies, namely, to incline towards the midst of the World, considering the World moveth so in regard of itself; and the parts likewise, in that they are parts of the whole. x Laert. The World is a living Creature, rational, animate and intellectual (so Chrysippus, Apollodorus and P●ssidonius) and hath an animate sensible essence. For a living Creature is more excellent than that which is not a living Creature; but nothing is more excellent than the World, therefore the World is a living Creature. That it is animate is manifest from our Soul, which is a piece thereof taken out of it. (but Boethius denies that the world is a living Creature) y Laert. The mind, or Providence passeth through every part thereof, as the Soul doth in us, but in, some parts more, in others less; through some permeating, as a habit, as in the bones and Nerves, through some as a mind, as through the principal (Hegemonick) part. In like manner the whole World is an animate rational Creature, the Hegemonicall part thereof is the Aether, as Antipater the Tyrian in his eighth Book of the World. But Chrysippus in his first of Providence, and P●ssidonius, of the Gods, affirm, that Heaven is the Hegemonick of the World; Cleanthes, the Sun. But Chrysippus in the same Book (differing from what he said before) affirmeth it to be the purest part of the Aether, which they call the first God, sensibly, because it passeth through all in the air, and through all living Creatures and Plants, but through the Earth as a habit. z Laert. The World, according to the greater part of St●i●ks, is corruptible, for it is generated in the same manner as things comprehensible by sense. Again, if the parts thereof be corruptible, the whole is also corruptible; but the parts of the World are corruptible, for they are daily changed into one another, therefore the whole itself is corruptible. And again, if any thing admit any change into the worse, it is corruptible; but the World doth, for it admitteth exsiccation, and inundation; therefore, etc. a 〈◊〉 lord. de immortal. mundi. The World shall perish by fire, caused by the power of fire which is in all things, which, after a long time, consuming all the moisture, shall resolve all things into itself. The Moon, Stars, and Sun, b Plut. come▪ not. saith Cleanthes, shall perish, but God shall assimilate all things to himself, and resolve all into himself. c Numen. 〈◊〉 Eujeb. This opinion of the general conflagration of the World, was held by the first and most ancient of this Sect, Zeno, Cleanthes and Chrysippus. d Plut. come. not. This fire is the Seed of the World; after the conflagration it diffuseth itself even into the Vacuity that was beyond the World. Afterwards, by order of the same reason which made the World, it shall withdraw and contract itself towards the generation of a new World, yet not be quite extinguished, but so as that some portion thereof remain, for as much as it is the cause of motion. But e Phi. jud. Boethius, P●ssidonius, and f Cic. Stob. Panaetius deny this conflagration, of the World, conceiving rather that the World is eternal, to whom likewise Diogenes the Babylonian assents. CHAP. VI Of Elements. a Laert. GOd having converted, as we said, all matter into moisture, and prepared it for the generation of future things, in the next place, produced the four Elements, Fire, Water, Air, and Earth. Of these discourseth Zeno in his Book of the Universe, and Chrysippus in his first of Physics, and Archedemus of Elements. b Laert. Element is that, of which generated things are first made, and into which they are resolved. The four Elements are matter or substance endued with quality. Fire is hot, water moist, Air cold, Earth dry; yet not so, but that in Air, t●ere is part of the same quality, for in the highest it is fire, which is called Aether, in which is generated the first sphere of Planets, next Air, than Water, the basis of all, Earth, being placed in the midst of all. ᶜ Of the four Elements, two are light, Fire and Air, the other two, Earth and water, heavy, which properly tend to the centre, but the centre itself is no way heavy. CHAP. VII. Of Fire. a Stob. THE first Element is that of Fire, which, as all bodies tend to the middle, inclineth, as much as the lightness of its Nature permits, to the centre of the world, by a circular motion round about it. b Stob. There are (according to Zeno) two kinds of fire, one artificial, requisite to the use of life, which converteth nutriment into itself; the other inartificial (so c De Nat. dear: 2. Cicero renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) by which all things grow, and are preserved; d Cic. de Nat. deor. 2. for whatsoever is nourished and groweth, compriseth within itself the power of heat. This fire is diffused through all the parts of the World, and they are all sustained by it. That it is in the Earth appeareth by Seeds and Roots, which spring up and grow by the temperament of this heat. That it is in Water appeareth, forasmuch as Water is susceptible of greater cold, as by freezing. It is consequently in air also; that being a vapour extracted from Water, and supplied by motion of the heat which is in the Water. But primarily, and originally, it is in the Element of fire, a Nature absolutely hot, which dispenseth salutary▪ vital heat to all other things. c Stob. Phys. p. 47. This is Nature, saith Zeno, and the Soul: Of fire consist the Sun, Moon, and Stars. CHAP. VIII. Of the Stars. a Cicer. Nat. deor. 2. IN the aether are generated the Stars, of the noblest and purest part thereof, without admixtion of any other Nature wholly hot and pellucid, animate creatures endued with sense and Intellect. b Stob. Phys. Possidonius defineth a Star, a divine body, consisting of sethericall fire, splendid and fiery, never resting, but always moving circularly. c Cic. nat. ●cor. That the Stars are wholly fiery, Cleanthes proveth by the testimony of two senses, touch and sight. For the Lustre of the Sun is brighter than of any fire, seeing that it shines so far and wide, to so vast a world; and such is its touch, that it not only warmeth, but oftentimes burneth, neither of which it would do if it were not fiery. Now (saith he) the Sun being fiery, is either like that fire which is requisite to the use of life, or unto that which is contained in the bodies of living creatures; but this our fire, which the use of life requireth, is a consumer of all things, disturbeth and dispatcheth all things. On the contrary, the other is corporeal, vital, and salutary, it conserveth all things, it nourisheth, increaseth, sustaineth, and affecteth with sense; therefore, saith he, there's no question to which of these fires the Sun is like, for he causeth all things to flourish and sprout up, according to their several kinds: Wherefore the fire of the Sun being like those fires which are in the bodies of living creatures, the Sun must be a living creature also, and so must be likewise the rest of the Stars in the celestial fire, which is called Aether or Heaven. * Cic. nat. deor. 2. For seeing that of living creatures, one kind is generated in the earth, other kinds in the water, others in the air, it were absurd to think, that in that part which is most apt for generation of living creatures, no living creature is generated. The Stars possess the Aether, which being most rare, and in perpetual agitation and vigour, it is necessary the living creature that is generated in it be endued with most acute sense, quickest mobility. The stars therefore have sense and intelligence, whence it followeth, that they are to be reputed Gods. For we say, that they who live in the purest air are much more acute and understanding, than those who live in a thick climate: The diet likewise is thought to conduce not a little to the sharpening of the understanding. Whence it is probable, the stars are endued with most excellent understanding, forasmuch as they dwell in the etherial part of the world, and are nourished with exhalations from the Sea and Earth, extenuated by a long distance. The sense and intellect of the Stars is chiefly manifest from their order and constancy, for nothing can be moved by proportion and number without providence, in which nothing is temerarious, nothing various, nothing casual. But the order of Stars, and constancy throughout all eternity, cometh neither from Nature, for that is void of Reason, nor from Fortune, which affecteth variety, and disalloweth constancy. Again, all things are moved either naturally, or violently, or voluntarily. Those which move naturally, are carried either by their weight downward, or by their lightness upwards, neither of which is proper to the Stars, for their motion is circular. Neither can it be said, that they are moved violently against their own nature; for what power can be greater? it remaineth therefore, that their motion be voluntary. d Cic. No fire can subsist without some aliment, c Laert. the stars therefore are nourished by the vapours of the earth. f Stob. Of Stars (according to C●rysippus) there are two sorts, both which are by nature divine, animate, and providential, the fixed and the Erratic. The multitude of the fixed is incomprehensible; the Erratic are lower than the fixed. The fixed are all ranked in one superficies, as is manifest to the sight; the erratic in several. The sphere of fixed stars includeth that of the erratic. The highest of the erratic, and next to the fixed stars, is the sphere of Sa●urn, next, that of jupiter, after which, that of Mars, then that of Mercury, then that of Venus, then that of the Sun, and lastly that of the Moon, which being nearest the air, seemeth therefore aerial, and hath greatest influence upon terrestrial bodies. g Cic. de Nat. deor. 2. Saturn, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, finisheth his course in almost thirty years; jupiter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in twelve; Mars, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in twenty four Months wanting six days; Mercury, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in a year; Venus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (lowest of the five Planets) in a year. h Stob. The Sun and the Moon are properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stars; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ; for every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but not the contrary. i Stob. The rising of a star, Chrysippus defineth, its advancement above the earth; and the setting thereof its occultation under the earth. The same stars at the same time, rise to some, and set to others. The apparition of a star, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is its rising together with the Sun; and the setting thereof, is its setting with the Sun: for setting is taken two ways, in opposition to rising, and in opposition to apparition. As the apparition of the Dog● star is its rising together with the Sun, and its setting is its occultation under the earth together with the Sun. The same is said of the Pleyades. CHAP. IX. Of the Sun. a Cic. nat. deor. 2. NExt Venus (the lowest Planet) is the Sun, the b Sto. p. 56, 57 chief of all that consist of this etherial fire. The Sun is defined by Cleanthes and Chrysippus, an intellectual Taper, gathered and kindled from the vapours of the Sea. c Laert. Possidonius defineth the Sun a most pure fire, greater than the earth, of a spherical figure (as d Stob. p. 57 Cleanthes also affirms) answerable to that of the world. e Laert. That the Sun is fiery, is manifest in that it hath all the operations of fire, f Cic. and forasmuch as he is fire, it followeth that he must be nourished. g ●tob. p. 56, Laert. The Sun is nourished by exhalations from the great Ocean. h Stob. According to the expansion of this subjected aliment, saith Cleanthes, in his motion from Tropic to Tropic. He moveth in a spiral line, from the Equinoctial towards the North, and towards the South. i Stob. p. 5●. Zeno saith, he hath two motions, one with the World from East to West, the other contrary, through the Signs. k Laert. That the Sun is greater than the Earth, appeareth in that it enlighteneth, not only all the Earth, but Heaven also. Again, the shadow of the Earth being conical, argues the Sun to be greater than the Earth. Again, it is visible every where by reason of its magnitude. l Laert. The Sun is Eclipsed by interposition of the Moon betwixt us and that part of the Sun which is toward us (as Zeno in his book of the Universe.) For meeting the Sun, and coming under him, she seemeth to darken his light, and afterwards to disclose it again, as will appear in a basin of water. CHAP. X. of the Moon. a Stob. phys. p. 59 IN the lowest part of the aether is the Moon: The Moon (according to Zeno) is an intellectual, wise, igneous, Star consisting of artificial fire. Cleanthes saith, she is of a fiery substance, and 〈◊〉 a dirty figure. b Physiol. Stoic. 2 13. Lipsius' for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dirty, substitutes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is if of the same figure, as a not or cap. But perhaps there needs no alteration, for they c Laert. affirmed, as she is nearer to the Earth than the Sun, so is she of a more terrene Nature. d plut. plac. 2. 25 Stob p 59 Possidonius and most of the Stoics affirm, she is mixed of fire and air, e ● l. plac. p hill. 2. 30. by reason of which diversity of substance she is not subject to corruption. f St. p. 60. To this mixtion of air in her composition, they impute likewise those spots which are seen in her face. g pl. ph. 2. 26. She is greater than the Earth, as well as the Sun is, and Spnaericall as the Sun, yet appeareth in various figures, the fullmoon, first quarter, New-Moon, last quarter. h Stob. p. 59 Chrysippus saith, she is a fire collected after the Sun, from the exhalation of fresh Waters, for which cause she is likewise nourished by them, as i Laert: Possidonius also asserteth. k Laert. Her motion is spiral; l Stob. p. 5●. Zeno saith, she hath two motions, as the one with the World from East to West, the other contrary through the signs. m Stob. p. 59 The period of her course is called a Mont●; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is likewise that part of the Moon which appeareth to us, for one half of her is always turned towards us. The Moon is Eclipsed when she falleth into the shadow of the earth. For although every month she is opposite to the Sun, yet she is then only eclipsed when she is fullest, by reason of the obliquity of her course, whereby her latitude is varied towards the north and south. When therefore she happens to be near the Ecliptic, and opposite to the Sun, she is eclipsed; which happens (as Possidonius saith) in Libra and Scorpio, and in Aries and Taurus. Thus Laertius, but Possidonius seems to have been ignorant of, or not to have considered the motion of the Nodes of the Moon (commonly called Caput & Cauda draconis) whereby the restitution or period of Eclipses is made in ninteen years, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which was the ground of Meton's period, and of the Cycle of the Moon, in the Julian Calender. CHAP. XI. Of Air. a Stob. NExt the sphere of the Moon (saith Chrysippus) is the element of Airs interposed betwixt the Sea and Heaven ( b Cicer. spherical in figure) c Laert. consecrated by the name of d Cic. juno, Sister and Wife of jupiter, who is the Aether▪ betwixt these there is a near conjunction. e Stob. Phys. The Air is divided into three regions, the highest, the middle, and the lowest. The highest region is the hottest and driest, and rarest, by reason of the vicinity of the eternal fires. The lowest and nearest to the earth is thick and caliginous; because it receiveth terrene exhalations. The middle region is more temperate than the higher and lower, as to siccity and rarity, but colder than both. This, wherein the clouds and winds are generated, is, according to Possidonius, forty furlongs above the earth. Next to it is the pure and liquid air of untroubled light. From the turbulent part to the Moon is twenty hundred thousand furlongs. f Laert. To the air is attributed the primitive cold. g Laert. As concerning things in the Air. Winter is the rigour of the air, next above the earth, occasioned by the remoteness of the Sun, and is the coldest of the seasons of the year. Spring is the season succeeding Winter, preceding Summer, and is a good temperature of the air, occasioned by approach of the Sun. Summer is that season of the year, when the air above the earth is warmed, by the Sun's access towards the north. Autumn that season of the year which followeth Summer, and precedeth Winter, is made by the return of the Sun from us. h Laert. Winter cometh, when the air is predominant in thickness, and is forced upward: Summer, when the fire is predominant, and driven downward. i Plut. plac. Phil. 3. 7. Wind is a fluxion of the air, having several names, from the variety of places; as for example: That which bloweth from the darkness of the night, and Sunsetting, is called Zephyrus; from the East and Sunrising, Apeliotes; from the North, Boreas; from the South Lybs. k Laert. It is occasioned by the Sun's extenuation of the vapours. l Laert. The Rainbow is a reflection of the Sun's beams from a humid cloud: or, as Possidonius, an apparition of part of the Sun or Moon in a cloud, dewy, concave, and continuous to the fantasy, as in a lookingglass, the representation of a Circle. m Laert. Comets are fires subsisting of thick air, carried up to the etherial place. n Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an accension of sudden fire, swiftly carried through the air, appearing length-ways. o Laert. Rain is a conversion of clouds into water, when either from the Earth, or from the Sea, by the power of the Sun, the humour is drawn upwards ineffectually. p Laert. Frost is congealed rain. q Laert. Hail is a concrete cloud, dispersed by the wind. r Laert. Snow is humidity, from a concrete cloud, according to Possidonius. Laert. Lightning is an accension of clouds, which are driven by the winds upon one another, and broken, according to Zeno. t Laert. plut. plac. p hill. 3. 3. Stob. p. 65. Thunder is a noise occasioned by the collision of clouds. u Laert. Thunderbolt is a strong inflammation, rushing upon the earth with great violence, when the clouds by impulsion of the winds are broken against one another. Some define it a conversion of fiery inflamed air, violently rushing down. x Laert. Typho is a violent Thunder, thrust down with a great force of wind, or a smoking wind, which rusheth down upon the breaking of the cloud. Prester is a cloud enclosed with fire by wind in the concavities of the earth: There are many kinds thereof, Earthquakes, C●asma's, and the like. CHAP. XII. Of Water and Earth. THat part of the world (saith a Stob. Chrysippus) which is the most solid support of nature, as bones are in a living creature, is called the earth: About this the water is evenly diffused. The earth hath some uneven parts arising out of the water, called Islands, or, if of large extent, Continents, from the ignorance of man, who knows not, that even those are Islands, in respect of the great Ocean. The earth is in the midst, being in the nature of a Centre, b Plu●. plac. Phil. 3. 9 Laert one and finite, c Plut. plac. ●hil: ●. 10. spherical in figure. The water is likewise spherical, having the same centre with the earth. The earth hath five Zones, one northern, beyond the Arctic Circle, uninhabitable through extremity of cold: another temperate; a third not habitable by reason of extreme heat, whence it is called Torrid; a fourth temperate, a fifth southern, not habitable by reason of cold. * Cleomed. But Possidonius conceiveth the Climate under the Equinoctial to be temperate; for, saith he, under the Tropics where the Sun dwells longest, the places are habitable, and why not then under the Aequator? Again, the night being equal to the day, affordeth leisure enough for refrigeration, which is assisted likewise by showers and winds. * Stob. The generation of the world began from the earth, as from the Centre; for the Centre is the beginning of a sphere. d Plut. plac. Phil. 5. 26. Plants have not any soul at all, but spring up of themselves, as it were by chance. CHAP. XIII. Of Mistion and Temperament. CHrysippus asserteth a a Stob. Phys. 20. Spirit moving itself to itself, and from itself, or a spirit moving itself backwards and forwards. He calleth it spirit, as being moved air, answering in some proportion to the Aether, so that it both meets in one; and this motion is only according to those who think, that all nature receiveth mutation, solution, composition, and the like. Composition, mixtion, temperament, and confusion are different. Composition is a contract of bodies, whose superficies are contiguous to one another, as in heaps of grain or sand. Mixtion is of two or more bodies, whose qualities are diffused through the whole, as we see in fire, and red hot iron, and in our own ●oules; for every where there is a diffusion through entire bodies, so as one body doth pass through another. Temperament is of two or more humid bodies, whose qualities are diffused through the whole. Mixtion is also common to dry bodies, as to fire and iron, to the soul and the body, temperament only to the humid. For qualities appear from the temperament of several humid things, as of wine, honey, water, vinegar, and the like; that in such temperament, the qualities of the things tempered remain, is evident from this, that oftentimes they are by some art separated from one another. For, if we put a sponge dipped in oil into wine mixed with water, the water, separating itself from the wine, will gather to the sponge. Lastly, confusion is the transmutation of two or more qualities into another of a different nature, as in composition of Unguents and Medicines. CHAP. XIV. Of Generation and Corruption. a Stob. Phys. POssidonius asserteth four species of generation and corruption, of things that are into things that are (for that of things that are not, and of things that are not he rejected, conceiving there is none such.) Of transmutations into things that are, one is by division, another by alteration, a third by confusion, a fourth of the whole by resolution. Of these, alteration concerneth the substance, the other three are of the qualities which inhere in the substance. According to these are generations made. But the substance itself is neither augmented nor diminished by apposition or detraction, but is only altered as happeneth to numbers and measures. But in things properly qualitied, as Dion and Theon, there is augmentation and diminution, wherefore the quality of each remaineth from the generation until the corruption thereof, in plants and living creatures which are capable of corruption. In things properly qualitied, he asserted two susceptible parts; one, according to the substance, another according to the quality: This, as we have often said, admitteth augmentation and diminution. Neither is the thing properly qualitied, and the substance out of which it is, all one, nor divers, but only, not all one, because the substance is a part, and occupateth the same place; but things that are divers have distinct places, and are not considered in part. That as to the thing properly qualitied, and as to the substance, it is not the same, Mnesarchus affirmeth to be evident, because it is necessary, that to the same happen the same things. For if, for example, a man having form a horse, should break it, and make a dog, we would presently, beholding it, say, this was not before, but it is now: So are the qualitied and the substance divers. Neither is it likely that we should all be the same as to substance; for it often happens, that the substance is preexistent to the generation, as the substance of Socrates was, before Socrates was; and after the corruption and death of Socrates, the substance remaineth, though Socrates himself be not. CHAP. XV. Of Motion. a Stob. MOtion (according to Chrysippus) is a mutation of parts, either in whole or in parts, or an excession out of place, either in whole or in part, or a change according to place, or figure. jaculation is a vehement motion from on high. Rest is partly a privation of motion in a body, partly the same habit of a body before and after. There are two first motions, right and oblique; from the mixtion of these ariseth great variety of motions. b Stob. Zeno affirms the parts of all things consisting by themselves are moved towards the middle of the whole, and likewise of the World itself; wherefore it is rightly said, that all parts of the World tend to the middle thereof, and principally the heavy, and that there is the same cause of the rest of the World in the infinite vacuity, and of the rest of the Earth, in the World, in the midst of which it is constituted as a point. All bodies have not gravity, as air, and fire; yet these in some manner tend to the midst of the World. CHAP. XVI. Of Living Creatures. a Plu●. Pl. Ph. OF animate Creatures there are two kinds (for Plants as we said have no souls) some are appetitive and concupiscible, others rational. The Soul, according to Zeno, Antipater and P●ssidonius, is a hot spirit, for hereby we breath and move. Cleanthes saith, we live so long as that heat holdeth. Every soul hath sense and is a spirit innate in us, wherefore it is a body, and shall not continue after death; yet is it by Nature corruptible, notwithstanding, that it is a part of the Soul of the Universe which is incorruptible: Yet some hold, that the less firm Souls, such as are those of the unlearned, perish at the dissolution of the body; the stronger, as those of the wise and virtuous, shall last even until the general conflagration. b Laert. Pl●t. plac. phillip 4. 4. The Soul hath eight parts, whereof five are the Senses, the sixth generative, the seventh Vocal, the eighth Hegemonick. c Plut. plac. phillip 4. 4. The Supreme or Hegemonick part of the Soul, is that which maketh Fantasies, assent, sense, appetite. This Supreme part is called Ratiocination; d Plut. plac. phillip 4. 4. it is seated in the Heart, some say in the Head, as in its sphere. e Plut. plac. phillip 4. 21. From the Hegemonick issue and are extended to the body the seven other parts, which it guideth by their proper Organs, as a fish its claws. Sense is an apprehension by the Sensitive Organ, or a comprehension. Sense is taken many ways; For the faculty, habit, act, fantasy, whereby the sensible object is comprehended, and the Hegemonick parts of the Soul are called Sense. Again, the Sensories are intelligent spirits, diffused from the Hegemonick to the Organs. f Plut. plac. phillip 4. 21. The senses are Sight, Hearing, Smell, ●ast, Touch. g Plut. plac. phillip 4. 21. Sight is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick part to the Eyes. Sight is made by contraction of that light which is between the eye and the object into a Cone, according to Chrysippus. Apollodorus saith, that part of the Air which is conical is next the sight, the Base next the Object; so as that which is seen is pointed out to by the Air as by a stick. Colour is the first figuration or habit of matter. Darkness is visible, for from the sight there issueth a splendour which passeth round about that darkness. Neither is the sight deceived, for it truly sees that it is dark. Chrysippus saith, that we see according to the intention of the mediate air, which is struck by the visual spirit, which passeth from the Hegemonick to the apple of the eye, and, after that blow, falleth upon the ear next, extending itself in a conical figure. Again, from the eye are emitted fiery rays, not black or dusky, and therefore darkness is visible. i Plut. Pl. Ph. 4. 21. Hearing is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick part to the Ears. Hearing is made when the Air betwixt the speaker and hearer is verberated in a circulation, and at last by agitation, passeth in at the Ears, as the circles that are made in a pond, by casting in a stone. k Plac. phillip 4. 21. Smelling, is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick to the nostrils. l Plut. ibid. Tasting is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick to the Tongue. m Plut. ibid. Touching is a spirit, extended from the Hegemonick part to the superficies, so that it perceiveth that which is obliged to it. n Plut. ibid. The sixth part of the Soul is the Generative, which is a spirit from the Hegemonick to the Parastatae; of this part, see Laertius from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Plu●arch de Philosoph. Plac. lib. 5. cap. 4, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 23. o Plut. ibid. The seventh and last part of the Soul, is that which Zeno calls vocal, commonly called the Voice. It is a spirit proceeding from the Hegemonick part to the throat, tongue, and other proper Instruments of speech. p Plut. Pl. ph. 4. 19 Voice is Air, not composed of little pieces, but whole and continuous, having no vacuity in it. This Air being struck by the wind, spreadeth into circles infinitely, until the Air round about it be filled like the Water in a pond by throwing in of a stone, only the Water moves spherically, the Air circularly. Voice is a body, for it acteth, it striketh upon, and leaveth an impression in our Ear, as a seal in Wax. Again, whatsoever moveth and disturbeth some affection is a body; Harmony moveth with delight, discord disturbeth. Again, whatsoever is moved is a body, but Voice is moved and reverberated from smooth places, as a ball against a Wall. So in the Egyptian Pyramids, one Voice is redoubled four or five times. CHAP. XVII. Of God. HItherto of the Material principle, and that which is produced of it; we come now to the other principle, the Agent, God. a Cic. nat. ●eor. lib. 2. This question they divide into four parts; first, that there are Gods; secondly, what they are; thirdly, that they order the world; fourthly, that they take care of humane affairs. Cleanthes saith, Cic. ibid. that the notions of God are imprinted in the minds of men from four causes. First, from Divination, for the Gods afford us signs of future things, wherein if there be any mistake, it is not from their part, but from the error of humane conjecture. The second is from the multitude of good things we receive by the temperature of Heaven, the fertility of the Earth, and abundance of other benefits. The third from the Terror of Thunder, Tempest Rain, Snow, Hail, Devastation, Pestilence, Earthquakes, and sometimes groan, showers of stones and blood, Portents, Prodigies, Comets and the like; with which men are affrighted into a belief, that there is a heavenly divine power. The fourth and greatest cause is the aequability of the motion and revolution of Heaven, the Sun, Moon and stars, their distinctions, variety, beauty, order, the very sight whereof declares that they were not made by chance. That there are Gods Chrysippus proveth thus▪ b Cic. ibid. If there is something in Nature, which the mind, reason, power, and faculties of man could not make, that which did make it is better than Man; but Celestial things, and all those, whose order is sempiternal, could not be made by Man; there is therefore something which made them, which is better than Man, and what is that but God? For if there are no Gods, what can there be in Nature better than Man, for in him only is reason, than which nothing is more excellent? But for a man to think that there is nothing in the World better than himself, is a foolish arrogance. Therefore there is something better, and consequently there is a God. c Cic. ibid. Zeno more concisely thus; That which is rational is better than that which is irrational, but nothing is better than the World, therefore the World is rational. In like manner may be proved that the World is wise, that it is happy, that it is eternal, for all these are better than the want of these; But there is nothing better than the World; whence it followeth that the World is God. Again, he argues thus. No part of an insensible thing hath sense; but the parts of the World have sense, therefore the World hath sense. He proceedeth to urge this more strictly: Nothing, saith he, that is void of mind and reason, can of itself generate that which is animate and rational; but the world generates animate and rational creatures, therefore the world is animate and rational. Likewise, according to his custom, he concludeth his argument with a similitude: IF out of an Olive-tree should come harmonious Pipes, that made Music, you would not doubt, but that the science of Music were in the Olive-tree. What if a Plain-tree should bear Musical instruments, you would think there were music in those Plain-trees: Why then should we not judge the world to be animate and wise, that produceth out of itself animate and wise creatures. There is nothing besides the world which wanteth nothing, and which is perfect and complete in all its numbers and parts: for as the cover, saith Chrysippus, was made for the shields sake, and the scabbard for the swords; so besides the world, all other things were made for the sake of something else. Fruits of the earth were made for living creatures, living irrational creatures for the use of man, horses for carriage, oxen for tillage, dogs for hunting and defence; but, man himself was made to contemplate and imitate the world. Not that he is at all perfect, but only a part of that which is perfect. But the world itself, forasmuch as it comprehendeth all things, neither is there any thing which is not in it, is every way perfect. What therefore can be wanting to that which is best? But, there is nothing better than the mind and reason, therefore these cannot be wanting to the world. Chrysippus addeth this comparison: As all things are best in the most perfect and mature creatures, as in a Horse better than in a Colt, in a Dog better than in a Whelp, in a Man better than in a Child: So that which is best in all the world, must be in that which is perfect and absolute; but, than the world, nothing is more perfect, nothing better than virtue, therefore the world hath proper virtue. The nature of man is not perfect; yet, in man there is virtue, how much more than in the world? The world therefore hath virtue, therefore it is wise, and consequently God. d Plut. Pl. Ph. 1. 6. Thus the notion and apprehension men have of God, is, first, by conceiving the beauty of those things which are objected to their eyes, for no beautiful thing hath been made by chance and adventure, but composed and framed by some ingenious and operative art. Now that the heaven is beautiful, appeareth by the form, colour, and bigness thereof, by the variety also of stars disposed therein. Moreover, the world is round in manner of a ball, which figure of all others, is principal and most perfect, for it alone resembleth all the parts; for being round itself, it hath the parts also round. As to the second part of the question, e Laert. God is an immortal being, rational, perfect, or intellectual in Beatitude, void of all evil, provident over the world, and things in the world, not of human form, maker of all, and as it were father of all. f Plut. Pl. Ph. 1▪ 6. They define God a spirit full of intelligence, of a ●ie●y nature, having no proper form, but transforming himself into whatsoever he pleaseth, and resembling all things. We understand by God, saith Antipater, a living nature or substance, happy, incorruptible, doing good to mankind. All● men acknowledge the Gods immortal. They who deprive the Gods of beneficence, have an imperfect notion of them, as th●y likewise, who think they are subject to generation and corruption. g Pl. contrad. Stoic. Yet, are there some Gods, saith Chrysippus, generative and mortal, as well as there are others ingenerate: h Stob. ●The world, stars, and earth are Gods, but the supreme God is the etherial mind, jupiter.] The sun, moon, and other such like Gods were begotten; but jupiter is eternal. Other Gods use a certain nourishment, whereby they are maintained equally; but jupiter and the world after another sort then the generated, which shall be consumed by fire. jupiter groweth continually, until such time as all things be consumed in him, death being the separation of the soul and body; for seeing that the soul of the world never departeth at all, but augmenteth continnally, until it have consumed all the matter within itself, we cannot say that the world dieth. i Laert. The substance of God, Zeno affirms to be the whole World and Heaven, so also Chrysippus in his 11th of the Gods, and Possidonius in his first of the Gods. But Antipater in his 7th of the world, affirms his substance to be a●riall. Boethius in his book of nature, saith, the substance of God is the sphere of fixed stars. Sometimes they call him a nature containing the world, sometimes a nature producing all upon earth. As concerning the third part of the question, they affirm, that k Pl●l. God is an operative artificial fire, methodically ordering and effecting the generation of the world, comprehending in himself all prolific reason, by which every thing is produced according to Fate. God is a Spirit, diffused through the whole world, having several denominations, according to the several parts of the matter through which he spreadeth, and the l Laert. several effects of his power shown therein. They call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by whom all things are: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of life. Minerva, as diffused through the aether; juno, as through the air; Vulcan, as through the m Perhaps i● should ●e a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though Ae●●hylus ascribe this t● Vulcan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 artificial fire; Neptune, as through the water; Ceres, as through the earth. In like manner the res● of his names were imposed, with respect to some property. n Cic. This place was first discoursed upon by ● Zeno●, after whom, Cleanthes and Chrysippus dilated more largely upon it. o Cic. By this Providence, the World, and all parts of the World, were in the beginning constituted, and are in all time ordered. This disputation they divided into three parts: The first, from the same reason that teacheth us there are Gods, inferreth, that the World is ordered by them, seeing that there is nothing higher or more excellent, than this administration. The second, from that reason which teacheth us, that all things are subjected to an understanding nature, and tightly ordered by it, inferreth, that it is generated of animate principles. The third place is derived from admiration of celestial and terrestrial things. Upon these, Cicero discourseth at large, according to the opinion of the Stoics. As to the fourth part of the question in general concerning the Gods, that they have a particular providential care of mankind, it is manifest, in that whatsoever is in this world was made for the use of man, and is conducible thereunto; and if for the whole fpecies, they must consequently have the same care of particulars, which they express by many portents, and all those fignes whereupon the art of Divination depends. There was never any great person without some divine inspiration. But we must not argue from hence, that if the corn or vineyard of any man be hurt by a Tempest, or Fortune deprive him of any of the conveniencies of life, that he to whom this hath happened, may be judged to be hated or neglected of God. The Gods take care of great things, the little they neglect; but to great persons all things have always a happy issue. p Agel. lib. 6. cap. 1. Chrysippus in his fourth Book of Providence saith, there is nothing more ignorant, nothing more sordid than those persons, who think, good might have been without ill. For, Good and Ill being contraries, it is necessary, that both consist together mutually, sustaining one another, as it were by opposition. For, how could we understand justice, unless there were Injuries? What is Justice, but a privation of Injustice? How can Fortitude be understood, but by opposition to Fear? How Continence, but from Intemperance? How Prudence, if there were not Imprudence? Why do not these fools desire that Truth might be without Falshood? Such are good and ill, happiness and misery, grief and pleasure; one is tied to the other, as Plato says, by their contrary ends. q Agel. ibid. Here followeth the question, whether that Providence which framed the world and mankind, did make likewise those corporeal infirmities and sicknesses which men suffer. Chrysippus affirmeth it was not the intent of Nature to make men obnoxious to sickness: For this agreeth not with the Author of Nature, and Parent of all good things; but he having generated many great things, most apt and useful, other things also, incommodious to those which he made, were aggenerated together with them, coherent to them, made, not by Nature, but certain necessary consequence, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As, saith he, when Nature framed the bodies of Men, more subtle reason & the benefit of the World, would have required that the head should have been made of the smallest and thin bones; but this utility would have been followed by another extrinsecall inconvenience of greater consequence, that the head would be too weakly defended, and broken with the least blow. Sicknesses therefore and diseases are engendered whilst health is engendered. In like manner saith he, whilst Virtue is begotten in Man, by the counsel of Nature, vices like wise are begotten by contrary affinity. CHAP. XVIII. Of Nature. a Plut. plac. 1. 28. Lae●●. NExt jupiter, Possidonius placeth Nature. By Nature they sometimes, understand that which containeth the World, sometimes, that which produceth things upon Earth; both which, as we said, is to be understood of God. For that Nature which containeth and preserveth the World, hath perfect sense and reason, which power is the Soul of the World, the mind and divine Wisdom. b Lactant. lib. 7. Cap. 3. Thus under the term of Nature, they comprehend both God and the World, affirming that the one cannot be without the other, as if Nature were God permeating through the World, God the mind of the World, the World the body of God. c Flut. This Chrysippus calleth Common-Nature in distinction from particular Nature. d Laert. Nature is defined by Zeno an artificial fire, proceeding in the way of generation, which is the fiery spirit, the Artist of forms; by others, a habit receiving motion from itself, according to prolific reason, and effecting and containing those things which subsist by it, in certain definite times, producing all things, from which itself is distinct by Nature, proposing to itself these two ends, Utility and Pleasure, as is manifest from the porduction of man. CHAP. XIX. Of Fate. a Stob. 1. 9 Plut. THe third from jupiter (according to Possidonius) is Fate, for jupiter is first, next Nature, than Fate. b Plut. Pl. Ph. 1. 28. They call Fate a concatenation of Causes, that is, an order and connexion which cannot be transgressed. Fate is a cause depending on Laws, and ordering by Laws, or a reason; by which the World is ordered. c Laert. Fate is, according to Zeno, the motive power of matter, disposing so and so, not much diftering from Nature and Providence. d Stob. Panaetius affirmeth Fate to be God. e Stob. Chrysippus desineth Fate a spiritual power, governing the World orderly; or, f Agel. a sempiternal and indeclinable series and chain of things, itself, rolling and implicating itself by eternal orders of consequence, of which it is adapted and connected; or, as Chrysippus again in his Book of Definitions hath it, g Stob. The reason of the World, or Law of all things in the World, governed by Providence; or the reason why things past have been, the present are, the future shall be. For Reason, he useth Truth, Cause, Nature, Necessity, and other terms, as attributed to the same thing in different respects. Fate from the several distributions thereof, is called Clotho, Lachesis and Atropos. Lachesis, as it dispenseth to every one, as it were by lot; Atropos, as it is an immutable dispensation, from all eternity; Clotho, in allusion to the resemblance it hath with spinning and twisting of Threads. h ●l. Fl. Ph. 1. 27. Necessity is a cause invincible, most violent, and enforcing all things. i pl. ph. 1. 29. Fortune is a Cause unknown and hidden to humane reason. For some things come by Necessity, others by Fate, some by deliberate Counsel, others by Fortune, some by Casualty. k pl. ph. 1. 27. But Fate, being a connexion of Causes interlaced and linked orderly, compriseth also that cause proceedeth from us. l Laert. That all things are done by Fate, is asserted by Zeno in his Book of Fate, and Possidonius in his second Book of Fate, and Boethus in his 11th of Fate. Which m Cic. de Fato. Chrysippus proves thus. If there is any motion without a cause, than every axiom is not either true or false, for that which hath not efficient causes, will be neither true nor false; but every axiom is either true or false, therefore there is no motion without a cause. And if so, than all things that are done, are done by precedent causes, and if so, all things are done by Fate. That all axioms are either true or false, Cicero saith, he laboured much to prove, whereby he takes away, Possibles, indeterminates, and other distinctions of the Academics, of which see Alcinous, Chap. 26. n Cic. de fate. In answer to the sluggish reason, if it be your fate to die of this sickness, you shall die whether you have a Physician or no; and if it be your fate to recover, you shall recover whether you have a Physician or not. Chrysippus saith, that in things some are simple, some conjunct. Simple is thus, Socrates shall die on such a day; for whether he do any thing or not, it is appointed he should die on such a day. But if it be destined thus, Laius shall have a son Oedipus, it cannot be said, whether he accompany with a woman or not, for it is a conjunct thing, and confatall, as he terms it, because it is destined that Laius shall lie with his wife, and that he shall get Oedipus of her. As if we should say, Milo shall wrestle at the Olympic Games, and another should infer, than he shall wrestle whether he have an adversary or no, he were mistaken; for that he shall wrestle is a conjunct thing, because there is no wrestling without an adversary. Thus are refelled all sophisms of this kind (you shall recover whether you have a Physician or not) for it is no less determined by fate that you shall have a Physician, than that you shall recover. They are confatall. Thus there being two opinions of the old Philosophers; one, that all things are so done by Fate, that Fate inferreth a power of Necessity, as Democritus, Heraclitus, Empedocles, and Aristotle held; the other, that the motions of our souls were voluntary without any Fate: Chrysippus, as an honourable arbitrator, took the middle way betwixt these, but inclining most to those who conceived the motions of our souls free from necessity. The Ancients, who held all things to be done by Fate, said, it was by a violence and necessity; those who were of the contrary opinion, denied, that Fate had any thing to do with our assent, and that there was no necessity imposed upon assents. They argued thus: If all things are done by Fate, all things are done by an antecedent cause, and if appetite, than likewise those things which follow appetite, therefore assents also. But, if the cause of appetite is not in us, neither is the appetite itself in our power, and if so, neither those things which are effected by appetite are in our power, and consequently neither assents nor actions are in our power; whence it followeth, that neither praise can be just, nor dispraise, nor honour, nor punishment; but this is false, therefore all things are not done by Fate. But Chrysippus not allowing this necessity, yet maintaining that nothing happened without precedent causes, distinguisheth thus. Of Causes, saith he, some are perfect and principal, others assistant and immediate. When we say, all things are done by Fate, from antecedent causes, we understand not the perfect and principal causes, but the assistant and immediate. He therefore answers the former objection thus: If all things are done by Fate, it followeth, that all things be done by antecedent causes, but not by the principal and perfect, but by the assistant and immediate, which though they be not in our power, it followeth not, that the appetite likewise is in our power. This Argument therefore concludes well against those who join necessity with Fate, but nothing against those who assert antecedent causes not perfect nor principal. What assent is, and how it cometh to be in our power, we have already shown in the Logic. Hence it followeth, that o Agell. 6. 2. notwithstanding that all things are necessarily coacted and connected by Fate, with a certain principal reason; yet (saith Chrysippus) our minds are so obnoxious to Fate, as their property and quality is. For, if at the first by nature they were form sound and profitably, all that power which cometh upon them extrinsecally from Fate, they transmit easily and inoffensively; but, if they are harsh, ignorant, and rude, not supported by any helps of good art, although they are pressed by little or no conflict of fatal incommodity, yet by their own unluckiness, and voluntary impulsion, they rush into continual sins and errors, which thing maketh that this natural and necessary consequence of things, which is called Fate, be by this reason. For it is. as it were, fatal, and consequent in its kind, that wicked minds should not be without sins and errors, an instance whereof he bringeth not unapposite. As, saith he, a rolling stone, if you turn it down a steep place, you first give it the cause and beginning of its precipitation, but afterwards it rolleth headlong of itself; not that you make it do so any longer, but because its figure, and the volubility of its form is such. In like manner, order, and reason, and necessity, moveth the beginnings of causes; but the impetuousness of our thoughts and minds, and our own actions, are guided by every man's private will and mind. Thence continueth he, the Pythagoreans say, Men of their own accord their ills procure. As conceiving that all ills proceed from themselves, and according to their own appetites when they sin and offend, and according to their own mind and sign. For this reason he denyeth, that we ought to suffer and hear such wicked, or idle, or noxious, or impudent persons, who being taken in some fault and wickedness, have recourse to the necessity of Fate, as to a Sanctuary, affirming that they have done wickedly, is not to be attributed to their temerity, but to Fate. CHAP. XX. Of Not-Bodies, or incorporeals; and first of Dicibles. HItherto of Bodies, we come next to the second place of Physic, concerning Not-Bodies, or incorporeals. Incorporeal is that which may be, but is not contained in bodies. a Sext. Emper: Of those there are four kinds, Dicibles, Vacuum, place, and Time. Dicible is that which consisteth according to rational fantasy, a mean betwixt notion and thing. Of this already in the Logic. CHAP. XXI. of Vacuum and Place. THe second incorporeal is Vacuum, which is the solitude or vacuity of a body. In the world there is no vacuum, neither in the whole nor in any part: Beyond it there is an infinite vacuity, into which the world shall be resolved. Of this already in the Chapter concerning the world. Next is Place: Place is that which is fully occupated by the body; or, as Chrysippus defines it, that which is or may be occupated by one or more things. Thus it differs from vacuity, which hath no body, and from space, which is occupated but in part, as a vessel half full of wine. CHAP. XXII. Of Time. LAst of the incorporeals is Time. Time is, according to many of the Stoics, the motion of itself, not of heaven, and had no beginning of generation. Chrysippus saith, that Time is the measure of slowness or swiftness. Zeno defined it the interval of motion, and measure of slowness and swiftness, according to which, all things were and are. Possidonius saith, that some are wholly infinite, as all Time; some only in part, as the past and future; for they are joined together by the present. He defined Time the interval of motion, or the measure of swiftness and slowness, one part of it being present, the other future, the present connected to the future by something like a point. It is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attributed to the least part of Time that falleth under sense, subsisting according to the difference of past and future. Chrysippus saith, that Time is the interval of motion, the measure of swiftness and slowness; a consequent interval to the world's motion, according to which all things are, and are moved, unlosse rather there be a twofold Time, as the Earth and Sea, and Vacuity and Universe, have the same names with their parts. And as vacuity is every way infinite, so Time is both ways infinite, for the present and future have no end. He likewise asserts, that no entire present is Time, for continuous things being divided into infinite, Time likewise admitteth of the same division; so that no Time is properly present, but so called, after a less accurate manner. The present only is subsistent, unless it be understood as of Categorems; as, walking is attributed to him that walketh, but not to him that sitteth or lieth. Thus much for the STOICAL PHILOSOPHY. CLEANTHES CAP. I. His Life Cleanthes' was of Assus an Aeolian City (fortified, Laert. as Stralo describes it, both by Nature and Art) son of Phanias. He was first according to Antisthenes' a wrestler, and coming to Athens, having no more than four Drachms, he applied himself first to Crates, then to Zene, whom he heard constantly, and persevered in his Philosophy and Opinions. He was much commended for his laboriousness, in as much as being poor, he went by night to the Gardens to draw water, and in the day time studied Philosophy. Hence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The drawer of Water. Being cited to the Court to give an account how he lived, being so healthful and lusty, he produced the Gardener, under whom he drew water, and a woman for whom he ground meal, to witness how he subsisted. The Areopagites wondering hereat, allotted him 10. minae, which Zeno would not suffer him to accept. Antigonus gave him 3000. minae. On a time leading some young men to a spectacle, the wind blew back his Cloak, and discovered that he had no Coat; whereupon the Athenians much applauded him, and, as Demetrius the Magnesian●aith ●aith, bestowed a Coat upon him. Antigonus, Laert. Flut. who was his Auditor, asked him why he drew water, he answered, Do I only draw water? Do I not also dig and water the ground, and all for the sake of Philosophy? For Zeno brought him up to this, and bade him bring him an obolus gained by his labour. Upon a time he brought in his gains before all his Disciples, saying, Cleanthes, If he would, could maintain another Cleanthes; but they who have wherewithal to maintain themselves, would be supplied by others; yet study philosophy nothing the more diligently. Hence Cleanthes was called a second Hercules. He was very laborious, but dull and slow. He used to write the dictates of Zeno in shells, and the shoulderblades of Oxen, for want of money to buy paper. He was his auditor 19 years. For these reasons, though Zeno had many other eminent Disciples, yet he succeeded him in the School. CHAP. II. His Apothegms. a Laert. HIs Fellow-Disciples derided him, he took it patiently, and being called Ass, answered, he only could bear Zeno's burden. Another time being reproached as timorous, therefore, saith he, I sin little. Preferring his own Poverty before the plenty of the rich; whilst they, saith he, Play at Ball, I manure a hard barren soil. He often chid himself, being all alone, which Aristo overhearing; whom, saith he, do you chide, he smiling, answered, a grey-headed old fellow without wit. To one that said Arcesilaus abrogated the offices of life; peace, saith he, dispraise him not, for though he take away offices in discourse, he commends them in his actions; To whom Arcesilaus saying, I cannot endure flattery; I do indeed flatter, replies Cleanthes, when I say, you speak one thing and do another. To one that asked what he should teach his Son, he answered in the words of Electra; Peace, peace, a little step. A Lacedaemonian saying, that labour was good, he laughed, answering, My son, thou of a generous race art come. Disputing with a young man, he asked him whether he did feel; the other answers he did, he replied, why then do I not feel that you feel? Sosythius the Poet saying in the public Theatre when Cleanthes was present; Those whom Cleanthes madness leads away; he sat still, not changing his countenance; whereupon the Auditors applauding him, turned out Sosythius, who afterwards coming to Cleanthes, told him he was sorry that he had reproached him; Cleanthes answered, it were unfit I should behold unconcerned Bacchus and Hercules derided by the Poets, and be angry ' at a little word against myself. He compared the Peripatetics to Lutes, that make good Music, but hear it not themselves. Holding according to Zeno that the mind may be discerned in the countenance, some merry young men brought an effeminate youth to him rustically clothed, desiring his opinion of that man's disposition. He bade him depart, which the other going to do, sneezed; Cleanthes presently cried out, I have found out the man, he is effeminate. To one that was all alone talking to himself, you discourse saith he, with a man that is not ill. To one that was reproached him with his age, I would be gone, saith he, but when I consider that I am in health, fit to write and study, I raber choose to stay. b Cic de Fini●. lib. 2. Cleanthes bade those who came to hear him, to fancy pleasure painted in a Tablet, richly habited and adorned, sitting upon a Throne, the Virtues standing about her, as her handmaids, doing nothing else but wait on her commands, and whispering in her ear (if it can be phancied of a picture) to bid her take heed of doing any thing imprudently, that may offend the minds of men, or any thing that may occasion grief. c Stob. Ser. 116. He said, whosoever sweareth, at the same time sweareth truly, or forsweareth himself: if he intent to do that which he sweareth, though he do it not, he sweareth truly; if he intent it not he is forsworn. d Set. 126. One observing him silent, said to him, why do you hold your peace, it is pleasant to talk to friends; It is indeed, answered Cleanthes, but the more pleasant it is, the more we ought to allow them the freedom of it. e Set. 210. He said that unlearned men differed from Beasts in their figure. f Set. 212. Being demanded why amongst the Ancients, when there were fewest Philosophers, there were more eminent then at this time; he answered, because than they minded the thing itself, now only in words. To one that asked him, g Ser. 229. how a man might be rich, he answered, by being poor in desire. CHAP. III. His Writings. HE left behind him (saith Laertius) these excellent Books. Of time. Of Zeno's Philosophy. Explications of Heraclitus, 3. Of Sense 4. Of Art. To Democritus. To Aristarchus. To Erillus. Of Appetite 2. Archaeology. Of God. Of Giants. Of Hymeneals: Of a Poet. Of Office 3. Of right consultation. Of Gratitude. Protreptick. Of Virtues. Of Ingenuity. Of Gorgippus. Of Envy. Of Love. Of Liberty. The Art of Love Of Honour. Of Glory. The Politiek● Of Counsel. Of Laws. Of judging. Of the reason of living. Of speech 3. Of the End. Of honest things. Of Actions. Of Science. Of a Kingdom. Of Friendship. Of a Symposium. That the virtue of man and woman is the same. That a wise man may use Sophisms. Of Chria's. Dissertations 2. Of Pleasure. Of Properties. Of Inexplicables. Of Dialectic. Of Tropes. Of Categoremes. Besides these, are mentioned a Laert vit. Zen. Of Atoms. Of Brass. b Athen. deign. Of Sumptions. Fabulous Traditions. c Cic. de fin. 1. 4. The Art of Rhetoric. CHAP. IU. His Death. HE lived according to Laertius 80. years, according to Lucian, 99 The occasion of his death this, being troubled with a foreness of his gums (Stobaeus saith, an Ulcer under his Tongue) he was enjoined by the Physicians to fast two days, which he did, and was well; then they told him he might eat again, but he would not, saying, he was now gone a great way on his journey; a Stob. would you have me, ●aith he, having passed over the greatest part of my life, return back again, and begin it anew? b Laert. Having fasted two days more he died. c In Epithet. Simplicius saith, he saw an exquisite statue of Cleanthes in Assus, an example of the magnificence of the Romance Senate, dedicated to his honour. CHRYSIPPUS. CHAP. I. His Life. CHrysippus was of Soli, Laert. (a City of Cilicia, afterwards called Pompeiopolis.) his Father was of Tarsis, named Apollonius, or, as Suidas, Apollonides, who came and lived at Soli, which perhaps gave Laertius, and from him Suidas, occasion to doubt whether Chrysippus himself were not of Tarsis. He first exercised in the Hippodrome. Hecaton saith, that having wasted his Patrimony in the King's service, he applied himself to Philosophy. Coming to Athens, he heard, as some affirm Zeno, or rather (as Diocles and others) Cleanthes, from whom whilst he was yet alive he dissented. He was an eminent Philosopher, ingenious and acute in every thing; so that in most opinions he differed from Zeno and Cleanthes, to whom he would only say, tell me the Doctrines and let me alone for proofs. If at any time he crossed Cleanthes in dispute, he was afterwards sorry for it, often saying, Of happiness in all I am possessesed, But in Cleanthes; there alone unblessed. He was so famous for Dialectic, that it was a common speech, If the Gods themselves would use Dialectic, they would make use only of the Chrysippean. But he was more plentiful in matter then free in expression. He was infinitely studious and industrious, as appeareth from the multitude of his Books. An old woman that waited on him said, that he wrote every day 500 Paragraphs. When any questioned him in private, he answered meekly and freely; but assoon as any company came, he grew eager and litigious, saying, Brother, there hangs a cloud before your eyes, Cast quite away this madness, and be wise. When he drunk at Feasts he lay very still, only shaked his legs; whereupon his woman said, Chrysippus' legs only are drunk. He had so good an opinion of himself, that to one who asked him to whom he should commend his son, he answered, To me; for if I knew any better, I would hear Philosophy of him myself; Whence it was said of him, He is inspired by Jove, The rest like shadows move. As also that, Had not Chrysippus been, No Stoa we had seen. Arcesilaus and Lacydes (as Sotion saith) coming into the Academy, Laert. he studied Philosophy with them, whence he disputed against Custom, and for Custom, and of Magnitude and Multitude, using the arguments of the Academics. b Laert. He was a great despiser of honours, for of all his writings, he dedicates none to any King. c Stob. He was content with little, for d Laert. he lived without any other attendants than one old woman; and when Ptolemy wrote to Cleanthes, desiring he would come to him, or send some one of his Disciples, Sphoerus went, but Chrysippus refused. Having sent for Aristocreon and Philocrates, his sister's sons, he first taught in the Lyceum in the open air, as Demetrius writeth. CHAP. II. His Apothegms. a Laert. TO one that blamed him for not hearing Aristo as many did; If I should follow many, saith he, I should not study Philosophy. To a Dialectic assaulting Cleanthes with sophisms: Leave, saith he, diverting an aged person from serious things; propound those to us that are young. b Stob. He said, meditation is the fountain of discourse. c Stob. Ser. 44. He said, drunkenness is a lesser madness. d Ser. 40. He said, a wise man grieveth, but is not troubled, for his mind yields not to it. e Ser. 71. To one that said to him, your friend revileth you behind your back: Blame him not, saith he, for he might do it before my face. f Ibid. To a wicked man that cast many aspersions upon him: You have done well, saith he, not to omit any thing that is in yourself. g Ibid. Being told that some spoke ill of him; It is no matter, saith he, I will live so, that they shall not be believed. h Ser. 116. He said, there is a difference between swearing true, and swearing truly, and betwixt swearing false and forswearing. That which is sworn, at the time that it is sworn must necessarily be either true or false, seeing that the form of swearing is an Axiom: But he that sweareth, at the same time that he sweareth is not necessarily perjured, or sweareth true, because the time is not yet arrived that must determine his oath. For as a man is said to have covenanted truly or falsely, not when the covenant is made, but when the time whereby it is limited is come: so a man is said to swear truly or falsely, when the time comes wherein he promised to make good his oath. i Ser. 151. Being demanded why he did not undertake the government of the Commonwealth; Because, saith he, If I govern ill, I shall displease the Gods; if well, the people. k Ser. 249. He said, he who hath arrived at perfection dischargeth all offices, omitting none, yet his life is not happy, for Beatitude is a post-accession thereto, when as the mean actions acquire a constancy, habit, and peculiar confirmation. CHAP. III. His Writings. BEcause, saith Laertius, his writings were very celebrious, we shall give an account of them digested according to their subjects: They were these. Of the Logical place, Theses. Logic. Philosophic Commentaries. Dialectic definitions, to Metrodorus, 6. Of Dialectic names, to Zeno 1. Dialectic art, to Aristagoras 1. Of connex Probables, to Dioscorides 4. The first order of the Logical place of things. Of Axioms 1. Of not-simple Axioms 1. Of Connex, to Athenades 2. Of Negatives, to Aristagoras 3. Of Catagoreuticks, to Athenodorus 1. Of things spoken by privation, to Thearus 1. Of best Axioms, to Dion 3. Of Indefinites 4. Of things spoken according to Time 2. Of perfect Axioms 2. The second order. Of true disjunct, to Gorgippides 1. Of true connex, to Gorgippides 4. Division, to Gorgippides 1. Of Consequents I. Of that which is for three, to Gorgippides 1. Of Possibles, to Clitus 4. Of Significations, against Philo 1. What are false 1. The third order. Of Precepts 2. Of Interrogations 2. Of Percontation 4. Epitome of Interrogation and Percontation ●. Epitome of Answers 1. Of Question 2. Of Answer 4. The fourth order. Of Categorems, to Metrodorus 10. Of right and supine, to Philarchus●. Of Conjunctions, to Apollonides 1. To Pasylus, of Categorems 4. The fifth order. Of the five cases 1. Of expressions defined according to the subject 1. Of Assimilation, to Stesagoras 2. Of Appellatives, 2. Of the Logical place concerning words, and their reasons, the first order. Of singular and plural expressions 6. Of Words, to Sosigenes and Alexander 5. Of the anomaly of Words; to Dion 4. Of Sorites pertaining to voice 3. Of Solecisms, to Dionysius 1. Of unusual speech 1. Words, to Dionysius 1. The second order. Of the elements of speech 5. Of the syntax of things said 4. Of the syntax and elements of speech, to Philip 3. Of the elements of speech, to Nicias 1. Of relative speech 1. The third order. Of not-dividents 2. Of Amphibolies, to Apollas 4. Of Tropical Amphibolies 1. Of connex Tropical Amphibolies 2. Upon Panthoedus, of Amphibolies 2. Introduction to Amphiboly 5. Epitome of Amphibolies, to Epicrates 1. Connex to the Introduction of Amphibolies 2. Of Logical place concerning Reasons and Moods, the first order. The Art of Reasons and Moods, to Dioscorides 5. Of Reasons 3. Of the composition of Moods, to Stesagoras 2. Comparison of tropical Axioms 1. Of reciprocal Reasons and connex 1. To Agatho, or of sequent problems 1. Of Inferences, to Aristagoras 1. Of placing the same reason in divers Moods 1. Against those who oppose that the same reason may be plated in syllogistick and not syllogistick Moods 2. Against those who oppose the reduction of Syllogisms 3. Against Philo's book of Moods, to Timostratus 1. Logical conjuncts, to Timocrates and Philomathes. Upon Reasons and Moods 1. The second order. Of conclusive Reasons, to Zeno 1. Of first indemonstrable Syllogisms, to Zeno 1. Of Reduction of Syllogisms 1. Of redundant Syllogisms, to Pasylus 2. Theorems of Solecisms 1. Syllogistick Introductions, to Zeno 1. Introductions to Moods, to Zeno 3. Of Syllogisms false in figure 5. Syllogistick reasons by reduction in indemonstrables 1. Tropical Questions to Zeno and Philomathes (suspected to be spurious) 1. The third order. Of coincident reasons, to Athenades 1. spurious. Coincident reasons as to the medium 3. spurious. Of Aminius' disjunctions 1. The fourth Order. Of Hypotheses to Meleager 3. Hypothetick reasons in Law, to Meleager 1. Hypothetick Reasons for introduction 2. Hypothetick reasons of Theorems 2. Solution of Hedyllus' Hypotheticks 2. Solution of Alexander's Hypotheticks 3. Spurious. Of expositions, to Leodamas 1. The fifth order. Of introduction to the lying reason, to Aristocreon 1. Lying reasons to the Introduction 1. Of the lying reason, to Aristocreon 6. The sixth order. Against those who think true and false are one, 1. Against those who dissolve the lying Reason by distinction 2: Demonstration, that infinites are not to be divided 1. Upon that which hath been said against the division of infinites, to Pasylus 3. Solutions according to the Ancients, to Dioscorides 1. Of the solution of the lying reason to Aristocreon 3. Solution of Hedyllus' s Hypotheticks, to Aristocreon and Apollas. The seventh Order. Against those who say the lying reason hath false sumptions 1. Of the negative, to Aristocreon 2. Negative Reasons, to Gymnasias 1. Of the diminutive reason, to Stesagoras 2. Of opinionative and quiescent reasons, to Onetor 2. Of the veiled reason, to Aristobulus 2. Of the occult reason, to Athenades 1. The eighth Order. Of the Nullity, to Menecrates 8. Of reasons consisting of indefinite and definite, to Pasylus 2. Of the Nullity to Epicrates 1. The ninth Order. Of Sophisms to Heraclides and polis 2. Of insoluble dialectic reasons to Dioscorides 5. Against Arcesilaus' method, to Sphaerus 1. The tenth order. Against Custom, to Metrodorus 6. Of the Logical place; besides these four differences, there are dispersed, not containing in the body of Logical Questions, 39 Of the Ethick Place, for direction of moral notions, the First Order. Description of speech, to Theoporus 1. Moral Theses 1. Probable sumptions for Doctrines, to Philomathes 3. Definitions of civil person, to Metrodorus 2. Definitions of wicked persons, to Metrodorus 2. Definitions of mean persons, to Metrodorus 2. General Definitions, to Metrodorus 7. Definitions of other arts, to Metrodorus 2. The second Order. Of things like, to Aristocles 3. Of Definitions, to Metrodorus 7. The third Order. Of things not rightly objected against Definitions, to Laodamas 7. Probables for Definitions, to Dioscorides. Of Species and Genus, to Gorgippides 2. Of Divisions 1. Of Contraries, to Dionysius 2. Probables for Divisions, genus and species. Of Contraries 1. The fourth Order. Of Etymologicks, to Diocles 6 Etymologicks, to Diocles 4. The fifth Order. Of Proverbs, to Zenodotus 2. Of Poems, to Philomathes 1. How Poems must be heard 2. Against Critics, to Diodorus 1. Of the moral place of common speeches, according to Arts and Virtue: The first Order. Against Rescriptions, to Timonax 1. How we think and speak singulars 1. Of notions, to Laodamas 2. Of Suspicion, to Pythonax 2. Demonstrations that a wise man doth not opinionate 1. Of Comprehension and Science, and ignorance 4. Of Speech 2. Of the use of Speech, to Leptines. The second Order. That the Ancients approved Dialectic with Demonstration, to Zeno 2. Of Dialectic; to Aristocreon 4. Upon the objections against Dialectic 3. Of Rhetoric, to Dioscorides 4. The third Order. Of habitude, to Cleon 3. Of art and sloth, to Aristocreon 4. Of the difference of Virtues, to Diodorus. What virtues are 1. Of virtues, to polis. Of the moral place concerning Good and Ill; the first Order. Of Honesty and pleasure, to Aristocreon 10. Demonstration, that Pleasure is not the chief end 4. Demonstration, that pleasure is not good 4, Of those which are said******** Thus concludes the seventh Book of Laertius, and who seeth not that the last of these titles is defective, and moreover that the rest of the Orders, concerning this place of Good and Ill, (whereof this is but the first) are wanting. Doubtless the end of this book is imperfect, and wanteth, if not the lives of any Stoical Philosophers, who succeeded Chrysippus (whereof he mentions Zeno and others else where) yet at least a considerable part of his Catalogue, containing the rest of his Ethick writings and all his Physic, many of which are elsewhere cited even by Laertius himself, which as the learned Casau●on had observed, he would not have ascribed to Laertius' neglect that Chrysippus' book of Laws is not mentioned. Of his Ethick writings, besides those here named, were these, a Ael. 14. 4. Of Laws. b Athen. deipn. 4. & 11. Introduction to the consideration of things good or ill. c Deipn. 4. & 8. Of Honest. d Deipn. 6. Of Consent. e Athen Deipn. 7. Of things expetible in themselves. f Ath. Deipn. 4. Of things not expetible in themselves. g Laert. vit. Zen. Pl. Rep. Stoic. Of Politic. h Laert. Zen. Pl. Rep. Of ends. i Laert. vit. Zen. Of Passions. k Laert. Of Ethick questions. l Plut. rep. Laert. Of lives, whereof Plutarch citys the 4th book. m Laert. That Zeno used names properly. n Plut. repug. Laert. Of justice, the first book cited by La●rtius. o Laert. Of Life and Transaction. p Plut. rep. Of Offices. q Plut. repugn. Demonstration of justice.. r Plut. repugn. protreptics. s Plut. repug. & de come. not. Of the End. t Plut. repug. Of a Commonwealth. u Plut. repug. Of the office of a judge. x Plut. repug. Of Good. y Plut. repug. Of Habits. To Physic belong these. z Laert. Physics a Laert. Of the Soul, the 12th book cited by Laertius. b Laert. Of Providence, the first book cited. c Plut. repug. Laert. Of the Gods. d Plut. rep. Laert. Of Fate. e Laert. Of Divination. f Laert. Of the Philosophy of the Ancients. g Plut. rep. In calumniation of the Senses. h Plut. rep. & come. not. Of Jupiter. i Plut. repug. Of Nature. k Plut. rep. Physical Theses. l Plut. rep. Of Substance. m Plut. rep. Of Motion. n Plut. come. not. Physical questions, the third book cited. o Plut. come. not. & Laert. Of Vacuity. p Laert. Epistles. The number of all his writings, according to Laertius, was 705. He wrote so much, that he had often occasion to treat upon the same subject, and setting down whatsoever came into his mind, he often corrected and enlarged it by the testimonies of others; whence having in one book inserted all Euripides's Medea, one having the book in his hand, answered another that asked him what book it was, It is Chrysippus' Medea. And Apollodorus the Athenian, in his collection of Doctrines, asserting, that Epicurus had written many books upon his own strength, without using the testimonies of others, and that he therein far exceeded Chrysippus, adds these words; For if a man should take out of Chrysippus' writings all that belongs to other men, he would leave the paper blank. Seneca gives this censure of him: q De Benef. 1. 3. He is most subtle and acute, penetrating into the depth of truth. He speaks to the thing that is to be done, and useth no more words than are necessary to the understanding thereof; but adds, that his r Sen de Benef. 1. 4. acuteness being too fine, is many times blunted, and retorted upon itself; even when he seems to have done something, he only pricks, not pierceth. s Laert. Some there are who inveigh against him, as one that wrote many obscene things, not sit to be spoken, as in his Commentary of the ancient Physiologists, what he writes concerning jupiter and juno is obscenely feigned, delivering that in 600 Paragraphs, which the most impudent person would not have committed to writing; for, say they, he hath related the story most unhandsomely, and though he praised it as natural, yet it becometh Courtesans rather then Gods. Moreover what he saith of those that writ of Tables is false, not to be found neither in Polemo, nor Hipsicrates, nor Antigonus, but forged by himself. In his book of a Commonwealth, he allows marriage with a mother and a daughter, and repeats the same in the beginning of his book, Concerning things expetible in themselves. In his third book of justice, extending to a thousand Paragraphs, he advised to feed upon the very dead. In his second book of Life and Transaction, he affirmeth, a wise man ought to take care to provide himself food; but to what end must he provide himself food? for Livelihood? Life is an indifferent. For Pleasure? Pleasure also is indifferent. For Virtue? that is selfe- sufficient for Beatitude. Such kinds of acquisition of wealth are very ridiculous. If they proceed from a King, there is a necessity of complying with him; if from a friend, that friendship is venial; if from wisdom, that wisdom is mercenary. For these things, saith Laertius, some have inveighed against him. CHAP. IU. His death. HE died, according to Apollodorus, in the 143d Olympiad, (so supply Laertius, in whom the centenary number is wanting by Suidas) having lived 73 years. The manner of his death is differently related; Hermippus affirms, that being in the Odaeum (a kind of public Theatre at Athens) his Disciples called him away to Sacrifice, and thereupon taking a draught of wine, he was immediately seized by a Vertigo, of which at the end of five days he died. Others report, he died of excessive laughter: Seeing an Asseeafigs, he bade his woman offer it some wine, and thereat fell into such extremity of laughter, that it killed him. As to his person, he was very little, saith Laertius, as appeareth by his Statue in the Ceramick, which is almost hid by the horse that stands next it, whence Carneades called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hid by a horse. The posture of this Statue, Cicero saith, was sitting, and stretching forth his hand. Pausanias saith, it was set up in the Gymnasium, called Ptolomaean from the Founder, not far from the Forum. Laertius reckons four more of this name. The first, a Physician, to whom Erasistratus acknowledgeth himself beholding for many things. The Second, his son, Physician to Ptolemy, who, upon the calumnies of some that maligned him, was publicly punished and beaten with rods. The third, Disciple to Erasistratus. The fourth, a writer of Georgics. ZENO. a Sui●as. ZENO was of Tarsis, or, according to others, of Siodn, his Father named Dioscorides. He was Disciple to Chrysippus, and his successor in the School. b Laert. 〈◊〉 Zen. He wrote few books, but left behind him many Disciples. DIOGENES. DIOGENES was born at Seleucia, a baert. vit. Diog. he was surnamed the Babylonian, from the vicinity of that place. He was Disciple of Chrysippus, and is styled by Cicero an eminent and serious Stoic. b De ira. 3. 38. Seneca relates, that discoursing earnestly concerning anger, a foolish young man standing by, spat in his face, which he took meekly and discreetly, saying, I am not angry, but am in doubt whether I ought to be so or not. He was one of the three that was sent from Athens on Embassy to Rome; of which already in the life of Car●eades, who learned Dialectic of him. Cicero saith, he lived to a great age. Amongst other things, he wrote a treatise of Divination. ANTIPATER. a Laert. ANTIPATER was of Sidon, Disciple to b De Offic. 3. Diogenes the Babylonians Cicero calls him a most acute person; Senecae, one of the great authors of the Stoical Sect. c Plut. de Garrul. He declined to dispute with Carneades, but filled his books with confutations of him, whence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the clamorous penman. d Cit Ac. quaest. 4. He disputed much against those who asserted nothing. Besides other things, he writ two books of Divination. e Cic. de divin. l. 1. Cicero, at the latter end of his second book of Offices, saith, he then was lately dead at Athens. PANAETIUS. a Strab. l. 14. PANAETIUS was of Rhodes, his Ancestors eminent for Martial affairs and exercises. He was b Cic. de Divin. lib. 1. Disciple to Antipater, intimate friend to c Plut. Apoph. ●. Scipio Africanus, whom he accompanied in his journey to Alexandria. Cicero calls him, d Acad. ●. 4. almost Prince of the Stoics, a person extremely inigenous and grave, worthy the familiarity of Scipio and Laelius. He was a great admirer of Plato, Cic. Tuse. quaest. lib. 1. whom every where he calleth, divine, most wise, most holy, the Homer of Philosophers. But his opinion of the immortality of the Soul he approved not, arguing thus; Whatsoever is generated dieth; but souls are generated, as is manifest from the likeness of those that are begotten to their Parents, not only in body, but disposition. His other argument was, There is nothing that is grieved or pained but is subject to be sick; whatsoever is subject to sickness is likewise subject to death; souls are subject to grief, therefore they are subject to death. He alone rejected Astrological predictions, Cic. de divinat. lib. 2. De divin. l 1. and receded from the Stoics, as to Divination; yet, would not positiuly affirm there was no such art, but only that he doubted it. He wrote three books of Offices, much commended by Cicero. Lipsius' conjectures he died old, because Cicero affirmeth out of Posidonius, that he lived thirty years after he had written his Books of offices. POSIDONIUS. POSIDONIUS was born at Apamea in Syria. Strab. lib. 14. Cic. Tusc. qu. l. 2. He lived at Rhodes, and there managed civil affairs, and taught Philosophy. Pompey in his return from Syria, went to Rhodes purposely to hear him, and coming to his door, forbade the Lictor to knock as was the custom, but he (saith Pliny) to whom the East and West had submitted, himself submitted his Fases at this Gate. But understanding that he was very sick of a great pain in his, joints he resolved only to give him a visit. At his first coming and salutation, he told him with much respect, that he was extremely sorry he could not hear him. Posidonius answered, You may; for no corporeal pain shall make me frustrate the coming of so great a person: And thereupon he discoursed seriously and copiously upon this subject, as he lay in his bed, That nothing is good, but what is honest. And as often as his pain took him, he would say, Pain, it is to no purpose; though thou art troublesome, I will never acknowledge thou art ill. He made a Sphere, Cic. de 〈◊〉. Deor. lib. 2. wherein were all the conversions of the Sun, Moon, and Planets exactly as they moved in the Heavens every day and night. Of his writings are cited by Cicero, De divinat. five Books of Divination; as also five books of the nature of the Gods. Thus far we have a continued succession of the Stoic Philosophers, the last School, according to Laertius' disposition, of thsoe that were descended from Thales. FINIS. 2 52 3 53 4 54 Pisistratus died having reigned 17 years; Arist. Polit. 5. Lxiii 55 2 56 3 57 4 58 Lxiv Miltiades. H●l. 7. 59 2 60 3 61 4 62 Lxv 63 Darius begun his reign. 2 64 3 65 4 66 Lxvi 67 2 68 3 69 4 70 Lxvii 71 2 72 3 73 4 74 Lxviii Lysagoras Marm. 75 2 76 3 77 4 78 Lxix Acestorides 11. Hal. 5. 79 2 80 3 81 4 82 Lxx Myrus Hal. 5. 83 Anaxagoras born. Laert by compute. 2 84 3 85 4 86 Pythagoras died. Euseb. Lxxi Hipparchus Hal. 6. 87 2 Pithocritus. Marm. 88 3 89 4 90 Lxxii Diognetus. Hal. 6. 91 The Marathonian fight. 2 Hybrilides. Hal. 7. Paus. 92 3 Phanippus. Plut. Aristie. 93 4 94 Lxxiii Archises. Hal. 8. 95 2 96 3 Aristides. Marm. 97 Darius died. Xerxes' succeeded. 4 Philocrates. Marm. 98 Lxxiv Leostratus. Hal. 8. 99 2 Nicodemus. Hal. 8. 100 3 101 4 112 Lxxv Calliades. Marm. 103 Xerxes crossed the Hellespont: the ●ight at S●lamis● Anaxagoras went to Athens. 2 Xantippus Marm. 104 3 Timosthenes Marm. 105 4 Adimantus Marm. 106 Lxxvi Phaedon. Diod. Sic. 107 2 Dromoclides 108 3 Ace●●orides 109 4 Menon 110 lxxvii Chares 111 2 Praxiergus 112 3 Demotion 113 4 Apsephion 114 Socrates born. lxxviii Theagenides 115 A stone fell down from Heaven at Aegos Potamus; foretold by Anaxagoras. 2 Lysistratus 116 3 Lysanias 117 4 Lysitheus 118 lxxix Archedemides 119 2 Tlepolemus 120 3 Conon 121 4 Euippus 122 lxxx Phrasiclides 123 2 Philocles 124 3 Bion 125 4 Mnesithides 126 lxxxi Callias 1. 127 2 Sosistratus 128 3 Ariston 129 4 Lysicrates 130 lxxxii Chaerephanes Hal, 131 Xenophon born about this time. 2 Antidote 132 3 Euthidemus 133 Anaxagoras (having professed Philosophy 30 years at Athens) condemned and banished; collected from Laert. 4 Pedicus 134 lxxxiii Philiscus Hal 135 2 Timarchides 136 3 Callimachus 137 4 Lysimachides 138 lxxxiv Praxiteles 139 2 Lysanias 140 3 Diphilus 141 4 Timocles 142 lxxxv Murichides 143 2 Glaucides 144 3 Theodorus 145 4 Euthemenes 146 lxxxvi Nausimachus 147 2 Antilochides 148 3 Achares 149 4 Apseudas P●ol. 150 lxxxvii Pythodorus T●uc. 151 2 Euthidemus Athen. 5. 152 1 Year of the Peloponnesian war: Thucid. lib. 2 3 Apollodo●us. Athen● 5. 153 2 4 Epaminondas 154 3 lxxxviii Diotimus 155 4 Anaxagoras died, by compute from Laert 2 Euclides 156 5 3 Euthydemus 157 6 4 Stratocles 158 7 lxxxix Isarchus 159 8 The sight at Delium, wherein Socrates & Xenopho● fought. The Clouds of Aristophanes acted. 2 Amynias 160 9 The Clouds of Aristophanes acted the second time. 3 Alcaeus 161 10 4 Ariston 162 11 The time of Xenophon's symposium xc Aristophilus 163 12 2 Archias 164 13 3 Antipho● 165 14 4 E●phemus 166 15 xci Aristomnestus 167 16 2 Chabrias 168 17 3 Pisander 169 18 4 Cleocritus 170 19 xcii Callias 171 20 2 Theopompus 172 21 Thucydidesy ends his history; Xenophon begins where he left. 3 Glaucippus 173 22 4 Diocles 174 23 xciii Euctemon Marm. 175 24 2 Antigenes Marm. 176 25 The first ascent of Cyrus into Asia. Marm. 3 Callias Marm. 177 26 Dionysius made K of S●●ac●●e. diod. the fight 4 Alexias 178 27 at Argi●●●●; the 10 Captains put to death. xciv Pythodorus Athen. 179 The thirty Tyrants. Theramenes put to death. 2 Euclides 180 3 Micon 181 4 Exenaetus 182 The ascent of Cyrus into Asia against his brother: his death. Xenophon retreats with the army. The ●0 Tyrants put down. xcv Laches 183 2 Aristocrates 184 Socrates put to death. Thimbro sent into Asia against Tissaphernes by the Lacedæmonians; and of Xenophons' retreat 3 Ithicles 185 4 Lysiades 186 xcvi Phormio 187 Agesilaus goes into Asia against the Persian. (〈◊〉. 2 Diophaneus 188 Age●laus called home; fights with the Boetians at Co●onon reaedisies the walls of Athens. 3 Eubulides 189 4 Demostratus 190 xcvii Philocles 191 2 Nicoteles 192 3 Demostratus 193 4 Antipa●er 194 cxviii Pyrrhio 195 2 Theodorus 196 3 Mystichides 197 4 Dexitheus 198 xcix Diotrephes 199 Aristotle born. Laert 2 Phanostratus 200 3 Menander 201 4 Demophilus 202 c Pytheus Marm 203 2 Nico Hal. 204 3 Nausinicus Hal 205 4 Calleas Hal. 206 ci Chariander 207 2 Hippoda●●us 208 3 Socratides 209 4 Asteius Paus. 210 cii Alcisthenes. Hal. 211 2 Phrasiclides Marm. 212 3 Discinetus Paus. 213 4 Lycistratus 214 ciii Nausigenes Marm. 215 2 Polyzelus Hal. 216 3 Cephisodorus Hal. 217 4 Chion 218 civ Timocrates Hal. 219 2 Cariclides 220 3 Molon. Hal. dinar. 221 4 Nicophemus 222 cv Callimedes' 223 Xenophon died. Laert. 2 Eucharistus 224 3 Cephisodotus 225 4 Agathocles Paus. Mar. 226 cvi Elpines 227 2 Callistratus Marm. 228 3 Diotimus 229 4 E●demus 230 cvii Aristodemus 231 2 Thessalus 232 3 Apollodorus 233 4 Callimachus Athen. 234 Plato died 82 years old. Athen. lib. 5. cviii Theophilus. Paus. Ath. 235 2 Themistocles 236 3 Archias 237 4 E●bulus 238 Aristotle went to Mitelene. Laert. cix Liz●scus 239 2 Pithodorus 240 Aristotle went to King Philip● Alexander being 15 years old. Laert. 3 Sosigenes 241 4 Nicomachus 242 cx Theophrastus 243 2 Lysimachides 244 3 Charonidas 245 4 Phrynichus 246 cxi Pythodorus Arr. 247 2 Euaenetus 248 Aristotle teacheth in the Ly●●um 13 years. 3 Ctesicles 249 4 Nicocrates 250 cxii Niceratus 251 2 Aristophanes Arr. 252 3 Aristopho● Ar. 253 4 Cephisophon 254 cxiii Euthycritus 255 2 Hegemon Hal. Ar. 256 3 Cremes 257 4 Anticles 258 cxiv Hegesias Arr. 259 2 Cephisodorus 260 3 Philocles Laert. 261 Aristotle went to Chalcis, and died there near 63 years old. Laert. Theophrastus succeeded. 4 Archippus Laert 262 cxv Neaechmus Hal. 263 2 Apollodorus 264 3 Archippus 265 4 Demogenes 166 cxvi Democlides 267 2 P●axibulus 268 3 Nicodorus 268 Pol●mo precedent of the Academy. 4 Theophrastus 269 cxvii Polemo 270 2 Simonides 271 3 Hieromnemon 272 4 Demetr●us Phalerens 273 cxviii Carinus 274 2 Anaxicrates 275 3 Co●aebus 276 4 Xenippus 277 cxix Phericles Hal. 278 2 Leostratus 279 3 Nicocles 280 4 Calliarchus 281 cxx Hegemachus Laert. 282 2 Euctemon 283 3 Mnesidemus 284 4 Antiphanes 285 cxxi Nicias 286 2 Nicostratus 287 3 Olympiodorus 288 4 Philippus 289 cxxii 290 2 291 3 292 4 293 cxxiii 294 2 295 3 296 cxxiv 297 2 298 3 299 4 300 cxxv 301 2 302 3 303 4 304 cxxvi 305 2 306 3 307 4 308 cxxvii Pytharatus Cic. 309 2 310 3 311 4 312 cxxviii 313 2 314 3 315 4 316 cxxix Diognetus Marm. 317 2 318 3 319 4 320 cxxx 321 2 322 3 323 4 324 cxxxi 325 2 326 3 327 4 328 cxxxii 329 2 330 3 331 4 332 cxxxiii 333 2 334 3 335 4 336 cxxxiv 337 2 338 3 339 4 340 Lacydes precedent of the Academy 26 years' Laert. cxxxv 341 2 342 3 343 4 344 cxxxvi 345 2 346 3 347 4 348 cxxxvii 349 2 350 3 351 4 352 Lxxxviii 353 2 354 3 355 4 356 cxxxix 357 2 358 3 359 4 360 cxl 361 2 362 3 363 4 364 cxli 365 Lacydes resigns the school to Euander and Telecles. Laert. 2 366 3 367 4 368 clxii 369 2 370 3 371 4 372 ●●rineades ●orn. THE TABLE, The first Part; Containing those on whom the attribute of wise was conferred. TALES Chap. 1. His Country and Parents pag. 1 2 The time of his birth 2 3 His travels 4 4 How he lived at Miletus ibd 5 The attribute of wise conferred on him 6 6 Of his Philosophy ibid. Sect. 1. That water is the principle of all things 9 Sect. 2. Of God 11 Sect. 3. Of Daemons 12 Sect. 4. Of the soul ibid. Sect. 5. Of the World 14 7 Of his Geometry 15 Sect. 1. Propositions invented by him 16 Sect. 2. Of his taking the height of the Pyramid 18 8 Of his Astronomy ibid. Sect. 1. Of the Celestial spheres 19 Sect. 2. Of the Sun, Moon, and Stars ibid. Sect. 3. Of Eclipses 20 Sect. 4. Of the year 22 Sect. 5. His Astrological prediction ibid. 9 His moral sentences 23 10 His judgement in civil affairs 25 11 His writings 26 12 His auditors and scholars 28 13 His death 29 SOLON Chap. 1. His Pa●ents, Country and condition 30 5 How by his means the Athenians took Salamis, Cyrrha, and the Thracian Chersonesus 31 3 How he composed differences at home, and was made Archon 34 4 What alterations he made during 〈◊〉 government, and first of the Sisachthia 37 5 How he divided the people into Classes, and erected Cour●s of judicature 39 6 His laws 41 7 Of the Axes and Cyrtes, Senators Oath and other institutions of Solon 51 8 How he entertained Anacharsis: his Travels to Egypt, Cyrus, Miletus, Delphi, Corinth, and Crect 50 9 The attribute of wise conferred on him; his moral sentences 53 10 How he opposed Pisistratus, and reprehended Thespis 55 11 How he traveled to Lydia and Cili●ia 58 12 His death 6● 13 His writings 63 CHILON chap. 1. his life 69 2 His moral sentences, precepts, and verses 71 3 His death and writings 72 PITTACUS chap. 1. his life 73 2 His moral sentences, precepts, and verses 81 3 His death, brother, wife, son, writings 75 BIAS chap. 1. His life 79 2 His moral sentences, precepts, and verses 77 3 His death and writings 82 CLEOBULUS chap. 1. his life, death, and writings 85 2 His moral sentences, precepts and verses 86 PERIANDER chap. 1. His Country, Ancestors and Parents 89 2 The time of his birth, reign, and the change of his disposition 91 3 Of his being placed in the number of the Seven sages: his sentences and writings 93 4 The story of Arion 95 5 Of his wife 96 6 Of his Children ibid. 7 His death 99 Sociades his (collection of the) precepts of the seven Sophoi. 101 Ausonius his play of the seven Sophoi 103 ANACHARSIS Chap. 1. His life and writings 109 His Apothegms 111 MYSON 113 EPIMENIDES 114 PHERECYDES 119 The Second Part. Containing the Jonick Philosophers. ANAXIMANDER Chap. 1. Of his life 1 2 His opinions 2 ANAXIMENES Chap. 1. His life 6 2 His opinions ANAXAGORAS Chap. His Country, time, and study of Philosophy 9 2 His opinions Sect. 1. Of the first principle of things 10 Sect. 2. Of the Heavens 11 Sect. 3. Of meteors 12 Sect. 4. Of the Earth 13 Sect. 5. Of living Creatures ibid. 3 His predictions 14 4 His Scholars and Auditors 15 5 His trial, death, sentences, and writings 16 ARCHELAUS 19 The third Part. Containing the Socratic Philosphers. SOCRATES Chap. 1. His Country, Parents, and time of birth 1 2 His first education 3 3 His masters 4 4 His school and manner of teaching 5 5 Of his Philosophy 6 Sect. 1. His Metaphysics 8 Sect. 2. His Ethics 9 Sect. 3. Economics 17 Sect. 4. His Politics ibid. Of his Daemon 19 7 His military actions 24 9 How he carried himself in the Democracy and the Oligarchy 26 9 His falling out with all the Sophists, and with Anytus 30 10 His trial 33 11 His imprisonment 38 12 The time and manner of his death 40 13 What happened after his death 46 14 Of his person and virtues 48 15 His wives and children 51 16 His scholars and Auditors 54 17 His writings 57 Socrates his Epistles 59 The Clouds of Aristophanes 67 XENOPHON Chap. 1. His Country, Parents, and following Socrates 95 2 Upon what occasion he followed Cyrus into Asia 96 3 How he brought off the Grecian Army 97 4 End of the retreat 101 5 His following of Agesilaus and banishment 103 6 How he lived at Scilluns' and at Corinth 104 7 His death, person and virtues 107 8 His writings 108 Xenophons' Epistles 110 AESCHINES Chap. 1. His life 115 2 His writings 116 CRITO 118 SIMON ibid. GLAUCON 119 SIMMIAS ibid. CEBES ibid. FINIS. Errata. MAny errors have escaped the press by reason of the Author's absence, as pag. 1. lin. 15. from whence it is derived to us. p. 2. l. 4. a very great anachronisme. l. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 4. his time 〈◊〉 travel; He went to Crect. p. 28. l. 18. for his birth. p. 29. l. 9 my wave washed grove. p. 39 l. 3. ●udicature; l. 23. a silent unexpressed consent. p. 41. l. 6. with Minors. p. 63. l. 4. the chequered cloister. ●. 21. Dion Chrysos●ome; Aristides Lycurgus. p. 69. l. 5. in Stobeus, Pages. p. 74. l. 42. as the ground. ●. 114. l. 9 other Do●●●es: others Agiasarchus: Apollonius, Bolus, Laertius and Suidas name his ●nother Bla●●a, Plutarch Balta; supposed a Nymph. p. 119. l. 34. that suits not: In the second part; p. 14. l 24. the ninty third Olympiad. p. 19 l. 43. These five, Thales, etc. In the third part, p. 1. l. 26. lived 70. years. p. 29. l. 42. your herd. p. 59 l. 6. What I writ before. l. 7. greater overtures. l. 9 ●ver ● to you. p. 68 l. 30. well, my good. p. 73. l. 26. fer●ent vows. p. 75. l. 25. I thought that ●ove. p. 78. l. 17. the thing that I demand. p. 79. l. 17. and Lysinna. l. 34. within yourself. p. 8●. l. 30. deal why. p. 82 l. 16. come and I. p. 83. l. 2. of folly or. p. 85. l. 41. Illoye fooles. p. 92. l. 34. rules all heaven. p. 105. l. 19 to Diana. In the margin, p. 17. the words perhaps are inverted, and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 27. both the Interpreters. p. 110 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Spargapithes. Lycus. Gnurus. Anacharsis Saulius, or Caduida. Indathyrsus. Part. 2. pag. 9 Laert: perhaps, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Part. 3. p. 63. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. THE TABLE. The fourth Part. Containing the Cyrenaic, Megarick, Eleack and Eretriack Sects. ARISTIPPUS. Chap. 1. His Country and Parents 1 II. How he went to Athens and heard Socrates 2 III. How he went to Aegina ibid. IU. His instituion of a Sect 3 Sect. 1. Of judgement and judicatories 4 Sect. 2. Of the End or chief Good 4 Sect. 3. Of Virtue 5 V. How he went to Dionysius' Court ibid. VI His Aemulators 6 VII. His Apophthegms 8 VIII. His Writings 11 IX. His Death 12 X. His Disciples & successors 14 HEGESIAS. Chap. I. His L●fe. 15 II. His Philosophy ibid. ANNICERIS. Chap. I. His Life 17 II. His Philosophy ibid. THEODORUS. Chap. I. His Life 19 II. His Philosophy 20 III. His Death, Writings, etc. 21 BION. Chap. I. His Life 22 II. His Apopthegms 23 III. His Death 24 EUCLID. Chap. I. His Country and Master● 27 II. His institution of a Sect ibid. III. His Apophthegms, Writings 28 EUBULIDES 29 ALEXINUS 31 EUPHANTUS 32 APOLLONIUS CRONUS ibid. DIODORUS. Chap. I. His Life ibid. II. His Philosophy 33 ICHTHIAS 34 CLINOMACHUS ibid. STILPO. Chap. I. His Life 35 III. His Philosophy 36 III. His Disciples 37 IU. His death, writings 38 PHAEDO 39 PISTHENES 40 Chap. Pag. MENEDEMUS, Chap. I. His Country, Parent● ibid. II. His School and Philosophy 41 III. His manner of living ibid. IU. His Civil Employment 43 V. His Virtues and Apophthgmes 44 VI His Departure from Eretria, and Death 46 The Fifth Part. Containing the Academic Philosophers. PLATO, Chap. I. His Country, Parents and time 〈◊〉 II. His first Education, Exercises, and studies 6 III. His Masters in Philosophy, and his Travels to that end 7 IU. What Authors he followed 10 V. His School 13 VI How he instituted a Sect 14 Sect. 1. Ethick 15 Sect. 2. Physic ibid. Sect. 3. Dialectic 16 VII His Inventions 17 VIII. His Distinctions 19 IX. His three voyages to Sicily 25 X. His Authority in Civil Affairs 34 XI. His Virtues and Moral Sentences 37 XII. His ●ill and Death 40 XIII. His Disciples and Friends 42 XIV. His Aemulators and Detractors 43 XV His Writings 45 The Doctrine of Plato delivered by ALCINOUS. Chap. I. Of Philosophy, and how a Philosopher must be qualified pag. 56 II. That contemplation is to be preferred before Action 57 III. The three parts of Philosophy ibid. DIALECTIC. IV. Of the judiciary part 58 V. The Elements and office of Dialectic 60 VI Of Propositions and argumentations 6● VII. Of THEORETCK Philosophy 6● VIII. Of first matter 66 IX. Of Ideas 67 X. Of God 6● XI. Of Qualities 70 XII. Of the Causes, generation, Elements, and order of the World ibid. XIII. Of the convenience of Figures, with the Elements and World 72 XIV. of the Soul of the World, the spheres and Stars 73