Imprimatur,  
Anto. Saunders Rmo in Christo Patri ac D no, D not Gilberto, Archiepisc. Cantuar. à sac. Dom. Septemb. 24. Ex Aed. Lambeth.   

The Romish Horseleech:  
OR, AN Impartial ACCOUNT OF THE Intolerable CHARGE OF POPERY TO THIS NATION, In an Historical Remembrance of some of those Prodigious sums of money heretofore extorted from all degrees during the exercise of the Papal power here.  
To which is Annexed an Essay of the Supremacy of the King of England.  
Quantas divitias comparavit nobis haec fabula Christi!  
Verè enim hortus deliciarum Papis fuit tum Anglia & puteus inexhaustus.  Innocent 4. Pap. 
London, Printed by R.W. for Ralph Smith, at the Sign of the Bible in the Piazza of the Royal Exchange in Cornhill. 1674.   

TO HIS Honoured Friend A.B.  
SIR,  
WHen you, and myself, in an exercise of Friendship, and Conversation, (which I always have esteemed no small felicity of my life,) have frequently, within a few years last passed, entertained ourselves, in taking together some view of our present Times; and sometimes again making a retrospect to the Times of our Forefathers, in this Kingdom; not forgetting also, that sometimes, by way of prospect, we have made no less than a kind of Prophets of ourselves in guessing at what might hereafter come to pass amongst us, for 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Eurip.    

Him the best Prophet we confess,  
That well of future things can guests.    
But for what is past, we have made some remarks upon those vicissitudes, and changes, which we, and our Ancestors have seen in this Kingdom. And particularly noting the different state, and posture of the same, we concluded that the alteration, and change must needs have been very great, as to the most important concerns of the Nation, since the Power, and Jurisdiction of the Popes of Rome was here exauctorated. Upon which, as I remember, we wished some particular account of the State, and habit of our Body Politic, when the Influences from Rome were predominant over it: and that, as well in reference to our Head, the King's Majesty, as also to the Members, the People: wherein we desired seriously to know, whether the Pope's Power was prejudicial to them, or either of them.  
In which matter, that I might give some satisfaction to you, and myself also, I set myself to methodise such notes, and instances, as formerly had occurred to me: First, Touching the Property of the People, and how that was invaded by the Romish Practices: And then, touching the Supremacy of the Royal Majesty of the King of England, and how that was Eclipsed by the interposition of the Papal Power: And now I have put these Collections together, you see what they amount unto.  
I confess the Subjects are transcendent, and vast; and not to be measured with my line. The trivial Controversies amongst Neighbours, about Meum, and Tuum, frequently puzzle the gravest Judges, but for the Fundamental Arcana imperii, he that shall endeavour to poise them, shall sooner discover the weakness of his own Arm, than their weight: I have known the united strenghts of Parliaments put to puffing, and blowing, when they have lifted at them. But, as the Divines say of the Holy Scriptures, though they contain many Mysteries, and things hard to be understood; yet there is plainly, and clearly delivered in them so much as is sufficient to make men good Christians: So, in the Doctrine of the King's Supremacy, though we cannot reach its utmost import, there is yet so much of it clearly discoverable, as is sufficient to make all Englishmen good Subjects: And as to that, I have entitled my Discourse an Essay only, not pretending to say all that the subject affords; and have traveled no farther therein, than our Laws, Statutes, Authorities, and Records have lead me: and I hope that thereby I have produced Demonstration sufficient, that our Sovereign is invested with a most just Authority over all his Subjects, and in all Causes within his Dominions: and then seeing that Veritas est index sui, & obliqui, it follows, by all the rules of consequence, that the Pope's Usurpations were most unjust.  
For that other concern relating to the People's Property, I took that task, at first, to have been much the easier of the two; that is, that it would not have been very hard, to have comprehended, and given some reasonable estimate of those sums which heretofore went out of England to the Popes, and Court of Rome. But after a little dealing therein, I strangely found the account to swell beyond all bounds, and soon experienced the difficulty to lie as much in the mutiplicity in this, as in the entireness in the other. This Grievance was, and could be, adequately known only to our Ancestors who felt it, but the smart is not as yet quite worn off of their Posterity; and therefore what is offered in this affair, I have thought fit to style, a Remembrance, and indeed it ought not to be forgotten.  
But now, Sir, I may possibly deliver a sound Paradox; That though it is conceived a very hard thing now to understand, as formerly it was to endure, and once thought more hard to remedy, all the mischiefs which our Forefathers suffered from the Papal Usurpation, and Tyranny; yet certainly the Cure was at all times not so very difficult to have been effected: the Antidote was as near as the Poison; and there never wanted a Panpharmacon, which, if duly applied, would at any time have removed those malignant distempers that invaded the Kingdom's constitution: And that was, in a word, the Execution of the good Laws. It is the Honour, and Excellency of the Laws of England, that no man can have a wrong, or damage, but the Law, if rightly managed, will do him right. Did the Papal Power usurp, and encroach up●n the King's Rights? the inherent virtue of the Common Law declared all to be illegal, and void. Did the Romish Practices weaken, and impoverish the People? the same Law at once arraigned, and damned those Novelties, and grievances; and hence it was that all the supervenient Statutes ran but as Declaratory of the old Law. 
Vid. Coke 5. R●p Cawdrys Case.  The Law indeed may sometimes be laid asleep by connivance or manacled by some contrivance; but it is a true, and good Rule. Dormit aliquando jus, moritur nunquam: and when the Law is awakened, and let lose, it soon discovers, and breaks all offences, and offenders.  
The incomparable Spenser, in his Fairy Queen, sets forth one Sir Arthegal, the Patron of Justice, attended with Talus, his Iron man, the Executioner, whom nothing could withstand: Pardon me if I give you his description of this notable Officer. Our renowned Poet relating how the Divine Astraea, loathing to sojourn longer amongst wicked men, retired to Heaven from whence at first she came: 
But when she parted hence she left her Groom, 
Fairy Queen. lib. 5. Canto. 1. Stanz. 12.   
An iron man, which did on her attend,  
Always to execute her steadfast doom,  
And willed him with Arthegall to wend,  
And do what ever thing he did intent.  
His name was Talus, made of iron mould,  
, resistless, without end;  
Who in his hand, an iron flail did hold,  
With which he threshed out falsehood, and did truth unfold.   
This Iron man, when commanded, and set on, could rout seditious multitudes, destroy tyrannic Giants, quell hideous Monsters, and knock down enchanted Castles: Our Heroic Laws do no less, when by their commanded Officers, they dissipate superstitious concourses, truss up the Gigantic Jesuit, drag out the monstrous Plotters, and batter down that second Babel of Confusion which the sons of the Earth would be rearing in our English plain.  
What thoughts these Collections, and Observations will raise in you, or others, I can but guests at: I am sure they have sufficiently discovered to me the drift of the Papal Policy; That is, to establish, and uphold a Spiritual Dominion in the World: to effect which, it was necessary the Consciences of men should first be enslaved by superstition, and ignorance; and then, by the Usurpation of Temporal Power, and the engrossing of Temporal Riches, the work was done; and the Papal interest so carried all in the middle, and dark Times, when Kings durst not exercise their just authority, nor the People call that which they had their own: and in this despondency it was, that the Laws were muffled up. But when, towards the latter Ages, the revolution came of Learning, and Knowledge, with a reviviscence and improvement of all Arts, and Sciences, and men became tired with groping so long in the dark, and those great Lights began to dawn in the World, than both Kings, and People roused up themselves, and their Spirits revived, the shades vanished, the Birds of darkness flew away, and the Beasts of prey retired to their dens: Every man then, with alacrity, addressed himself to his proper Office; Princes took their Sceptres in their hands, and swayed them again without control; the People applied themselves all to their honest callings, and what they got by God's blessing, and their own industry, they enjoyed whilst they lived, and when they died left it to their posterity; which formerly used to be snatched away before their faces by the Romish Harpies.  
The consideration of all which, as it clearly manifests the great abuses, poverty, and slavery, which this Nation once, and for a long time suffered under the Pope's yoke; so it cannot but make us reflect on that proportionable mischief which still lies upon those that have not yet shaked him off: with this further observation, how an entire subjection unto Popery corrupts, and debases the spirits of men; for nothing is more obvious, than that in Italy, Spain, Flanders, and other countries' wholly the Popes, as to his spiritual reign, the Inhabitants are either the most Atheistical, debauched, and dissolute; or those, who with a blind zeal apply themselves to an observance of the Rites of that confused, and absurd Religion, presently become fond, and stupid, giving themselves up only to admire their Holy Father the Pope, their Confessors, and Priests, fancying Rome to be the true model of the Heavenly Jerusalem, and the Pope, and his Cardinals ruling therein like Christ, and his Apostles; gazing upon the formality, and gaudiness of their Church, and entangled with a multitude of ridiculous Ceremonies, and Observances: all which tends to make them unactive, and unfit for all those generous, and ingenious courses that bring Honour, and Riches to a People: When, on the contrary, the Reformed part of the World, being manumitted from such slavery, and encumbrances, beat out the Popish every where in Trading, and generally excel them in all Arts, and Sciences. And this may be noted in ourselves, when presently after the Reformation, the English grew potent at Sea, sent forth great Colonies and Plantations; maintained traffic, and commerce over the World, and brought home Honour, Plenty, and Riches to the Nation. So the Netherlanders, after they had freed themselves from the Romish briers, presently got good fleeces on their backs, grew rich, and powerful, eclipsing the glory of Venice, that once famous Republic, which hath ever since been in the wane: Amsterdam supplanted Antwerp: Flanders truckled under Holland: and the Hanse Towns generally Protestant, outstriped all their Popish Neighbours in wealth, and strength. Whilst the once great, and dreadful Monarchy of Spain is fallen into a Consumption, supported only with a little Indian Gold, which they steal home sometimes. The Austrian Eagle hath molted his Feathers. Portugal losing both in their Plantations abroad, and reputation at home. And in those countries' where Protestants and Papists are mingled, as in F●ance, Germany, Poland, etc. the Protestants generally are the Traders, and grow rich, as all Travellers testify.  
For, besides that an addicted zeal to the Romish Religion contracts, and debaseth the spirits of men; their Guides endeavour also, by all possible means, to contain them in a dull, ignorant and formal way; knowing Learning, and knowledge to be their common Enemy, as at once discovering, and overthrowing all the superstructures reared upon their sandy foundation. But then, what Wealth, what Honour, and Riches do their Clergy, and Orders enjoy? How glorious the Popes; How splendid the Cardinals; How abounding in Riches, and Titles, all their Relations, Kindred, and Dependants? all sucked from the People. Whilst to lull, and gratify the abused multitude, they have infinite devices: they have perpetual provisions for the dull souls, in their Cells: the austere may take their fill of Discipline, and rigour: the impure, and voluptuous, have their conveniences at hand: the lawless, who find themselves too straight laced, may be eased by Dispensations: the credulous shall never want Miracles; the fantastical visions; nor the superstitious Ceremonies; with infinite baubles more, to keep the uneasy Babes quiet.  
Now when any person comes to claim, or exercise any extraordinary power, or authority, in a place, or shall levy, and take up what moneys he please, he must reasonably expect to have a Quo Warranto sued out against him, to which he must plead his Title to his Privilege; and that, I must confess, hath been very fairly done by the Papal Attorneys in this cause, on the behalf of their Holy Client; and they have drawn their Plea from the written Text of the Divine Law, in this manner; God made two great Lights in the firmament; 
Gen. 1.16.  the greater Light to rule the day, and the lesser Light to rule the night: from which they infer the infallible Dominion of the Church; for Pope Innocent the Third wrote to the Emperor of Constantinople thus: 
Epist. ad Imp. Decret. lib. 1. de major. & Obed. Tit. 33.  You ought to know (says he) that God made two great lights in the Firmament of Heaven, the greater light to rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night; both great, but the one greater. To the Firmament of Heaven, that is, the Catholic Church, God made two great Lights, that is, instituted two Powers, the Papal Authority, and the Regal Dignity; but that which is to rule by day, that is over spiritual things, is the greater; but that over carnal things the less, that there may be known to be as much difference between Popes, and Kings, as there is to be between the Sun, and Moon. And then comes the Gloss upon the Canon Law, which says, Whilst the Earth is seven times bigger than the Moon; and the Sun Eight times bigger than the Earth: the Papal Power must consequently be fifty seven times bigger than the Regal Dignity.  
Again, that great Hebrew Prophet sets forth a most exact Image of the Royal Papacy, in Melchisedeck, 
Campanel. de Mon. Hisp. cap. 5.  who did prefigure, say they, the Majesty of St. Peter, and his Successors, who had Melchisedeck for their Prototype: and therefore the Pope must needs be invested with a Royal Priesthood, and armed as well with the Civil, as the spiritual Sword; for if it were otherwise, Christ, and so his Vicegerent, would be a diminutive Lawgiver, and not as Melchisedeck, who was at once both King, and Priest.  
Further, to fortify this Plea to a Royal Jurssdiction in the World, they allege that Jacob, and Esau were perfect Types of the Catholics, and the Heretics; signifying that the Catholics should abound in Power, and Riches; but the Calvinists, and Lutherans should be low, and poor: expressed fully in the Salutation of the Angel Gabriel to the Virgin Mary, 
Luke 1.33.  That our Lord the Pope was to rule over the House of Jacob for ever, and of his Kingdom there shall be no end. That is, in a word, The Pope is to govern the World.  
Another Argument to prove this Plea is fetched out of the Eighth Psalm, 
Psal. 8.5, 6.  viz. Thou hast Crowned him with glory, and honour. Thou makest him to have Dominion over the works of thy hands: thou hast put all things under his feet. All Sheep, and Oxen, yea and the beasts of the field. The Fowl of the air, 
Anton. Sum. Theol. p. 3. cap. 5.  and the Fish of the Sea, etc. By this, they say, is clearly meant St. Peter, and the power given to him, and his Successors in the See of Rome; to whom God hath subjected the Sheep, that is, the Christians; the Oxen, that is, the Jews, and Heretics; the Beasts of the Field, that is, the Pagans; the Fishes of the Sea, that is, the Souls in Purgatory; and the Fowls of the Heaven, that is, the blessed Spirits and Angels.  
So much for Dominion, and Command; now for Wealth, and Riches; nothing is more plain, say they, than the Holy Prophet Isaiah, speaking of the Roman Church, The Gentiles shall come to thy light, 
Isa. 60.  and Kings to the brightness of thy rising: Then shalt thou see and wonder, and rejoice when the riches of the Sea, and all the substance of the Gentiles shall come unto thee: they shall bring gold and incense. The sons of Strangers shall build up thy Walls, and their Kings shall minister unto thee. Thy Gates shall be open day and night, that they may bring unto thee the Riches of all Nations, and their Kings shall be brought: For the Nation and Kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish. The sons of them that afflicted thee shall come bending unto thee, and all they that despised thee shall bow down at the soles of thy feet. Thou shalt suck the milk of the Gentiles, and shalt suck the breasts of Kings. For Brass I will bring Gold, and for Iron Silver, and for Wood Brass, and for Stones Iron. A most plain description of the glory, and splendour of the Roman Church: but the dull Heretics will not understand the meaning: and St. John, they say, was surprised with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he describes the Angel refusing the honour offered to him, but now dutifully paid to Christ's Vicar.  
Then, when Christ told St. Peter, that he would make him a Fisher of men, though possibly the innocent, and meek Apostle, not fully apprehending the full import of that right which thereby was conferred on him, applied himself to a kind of spiritual Fishing, hunting after some mystical Fishes, to enclose them in the net of some invisible Kingdom in the Heavens; and Cardinal Pool interprets the donation thus, 
Regin. Pole in joc.  Thou and thy Successors shall have dominion over all men, ruling over Kings, and commanding, regulating, and casting out Emperors: yet the good Apostle's more illuminated successors, have now hit upon the true import, and meaning, and conclude that Christ did not only give them a power to fish for men, but for money also, and for that purpose conferred on them a Right to Fish in all secular Ponds, and Rivers: For, The Kings of the Earth (says Christ to Peter) from whom do they receive Tribute? not certainly from us, for we are free: But go thou to the Sea, and cast forth a hook, and take up the first Fish that cometh up; that take, and when thou hast opened his mouth, thou shalt find a piece of money, that take. And by this a great fishing right was established in him, and from him derived to his Successors, that is, to fish in all waters; now by Waters the Holy Scriptures intent People, and Nations, and Tongues, and Languages: And Christ commanded Peter to launch out into the Deep, and then they enclosed such a multitude of Fishes, that the net broke; and it was very well, 
Serm. 2. in Fest. Petri.  and pertinently observed by Pope Innocent 3. that the meaning of that advice, or command, Launch out into the deep, was this, Go up to Rome, which had a vast dominion over all People, and from whence they might spread their Nets over all the World, to catch all Nations. And so in pursuance of this Right, this Fishing Trade for money hath been driven with all possible art, and industry all the World over, to the great profit of the Roman Merchants.  
But in process of time so it fell out, that several Kings, and States, looking upon these Romish Fishermen as Trespassers, and Intruders; after a due examination, and consideration had of all the Pleas, and allegations in this matter, and canvasing the Pope's Title to a free Piscary in all Waters, not only upon this Globe, but in the Celestial, and Infernal Waters also; his Title was adjudged, and declared to be of no force, or value, and thereupon he was prohibited to fish any more in the British Ocean, the Baltic Sea, the Lake Lemane, and in many Rivers of Germany; and he was in great danger of being prohibited fishing also in the Neighbouring Adriatic: so that what prizes he gets now amongst us, it is by stealth, and now and then a few silly Fishes are drawn, and enticed into his Nets.  
But in many places still the Trace is freely driven, with great returns, and profit; how formerly it was managed here, the ensuing Pages will make some discovery; as also how it came to be stopped. But certainly vast Riches are continually brought in by the Factors of Rome, and thereby the Popes, and Cardinals have mightily enriched Sons, Nephews, Relations, and Kindred, and oftentimes raised great Families, as those of Borgia, Aldobrandini, Sfondrati, Caraffi, Peretti, and many more. Yet I have lately met with a notable Observation of an intelligent Roman, 
Il Nipotismo di Roma. P. 2. lib. 3. fo. 163.  who with great reason, and experience informs, That seldom, or never any of those Families prosper, but suddenly decay, and whither; And that if any one please but to run over the actions of all the Popes, and the Histories of their Families, he will find it an infallible truth, that they are all, either extinct, or reduced unto a very mean inconsiderable condition; as if Heaven would not endure the Patrimony of St. Peter should be made an universal scandal to the World, and be an occasion of eternising the memory of the Sacrilege they have committed.  
The Observator proceeding to give this further reason, Because, says he, it so pleases God, not to suffer those who have raised themselves unto that greatness out of the Bowels of those in Purgatory, to continue long without some signal mark of his displeasure: Heaven is offended to see sacred things transformed into profane: Alms into Theft: Churches into Palaces: Altars into Lordships: Holy things into Comedy, and sport: Divine worship into Adoration of Riches, or rather Adoration into Riches.  
And as this was, and is one way still, of employing the Church's Treasure, viz. to raise Families, and enrich Nephews, etc. So you see what it comes to at last: And because the Popes are generally chosen old men, their Kindred, and Nephews, as their discretion dictates, make the best use of their time, and with all greeciness engross all that they can, whilst the old Gentleman is supported with Cordials: neither are they satisfied with what can be fingered at present, but reversions, and remainders must be secured also; Nay, to above five, or six of Pope Urban's little Cousins at one time there were Benefices, and preferments given, while they were yet rocking in their cradles: And sometimes Benefices have been disposed off to those that were not yet born, 
Id. fo. 91.  for in the Articles of Marriage, not long since, of one of the Barberines', with a Lady of the Family of Colonna, this was one, That a certain Abbey should be given to the Firstborn Son.  
But now, Sir, I cannot but tell you of a certain difficulty, which I have often ruminated upon, being a great inconsistence, as I have conceived, in the Roman Church: And that is, That this external Splendour, Glory, and Riches, should by some be urged as an infallible mark of the True Church: To see the Majesty of the Son of God set forth in the exaltation of the Pope his Vicegerent, seated in a glorious Throne; adorned with a Triple Crown, and other suitable habiliments; Emperors holding his stirrup, and laying their necks before him to be trod upon; to see him served at the Table by Kings; and offering his Toe to be kissed with great reverence, and devotion by persons of the highest quality, to see him assisted by a conclave of glorious Cardinals, and with them appearing like the Major, and Aldermen of this blessed Corporation: All which, they faith, must needs be the Characteristical marks of the true Vicar of the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, who, by his Royal Charter, hath invested his Substitute, and his Associates, with these Honours. When again, by others in the same Church, and those of great repute amongst them, the true marks, and signs of the Catholickship thereof are made to confist in wilful Poverty, in going barefoot, and bare-leged, in watch, fasting, and penances, in going attired in Sackcloth, tattered and lousy rags, in showing sour, and mortified looks, and bloody backs; affirming, that for an eminence in these severities, it was that the glorious St. Francis is now advanced to the vacant Throne of Lucifer, the highest place in Heaven, because he was the poorest wretch on Earth. I now say, to which of those so different Characters, or marks, shall we apply ourselves; and from whence, seeing they are not yet agreed amongst themselves, shall we take our measures to pitch upon the true Church? whether from Riches, or Poverty; from Honour, or Contempt; from Rule, or Subjection; from a plump, or a macerated looks; from outward gorgeousness, or poorness of spirit? I must confess myself at a stand and shall take a little time to consider of it.  
But I will detain you no longer with these speculations: and for these subsequent remarks, which were conceived at your instance, I now put them into your hands; but if you suffer them to fall under the Eyes of any such as shall be startled, or offended at them, I know not how they will help themselves: It is a hard matter to answer Demonstrations, and matters of fact, drawn from the most authentic Registers, and Manifesto's of time, which hath been my work chief to exhibit. And if I should have proceeded to have set forth all that train of vanities, and mischiefs which attend Popery, it would have been infinite, and far exceeded my designed limits: besides, it would be no news to you, who can far better decipher them than myself. But for this which is already done, I give it wholly to your dispose, as also is  
Your humble Servant, etc.   

The Contents Of the First TREATISE.  

Peter-pences. pag. 2  
First Fruits, and Tenths. p. 10  
Confirmation, and Admission money. p. 19  
Legatine Levies. p. 22  
Kings John's Pension. p. 28  
Appeals. p. 33  
Dispensations. p. 37  
Indulgences, Pardons. p. 46  
Relics, Agnus Dei's, Crosses, Pictures, etc. p. 70  
Rood of Grace, Images, Miracles. p. 78  
Jubilees, Pilgrimages. p. 85  
Offerings, Gifts, Presents, etc. p. 97  
Collections, Contributions. p. 102  
Courts, Jurisdictions. p. 106  
Contributions for the Holy Land. p. 110  
Croisadoes. p. 114  
Ambassadors, Agents. p. 116  
Strangers Beneficed. p. 120  
Priories-Alien. p. 124  
Knights Templars, and Hospitallers. p. 129  
Elections of Popes, and Cardinals. p. 134  
Siding in Schisms. p. 138  
English Popes, and Cardinals. p. 147  
Canonisations. p. 156  
Pope's Legates, Collectors, etc. p. 161  
Caursins, Lombard's. p. 168  
Complaints of the People. p. 170  
Sums exhausted. p. 175  
Matthew Paris Vindicated. p. 180  
Abbeys, Monasteries, etc. p. 186  
Chanteries, Free Chapels, Colleges. p. 190  
Shrines, Relics, etc. p. 194  
Itinerary Priests, Consecrations, Visitors, Courts, Confessions, etc. ibid.  
Purgatory, with its dependants. p. 197  
Masses, Anniverssaries, Obits, Requiems, Dirge's, Placebo's, Trentals, Lamps, etc. p. 199  
The Place, and Torments of Purgatory. p. 205  
The Fryer's Case. p. 208    

AN Historical Account, Or, a Remembrance of some of those sums of money heretofore going out of England to the Papacy, and Court of Rome, when the Pope exercised his Power here.  
I Will not pretend to be as exact in the account, and computation, as the Pope's Officers were in the Collections of those sums; 
Stat. 25 He●. 8. cap. 21.  when I find a Statute affirming the ways, means, and Instruments of drawing the same to have been Infinite. I shall therefore only profess to give you a Remembrance of some, for a taste of all the rest, Ex ungue Leonem, etc. And in pursuance of our purpose, we will begin with the Peter-pences; which at first though but a Donative, or Alms, as shall be presently showed, yet by the inference of a Right from Prescription of Time, and the manner of exaction, at last it became a burden, and an encumbrance to the whole Nation: and though this was but small, in respect of other payments, yet time swollen them to a vast account.  

CHAP. I. Peter-pences.  
Peter-pences, 
cowel Interp. in verbo. Spelm. Gloss. Matt. Westm. in An. 727. Polychron. lib. 5. cap. 24. Antiquit. Bri●t. fo. 58. 69.  Denarii Sancti Petri, called in the Saxon Tongue, Romefeoh, the Fee of Rome: and sometimes also Romescot, and Rome-peny, was, if we may so properly term it, a Tribute of Alms, given by the ancient Saxon Kings to the See of Rome. Some say that Ina, a King of the Westsaxons, was the first Donor about the year 720. at such time as he was in Pilgrimage at Rome. Others say that Offa, a King of the Mercians, first gave them, about the year 790. But probably the truth may be, and Matt. Westm. insinuates no less, that these being Kings of several Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptarchy, each of them might be the first Donor within their respective Dominions. The occasion upon which Offa gave the same, 
Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. fo. 311. Acts and Mon. fol. 103.  is storied thus: Ethelbert King of the East-Angles, a virtuous Prince, being persuaded by his Council to marry, against his own inclination, went to Offa, in design to obtain his Daughter Athilrid to Wife: but King Offa's wife being averse to the match, in treacherous manner caused Ethelbert to be slain, whereupon Offa, in some sort to expiate that horrid act, 
Chro. Jo. Brompt. Coll. 776.  gave the Peter-pences to St. Peter's Church in Rome. But at last, by Adelwolph, this tributary Alms was ratified, and given throughout the whole Kingdom.  
The Charter whereby King Offa gave the Peter-pences remains still extant under seal, 
1. Instit. fo. 7. a. W. Dugdale Antiq. of Warw. 133. 673. Vid. Matt. Paris in vita Rob rti Abb. S. Alb●ni. fo. 80.  as Sr. Edw. Coke affirms: which if true, it was not heeded by such as have affirmed, that the first sealed Charter that we have in England, is that of King Edward the Confessor, upon his founding of Westminster Abbey; and that in imitation of the Normans, amongst whom he had been educated. But Sr. Edw. Coke adds further, that the sealing of Charters, and Deeds is much more ancient than some have imagined; and to that purpose, besides that sealed Charter of King Offa, he makes instance in a Charter of King Edwin, Brother of King Edgar, bearing date An. Dom. 956. under his own seal, with the seal also of the Bishop of Winchester to it; and this long before the Normans entrance. But this by the way only.  
For the Peter-pences, 
Sim Dunelm. Coll. to. 150. stow Annal. fo. 26.  which in the Saxon Laws are often termed Regis Eleemosyna, it was a Penny for every House in which was Twenty Pennyworth of any kind of goods, to be paid yearly on Lammas day. 
Lambert fo. 78. Jornall. Col. 871.  And in K. Edward's Laws there is a very strict constitution for the payment of them: so that in time it was esteemed, consuetudo quasi Apostolica, as Matt. Westm. hath it, à qua neque Rex, neque Archiepiscopus, Abbas, vel Prior, aut aliquis in regno immunis erat Only I find that the Monastery of St. 
Camb. Britt. fo. 410. Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. fo. 311.  Alban's, in honour of that Proto-Martyr, to whose memory it was founded, was alone quit, as to that charge; and that by the Indulgence of King Offa, as Mat. Westm. relates.  
This payment, as before is said, at first, and for a long time, was termed and esteemed, as indeed it was, a Tribute of Alms; being styled in the Laws of Canutus, 
Leges Canut. in Jornal. 920.  Larga Regis benignitas; and in those of the Confessor, Regis Eleemosyna: and so it was received also by the Court of Rome, 
Epist. Hen. 1. in Eadmer. fo. 113.  as Pope Paschalis the 2. to one of our Kings, Eleemosyna beati Petri, prout audivimus, ita dolose collecta est, ut neque mediam ejus partem hactenus Ecclesia Romana susceperit. 
Sim. Dunelm. Coll. fo. 150.  And Sim. Dunelmensis thus, Hoc anno E●helhelm comes Wilton. Eleemosynam Regis Elfredi detulit Romam. And all this importing no more, but that Charity was the first foundation of it; and the Pope to have been the King's Beadsman as it were, and not the King the Pope's Homager. Yet the continuance occasioned the pretence of an absolute Tribute: 
Pol. Verg. lib. 4.  and Polydore Vergil the Historian, and sometimes the Pope's Collector of the Peter-pences here, improperly terming it Vectigal, 
S. Cressy Church H st. li. 29. ca 15.  S. Cressy is so ingenuous as to give him a reproof for so doing: yet in that notion it was exacted a long time by the Pope's Officers: But yet upon some distaste, some of our Kings would sometimes adventure to deny payment; as King Edward the Third did once in his time: the reason whereof is storied to be this, viz. 
Polychron. Stow. Mat. Westm. etc.  when in his reign was the great contest between the two Kings, for the Crown of France, and many of the Popes then residing at Avignion in the Territories of France, being most of them Frenchmen, did too partially take part with the French King: So that after the great and famous victory obtained by the Black Prince, at the Battle of Poitiers, this was set up in Vienna, and several other places, and after grew into a kind of Proverb, viz.  

Ore est le Pape devenu Franceys, 
Hen. de Knighton Coll. fo. 2615.   
Et Jhesu est devenu Angleys:  
Ore serra veou que ferra plus,  
Le Pape, ou Jhesus.   

id est.  
The Pope is now all Frenchifyed:  
And Jesus on the English side:  
And now you see which of these two,  
The Pope, or Jesus, most can do.   
And therefore, because the Popes took part with the French, our King Edw. 3. commanded the Peter-pences should be no longer paid: which Prohibition all that King's time continued; till the reign of his next Successor King Rich. 2. And some offers being then made to gather them again, at a Parliament a Petition was preferred, that it might be declared by Parliament, whether the charge called Romepenny, should be levied of the Commons, and paid to the Pope's Collector, 
Rot. Parl. 1. R. 2 na. 84.  or no: and the Answer to it was, Soit fait come devant ad este use: and so they were revived again by that weak King. But yet it was Resolved by the Casuists of those times, of which John Wickliff was one, and of great esteem, and so represented to that King Rich. 2. That in case of necessity, such payments as were but in nature of Alms, might lawfully be withholden, according to that Rule of the Divines, Extra casus necessitatis, & superfluitatis, Eleemosyna non est in praecepto. But the payment of them, de facto, being indulged by that King, as is before said, I do not find but they so continued till the reign of K. Hen. 8. in whose time the above named Pol. 
Pol. Vergil H●st. fo. 90.  Vergil, an Italian, Archdeacon of Wells, was Collector of the Peter-pences in England, as he, in his History testifies.  
But one thing is to be noted, that though the payment of them continued so long time, and the Popes had constantly their Collectors here: yet the Pope could not alter the accustomed proportion, nor the manner of gathering of them: for when, in the time of K. 
Acts & Mon. Ed. 2. f. 335.  Edw. 2. Rigandus, the Pope's Officer went about to make some alteration in that, he was severely prohibited by the King. And at last, 
Stat. 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21. Sleid. come. lib. 9  amongst other things, these Peter-pences were totally taken away by K. H●n. 8. of which Sleiden takes special notice. 
Antiquit. Brit. fo. 302.  And although Queen Mary set herself to put all things in such plight, in reference to the concerns of Rome, as they were in the beginning of her Father's time, yet the Peter-pences were never restored in all her reign: For Pope Paul the 4. 
Hist. Concil. trident. fo. 392.  receiving the English Ambassadors which came from Q. Mary, urged much to them the duty, and necessity that lay upon the Queen to make restitution of all Church-lands, Revenues, and Goods, that her Father K. H. 8. had taken away: and in particular told them, That the Peter-pences ought to be paid; and that, according to the ancient custom, he would send a Collector for that purpose: He also told them, that he himself had performed that charge three years in England, where he was much edified by seeing the forwardness of the People to deposit, and especially those of the meaner sort: further pressing, that they could not hope St. Peter would open the Gates of Heaven to them, so long as they usurped his Goods on Earth. The relation of all this much quickened the Queen's zeal for restitution, but her short reign, and some other impediments prevented her intentions: and so the Peter-pences vanished. Only whereas some Monasteries anciently collected some proportions of them, and then answered so much to the Pope's Collector, in continuance of time it became fixed as a Rent, or duty to the said Monasteries, which afterwards devolving to the Crown, and from thence by sale, or grant to others, 
Sr. Rog. Twisden. Hist. vindication. cap. 4.  with as ample profits, as the Religious Houses had enjoyed the same; it is conceived that at this day they are in some places paid, as appendent to the Manors which belonged to some such Houses, and in some places by the name of Smoak-money. And further we may note, that these Peter-pences were sometimes called Praestation money, collected by some Arch-deacons, who handed the same, sometimes to the Bishop of the Diocese, and sometimes immediately to the Pope's Collector General; as appears by a certain Instrument discovered by that excellent Antiquary Mr. 
Antiq. of Warw. fo. 126.  Dugdale, setting forth some part of the Office of an .  
For the yearly value, or sum of these Peter-pences, what they did amount unto, through the whole Kingdom, the very manner of the duty, and collection, speaks them uncertain: yet it seems there was a rate set upon every Diocese, 
Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. fo. 313. Sr. Rog. Twisden fo. 77. Selden Analect. lib. 2. cap. 3. Acts & Mon. in Ed. 2.  as appears by one of the Pope's Bulls for that purpose, said to be Gregory 5. the Bull itself is pointed to by Sr. Hen. Spelman; but the rates we have specified by the other learned Knight from an old Manuscript belonging to the Church of Chichester, as also by others.  

Episc.   l. s. d. Cant. 07 18 00 London. 10 10 00 Roffens. 05 10 00 Norwic. 21 00 00 aliens. 05 00 00 Lincoln. 42 00 00 Cicestr. 08 00 00 Hereford. 06 00 00 Sarum. 17 00 00 Winton. 17 06 08 Exon. 09 00 00 Wigor. 10 05 00 Bath. 12 00 00 Covent. 10 00 00 Eborac. 11 10 00  
There it seems were the certain rates to be answered to the Pope's Exchequer; the overplus to remain to the Collectors, or it may be Farmers, like those of our Excise, or Hearth-mony, sic parvis componere, etc. Whilst the People were racked to pay the utmost penny; for upon reasonable compute, the Peter-pences could amount to no less than 7500 l. per annum.  
Know we must also, 
An. Dom. 852. Will. Malm s●b. de gest. Reg. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 2.  that King Athelwolph gave a yearly pension to Rome of 300 marks, thus to be employed, To buy Candles for St. Peter 100 m. To buy Candles for St. Paul, 100 m. For a free gift to the Pope, 100 m. This by some Writers hath been confounded with the Peter-pences, 
Matth. Westm. in An. 855. Florent. Wigorn. in An. 857.  agreeing so near with the rates above; but certainly they were several charges: and this though small, yet being paid many years, the sum. total. could not choose but be very great: and once John of Gaunt opposed the payment, 
An. 46. Ed. 3.  being demanded by Pope Gregory the thirteenth.   

CHAP. II. First Fruits, and Tenths.  
FIrst Fruits, Primitiae, are the Profits of every Spiritual Living for one year: and these anciently, and often were called Annates, because the rates of First Fruits of Spiritual Live is after one years' profit of the same.  
Tenths, Decimae, are the Tenth part of the First Fruits, or yearly value of all Spiritual Live: And these were anciently paid to the Popes, as in England, so throughout all Western Christendom: For the Pope, as Pastor Pastorum, claimed Decimas Decimarum.  
Now though these were of a later date than the Peter-pences, yet by whom they were first imposed, or in whose time first taken, 
De Schism. inter Urban. 6, etc. lib. 2. cap. 9  there is much difference amongst the Historians. Theod. à Niem. Secretary to Pope Gregory the eleventh says that Boniface the ninth about the year 1399. reserved first the First Fruits of vacant Churches, and Abbeys: with whom agrees Platina, 
Platina in vita Bonifac. 9  in the life of that Boniface, saying, Primus Annatarum imposuit usum; though he confesseth also, that some refer their Original unto Pope John the two and twentieth, of which opinion is Polydore Vergil, 
Po●yd. Vergil. de Inu. n●. rerum lib. 8. cap 2.  though he intimates also, as if some thought them of a higher time. But indeed our own Countrymen assign their beginning here to that Pope John the two and twentieth: 
An. D. 1316.  among whom Walsingham, speaking of that Pope, saith thus, 
Tho Walsingh. in Ed 2. fo. 84.  Summus Pontifex reservavit Camerae fuae primos fructus beneficiorum omnium in Anglia per triennium vacantium. And Ranulph. Cestrensis thus, Johannes 22. 
Lib. 7. cap. 42. in H. Knighton Coll. fo. 2534.  Beneficiorum per mortem, seu resignationem vacantium, sive per translationem, primos fructus reservavit. But howsoever, or by whomsoever these became first imposed, after the Popes had been absolutely, and throughly seized of them, than they claimed them, Jure Divino, by example of the High Priest amongst the Jews, 
Numb. 18.6.  who had Tenths from the Levites. But Pol. Vergil sings another note, in the place above referred to, insinuating the maintenance of the Pope's grandeur to be the first rise of them, and that this was one of the fairest flowers in the Triple Crown: but when the payment of them had been continued some competent time, it was politicly done, upon any questioning, to assign them a Divine Original, which was sure to satisfy such as used to take the Pope's word for far greater matters.  
The payment of these, with other great sums (of which more anon) so strangely impoverished the Kingdom; that notwithstanding that allegation, or pretence of Divine Right, the Kings of England made no scruple sometimes to forbid the payment of them; 
2 Ed. 3. Claus. Rot. m. 4. 25 Ed. 3. 47 Ed. 3.  as K. Ed. 3. once discharged the Pope's Nuntio from collecting the First Fruits, etc. and many Prohibitions were granted against the Pope's Collectors, on complaint made by the grieved Commons in Parliament, as appears by the several Collections thereof made by the Lord Coke: 
Coke Jurisd. of Courts, cap. 14 Stat. 2 H. 4. cap. 1. 1 Ric. 2.  and in one Statute made to remedy that grievance, it was termed a Horrible Mischief, and Damnable Custom: and at another Parliament it was called a Very Novelty.  
But herein did the policy of the Court of Rome notably appear, that sometimes, when the Kingdom complained of its burdens, and the Kings in some exigency calling for the Subject's Aids, and thereupon the Pope's revenue in danger of a temporary, if not a total stop, the Popes would in such a juncture, and perhaps in a frolic of bounty, concede or assign the First Fruits, etc. for some time to the King, as for one year, or more, as the occasion seemed to require: and in particular, 
Pol. Vergil. Hist. lib. 20. fo. 405.  Pope Vrban gave them to King Richard the second to aid him against Charles the French King. And this project served excellently well, both to habituate the People to payment, and to win the Kings for their continuance, to whom they might be thus useful in any case of extremity. But the policy of after Parliaments went a reach beyond that of the Popes: for as a perpetual addition to the revenues of the Crown, they were by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eighth given to the King, his Heirs, 
Stat 26 Hen. 8. cap. 3.  and Successors for ever. And then for the ordering of these First Fruits, and Tenths, there was a Court erected An. 32 Hen. 8. 
Stat. 32 Hen. 8. cap. 45.  but this Court was dissolved again An. 1 Mariae; but King Philip, and Queen Mary gave them not again to the Pope, but by Authority of Parliament discharged the Clergy thereof.  
Afterwards by a Statute, 
Stat. 1 El●z. 4.  in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, they were revived, and reduced again to the Crown, yet was the Court never restored; but the First Fruits, and Tenths were ordered to be within the Rule, Survey, and Government of the Court of Exchequer, and a new Office, and Officer created, viz. a Remembrancer of the First Fruits, and Tenths of the Clergy, who taketh all compositions for them, and maketh out Process against such as pay not the same. And now they are to be paid in such manner as is directed, and appointed in, and by the said Statutes o● 26 Hen. 8. and 1 Eliz. The Stat. 26 Hen. 8. appointing that every Spiritual person shall pay, or secure by Bond, his First Fruits before his actual possession of his Benefice: and that an Obligation for First Fruits shall be of like force as a Statute Staple: and that no more shall be taken for such an Obligation than eight pence, and for an Acquittance four pence: and if any person shall be convict, by Presentment, Verdict, Confession, or Witness, before the Lord Chancellor, or other Commissioners, to have entered upon any Spiritual Living before composition, or payment, he shall forfeit the double value of the First Fruits: 
Stat. 3 Ed. 6. cap. 20.  And if Tenths, being due, shall not be paid within forty days after demand thereof made by the Bishop, or his Officers, and thereupon certificate made under Seal of the Bishop, or Collector, the party making default shall be deprived, ipso facto, of that one Dignity or Benefice. Besides, it is to be remembered, 
St●t. 1 E●iz. 4.  that Vicarages not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum, and Parsonages not exceeding Ten Marks per annum, shall not pay First Fruits, but all are to pay Tenths.  
Then, for the valuation of Ecclesiastical Live, we are to know, that anciently they were valued by a Taxation Book made An. 20 Ed. 1. 
Coke 4 Instir. fo. 120.  which still remaineth in the Exchequer: But then another Book of Taxation was made An. 26 Hen. 8. kept in that Court also; and according to this latter Taxation are the values of Ecclesiastical Live computed for the payment of the First Fruits, and Tenths: And so much as every Living is there valued, so much it is said to be in the King's Books; and so much must be paid for First Fruits. Yet every Spiritual person, at his Composition, and entering into Specialties to pay the same, shall have deduction of the Tenth part thereof, and that in respect of the Tenth, as shall be by him paid that year; for by the Stat. 27 Hen. 8. 
Stat. 27 Hen. 8. cap. 8.  none shall pay Tenths the same year that they pay First Fruits, therefore they are deducted, as aforesaid.  
The way now of Composition for First Fruits, is for the Parson Presented, Admitted, etc. with sufficient Sureties, to enter into Four Bonds, each conditioned for the payment of the Fourth part of the First Fruits (deducting the Tenth, as aforesaid,) the first Bond payable at half a years end: the second Bond at a Twelvemonths end: the third at a year and halfs end: and the fourth at two years' end: and so the party hath two years' time to pay the First Fruits. And then by the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 4. it is appointed, That if an Incumbent continue in his Benefice half a year after the last avoidance, and then die, or be legally outed, before the end of the year, than he, his Executors, Administrators, or Sureties, shall pay only a Fourth part of the First Fruits: If he live out the year, and die, or be outed within six months after the year, then only half the First Fruits shall be paid: If he live out the year and half, and die, or be outed within two years, then only three quarters thereof shall be paid: But if he live out two whole years, than the whole First Fruits are to be paid: these Bonds being of like force as a Statute Staple. And thus the First Fruits, and Tenths stand at this day. Concerning which it may be further noted, that the Bishop of Norwich anciently had, 
Fitzherbert Tit. Jurisdiction 22. 19 Ed 3.  and enjoyed by Prescription the First Fruits within his Diocese of all Churches after every avoidance: as also had the Archdeacon of Richmond, within his Archdeaconry; but these also were given to the Crown, by the said Statute of 26 Hen. 8. cap. 3.  
What great sums were anciently paid to the Popes upon these accounts, by the rule of proportion may be guessed at: but no other certainty known, but that they were very great, as by the complaints about them, and the impoverishing of the Realm by that means, of which you shall hear more, may be observed. And what every Bishop paid to the See of Rome at his entrance, for First Fruits, I find thus particularised, viz.  
Canterbury is rated in the King's Books at the sum of 2816 l. 17 s. 9 d. and used to pay to the Pope, 
G●d w● de Praes. Ang●. Note, that every Floren contained 4 s. 6 d. of our money. D●●a. 8 s.  for First Fruits 10000 Florins, besides 5000. for his Pall.  
London is valued at 1119 l. 8 s. 4 d. and used to pay to the Pope for First Fruits 3000 Florins.  
Winchester is valued at 2491 l. 9 s. 8 d. ob. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 12000 Ducats.  
Ely is valued at 2134 l. 18 s. 5 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope 7000 Ducats.  
Lincoln is valued in the King's Books 894 l. 18 s. 1 d. ob. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 5000 Ducats.  
Coventry and Lichfield rated in the Exchequer at 559 l. 17 s. 7 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope, some say 1733 Ducats, others but 300.  
Salisbury is valued at 1385 l. 5 s. ob. and paid to the Pope upon every vacancy 4500 Ducats.  
Bath and Wells is valued at 533 l. 15 d. and paid to the Pope at the ingress of every new Bishop only 430 Florins. Quod miror, saith Bishop Godwin, in regard it was esteemed one of the richest Sees in England.  
Exeter, by a late valuation set in the time of King Ed. 6. is valued at 500 l. and yet paid heretofore to the Pope for First Fruits 6000 Ducats.  
Norwich valued at 899 l. 8 s. 7 d. q. and used to pay to the Pope upon every vacancy 5000 Ducats.  
Worcester valued at 1049 l. 17 s. 3 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 2000 Florins.  
Hereford valued at 768 ●. 10 s. 10 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 1800 Florins.  
Chichester valued at 677 l. 15 d. and used to pay to the Pope 333 Ducats, as an Income.  
Rochester valued at 385 l. 3 s. 6 d. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 1300 Florins.  
St. David's valued in the King's Books at 426 l. 22 d. ob. and paid to the Pope 1500 florence.  
Landaff valued at 154 l. 14 s. 1 d. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 700 Florins.  
Bangor valued in the Exchequer at 132 l. 16 s. 4 d. ob. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 126 Florins.  
St. Asaph valued at 131 l. 16 s. 4. d. ob. and paid for First Fruits to the Pope 126 florence.  
York Archbishopric pays to the King for First Fruits 1609 l. 19 s. 7 d. and paid to the Pope 10000 Ducats, besides 5000 for the Pall.  
Durham valued at 1821 l. 17 d. and used to pay to the Pope for First Fruits 9000 Florins.  
Carlisle valued at 531 l. 4 s. 11 d. ob. and used to pay to the Pope on every avoidance 1000 florence.  
What was paid to the Pope for Spiritual Live, other than Bishoprics, we must conclude it uncertain, though certainly very great; part whereof, as also from the Bishoprics, was annual, and certain, as the Tenths; and part casual, and uncertain, as the First Fruits, depending on the uncertain deaths of Incumbents, and such as did succeed them.  
But, besides these ordinary, and known rates, and sums, payable as Fines, or Incomes, at first entrance; and the annual sums proportioned from them as aforesaid; it commonly, and generally happened, that some other vast sums extraordinary went to Rome, before any Bishop could be absolutely settled in his See, and that upon Appeals, and several other accounts, of which we will here give a few instances.  
By the death of Geffrey Plantagenet the Archbishopric of York becoming void, 
Godw. in vita Walteri Grace, Eborac.  Simon Langton, Brother of Stephen Langton, was chosen Archbishop by Capitular Election: but because Stephen was fallen into the Pope's displeasure, and suspended; the Pope refused to confirm Simon, and sent order they should choose another: whereupon Walter Grace was pitched. upon, and recommended to the Pope's approbation: with this commendation, that he had never known woman in all his life: At which the Pope swore by St. Peter, Virginity was in those days a great virtue, and he should be the man. But the private agreement was, that Walter should give the Pope ten thousand pound Sterling: for payment whereof he became bound in the Court of Rome: which cast him into such a debt, that he was necessitated to be continually scraping, to discharge his bond: and for that reason, as my Author says, the Bishop is by all Historians charactered to have been a most niggardly, and penurious man.  
At another time, 
Matt. Paris in An 1243. H●n. 3.  the Bishopric of Winchester being void, the Monks made choice of one William de Raley, alias Radley, but altogether against the mind of the King, who intended another: and therefore the King sent his Messengers, Theobald a Monk of Westminster, and Mr. Alexander a Lawyer, with a great sum of money to Rome, to get the election vacated; and commanded the Magistrates to shut the Gates of Winchester against him: whereby Raley finding himself repulsed, he curses, and interdicts the whole City of Winchester, and posts away to Rome; where, in despite of the King, he gets his election confirmed, upon the tender of eight hundred marks, of which the Pope, as the Historian says, would not abate him one penny: whereby he was constrained also to live a miser, and in debt, all his days.  
The Bishopric of Durham being once vacant, 
Acts and M●n. T●m. 1. fo. 259.  and several putting in for the place, King Henry the third, laboured what he could, that Mr. Lucas his Chaplain should be elected: but the Monks, slighting the King, made choice of one William Scot: who runs presently to Rome, for confirmation: and the King presently sends after him the Bishop of Lichfield, and the Prior of Lanthony, to solicit against Scot: but after a long tugging, and expense of all their money on both sides, it was determined that a third man, viz. Richard Poor, should have the Bishopric.  
After the death of Stephen Langton, 
Matt. Paris in An. 1228. fo. 350. 355. An●quit. Brit. in viti Richard Ma●.  Archbishop of Canterbury, the Monks made choice of Walter de Hempsham to succeed him: at which the King then being displeased, Walter hasts away to Rome, as the use than was, for his confirmation: and the King presently sends after him, as his Proctors, the Bishops of Coventry, and Rochester: who appearing before the Pope, complained grievously of the misdemeanour of the Monks, in making choice of that man, as being of no experience suitable to that Dignity: but of mean learning: one of a debauched, and scandalous life, having gotten several Bastards upon a Nun: and for his extraction, his Father had been condemned, and hanged for Theft; as himself had also deserved, having been a Ringleader amongst Rebels, and Traitors. But all this would not satisfy the Pope, to set him aside, 
Polychron. 1.7. cap. 34.  until the King engaged the Pope should have a Disme, or the Tenth part of all the movable goods, both of Clergy, and Laity, throughout England, and Ireland: which granted, the election of Walter Hempsham was declared null, and Richard Wethershed promoted to the place.  
The next Successor to Richard Wethershed was Edmund, between whom, 
Antic. Brit. & Godw. in vita Edmundi.  and the Monks of Rochester, a great contest happened, about the election of one Richard Wendover to be their Bishop: whereupon the Bishop goes to Rome, and the Covent send their Proctors, and these carrying the most money got the cause, and Edmund condemned by the Pope in 1000 Marks.  
The Bishopric of Chichester being once void, 
Matt. Paris i● Hen. 3.  the Canons there elected one Robert Passelew, to gratify the King, who had a great kindness for the man: but others stemaching him, means was made at Rome to have his election quashed; and one Richard de la Which to have the place: and thereupon all parties run to Rome with money, Bribes, complaints, and recriminations; all which being heard, and the money taken, the King's man was fobbed off, and Which settled in the See. The story is at large in Matthew Paris; and a multitude more of like nature might here be exhibited; but these shall suffice, with this averrement, that seldom any election went so cleverly off, but something extraordinary came to the Pope, besides what was certain by the first Fruits. From which we proceed to payments of other natures.   

CHAP. III. Legatine Levies.  
THE Statute of 25 Henry 8. 
Stat. 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21.  Providing that no more sums of money shall be paid to the Bishop of Rome, gins with recital, how the subjects of this realm had for many years been greatly decayed, and impoverished by intolerable exactions of great sums of money, taken and claimed by the Bishop of Rome, called the Pope, and the See of Rome, as well in Pensions, Censes, Peter-pences, Procurations, Fruits, suits for Provisions, and Expeditions of Bulls, for Archbishoprics, and Bishoprics, and for Delegacies, and Rescripts in Causes of Contentions, and Appeals, Jurisdictions Legantine, Dispensations, Licences, Faculties, Grants, Relaxations, Writs of perinde valere, Rehabilitations, Abolitions, and other infinite sorts, etc. as the words of the Statute are: I cannot now pretend to enumerate, or specify them all, when the Statute declares them to be infinite; and therefore we shall content ourselves to point but at some of them; beginning with the  
Legatine Levies, as I may call them: 
Vid. Matthew Westm. Flor. Hist. in An. 1245, 1246. etc. Mart. Paris. Polychron. etc.  And these were sums of money exacted, and levied upon the King's Subjects throughout the whole Kingdom, by Legates, and Officers for that purpose deputed by the Pope. And these were called for, as often as the Popes pretended a need of them; for the Court of Rome did inculcate, and would have the world to believe, 
Matth. Paris An. 1226. fo. 328.  That being a Mother, she ought to be relieved by her Children. Now the first Extraordinary Contribution raised for the Pope in this Kingdom of this kind, appears to have been about the year 1183. when Pope Lucius the third having some quarrel with the Citizens of Rome, 
Rog. Hovede● P. Postenor, fo. 622.  sent to King Henry the second, postulans ab co, & à clericatu Angliae auxilium, requiring Aid from him, and his Clergy: whereupon, Consuluit Rex Episcopos suos, & Clerum Angliae de petitione Summi Pontificis. Cui Episcopi & Cleri consuluerunt, ut ipse secundum voluntatem suam, & honorem, faceret auxilium D. Papae, tam pro seipso, quam pro illis: quia tolerabilius esset, & plus placeret eye, quod D. Rex, si vellet, accepisset ab eis auxilii recompensationem, quam si permisisset Nuncios D. Papae in Angliam venire ad capiendum de eis auxilium, quia si aliter fieret, posset verti in consuetudinem ad regni sui detrimentum. Adquievit Rex consilio suorum, & fecit auxilium magnum D. Papae in auro, & argento. The King consulted the Bishops, and Clergy, about the Pope's request; to whom the Bishops, and Clergy returned, That the King might, if he so pleased, and for his honour, send aid to the Pope, as well for himself, as for them: because it would be more tolerable, and more acceptable to them, for his Majesty, if he pleased, to take a Compensation from them for his Aid, than that he should permit the Pope's Officers to come into England, to receive it of them, which might turn to a custom detrimental to the Kingdom. To this counsel the King adhered, and sent a great Aid to the Pope in Gold, and Silver; as Rog. Hoveden hath at large related the Carriage of that business: In which several passages are very remarkable; as, that the King did, in matters that concerned the Pope, consult with the English Church, and followed their advice: and then the care, and circumspection of the Clergy, to avoid mischievous consequences for the future: and that not without very good cause, for the Popes were so prone to be busy, and tampering in this matter of money, that afterward in the time King Edward the first, 
Papa mi●it bullas inhibitatorias, quod nulla persona Ecclesiastica daret seculari personae contributionem ullam absque licentia specialita Romana curia concessa in hac parte. Henry de Knighton Coll. 2489.  he prohibited the Clergy from giving any thing to the King without his leave first obtained, and that under pain of the great excommunication: a great presumption this, but without any considerable effect to the purpose intended.  
But notwithwanding the before mentioned caution, the Popes gained much upon the Clergy, afterward, though the King and Temporal Lords oftentimes proved sturdy: 
Matt. Paris fo. 361, 362.  For Pope Gregory the ninth, An. D. 1229. demanded a Tenth of the moveables both of the Lay, and of the Clergy; to which the Lords would not consent, Nolentes Baronias vel Laicas possessiones Rom. Ecclesiae obligare, but the Clergy with some grumbling paid it. And eleven years after, he demanded a fifth part of the goods of the Clergy; upon which great debate was taken, 
Matt. Paris An. 1240. fo. 536.  the Clergy appealing to the King, that they held their Baronies of the King, and could not charge them without his consent; that having before given a Tenth, this again of a Fifth might create a custom; with divers other weighty reasons: But all would not do, for the King was not against it, and the Archbishop, for his private ends, beginning to deposit, all were drawn in at last to pay: which occasioned that complaint the year following, 
Id. fo. 549.  That there remained not so much treasure in the Kingdom, as had in three years been extorted from it, (the vessels, and ornaments of the Church excepted.)  
But notwithstanding that reluctancy, 
Matt. Paris, fo. 549. 666. 701.  notwithstanding that notable Remonstrance preferred in the Council of Lions An. D. 1245. from the body of the Kingdom, of the heavy burdens the Nation lay under by the exactions of Rome, and likewise to the Pope himself the year following; Pope Innocent the fourth invented a new way, to charge every Religious House to find a number of Soldiers yearly for his service, and to fight for the Church militant: and about the same time attempted also, ut si Clericus extunc decederet intestatus, ejusdem bonas in usus D. Papae converterentur; that is, the Pope would make himself heir, or Executor, to every Clerk that should die intestate: and not long after it was, that he received from the Clergy eleven thousand Marks, as an addition to six thousand he had received the year before. And then, and from that time, the Pope made no spare to drain, and exhaust the English Clergy at his pleasure, to the shameful scandal of the Holy See at that time, and to the notorious ignominy, poverty, and contempt of this Church, and the Clergy thereof. 
Matt. Westm. Flor. Hist. in An. 1301.  And of these times it was that Matthew Westminster makes this complaint, Porro illis diebus, sal terrae, & caput vulgi in magnum Hydropem ceciderunt: quanto enim plus pecuniam (humorem) hauriebant, tanto amplius eam sitiebant. Sedit ergo in tristitia fidelium Ecclesia, deducta per vocales tutores suos miserabiliter sub tributo: In those days the Head of the people was fallen into a dropsy, which the more money it sucked in, the more it thirsted after more: therefore the Church of the faithful sat disconsolate, being by her Governors brought under a most miserable tribute, and servitude. 
An. D. 1302. Annal. of Ire●. in Camb. Brit. fo. 163.  At this time also it was that these grievous exactions reached into Ireland, recorded in the Annals thereof, That the Tenths of all Ecclesiastical Benefices in England, and Ireland were exacted by Pope Boniface the eight, for three years, as a Subsidy to the Church of Rome, against the King of Arragon. Neither did our Hyperborean neighbours escape , in this deluge of exaction: 
Tho. Walsing. Hist. fo. 48. Ypodig. Neust. fo. 89. Flor. Hist. in Ed. 1. fo. 417. H. Knighton Coll. etc. Pol. Vergil. Fabian. Speed, etc.  Nay no less there would satisfy the Pope, but the whole Kingdom; for it was that Boniface the eight, that then claimed the whole Realm of Scotland, as part of St. Peter's Patrimony, against our K. Edward the first, and sent his Bull of demand to the King for that purpose: between whom there passed several Answers, and Replies, in the point; and the conclusion was, That the encroaching Pope was glad to sit down worsted in the cause; the transactions of all which stand registered amongst the Tower Records, exemplified at large to posterity by Walsingham, Matthew Westminster, Knighton, and more briefly by others. But all this while the poor Clergy languished, being continually peeled, polled, and squeezed by the unlimited avarice of this Pope, and his successors, emptying the Kingdom of its money, and filling it with complaints, the product of its poverty.   

CHAP. iv King John 's Pension.  
THe troublesome reign of our King John is sufficiently related by all our Historians, in whose straits the Pope appeared sometimes for him, and sometimes against him: but once taking him in a great exigence, 
Jo. Serres Hist. in Phil. August. Matt. Paris in An 1213. fo. 236.  the King was wrought upon to surrender his Crown to Pandulfus, the Pope's Legate, and substitute, laying the same, with his Sceptre, Robe, Sword, and Ring, the Royal Ensigns, at his feet; subscribing also, as is said, to a Charter, whereby he surrendered his Kingdom to the Pope, and professing that thence forward he would hold his Crown as a Feudatary to the Pope, and paying an annual Pension, or Tribute of 1000 marks for both his Kingdoms of England, and Ireland: the insolent behaviour of the Legate at this, the Historians fully describe, which I list not now to insist on, but cannot but remember, that Matt. Paris says, that with this Charter, and 10000 l. sterl. in hand, 
Id. fo. 237.  Pandulfus goes triumphing away to Rome. But then, when, or how long after, this yearly rent, or tribute of 1000 marks was paid, our Writers seem not to agree; though all concur in the invalidity of the surrender: 
Vid. Speed Chron. in vita Johan. Rot. Parl. An. 40 Ed. 3.  And at a Parliament held at Westm. An. 40 Ed. 3. the Chancellor, than Bishop of Ely, declared to the Lords, and Commons, How the King understood that the Pope, for the Homage that K. John did to the See of Rome, for the Realms of England, and Ireland, and for the Tribute by him granted, meant by Process to cite the King to Rome, to Answer thereunto, wherein the King required their advice: The Bishops for themselves desired respite of Answer till the next day, as also did the Peers, and Commons; at which time the whole Estate came together, and by common consent Enacted, and Declared, That forasmuch as neither King John, nor any other King, could bring this Realm and Kingdom in such thraldom, and subjection, but by common assent of Parliament; the which was not done: And therefore that which he did was against his Oath at his Coronation, besides many others causes. If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by process, or other matters in deed, that the King with all his Subjects should with all their force and power resist the same. Then, for the Tribute or Pension of 1000 marks, it appears to have been sometimes paid, with intermissions: for Pope Honorius, having gratified K. Hen. 3. by his menacing Bull to Geoffry de Lysimaco, earnestly demanded, by Otho his Legate, all the arrears of the 1000 marks annual rent granted by his Father K. John, due from the beginning of his Papacy, and the King's reign, who thereupon paid all those arrears, amounting to 10000 marks, for which he desired the Pope's allowance, and acquittance by this Letter, 
Claus. 10 H. 3. m. 2●. do●so.  still kept upon the file. Dom. Papae salutem. Ad instantiam magistri O. Subdiaconi & Capellani vestri, viri utique prudentis & merito commendabilis, qui ad nos transmissus ex parte vestra, requirebat à nobis instanter ea quae restare à tempore Papatus Vestri credidit de annuo censu nostro vobis debito: Paternitati vestrae praesentibus intimamus, quod venerabili Patri P. Norwic. Episc. septem millia quadringentas & tresdecem marcas & dimidium de praedicto censu solvimus, sicut m●minit ipse pariter & confitetur: Et ad perficiendum octo millia marcarum, praedicto magistro Ottoni solvi fecimus quingentas quater viginti & sex marcas & dimidium: Et praeterea mille marcas tibi assignari fecimus. De mille vero marcis vobis satisfecerint Magister Stephanus de Eketon, & Magister Stephanus de Ducy, nuncii nostri, sicut nobis significastis: Et sic de toto tempore Papatus vestri plenarie vobis est satisfactum. Supplicamus igitur sanctitati vestrae quatenus nobis super hoc literas vestras patentes dignemini destinar●. Teste meipso apud Westmonast. 24. die Martii, Anno regni nostri Decimo. An even reckoning so far. And then it appears, that in the 33 year of King Hen. 3. Pope Innocent the 4th, in the sixth year of his Papacy sent to the King to demand this 1000 marks due for that year, 
An. 33 H 3. in Turri Lond.  by this Instrument, or Bull, Innocentius Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, charissimo in Christo filio Regi Anglorum illustri, salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem. Excellentiam tuam affectione paterna rogamus, quatenus mille marcas sterlingorum quas pro anno praesenti Ecclesiae Romanae nomine Census debes, dilecto filio Thesaurario Domus militiae Templi London. solitae devotionis affectu, nomine nostro facias assignari. Dat. Lugdun. 5 Kal. Augusti, Pontificatus nostri sexto.  
Dorso, De censu annuo Dom. Papae debito.  
But whether any thing, or no, was paid upon this demand appears not: But by the Liberate Rolls, it appears, 
31 H. 3. m. 1.  that this rend due for the 31 year of K. H. 3. was then paid to the Treasurer of the Temple.  
In the year 1276. Pope John 21. scent such another Bull, or demand to K. Edw. 1. still preserved amongst the Tower Records, whereby he demanded the arrears of this annual rent of 1000 marks, for seven years then last passed, and also for that year: but whether payment was made accordingly, there remains no evidence: and when, or how much was afterwards paid upon this account, is now uncertain. But from these footsteps thereof, which we find amongst our Records, it may well be collected, that the Pope's being sensible of the defeasibleness of their Title to this Rent, durst not always insist upon it, but sometimes when they met with an easy King, or one whose affairs required the Pope's countenance, or aid; then they would put on a demand of this rent, with the arrears of it, and many times, without doubt, were gratified therein: but then with wise, and resolute Kings, they had the discretion to let it alone; and so by continuance of time, and non-claim, the rent came at last to be extinguished.   

CHAP. V Appeals.  
APpeals to the Court of Rome was another way of drawing great sums of money out of England continually thither. And these began most visibly in the time of King Stephen, 
Gervas'. Dorobern. coll. fo. 1667.  according to that of Gervasius Doroberniensis, Inusitatae enim erant in Anglia Appellationes, usque quo Henricus extitit Wintoniensis Episcopus: remembered also by Hen. Huntingdon, 
Hen. Huntingd. lib. 8. ●0. 395.  who tells us also the occasion; related at large by Bishop Godwin, in the life of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury. And then when the Popes had tasted the sweets of the gains accrueing this way, all encouragement was given to Appellants, so that afterwards there scarcely happened any controversy of value, but one party, or other would presently Appeal to the Pope, and Court of Rome: for the management of which Appeals, it was necessary to retain Proctors, Notaries, Advocates, Agents, Solicitors, and many other Officers, who all living by the employment, expected always to be well paid: And in the Court of Rome were continually resident a multitude of Officers, Judges, Clarks, Scribes, Advocates, Canonists, civilians, Referendaries, who every one must have a finger in every cause brought thither by Apppeal, and be all well paid, and bribed, for Bulls, Breves, Citations, Commissions, Sentences, References, Expeditions, with innumerable sorts of Processes, issuing during the depending of causes; which were never speedily ended, but spun out to the utmost length, with all encouragement of Appellant Suitors, bringing grist to the mill, and as long as any money flowed to make the wheel go.  
And as these Appeals were purchased in suits between party and party, most commonly to the utter undoing of the Plaintiff, or Defendant, and many times of them both, the Pope having the fineness, when he had cracked the Nut, to take the kernel to himself, and to give one shell to one of them, and the other to the other: so oftentimes they caused a far greater mischief, being made use of by haughty, turbulent, and undutiful subjects, especially Churchmen, to cross, and oppose their Sovereigns, upon every, or any pretence whatsoever: Witness the Appeals of Anselme, Becket, the Monks of Canterbury, with multitudes more, from the King, and his Laws, to the Pope, as in all our Histories most frequently occur: All which tended only to carry huge sums to Rome, and to bring thence no less mischiefs to the King, and Kingdom. And besides this, multitudes of Appeals were founded upon the Elections of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Deans, etc. for it was very rare to have all parties acquiesce in an Election, but Incapacity, Simony, Surprise, or some irregularity would be pretended; and then presently an Appeal must be made to Rome, and there generally the cause determined for that party which brought the most money. 
Venalesque manus, ibi fas, ubi plurima merces. Acts & Mon. fo. 259.  As once John Hereford was elected Abbot of St. Alban's Monastery, but upon some dis-satisfaction taken thereat, Reynold the Physician, and Nicholas a Monk, were instantly posted away, with a huge bag of Money to Rome, whereby the Election was confirmed upon these terms, That the new Abbot should swear, every third year, by himself, or some other, to visit the Limina Apostolorum in Rome, with a subintelligitur, that he should never come empty handed: and this was very frequently enjoined to others, in such, or the like cases. Now for the particulars of these Appeals, I could produce a multitude of instances, and Cases; but designing brevity, I had rather refer you to Mat. Paris, and others, who are not sparing therein.  
I shall only, upon this Head, further note, that not only many particular persons were ruined, and undone, by reason of the great expenses they were put unto, upon this account, at Rome: but also many religious Houses, and Covents, became by that means so impoverished, that they would certainly have been utterly broken, and dissolved, if some extraordinary courses had not been taken for their support; as once the Abbot, 
Par. 3 Ed. 1. m. 13. Pre Abbate, & Conventu, de Fev●●sham.  and Covent of Feversham, being greatly indebted to Merchants, Usurers, and others, by reason of their vast ex ences at Rome, the King, by his Sovereign Authority, to preserve them, and their House from ruin, took them, with all their Possessions, 
Fulco Peyforer, & Hamon Doges.  Lands, Goods, and Chattles, into his special protection, and committed them to the management of certain persons, for the discharge of their debts, and their necessary support, as appears by the Patent for that purpose, yet to be seen, but too large to be here inserted. 
Lambert Peromb. in Feversham.  Note, it was the Monks of this Abbey of Feversham that once contended in a Controversy with King John, both by way of Appeal to Rome, and by force of Arms against the Sheriff, and the Posse Comitatus, but had the ill fortune to be worsted at every turn.  
The like Protection, and Provision, in the same form, and for the same reason, was granted, and made, by King Ed. 1. to the Abbots, and Covents of Bordesley, and Bynedon. And also to the Prior, and Covent of Thornholm: but the custody of them, their Lands, and Goods, were granted to other persons.   

CHAP. VI Dispensations.  
DIspensations, 
Vid. Centum gravamina G●rm. An. D. 1521.  and Absolutions from cases reserved, and Faculties, were other great means of drawing vast sums of money hence to Rome. And for the managing and dispencing of these, the Popes had their Ministers, Officers, and Courts, ready to make out, and grant these Dispensations to such as had occasion, or to whom it would be a convenience to purchase them: and that in a multitude of cases: As to Dispense with one man to hold two Bishoprics, or a Plurality of Benefices. To make Infants capable of Benefices, and Offices. To Legitimate Bastards. To qualify persons to marry within the degrees prohibited by the Canons, or by God's Law. To lay aside Habits of Professions Regular, to revert to a secular State. To give liberty to live without Rules, Order, and Discipline, which had been entered into. For liberty not to keep rash, or prejudicial Oaths. To eat Flesh at times ordinarily forbidden. To wave the performance of Vows. To rescind contracts, marriages, and covenants. And innumerable other the like cases, in which exact care was taken, that the party purchaser should be served to the height of his ability, and the benefit of the Dispensation.  
King Henry the third, 
Matt. Paris in Hen. 3.  swore to maintain Magna Charta, and Charta de Foresta, with other liberties of the People; and for that had a great Subsidy given him; but for money the Pope Dispensed with his Oath, and then he would perform nothing.  
Simon Montford, 
Id. An. 1238. fo. 471.  Earl of Leicester, married the Daughter of King John named Elinor, who was professed in Religion: at which King Henry the third, and others being offended, the Earl posts to Rome, and there effusa, & promissa infinita pecunia, as the Historian hath it, he obtained of the Pope, to give Order to his Legate Otho, to give sentence for the marriage.  
John of Gaunt, 
Tho. Walsing. in E. 3. An. 1359. Cambd. An. Eliz. fo. 2. Sr. Fr. Bacon Hist. Hen. 7. fo. 199.  by a like Dispensation, married his Cousin Blanch.  
King Hen. 8. Married his Brother's Widow by such a Dispensation; not cheaply obtained; for a noble Author says, the Pope was very difficil in granting it; not for want of power, I suppose, but to screw the more money out of the Royal Purchaser. It was Pope Julius the Second that gave this Dispensation. But asterwards the validity of the Marriage, upon such a Dispensation, being questioned, as being directly against the Scripture, Pope Clement 7. at the instance of King Henry, 
Hist. Cont. Tried lib. 1. f●. 68 Camb. Speed, etc.  sent Cardinal Campeggio into England, framing a Bull, or Breve, to dissolve the King's marriage with Queen Catharine, (to be published when some few proofs were passed, which were made ready) and to give liberty to the King to marry another: But afterwards, the Pope conceiving it would disgust the Emperor, who was Katherine's near Kinsman, he sent another Nuntio to Campeggio, with order to burn the Bull, and to proceed slowly in the cause: Resolving, like his Predecessor, to make the best advantages he could of the plenitude of his power. But the King, perceiving the juggling, went another way to work, and how he procured his marriage to be vacated, our Histories and Records testify.  
Also Charles the fifth Emperor, procured a marriage between Philip his Son, and Mary Queen of England, by a Dispensation from Pope Julius the third, because they were allied in the third degree, and that Charles himself had contracted to marry her, when he was under age. 
Camb. Annal. Eliz.  And after her death King Philip, desirous to keep his interest in England, treated seriously of a marriage with Queen Elizabeth, his late wife's sister, with promise to obtain a special Dispensation from the Pope, which the French King laboured secretly to hinder, but the Queen gave him a repulse.  
By virtue of these Dispensations it is, 
Sr. Edw. S●nds Earop. Spec. 〈◊〉.  that the House of Austria, for some reasons of State marry all amongst themselves, so continuing all of the same family, or as limbs of the same body. Whereby Philip the second of Spain might have called the Archduke Albert both Brother, Cousin, Nephew, and Son; for he was so either by blood, or affinity; being Uncle to himself, Cousin-german to his Father, Husband to his Sister, and Father to his Wife. And it so happened, that by reason of the multitude of Canons, as were put forth by divers Popes, of restrictions, and limitations, very few Princely Families in Europe could at any time intermarry without Dispensations from such, or such a Canon, and then let the Pope alone for setting his own rates and prices upon his own Instruments.  
As great sums of money came thus to the Popes, upon their Dispensations in point of marriage: So frequently they made their advantages by dispensing with promises, Vows, and Oaths. How King Henry the third, obtained a Dispensation about Magna-Charta, we have touched before; And that power claimed, and exercised by the Popes, made them very necessary for all such Princes, as either upon extremity were constrained to enter into hard conditions; or such as had fair opportunities put into their hands of taking advantage against their neighbours. And this was the case of Francis the First, the French King, to whom Pope Clement the seventh, gave a Dispensation from performance of Covenants made upon Oath with Charles the fifth, upon his release, after he had been taken Prisoner at the Battle of Pavia● whereby, in gratitude, 
Joh. Serres in vit. Franc. 1.  Francis was ever after a sure confident of the Pope's, testified to the world by that famous entermarriage between the Son of the one, and the Kinswoman of the other. The contemplation whereof, 
Sr. Edw. Sands ut Sup. fo. 43.  with other the like instances, and the observation of the short continuance of divers Sworn Leagues at this day, hath made some, with reason enough, believe that the unlimited fingers of the Popes have been, and are still secretly stirring, in untying those knots of the bonds of Conscience, and more frequently than the world is well ware of, and that some Popish Princes themselves, in imitation thereof, have assumed the like faculty, of dispencing with their own Oaths, when it seems advantageous for their Kingdom's interest, as it did to the Popes for that of the Church. To justify which transcendent, extravagant power of the Popes, they and their Creatures are not without some comprehensive Principles, and Maxims, whether of Religion, or policy, I leave it to others to judge; as, That Faith is not to be kept with Heretics: 
Mosconius de Majest. Eccl. vid. Revieu del Conc. de Tr●nt●vid. 100 gravam. c. 1. Fascicul. rerum expetend.  That the Pope can dispense with the Law, above the Law, and against the Law, by the plenitude of his power: and that in every promissory Oath that a man Swears, the Pope's power is tacitly before excepted. The notorious abuse, and mischief in which matter, framed one of the principal Articles of Grievances, presented to the Pope from the Germans, for a reformation, at an Imperial Diet at Noremberg An. D. 1522. a little before the Council of Trent.  
The Pope's practice in Dispencing with Oaths brings to mind this story, 
Helmold. in Chron. Slavorum. cap. 29.  That when contest was between the Emperor Henry 4. and Pope Gregory the seventh, the Pope Excommunicates the Emperor and puts on Rodolphus Duke of Saxony to rebel against him, in order to his deposition, and absolves the Duke of his Oath of Allegiance given to the Emperor: after which a Battle happening between the Duke, and the Emperor; the Duke was mortally wounded in the right hand; which made him cry out to his company, See you that this hand, with which I first made, and then broke my Oath of Allegiance to my lawful Sovereign, is thus struck by the Divine vengeance; the Spectacle whereof I pray God may work repentance in the causers of my defection and perjury, as it hath done in me. Not long after which he expired miserably, and deplorably.  
Once it was, 
Epist. ad Zach. Pap. 2. Tom. Conc.  that the import of one of these Dispensations mightily puzzled a certain Archbishop of Germany, Legate there for the See of Rome: for he sent to Pope Zachary, to know his opinion, or resolution about a Dispensation which a Germane produced, and pleaded, as obtained from Pope Gregory his Predecessor; which was, To marry a woman, that had first been married to his Uncle, and afterwards to a Counsin of his, from whom she was divorced, and he yet alive; besides she was his kinswoman in the Third degree, and had been a Nun: but it is thought the Pope was as much graveled at it, as the Archbishop, for it doth not appear that he returned any answer.  
Charles the Eight, the French King, 
Phil. de Com. lib. 7. cap. 3. Arnold. Ferron de Reb. gest. Gall. in vita Car. 8.  made great use of this dispensing power of the Popes; For this Charles had taken the Daughter of Maximilian, King of the Romans, for his wife: but afterwards, to obtain the Duchy of Britain, he Solicited to marry Anne the heir thereof, though she was betrothed, nay already married to Maximilian, by his Proctor, openly in the Church: a double injury to Maximilian, to have her taken from him, whom he accounted his Wife; and to have his Daughter sent home again, who had been divers years' Queen of France; but ' this was an easy thing for the Pope to do, as Phil. de Comines tells the story at large: adding, that there was great disputes, and arguments, in those times, Pro, & Con, whether those actions could agree with Laws of Holy Church, or not; and relating, that the ussues of those Ladies became very unfortunate, and that many calamities proceeded from those marriages: but the interests of the Pope, and the French, being twisted in this affair, he spared not to cut asunder the sacred bonds of marriage, which had been made so solemnly before.  
By these practices the Popes acquired infinite advantage: for thereby they did not only in hand get great sums, or some other valuable considerations; but also obliged, and secured the favours of many, and of their posterities also, whose estates, and legitimation depended altogether upon the validity of these purchased Dispensations.  
These Dispensations were experienced the more mischievous in this regard, that whereas the Popes gulled the People of great sums of money other ways, by the fineness of a pia fraus, where the common saying, volenti non fit injuria, might take some place: but here the estates, and fortunes of persons, and families frequently became rend, and torn, by the ruinous consequences of these Dispensations: And hence all those grievous complaints that have been made against them. 
Hist. Conc. Tried lib. 7. fo. 676. vid. Terr. Torti. fo. 51.  In the very Council of Trent, spoke stoutly, and freely against the abuses of them, one Johannes Verdun; but it was not a time then to have his story heard, so as to be regarded.  
Dispensations are styled Legum Vulnera; and indeed when a Law is once, in the least, wounded by a Dispensation, it proves such a stab, that there is but little life left in it afterwards. Christ came not to dissolve, but to fulfil the Law: but the Popes have made it a practice to dissolve Laws, that they might fill full their own Coffers.  
Complaints against this grievance we find most frequently in our Parliamentary Records, and Histories, 
Matt. Paris in Hen. 3 Anno D. 1246.  of which more hereafter: and at present we will only note that of Matthew Paris; how the Estates of the Kingdom being once assembled, they made an unanimous Remonstrance of the manifold grievances endured from the Pope, and particularly of that which was wrought by that damnable clause of Non obstante, contained in a multitude of his Bulls, Breves, and Instruments, which he sent abroad to torment the People, and by which the Authority of Grants, Laws, Statutes, and Privileges was vacated, and overthrown, and his own revenues established upon the ruins of the Nation, Dispensing with any thing, nay every thing, by which he might gain any thing, as may be read at large in that notable Historian, to whom, for brevity's sake, we refer those that would receive further satisfaction therein, and pass on to the   

CHAP. VII. Indulgences, Pardons.  
INdulgences, and Pardons, shall in the next place be remembered, as most powerful devices to draw money to Rome. And because the import of these, generally, hath not been so well apprehended, we will take liberty to make a little enquiry into the nature, and virtue of them.  
In the Primitive Times, when the Christians had committed any heinous offence, as for example, either in denying their Faith, or sacrificing to Idols, for fear of persecution: the parties offending were enjoined some severe, and long Penance: and the rigour of this the Bishops, and Pastors had power (if they saw cause) to mitigate, at their discretion: which mitigation, or relaxation of Punishment, was called Indulgence, or Pardon. And this derived from St. Paul, who released the incestuous Corinthian from the bond of Excommunication, upon his humiliation, and serious repentance.  
And this manner of Indulgence was ancient, and continued long in the Primitive Church: But the Indulgence in the Roman Church is of another nature: for seeing that Sin, as they say, deserveth as well some Temporal punishment, as Eternal Damnation, their Indulgence is a supposed Absolution from the guilt of Temporal punishment, 
Vid. Pol. Vergil. de invent. rerum. lib. 8. cap. 1.  which punishment is inflicted, they say, in Purgatory; and all this, as they further add, by the application of the merits of Jesus Christ, and his Saints, by the medium, and method of the Church: and these merits are termed Thesaurus Ecclesiae, The Treasure of the Church, and appliable to the souls of the dead burning in Purgatory, to work out their Temporal punishment. And this is the notion of Indulgence in the Roman Church, if I mistake not, for it is a Doctrine as difficult to understand, as to maintain. But this is certain that these modern, new coined Indulgences, differ infinitely from that of the Primitive Times; for those which were first used for mitigation of Penance, or Punishment, are now reduced to be in stead of real private satisfactions: and that which was formerly left to the discretion of every Bishop in his own Diocese, to dispense, in that manner, with summum jus, is now solely transferred to the Power, and authority of the Pope: and that not only from Penances, and Punishments in this life, but also from imprisonment, pains, and tortures in Purgatory for many thousands of years: As, whosoever in the state of Grace shall say seven prayers before the Crucifix, 
Horae bea●ae Mar. Virg. secundum usum Sarum.  and seven Pater nosters, and seven Ave mary, shall obtain Six and Fifty Thousand years of pardon: fourteen thousand granted by St. Gregory: fourteen thousand by Nicholas the First: and eight and twenty thousand by Sixtus the 4th. 
Bul●a Pli Quarti. Dat. Rom. 1564.  And amongst the Articles framed at the Council of Trent, to be owned super forma juramenti professionis fidei, this is one, That the power of Indulgences was left by Christ in the Church, and that the use thereof is most wholesome for Christ's people.  
For the Antiquity, Authority, and validity of these Indulgences, as now practised, let those maintain, if they can, whom it most concerns, and who get by them, for my business now is not to dispute; only I cannot forbear to tell you what a learned Romanist says of them, 
Cunerus Declam.  Dolendum & mirandum, etc. It is to be lamented, and admired, how Catholics writ of Indulgences, so timorously, so coldly, so diversely, so doubtfully, as if they were so far fetched, or so uncertainly framed, that they could hardly be proved. We will therefore only take notice of their efficacy to draw money out of the People's purses, our present purpose; and for their power of drawing Souls out of Purgatory, we leave it to another opportunity.  
For the purpose of drawing money from the people, there could not have been a more neat contrivance, 
Rivet.  and therefore, by one, they have not improperly been called Emulgences; 
Romarorum loculos impraegnare. Mat. Paris. Hen. 3.  and by the Romanists themselves, in their truest signification, The Treasury of the Church. For seeing the Pope was become the sole dispenser, and disposer of them, when he had occasion, or a mind to amass moneys, it was a ready, and sure way upon pretence of Wars against the Turks, or of Wars against Heretics, or Wars against the Emperor, or any neighbour Prince, or State, with whom the Pope was at odds, to send out, and proclaim Marts, and Sales for these Indulgences, upon terms that those who would disburse any sums of money, for the purposes aforesaid, as the occasion was, they should have Pardons, and Indulgences for numbers of years proportionable to the sums they could, or would deposit; 
Hen. de Knighton Coll. 2671.  Nam aliter non absolvebantur nisi tribuerent secundum posse suum, & facultatem suam, For people could not be absolved, except they did disburse as much as their abilities would afford, as Hen. de Knighton deals plainly in the case: And then for the poor, and indigent, truly they deserve our pity, when the Taxa Camerae Apostolicae deals thus plainly with them, 
Taxa Cam. Apost. Impress. Paris.  Nota diligenter quod hujusmodi gratiae non conceduntur pauperibus; quia non habent, ergo non possunt consolari, Note diligently, that such graces are not granted to the poor; because they have not wherewithal, they cannot be comforted. A very sad Case!  
Now for those people that were conscious, and certain they were guilty of many sins, and persuaded they should lie frying in Purgatory many thousands of years, to purge themselves, and make them fit for Heaven; who would not presently unstring, and give even almost all they were worth, for such advantages, and to be freed from those bitterly represented pains, and torments?  
Then to assure people they were not cheated in these pennyworths, and bargains, the Mystery of the Pope's Triple Crown was sufficient: for anciently, if not still, the word, 
Mysterium.  Mysterium, was engraven thereon, to denote, and signify the Rule, and Authority, the Pope bears in Heaven, in Earth, and in Purgatory. And so these Indulgences, and Pardons were trucked for, and bought up, at any rates: until people began a little to consider, and look about them, and to observe upon what terms, and for what purposes these Indulgences were sent abroad, wherein no distinction of persons, or sins was made, which reasonably might have been expected from Christ's Vicar; that whosoever performed some religious rites, and paid certain sums of money, should have all their sins forgiven, whatever they were: so that all men, who would come to the price, were not only promised everlasting life, but made capable of delivering the souls of others out of Purgatory: considering also, that in employing the money raised by these Indulgences, there was no regard had to the end for which they were given, but frequently, 
Centum gravam. Germar.  by way of anticipation, it was assigned to some other purpose, as to carry on the Pope's revenge, to pay his debts, to gratify a friend, to enrich a Nephew, to marry a Niece, to wage a War, to subdue an Antipope, or the like: that all immaginable shifts, sharking, 
Hen. de Knighton Coll. fo. 2671.  and tricks were used to make the most of them, in regard they were generally farmed out to the most cunning snaps, and such as would give most for them. So that in time people began to be a little wary in laying out their money that way, and the Markets, and sales for Indulgences began to be very cold: but then the Collectors, and Factors would sell the cheaper pennyworths, and play at small games before they would give out; as once in Germany, 
An. Dom. 1520.  when these wares began to be a little out of credit, the Pope's Officers would sell them for a very small price, 
Cuicciard. Hist. lib. 13. fo. 629.  or play at Tables for them in Taverns, and Gaming-Houses, wherein money was staked against Pardons esteemed of such a value. 
Vid. Hist. Concil. Trident.  And so from the discoveries of the cheats, and rapine hereby practised, the Indulgences were not only contemned, and exploded, but way made for Reformation of other Corruptions in the Church.  
Now, as well to show the liberality of the Popes, in granting these Indulgences, as also somewhat further to explicate the nature of them; we will here take a view of such Indulgences, and Pardons, as formerly have been granted to some of the Churches in Rome, as they are specified in an old Book called, The Customs of London, as follows.  

The hole Pardon of Rome granted by divers Popes. 
Customs of London.   
IN the City of Rome been four Chirches, 
Vid. Onuphr. de 7. sanctioribus urbis Rom. Ecclesiis.  in which is Mass daily done, but there been six of the same privileged, above all the oder with great holiness, and pardon, as is hereaftir shewed.  
The Furst is called St. Peter 's Chirch th' Apostell, and is set upon the foot of an Hill, and men go upward thereto a stair of xxix steps high, and as often as a man gooth up and down that steyer, he is relesid of the seventh part of penance, enjoined and granted by Pope Alysander.  
Item, As ye come before the Chirch there the Well springeth, so may ye see above the door an Image of our Lord, and between his feet stondeth one of the pence that God was sold for, and as oft as ye look on that penny, ye have xiv hundred yer is of pardon.  
Item, In the same Chirch on the ryht side there is a pilour that was sometime of Solomon 's Temple, at which pilour our Lord was wont to rest when he preached to the people, at which pilour if there any bee frantyk, or mad, or troubled with spirits, they be deliveryd, and made hool.  
And in that Chirch be xi Altars, and at every of the Altar is xlviij yeriss of pardon, and as many Lenters, or Karynes: and seven of thee Altars been severally privelegyd with grace and pardon.  
At the Furst Altar is the Visage of our Lord, who looketh on that hath seven C year of pardon.  
Item, At the same Altar is the spear that Cryst was pierced with, which was brought from Constantynopl, sent from the great Turk to Pope Innocent the viij.  
The Second Altar is of saint Andrew, and their ye have seven C year of pardon.  
The Fourth is of our Lady, there is seven C years pardon.  
The v Altar is of St. Leo, there he recevyd the absolution in his mass fro Hevyn, and there is pardon of seven C year's.  
The uj Altar of All Soles, and there is v C years of pardon: and every hyh fest one Sole out of Purgatory.  
The seven Altar is of saint Simon, and Judas, and there is uj C yeris of pardon.  
And before the Choir door stoned two yriven Crosses, and who so kisseth thoo two Crosses, he hath v C yer is of pardon.  
Item, Upon our Lady day in Lente is hanged afore the Qyer a cloth as our Lady made herself, and it hangeth till our Lady day Assumption, and as many times as one beholdith it he hath iv C year of pardon.  
Allsoo, as many times as a man goothe thorogh the crowds at St. Peter's Chirch, he hath iv C year of pardon.  
And as often as one followith the Host to the sick bodies he hath xiv C years of pardon.  
Also, Pope Sylvester granted to all thoe as daily goeth to the Chirch of St. Peter the iij part of all his sins relesid, and all advows and promise released, and all sins forgeten released and forgiven, except. leying honds on Fader and Mother violently, and above this is granted xxviij C year of pardon, and the merities of as many Lentes or Karyns. [The knowledge of a Karyn ye shall find in the end of this book.]  
And in the feste of saint Peter a M year of pardon, and as many karyns, and the 
* Third part.  threddendell of penance enjoined released.  
And fro the assention day of our Lord unto the assumption of our Lady ye have xiv year of pardon, and as many karyns, and foryefenes of the iij part of all sins.  
And upon the one side of saint Peter 's Chirch a Chirchyard lieth, and that is called Goddys' field, and there be buried poor pylgryms and none other, and it is the land that was bought with xxx pens that our Lord was sold for, as oft as one goeth upon that ground he hath xv C year of pardon.  
Item, In the Chirch of saint paul without the walls ye have xlvij M year of pardon.  
Item, In the day of his convercyon i C year of pardon.  
Item, On Childermas day iij M year of pardon.  
Item, On the 
* Eight day.  Vtas of saint Martin when as the Chirch was hallowed xiv M years of pardon, and as many karyns, and the iij part of all sins released.  
Also who that visit the Chirch of saint Poule two Sondays doth as much as if he went to 
St. James of Compostella in Spain.  St. James and did come again.  
Item, In the Chirch of St. Laurence without the walls there lieth the body of St. Laurence, and of St. Stephen, and at the hyh altar ye have xciij M year of pardon.  
And who that visit the other altars hath at each altar seven M years of pardon, and as many karyns.  
Also, The Pope Pelagius granted there at the iv feasts of the year at each feste seven C year of pardon and as many karyns, and who that goeth thither every Wednesday he deliverith a sole out of Purgatory, and himself quit of all sins.  
Item, In the Chirch of St. Crucis there is a chambre or a Chapel within, that Pope Sylvester named Jherusalem, there is the bond that Chryst was led with to his crucifyeing, and there been ij Sausers, and the one is full of his blood, and the other is full of our Lady's milk, and the Sponge wherein there was mengyd eyselly and gall.  
And one of the Nails that Jhesus was nailed with on the cross, and a part of the block that St. John his head was smeten off upon, and two arms, the one of St. Peter, the oder of St. Poule.  
Item, There standeth a cheir in which Pope 
* Anicetus.  Accensius was mastered, and too all theym as sit in that cheir is granted an C M year of pardon, and as many karyns, and every Sunday a sole out of Purgatory, and the treddendell of all sins released.  
Item, In the same Chirch is a  part of one of the Crosses that one of the thevis was put on that was crucified with Chryst.  
Item, In the same Chirch is the title of Chryst as was in Latyn, Hebrew, and Greek, which was found in the time of Pope Innocent, to the which the same Pope hath grantyd great pardon.  
Item, In the Chirch of St. Marry Major there standeth on the hyh altar the head of saint Jheronimus, and there ye have fourteen M year of pardon, and as many karyns.  
And on the oder altar on the rite hand there is the Cradle that Jhesus lay in, and of our Lady's milk, and a  part of the holy Cross, and of many Seintiss bodies, and there ye have nineteen M year of pardon, and as many karyns.  
And Pope Nicholas iv, and St. Gregory, each of them granted thereto x M year of pardon.  
And fro assention to Crystmas ye have fourteen M year of pardon, and the thread part of all synns released.  
Item, In the Chirch of saint Sebastian without the Town, there in a place that Pope Calixt named Tolund, as there the angel appeared and spack to Gregory the Pope. In that place is foryefenes of all Sins, and all penance.  
At the hyh altar is granted xxviij C yer is of pardon, and as many karyns: and whoso cometh to the furst altar that standeth in the Chirch hath fourteen C year of pardon: and there is a Sellare or a vault wherein lieth buried xlix Popes that died all Martyrs, who so cometh furst into that place delyveryeh viij Soles out of Purgatory of such as he most desireth, and as much pardon thereto that all the world cannot nombre, ne reken, and every Sunday ye delyver a Sole out of Purgatory. And in that Sellare standeth a pit, there saint Peter, and saint Poule were hyd in ccl year, that no man wist where they were become, and who that putteth his head into that pit and taketh it out again is clean of all sin.  
Pope Gregory, and Sylvester, and Pope Nicholas, and Pope Pelagius, and Pope Honorius, each of them granted to the same place one M year of pardon, and as many karyns. And there lieth the bodies of divers oder holy persons which were too long to write of: and so the grace that is at St. Sebastian's is grounded that it cannot be taken away.  
Item, In the Chirch of saint Mari Mayor afore written, afore the Choir, is the Image of our Lady which saint Luke did peint; which Image St. Gregory did bear fro Mari Mayor to saint Peter th' apostle, who also coming afore the Castle of St. Angel he see an Angel in the hyht of the Castle, having in his bond a burning Sword, and with him a great multitude of angels, which song afore that Image Regina coeli laetare etc. Answering St. Gregory.  Ora pro nobis Alleluja. 
Item, In the Chirch of saint John Latryneus the Pope Sylvester gave thereto as many years pardon as it rained drops of water the day thot hallowyd the Chirch; and that time it rained so sore, that no man had seen a greater rein before that day.  
And when he had granted this, he thought in himself whedyr he had so much power or not.  
Then there came a voice from hevyn, and said, Sylvester thou hast power enough to yeve that pardon, and God granted thus moche thereto, that and a man had made a vow to Jherusalem, and lacked good to do his pilgrimage, if he go fro St. Peter's Chirch to St. John Latrynes, he shall be discharged and have absolution of that promise.  
And any time that a man cometh to St. John Latrynes, he is quytt of all Sins, and of all penance, with that, that he be penitent for his sins.  
blessed is the mother that beareth the child that heareth mass on Saterdays at St. John Latrynes, for he deliveryth all them that he desireth out of Purgatory, too the nombre of lxxvij Soles.  
Item, Upon the tour of the Chirch standeth a double cross that was made of the sword that St. John was beheaded with, and at every time that a man beholdith that cross he hath fourteen M year of pardon, and as many karyns of all penance.  
And at the hyh altar ye have remishyon of all Sins, and of all penance, and innumerable pardon more than he needeth for himself.  
There is the grave that saint John laid himself in when he had said mass, and then come a  light over the grave, and when that light was gone, then fund they nooting there but hevinly bred. In that grave cometh every good Friday in the night the holy cream and oil, and he that putteth therein his head hath CM year of pardon, and as many karyns.  
And behind the hyh altar standeth a cheyr that God sat in, and who that sitteth therein has the thread part of all his sins released.  
And who that visiteth all the oder altars hath at each altar xliiij C year of pardon, and as many karynes: and on the one side of the Chirch there is a Sacrifice that is at saint John Baptist's altar, and there is the table that our Lord eat at upon Maundy Thurresday. And also the Tables of stone with the X Commandments that our Lord gave to Moses on the mount of Sinai: And there is a iiij Square of the v borly lofes, and of the two fish, and also there is our Lady's keverchef.  
Item, In the same Chirch on the hyh altar been the bodies of saint Peter, and Poule, and the head of Zachary the Prophet, Fader of saint John the Baptist, with dyvers oder reliqies.  
Item, In the same Chirchyard standeth a Chapel that is called Sanctum Sanctorum, there is the face of our Lord, there ye have xiij M year of pardon.  
When the Emperor Constantine was Crystened, he spoke thus to Pope Sylvester: In that I have given my house to the worship of God, grant you mekely his grace to all them that willingly come to this town: Then answered Pope Sylvester, Our Lord Jhesu christ, that by his  mercy hath purged you of your  lazary, he might purge all them that visit this Chirch of all her sin, and all oder penance.  
He that wool not believe this may go to saint Latrynes before the choir door, and there he may see in Marbill all that is written here.  
From saint John 's day till Scrovetyde all this pardon is doubled, and fro Scrovetyde to Ester the pardon is threefold double: blessed is he that may deserve to have this pardon. And in the same Chapel abovesaid may come no weemen.  
Item, About that Chapel on the left side there are steppis which sometime ware at Jherusalem, and who so goeth up though steppis on his knees, he deliveryth one sole out of Purgatory.  
Item, In the Chirch of saint Eustace ye may have relese and pardon of all sin.  
And he that is shreven and repentant of his sin he hath a M year pardon, and as many karyns.  
Then follow the Indulgences granted unto other lower Churches in Rome, but by these specified, you may judge of all the rest. And then the Relater, according to his promise, proceeds to tell the Reader what a Karyne is.  
A Karyne, (saith he) is to go Wulward seven year: Item, 
Karyne.  To fasten bred and water the Friday seven year: Item, In seven year not to sleep one night where he slepeth one oder. Item, in seven year not to come under one covered place, but if it be to here mass in the Chirch door or porch: Item, In seven year not to eat ne drink out of no vessel, but in the same he made his avow in. Item, 
Capiat qui Capere potest.  he that fulfilleth all thes poyntiss seven year during, doth and wineth a Karyne, that is to say, a Lentdum.  
And thus may a man have at Rome (as he concludes)  pardon, and soul health: blessed been all thoose pepull, and in good time born, that resseveth all these graces, and well keepeth them. Of the which pardon and grace, our Lord Jhesu Chrest moat grant to all good christian men. Amen.  
And thus, with the proposal, and belief of these heavenly advantages, men, women, and Children, of all qualities, were continually drawn, and enticed to Rome, at their great charges, and expenses, to partake of these transcendent graces. But to show the Pope's charity, and liberality in these gracious Indulgences, we must know that they were granted also to many Churches, and Altars within this Kingdom, like cummin Seeds, most commonly depensiled upon the walls.  
Against an Altar, thus:  
Si quis Missam ad hoc Altare fieri curabit, 
Wever Fun. Mon. 121.  plenariam peccatorum remissionem consequetur. Si vero pro defuncti alicujus anima ad idem Altare legatur Missa, statim in ipso actu & celebratione missae anima defuncti ex Purgatorio in coelum ascendet, & servabitur. Nihil Certius.  
But these home Indulgences were never esteemed so powerful, and effectual, as those which were far fetched, and dear bought. And the profit accrueing to the Popes, and Court of Rome, by virtue of these, was excessive great, and always, since their first contrivance, esteemed one of the Cardinal supports of the revenues of that See. And for the improvement thereof, these Romish Indulgences were sometimes made Itinerant, and sent abroad into other Countries, under the managery of Commissioners, to be delivered out, and dispensed for money, to such as could not travel to Rome for them: (of which more anon, when we come to the Jubiles.)  
Thus Pope Leo the Tenth, 
Hist. of Counc. of Tient lib. 1. sect. 13.  a man very liberal in rewarding his kindred, and Courtiers, when some other fountains were dried up, whence riches used to be drawn out of other Nations to the Court of Rome, thought fit to serve himself of that of Indulgences; and sped so well in that project, that he gave to divers persons the Revenues of divers Provinces, reserving something to his own Exchequer: and particularly he gave the Indulgences of Saxony, 
Id. Sect. 16.  and of that arm of Germany which reacheth from thence to the Sea side, to his Sister Magdalen, the wife of Franceschetto Cibo, bastard Son of Pope Innocent the eighth, in recompense of the charges which the family of Cibo were at, when he retired himself to them at Genoa under Alexander the sixth.  
And hence it was, 
Id. Sect. 27.  that Franciscus Soderinus, Cardinal of Praeneste, called Cardinal Volterra, told Pope Adrian the sixth, That no Reformation could be made, that would not notably diminish the Rents of the Church, which having four fountains, one Temporal, viz. the Rents of the Ecclesiastical Estate: the other three spiritual, viz. Indulgences, Dispensations, and Collations of Benefices; none of them could be stopped, but that one quarter of the Revenues would be cut off.  
The Exemplification of the Holy Pardons at Rome before, acquaints us how those graces were, and are there delivered out by wholesale, and in gross sums: but there were some men that thought it surer to purchase them, as it were, by retail: and others again thought they were not sure enough without they had them under hand, and seal, and the Pope's general warranty to them: thus,  
Sir Gerard Braybroke Kt. and Elizabeth his Wife, about the year 1400, were buried in St. 
W. Dugdale Hist. of S. Paul's Cathed. fc. 45.  Paul's Church in London: and in the year M DC VIII. the bones of Sir Gerard lying in a Coffin of Lead, cased with wood, were digged up, at the East end of the South Isle, siding the Quire, and with them an Indulgence from Pope Boniface the 9 which being esteemed by the purchasers thereof, without doubt, of great value, we will here exhibit a true transcript of the same.   

Indulgentia Domino Gerardo Braybroke militi, & Dominae Elizabethae uxori ejus, per Bonifacium Pontificem Rom. ejus nomine nonum concessa.  
BOnifacius Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, dilecto filio nobili viro Gerardo Braybrok juniori Militi: & dilectae in Christo filiae, nobili mulieri Elizabethae ejus uxori, Lincolniensis Dioeoesis, Salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Provenit ex vestrae devotionis affectu, quo nos & Romanam Ecclesiam reveremini, ut petitiones vestras, illas praesertim quae animarum vestrarum salutem respiciunt, ad exauditionis gratiam admittamus. Hinc est, quod nos vestris supplicationibus inclinati, ut Confessor, quem quilibet vestrum duxerit eligendum omnium peccatorum vestrorum, de quibus corde contriti, & ore confessi fueritis, semel tantum in mortis articulo, plenam remissionem vobis in sinceritate fidei Apostolicae S. Rom. Ecclesiae, ac obedientia, & devotione nostra, vel successorum nostrorum Rom. Pontificum canonice intrantium, persistentibus, authoritate Apostolica concedere valeat devotioni vestrae, tenore praesentium, Indulgemus. Sic tamen, quod idem Confessor, de hiis de quibus fuerit alteri satisfactio impendenda, eam vobis per vos, si supervixeritis, vel per haeredes vestros, si tunc forte transieritis, faciendum injungat: quam vos vel illi facere teneamini, ut praeferatur. Et ne vos (quod absit) propter hujusmodi gratiam reddamini procliviores ad illicita in posterum committenda, nolumus, quod si ex confidentia remissionis hujusmodi forte aliqua commiseritis, quo-ad illa praedicta remissio vobis nullatenus suffragetur. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc Paginam nostrae concessionis & voluntatis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus, se noverit incursurum. Dat. Romae, apud S. Petrum, Nonas Julii, Pontificatus nostri anno secundo, & Anno Domini MCCCXC.  
A little further to show the power, and virtue of these Indulgences, to draw the People's money, and I think the best effect of these piae frauds, we may note, how by means thereof many of our Churches, and religious houses, were, from time to time, built, and repaired: As the Abbey, and Church of Crowland by the relation of Petrus Blessensis, 
Camb. Brit. in Lincol●sh.  in the time of K. Hen. 2. by an Indulgence for the third part of Penance enjoined for sins committed, to all that helped forward the work. 
W. Dugdale Hist. of St. Paul's Cath. foe 11, 12.  And, to instance in no more but the Cathedral of St. Paul's in London, a multitude of Letters are avowed by Mr. Dugdale to have been by him seen, and read, by which Indulgences, extending to certain numbers of days, for penance was granted to all such as, being contrite, and confessed, should afford their help to so good a work: particularly,  
Hugh Foliot, 
An. D. 1228.  Bishop of Hereford, granted an Indulgence for 20 days penance, to be in force for seven years.  
Richard Wethershed Archb. 
An. D. 1230.  for 40 days penance.  
Henry Archb. 
An. D. 1235.  of Colen in Germany, granted for the same purpose relaxation of 50 days penance.  
Afterwards, in the reign of K. Hen. 3. these several Indulgences were granted, viz.  
Edmund Archb. of Cant. for 20 days penance.  

Walter Archb. of York for 40.  
Joscelin Bishop of Bath. 38.  
Walter Bishop of Carl. for 40.  
Rich. Bishop of Rochester. 40.  
Hugh Bishop of Cou. and Lichf. 30.  
William Bishop of Norwich. 20.   
Cum multis aliis, etc.  
Afterwards, 
An. D. 1244.  in the year 1244 comes an Indulgence from Walter Bish. of Norwich, extending to those which should either, for devotions' sake visit the Tomb of Roger Niger, or give assistance unto the work. As also some time after, 
An. D. 1252.  another for the like purpose, from Richard Bishop of Exeter.  
In the same year, Pope Innocent the 3. sent out a Pardon for 40 days penance, to all such as should assist to carry on the work.  
But, in the year following, Laurence Bish. of Rochester, in his Indulgence, adds the visiting of the said Tomb of Roger Niger.  
To these succeed the Indulgences of 

Boniface Archbishop of Cant. for 40 days.  
John Bishop of Landaff for 20 days.  
William Bishop of Sarum for 20 days.    
Afterwards, the fruits of these being found, a multitude of Letters hortatory were issued out by several Bishops, with Indulgences, as aforesaid, for the same purpose, viz by 

Fouk Basset Bishop of Lond.  
Richard Bishop of Lincoln.  
Giles Bishop of Salisbury.  
John Bishop of Winchester.  
Walter Bishop of Salisbury.  
Robert Bishop of Durham.  
Godfrey Bishop of Worcester.  
Thomas Bishop of Hereford.    
And after all this, 
An. D. 1281.  within a few years, another Letter hortatory issued out by John Archb. of Cant. affording the same number of days, for Indulgence, as the other Bishops had done. The like from William Bishop of Norwich. And some time after that the like from John Bishop of Norwich, 
An. D. 1283.  and Roger Bish. of Salisbury.  
After which, one Simon, a Cardinal of Rome gave one hundred days release to all such as should give to the repair of the whole fabric.  
With these came also contributions from Ireland, which began An. D. 1237. and continued several years, granted by 

Christian Bishop of Emely, for 20 days.  
William Bishop of Leghlin, for 30 days.  
Gilbert Bishop of Imely, for 21 days.  
Isaac Bishop of Killalow, for 8 days.  
William Bishop of Conor, for 40 days.  
Thomas Bishop of Elfin, for 40 days.  
David Bishop of Cashall, for 40 days.  
Thomas Bishop of Down, for 40 days.    
And, to shut up the bead-roll, there came only one from Scotland, viz. from Albinus Bishop of Brechin, whose Indulgence reached but ten days: but then of such extent, that it included all persons, who for devotion sake, should visit the Altars of St. Edmund, Archbishop of Cant. and St. Edward the King, situate in that Cathedral, and there either pray for the soul of the Lady Isabel de 
* Daughter to william King of Scotland, and wise to Rob 〈◊〉 Brus of Amandal●  Brus,. or give something to the Fabric.  
Thus you see how that in several times, and ages, several Bishops practised this power of granting of Indulgences; but that practice being experimented derogatory, and prejudicial to the Supremacy of Rome, an Act of resumption passed in that Court, and the power of granting Indulgences reduced, and fixed where they took their first rise.  
Now, to what sum, or sums, the moneys raised by Indulgences, and appropriated to Rome, amounted to, we may well conceive them to exceed all account; when as once in the Switzer's Country, 
Hist of Counc● of Trent. lib. 1 sect. 27.  a scanty and barren place to England, there was at one time raked up, by these Indulgences, managed by one Friar Samson of Milan, no less than One hundred and twenty thousand Crowns. And the Contemplation of their efficacy for that purpose, made one once say, That the Pope could never want money, so long as he could hold a pen in his hand; and one of the Popes themselves thus profanely to boast, Quantas nobis divitias comparavit haec fabula Christi! but no more of that.  
Lastly, for the Authority, and validity of these Indulgences, I gave you before the Opinion of a Romanist, I will now conclude with this of a Protestant, viz. That these Indulgences have no foundation, either in Antiquity, in Reason, or in Scripture: Not in Antiquity, in regard they began but about 400 years ago: Not in Reason, 
Vid. Chemnit. Examen de Indulg. ap. 4.  for how can one mere man satisfy for another, dispense with another, to another, and by another? Not in Scripture, which says expressly, The blood of Christ which purgeth us from all sin; and, When we have done all we can, we are unprofitable servants.    

CHAP. VIII. Relics, etc.  
Relics, Agnus Dei's, Crosses, Pictures, Beads, Swords, Bracelets, Feathers, Roses, Shoe, Boots, Parings of Nails, Drops of Milk, drops of blood, Hair, Medals, Ashes, Dust, Rags, Chips, Consecrated Wax, and innumerable other hallowed knacks, come next in play: And by these the People were constantly gulled out of their money: For these were daily brought over from Rome, and bartered for Gold, and Silver: a cheat practised, to my knowledge, upon many Devoto's at this day.  
Amongst these commodities, having named the Beads, those precious helps of Romish devotion, and the Virgin Mary being sometimes observed painted with Beads in her hand, some have therefore conceived them to have been of Divine, or Apostolical Institution: 
Polyd. Verg. de In●●●●. rerum. l b. 5. cap. 9  But Polydore Vergil informs me, that Peter the Hermit, about the year 1090. was the first Inventor of them, to be as trammels to hold their Offices, and Devotion, to a right pace: At first (says he) they were made of wood; but, Hodie (says he again) tantus honor calculis accessit, ut non modo ex ligno, succino, & corallio, sed ex auro, argentoque fiant, sintque mulieribus instar ornamenti, & hypocritis praecipui fucosae bonitatis instrumenti; that is, At this day Beads are in such esteem, that they are not only made of Wood, Amber, and Coral, but also of Gold, and Silver, used by Women as Ornaments; and by Hypocrites as instruments of feigned devotion.  
Then, for these, and all the other precious things before mentioned, such virtue was imputed to them, that scarce any that had money, would stick to give the rates set upon them: especially when it was given out, and believed, they had power, and virtue, to fortify against Temptations: infuse, and strengthen grace: fright, and drive away the Devil, and all evil spirits: alloy winds, and tempests: purify the air: secure from thunder, and lightning: stop all raging infections, and contagions; and be as panpharmacons against all diseases: with a multitude more benefits, and advantages which they brought to the possessors of them: All which, I say, being considered, who would be without such precious things, when they might be had for money? Besides, it always was (as was but reasonable) in the Pope's power, to set his own price upon his own commodities, as best knowing the virtue, and value of them. And then such hallowed things, the dearer they were, the better, and more virtual they were esteemed; like Tobacco, and such other fantastical commodities, that take their estimation amongst the fond, ignorant, and undiscerning, far more from their high price, than their intrinsic worth, and value. And, as one specimen of the respect which these Relics, and trifles once had, as also how their esteem fell; 
Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. fo. 377.  there is a pretty story, That upon the dissolution of Monasteries, and Abbeys here, in the time of King H. 8. care was taken, that upon the surrender of any foundation, the debts of the House should be paid. Now so it was, that there had belonged to one of the Monasteries, as part of their treasure, a piece of St. Anthony's finger, covered only with an ounce of Silver; which Relic the House had pawned to one for Forty pounds, who repairing to the Commissioners for his money, and offering to deliver the pledge, they refused to redeem it, as not taking it to be of so much value, and so left the cheated Broker to make the best he could of the forfeiture.  
And besides the price of these Relics, and Wares, at the first hand, many of the more famous sort of them were made daily pick-pockets to multitudes who brought their devotion, and offerings in vows, and pilgrimages to them, when they were kept, and exposed at some famous place. For,  
As these Relics, many of them, were bought up, and engrossed by private persons, so multitudes of them were treasured up, and preserved in Cathedrals, Abbeys, and Religious Houses: And that we may make some estimate of the number, and quality of them, we are here again beholden to Mr. Dagdale, for exhibiting an Inventory of such as were once kept in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul's in London.  
Hae sunt Reliquiae quas Radulfus d'Diceto Decanus Lundoniae contulit S. Paulo. 
W. Dugd. Hist. of S. Paul's. fo. 234.   

De Cultello Domini.  
De Capillis S. Mariae Magdalenae.  
De S. Stephano Papa & Martyre.  
De Osse beati Laurentii Martyris.  
De Pallio aliisque reliquiis S. Martini Turonens. Episcopi.  
De S. Marco, & Marcellina Martyr.  
De S. Victore Martyr.  
De Testa S. Ypoliti Martyris.  
De Baculo S. Martini Turon. Episcopi.  
De S. Oswaldo Rege & Martyr.  
De Stola & pallio S. Maximini.  
De Baculo S. Maximini Treverens. Episcopi.  
De Capite S. Eugenii Martyris.  
Os cujusdam Martyris de sociis S. Mauritii.  
De Sandaliis & Sudario & Casula S. Remaclii.  
De Osse & vestimento S. Walburgae Virgins, & de margaritis armillae ipsius.  
De Osse Alexandri Papae & Martyris.  
De Pulvere reliquiarum.   
Other Relics in the same Church.  
A Vessel of Crystal, with two ribs of St. Laurence in it.  
A Crystal Vessel containing some Relics of St. Swithin, Cosmus, and Damianus, The sepulchre of our Lord, St. Marry, Mount Calvary, and other Relics.  
A Crystal Cup containing the Hairs of the blesled Virgin, and the hand of St. John the Evangelist.  
A Vessel of Crystal holding some of St. Paul's blood.  
A Crystal Vessel containing two pieces of the Head of St. Thomas the Martyr, some of his Hair, and Garment.  
A Crystalline Vessel containing some of the Garments, Milk, and Hair of the blessed Virgin.  
A Vessel of Silver gilt, made like a Cup, containing Relics of SS. Oswald, Alban, and Dunstan.  
A precious Image of St. Paul.  
The Head of St. Athelbert King, and Martyr, in a Silver and gilt Box.  
The cheek of St. Ethelbert Confessor, and Founder of the Church, with four Teeth only remaining in it, in a Silver and gilt Vessel enriched with precious stones.  
A Rib of St. Richard in a Silver Vessel: and another of his Ribs in a Crystal Vessel.  
A Vessel of Jasper, lined with plates of Silver and gilt, containing Relics of SS. Andrew, and Philip Apostles: of Dionys, and Blaze, Martyrs: and some of the wood of St. Andrews Cross.  
A great black Chest of Gilbert Bishop, containing a multitude of Saints Relics.  
Another Chest covered with red Silk, full of Relics of divers Saints.  
A little chest of Copper, full of Saints Relics.  
A Box of Ivory, with Relics of St. Austin, and others.  
A little Ivory Box, with Relics of St. Agnes, and others.  
A Silver gilt Box, with a multitude of Relics in it.  
A Coffer coloured blue, with many Relics in it.  
A certain Lapis de Israel, expressing the Majesty of God, enriched with Silver and many precious stones.  
A curious consecrated Image of the Blessed Virgin, with her Son, holding a Pearl in her right hand, richly adorned.  
The great Arm of St. Melitus, curiously adorned.  
The little Arm of St. Melitus, in a border of Gold.  
The Arm of St. Osith, holding her Head in her hand, adorned very richly.  
The Head of St. Gamaliel.  
Another Arm, with some bones of the 11000 Virgins.  
A Crystallin vessel, containing many Relics of St. Thomas the Martyr.  
Three holy Crosses, with the Images of the Crucifix, St. Marry, and St. John, of Silver gilt.  
A Silver gilt Cross, with the Crucifix, St. Marry, and St. John, having on the top some part of the wood of the Holy Cross.  
Many other curious Crosses, and Crucifixes.  
Many other Coffers, Chests, Boxes, and Vessels, all stuffed with precious Relics, Agnus Dei's, Beads, etc.  
The Rochet of St. Edmund Archbishop of Cant.  
The Relics of St. Apollonia, and a multitude more.  
On the top of the spire was a great Cross, 
Contin. Matt. Westm. in An. 1314.  wherein were many Relics of divers Saints, put there by Gilbert de Segrave Bishop of London, to the intent, that by the glorious merits of those Saints, the Steeple might be preserved from Tempests.  
King Canutus, 
Speed Chron. in Canut.  as our Historians generally say, in his return from Rome, bought at Pavia the Arm of St. Augustin, the great Doctor of the Church, and gave it unto Coventre, for which he paid one hundred Talents of Silver, and one of Gold: though others say it was Egelnotus, 
Hen d'Knighton cod fo. 2318. Godwin in vita Egelnoti.  Archbishop of Canterbury, that bought it, and as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his respect to Earl Leofric, gave it to his City of Coventre. But were it the one, or the other, I find not any abatement in the price; which being so large, it gave it the greater reputation, to draw multitudes, with great expenses, to visit it.  
But the bounty of this K. Canutus appeared most excessive to the Abbey of Hide near Winchester, to which he gave a Cross, 
Cambd. Britt. in Hanshire, fo. 266. Speed in vita Canuti.  so costly for the materials, and curious for the making, that he bestowed as much thereon, as his own years revenue of all England amounted to: But the fate of this Costly Cross, was, that about the reign of K. Henry the sixth, it was burned, with the whole Monastery, by the malice, and practice of Honry de Blois Bishop of Winchester.  
To all these Relics, and hallowed wares, and infinite more ejusdem farinae, wherewith our Abbeys, monasteries, and Cathedrals were furnished, according to the blind, and extravagant devotion of those times, a strange veneration, and esteem was had by the People, until the Reformation made many notable discoveries of the cheats, and delusions wrought in, and by them; as  
Our Lady's Girdle, showed in eleven several places, and her milk in eight. 
Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. fo. 431.   
The Bell of St. Guthlac, and the Felt of St. Thomas of Lancaster, both remedies for the Headache.  
The Penknife, and Boots of St. Thomas of Canterbury, and a piece of his shirt, much reverenced, and confided in by great-bellied women.  
The Coals that roasted St. Laurence.  
Two, or Three Heads of St. Ursula.  
Malchus his Ear. And the parings of St. Edmund's nails.  
The Image of an Angel with one wing, which brought hither the spears head that pierced Christ's side.  
An Image of our Lady, with a Taper in her hand, as burned nine years without wasting, till one forswearing himself thereon, it went out, and was then found to be but a piece of wood.  
Our Lady of Worcester, from which certain veils, and dress being taken away, there appeared the Statue of a Bishop, ten foot high.  
Our Lady of Walsingham, 
Cambd. Brit. in Norfolk. Stow in An. 1538.  the termina of many a costly, but fruitless Pilgrimage.  
The Rood of Grace, at Boxley in Kent, made with divers vices, and wires, to turn the eyes, and move the lips, was showed publicly at Paul's Cross, by John Bishop of Rochester, and there broken, and pulled in pieces, the people laughing at that, which they adored but an hour before. And here it will not be amiss a little further to give you the Legend of this famous H. Rood: which I find this: 
Lambert Peramb. of Kent, in Boxley.  An English Artist being taken Prisoner, in the wars between us and France, and wanting money for his ransom, set his wits on work, to make some famous piece, and having got some materials, he made a curious Rood, the like had never been seen, 
The Rood of Grace at Boxly.  for its gestures, and moving all its Joints, as bowing the head, lifting up its self, rolling the eyes, shaking the hands, knitting the brows, etc. which being finished, he got leave, upon his parol, to bring it into England, to sell, and make money of it for a ransom, and laid it on the back of a Jade, which he drove before him: coming to Rochester, and staying there, to drink, the Jade went forwrds, a way not intended by the Master, and stayed not till he came to Boxly, and running to the Abbey Church door, he made such a knocking, and bouncing against the door with his heels, that at the noise the Abbot, and Monks came, and opened the door, which no sooner done, but the beast rushed in, and ran to a certain pillar, and there stood: whilst the monks were busy in taking off the load, in comes the owner puffing, and sweeting, and satisfying them that the Jade, with his load, was his property, endeavours to lead him out of the Church, but notwithstanding all his beating, and pulling, the resty beast would not stir one inch from the pillar; then he takes off the Image, thinking to carry it away himself, but that would not stir neither, and therefore after much heaving, and lifting to no purpose, they all thought that God had sent, and destined it to that House, like another Palladium, and so the Abbot, and Monks giving the Master his price for it, they set it up just at that pillar, where it stood for many years, doing rare feats, to the enriching of the House, till it was easily removed to Paul's Cross, and there uncased, as you have heard before.  
In the same Church there was also the Image of St. 
S. Rumwald.  Rumwald, which was a very small one, the representation of a Boy-Saint: and the use of this Image was this; If you were minded to have any Benefit by the Rood of Grace, you must be shriven by one of the Monks first, and then by lifting at this St. Rumwald, proof was made whether you were in clean life, as they said, or no; and if you proved to be clean, then was your way made for your offering to be accepted before the holy Rood: If you were not clean, which was known by your not being able to lift that little Image, than you must be confessed again, on presumption you had concealed some foul sins. But then here was the trick on't, the Image being small, hollow, and light, that a Child of seven years old might easily lift it, there was a device to fasten it to a post with a pin of wood, which a Knave standing behind could put in, and out as he list, which pin being put in, the strongest man could not stir it: and then when any person offered bountifully, the pin was pulled out, that he might easily lift it; but to one that proved stingy, the Image would not stir at all: and so, in stead of devotion, this frequently proved great pastime, to see a great lubberly fellow tug, and lift in vain, at that which a Boy, or Girl, had easily took up before him. 
The Blood of Christ at Hales in Glocester-shi.   
Another the like imposture was practised at Hales in Gloucester-shire, where the Blood of Jesus Christ brought from Jerusalem, being kept, as was affirmed, for many ages, had drawn many great offerings to it from remote places: And it was given out, and believed, to have this property; That if a man was in mortal sin, and not absolved, he could not see it; otherwise he might see it very well: Therefore every man that came to see this Miracle, this most precious Blood, confessed himself first to one of the Priests there, and then offering something at the Altar, was directed to a Chapel, where the Miracle was showed; the Priest who confessed him, in the mean time, retiring to the back part of the said Chapel, and putting forth a little Cabinet, or Vessel of Crystal, which being thick on the one side, that nothing could be seen through it, but on the other side thin, and transparent, they used diversely: For if a rich, and devout man entered, they would show him the thick side, till he had paid for as many Masses, and given as large Alms, as they thought fit: After which, to his great consolation, and the assurance of his not being in mortal sin, they turned to him the thin side, where he might see the Blood: And all this at last was discovered to be the Blood of a Duck, every week renewed by the Priests, who to their great gain, kept the secret a long time amongst themselves.  
The curiosity of some possibly may here expect to be gratified, in some memoirs of the once famous Lady of Walsingham; and the notorious Sainted Becket, of the riches of his shrine, the confluence at his Jubilee, with the reverence to his Relics, and memory: But, in pursuance of my design of brevity, I shall refer them to the learned Mr. Cambden, 
Cambd. Brit. in Morfolk. Will. Summer Antiq Cant. fo. 247. etc. Vid. Erasm. Coll. Pereg. Re●. ergo Anatomy of the Nuns at Lisbon. De Schism. lib. 1. fo. 171.  for the first: and the industrious Canterburian Antiquary, for the other; with the assurance they will not fail of satisfaction on the matter: And, for what concerns Becket, I shall only add this, That the English Nuns at Lisbon, in Portugal, do pretend, that they have both the Arms of Thomas Becket; and yet Pope Paul the third in a Bull exemplified by , pitifully complains of the cruelty of K. Hen. 8. for causing all the bones of Becket to be burnt, and the Ashes scattered in the winds; the solemnity thereof recorded in all our Chronicles: and then how his Arms should escape that bonfire, is very strange.  
We will pack, and shut up this show of Relics with this one more memorable: In the reign of K. Edw. 6. the Teeth of St. Apollonia were in great esteem, as conceived effectual to cure the Toothache, and for that purpose were bought by many ignorant people, and carried about with them: this being notified to the King, order was given, that all her Teeth should be brought in to a public officer appointed to receive them, which being done, they filled a Tun therewith: and so the cheat was discovered.  
The consideration of the nature, and use of these Relics, together with the Saints to whom they were affirmed to have belonged, the Miracles, and cures said to be wrought by them; and also the Indulgences, the subject of the last Chapter before; unriddles to me a certain difficulty, which hath puzzled divers to give a satisfactory reason for: And that is, why the live in London were anciently esteemed of so great value and so highly rated in the King's Books, for first Fruits, and Tenths, when it is well known the Tithes, and Church deuce there, are very small, and inconsiderable, compared to the Country Live, whose certain profits, by reason of the predial Tithes, far outstrip those of London. And certainly this was the reason, because every Church in London was furnished either with some famous Saint, some precious Relic, some gracious Indulgences, some wonderful Miracle, or some other pia fraus, whereby, and whereunto, people were continually enticed to be suppliants and visitors, with their vows, and offerings: as at one Church was a Saint celebrated for giving easy travel to big-bellyed women: Another gave safety to Merchants, and Mariners, in their Sea voyages: here was cure for such a disease; and there for another: so that at every Church there was something virtual, and peculiar, to draw customers, and profit to the Priests. And then London being the Metropolis of the Kingdom, unto which people flocked from all quarters, both natives, and strangers, and none but had their Special, and proper designs, griefs, and difficulties, or at least curiosities, for which, if they wanted ease or satisfaction, there, as they were told, they might be sure at one place, or other, to find it. And so the Priests never wanted vent, or customers for their wares; as Mountebanks, Jugglers, Punchinelloes, and such like, with good success, choose to open, and show at Fairs, and at times, and places of the greatest resort, and concourse of people. But then at the Reformation, when all these cheats were detected, and exploded, and the Churches cleared of them, and the Priests reduced unto their standing legal revenues of Tithes, and Church deuce: 
Stat. 37 Hen. 8. cap. 12.  then all those City livings fell so low, that the Parish deuce respectively proved too small to maintain one Priest: And thereupon the King, and State thought good, to make provision by a Decree, confirmed by Act of Parliament, that the Parsons, and Ministers in London-should have a maintenance by the payment of the sum of two shillings and nine pence out of every Twenty shillings Per annum rend of Houses, shops, etc. without which they could not have subsisted. And more lately, 
Stat. 22 & 23 Car. 2.  for the better settlement of the maintenance of the Parsons, Vicars, and Curates in London, an Act of Parliament hath passed since the late dreadful fire, to ascertain the annual revenue, and sums to be raised by every Parish for the maintenance of the Ministers, and how the same is to be assessed, and paid: for which those that are further concerned may consult the Act; whilst we prepare ourselves to go on to the Jubile's, and Pilgrimages, which now call us away.   

CHAP. IX. Jubile's, Pilgrimages.  
JUbile's Pilgrimages, Vows, etc. and confluences to Rome, both at stated, and arbitrary times, upon those accounts, were means to carry vast sums thither out of the Kingdom: the devout Travellers always when they came home, (though many of them happened to drop short) saying as Naomi, after her peregrination, We went out full, but return empty. Whilst others who stayed at home, fearful, or unable to take such long, and perilous journeys, would not be behind in their liberal Donations, Bequests, and Presents; especially when they were persuaded, it was for their soul's health, and to which full hands would contribute as much, as bare feet: For, A Papa undique nunciatum est, 
Antiq. Bri fo. 302.  si Romam Jubilatum veniant, accepturos singulos peccatorum veniam: at his qui aut valetudine, aut negotiis impediti ire non poterant, fecit potestatem vota pecuni● redimendi; as the provision was in that case.  
Here I conceive it will not be impertinent to make a little inquiry into the Original, Use, and Ends of these Jubile's: And for that we must know, 
Platina in vita Bonifac. 8. Polydor. Vergil. de Invent. ●er. lib. 8. cap. 1. Lassels voyage of Italy. part. 2. fo. 38.  that Pope Boniface the Eight, (in some imitation of the Jewish Jubilee) in the year 1300. instituted the first Jubilee, promising remission of all their sins, to all such as should, at Jubilee time, visit the Limina Apostolonum at Rome: Lassels, a modern Traveller, in his voyage of Italy, affirms these Limina Apostolorum to be some steps about the High Altar in St. Peter's Church at Rome. And this Pope Boniface ordained should be observed every hundred year: at which solemnity there was such a confluence of people, that they scarcely could all crowd into the City. After that Clement the Sixth appointed the Jubilee to be celebrated every Fiftieth year, 
An. D. 1350. Platin. in vita ejus. Vid. Chron. Will. Thorn. fo. 2195. Tho. Walfingh. in Ed. 3. fo. 160.  that all men might be in compass to receive the benefit of it; the hundred year Jubilee, like the Ludi Seculares in old Rome, being thought too much out of distance for many that might thirst for the comforts of a Jubilee. But then Pope Sixtus the 4. out of compassion to all those longing souls, appointed the Jubilee to be kept every Five and Twentieth year, 
An. D. 1475.  and began it in the year 1475. But lastly, Pope Alexander the 6. in a strain of Charity beyond all the rest, and to accommodate all that should desire the benefits of a Jubilee, 
Polyd. Vergil. u●supra.  to save the charges, and hazard of journeying to Rome, as also to improve the profit, thought good to make over those graces, by way of exchange, to such as would pay a competent rate, seeing many could not, or would not come so far to fetch them: And in his time the Jubilee falling in the year 1500, being the 16th. year of our King H. 7. he sent one Jasper Pons, 
Lo. Bacon H●st. Hen. 7. fo. 199.  a Spaniard, his Commissioner, over into England: One represented to have been better chosen, than such as went into Germany, on that account, who carried the business with some prudence, and semblance of holiness: insomuch as he levied great sums of money to the Pope's use, and with little scandal at that time: with whom, it was thouht then, the King shared the moneys, although some argument was made to the contrary afterwards, by a Letter which Cardinal Adrian, the King's Pensioner wrote to the King from Rome some years after: for this Cardinal being to persuade the Pope, on the King's behalf, to expedite the Bull of Dispensation for the Marriage between Pr. Henry, and the Lady Katherine, to which the Pope seemed somewhat difficil, he used it as an argument of the King's merit to that See, that he had touched none of those Deniers that Pons had levied in England.  
And now because the proceeding, and managery of this noted Jubilee, as to the rates, and sums, that were paid upon the distribution of the Heavenly Grace (as they called it) in that manner, may give a little light to what was done elsewhere in like case; we will here exemplify the rates thereof, as they were Copied out of an old Roll heretofore in the custody of the late learned Sr. 
Wever Fun. Mon. fo. 165.  Simonds d' Ewes. The Roll contains the Articles of the Bull of the holi Jubilee of full remission and great joy granted to the realm of Englond, Wales, Irelond, and Garnsey, according to the true meaning of our holy Fader: wherein was declared, That the King, with all his progeny, all Archebuschopps, Buschopps, Abbots, Duke's, Earls, Barons, Knygtes, Sqyres, Gentlemen, Yeomen, Cetezins, and all oder christian people, which truly confessed, and contrite, should visit such Chorches as should be assigned by Gaspar Pons, the Holi Fader's Imbassator, and there put into the chest soch sum of money as is here following taxed, shall have the same Indulgence, Pardon, and Grace, with remission of all sin, as if they had gone personally to Rome in the year of Grace, etc. And then, after some preliminary Articles, about ordering of the business, comes this,  

The tax that every man shall put into the chest that wool receyve the great grace of Jubeley.  
FVrst, every man, and woman, what degree, or condition, or state soe'er they be, If he be Archebuschop, Duk, or oder dignity spiritual, or Temporal, having londs to the yearly valour of M M. l. or above, if they will receyve this great Indulgens and Grace of this Jubiley, for themselves, and their wife's, and children not married, shall without disseyt put into the chest ordained for that intent of true and lawful moni, iij l. seven s. viij d.  
Also every man and woman that hath londs and rents to the yearly value of M l. must pay for themselves, and wyfs xl s.  
Item, all those that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of CCCC l. must pay xxuj s. viij d.  
Item, All those that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of CC l. must pay xiij s. iv d.  
Item, All those that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of C l. must pay vi s. viij d.  
Item, All those that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of XL l. must pay ij s. vi d.  
Item, All those that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of XX l. must pay xuj d.  
Item, All men of Religion having londs, etc. to the yearly valour of MM l. must pay for themselves, and their Covent x l.  
Item, Thos that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of M l. must pay for them and their Covent v l. iv s.  
Item, Thos that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of CCCCC l. must pay for them and their Covent iij l. vi s. viij d.  
Item, All those that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of CC l. must pay for them and their Covent xx s.  
Item, Thos that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of XL l. must pay for them and their Covent x s.  
Item, Secular men and women that hath londs, etc. to the yearly valour of XL l. who's movable goods extendyth to M l. must pay for themselves and their wyfs xl s.  
Item, Thos who's goods movable extendyth to CCCC l. must pay for themselves and wyfs vi s. viij d.  
Item, Thos who's goods movable extendyth to CC l. must pay for themselves and wyfs, iij s. iv d.  
Item, Thos who's goods movable be within CC l. and not undre XX l. must pay xij d.  
Item, Thos who's goods movable extendyth not to XX l. shall pay for themselves their wyfs and children as it shall please them of their devotion.  
After all this come certain Articles of the Bull of Dispensation with Simony, Usury, and of goods as be wrongfully keeped, reserved to the Commissary only. Always provided, that the said persons make a composition hereof with the said Commissary, and such moni as they compound for, effectually to pay to the said Commissary.  
It was the Pope's Charity also to impart these Graces, and the benefits of a Jubilee, to all Countries under his Spiritual Jurisdiction, upon such, and the like terms, and conditions; whereby Grace, and Heaven were bought, and sold, as firm as any goods in a Market overt.  
By virtue of all these provisions you see how easy it was at last for all sorts of persons to attain the benefits, and happiness of a Jubilee; where Pardons, and Indulgences might be had as cheap as heart could wish. Nay, who would not scrape, and run, and give all he was worth, at such an opportunity, for so mighty an advantage, as the pardon of all his sins? A far more blessed time this, than that of the Hebrew Jubilee, when only the Bondmen of their own Country were made free, and possessions returned again to their first owners: But here was to be obtained freedom from the bondage of sin, and the Devil; and Livery, and Seisin of an eternal Inheritance in the Heavens. In a belief whereof, there were seen persons of all sorts, sexes, and ages, flocking and crowding to participate of this Holy, and Heavenly Treasure: Old men rejoicing they had lived to see so happy a day; and young men catching at the opportunity, lest they should not live the revolution of another Jubilee: And those that could not go themselves, if they sent but money enough, all was well enough.  
Then, as these Jubile's were celebrated at some stated times; the Pilgrimages were undertaken, and performed daily, and by multitudes, and that upon several accounts: for,  
Pilgrimages were, 
Pilgrimages. Peregrinatio Rel●gionis ergo.  when any person, (either out of Devotion: or by way of Penance: or in performance of some vow, after recovery from some desperate sickness, or some great danger escaped: or to obtain the favour, merits, or intercession of some Saint: or in adoration of some famed Image, or precious Relic: or to supererrogate; to the charitable augmentation of the Church's Treasury: or other like cause:) undertook, and performed a Journey to some Holy place, as to the Holy Land, the Lady of Loretto, St. James of Compostella, but generally, and especially to Rome the Holy; and from thence these Pilgrimages were anciently, 
Romeria. Romipeta.  and often called Romeria, and Pilgrims Romipetae. And when the Pilgrim arrives there, presently he addresses himself to visit the Martyr's Sepulchers: the stately Churches, and Altars: the holy Shrines, and Relics there showed: the most famous mirecles there said to be wrought: and, if possible, to kiss the Pope's Toe; however, to put his head under the foot of the Image of St. 
I●dels Voyage of Italy part 2. fo. 41.  Peter standing in St. Peter's Church there, in token of subjection to his Successor, All which, and much more, being performed, with fitting devotion, and offerings, the poor Pilgrim thinks himself very happy, and his pains, and money well bestowed: whilst the lose Italians scoff at the foolish Tramontano's, as they call them, for making such idle, fruitless, and chargeable expeditions. But when our Pilgrim returns home, he appears, 
Erasm. Coll.  Obsitus conehis imbricatis, stanneis imaginibus oppletus, undique culmeis ornatus torquibus, brachium habet ova serpentum, etc. as Erasmus describes him. But not with one penny of money in his pocket: though seldom, or never without a meager Fanatic looks, a threadbare Coat, some scores to pay, and generally a disease into the bargain: it being a common Proverb at Rome, 
Tritum Romae Adagium, è curia tria report●r●: malam consc eni●m, stomachum languidum. & marsupium inane. Masson. Palmers.  That men ordinarily carry away thence, An ill Conscience, a bad Stomach, and an empty Purse. And which is said to have caused Ven. Bede to make a voluntary misinterpretation of those well known Letters, S. P. Q. R. to import this, Stultus Populus Quaerit Romam.  
Another sort there also was of religious Peregrinators, that travelled the world called Palmers: 
Vid les Antiquit. d●● Ville d● Paris. Per Clau● mali●gr●. fo. 2●●.  and the difference between a Pilgrim, and Palmer was thus; The Pilgrim had some home, or dwelling place, but the Palmer had none. The Pilgrim traveled to some certain designed place, or places, but the Palmer to all. The Pilgrim went at his own charges, but the Palmer prosest wilful poverty, and went upon Alms. The Pilgrim might give over his Profession, and return home, but the Palmer must be constant, till he had obtained the Palm, that is, Victory over all his spiritual Enemies, and Life, by Death; and thence his name Palmer; or else from a staff, or boughs of Palm, which always he carried along with him. Not forgetting his scrip, wherein to put the Alms, and Charities of people.  
The Jubile's being celebrated at Rome, and the Pilgrimages generally made thither, as to the place of the greatest esteemed sanctity, as we have noted before, and as Ven. Beda anciently observed upon this occasion, Romam adire magnae Virtutis aestimabatur; 
Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 23.  there was at all times observed a greater proportion of English to flock thither upon those accounts, than of any other Nation; distance always increasing such kind of devotion: And this hath made me sometimes reflect upon an usual Observation of our Travellers, who describing the Genius, Manners, Customs, and behaviours of the Italians, represent them as mostly symbolising with the English, and far more corresponding than the French, Spaniard, or any other Nation not so distant from us: And therefore I have been apt to think this agreement, or likeness might be wrought, in some measure at least, by that great, and long intercourse, and communication as formerly was used between the Italians, and the English, multitudes of them coming over hither for preferment, and upon several other accounts, as may be collected from divers instances in these Collections; but far greater numbers of ours running thither upon infinite occasions, part whereof we have already touched, and shall note some others in the subsequent periods of our discourses: And the Observation of a late Traveller favours this apprehension very much, who speaking of Rome, 
Travels of Jo. Ray. fo. 368.  The present Romans (saith he) seemed to me, in their houses and furniture, particularly in their Beds and Lodging, in their diet, and in their manners and customs, and in their very pronunciation (so liquid, plain, and distinct) more to symbolise, and agree with us English, than any other people of Italy, which so is, either because we learned of them, or they of us, or both mutually of each other, when there was that great commerce, and intercourse between us and that City for so many years together: But for so much of all this as concerns the interchange of manners, and customs, I leave it to the consideration, and observance of such as have to deal with them; whilst nothing is more certain than that by that communication, and commerce that happened between us, the Italians engrossed most of our wealth, and riches, which is sufficient for the purpose of our present design. And indeed, as the occasions of running, and flocking to Rome were infinite, so many that went thither, never came back again, resolving to lay their bones in that holy ground; and many others overgrown with a longing zeal, would purposely transplant themselves thither, as to the fountain of grace, and then their revenues, and estates must of course be transmitted after them, and spent there.  
Now to show, that the women would not be left at home in these zealous excursions, and to what purpose many of them went, I will be so bold as to give you one Paragraph out of a famous Epistle of advice from Boniface, Archbishop of Mentz, to Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterb. 
Epist. Borifac. A●●h ●●gun●. ad C●●hb. Arch. C●nt. in S. Hen. Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. fo. 241.  which is this,— si prohiberet Synodus & Principes vestri mulieribus & velatis foeminis illud iter & frequentiam quam ad Romanam civitatem veniendo & redeundo faciunt, quia magna ex parte pereunt, paucis remanentibus integris: Perpaucae enim sunt civitates in Longobardia, vel in Francia, aut in Gallia, in quibus non sit adultera vel meretrix generis Anglorum, quod scandalum est, & turpitudo totius Ecclesiae vestrae. I was sorry, I confess, to find this blot upon the reputation of our Country-women on record in such manner; but that downright Boniface did not use to spare the faults of any that came in his way; if not the miscarriages of Princes, 
Vid. Epist. ad Ethelbald. in W. Malmsb. & Spelm, Sup. fo. 136.  and Priests, much less could the notorious misdemeanours of the women miss him, from whom, it seems, many of the Italians may derive their pedigrees; and to that probably, in some measure may be assigned that agreement, and likeness which our Travellers observe between them, and the English, at this day, the communicated tincture being not yet worn out in so many descents.    

CHAP. X. Offerings, Gifts, and Presents.  
OFferings, Gifts, Presents, Bequests, and Legacies, to Saints, their Altars, Shrines, and at Holy Places, amounted to a very great value. We have mentioned before, and shall have occasion to mention more of those many occasions, which many had, or made unto themselves, of running to Rome, upon Appeals, or as Ambassadors, Agents, or otherwise. And few would hope their journeys to prove successful, if they did not visit such famed Holy Places, with suitable Gifts, and offerings: whilst many that stayed at home, would take the opportunity, to send by the hands of others, what they had vowed, or designed for that purpose.  
The proximity, 
Major è Longinquo reverentia.  and commonness of a thing takes off much from the esteem conceived by hear-say, or first sight: Many famous Saints, and Shrines, we had here in England, and they were zealously adored, and presented from Foreigners; whilst the devotion of the English was not satisfied with our home objects; but he was the happy man, that could bestow something at Rome the Holy. And the Italians would laugh at the English, for their bigotry, as they called it, in travelling so far, with such ardent zeal, and liberality, to so little purpose, as they thought; in regard those objects, by reason of their vicinity to them, and experienced inefficacy, were by them contemned: whilst on the contrary, they themselves, in a like strain of Fanatic zeal, or devotion, would run to St. James of Compostella, in Spain; or to our St. Thomas of Canterbury, or further, to show they could be as fond, and liberal in our quarters, as we had been in theirs.  
And hence it was that the Shrines, and Altars, of many Saints became so excessive rich. What vast treasure, in Jewels, Gold, and Silver, 
Stow's Anna's in Hen. 8. W. Summoner Antiquit. of Cant. Erasm. Pereg. Relig. Ergo. Antiq. of Darham. Camb. Britt.  was conferred on our St. Thomas of Canterbury; Cuthbert of Durham; Lady of Walsingham, and multitude more, in our own Country, both by natives, and strangers, our Historians, and others, with admiration testify. So, for the reasons aforesaid, great quantities of our English Gold, Silver, Jewels, etc. were swallowed up in the Treasuries of Saints beyond the Seas, especially in Italy, and at Rome.  
The greatest Treasure, of that nature, thought to be in the world at this day, is at the Lady of Loretto, in Italy, esteemed sufficient, if so employed, to maintain a War against the Turks many years: the same being daily increased by Gifts, and offerings from those who have an esteem to the pretended Sanctity of the place. This Treasury being showed to Strangers, and Travellers, with admiration they behold, the most costly vestments, the hugest, and massiest Plate, the most precious Jewels, with the choicest rarities of Art, the world affords; and for Silver, the plenty of it there makes it of as little esteem, as in the days of Solomon: and all this, for the most part, the Oblations, Gifts, and Presents, of Kings, Princes, Queens, and Nobles of the Romish Religion, of other Countries.  
Now, to show that all the Gifts, Presents, and Bounty did not always run to Rome, and Italy, but that sometimes there were Vestigia pauca retrorsum, we find that sometimes, and on some occasions, the Pope would send, as tokens of his grace, and benediction, some presents hither again, of which we will produce a few instances.  
Pope Alexander the second, 
Speed in vit. Harald.  sent to William the Conqueror (besides a consecrated banner, and an Agnus Dei) one of the hairs of St. Peter.  
King Henry the second, 
Rog. H●veden in Hen. 2. S●eed Chron. Hen. 2.  obtained of Pope Vrban the third, that he might make one Son of his Lord of Ireland, and particularly his Son John: to whom the Pope sent, as a special mark of grace, a Coroner made of Peacock's feathers, woven with gold.  
Pope Julius the second sent to K. Hen. 8. a precious consecrated perfumed Rose of Gold, and constituted W. Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, his Deputy to present it, with fitting ceremonies, as appears by his Letter, or Instrument, for that purpose, preserved amongst our Metropolitical Archives, in these words: 
Cod. Ms. in Regist. principali Archb. Cant. (nuncupato Warham) fo. 26.  Venerabili Fratri Guilielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, Julius Papa Secundus, Salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem. Charissimum in Christo filium nostrum Henricum Angliae Regem illustrem, quem peculiari caritate complectimur, aliquo insigni Apostolico munere in hoc regni sui primordio decorandum putantes, mittimus nunc ad eum Rosam auream Sancto crismate delibutam, & odorifico musco aspersam, nostrisque manibus de more Rom. Pontificum benedictam, quam ei e tuâ fraternitate inter missarum Solemnia per te celebranda, cum ceremoniis in notula alligata contentis, dari volumus cum nostra & Apostolica benedictione. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, Die quinto Aprilis, Anno Millesimo quingentesimo decimo, Pontificatus nostri Septimo.  
In the Irish rebellion, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
Cam●. E●●zab.  the Pope, as a token of favour, sent to Desmond, a principal Leader amongst the Rebels, a gracious Agnus Dei, and a hallowed Ring ●rom his own finger, which Desmond wore about his neck, as a charm, or preservative against all dangers: But his traitorous Confederates being beaten, and dispersed, this pitiful deluded favourite wandered a long time in the woods, and bogs, till at last, almost starved, he was found in a poor Cattage, and notwithstanding his Defensative, had his head cut off by a common Soldier.  
Afterwards, 
Speed Chrone in Eliz●b.  in another rebellion in Ireland, the Pope sent to Tir-Oen, the grand Ringleader, for his encouragement, certain Indulgences, and a precious Plume of Phoenix feathers, for a Trophy of his victories: but they proved but Icarus wings, whereby he soared the higher, to get the more miserable fall.  
Sometimes again, the Pope, 
Bishop Carlton's Remem. cap. 4. fo. 39 Greg. 13.  out of good Husbandry, rewards, or encourageth his Creatures with Titles of Honour; as Thomas Stukley, an Arch Traitor to Queen Elizabeth, was by the Pope Created marquis of Lagen, Earl of Wexford and Caterloghe, Viscount of Morough, and Baron of Rosse, all famous places in Ireland. And it was the Pope's design, if Stukeley's Rebellion had succeeded, 
Boon Companion.  to have made his Son James Boncompagno King of Ireland.   

CHAP. XI. Collections.  
COllections, and Contributions, set on foot, and vigorously promoted for divers purposes, was another means of draining great sums frequently out of the Kingdom. And amongst these, Contributions for relief of the Holy Land, as well for the quantity of the sums, as for the misimployment, were very considerable: but of that, we will note more anon, in a Chapter apart for that purpose. And here we will take notice of some other occasions, for which such Collections were made.  
King John, to gratify the Pope, granted licence, and safe Conduct, to the Friars of the Hospital of St. Mary's, in Rome, to Preach, and make Collections throughout England, for the maintenance of their House, built by the Pope, as appears by his Letters Patents: 
Pat. 15 Johan. m. 7. nu. 20.  Rex omnibus suis fidelibus tam Clericis, quam Laicis, etc. Salutem. Sciatis quod concessimus fratribus Hospitalis S. Mariae in Saxia apud Romam licentiam praedicandi in regno nostro Angliae; & fideli●m eleemosynas caritative petendi & accipiendi ad sustentationem pauperum praedicti Hospitalis, secundum formam privilegii Apostolici quod inde habent. etc. Teste moipso apud Rading 10. Die Decembris Anregni nostri 15.  
In the seventh year of King Edward the first, some counterfeit Friars, 
Bre. Reg. 7 Edw. 1. in Turri Lond. Pro fratribu● S. Antonii.  of the Order of St. Anthony of Vienna, wand'ring abroad, and Collecting Alms throughout England, the King, upon Complaint thereof, issued out his writ for their apprehension.  
The Abbots of the Cistercian, and Praemonstratensian Orders beyond the Seas, 
Bundle. Inq. An. 26 Ed. 1.  imposing subsidies, Aides, and Contributions, on the Monasteries of their Orders in England then under them, whereby much money, wools, and other Commodities were transported out of England, to the great grievance, and mischief of the Kingdom; King Edward the first, issued out writs to all the Sheriffs of England, to inquire of those abuses, and to stop the current of them: As by the said writs still preserved upon Record it doth appear. And afterwards to stop the like exportation of moneys, and Goods, (for they would not be brought totally to give over) the same King, 
Pat. 27 Ed. 1. Pro Abbate de Gerendon.  by his special writ, prohibited all of the Cistercian Order, except one, viz. the Abbot of Gerendon Com. Leic. who was of that Order, to presume to go beyond the Seas on that account.  
So the Abbot of Clunie sending his Proctors into England, to demand and Collect great sums of money from the Monasteries, and Priories of their Order here, and on all Ecclesiastical persons on whom they had conferred Benefices, without the King's licence: the King sent out his Writs, as well to the said Proctors, to inhibit their proceed; as also to the Warden of the Cinque Ports, not to permit any Monk of that Order, or any other Servant, or Messenger to pass the Seas, or carry over any moneys, without his special licence; the writ to the Warden of the 5. Ports was thus: Rex dilecto & fideli suo Roberto de Burghersh Custodi Quinque Portuum suorum, 
Claus. 28 Ed. 1. m. 14.  Salutem. Datum est nobis intelligi quod Abbas Cluniacensis quosdam ex suis Monachis in Angliam specialiter destinavit, ad petendum & levandum, etc. (reciting the occasion at large) Ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod nullum Monachum Ordinis praedicti, vailettum seu alium nuncium quemcunque pecuniam deferentem ad partes transmarinas transire permittatis, sine nostra licentia speciali. Teste Rege apud Blidam, etc.  
The like mandate went out afterwards to the Constable of Dover, 
Claus. 29 Ed. 1. m. 8. dorso.  and Warden of the Cinque Ports, not to permit any Canon, Valet, or other Messenger of the Order of the Praemonstratenses, to carry any moneys, or to pass out of England, without the King's special licence, as was done before for Clunie.  
But yet so prevalent were these begging Friars, by their importunities, and favourers; that the Monastery of Clunie having sustained great losses, and being deeply in debt, as was suggested, the King, notwithstanding his former Prohibitions, was persuaded to grant to the Abbot thereof, and his Agents, to come and collect an Aid, and relief from all the Cells, and Monasteries here subject to that Order, and from all their Tenants within his Dominions, with full protection, and encouragement so to do; 
Cl. 34 Ed. 1. Pro Abbate Cluniacensi.  as by his Patent for that purpose, remaining upon Record, and too long to be here inserted, it doth appear.  
And upon such, and the like occasions, it was that sometimes privately, and at other times openly, and with the King's licence, Collections, and Contributions were fet on foot, and carried on throughout the whole Kingdom, wherein all art, and Rhetoric imaginable was used, by suing, Preaching, and begging, to draw people to unstring, and deposit according to their respective abilities, and inclinations: by which means, the Nation was always kept bare, and poor, whilst the wealth thereof was carried away into foreign parts, and mostly unto the King's Enemies, as appears by many complaints thereof, for that purpose made. Particularly, 
Rot. Parl. An. 8 Ed. 3.  in a Parliament held An. 8 Ed. 3. a special Petition, and complaint was made by the Commons in that behalf. And afterwards, in several King's reigns, a multitude more to the like effect; as by our Parliamentary Records it doth appear, which for brevity's sake we here omit to specify, referring such as would receive further satisfaction therein, to that excellent Abridgement of the Tower Records, collected by the learned Sir Robert Cotton, and lately printed.  
Cardinal Woolsey at one time had raked up Twelve Barrels full of Gold, 
Speed in H. 8. nu. 77.  and Silver, to serve the Pope in his wars, etc.   

CHAP. XII. Courts.  
Court's, and Jurisdictions of the Pope, both at Rome, and within the Kingdom, drew constantly out of the People's purses incredible Masses of money. For, to these Courts belonged Judges, Officials, Delegates, Referendaries, Commissaries, Dataries, Scribes, Notaries, Proctors, Registers, Summoners, Apparitors, Clarks, Solicitors, and a multitude of other Officers, who all by their places, and practice, grew rich, sent great sums to their chief, the Pope, and helped to beggar the people. In these Courts all causes of Contentions, and Instance, between party and party, as also ex officio, were entertained, and cherished: And the charge, and expense going this way, was so much the worse, in regard of the danger, turmoil, and vexation continually attending those that had to do in these Courts: For by some other ways men were wheadled, and gulled out of their money, to their no small content; but here they were squeezed, racked, and tortured, as long as their purses, or themselves could breathe.  
These Courts, at first were pretended to be instituted for Ecclesiastical Persons, and causes only; But then, at the instance of Ecclesiastical persons, many of the Laics were cited to Rome, to make Answer concerning businesses not at all belonging to the Cognizance of that Court, as matters of Inheritances, Gauges, Pawns, Contracts, etc. And Laics also, upon Oath, or Allegation, that they could not have Justice before their proper Judges, were admitted, and encouraged to bring their Causes to Rome, or out of the King's, into the Pope's Court. And thereupon the Pope's Judges, and Officers spared not to disturb all other places of Judicature, in derogation of the King's authority, excommunicating all that would not obey them.  
And these Courts, as they were managed, became an accumulative charge, and burden to the people: For the right of Patronage belonging to divers Lay, and Ecclesiastical persons, was (under Colour of Prevention, or Provision) by the power and authority of these Courts, usurped by the Pope, his Legates, and Officers, when Benefices were vacant; and then the same usually conferred on Courtiers, Favourites, Italians, and Strangers: And these men dying, either at Rome, or in their way thither, or thence, their Benefices were conferred again, by these Courts, upon others, to the great wrong of the right Patrons. And then great Benefices would not he conferred on worthy persons, or on any other, unless temporary gratuities, and continuing Pensions were first given, and secured out of them to the Courtiers, Dependants, and Officers of the Pope. And in granting these Benefices, many Arts were used to get money under the names of Reservations, Permutations, Surrogations, etc.  
In these Courts also Excommunications were often denounced for trifles, but not taken off without great charge.  
Confirmations of Foundations Ecclesiastical, Religious, and charitable, were here purchased with great sums of money.  
When the Pope had any Aid, or exhibition from the ecclesiastics, here were contrivances that they should be sure to be repaired again by the People.  
All trifling frivolous causes drawn to these Courts, but no dismission without good payment.  
No Public Penance here awarded, without some private sums to be paid.  
Licences for money to keep a feme putein. Money exacted of Monks, and Friars for concubinage, on presumption they had or might have quam pro quo. Farming out Live, and Benefices to poor Vicars, at such high rates, as they were forced to get their money again of the People by Confessions, Anniverssaries, Obits, etc. Burial denied to all that died suddenly, or by chance, on presumption they died in mortal sin, until here some good sum was paid. With infinite other tricks, and devices, to draw money from the people, practised by these Courts, and their Officers, tedious to enumerate, but more intolerable to be born; as may in some measure appear by the Stat. of Praemunire, and Provisors, 
Vid. Coke Pl●cit. Coren. cap. 53. W. Prin Record of King John H. 3 Ed. 1.  pointed at in the former discourse; with the Suits, Attachments, and Prohibitions, for suing for Lay Fees in these Courts, in derogation of the Crown, and impoverishing of the People, exemplified by Mr. Prinne out of the Tower Records.  
To these Courts also the Popes sometimes would be so audacious as to cite even Kings themselves, as claiming Jurisdiction over them. Thus Pope Boniface the eighth, 
Matt. Wes●m. in An. 1301.10.435.  having a Controversy with our King Edw. 1. touching the Realm of Scotland, which the Pope affirmed belonged to the Church of Rome, wrote to the King, That if he pretended any Title to the Realm of Scotland, he should send his Proctors to the Court of Rome, with all his evidences, proofs, and Instruments touching the same, there to have and receive Justice in the premises.  
At another time Pope Innocent the fourth summoned King Henry the third, 
Westm. M●tt. An. 1246. fo. 3●7.  to appear to Answer to one of his Vassals, David by name, and to give him satisfaction, for some wrongs, as he said, he had done him. But, in the first case, the King, by advice of his Lords, and Barons, slighted the citation: and to the other nothing was returned but scoffs, and derision.   

CHAP. XIII. Contributions for the Holy Land.  
COntributions for relief of the poor distressed Christians in the Holy Land, and to carry on the War against the common Enemy of Christendom, were frequently set on foot: 
Sim. Dunel●●. Hist. fo. 249.  And by that means great sums were as often drained out of the Kingdom: but then a small, or no part thereof employed for those purposes. 
Chron. W. Thorn. Coll. 1926. Gervi●s. Dorobern. 1522.  For to this end the Popes often prevailed with Princes to impose on their subjects, and made them the Instruments, on this pretence, to hook money out of their pockets.  
Johannes Ferentinus was sent hither from the Pope about that matter An. D. 1206. and sped so well in his negotiation, and carried such a great quantity of money away with him, that King John wrote to the Pope the next year, 
Matr. Paris in An. 1206. fo. 214.  Quod uberiores sibi fructus proveniant de regno Angliae, quam de omnibus regionibus citra Alps, etc. That the Pope had greater profits out of England, than all other countries' on this side the Alps, etc. Nay and these Levys were continued sometimes for six years together, as Thorn notes: 
Thorn ut supr.  wherein the Kings themselves were wont to promote the business, by being indulged by the Popes to go snips in the gains.  
After the death of Pope Clement the 4th. the See of Rome continued void two years, and ten months, 
Matt. Westm. fo. 352. Contin. Matt. Paris. fo. 976. Tho. Walsingh.  by reason of the great discord, and potent factions amongst the Cardinals: And at last Theobald, the  of Liege, who had been comrade, and fellow-soldier with our King Edw. 1. in the Holy Land, was elected, and took the name of Gregory the 10th. whereupon was made these verses, 

Papatum munus tenet Archidiaconus unus, 
An. D. 1272.   
Quem Patrem Patrum fecit discordia fratrum.   

The Papal Office one Archdeacon takes,  
Whom Father of Father's Brethren's discord makes.    
King Edward the First coming out of the H. Land into England, after the death of his Father King Henry the Third, touched at Rome, where he was nobly entertained, and caressed by his old friend this then Pope Gregory the 10th. and between them it was contrived to raise some great sums in England, under pretence of aid, and secure for the Holy Land: and in pursuance thereof a special Nuntio was sent from the Pope, 
Reimundus.  to compel all Ecclesiastical persons to pay Two years' Dimes: but so it happened, that as the moneys came in, the King, and the Pope's Collectors scrambled for it, but the Pope, as was believed, got the greatest share; and the King wanting for his occasions of state, was forced to borrow several sums of the Collectors, on sufficient security given for repayment, 
Pat. 20 Ed. 1. m. 10.  as by the Bonds, Securities, Counter-bonds, and Acquittances, upon that occasion, still extant amongst the Tower Records, may be seen; and by this token, that at one time the King received of the Pope's Collectors 100000 marks, but not one penny, as I can learn, employed for the use pretended.  
And from this practice of the King, and Popesgoing sharers in these, and other sums, gotten from the People, when discovered, grew that infamous Proverb, 
Matt. Paris in An. 1255. fo. 917.  That the King, and the Pope were the Lion and the Wolf: as, on the like distasted occasion, these Satirical Rhimes had also been made, 

Ecclesiae navis titubat, regni quia clavis  
Errat: 
Flor. Hist. An. 1306.  Rex, Papa, facti sunt unica capa:  
Hoc faciunt, Do, Des, Pilatus hic, alter Herodes.   

The Church's ship in safety cannot home pass,  
When the chief Pilot once mistakes his Compass:  
When King, and Pope are given both to plundering,  
One Pilate proves, the other Herod thundering.    
Which trick, of sharing with the Popes, 
Arnold. Ferron. de reb. Gall.  was learned by the French Kings, of ours: but some of them grew so cunning at last, as to put all that was raised that way into their own Pockets, and so outshot the Pope in his own Bow.   

CHAP. XIV. Croisadoes.  
Croisadoes, and vowed expeditions to the Holy Land, and against Turks, and Infidels, dispensed withal, or commuted, was another trick of the like nature, and oftentimes brought great sums into the Pope's Exchequer.  
For it being observed that the Turks ever warred against the Christians with great alacrity, 
S. Hen. blunt's voyage into the Levan●.  upon a belief, that if they were killed, ipso facto, they went into Mahomet's Paradise: The Pope, to beat the Turk at his own Weapon, would oftentimes publish a Croisado, that is, invite persons to undertake expeditions against the Infidels, upon promise of pardon of all their sins; 
Gapitula apud Gaitintun. Chron Gervas'. foe 1522. Temp. Hen. 2. Speln. Concil. Tom. 2. fo. 117. Rad. de Diceto Coll. 707.  Quicunque Clericus, vel Laicus, crucem acceperit, ab omnibus peccatis suis, auctoritate Dei, & beatorum Apost. Petri & Pauli, & summi Pontificis, liberatus est, & absolutus, as was declared in one of our Councils. Upon which multitudes of all sorts, as Kings, Nobles, and Common people, according to the zeal, and persuasion of those times, would vow to go, and list themselves for the Holy War, and in token thereof continually afterwards wore upon their Backs, 
Crouchbacks.  the sign or badge of a Red Cross, as being to fight against the enemies of Christ's Cross.  
Now the Pope being God's Lieutenant over these Troops, for money would absolve these of their vows, or such of them, as upon second thoughts, desired to stay at home. 
Will. Malm●●. lib. 4. cap. 2.  Frequently would he also divert, and turn their Arms to other uses, as to subdue the Albigenses, Waldenses, and many others of the Pope's private enemies. 
Matt. Paris in An. 1250. fo. 803.  And Matt. Paris tells a story, how once the Pope sold these crossed Pilgrims to others, even for ready money, as the Jews did their Sheep, and their Doves in the Temple. Besides, when some great expedition was in hand, and great contributions made to carry on the War, the Pope must be made the Treasurer; but never gave any account of his disbursements, keeping, or converting all, or most of the money to his own use. Also in absence of Princes upon those expeditions, the Popes, and their Officers, took their full swings, to the enriching themselves, besides many other considerable advantages, and acquists, as by the Histories, and Complaints of Christendom, in that matter, most fully, and at large it doth appear.   

CHAP. XV. Ambassadors, Agents.  
Ambassadors' Leaguer, and Extraordinary, Proctors, and Agents, constantly residing at Rome, with their retinues, and servants, maintained there by our Kings, drew as constantly great sums of money out of the Kingdom. For Rome being the seat of Policy, and the Pope's making themselves concerned, and busy in the affairs of all Princes, these took it, as it was indeed, their interest, to have continually their respective Agents, and Ambassadors there, to solicit for their Master's interest, to oppose contrary Factions, and to gain intelligences.  
And for these, and the like purposes, our Kings always had two, three, or more at a time there: from, and to whom, multitudes of Internuntios, Carrier's, and Messengers, were continually posting, and running, with Letters, Instructions, and Dispatches; all occasioning a vast expense. And by these it was, 
● Ninotismo d● Roma.  that the Popes were courted, and caressed; their Nephews, Cardinal Patrons, and Favourites bribed, and presented: For the Popes are never without their Creatures, and Privadoes, a Caesar Borgia, a Donna Olympia, or some such like, who must be effectually dealt withal, and by them way made to the Pope's ear, and savour; besides Pensions, and Gratuities to servants, and Officers, through whose hands business ran, for expedition, Intelligence, etc.  
One memorable Record testifying all this, with the King's care to transmit moneys to his Ambassadors, for the purposes aforesaid, it will not be amiss here to exhibit, 
Pa●. 8 & 9 Joh. Reg. ●. 5. m. 3.  Rex omnibus Mercatoribus ad quos, etc. Sciatis quod quicunque mutuo tradiderit Hen. Abbati Belli loci, & Thomae de Ardinton, & Amfredo de Dene, nunciis nostris, quos misimus ad curiam Romanam pro negotiis nostris, quingentas marcas: nos ei vel nuncio suo has literas nostras referenti una cum literis praedictorum nunciorum summam illius mutui, eas plene persolvemus: Et ad hoc nos obligamus per nostras has literas patentes. Teste Dom. P. Winton. Episcopo apud Rokingham 20 die Febr. anno regni nostri 8. Et injunctum est Thomae de Ardinton, & Amfredo de Dene, qui habent in hac forma quatuor paria chartarum, singulas de D. Marcis, ita quod per totum sunt M M marc. quod nihil inde expendant sicut diligant corpora sua, ante consummationem negocii pro quo remittuntur ad Curiam: Et debent reddere Justice. cartam de M marcis de priore itinere suo, in quo tulerunt chartas de MMM marcis, & non expenderunt per totum nisi M M marcas, vacatis inde 30 Marc. de uno anno de foedo P. fill. Ric. fratri Dom. Papae: & O. Hannibal 60 Marc. & add dict. termin. cassand. de 50 Marc. Et nepoti Dom. Port. 20 Marc. Et Praeceptum est Justic● quod cartam illam afferat Regi. Et praeceptum est Thomae de Ardinton quod cartam nepotis Dom. Port, quae liberetur antequam nomen inserebatur, afferat, quoniam nomen nesciebatur cum carta scripta fuit. A notable Record this, implying the King's care, and caution in that affair.  
So King Edward the First, sending Franciscus Accursius, and other Messengers to Rome about his Affairs there, issued several Instruments for furnishing them with money; and payment of the annual Pension to his Advocate in Rome; and to a Cardinal at Rome, granted to them, till they could be preferred by him to Benefices, or Offices, of greater value; all preserved to this day, too long to be here transcribed, 
Pat. 6. Ed. 1. m. 6. De D●●●iis Fran. Accursio, & fociis nunciis Regis ad cur. Roma●am.  and of which let this one satisfy, as a specimen of the rest, Rex Orlandino de Podio, & sociis suis mercatoribus de Luk salutem. Mandamus vobis, quod de denariis nostris vel vestris is custodia vestra existentibus habere faciatis dilecto Cierico nostro Domino Francisco Accursio, & sociis suis nunciis nostris ad curiam Romanam proficiscentibus, rationabiles expensas suas quibus indigent in cundo, ibidem morando, & redeundo, ad expeditionem negotiorum praedictorum. Et cum sciverime● quantum eis liberaveritis, nos debitam allocationem seu quietanciam vobis inde habere faciemus. Teste Rege apud Shetwik xvij. die Sept.  
Many other transcripts, 
Chart. 1 John nu. 12. Claus. 10 Hen. 3. m. 1. dors. Pat. 52 Hen. 3. nu. 15. Pro R.S. Angeli Diacon. Cardinal. Claus. 9 Ed. 1.  and Instruments of like nature might here be produced, as likewise promises, and assurances of gratuities, and annual pensions to Cardinals, and others, to engage them to promote the King's businesses in the Court of Rome. And in one year only King Edw. 1. sent Letters, and Addresses, with competent sums, and arrears of Pensions to no fewer than seventeen Cardinals, and Officers in the Court of Rome, to engage them to attend, and promote his affairs there.  
By these Ambassadors, and Agents the King's gratuities, and bounty, was handed to the Popes, upon several occasions: 
Lo. Herb. Hist. fo. 211.  as King Henry the Eighth, in the year 1526. sent to Pope Clement the seventh being in some distress, 
Holinshead in H●n. 8.  Thirty Thousand Ducats for a Present. At another time, in the same King's reign, the Pope being under restraint, and want, by the Emperor's means, the Cardinal of York carried at one time out of the Kingdom 240000 l. of the King's Treasure, 
Speed in H. 8.  to work his delivery.  
The last public Ambassador sent hence, and residing at Rome, was Sir Edward Carne, Doctor of the Civil Law, Knighted by the Emp. Charles the Fifth: who lay Leaguer there several years, and there died about the beginning of the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and ever since that way of negotiation, and expense, to the great ease of the Exchequer, hath ceased.   

CHAP. XVI. Strangers Beneficed.  
ANother way of draining infinite sums out of this Kingdom, to Rome, and Italy, was the conferring of Bishoprics, and all sorts of Ecclesiastical Benefices, Offices, and Promotions, upon Strangers, and chief Italians.  
These constantly residing at Rome, and in Italy, had their Farmers, Factors, and Agents here, to Collect their Rents, and Revenues, and transmit the same to Rome, to be received, and spent there.  
In the year 1253. 
Matt. Paris in An. 1253.  an Inquisition was taken of this, whereby it appeared, that the Ecclesiastical Revenues in England, of the Italians (whereof many were Boys, more Dunces, but all Aliens) did amount to no less than Threescore and ten thousand Marks per annum: esteemed a greater revenue, at that time, than that of the King: which occasioned the sharp Letter of Rob. Grosthead to the Pope, about that grievance, with the Pope's disdainful reception of the same, at large related by Mat. Paris, and of which more hereafter.  
At a Parliament held An. 1379. 
Rot. Parl. An. 3 Ric. 2.  a great complaint was made of foreigners holding Ecclesiastical Benefices: many Cardinals at Rome having the best Promotions, and Live conferred on them, or granted to hold in Commendam, 
Acts & Mon. Tom. 1. f. 389.  of which there are Catalogues yet extant. And of this many mischiefs did ensue; As little or no Divine Service, or Instruction of the People: No Hospitality kept, for relief of the Poor: Decay of Houses, and increase of Barbarism; so that between the Italian Hospitality, which none could ever see, and a little Latin Service, which few, or none could understand; the poor English were ill fed, but worse taught: And lastly the exhausting the wealth of the land, to the impoverishing of the People, and weakening of the King, and Kingdom, in case of invasion, or any attempts against them. But how all this was then resented, you shall hear more anon.  
Memorable is it, that in the reigns of King Hen. 7. and King Hen. 8. the Bishopric of Worcester had four Italians successively, of which none ever lived there.  
Johannes Gigles, or de Liliis, 
Go●w. de P●aeful. Angl. in W●g●●n.  born at Luca.  
Sylvester Gigles, his Nephew, succeeded.  
Julius Medici's, a Cardinal of Rome, Nephew to Pope Leo the tenth, and afterwards Pope himself by the name of Clement the seventh.  
Hieronymus de Nugutiis, upon the resignation of Jul. Medici's, enjoyed it many years.  
And such prevalence had the Popes, and Cardinals in this matter, that once King Edw. 1. having promised the Cardinal-Bishop of Sabine, at his instance, to present one Nivianus, an Italian, his Chamberlain, to a Benefice in Licolnshire, then in his gift by the death of another Italian the Pope's Chaplain, and forgetting his promise, presented his own Clerk thereunto; but being reminded thereof, to make good his promse, 
P●t. 5 E. 1. m. 16. De praesemation: pro M Aptonio de Niviano  he revoked his first Presentation, and Presented Nivianus to it, as appears by his Patent for that purpose, still preserved amongst our Records.  
At such time as Rubeus, 
Mar. Paris in An. 1240. fo. 540  and Ruffinus, two of the Pope's Factors, were very busy here in England in Collecting money for the Pope, one Mumelinus comes from Rome, with Four and twenty Italians, with orders that they should be admitted to so many of the best Benefices that should next fall void. 
M●●t. P●j●● codem anno.  And in the same year it was, that the Pope made agreement with the People of Rome, that if they would effectually aid him against Frederick the Emperor, their Children should be put into all the vacant Benefices in England: And thereupon order was sent to Edmund Archbishop of Cant. the Bishops of Lincoln, and Salisbury, that Provision should be made for Three hundred Romans Children, to be served of the next Benefices that should fall; unde stupor magnus corda haec audientium occupavit; timebaturque quod in abyssum desperationis, talia audiens mergeretur, as the Historian hath it: But this made such an impression upon the Archbishop, being a tender man, to see the Church in that manner wounded, and so much evil in his days, that he disposed of his affairs, and retired into France, where for a little while he lived, 
Godw. in vita ejus.  bewailing the deplorable state of his Country, and of grief died at Pontiniac.   

CHAP. XVII. Priories-Alien.  
PRiories-Alien were another cause, or means of carrying great sums, for a long time, out of the Kingdom. And these were of this Original, viz. according to the devotion of the times, many foreign Monasteries and Religious Houses were endowed with possessions here in England: and then the Monks beyond Sea, partly to propagate more of their own Rule, and Order, and partly to place Stewards, as it were, to transmit a good proportion of the Rents, and profits of these their new acquired possessions, at so great a distance, would either by themselves, or the assistance of others, build a Cell, or competent and convenient reception, for some small Covent, to which they sent over, from time to time, such numbers as they thought fit, and constituted Priors over them successively, as occasion required: and thereupon they were called Priories-Aliens, because they were Cells to some Monasteries beyond the Seas. And these Foundations became frequent after the Conquest; So as in the reign of King Edward the third, they were increased to the number of one hundred and ten in England.  
With some proportion, or allowance out of the revenues of these, the Prior and Monks sent over were maintained, and the residue transmitted to the Houses to which they were allied: to the great damage of the Kingdom, and enriching of strangers.  
In time, the Foundations of these Priories-Alien became very numerous, being spread all over the Kingdom. 
Lamb. Peram. of Kent. Weav. Fun. Mon.  One John Norbury erected two, the one at Greenwich, the other at Lewsham in Kent; both belonging to the Abbey of Gaunt in Flanders.  
At Wolston, in , a Cell, 
W. Dugd. Warw. in Wolston.  or Religious House, was founded, subordinate to the Abbey of St. Peter Super Dinam in France. Another at Monks-Kirby, in the same County, 
Id. fo. 50.  founded by Geoffrey Wirce of Little Britain in France, appropriated to the Monastery of Angiers the principal City of Anjou. And another at Wotton Wawen, in the same County, 
Id. fo. 604.  a Cell of Benedictin Monks, belonging to Conchis in Normandy: of all which Mr. Dugdale hath several remarks of Antiquity.  
At Hinckley, in Leicester-shire, 
Burton Descrip. of Leic. fo. 134.  a Priory of Canon's Aliens was founded by Robert Blanchmains Earl of Leicester, or as some say by Hugh Grandmeisnell Baron of Hinckley, belonging to the Abbey of Lira in Normandy: and this of a very good value.  
Roger de Poitiers founded a cell for Monks-Aliens at Lancaster. 
Cambd. Brit. in Lancast.   
Edward the Confessor, 
Id. in Glocest. fo. 362.  by his Testament assigned the religious place at Deochirst in the County of Gloucester, and the Government thereof, to the Monastery of St. Denis near Paris in France: in this remarkable, that it will be hard to given another instance of such an assignation before the Norman Conquest.  
King Henry the third once gave licence to the Jews, 
Stow Survey in Broadst. Ward. Lindwood Constit. lib. 3. Tit. 20.  at their great charge, to build a Synagogue in London; which when they had finished, he ordered should be dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and then made it a Cell to St. Anthony's in Vienna.  
And near unto Charing-Cross there was another, 
Stow Survey in Westm. fo. 495.  annexed to the Lady of Runciavall in Navarre, in the Diocese of Pampelone, founded in the fifteenth year of King Edward 4.  
At Zion, 
Cambd. in Midd. fo. 420.  in Middlesex, there was anciently a Monastery for Monks-Aliens: Mr. Cambden tells us when they were expulsed, and how it was converted into a Nunnery for Virgins, to the honour of our Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and St. Bridget of Zion.  
But Lindwood tells us, 
Lindwoed l. 3. Tit. 20.  that the Superior House, to which at first it belonged, not mentioned by Mr. Cambden, was at Wastena, in the Kingdom of Sweden, of the Rule of St. Austin.  
But the richest of all for annual revenue, 
Harpsfield Catalogue. A l. Rel. fo. 762.  was that which Yvo Talbois built at Spalding in Lincolnshire, giving it to the Monks of Angiers in France: the yearly revenue whereof was valued at 878 l. 18 s. 3 d. per annum.  
Instances might be made of a multitude more of the like Foundations, all tending to carry money out of the Kingdom, and most commonly to the King's Enemies beyond the Seas. Which mischief being apprehended, 
Rot. Parl. 50 E 3. nu. 128.  and great complaints thereof frequently made in Parliament, these Priories-Alien became oftentimes seized into the King's hands, and the revenues thereof sequestered to the King's use: and then restitutions made, and seizures again, as occasion required; until the fourth year of King Henry the fourth, 
Claus. 4 H●n. 4. nu. 30.  when a new consideration was had in Parliament about these Priories-Alien, and resolved that all should again be seized into the King's hands, excepting those that were Conventual: and thereupon Summons was given to all the said Priors to appear on the Octaves of St. Hillary at Westminster, and to bring with them all their Charters and Evidences, whereby the King and his Council might be satisfied, whether they had been Priories Conventual time out of mind, or not. But notwithstanding this Act, and that the former seizures had been made upon this ground, that by transportation of the revenues belonging to these English Cells, to those Houses in France, whereunto many of them belonged, and were subordinate, the King's Enemies, at such times as he had wars with the French, were assisted: in the Parl. held at Leic. An. 2 Henry the fifth, it being considered, that though a final peace might afterwards be made between England and France, yet the carrying over such great sums of money yearly to those foreign Monasteries, would be much prejudicial to this Kingdom, and the People thereof: there was an Act then made, that all the possessions in England, belonging to the said Priories-Alien, should thenceforth remain to the King, his Heirs, and Successors for ever, excepting such whereof special declaration was then made to the Contrary, 
Rot. Parl. 2 Hen. 5. nu. 9  All intent (says the Act) que divine Services en les lieux avantdictz purront pluis duement estre fait per genti Anglois en temps avenir, que n'ount este fait devant cest heurs en icelles per gents Francois, etc. intimating the mis-imployment of the same. And so from thenceforth our Kings disposed of these Priories-Alien, and all their revenues arising hence, in such manner as they thought most conducible to the good, and ease of themselves, and the People: Which Act of State proved a Praeludium to the dissolution which befell the entire English Monasteries, in the reign of King Henry the eighth.   

CHAP. XVIII. Knight's Templars, and Hospitallers.  
THE Orders of the Knight's Templars, and Hospitallers were also possessed of large revenues, and lands here: a great part of the profits whereof was transported away, and spent out of the Kingdom.  
For the Original, Rule, and nature of these Orders, several have collected, and exhibited them, particularly Mr. Dugdale, 
W. D●gd. Hist. of Warw. fo. 704 An. 1 Ed. 2.  to whom those that would be satisfied therein are referred. For our purpose, let it be sufficient to note, That in the year 1307. by the King's special command, 
Hen. d'Knighton coll. 2531  and a Bull from the Pope, the Templars were generally throughout the Kingdom laid hold on, and cast into prison, and all their possessions seized into the King's hands. 
Th. Walsingh. Hist. fo. 73. An. D. 1311.  The crimes objected against them were very heinous, contained in divers Articles, but whether true, or false we will not now examine. And it was not long after that the whole Order was condemned, and suppressed in a General Council at Vienna, under Pope Clement the fifth, and their possessions given to the Knights Hospitallers: who enjoyed the same here till the 32. year of King Hen. 
Stat. 32 H. 8● cap. 24.  8. when an Act of Parliament was made, reciting, That divers of the King's subjects called Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, abiding beyond the Sea, receiving yearly out of this Realm great sums of money, have unnaturally, and contrary to the duty of their allegiances, substained and maintained the usurped power, and authority of the Bishop of Rome, lately used, and practised within this Realm, he the said Bishop being common Enemy to the King our Sovereign Lord, and this his Realm: and considering, that it were better that the possessions in this Realm belonging to such as adhered to the Bishop of Rome, should be employed, and spent within this Realm, for the defence of the same, than converted to and amongst such unnatural subjects, etc. It was enacted, That the said Corporation of Knights Hospitallers, within his Majesty's Dominions, should be utterly dissolved; and that the King, his Heirs, etc. should have all their Manors, Lands, etc. And so the Kingdom was freed of that mischief, which their transporting so much money yearly out of it had occasioned.  
Queen Mary (a Princess more zealous, than wise, or politic) made some attempt to restore the Convents dissolved by her Father, 
Sand. de Schism. lib. 2. fo. 30●.  and Brother: particularly reinstating the Benedictines at Westminster: The Carthusians at Shone: The Brigetteans at Zion: The Dominicans at Smithfield in London: A sort of Franciscans, heretofore zealous for the legality of her Mother's marriage, at Greenwich: And the Hospitallers of St. John's of Jerusalem in Clarkenwell: But her example was not followed by any of the Nobility, or others, who had incorporated any of the Abbey Lands into their estates; but the Queen restored only what remained in the Crown un-aliened from the same: But yet such a beginning of hers gave a shrewd alarm to all the rest, that they should be attaqued, in convenient time, with some Acts of resumption, which would compel them to refund; and that the rather, because Cardinal Pool, in that Act in this Queen's reign, to secure the Abbey Lands to the then Owners (without a formal passing whereof to quiet at present so many persons concerned, Popery would not so easily have been restored at that time) would not absolve their consciences from restitution; but only made, as it were, a temporary palliate cure, the Church of Rome but suspending that power, which in due time was to be put in execution. But, for our Hospitallers, as I said before, they were, with some others, restored, and placed in their shattered mansion in Clarkenwell, 
Stow. Survey fo. 483.  Sir Thomas Tresham being made the Prior of the Order. But the short reign of that Queen prevented further restitutions: And Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, permitted all things to remain for some time, as she found them; so that at her first Parliament she sent writs to the Lo. Prior Tresham, and Abbot Fecknam, to appear as Barons therein; but they were scarce warm in their Seats, but they, with all the rest of the late restored Orders, were once again dissolved; and the Kingdom's fears of refunding, and resumption, for that time cured, with addition of hope never to be so frighted again.  
As Allies, and Successors to these Knights Templars, and Hospitallers, it will not be amiss something to note of the Knights of Malta. How they were first expulsed out of the Holy Land, and then out of Rhodes, by the Turks; how afterwards they seated at Nice, and Syracuse successively, and at last settled in the Island Malta, where now they are, we refer those that would be satisfied therein to the Historians, and Travellers that have taken notice of them. 
Gro. Sandies Trau. lib. 4. fo. 229. Travels of Jo. Ray. fo. 303.  But we are informed by our late Travellers, That now in the City of Valetta, in Malta, they have Alberges, Halls, or Seminaries of the eight several Nations of the Order, which are the French, Italians, German, English, Provençal, Auvergnois, Castilian, and Arragonian: These Albergs are buildings like Colleges; and the Signior of each Nation is Superior of the Alberg, Grand Prior of his Nation, of the Gran Croce, as they call it, and of the Privy Council of the Great Master. Amongst these there is an Alberg, or an apartment for the English Nation, or rather a piece of ground enclosed, with the foundation of an Alberg, the Walls being not quite reared up. This standing now void, for want of English to stock it, some of the Citizens would have bought the ground, to have built upon: but the Grand Master and Council would not sell it, expecting that one day the English Nation would be reduced again to the Obedience of the Roman Church, and then it would be finished, and replenished with such for whom it was first designed. In the time of Mr. Sand's being there, an Irishman, living in Naples, and receiving a large Pension from the King of Spain, bore the Title of Grand Prior for the English; but who hath since succeeded in that Office, I have not thought it very necessary to inquire. And in like manner, as we are informed, the other dissolved Orders, especially those as were of greatest note, and most richly endowed, still keep up, and continue their Successions, as well as they can, with Rentals, and Particulars of the possessions of their respective Houses, in hopes they will revert once again to their former use.   

CHAP. XIX. Elections of Popes, and Cardinals.  
THE Election, and making of Popes, and Cardinals was another way of carrying great sums frequently out of England to Rome: And that upon this account.  
The Pope being both a spiritual Monarch, and a Temporal Prince, it could not otherwise be, but by that sway which he bore in the Consciences of such as owned his authority, he came to have a great influence over all the State affairs of Christendom, besides his challenging a power to depose Kings, absolve Subjects of their Oaths of Allegiance, dispense with Vows, and Oaths, and dispose of Kingdoms, and States as he pleased: and then the Kings, and States of Europe acting according to their respective rules of State, and Policy, there continually happened a reciprocation, and recurrence of Treaties, Leagues, Alliances, Quarrels, and Wars amongst them: And the Popedom being Elective, all those Princes, and States (amongst whom our Kings had their proper concerns) made it their interest, and utmost endeavour, in a vacancy, to procure the promotion of such a one to that See, as might be favourable, or at least not noxious, to their interests, and designs. And hence all the subtle contrivances, the secret Cabals, sometimes the twisting, and at other times the unravelling of interests, and factions, the canvasing of parties, the buying of votes, the purchasing of intelligence, the bribing of Officers, and any thing, or every thing that money would do, must be set on foot, and carried on with utmost vigour, cost, and pains. At such a time, and occasion Rome becomes thronged with Ambassadors, and Agents, with their Guards, and Retinue, from all quarters, and all at a vast expense, watching, labouring, and sweeting, every one for his Master's business: whilst the roads are pestered with Messengers, Curriers, and Posts, carrying, and recarrying of News, intelligence, and instructions.  
Then, by reason of all this packing, and canvasing, it often happens that the Conclave cannot agree in many months, though generally those Princes who had been most liberal, have had their turns served; and many times again, by reason of the fierce opposition, and difficulties, the Cardinals, not to disgust the contending factions, are fain to pitch upon some heavy, old, overgrown man, who is likely to do neither hurt, nor good, or at least not long, and sometimes again the Conclave becomes so divided, and rend, that one part of them chooses a Pope, and another part an Antipope, and when these (with their partisans) have for some time scuffled, tugged, and fought for't, in comes a third dog, and catches the hare from them both: and sometimes three Popes have been up, and in play at one time. In this hurly-burly St. Peter's chair is overturned, and broke in pieces; one Pope snatches up part of it, and runs into Germany; another scrambles for another part, and runs with it into France; whilst another pieces up the remaining shivers, and seats himself at Rome. Presently the world is filled with complaints, Remonstrances, and Manifesto's: The Emperor storms, and says his man had foul play, and that his Imperial Eagle shall fly his utmost pitch to do him right: The surly Spaniard grumbles, and protests he will hazard all his Indies, before his Creature shall be so baffled: And the French King swears that all his Flowers de Lis shall whither, before his Confident shall be rooted out: neither are our Kings of England only lookers on whilst this game is in playing, but either their Arms, or their money, must be laid to stake on one side.  
In this Battle-Royal, after many encounters, and rencounters, the weakest, though not always the worst, most commonly goes to the Walls: one of them perhaps sent out of the world with a Fig, or a Potion: another entrapped, and thrown into a Dungeon: whilst the third, for a few months, or it may be years, struts up and down, claps his wings, and crows as victor; and then goes himself to the Pot, and leaves the Pit for other Combatants, and the spectators to their expectation of more sport.  
Of this sort Bellarmine reckons up six and twenty schisms in the Roman Church, but Onuphrius, a more exact accountant, 
Onuphr in vita Clem. 7.  reckons up thirty; whereof some lasted ten, some twenty, and one fifty years. The Contemplation whereof hath caused some to make a very shrewd objection, against the perfect unity, complete succession, and Divine Infallibility, so much boasted of in that Church.  
I might, and could easily here make particular instance of all these famous bicker, scuffles, and counterscuffles: but the same being obvious to all that converse with books, 
Dr. Stilling-fleet of the divisions of the Rom. Church.  and something having been lately worthily done to that purpose, and it being a Parergon to the drift of these papers, we will no further engage in these quarrels, than to note, that they were cause, for the reasons aforesaid, of great expense to our English Kings, when they thought it their interest to have a friend seated in the Pontifical chair: and the reason of that Policy now ceasing, we being altogether unconcerned in that affair, the money that used to leak that way, is kept within the Kingdom, to the great ease, quiet, and benefit both of King, and People.  
I will only here take liberty to mention one famous schism, the procedure, and conclusion thereof justifying all that we have before pointed at in this matter. About the year 1404. 
Platina in vitis Innoc. 7 Greg. 12. Alex. 5. Jo 24  Innocent the seventh being Pope; by the prevalence of a Faction, one Petrus de Luna was set up at Avignion, as Antipope against him: between these was great struggling, and holding, till the death of Innocent; but the Faction died not with him, 
Pet●r Moon.  for the Cardinals chose Gregory the twelfth, between whom, and Peter de Luna, who called himself Benedict the thirteenth, the schism continued with great sury, whereby such mischief, and disturbance grew in the world, that to appease the matter there was no other remedy, but to depose them both; which was done in a Council at Pisa; and a third man, Alexander the fifth, chosen in their rooms; the two disbanded, Popes sneaking away to their Friends: But this Alexander soon dying, as not enjoying his dignity above eight months, 
A Neapolitan.  Balthasar Cossa was chosen in his stead, who took the name of John the twenty-fourth, and then the two discarded Popes peep out, and begin to stir again, with many abetters on all sides. To compose all which, (there being now three Popes on foot, at once:) a Council was called at Constance, where all these three were deposed: in which transaction the King of England had a great stroke, as Platina expressly says: but long it was, 
In vita Johan. 24.  and with much ado, before all would submit to Martin the fifth, who was then chosen; Gregory the twelfth died soon of grief upon it: Peter de Luna betakes himself to a strong Castle, and stands upon his guard, and justification, having many friends, and particularly the Scots, as is specially remembered; but all would not do, his party was run down, and he from that time vanished: The third, that is John 24. took his heels, and ran for't, in a disguise, but being discovered, and apprehended by the Count Palatin, he was kept several years a Prisoner, Platina says in the Castle of Heidelberg, 
Camerar. Hist. meditat. l. 4. cap 7.  but Camerarius hath it in the Castle of Mansheim, where, says he, they use to show the Chamber, in which he was imprisoned, and where, at his Exit, he left these verses, of his own making, bewailing the lubricity of fortune, the vanity of the world, and his own Captivity.  

Qui modo summus eram, gaudens & nomine, Praesul,  
Tristis & abjectus nunc mea fata gemo.  
Excelsus Solio nuper versabar in alto,  
Cunctaque gens pedibus oscula prona dabat.  
Nunc ego poenarum fundo devolvor in imo;  
Vultum deformem quemque videre piget.  
Omnibus e terris aurum mihi sponte ferebant,  
Sed nec gaza juvat; nec quis amicus adest.  
Sic varians fortuna vices, adversa secundis  
Subdit, & ambiguo nomine ludit atrox.  
Papa fecit.   

I, who of late enjoyed the highest place,  
Now, all forlorn, bewail my wretched case.  
I lately wore the glorious Triple Crown,  
All kissed my feet with humbly-falling down:  
But now I'm thrown into a pit of woe,  
And my abhorred face dare hardly show.  
From all parts treasure flowed in to me,  
But now, or Gold, or Friend I cannot see.  
Thus Fortune's rolling wheel pursues its scope,  
Sometimes she smiles, and then deludes our hope.  
By the Pope.   

But up his exauctoration, or reducement, one made this Distich,   

Balthasar imprimis vovitabar, & inde Johannes,  
Depositus, rursus Balthasar ipse vocor.   

First Balthasar, and then Pope John I was,  
But now deposed, for Balthasar must pass.   
Neither was all this labouring, tugging, and canvasing, for that supreme dignity of the Popedom only, but proportionably as great endeavours, and expenses were had for the obtaining of the intermediate promotions of Priorys, Abbacies, Bishoprics, and Cardinalships, all being as mediate steps, whereby to mount at last the Pontifical Throne. And this matter of promotion, and preferment, continually carried great sums to Rome, from private and particular persons, who aimed to climb as high as money would carry them; and without that, the greatest merit, or endeavours were but to little purpose. Ambition is rooted in the nature of all men, and scarce ever any took Orders, but he designed to arrive at the highest dignity his Order was capable off: hence all that holding, thrusting, and striving, for all those improveable, and growing preferments here, from the Priest, to the Bishop: and all that appealing, and running to Rome, for Confirmation: and after that, all the solicitations, bribing, and driving of interests for a Cardinalship: and never any rest, till they arrive at St. Peter's Chair, or the Grave.  
In the reign of King Henry the Fifth, 
Sp●ed Chron. in Hen. 5.  what a vast sum of money was amassed by H. Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, of which at one time he lent the King 20000 l. and took his Crown to pawn for it; with part of this he obtained a Cardinalship, but lived not to finish, with the rest, his designed purchase of the Papacy.  
In the reign of King Henry the Eight, 
Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8.  the great, and rich Woolsey was never quiet, but always caressing, and presenting with great sums, sometimes the Emperor, sometimes the K. of France, and at all times some leading Cardinals, for their interest, and favour for his Election to the Popedom; and thereupon, after the death of Pope Leo the tenth, he renews his solicitations to the Emperor, and French King, and sends Doctor Pace, his Agent, with good sums to the Cardinals at Rome: but Adrian the sixth was chosen before the heavy solicitor came to the end of his journey. But then again, after the death of this Adrian, Woolsey puts hard for it again, with all that wooing, entreaty, and money could do; but such an ill Plainer reigned over his projects, that he was gulled of his money, and baffled once again, Julio de Medici, by the name of Clement the seventh, carrying it clear from him: but, a little to comfort our repulsed Cardinal, upon his earnest request, this Pope Clement condescended that the Legantine power, which Adrian before had granted only for five years, and so from five years, to five years, should now be conferred ●on Woolsey for term of life; whereby he might enjoy a kind of Papal authority in England, which he miss at Rome: but this Cordial proved too strong for him to digest, and utterly ruined his constitution, as by the series of his story doth appear.  
And now these mighty endeavours, and expenses for those promotions in the Court, and Church of Rome, to Cardinalships, and the Papacy, makes me conceive it not altogether impertinent here, to make a little enquiry, what Countrymen of ours attained those dignities, and whether the pains and cost expended was answered by the preferment.  
I confess not many of our Countrymen have reached those high dignities of Pope, and Cardinal; though always some or other of them, have been gaping, and aspiring that way; the Pontifical Chair, and the steps to it, having been mostly possessed by Italians, intimated by that noted Observation in Italy itself, That of the Romans, 
Sr. Edw. Sands E●rop. specal. 10.91.  the Priests are the most wicked: And of the Priests, the lewdest are made Cardinals: and of the Cardinals, the worst are chosen Popes: But the most famous that sprung up there of the English growth, of both sorts, take as follows.  
Pope Joan shall lead the dance, 
Pope Joan. Pla●ina in vita J. han. 8. Jo. Bale in vita ejus, Et Godw. Alex. Cook of Pope Jour.  of whom much might be said; but let it suffice here to be known: That all writers agree her to be English by Parentage, though some say she was born at Mentz in Germany, others that she was born in England. When she came to ripe age, she ran away, in man's apparel with a Monk of Fulda, and studied in many famous Academies, both of the Greeks, and Latins, especially Athens, where her Paramour died, and then she came to Rome, where in Disputations, and Scholastic exercises, 
An. Dom. 855.  she got such a fame, that after the death of Leo the fourth she was elected Pope: which office she exercised two years, 
Contulit sacros ordines, promovit Episcopos, ministravit sacramenta, caeteraque Rom. Pont. exercuit munera. Cor. Agrip. de Van. scient. cap. 62. de fact. monast. O Lucina fer opem  five months, and three days, celebrating Mass, giving Orders, and acting, in all things, her part, as a complete Pope, only wanting the Masculine Gender. But so it proved, that in the time of her Papacy she was gotten with Child, and going to the Lateran, between Colossuses, and St. Clement's, she fell in ●●bour, but wanting a Midwife, and other accommodations requisite in that case, she there died: and for the scandal thereof, her successors, in all their Processional pomps, have ever since avoided that way: and to prevent the like to come, the Porphyry Chair was devised, 
Sabellic. lib. 1. Aenead. 9  thus described by Sabellicus, Spectatur adhuc in Pontificia domo, marmorea sella, circa medium inanis, qua novus Pontifex residat, ut sedentis genitalia ab ultimo Diacono attrectentur, A marble Chair, with a hole in the seat, wherein the new Pope fitting, the junior Deacon may handle his Genitals. This story of Pope Joan the modern Pontificians do not like, though related by all these Writers, and who were all Romanists.  

Marianus Scotus.  
Sigebertus Gemblacencis.  
Martinus Polonus.  
Sabellicus Mantuanus.  
Johan. Parisiensis.  
Antoninus Nauclerus.  
Fascic. Temp. Author.  
Fulgosus.  
Theodoric. à Nyem.  
Ravisius Textor.  
Laonicas Chalcondylas.  
Fran. Petrarcha.  
Johannes Boccacius.  
Ranulph. Cestrensis.  
Johan. Lunidus.  
Alph. de Cartagena.  
Jo. Tritemius. Palmerius.  
Valatteranus.  
Canstantin. Phrygio.  
Christ. Masseus.  
Anselm. Rid.  
Supplem. Chron. Author.  
Chronic. Chronicorum.  
Gotefridus Viterbiensis.   
And for them all Platina, the famous writer of the Pope's lives, who tells all the story at large, concluding thus, 
Platina in vita Johan. 8.  Quae ideo ponere breviter & nude institui, ne obstinate nimium & pertinaciter videar omisisse, quod fere omnes affirmant; that is, He would not omit the relation, because almost all men than believed it to be true.  
Nicholas Breakspear, 
Adrian. 4. An. D. 1154.  born at Langley near to St. Alban's, in the County of Hartford, acquired the Popedom, by the name of Adrian the fourth. This man suffered Frederick the Emperor to hold his stirrup as he alighted from his Horse, and then checked him for not showing himself an expert Groom: and after excommunicates him, for standing upon his right, and writing his name before the Popes: but not therewithal sufficiently revenged, and with his Cardinals conspiring to ruin the Emperor, sending a Counterfeit to stab him, and an Arabian to poison him, he was choked with a Fly that got into his Throat; verifying what he used often to say, That none can be more unfortunate than to be made Pope.  
William Grisant, 
Urban 5. An. D. 1362. Tho. Walsingh. Hist. fo. 172.  an Englishman, obtained the Papacy, by the name of urban the fifth. Of this man Thomas Walsingham tells this story, That he waiting long in the Court of Rome for preferment, and none coming, he complained to his friend, that he verily thought in his heart, if all the Churches in the world should fall, yet none would fall upon his head: but when he was Crowned Pope, his friend remembered him of what he had said, and told him he had now gotten on his Head all the Churches in the world. But the virtue of them all could not preserve him from poison, 
Balaeus in vita ejus.  of which he died at Marseils, in his return (as is said) into Italy.  
Geoffrey of Monmouth, 
Geoffrey of Monmouth. Pontic. Virun. Ciacon. Magdeburgens.  the famous Historian, is affirmed by some to have been a Cardinal: But the very learned Bishop Godwin, in the Lives of the Bishops of St. Asaph, of which this Geoffrey was one, much doubts it. I think it not worth the while now to examine the business, or seasonable to animadvert upon the fabulosity of his History: only there comes to mind a story that Roger Hoveden tells of him, 
Rog. Hoved●n pars posterior Hen. 2. fo. 544.  how once he was slurred both of his Bishopric of St. Asaph, and the Abbacy of Abingdon, when he cunningly designed to have held both. The story is thus; In a Council then held, the Clergy of St. Asaph beseeched the Archbishop of Canterbury, that out of the plenitude of his power, he would command Geoffrey their Bishop to return to his Cure, and charge, or send them another in his stead, for that he had withdrawn himself from them; and being come into England, King Henry had given him the Abbacy of Abingdon, than void●● whereupon the Archb. convented Geoffrey before the Council, and enjoined him, either presently to return to his charge, or to resign it, and stand to favour: in hope whereof, he resigns into the hands of the Archbishop, by delivering up his Ring, and Pastoral staff. But the consequence was, that thereby he became stripped of both; for the King presently gave the Bishopric to one Adam a Welshman, and the Abbacy to a certain Monk.  
Boso, 
Boso. An. D. 1155. Balaeus.  an Englishman, was made a Cardinal, of whom nothing is left memorable, but that by his vehement stickling, he proved mainly instrumental in the Election of Alexander the third to the Popedom, against the strong factions of Victor, Innocentius Paschalis, and Calixtus, who all stood for the place; and thereupon came to participate of the alternate fortunes of his Master, in his bicker with the Emperor at that time.  
Stephen Langton was created Cardinal of St. 
Steph. Largton An. D. 1206. Matr. Paris. Antiquit Britt. in Steph. Langt. Godw. in vita.  Chrysogon, and the Archbishopric of Canterbury falling void, by the death of Hubert, the Monks chose Reginald the Subprior, with great secrecy, and enjoined him silence, till he could get his confirmation at Rome. But he being big of his Honour, could not forbear tattling, insomuch as King John then reigning, dealt with the Monks to elect John Grace, Bishop of Norwich: upon which, the two Elects appeal to Rome: but the Pope, to end the strife, put Stephen Langton, his Cardinal, and Creature into the place: whose insolence promoted, if not occasioned, all the mischiefs that happened in that King's time, too large to be here specified, but fully related by all Writers of that time.  
Roger Curson, 
Roger Curson. An. D. 1211. Mart. Paris. Matt. Westm Balaeus. Onuphrius.  about the year 1211. was created Cardinal. Of him I find little amiss, spending the most of his time in the Holy War, until at his return, he came the Pope's Legate into England, as an instrument to promote the intolerable exactions which the Kingdom suffered in the time of King Hen. 3. but he presently vanished, the time, place, or manner of his death, being not now to be retrived.  
Robert Somercot, 
Rob. Somercot. An. D. 1231. Ciaconius. Onuphr. M. Paris.  created Cardinal under Pope Gregory the ninth, is charactered to have been a person of very great merit: and after the death of that Pope, stood fairest for the Election: but the Italian Cardinals resolving to have none but one of their own Country, our Somercot was poisoned in the very Conclave.  
Robert Kilwardby sat six years' Archbishop of Cant. 
R. Kilwardby. A. D. 1278. Godwin in vita ejus.  and then for a Cardinalship relinquished his See; and going into Italy to take possession of his new dignity, within a few months he died, of poison, at Viterbium there. Of this man there is a memorable story, implying the practice of the Popes in making the English money their property, and disposing the same at their pleasure; as also his ingenuity once in shifting himself neatly out of such an encumbrance: 
Antiquit. Brit. in vita Kilw. fo. 189.  William Chillenden the Prior of Canterbury had spent 1300 marks about his Election, but the Pope setting him aside, a little to stop his grumbling, and make him some recompense, promised him that the next Archbishop should pay him 1300 marks, which sum when Chillenden came to demand of Kilwardby being the next comer in, the Archbishop dealt seriously, and plainly with him, and told him, that if he persisted to have the money, he knew privately so much of his irregularity, that he could, and would out him of his Priory: at which Chillenden was so frighted, that he durst make no further demand, and so the Archbishop saved his money.  
Hugo de Evesham, 
Hugo d'Evesh. An. D. 1287.  a famous Physician was dignified with a Cardinalship by Pope Martin the fourth; after whose death, he for his worth, 
Bal. de Script. Brit.  and learning being just at point of being chosen Pope, was poisoned, as Somercot had been before him: to colour which, 
Ciacon.  Ciaconius says he died of the Plague.  
William Macklesfield, 
W. Macklesfield. An. D. 1303.  was made Cardinal by Pope Benedict the eleventh, but he died four months before his Cap came; and therefore when it was brought, it was with great solemnity set upon his Tomb.  
Walter Winterborn, 
W. Winterb. An. D. 1305.  created Cardinal, to succeed Macklesfield, but enjoyed his honour a very few months.  
Thomas Joyce presently succeeds Winterborn: 
Thom. Joyce. Fratres Praedicatores.  these three last were all of the same Order: In the year 1311. this Cardinal returning from his negotiation with the Emperor, 
Godw. in vita Tho. Joyce.  in Sabaudia lethali morbo correptus, vitam terminavit, as our Author hath it.  
Sertor of Wales, 
Sertor Wallens. An. D. 1361.  died in Italy, the fates denying him the honour, in the juncture of time, ante susceptum pileism, as Macklesfield did before.  
Grimoaldus de Grisant, 
Gri. d'Grisant An. D. 1366.  Kinsman of Pope Vrban the fifth and by him created Cardinal, died at Avignion, but how not known.  
Simon Langham, first Bishop of Ely, 
Sim. jangham An. D. 1376. Antiq. Britt. & Godw. in vita.  and thence translated to Canterbury, and at last created a Cardinal: on which account he went to Avignion, and there, as he sat at dinner, was suddenly snatched away by a Paralysis.  
Adam Easton, Cardinal, 
Adam. Easton. An. D. 1385.  siding with some other Cardinals in a great faction between two Anti-popes': seven of his Comrades were sewed up in bags, and thrown into the Sea; whilst this Adam, degraded and tortured, was thrown into a most loathsome dungeon, where he lay starving for five years together: but upon the turn of times was afterwards drawn out, and lived a few years.  
Philip Repingdon, Canon, 
Phil. Reping. An. D. 1408.  and Abbot of Leic. Chancellor of Oxford, Bishop of Lincoln, and at last created Cardinal of St. Nereus, by Pope Gregory the twelfth, 
Acts and Mon. fo. 409.  became upon his promotions so intolerably terrible, and cruel, that he died most hateful, and hated, being towards his latter end generally called Philip Rampington.  
Henry Beaufort, the rich Cardinal, 
H. Beaufort. An. D. 1426.  of whom something before: Notwithstanding all his wealth, died frustrate of the Papacy, and despairing of better enjoyments in another world.  
Christopher Bambridge, 
Chr. Bamb. Godw. in vita P. Jovius.  Archbishop of York, and then Cardinal, Sojourning, and intent on his office, at Rome, was there poisoned by Rivaldus de Modena, a Priest, and one of his domestics.  
Thomas Woolsey, 
Tho. Wolsey. An. D. 1520  a Butcher's son of Ipswich, Archbishop of York, Chancellor of England, 
Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen 8.  Cardinal, and Legat à Latere; whose high spirit not content with all the preferment the world could afford, except the very highest, put him upon wooing, labouring, and bribing, at a vast expense, to obtain the Papacy; in which attempt he received two notable repulses, a Brewer's Son, by name of Adrian the sixth being preferred before him. Thereupon he applies himself to Pope it so in England by virtue of his Legatin power, that he ran himself into a Praemunire, and the displeasure of a terrible, and resolute King; 
Cook 4 Instit. fo. 89.  and many Articles were framed against him, of which this was one, That he was so audacious, as to rown the King in his Ear, and blow upon him, at such time as he had the foul, and contagious disease of the great Pox broken out in several places of his body: but as he was going towards London, under guard, to make Answer to his crimes, in sad apprehension thereof he died heartbroken with grief, or poison, 
Guicciard. Hist. of Italy. fo. 910.  at the Abbey of Leicester. Gui●ciardin hath this note of him, An example in our days worthy of memory, touching the power which Fortune, and envy have in the Courts of Princes. And it was his insolence that made Charles Brandon, the Noble Duke of Suffolk once say, It was never merry in England since we had Cardinals amongst us.  
John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, 
John Fisher. An. D. 1535. Speed Chron. in Hen. 8. Herb. etc.  having made himself obnoxious to the King's Laws, and displeasure, by opposing his Supremacy: the Pope, to secure his life, as conceiving the King would not touch one of such a Character, made him a Cardinal, but the policy failed, and it rather hastened his death, for by that time his Hat was come to Calais, his Head was struck off at Tower-Hill.  
Reginald Pool, 
Regin. Pool. An. D. 1536. Sleidan. C●m. Charles 5.  Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal, being beyond the Seas about the beginning of the Reformation, wrote a Book for the Pope's Supremacy, against the King, and therein incited the Emperor preparing against the Turk, to bend his forces against his natural Sovereign, and native Countrymen, as being worse than Turks: This Book writ by a natural born subject of the King of England, was then adjudged a sufficient overt act, within the Stat. 25. Edward the third, De proditionibus, and therefore High Treason, 
Cook. Pl. Coron. foe 14. Brook Treason Tit. 24. Antiq. Brit. in vita Poli.  and Pool attainted thereupon. But he keeping out of the reach of Justice, after the death of P. Paul the third, was just upon point of being elected Pope, but his own stupidity, 
Act. & Mon. fo. 1774.  with the imputation of incontinency, slurred him of the dignity. In the reign of Queen Mary over he comes, and what he did, both to the Living, and Dead, our Historians abundantly testify; and that the next day after the Queen, died Cardinal Pool. Et sic exit Papismus in Anglia.  
Peter Petow, 
Peter Petow. Cambd. Britt. in Warw.  made Cardinal, and Lega● à Latere, by P. Paul the third, in time of Queen Mary, was coming over in pursuance of his Legatine power: But the wary Queen suspecting he might act something derogatory to her regality, forbade his entrance; which the Cardinal took so to heart, that he died presently after.  
Allen, 
Will. Allen.  the last Cardinal Englishman, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth appears a Herald before the Spanish Armado in 88 and by a Book dispersed over England, stirs up the Nobles, 
Sp. fo. 1177. B. Carlton Remembr. 141.  and People to join with the Spaniard in execution of the Pope's sentence of deposition of the Queen: But all coming to nothing our Cardinal died an exile at Rome. 
An. D. 1594. Godw. in vita.  Bishop Godwin takes farewell of him with this character, He was last of our England Cardinals in time, and worst in wickedness, deserving not to be reckoned amongst Englishmen, as like another Herostratus, to get himself a name, endeavouring to fire the English Church (without envy be it spoke) the noblest in the world; so that his memory deserves oblivion. Et sic exit Cardinalismus.  
Several others are reckoned in the Cataeogues of England Cardinals: but because it is doubtful, whether some of them were English, and others whether ever Cardinals, and little memorable left of most of them; these already mentioned shall suffice to testify, that the Italian promotions were generally more fatal, than fortunate to our Countrymen, and that the pains, and cost was not recompensed by the acquist. And so we pass from these highest dignities on Earth, to such celestial Honour as was, and is to be purchased in the Church of Rome.   

CHAP. XX. Canonisations, etc.  
CAnonization, and Sainting of Men, Women, and Boys, was another way whereby great sums were often brought unto the Popes. And that was, when any person lived more austerely, or devoutly than ordinary, or being famed for any miracles pretended to have been done by him, in his life time, or by his Relics, or at his Tomb, after his death: or that he died for, or in defence of the truth, or the Church's cause: Then if his Surviving friends, or relations made application to the Pope, upon payment of good sums, according to the abilities, and qualities of the persons soliciting, for sentences, fees, Orders, references, and others things requisite in such case, the party, by a kind of Apotheosis, was made a Saint, and a place assigned him in the Calendar. Of this extraction were the famous St. Cuthbert, St. Guthlac, St. Dunstan, St. William, St. Swithun, St. Tibba, St. Thomas of Canterbury, St. Thomas of Lancaster, St. Winisni●d, St. Hugh, and infinite more; who for money had their names put into the rolls of Glory, and their fames, and merit celebrated, and supplicated here on Earth.  
I find that great endeavours were used to have Robert Grosthead, the renowned Bishop of Lincoln sainted; and particularly King Edward the first, laboured it by an express unto the Pope for that purpose: 
Rot. Rom. An. 34 Ed. 1.  but nothing could prevail, in regard he had so signalised himself against the corruptions of the Church, and times then; when as Becket, Anselme, Hugh of Lincoln, and multitudes more, were Canonised for money, or something they had done signally, and meritorious for the Papacy.  
But this King had better success in his solicitation to the Pope for the Cononization of Thomas de Cantelupe Bishop of Hereford then deceased, famed for a multitude of miracles, as was suggested. 
Tho. Walsing, in Ed. 1. fo. 11.  Thomas Walsingham abounds in the celebration of him, and his miracles: 
Mart. Westm. in Ed. 1.  but more modestly than the Monk of Westminster, who ascribes to him no less than 163 miracles: and others many more, too many in all conscience to be believed, or here remembered in particular. But of such esteem it seems he was, 
Godw. in vita ejus.  that this King Edward the first, to obtain the benefit of his Prayers, and intercession in Heaven, for himself, and his Realm, according to the persuasion prevailing in those ignorant times, sent his Letter of request to Pope John 22. to have him a Canonised Saint, to which the Pope, after some dealing withal for that purpose, was at last wrought: But for the King's Letter, being still preserved amongst our Records, and which we conceive may be acceptable to some to peruse, we will take the liberty to transcribe.  
Sanctissimo in Christo Patri Domino Divina Providentia Sacrosanctae Romanae ac universalis Eccles●ae Summo Pontifici; 
Claus. 33 Ed. 1. m. 3. dorso. De translatione S. Thomae de Hereford.  Edwardus eadem gratia Rex Angliae, etc. devota pedum oscula beatorum. Pium & justum esse censetur, ut sicut gloriosus Deus in Sanctis suis & in Majestate mirabilis, Ministros fideles suos magnificat, altis decorat honoribus, & coelestis efficit beatitudinis possessores in coelis: Sic & Sacrosancta Romana Ecelesia vestigia ipsius prosequens, eos ad quorum memorias ipse Deus suae virtutis potentiam manifestat, signa ac prodigia faciens pro eisdem, digno venerationis offlcio laudari, glorificari, & studiis sollicitis honorari efficiat in terris, ut per hot fides catholica roboretur, & idem altissimus qui laudabilis est in saecula, glorificetu● amplius & laudetur, ac ex hoc salutis nostre causam miserecordius & miseribilius operari dignetur. Cum itaque Thomas dictus de Cantilupo Ecclesiae Herefordensis Antistes, qui nobili exortus prosapia, dum carnis clausus carcere tenebatur, pauper spiritu, ment mitis, justitiam sitiens, misericordiae deditus, mundus cord, vere pacificus prout firmiter recolimus nos expertos, utpote cujus apud nos diu, & laudabilis conversatio & gloriosae vitae insignia, ex mul●a familiaritate quam nobiscum habuit eadem fuerunt evidentius nobis nota, quod Sanctitatem & ipsius conversationem laudabilem cernebamas, quemadmodum degens in seculo magnis pollebat meritis; nunc veniens in coelo, magnis corruscare miraculis dignoscatur, in tantum, quod ipsius meritis & intercessionibus gloriosis, lumen caecis, surdis auditus, verba mutis, & gressus claudis, & alia pleraque beneficia ipsius patrocinium implorantibus coelesti dextera conferuntur: de quorum miraculorum corruscatione multiplici nonnullis de regno nostro certitudinaliter innotescit. Nos attendentes per Dei gratiam fideles in Christo, nosque praecipue, & populum regni nostri ejus posse suffragiis adjuvari, ut quem familiarem habuimus in terris mereamur habere Patronum in coelis: Sanctitati vestrae devotissime supplicamus, quatenus tantam lucernam absconsam sub modio remanere diutius non sinentes, set eam mandantes super Candelabrum collocari, hiis qui sunt in domo Domini solatium praebituram, dignemini ipsum ascribere Sanctorum Cathologo venerando, ut ejus precibus Dominus exoratus gratiam in praesenti, & gloriam nobis praebeat ia futuro. Conservet vos Altissimus ad regimen Ecclesiae suae per tempora foeliciter longiora. Dat. apud Westm. Secundo die Novemb. Anno regni nostri 33. And upon this, as I said before, he was Canonised for a Saint. The Letter itself I have the rather exemplified at large, that you may see upon what ground the Popish Confidence is founded, and what byways have been beaten, in quest of Heaven.  
King Henry the seventh had a desire to have had King Henry the sixth, 
Lo. Bacon Hist. Hen. 7. fo. 227.  his Predecessor Canonised for a Saint, thereby to acquire some celestial Honour to his own House, and Line of Lancaster: and for that purpose he dealt with Pope Julius; who knowing that he had an able Chapman in hand, made his demands accordingly. Some indeed say, that that Pope (who was a little more than ordinary jealous of the dignity of the See of Rome, and of the Acts thereof) knowing that King Henry the sixth, was reputed in the world but for a simple man, was afraid it would diminish the estimation of that kind of Honour, if there were not a distance kept between Innocents', 
Lo. Bacon supr. Speed Chron. in Ed. 4. fo. 885.  and Saints. But the general opinion was that Pope Julius was too dear, which the wary King perceiving, having somewhat tasted of the charge, in expenses upon witnesses, References, Commissions, and Reports for the verification of his Holy Acts, and Miracles, (a thing usual in the Court of Rome, when a good Client comes:) thought good to reserve his money for some better bargain, and withdrew his suit betimes, Et sic nihil inde venit.  
The manner of Canonisations, with the Ordinary charges, 
Sir H. Spelm. Conc. Tom●. fol. 717, 718.  too long to be here inserted, but most worthy to be noted, you may find exhibited by Sir H. Spelman, in the second Tome of his excellent collection of the English Councils.   

CHAP. XXI. Pope's Legates, Collectors.  
IN the foregoing Chapters particular instances have been made of some of those many, and great sums of money heretofore going out of England to the Pope, and Court of Rome; with some of the ways, and means of drawing the same thither: wherein we had occasion of mentioning the Pope's Legates, Agents, Collectors, and Officers, employed about the gathering, and transmitting those sums: of some of whom, it will not, I conceive, be impertinent to revive some memorial, as tending something to the amplification of the particulars before specified.  
Pandulfus of these shall be the Antesignanus, though not first in time, 
Pandulsus. Matt. Paris. John Serres Hist. in Phil. August. Speed Chron.  yet as most notorious: To him, as the Pope's substitute, it was, that King John was enforced to surrender his Crown, laying the same, his Sceptre, Robe, Sword, and Ring, the Royal Ensigns, at his feet; subscribing to a Charter, whereby he surrendered his Kingdom to the Pope, and paying an Annual Pension of 1000 marks for both the Kingdoms of England, and Ireland, and professing that thenceforward he would hold Crown, and Kingdoms, as a Feudetary to the Pope. But of this Legate, and this action, enough before, in King John's Pension; from whom we pass to.  
Nicolas Thusculanus, 
Nicolas Thusculanus.  who was the next Legate, and came to get the former Grant of King John renewed: This man sped so well in his Negotiation, as he returned to his Master with great sums of money: besides having disposed of a multitude of the spiritual Dignities, and Benefices, to the Pope's Kinsmen, to Italians, and Strangers, all absent, unknown, and insufficient, yea, and to some unborn.  
John Derlington was several years Collector of Peter-pences, 
Jo. Derlingt.  Disms, and other sums accrueing hence, to Pope John, Nicolas the third, and Martin the third, of whom Leland says thus, 
Jo. Leland. Coll.  Nullo enim tempore defuerunt suae arts Romanis corrodendi pecunias, relicto religioso Apostoli Petri, Derlingtonus iniqui proditoris Judae permansit in Officio: to reward which service of Derlington, the Pope, by Provision, made him Archbishop of Dublin; 
In an. 7 Ed. 1. Bal. de Script. Britt. Cent. 4. c. 56.  wherein, as John Bale says, he carried himself, ut mercenarius, & non Pastor, non ut pascat, sed ut mulgeat vel tondeat.  
Otho comes next, 
Otho Matt. Paris. fo. 446. Acts & Mon. Tom. 140.260. H. d'Knight. coll. fo. 2440.  who, how received, and presented, how he abused the King, peeled the Clergy, and in intolerable manner damnified the whole Kingdom, is at large related by Matthew Paris, and others: one, viz. Henry de Knighton, gives him this exit, Hic cum esset onustus pecunia, & quaedam Statuta edidisset, reversus est ad locum unde exierat. Of him we meet with this passage; Once making an essay to enter Scotland, to see what he could get there; the Scots King advised him to beware, for his Subjects were rough fellows, and certainly would do him a mischief, when they understood his errand. Besides, it being a bare Country, he might well be slighted, as once an honest poor man did the Thiefs, which he was told were broken into his house, Let them alone, said he, for they will have much ado to find something in the dark, when I myself can find nothing in the light. But notwithstanding all this discouragement, on he went as far as he durst, that is, to the Borders, where some of the Bishops of Scotland meeting him, partly with good words; and partly with menaces, something he got out of them, as I remember about 3000 l. of which no doubt but he gave a good account. At another time, this Otho came to Oxford, where he was entertained with good respect: 
Ypod. Neustr. fo. 59 Knighton Coll. 2432: Polychron. l. 7. c. 35.  and the Scholars, after dinner, coming to give him a visit, the rude Porter at the Gate gave them an uncivil repulse; which, with throwing scalding water in one of their faces, and in revenge thereof the death of the Master Cook, such a hubbub was raised, that the Legate was glad, for safety, to get into the Steeple, where skulking, he might hear the rabble, ranging about, searching for him, and crying out, where is that Usurer, that Simoniack, that pillar, and poller, and filcher of our money, who perverting the King, and subverting the Kingdom, inricheth strangers with our spoils. But in the dead of the night, out he creeps, and with some difficulty got over the River, running to the King not far off, to whom he tells a pitiful story, with his hazards, beseeching his protection for those of his Company, in great danger, left behind. Whereupon the King presently sends a Company of armed men, who apprehended thirty Scholars engaged in the Riot, which they carried in Carts to Wallingford Castle, and thence to London, who being brought barefoot to the Legate's door, upon great entreaty of the Bishops, and their penitent submission, all were pardoned, and the University released of Interdiction.  
Petrus Rubeus comes next in play: 
Pet. Rubeus  for the understanding of whose Negotiation, and Artifices, I will give you only one Paragraph of Matthew Paris, 
Matt. Paris in An. 1240. fo. 533. Flor. Hist. An. 1240.  viz. Per eosdem dies, venit in Angliam nova quaedam pecuniae exactio, omnibus saeculis inaudita & execrabilis. Misit enim Papa, pater noster Sanctus, quendam exactorem in Angliam, Petrum Rubeum; qui excogitata muscipulatione, infinitam pecuniam a miseris Anglicis edoctus erat emungere. Intravit enim Religiosorum Capitula,, cogens & seducens eos ad persolvendum, exemplo aliorum Praelatorum, quos mentitus asserebat gratanter persolvisse: Dixit enim, ille Episcopus, & ille: ille Abbas, & ille jam libens satisfecit: quidnam vos ignavi tam moramini, ut grates cum muneribus amittatis? Fecit enim praedictus Impostor jurare, ut hoc genus pecuniam extorquendi nulli hominum infra dimidium anni facerent manifestum; quasi eliciens hoc ex singulorum primitiva professione, cum tantum de honestis sit Consilium Papale celandum. Hoc faciendo more praedonum domesticorum, qui fidem ab expoliatis extorquent; ut nulli pandant nomina spoliantium. Sed etiam si homines silerent, lapides Ecclesiarum contra grassatores clamorem levarent. Nec potuit hoc maleficium latere sub tenebris: quomodo enim possent Praelati à suis & sibi subjectis pecuniam exigere, nisi causa exactionis exprimeretur? To all which, being so plain, and notorious, although there needs neither Translation, nor Comment: yet the English Reader may please to know the import of it to be this; 
An D. 1240.  That about that time came into England an abominable way of exacting money, never heard of before: For our Holy Father the Pope sent a notable fellow, Peter Rubeus, by name, who with a cunning mousetrap trick, wiped the poor English of infinite sums of money. For he would come amongst the ecclesiastics, when they were met together in their Chapters, and persuade, and compel them to promise, and pay certain sums, telling them lies that many others had given freely, That this Bishop, and that; this Abbot, and that, had given such and such sums; and upbraiding them for their slackness. Then the Impostor would make them swear that they would not discover to any one within half a year what they had given; telling them that was the ancient way of keeping the Pope's secrets according to their Oath or promise at their first profession: Therein doing like Thiefs that extort Oaths from them they rob, not to discover their names. But here, if men should hold their peace, the very stones of the Churches would cry out against these robbers, etc.  
Contemporary with Rubeus, 
Ruffious. Mumelinus.  were Ruffinus, and Mumelinus, who acted their parts also in this Tragedy; and of whom something before.  
Stephanus, 
Stephanus. An. D. 1249.  another of the Pope's Legates took his turn also, to the great profit of his Master, and the universal damage of the Kingdom. For the Pope being at difference with the Emperor Frederick, this Stephanus was sent to demand, and collect the Tenths of all moveables of all the Clergy, and Laity, both in England, Ireland and Wales: on which occasion the Argument was applied, That Rome being the Mother of all Churches, aught to be relieved by her Children; which was done very dutifully at that time.  
Walo, another Legate, 
Walo.  must not be forgotten, and his Province was to gather Procurations throughout all England, of all Cathedrals, Churches, and Religious Houses, which he managed strenuously.  
William de Testa was another of the Pope's Legates, and Collectors; 
W. de Testa. Flor. Hist. An. 1307. Tho. Walsin. fo. 64. Ypod. Neust. 97, 98.  Matthew Westminster, and Thomas Walsingham, end the reign of King Edward the first, with the general Complaints of the Nobles, Commons, and Clergy of England, against the grievances, and exactions of this William de Testa, and one Peter Hispan, the Pope's Legate à Latere, in the Parliament held at Carlisle. The Petitions, and address to the King, 
Ryley Placit. Parliamentaria, fo. 376, 377. Albertus, etc.  for remedy of those grievances, are very remarkable, still preserved amongst our Records, and lately exhibited to public view.  
Albertus, Alexander, Johannes Anglicus, Johannes de Diva, Ferentinus, Martinus, Rustandus, Petrus Enguelbanck, Gasper Pons, Pol. Vergil, and a multitude more, might here be remembered, but our Histories being generally fraught with their Acts, and devices, the curious are referred thither for more satisfaction, if they please.  
Besides these Legates, Collectors, 
Caursins. Lombard's.  and Factors, there was another sort of men came over into England much instrumental in improving, 
An. D. 1235.  and transmitting the Pope's moneys: And these were called Caursins, and Lombard's: 
Mart. Paris in Hen. 3. fo. 417.  Italians by Country, and terming themselves the Pope's Merchants: these drove the trade of letting out of money, of which they had great Banks, and were esteemed far more severe and merciless than the Jews. Matthew Paris gives this Etymology of the name Caursini, quasi Capientes, & ursini, because they worryed men like Bears.  
Now, because the Pope's Legates, and Collectors, were all for ready money, when any sum by Levy, First Fruits, Tenths, Dispensations, etc. became due, and payable to the Pope, by any Prelate, Covent, Priest, or Lay person, these Caursins would furnish them with present Cash, upon their entering into some solemn Bond, or Obligation, as security for so much money lent: The form of which Bond, or Obligation, in English, was as followeth; To all that shall see this present writing, Thomas the Prior, and the Convent of Barnwell greeting, etc. Know ye that we have borrowed and received at London, for ourselves, and profitably to be expended for the affairs of us and our House, from Francisco, and Gregorio, for them and their partners, Citizens and Merchants of Milan, one hundred and four marks, 13 s. 4 d. of lawful money Sterling being counted to every mark. Which said one hundred and 4 marks we promise to re-pay at the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula at the new Temple in London, An. D. 1235. And if the said money be not fully paid at the said time and place, we bind ourselves to pay to the said Merchants, or to any one of them, or their certain Attorney, for every Ten marks forborn two months, one mark for damages by reason of nonpayment, with the expenses of one Merchant with his horse and man, till the money be all paid. And for payment of Principal, Interest, damages, and expenses, we oblige ourselves, our Church, and successors, and all our goods, and the goods of our Church movable, and , Ecclesiastical, or Temporal, which we have, or shall have, wheresoever they shall be found, to the said Merchants and their heirs. And do recognize and acknowledge, that we possess and hold the said goods from the said Merchants by way of courtesy only until the said money be fully paid. And we renounce for ourselves and successors, all aid of Canon and Civil Law, all Privileges, and Clerkship, the Epistle of St. Adrian, all Customs, Statutes, Letters, Indulgences, Privileges obtained for the King of England from the See Apostolic: as also we renounce the benefit of all Appeals, or Injunctions, with all other exceptions real or personal which may be excepted against the validity of this Instrument. All which we promise faithfully to observe. In witness whereof we have hereunto set the seal of our Covent. Dated at London, Die quinto Elphegi, 
Fest. S. Elph. April 19  in the year of Grace, 1235.  
You see by this how sure, and firm they made their security: and then the severity of these Caursins oftentimes constrained their Debtors to sell even their Chalices, and Church Plate, to discharge these Obligations, and secure the rest of their goods: for which they became so hated, and obnoxious, that Roger, Bishop of London, once excommunicated them for their wicked oppressions; but then they appealing to their good friend the Pope, 
Stow Survey of London. fo. 217.  he interposed, and caused the Bishop to desist. A street in London, from their meeting, and residing there, then acquired, and to this day retains the name of Lombardstreet, quasi Banker-street. On shall of the Pope's revenues here, these Caursins packed up, and transplanted themselves into other Countries.   

CHAP. XXII. Complaints of the People.  
WHat sense the People had of all these grievances, burdens, and extorsions, and what complaints they made upon the same, if I should go about to exemplify, out of our Records, and the Historians who have delivered them amply, and at large, it would be infinite, and far exceed our designed limits. Nay, many learned Romanists themselves, as Cl. Espencaeus, Marsilius of Milan, Nic. Clemanges, Theodoric de Nyem, Aeneas Silvius, Mantuan, and a multitude more, have with open mouths, cried out against the avarice, and exactions of the Popes, and Court of Rome: one of them saying, That Rome being at first founded by Robbers, doth yet retain her first Original: and that it is called Roma, quasi rodens manus, and this Rhyme thereupon made, Roma manus rodit, quos rodere non valet, 
Johan. Andrea's.  odit. and this, Dante's custodit, non dantes spernit, & odit.  
And Germanus, 
Matt. Paris in Hen. 3.  Archbishop of Constantinople, once signified to the Cardinals at Rome, That the Grecians were much scandalised, and stumbled at this, That the Cardinals desired to be accounted his Disciples who said, Silver and Gold have I none, when they were altogether intent upon gathering of Silver and Gold.  
Petrarch, in an Epistle of his, saith, That the grim Porter is appeased with Gold, That Heaven is opened with Gold, and Christ himself sold for money. 
Impres. Paris. An. D. 1520.  And for the prices, and rates, there is a notorious Book, styled Taxa Camerae Apostolicae, specifying what may be had at Rome for money, and for how much.  
For ourselves, what a multitude of complaints do we meet withal, made in, and by Parliaments, in the reigns of King Hen. 3. Ed. 1. Ed. 3. and of other Kings of all these grievances, 
An. 21 Ed. 3. An. 40 Ed. 3. Rot. Par.  and mischiess, all preserved upon the Rolls, as so many scars of the wounds, which that way our Ancestors received from Rome. And what advices the Parliaments gave to our Kings in that case, our Records abundantly testify.  
Anno 18 Ed. 
Rot. Parl. 18 Ed. 3.  3. The Commons find great fault with Provisions coming from Rome, whereby strangers enjoyed the best Dignities, and Benefices, causing decay of Hospitality, transporting the Treasure of the Land to the King's Enemies, the discovering the secrets of the Realm, with many other mischiefs, and inconveniences; humbly beseeching the King, and Nobles, to find some remedy: whereupon, by common consent, the Act of Provision was made, to remedy those mischiefs, as by the Act at large it doth appear.  
The transactions in Parliament held at Carlisle are very memorable to this purpose, 
Ryley Placit. Parliament. fo. 376, etc.  consisting of Petitions to the King for some relief in these grievances, which produced a Letter, or Remonstrance of all the Papal oppressions, and exactions, drawn up in the name of the King, Nobles, and Commons of England, and sent to Pope Clement by special messengers, all still preserved amongst our Tower Records, and lately published to the World.  
A multitude more of Petitions, Remonstrances, Orders, Ordinances, and Statutes, to the same purpose might here be amassed, against the Pope, and the intolerable exactions, and extorsions of his Legates, Nuncio's, and Collectors: but, to avoid tediousness, I refer the Reader to that excellent Abridgement of the Tower Records from K. Edw. 2. 
Sr. Rob. Cotton's Records. Impres. An. 1657. vid. ib. 50 Ed. 3. fo. 128.  to K. Ric. 2. by Sir Robert Cotton, lately Printed, where most plentiful satisfaction may be had.  
Hitherto of public complaints, now for those of particular persons, I cannot omit that of Robert Grosthead, the devout, and famous Bishop of Lincoln: who observing the miserable burdens endured by his Country from these Romish exactions, took the boldness to write a Letter thereof to Pope Innocent the fourth exemplified at large by Mat. 
Matt. Paris in Hen. 3. An. 1253. fo. 870.  Paris, expostulating with him to this purpose: That by his exactions, and Instruments with non obstante, he brought on this Nation a Noah's flood of Mischiefs, whereby the purity of the Church was defiled, and the Commonwealth perturbed. That by his Reservations, Commenda's and Provisions of Benefices for such persons as sought to fleece, and not to feed the flock of God, he committed a sin, than which none was at any time more hateful to God, or destructive unto man, except that of Lucifer, nor ever will be, but the sin of Antichrist. He signified further, that no man could, with a good Conscience, obey the mandates he had sent, though they came from the highest order of Angels; for they tended not to the edification, but the utter ruin of the Church. With much more to the like purpose. At all which the Pope was so galled, that he exclaimed against him thus, What means this old dotard, this furred absurd man, thus to arraign our actions; By Peter and Paul, I could find in my heart to make him a dreadful example to all the World: Is not the King of England our Vassal, and both he, and his, at our pleasure? But some of the more temperate Cardinals endeavoured to allay the Pope's heat, telling him the Bishop had said nothing, 
Ut enim vera fateamur, vera sunt quae dicit. Mat. Parisupr.  but what they all knew to be true, and that it would not be discretion to meddle with a person of his piety, worth, and fame; whereupon all was smothered, and no more words made on't. But for that notable Epistle itself, I have been credibly told, that it is enrolled, in perpetuam rei memoriam, in the Red Book, in the King's Exchequer at Westminster, with this Marginal Note, Papa Antichristus. And there is a very memorable Epistle of Petrus Cassiodorus, a noble Italian Knight, 
Jo. Bal. de Rom. Pont. Act. lib. 6. Acts & Mon. vol. 1. fo. 46●.  written to the English Church about the twenty ninth year of K. Edw. 1. exhorting them to cast off the Romish yoke of Tyranny, oppression, and exaction, formerly preserved in Manuscript in St. Alban Monastery, but since made public; too large to be here inserted, but most worthy to be perused.  
The Poets also, according to the scantling of the wit of those times, spared not to satyrize upon these intolerable exactions of the Popes, one whereof made this Distich, 

Roma capit marcas, bursas exhaurit, 
Antiquit. Britt. An. 1337.  & arcas:  
 tibi tu parcas, fuge Papas, & Patriarchas.   

Rome drains all Bags, all Chests, and Burses,  
Of all their Pounds, and Marks:  
If therefore you would save your Purses, Fly Popes, and Patriarches.    
Observable also is it, upon these encroachments, and extorsions, how sometimes our Kings would despond, and tamely suffer the Popes, and their Legates to grow upon them: and at other times rouse up themselves, and give some check to their insolences: As K. Hen. 3. though a facile man, yet was once so enraged against Rubeus, that he bade him be gone out of his Kingdom in the Devil's name. And as these exactions were at the height in that King's time, yet his Successors did not always suffer them so to continue, being forced to set some bounds to those avaricious torrents, 
Pol. Vergil. Hist. in Ric 2. lib. 20.  by the Statutes of Provisors, and Praemunire: and oftentimes to give stout denials, to unreasonable demands; as the English Clergy themselves, at last, 
Lo. Herb. Hen. 8. fo. 57, 59  adventured to do, in the years 1515. and 1518.  
And observable also is it, that Q. Marry, though most zealous for the Doctrines of the Church of Rome, yet in restoring the Pope's Supremacy, she and the State were very cautious, like those whom others harm had made to beware; and some prudent provisions were made in that behalf: 
Stat. 1 & 2 Phil. & mar. cap. 8. Coke 3. Instit. cap. 4. fo. 127.  neither were the Statutes of Praemunire repealed in all her reign; but the Pope's Supremacy was restored, not simpliciter, but secundum quid, as bounded within some legal limitations. But her reign was short, and not pleasant, and the Pope wanted time to work her for his purpose, for having got his head in, he did not doubt but by degrees to thrust in his whole body: for it is ever observable, that in the Papal concerns there is no moderation, for they must have all, or nothing, let their pretences, and promises, at first admission, be what ever they will. And whatever Prince, or State shall once admit of any Papal authority within their Dominions, their destiny may easily be read, that they, and their people, must for ever after be slaves, or if they once begin to boggle, or kick, the Casuists have legitimated many ways to rid them out of the World, for the advancement of the Catholic cause, and the propagation of the Roman Faith.  
Now, after this imperfect Account given of the Rents, and Revenues of the Popes, heretofore issuing out of this Kingdom, if any one shall desire to have some estimate made of the sums, I must profess it beyond the reach of my Arithmetic, and when I see any Accountant do it, Erit mihi magnus Apollo. Yet this is certain, that they were very vast: Otherwise there was no ground for that Complaint, which was made by the Kingdom's Representative in the reign of K. Edw. 3. 
Rot. Parl. 50 Ed. 3. nu. 105. Mat. Paris. 224.  That the Pope's Collector held a receipt, or audit, equal to a Prince. Or for that which King John wrote to the Pope in his time, That this Kingdom yielded him more profits, than all the other countries' on this side the Alps. 
Id. 224.  Or for that boast of the Pope, Vere, inquit Papa, hortus noster deliciarum est Anglia, vere puteus est inexhaustus: Et ubi multa abundant, de multis multa sumere licet. 
Antiq Britt. fo. 178.  Or for the computation made in the time of King Hen. 3. Repertus est annuus redditus Papae talis, quem ne regius quidem attigit, That the Pope's rents exceeded the Crown revenues. Or the Remonstrance to the same purpose from the whole Kingdom to Pope Innocent the fourth in the year 1245. 
Matt. Paris. fo. 666. 698. Act. & Mon. Tom. 1.  exhibited by Mat. Paris, Fox, and others, too long to be here inferred, but most worthy to be read, and the import thereof throughly understood. Nay we may well judge the Pope's incomes to exceed all account, when it appears, that notwithstanding some notable provisions of State to the contrary, the Pope's intradó should yet carry so huge a proportion, That in the Parliament held in the twenty third year of King Hen. 
Io. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. fo. 330.  8. it was computed, that the Papacy had received out of England, for the Investitures of Bishops only, since the second year of King Hen. 7. not much above 40 years, 160000 l. sterling; an incredible sum, considering the scarcity, and value of silver at that time, and the laws against such exportations. And the sums going to Rome must needs be infinite, 
Stat. 25 H. 8. cap. 21.  when a Statute prohibiting the payment of any impositions to the Bishop of Rome, and enumerating some of the ways, whereby the same were exacted, and raised, concludes those ways, and means to have been infinite.  
But it is not more difficult to give a perfect account of all the sums, than it is easy to apprehend and understand the malevolent influence that all this had upon the Kingdom: when it is most evident, that our Kings were thereby continually affronted, vexed, and debased: The Rights of all persons injuriously invaded, and usurped upon: The Coin, and Treasure of the Nation continually drained out: The secrets of the Kingdom discovered: All Arts, Learning, and Trading discouraged: The whole Nation weakened, and reduced to a state of poverty, and slavery to Strangers, and laid open, and naked to the invasion of all enemies. All which we have transmitted to us by unquestionable Authorities, the Rolls and Records of Parliaments, Statutes, and the Historians of those times, generally Romanists, not sparing to speak out, though so much reflecting upon their Holy Father the Pope, choosing rather to discover the Truth, than conceal their Father's shame.   

CHAP. XXIII. Matthew Paris Vindicated.  
OF the Historians which we have made use of in these discoveries, and Collections, you see we have been much beholden to Matt. Paris, who seldom spares to cry out, with great resolution, upon the corruptions of the Church in his time, and particularly upon the cruel exactions, and extorsions of the Popes, and their Creatures; who biting so hard upon this sore, I find the Cardinals Bellarmine, and Baronius, endeavouring to loosen his teeth. Bellarmin speaks of him thus, 
Bell. de Script. Eccl. in M. Paris. fo. 248.  Haec Historia multa habet scitu digna, praesertim de rebus Ecclesiasticis, de concilio Lugdunensi, de dissidio inter Ecclesiam & Imperium. Sed quoniam editaest ab haereticis Tigurinis, caute legenda est: non pauca enim leguntur tum in ipso libro, tum in notis marginalibus, quae videntur addita ab haereticis, ad invidiam conflandam Rom. Ecclesiae, i. e. This History hath many things worthy to be known, chief touching Ecclesiastical affairs, the Council of Lions, and the difference between the Church, and the Empire: But inasmuch as it is now published by the Tigurin Heretics, it is to be warily read; for there are not a few things, as well in the Book itself, as in the Marginal Notes, which seem to have have been added by Heretics, to throw envy on the Roman Church. And then Baronius, thus, 
Baron. Annal. An. Ch. 996.  Matt. Paris Hist. Ang. à quo si quis demat calumnias, invectivas, dicacitates, & blasphemias in Sedem Apostolicam, ejusque Pontifices (nisi probra illa fuerint additamenta potius ejus qui primus edidit, haeretici hominis; cum peculiare sit illis, libros, quos potuerint, depravare) aureum sane dixerit comentarium, i. e. Matt. Paris, the English Historian, whose calumnies, invectives, twattling malapertness, and blasphemies, against the See Apostolic, and the Popes, if any one lay aside (unless those reproaches were rather the additions of some Heretic that first published him, as it is peculiar to such to deprave all the Books they can) he might esteem it a golden Commentary. Which aspersions upon the credit of our Historian, induces me to make a little enquiry into his quality, and reputation: and that the rather, in regard I find two of our own Countrymen endeavouring also to throw some blots upon his credit, viz. John Pitz, a Collector of our English Writers, insinuating his discoveries of the corruptions of the Church in his time, non ab ipso sic scripta, 
Jo. Pitz. de Script. Angl. Aet. 13.367. Brian Twine de Antiq. Oxon. li. 3. fo. 283.  sed ab aliis illi falso ascripta fuisse. And Brian Twine the Oxford Advocate, suspecting the fidelity of Archbishop Parker, in his Edition of Matt. Paris.  
For what the Romanists say against our Historian, it imports no more than a light suspicion only, that something was added by the first Editor, and nothing affirmed directly; or if it were, it would soon vanish, upon this consideration, that what Matt. Paris writes, stands justified, not only by all the authentic, 
Eadmerus lib. 2. Malmsb. lib. 2. foe, 136. Nubrigens. lib. 1. cap. 10.  and  Records, but also by the concurrence of all the Historians of that Age, (besides what we shall presently hear in vindication of our Editions more directly:) And first, premising that Matthew was a Benedictine Monk of St. Alban's, a Servant, and Favourite of King Hen. 3. in whose time he lived, and at whose instance he compiled his History; employed by Pope Innocent the fourth, not only to visit the Monks in the Diocese of Norwich, but also sent to reform a Convent in Norway much corrupted: Let's then see what testimonies are given of him.  
Leland thus, 
Jo. Leland. Tom. 4.10. 207.  Domum reversus assidue, quemadmodum & ante fecit, studiis vacabat, ac doctos viros, quotquot tunc temporis in Britannia claruerunt, impensissime coluit, unde variam sibi multarum rerum cognitionem pariebat. Quid dixi, sibi pariebat? immo patriae potius, & posteritati.  
Jo. Bale, 
Jo. Balaeus de Script. Brit. cent. 4. n. 26.  to the same purpose, and further, giving an account of his Histories, In quibus, says he, quorundam Rom. Pontificum avaritias, frauds, mendacia, dolos, pompas, impudentias, tyrannides, & arts pessimas ita depinxit, ut nunquam ullus Apelles melius.  
The Centuriators of Magdeburg give him this Character, 
Cent. Aet. 13. cap. 10.  Vir imprimis eruditus fuit, qui & singulari fide & dexteritate Historiam Anglorum conscripsit; proceeding in the words of Bale before.  
Flaccius Illyricus, 
Catalogue. Test. lib. 16.  speaking of his History, saith thus. In eo opere valde multa narrat de gravissima Papae tyrannide, qui miris artibus omnia Eccles. jura ad se rapuerit, imo & quam multiplicibus artibus Angliam penitus sit depraedatus, expilaverit, & exsuxerit.  
The learned Isaac Casaubon, 
Is. Casaub●n. Epist. ad Carier. Ep. 1.  without question, for good reason breaks out thus, Quis nescit sanctissimam Paparum authoritatem dudum versam esse in horribilem tyrannidem? Jam elapsa sunt multa secula cum omnes boni hoc vident, & gemunt. Vnus Matthaeus Paris probationi ejus rei satis superque fuerit. And, 
Epist. 99  in another Epistle of his, he defends Matt. Paris against the false accusations of Coifetellus drawn from that of Bellarmin, and Baronius before: adding, 
Proleg. ad Ex. Baronian.  that his own Eyes, comparing the Prints, with the extant Manuscripts, sufficiently confuted their slanders, as vain, ridiculous, and false; in regard he found no variance at all between them, especially in that which concerns the Pope's rapines; and thereupon he concludes thus, Quare falsissima est Baronii, & Bellarmini confectura.  
The modest, and learned Ger. Jo. Vossius, 
Ger. Voss. de Hist. Latinis lib. 2. cap. 58.  on whose credit much may be taken up, of our Historian saith thus, Historia Matt. Paris Cantabrigiae adservatur in Collegio S. Benedicti: Vti & in Bibliotheca Baronis de Lumleio: ac primum Londini, post Tiguri, typis divulgata fuit: atque id fide bona, ut Manuscripti quos dixi, codices culvis fidem fecerint: and then he takes notice of that invidious aspersion of Twine; who being an Oxford man, it seems he was never so happy as to see that incomparable treasure of Antiquities in Benet College Library in Cambridge, congested by that most worthy Prelate; where his own Eyes might have confuted the slander of his pen.  
Degoreus Where, 
Deg. Where de M●h●d. legend. Hist. sect. 29.  in his excellent Methodus, etc. ranks our Historian amongst the rest thus, His etiam adnectat veram illam & fidelem Matthaei Parisiensis Historiam.  
Lastly, 
An. D. 1640. Londini.  Dr. W. Watts, a very good Antiquary, and Historian, puts forth Mat. Paris again, in an excellent Equipage, and with all attendants befitting his merit; having first compared the former London Edition of Archb. Parker, with all the Manuscripts extant, and then Printing this Verbatim with the former, as not finding that differing at all from the Manuscripts. One whereof, remaining in the King's Library at St. James', 
Proleg. ut supr.  and which Is. Casaubon examined, and had some time in his keeping, is taken to be the very authentic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Author, written with his own hand, and heretofore kept in the Monastery Library of St. Alban's.  
Then, for the aspersion of Twine, it is, without all doubt, as false, and frivolous, as it is unworthy; proceeding chief from his inveterateness against the most eminent University of Cambridge, which it seems he could not vent, without endeavouring to blast the memory of a most reverend, learned, and faithful Prelate, whose great integrity, and fame, will ever stand impenetrable to the teeth of this angry nibler.  
Thus, having set our honest Author rectus in Curia, upon the testimonies of so many creditable Witnesses, we may well conclude, That the Times, the Popes, and the Court of Rome were corrupted, and not the Historian: and that what we have of Matt. Paris is but the Echo of the People's complaints, and groans, in those times, which sounding so harsh in the Romanists ears, it is no wonder they are so displeased to hear it.   

CHAP. XXIV. Abbeys, Monasteries, etc.  
HItherto our Collections have reached only to mention, or point at such sums of money as heretofore went out of England to the Popes, and Court of Rome, whilst they excercifed any power here. Now, if I should proceed to specify the other vast sums of money, as yearly, nay daily issued out of the King's public Exchequer, and the People's private purses, upon the score of Popery, and as appurtenant thereunto, spent and expended within the Kingdom, to vain, insignificant, and superstitious purposes; I should tyre my Reader with multitudes of particulars, and yet shame myself, in falling so infinitely short of such an Account as Truth would make: And therefore I shall only hint briefly at some heads, or generals of the same.  
In the first place then, 
V●d. Speed's Catalogue.  the founding, and endowing of a multitude of Abbeys, Monasteries, Nunneries, Chanteries, Free-Chappels, and Colleges, within the Realm; and those generally with the best lands, and revenues, exhausted and swallowed up many fair estates, diverting them from the right heirs, to the ruin, or decay of many noble Houses, and Families.  
Then the Votaries that entered into these Abbeys, Monasteries, and Nunneries, always carried their portions, and estates along with them: and by themselves, or their friends, gave either Lands, Goods, Plate, Jewels, Copes, Vestments, or some other Ornament, at their first admittance into one of the Convents: as many English do at this day, upon their entrance into religious houses, and Orders, beyond the Seas.  
These Houses were also wonderfully enriched by the burials of great Persons in them: 
Weaver Pun. Mon. fo. 158.  For in this matter of Sepulture, Monasteries, and Abbeys were always preferred greatly, before all other Churches, upon the estimation of the Sanctity of those places, and a presumption that their Souls in Purgatory should have some benefit by the Prayers of the professed there: with this further confidence, that such as were buried in Friars habits, should have wonderful advantages thereby: For which purpose, 
St. Ri●. Baker in K. John. Dugdal. Ant. Warw. foe 115.  it is said that King John was buried at Worcester in a Monk's Cowl. And Mr. Dugdale makes mention of some of the Honourable family of the Hastings, that lie buried in the Grey Friars, at Coventre, in the very habits of Friars Minors: Proceeding, that this Orders of Friars was so much reverenced by the generality of people, that by the Bequests, and Testaments of most men, and women, of abilities, it appears that formerly they seldom neglected to give more, or less to one, or other religious House of this Rule: and if they were Persons of quality, they commonly made choice of their Sepulture in one of them. Neither was it the least policy of these Friars to obtain from great persons such a disposal of their bodies, considering how they were generally employed, and trusted in making their Wills, and Testaments: for where ever they sped in that kind, they were sure to have a good Legacy from the Testator, and not without hope, by so fair an Example, to obtain no less advantage by his posterity.  
Thomas Walsingham, 
Tho Walsing. in Ed. 1 fo. 20.  speaking of the burial of Queen Elianor's heart in the Church of the Friar's Minors in London, did not without cause complain thus of them, Qui (meaning the said Friars) sicuti & cuncti fratres reliquorum ordinum, aliquid de corporibus quorumcunque potentium morientium sibimet vendicabant, more canum cadaveribus assistentium, ubi quisque suam particulam avide consumendam expectat, i. e. These, as all the Friars of the like Orders, challenged something as their due from the bodies of great men dying, like a company of dogs snatching every one at a piece of a dead Carcase: Thus Walsingham, being a Monk, out of envy, spared not to snarl at the nimble Friars; who, no doubt but some time or other would be even with him, and those of his Order.  
Then these Professed Monks, and Friars, upon their visiting, and confessing of the sick, always used the most persuasive arguments they could, for the sick person to bestow something toward maintenance of their Fraternities, or repairing of their Covents: and that he would bequeath his Body to be buried in the Church of their Covent, promising they would daily say Prayers, and Masses, for his soul's ease in, and release out of Purgatory. And by confessing such as were in health, they frequently enjoined such penances, as made to the prejudice of the sinner's purse, but their own profit.  
Of the Exorbitances of these cloister'd Monks, and Friars, many examples might be produced, as of their Ribaldry, Lechery, Quarrelling, Fight, Idleness, Cheating, Thieving, Debauchery, Gluttony, etc. all maintained by the People's money: but we will here content ourselves with one instance only. 
Cook 4 Insti. c. 11. fo. 112.  King Edward the first, about the latter end of his reign having collected a vast sum of money, to carry on his war against the Scots, and laid it up in his Treasury at Westminster, his Treasury was broken up in the night, and one hundred thousand pounds in money, besides Plate, and Jewels, stolen out of it, by the Abbot, and Monks of Westminster, and their confederates, whereof eight and forty Monks, with the Abbot, were apprehended, and sent Prisoners to the Tower; and by Inquisition, and examination of witnesses, it appeared that divers of the Monks, and other persons in the night time were seen often passing to and fro the King's treasury, 
Pat. 31 Ed. 1. m. 23. dors. De inquirend. de thesaurar. Regis fracto.  and the Abbey, carrying bundles in their arms, and laps, and that they conveyed away by water great hampers that were very heavy; and some part of the King's Plate, and Jewels, were found, and seized in London, and other places: upon which the Monks, were long detained in prison, till afterwards released by the King's special command, when he repaired to Westminster to give thanks to God, for his Victories over the Scots.  
Matthew Westminster, 
Matt. Westm. An. 1303.  a Monk of that Abbey, minceth this story of the Robbery of the King's Treasury, in favour of the Monks, and says that only Ten of them were imprisoned; when it appears by the Record, that 48 of them, 
Cook ut Supra.  with the Abbot, were imprisoned, and Indicted for it. And upon this occasion it was, that the Court of Exchequer, sometimes called the Novel Exchequer, was new built.  
Chanteries, Free-Chappels, and Colleges, as they were instituted, and employed, spent and exhausted huge sums of money, and revenues, the purposes of which expense will appear in the brief description of the nature of those Foundations.  
A chantry (so called à Cantando) was a Chapel (commonly annexed to some Parochial, 
chantry  Collegiate,. or Chathedral Church) endowed with Lands, or some other yearly revenues, for the maintenance of one, or more Priests, daily to sing Mass, 
Vid. Stat. 37 H. 8. ca 4. & 1 Ed. 6. ca 14.  for the souls of the Donors, or Founders, and such others as they did appoint. Now the exact number of all these in England cannot be known, for they were very numerous: but if at Mathematician measured Hercules by his foot, a probable conjecture may be made of them from those which were founded in the Chathedral of St. Paul in London; for in the second year of King Ed. the sixth, a certificate was returned by the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, to the King's Commissioners, affirming, that they had seven and forty Chanteries in that Church: according to which proportion there was certainly a vast revenue swallowed up by them throughout the whole Kingdom: For there was not a Cathedral, or Collegiate Church in England, but some number of Chanteries were founded in them, and in many Parochial Churches also: And if the model of the Country Churches be observed, very often some additional building, or excrescence appears, differing from the old, or first. Fabric, erected and used for these Chanteries. And that the nature, and use of these may be the better apprehended, we will here specify the Foundation, and Ordination of one of them, viz.  
Thomas de Pakinton, in the year 1348. 
W. Duadale Amiq. Warw. in Chelmscote.  An. 22. Edward the third, founded a chantry at Chelmescote in Warwickshire, and settled Lands, and Tenements, of a good value to maintain four Priests, to sing Mass for his Lord the Earl of Warwick, his Countess, Children, and Ancestors; as also for himself, his Parents, Kinsfolks, and their posterity, and for the Souls of all faithful people deceased, in manner following, viz. Two of them, which were to inhabit near the Chapel at Chelmscote, every day to sing the Matins of the day, and of the blessed Lady, with all Canonical hours distinctly, and openly: and to sing Mass daily; viz. one of them every Sunday, and on the great Festivals; and on Monday the Mass of the holy Trinity; Tuesday of St. Thomas the Martyr; on Wednesday of St. Katherine, and St. Margaret; Thursday of Corpus Christi; Friday of the holy Cross; and Saturday of the Annunciation of our Lady, The other Priest to celebrate every day the Mass of Requiem for the Souls of all faithful departed this life; and in every Mass to say 7 Collects, one of the celebration of the Mass; the second for him the said Thomas de Pukinton, viz. Deus qui Caritatis, etc. the third also for him after his death, Deus cujus misericordiae, etc. the fourth of St. Thomas the Martyr: the fifth of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin: the sixth for the Souls of the deceased, beginning with Inclina: the seventh the general Collect, which beginneth Sanctissima Dei genetrix Maria, especially naming therein the said Earl, his Countess, and Children, and him the said Thomas de Pakinton, and all his kindred: and upon all Holy days to say a Placebo, and Dirige; with special commendation of the Souls of the Persons before spoken of, and the souls of all the faithful deceased, Likewise he ordained that the other two Priests should live together near the Church, and be daily present therein at Matins, and all other Canonical hours, to join with the other Priests, except just cause and hindrance happened; and daily sing Mass at the Altar near his Father's grave. And that all these Priests, before their admission to these Chanteries, should take their corporal Oaths to observe all the Orders to their utmost power. And this Ordination, containing several other particulars, was confirmed by the Canons of Kenilworth, Rectors of the Church; by John de Chelmescote Vicar; the Earl of Warwick; and Bishop of Worcester.  
Free-Chappels, were such as were founded, 
Free-Chappels.  and endowed, and had no relation unto, or dependence on a Mother-Church; (saving only the right of Sepulture:) and these were greater than Chanteries, having greater Revenues, and more room for Priests, and more Priests for that room, to sing Mass, and pray for the souls of the Founders, and others, according to the institution.  
Colleges were Foundations of like nature, 
Colleges.  and though fewer in number, yet were richer than both the former: amongst which the College of Fotheringhay, 
Speed Catal. in Northampt.  in Northamptonshire, was yearly valued at four hundred nineteen pounds, eleven shillings, ten pence, halfpenny. For the Offices, and employments of the Priests in these, and the Free-Chappels maintained, they were much of the nature of Chanteries, of which enough before.  
Now, the yearly value of all those Lands, Tenements, Rents, and Revenues, which were settled upon these Abbeys, Monasteries, Nunneries, Chanteries, Colleges, and Free-Chappels, without doubt was as vast, as to us now unknown; the Pope being better able to give an account of them, at this day, than we ourselves: for they say that Rentals, and Particulars of all those Lands, and revenues, are still kept upon the file, in the Pope's study, that great Landlord of the world, in expectation, and hope, they will once revert to their former use, and behoof: but the generous English will not easily be gulled, and they will not be wheadled, by Romish Arguments, out of their Estates.  
In the next place, 
Shrines, Images, Relics, etc.  Shrines, Images, Relics, Indulgences, etc. in a multitude of places within the Kingdom, daily drew great sums out of the People's purses, both in the procuring, and purchasing, and donation of such precious Commodities, and in daily resorting to them afterwards with Vows, and Offerings. But these being of the same nature, and ejusdem farinae, with those at Rome, and elsewhere, of which enough before, we will trouble you no more with them here.  
So the Commanding, 
Dispensations.  and forbidding many things, wherein Dispensations might be had from Courts, and Officers here; as certain obstacles of marriage; the use, and difference of meats; vows, etc. and all to be redeemed for money.  
Many wand'ring Mountebank Priests went up and down the Country, 
Mountebank Priests.  preaching the lives of some holy men, and Saints; and promising the simple people, that if they vowed themselves to those Saints, and paid something in hand, and such a yearly tribute, they should be freed from such diseases as they desired.  
The Bishops had divers ways, 
Bishops, and Priests.  and Artifices, to screw money out of the Priests under them; and then those Priests, to heal themselves, were forced to cheat, and wring money out of the people.  
Great, 
Consecrations.  and frequent expenses were had in Consecrating, and hallowing of Churches, Churchyards, etc. Baptising of Bells; making, repairing, apparelling, and adorning of Images; and such like matters: for upon pretence that these, or any of these, were profaned, by several and trifling ways; then all must be consecrated anew, and the Parish, and the People Assessed, and constrained to pay deeply for it. And of this kind of grievances, great complaints were often made.  
Many Courts were also in England, 
Courts.  to which citations, and summons were made; and therein People continually vexed, tormented, and excommunicated; and thence dismissed never, till excessive sums were extorted, and paid: the aggrieved parties not daring to appeal to Rome, for fear of more excessive charges. Nay the corruptions in, and the grievances growing by these Courts, as they were innumerable, so no other way tolerable, but that all was to be redeemed for money. And one pretty trick the Ecclesiastical Judges had in these Courts; that when the business of matrimony had proceeded so far, that one of the parties had pretended a Contract, which the other denied, and that some gifts, as earnests of love, or marriage, had passed between them, the Ecclesiastical Judges, separating the parties, would keep the gifts for themselves, as forfeited, or escheated.  
Visitors, 
Visitors etc.  and Synodal Judges, travelling about the Country, with a numerous retinue of Advocates, Proctors, Notaries, Registers, Summoners, Servants, Apparitors, and Officers, under Colour of visiting of Churches, Chapels, and Parishes, were a very great burden, and charge to the People where ever they came, serving money upon every pretence out of their pockets, as they pleased, besides annual sums claimed as due; making themselves stalking-horses, whereby any man might satisfy his revenge, or malice upon his Neighbour, upon Complaint, Suggestion, or information, of wrongs done, or Canons broke; whereupon sentences, censures, Condemnations, and Excommunications, with all rigour, followed, to the utter undoing of many men, the enriching the Judges, and Officers, but never turning to any avail, or satisfaction of the Complainant. These Itinerants also extorted great sums, as they pleased, weekly, monthly, or yearly, from Usurers, Brokers, Scriveners, Bakers, Butchers, Victuallers, Physicians, Surgeons, Midvives, Schoolmasters, etc.  
Private Confessions, 
Confessions.  as they were managed, were the more frequently, and excessively abused, for the drawing moneys out of men; in regard the cheat was closely handled, whilst the Sinner's conscience was quieted, and the world served with a public penance, or some visible addresses to these Confessors.  
The new Doctrine, 
Purgatory.  and invention of Purgatory, bred by Superstition, and nursed by Covetousness, as it was managed, became a most forceable engine, continually to drain the People's money. For when men were made to believe, that after death their Souls should enter into a region of Fire, there to suffer long, and bitter torments, to be purged, and fitted for the region of bliss: but yet to be eased there, and the sooner released, according to the measure, and number of the Masses, Offices, and Prayers, which should be made on their behalf here, whilst they lay broiling in that fearful State: People were put upon it, to make the best provision they could in their life-time, or at least at their deaths, that such helps, and means should be used, on their behalf, as they might reasonably reckon upon a short, and tolerable continuance there.  
To this purpose the Founding, and Endowing of Monasteries, Abbeys, Nunneries, by the best, and richer sort, and the Colleges, Free-Chappels, and Chanteries, by the middle sort of people, according to their respective abilities, and the apprehensions they had of this future State, all pointed at the good of the Founder's soul after death, and the souls of such others as he appointed; of which we have had something before.  
But then, alas, for those poor Creatures, whose small estates, and narrowness of fortunes, would not reach to such provisions, what would become of them? These than were put to it, to make the best shift they could for themselves; by endeavouring in their life-time, to get an interest in the favour, and merit of some Saint, and by purchasing, and getting all the Indulgences they could: for it was a very sad thing to leave all to chance, or to trust to the voluntary intercession of others; this would leave them at a great uncertainty, and, in articulo mortis, make the poor Soul shift its mansion in a most fearful apprehension, and horror. Indeed Sir Thomas Moor was so Charitable a Solicitor for these poor Souls, 
Sr. Thomas More's Supplication of souls. In imitation of Gerson's quer●●a defunctorum in igne Purgatrorio ad Supersites amico●. Pars 4 oper. Coll. 959.  that he drew up a most Pathetical Supplication for them, and presented it in their names thus, To all good Christian people, in most piteous wise continually calleth, and cryeth upon your devout Charity, and tender pity, for help, comfort, and relief, your late acquaintance, kindred, Companions, Spouses, Playfellows, and friends, and now your humble, and unacquainted, and half forgotten Suppliants, poor Prisoners of God, the silly Souls in Purgatory, here abiding, and enduring the grievous pains, and hot cleansing fire, etc.  
But yet, not trusting to the uncertain Charity of others, most persons strained to the utmost, and many most excessively, their fortunes considered, to leave some provision behind them, for that purpose: and most commonly by their last Wills, and Testaments, which were accounted sacred, and carrying an Obligation more than ordinary, for all persons concerned to see them performed: and thereby, or by Acts executed in their life-time, it was not rare, for many men, though they had many Children to provide for, or many debts to pay, to post-pone all relations, and considerations to this concern of the Soul, and to appoint, and take Order for Masses Satisfactory, Anniverssaries, Obits, Requiems, Dirges, Placebo's, Trentals, Lamps, Lights, and other offices, to be performed daily, weekly, monthly, or yearly, as far as the sums destined would afford, for the ease, and help of the Testator's Soul.  
Masses satisfactory, 
Masses.  were the Romish service appointed to be said, or sung, at a certain time, or times, and at an appointed place, at such an Altar, or in such a Chapel, with special reference to, or remembrance of such a Soul, or Souls, tormented in Purgatory.  
An Anniversary, 
Anniversary.  was the appointment, and performance of Prayers, at such, or such a time, once a year, for the souls of deceased persons: Commonly upon the day of the death of the party who appointed it: and this in imitation of the old Anniversary days, whereon the Martyrdom, or deaths of Saints were celebrated.  
An Obits, 
Obits.  was a funeral Office, performed for the dead, and for his Soul's health, at certain times, and place appointed.  
A Requiem, 
Requiem.  was on Office, or Mass, commonly sung for the dead, so called from those words in it, Requiem aeternam dona eyes, Domine.  
A Dirge, 
Dirge.  quasi dirige, was an office of the same nature, for Souls in Purgatory, so called from the first word of the first Antiphone in the Office, Dirige, etc.  
A Placebo, 
Placebo.  was another such like Office, or Service, performed for the health, and good Estate of some Soul, or Souls, so called from the word Placebo, being the first word of the Office.  
A Trental, from the French Trente, 
Trental.  was a service of thirty Masses, said or sung for the dead, or a service performed thirty days after their death.  
Lamps, and Lights, 
Lamps, Lights.  were by many ordered to be continually burning before some certain Altan, Image, or place, or over some Sepulchre, so hallowed, as conceived to afford some ease, or benefit to Souls in Purgatory.  
The revenues that were given, and settled, for the maintenance of these, and such like devices, which were very considerable throughout the Kingdom, were by the Stat. 1 Edward the sixth, Cap. 14. 
Stat. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 14.  given to the King; and they, as vain, and Superstitious inventions, quite nulled.  
What an esteem was formerly had of the virtue, and efficacy of these Masses, etc. may partly appear by a memorable Record still extant, viz. Alianor Consort of King Edward the first, dying, 
Pat. 19 E. 1. m. 11. Litera supplicatoria de orando pro regina defuncta.  the King sent out a writ to all the religious Houses, and Monks of Clunie in England, to sing Masses, and make Prayers for her Soul, and to certify him the number of the Masses they should perform on that behalf, that proportionably he might show his gratitude to them.  
So, in the year 1290. 
Chron. W. Thorn. Coll. 1958.  Dominus Thomas (Prior of Christ's Church in Canterbury) concessit Domino Regi in festa translationis beati Edvar●i Quinquaginta Psalteria, Duo Millia CCCL Missas, pro animabus Progenitorum suorum & Reginarum Angliae, as an Extraordinary liberality, and spiritual Alms. As is related by W. Thorn.  
And about the same time also it was, 
Bundle. Brev An. 19 Ed. 1. in Turt. Lond.  that Arnald Otho, Abbot of Condam, sent a certificate to the King, to inform him what Prayers, Masses, and Anniversarys, he and his Monastery had ordered for the speedy translation of his deceased Queen to the heavenly joys.  
From all this now may easily be apprehended the force of vitiated, and depraved Imaginations; when men's Intellectuas are first blinded with ignorance, and then led by Superstition; being affrighted with uncouth relations of Apparitions, Miracles, and the horrors of an imaginary Purgatory: what will they not do, or undertake, to alleviate, and mitigate, in tanto, if not in toto, those approaching torments? and for that purpose, suffer themselves to be haled, and pulled, sometimes one way by guides, as blind as themselves; and sometimes another, by treacherous, and dangerous designers. Yet in the darkest of these times, there wanted not some, that could discern that all was not right, and that they were gotten into a very uncertain, and dangerous road; and in as much danger from their guides, as the enemy which they would avoid. Some of these, in a more serious way, protesting, and advising both against the Error, and the danger of it, had their mouths soon stopped; when others more jocular, between jest, and earnest, as it were, made bold with the corruptions, and abuses of the times, witness the wits, and Satirists of their respective times Rob. of Gloucester, John Harding, Jeffrey Chancer, John Gower, Rob. Longland, alias Piers Ploughman, Lydgate, and many more, whose dull rhymes carried a cutting sense with them. Indeed though the Lashes of a Satirist seldom or never produce amendment of Epidemical vices, and Errors; yet in this they have their fruit, that thereby posterity is oftentimes more truly informed of the manners, and genius of times, than by the professed Historian, who rarely touches that string: And by these, the abuses, and cheats of Priests, Monks, and Friars, in their Masses, Confessions, Shrifts, Penances, Pardons, Indulgences, Miracles, Relics, etc. all serving to fill the people's brains with vain, and terrible apprehensions, and to empty their purses, were, according to the wit of their respective Ages, to the warning of this, notably, and smartly detected, arraigned, and condemned.  
A multitude more of instances might be given, of the Chargeableness, and expensiveness of Popery, whereby the People were daily abused, and improverished, to the enriching of others with their spoils, whose natural office, and duty was, to feed, and not to fleece the flock. Hence hath been noted the ready tendency of degenerate Religion, when it throws off its spiritual temper, at the same time to grasp at Temporal Power, and Temporal Riches. How that Power was usurped, we have in part seen in the first Tract: and how the Riches were ingross'd, we have endeavoured to make some discovery in this; and amongst all the Arts used for that purpose, none proved more effectual, than this device of Purgatory: this was the fire that always kept the Pope's Kitchen warm, and gave life to Indulgences, Pardons, Dispensations, Jubiles, Regular Foundations, Shrines, Masses, Confessions, etc.  
I must confess I have sometimes endeavoured to understand the nature, and import of this Popish Purgatory; but could never yet meet with any satisfaction therein: And to say truth, the differences amongst the Papists are so many, and irreconcilable, in all the points, and circumstances which concern this Doctrine; that they serve sufficiently, in stead of all other reasons, and arguments, to confute it. 
E●kius in Enchei●id.  First, for the place, Eckius will have it to be in the bottom of the Sea: Some will have it in mount Aetna, Vesuvius, Hecla, And, or some such other ignivomous Montgibels; and Bernard de Bustis in an Hill of Ireland. 
In Rosa●. par● 3. Ca 2.  Next, for the torments, Sir Thomas More will have them to be only by fire; but Fisher his fellow-sufferer by fire, and by water: Lorichius neither by fire, 
Lorich. Instit. Cathol.  nor water, but by the violent convulsions of Hope, and Fear. Then, 
Vid. B. Jewels Defence part 2. cap. 16.  for the Executioners, or Tormentors, these differ no less again; for Bishop Fisher will have them to be the Holy Angels, but Sir Thomas More to be the very Devils. Then, for the sins to be there expiated, some will have them to be the Venial only, and others say the Mortal too. And for the time of Souls continuance in that State, 
Dionys. Carthus. de 4. Noviss.  Dennis the Carthusian extends it to the end of the world; when Dominicus à Soto limits it to ten years; and others make it depend on the number of the Masses, and Offices, that shall be done on their behalf, or if the Pope do but speak the word. Lastly, for the extremity of the pains, Aquinas makes them as violent as those of Hell: But the Rhemists say, 
Rhem. Annot. in Apoc. 14.13. Durand. de Offic. mortuor. cap. 7. Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 13.  that the Souls there are in a very fine condition: And Durandus, between these extremes, gives them some intermission from those terrible pains, upon Sundays, and Holidays. Beda tells a long story of a Northumberland man, that after he died returned to life again, and gave a relation of the condition of those piteous Souls, viz. that he passed through the middle of a long, and large valley, that had two lakes in it, on either side one all along, both top-ful of Souls, constantly leaping out of one, into the other; in the one of these lakes the Souls were tormented with Fire, and in the other with freezing cold, and when a Soul had been so long in the hot lake, that it could endure no longer, it would skip out into the cold lake; and when it had lain so long there, as that became intolerable, it would leap back again into the fiery apartment: and so they continued continually tormented with that alternation of heat, and cold. But by all this uncertainty, or contrariety rather of opinions, it may clearly be seen, upon what weak foundations they have raised this building; which certainly would have fallen to the ground long ago, if it had not been for the profit which the Popes, Priests, and Friars have raised by the fiction.  
And upon this one point of Popish Doctrine, viz. Purgatory, as I noted before, their Masses, Requiems, Dirges, Trentals, Prayers for the dead, the Doctrine of merits, works of Supererogation, Indulgences, Pardons, Jubiles, etc. do depend; all tending to bring into the heavenly Exchequer at Rome, where, by inversion of the Holy Scripture, Gain is great Godliness: and though St. Peter said, Silver, and Gold have I none, yet those which pretend to be his Successors, engross to themselves the Treasures of the world: for to the support of that usurped Hierarchy, all Kings, with the People, were by these Arts forced to contribute, and to make surrendry of their Temporal Power, and Temporal Riches: And though the Pope, as the Head thereof, glutted himself with the cream of the Kingdom's wealth; yet all the other members, down to the very petty-toes, of that Romish Body, would be continually raking, and scraping for themselves; being as sponges to suck from the People: that they might afford sometimes to be squeezed by the Pope.   

CHAP. XXV. The Friar's Case.  
ONe way, specified before, of carrying great sums out of the Kingdom to Rome, was Appeals, and drawing a multitude of Causes to be heard, and determined in the Court of Rome: and though those were not always the most weighty, or difficult; yet, whatever the suggestion was, if introduced with money, the cause was received, and treated accordingly. And now, for a Conclusion, and that my Reader may as well be a little recreated, as informed what kind of causes were brought sometimes before his Holiness, and his Courts: I will give him a Report, or Relation of a certain case, transmitted thither, as it received a hearing, re-hearing, and re-re-hearing, before it had its final Resolution in the Court of Rome; as depending there near upon Fifty years, before it was dismissed.  
St. Francis, 
Anti-mach. fo. 86, etc.  the Founder of the Order of Franciscan Friars, about the year 1198. amongst other Articles of his Rule, Ordained thus, That all that were of his Order, for Apparel, should  themselves with the basest, vilest, and of the lowest price that could be: That they should only have one Coat, with a Hood, and another without a Hood: That they should wear no shoes, nor ride on Horseback. Now amongst the Friars of this Order, there grew great differences, and disputations, about the Interpretation of this one Article. To compose which, a General Chapter, or Convention was held, that the true meaning of the Article might be understood, and declared, and that all might sort themselves to one Habit, for some wore habits of one colour, and some of another: and some wore short, and others long; insomuch as they seemed not to be all of the same Rule, and Order.  
In this Chapter, or Convention, there were notable disputes, and arguments, upon all the points, or branches of this Article. But about the two last points they came to agreement without much difficulty: for seeing they were forbidden to ride on Horseback, they resolved to ride but on Asses, and Mules, or to go on foot, as now commonly they do; wherein they considered also the convenience of Asses, in regard they could keep them in their Covents at an easier charge than Horses, for they would live very well without Provender. And for Shoe, they resolved, that they would take away the uper leather, leaving a sole only with a thong, to go over the foot, to make the sole fast to the foot, and so they should not be Shoes, but Soles. But the great difficulty was about the Coat, and Hood: And there were some cunning Friars, good at division, who divided the first branch of the Article into three principal Points or Questions: The First, about the Colour; The Second, about the Quantity; And the Third, about the form, or fashion of the Coat, and Hood.  
To the First, 
First great Point.  about the Colour, there were divers Opinions, and no accord could be amongst them. For the glorious St. Francis had spoken nothing of the Colour in his Rule; but only ordained, that they of his Order should wear Habits of a low price: and thereupon fell out a great Question, viz. what Colour was of least price, and would seem to be most vile. Argum. Some reasoned thus, That the Green Colour was the cheapest, and vilest; and that it was ordinarily seen, that people of the lowest condition, as Carters, Mariners, and other mean people, wore that Colour in the linings of their Doublets, as the meanest of all; not forgetting the green Apron, generally worn by the plainest sort of people, and never by the rich. They argued further, that the matter wherewith the Green Colour is made, is Cheaper, and readier at hand, than any other; for with Herbs, Leaves, and Grass, the Green Colour may be made, both for Linen, and for ; Nay take a Maid, and lay her but along on the Grass, and every one will say she has a Green Gown.  
Ans. But others were of Opinion, that the Murrey, or Smoky Colour, was viler, easier to be gotten, and cheaper, than the Green, or any other colour; for to make that colour, there need no more than to take white wool, and soot, and one need not go over the threshold for materials for that dye.  
But then there were others of a Third Opinion, who thought themselves more certainly in the right, than either of the other Two; and these said that no colour was more easy to be had, viler, or more suitable to their Order, than that which came pure from the Beast's back, and that was Black, or White: And that it would correspond with St. Francis his mind, and design, that they should wear the Colour of the Beast, in token of Humility, and Patience: and further adding, that all other Colours cost something, if it were but labour, but the Colour of the Beast would cost nothing at all.  
But to all this, they that were for Green, or Smokey Colours, replied; That they who disputed for the Colour of the Beast shown they had too much of the Beast in them; because their Conclusion was alternative, and indeterminative; for they concluded upon White, and Black, without resolving either upon the one, or the other; and that such a Conclusion employed a contradiction; for, said they, nothing is more contrary, than Black, and White. Besides, if they weared the Colour of the Sheep, it might give occasion unto men, to censure them for being Wolves, in Sheep's clothing. They urged also, that already other Mendicants had taken up those two Colours, for the Jacobins wore White under, and Black above: and the Carmelites contrary, Black under, and White above: and that generally all other sorts of Monks, which held the Rules of St. Augustin, St. Bernard, St. Benet, and others, were either Black, or White; and it might be esteemed, either presumption, encroachment, or usurpation, to assume the Habits, or Colours of others; and therefore that would not be the way to draw unto them the Devotion of the World: And then these concluded, That if they should take the Colour of Black, there were some Countries where were no Black Sheep, as in Berry, Lymoges, and Languedoc; in which Countries they must be forced to die their Wool, and that would make it dear, and, by consequence, directly against the Rule of the blessed St. Francis; and how should they pay for dying, when they are expressly forbidden to handle any Silver? And then, if the Order should choose the White Colour, there are other countries', where there are no White Sheep, or but few, as in Tuscany, and other places; so that there the Friars must have their  out of far Countries, which would be to their greater cost, and directly also against their Rule, and Liberties: And therefore these concluded, no Colours so fit, as the Green, or Smoky.  
But then, 
Rejoined.  those that were for the Colour of the Beast, rejoined, and said, That that Opinion for Green, and that other for Smoky Colours, were the most Savage, and Sordid opinions in the World, answerable to the Reason of those as maintained it: for, said they, Green is a Colour most fit for Fools, and Jackanapes' that are ordinarily seen in that Colour. And then, in Countries, where they say there is none but Black Wool, how can they die that into Green, or Smoky? But, by this time the Contest grew very hot, which a shrewd old Friar observing, and suspecting that this wrangling about Habits, would bring them to a habit of wrangling, and make a rent in the Order, stood up, and after silence commanded, he commended all those that had so throughly, and learnedly debated the matter on both sides: but seeing, said he, the case is very weighty, and difficult, it seems to me to merit the Resolution of our Holy Father the Pope, and that it ought to be referred to his determination: to which motion, for that time, they all assented.  
After this, 
Second great Point.  the Seniors of the Fraternity caused the second Question of the three to be proposed, touching the quantity of their Habits, whether they should be long, or short; wide, or straight. And to this, a number stood up, declaring their Opinion to be, That the Garments of their Order ought to be short, and straight, and that for many reasons, as they alleged: Argum. For, said they, Garments that are short, and straight, are more vile, and better cheap, than such are, that be long, and large, because they have not so much stuff in them: Therefore, since the Glorious St. Francis, our Founder, ordained we should wear Habits vile, and of little price, we cannot better observe that Holy Rule, (wherein consisteth the estate of perfection) than in making our Habits as short, and straight as is possible. Besides, said they, our blessed Founder hath made us all Mendicants, to live on the Charities of good people, to gather which, we must be always travelling, and running about the Country; and therefore we cannot possibly be so nimble, in a long, and wide, as in a short, and straight garment.  
But then presently another company steps up, Answ. and condemns this Opinion, as the most strange, and ridiculous as might be: Because, said these, if Friars should wear short Habits, they would look more like Jockeys, and Millers, than Friars: and experience shows, that in some Countries, where Friars used to wear short Habits, the Order was presently contemned, and derided, and men called them curtailed Friars. Besides, the very mind of St. Francis, in this, may somewhat be understood, because in this Article he uses the word Tunic, which seems to signify a long Robe, or Garment. Moreover, long habits are more seemly for religious men, and short Habits for Laymen. Further they said that all other sorts of Monks wore long, and wide Habits, and it would be a great blemish, as well as a Novelty, if the Order of the most glorious St. Francis should take a short Habit. And then, said they, when we go into the Pulpit to Preach, or when we go to say Mass, will it not be a rare sight for us to go like Skipjacks, and Millers? Therefore these concluded, that their Habit should be long, and large.  
Notwithstanding all this, Reply. the first Opinionists in this point Replied, and said, That the good St. Francis had taught them the way of Humility, and therefore they should not wear long Garments, like Pharisees, to be reverenced in the World; for that tasted of Pride, and not of his Humility; and they which are despised of the world, are esteemed of God, and so contrary. Then for the Notation of the word Tunic, they said, that in the Rule of S. Benet, it signified not a long Robe, but a little Coat, or Cassock, and so it is found in Ambrose Calepin's Dictionary (who was of our Order, said they,) not a long Robe, but Toga, and that therefore the Letter of the Article made for them in that point. And as for what had been said, that other Monks wear long, and wide; these said it would be so much the better, that there might be a distinction between them, and others; and that they might not look like Laymen in short Habits, the Hood would make a difference sufficient for that purpose: and length of Garments alone would not distinguish them from the Lay-people, for many of them also wore long Robes, as Advocates, Councillors, Proctors, Physicians, and Merchants, and divers others: And though we may confess, said they, that at the beginning, it possibly may seem a novelty, to wear short, and straight Garments, with a Hood; but time, and custom will take away the strangeness of it, for to all things there is a beginning. But, by this time the disputes upon these points began to be very warm also: so that some of the old subtle Friars commanded silence again; and having given due commendations to the ingenuity, and nimbleness of the Disputers on both sides, they Resolved to remit the resolution of these high matters also to the great Oracle of the World, their H. Father at Rome.  
Then the Third Question was started, 
Third great 〈◊〉,  touching the form, and fashion of these Habits: and upon that it was put to the Cuestion, Whether their Habits should be single, or double: If they might be any whit fine, or not: If they should have Collars, or none: If they should use Points, or Buttons: If they should have skirts, or none: Or sleeves, or no sleeves: Or, if sleeves, whether the hanging sleeves, Argum. or no: And upon this matter of sleeves, some were for little sleeves, because the great ones would take up more stuff, and be dearer, and so contrary to their Rule: Answ. But than others that were for the great sleeves, said, they might serve them in stead of a scrip, or pouch; for the good St. Francis had commanded them to beg, and live upon Alms, and also had forbidden them to carry pouch, bag, or scrip, and it was necessary they should have something wherein to put their Alms. To Answer which, the others said there might be another help, viz. to take a Man, or a Boy with them, (whom they might call a Judas) to carry a bag, or scrip, for that purpose, who also might take money, if any gave it. But this project did not, in all respects, please the others; though as to the taking of money, they liked that well enough, but such Boys, and Men would be Judas' indeed, and steal, and purloin what was given; however if they should be honest, they must be maintained, which would strike a great stroke, and make a hole in their gains, and so the bread would be eaten out of the poor Fryer's mouths by these hangby's.  
Then they came to debate the fashion of their Hoods: And as to that, Argum. some were for flat, and close Hoods, which they said would betoken Humility; and would be warmer: But others were for the sharp pointed Hood, Answ. which they said would denote their sharp, quick, and piercing Conceits, and how they aspired upwards. And many allegations, and exceptions were made, and taken to all these, and divers other the like points, which blew the Company into a great Combustion: which some of the more discreet amongst them perceiving, and considering what bad success they had in the disputes upon the former Points, and that in these there was like to be no better harmony: they moved that the differences in these great Points also might be referred to the infallible Judgement of the Pope, holding it as expedient to send for a resolution of three Questions, as of two; for said they, when a fire is made, it is as cheap roasting Three Chickens, as Two. And to this they all consented.  
Not long after, certain Delegates of the Order took their Journey to Rome, to Pope Nicholas the Third, about the year 1280. who convened all his Cardinals, that with them he might understand, and determine all these high, and subtle Points. And after long debate, and mature deliberation taken, upon all things alleged, and insisted on, in these matters; at length, with the advice of his Cardinals, the Pope made this Resolution, viz. He ordained, and commanded, that in all those Questions, that only should be observed, which should be concluded and determined in a Chapter General, or else in Provincial Chapiters', or Conventions, which for that purpose should be Congregated: Provided, that there might always shine in the Friars an holy Poverty, according to their holy Rule. Upon this, and for this purpose, many Chapiters' were afterwards assembled: but all to no purpose at all, for therein they fell out, in as great heats, and differences, about all these difficult points, as ever they were before.  
Then, about thirty years after, the Fraternity, by reason of the great dissensions amongst them, touching these matters, sent Delegates to Rome again, to Pope Clement the fifth, who then held a Council at Vienna, An. D. 1311. giving the Pope to understand, How, according to the Ordinance of Pope Nicholas, the Chapters had done all they possibly could, to overcome the said difficulties, but could not bring them to any tolerable conclusion; but that contrarily, the more the matters were debated, the more doubts, and difficulties always did arise: therefore, as to the very Oracle of Truth, they wholly submitted to him all their differences in the premises. Upon this the Pope, after hearing all that they alleged, and offered, touching the points in difference, with advice of the Prelates, Cardinals, Doctors, and others assembled in that Council, puts forth a true Oracle indeed, that is, nothing of certainty to the Questions proposed to him: For his Resolution was, That the Guardians, and the other chief Ministers of the Order, should judge of the vility, colour, length, wideness, and fashion of their Habits: Commanding all the Friars punctually to observe, and obey the Orders, and resolutions of their Guardians, and Chiefs, without framing, or proposing any more doubts, subtleties, or scruples. With all this, contained in a very fair Bull, the Delegates, and Agents returned home: And the Guardians, and Chiefs of the Order, in pursuance thereof, applied themselves to order, and settle these matters: But then, besides the differences that arose amongst themselves, when ever they agreed on any thing, those Friars, against whose Opinion it was carried, would quarrel insolently at it, and would be so far from yielding conformity, that they did not spare to revile their Superiors, calling them Fools, and Dunces, for no better understanding the Text of St. Francis his Rule: And in this disorder they continued a long time; until  
In the year 1323. in the time of Pope John the 22. who resided at Avignion, the Guardians, and superiors of the Order went to complain once more to his Holiness, that the Friars would not obey the Orders they had agreed upon by virtue of the Bull of Pope Clement; and humbly prayed his Holiness further directions, and aid therein. Whereupon the Pope sent Summons to all those Friars who refused to obey their Superiors Decrees in all those controverted points, that they should either personally, or by writing certify the Reasons of their obstinacy: and when these were come in, the Pope assembled all his Cardinals in Conclave, where the Allegations for, and against the Fryer's disobedience, were all canvassed, and debated at large, and many offers, and proposals made for a final conclusion of all: but nothing of that nature was accepted, and no agreement there was like to be except, the Pope would juridically, and openly, and plainly give his Sentence in the case. And thereupon the Pope gave Order for his definitive Bull to be drawn up: wherein, in the first place, he highly extolled the Bulls of his Predecessors, the Pope's Nicholas, and Clement, wondering why men should decline the import, and ●enor of them: and then for himself, he ordained, and declared, That the vility of Habits should be measured by the custom of every Country: and after gave power, and Commission to the Guardians, and Superiors of the Order (as did Pope Clement) to make a Rule for the longitude, latitude, colour, thickness, fashion, substance, and vility, as well of the Tunics, as the Hood; and upon all other circumstances, accidents, and dependences upon the same: commanding all the Friars to obey the Rules that should be made, without any more Objections, Arguments, or Contradictions. But neither would this Third Bull do the business; for men esteemed it, in effect, no more than what had been ordered before, without any fruit. And so the heats, and disputes continued amongst the Friars, as high as ever: Nay some spared not to reflect on the Pope himself, saying, that he did not rightly understand the points in controversy: Others, that he used too many Councillors, and that one honest Tailor, if the Pope could have found him, would better have informed how to stitch up these rents, than the whole Conclave: and the greatest Scandal was, that if the Pope, the Vice-deus, the Oracle of Truth, the unerring Head, the infallible Guide, could not settle, and put an end to differences of such inferior nature; how could he (did many say) infallibly judge, and determine in matters of Faith, and the more sublime points of Religion, about which there were such differences in the world?  
But at last these heats amongst the Friars were somewhat allayed, and cooled with time: and the generality of the Order betook thmeselves to the White, and Black Colours, as they come purely from the Beast, and thence the denomination to the white, and black Friars: and some of them intermingled the two Colours, and made a third, and from them came the Grey Friars. And for the Garments, and Hoods, they came to wear them long, and large: only the difference about the Sleeves was never yet accorded, for some wear straight, and little Sleeves; and others wear large, and wide, for some conveniences, and of this sort was that Friar, who when he was Preaching against stealing, had all the time a Goose in his Sleeve. And thus, though their Infallible Judge could not, or would not, put an end to these differences amongst his own Creatures, with all his Decretals, and Extravagants, as those Bulls were called; yet at this time we shall here to them all put a  
FINIS.    

An Essay of the Supremacy of the King of England, within his Majesty's Realms, and Dominions.  
IN our view of the resplendent Majesty of our Sovereign Lord, the King of England, it must needs far with us, as with a curious eye, that looks on the Sun in its full lustre; thereby discovering its own weakness, sooner than the nature of that Glorious Body: being dazzled, if it gaze too long; and scorched, 
Excellens objectum destruit sensum.  if it approach too near such a refulgent, and disproportioned Object. And therefore, that I may proceed with Truth, and safety, in this affair, I must make use of the Instruments of Law, and the screen of Authorities, to direct, and defend me, in my intended progress therein.  
In the first place therefore, we are to know, That the King of England hath two capacities in him: viz. One as a natural Body, being descended of the Blood Royal of this Realm: and this Body is of the same nature with his Subjects, 
Ploughed. Comment. seig. Barkly's Case. fo. 234. Id. Case de Duchy. fo. 213.  and subject to Infirmity, Death, and the like. The other as a Politic Body, or Capacity; so called, because it is framed by the Policy of man: and in this Capacity the King is esteemed to be Immortal, not subject to Infirmity, Death, Nonage, etc. And therefore, when a King of England dies, the Lawyers have a peculiar way of expressing the same, not saying the Death of the King, but the King's demise. 
Demise le Roy.  And therefore, in respect of this Politic Capacity, it is often said, That the King of England never dies: and by the Law of England there can be no Interregnum; for upon the King's Demise, his lawful Successor is, ipso facto, King, without any essential Ceremony, or Act, ex post facto, to be done: For the coronation is but a Royal ornament, 
Calvin's Case. fo. 10, 11.  and solemnisation of the Royal Descent, but no part of the Title. And all this may be collected from the Resolutions of all the Judges, in the case of Watson, and Clark, Seminary Priests, who, with others, 
Hill. An. 1 Jac. Cok. Pl. Coron. 7.  entered into Treason against King James, before his coronation. So King Henry the sixth, was not crowned until the eighth year of his Reign, and yet several men, before his Coronation, were Attaint of Treason, and Felony, as by the Records thereof it doth appear.  
The Reasons, and causes, wherefore, by the Policy of the Law, the King of England is thus a Body Politic, are three. viz.  
First, Causa Masestatis, The King cannot give, or take, 
Calvin's Case. fo. 12.  but by matter of Record: and that in regard of the Dignity of his Person.  
Secondly, Causa Necessitatis; as in case to avoid the Attainder of him that hath Right to the Crown: As if the right Heir to the Crown be Attaint of High Treason, yet shall the Crown descend to him, and, eo instanti, when it happens, without any other reversal, the Attainder is purged; as it fell out in the Case of King Henry 7. jest, in the interim, 
1 Hen. 7. fo. 4. b.  there should be an Interregnum, which the Law of England will not suffer, any more than nature doth a Vacuum. As also by virtue of this Politic Capacity, though the King be within Age, yet he may make Leases, and Grants; and the same shall be valid: for otherwise his revenue would decay; and the King would not be able to reward service, etc.  
Thirdly, Causa Vtilitatis; As when Lands, and Tenements, or Possessions descend from his collateral Ancestors, being Subjects, as suppose from the Earl of March, etc. to the King; the King is seized, or possessed of them, jure Coronae, in his Politic Capacity, and they shall go with the Crown. And in this Capacity it was, that Queen Elizabeth had, and enjoyed all that belonged to Queen Mary, though they were but Sisters of the half Blood, which not others could do. And as the Crown of England is Descendible to the Heirs males, yet when a King dies, and leaves no Son, but Daughters only, the Crown, and Dignity Royal, descends to the King's eldest Daughter alone, and to her Posterity: and so it hath been declared by a Parliament: for Regnum non est divisibile. 
Stat. 25 Hen. 8. cap. 22.  And there shall be no Possessio fratris of the Lands of the Crown: for the quality of the Person doth in these, and many other likes cases, altar the descent. So as all the Lands, and Possessions, whereof the King is seized, or possessed, jure coronae, shall attend upon and follow the Crown, unto whomsoever it shall Descend: for the Crown, and the Possessions of the same, are concomitantia.  
The natural Body of the King being thus invested with his Politic, and Royal Capacity, we behold him as the Representative, and Lieutenant of God Almighty, who is King of Kings. All Power is from God; and Imperium non nisi Divino fato datur: And therefore Plato did say, That God did not appoint, and establish men, that is, men of a common sort, and sufficiency, and purely Humane, to rule and govern others, (cautiously to be understood) but such as by some Divine touch, singular virtue, and gift of Heaven, do excel others: and therefore they are called Heroes, and stand in Comparison with others, as we may conceive of the Air, which if we do compare with the Heavens, it is a kind of Earth: but if we compare it with the Earth, it is then a kind of Heaven. So of King's, if we compare them with God Almighty, they are but a kind of men; but if we compare them with other men, they are a kind of gods: both intimated in that of the Psalmist, I have said ye are gods, but ye shall die like men.  
This Royal majesty of the King of England is replenished with plenary, and undoubted Right, and Authority to rule, and govern all his Subjects; and that in all Causes, as well Ecclesiastical, as Temporal. For this Kingdom of England is a Sovereign Empire or Monarchy consisting of one Head; the Sovereign, or King; and of a Body Politic, the People: and this Body is distinguished into the Clergy, and the Laity: all of them entirely Subject to their Royal Head, the King: who, as before is said, is furnished, and instituted with an entire Authority over every Subject, of what degree, or quality soever: and that in all causes Ecclesiastical, and Temporal: For otherwise the King would be imperfect in his Authority, contrary to the true notion of Sovereignty; and thereby disabled to deliver Justice in all causes, to all his Subjects, or to punish all crimes, and offences within his Dominions: a consideration of high import, for the necessary security both of Prince, and People.  
But notwithstanding the full, and Sovereign Right of the King, to rule and govern all his Subjects, and that in all causes: and consequently the just, and necessary duty of all his Subjects to yield a full, and entire Obedience to all the Kings good Laws: (for it is the Law that measures out, and spiriteth the King's Authority; as it directs, and enforces the Subject's Obedience) yet so it hath been, and so it is, in our Antinomian times, partly by the obstinacy, and devotedness of some; the weakness, and ignorance of others; and the peevishness, and perverseness of many; that there is a multitude of natural born Subjects in this Kingdom, who, in defiance of the Laws, both in their Opinions, and Practices, deny, or oppose our Sovereign's Supremacy.  
On the one hand, there are the Sectaries; who, notwithstanding the Law is the Standard of true Allegiance, make the ground, the rule, and measures of their Allegiance, to be their own private fancies: And though the Law is the bright Sun, shining in the Horizon of this Kingdom, by the Light whereof every one ought to guide his actions; yet these men outstare this Sun, and giddily run, some of them after the Ignis fatuus of a pretended Light within them: some after the false fires of a misguided zeal: too many after the Boutfeaus or malcontent Incendiaries: and some after the very fumes of Hypochondriacal fits, mistaken for visions, and Revelations.  
On the other hand, there are the Devoto's of Rome; who in contempt of the King's Laws, and Authority, make the rules, and measures of their Allegiance to be the will, and pleasure of a Foreigner. As the Sectaries set up a Pope in every man's Conscience, (whilst they invest it with a power to control the Decrees of Princes) and new Lights for themselves to live, and walk by; these, contrarily, put out their own Eyes, and give themselves up to be led by an infallible Head, as they think; to whom whilst they yield a blind Obedience, they cannot see to be good Subjects. These men, of both sorts, strike at our Supremacy, the very foundation, and heartstring of Government; and by whom the very Sinews of Sovereignty are cut asunder; when either upon the suggestions of fanatical delusions, or the imperious awes of an extraneous Power, the King's natural Subjects shall audaciously lift up their Hands, and Heels against him.  
My Province, at this time, to wave all disputes, shall only be to make some discovery of those Foundations of Law, Right, and Authority, whereon our King's Supremacy is built, by the Legal, and unquestionable Historical Evidences, and Manifesto's of the same: and whilst I keep close there, I shall be sure to be on a safe bottom. I shall not pretend to wade into the vast Ocean of the King's Prerogative, in all its extensions, but shall confine myself to the affair of the King's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical matters; without professing yet a stature to reach the top of this sublime, or the bottom of this profound concern.  
In the first place then, we are to know, that the King's just, and lawful Authority in Ecclesiastical matters, is in part declared by a statute made in the first year of Queen Elizabeth: 
Stat. 1 Eliz. Ca 1. Non novam introduxit, sed antiquam declaravit. Coke 5. Rep. Cawdrys Case. fo. 8.  And it was one of the Resolutions of the Judges, in Cawdry's Case, That the said Act of the First year of the Queen, concerning Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, was not a Statute introductory of a new Law, but Declaratory of the Old. But for our purpose, it will be sufficient to transcribe the Preamble of the Act; which runs thus: Most humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty, your faithful and obedient Subjects, the Lords Spiritual, and Temporal, and the Commons in this your present Parliament assembled, that where in time of the reign of your most dear Father of worthy memory King Henry 8. divers good Laws, and Statutes were made, as well for the better extinguishment and putting away of all usurped and foreign powers, and authorities out of this your Realm, and other your Highness Dominions and Countries, as also for the 
* Nota.  restoring and uniting to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, the ancient Jurisdictions, authorities, Superiorities, and preeminences to the same of right belonging; by reason whereof, we your most humble and obedient Subjects, from the 25. year of the reign of your said dear Father, were continually kept in good order, and were disburdened of divers great, and intolerable charges, before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such foreign power and authority as before that was usurped, until such time as all the said good laws, and Statutes by one Act of Parliament made in the first and second years of the reigns of the late King Philip, and Queen Marry your Highness' Sister, Entitled, An Act repealing all Statutes, Articles, and Provisions made against the See Apostolic of Rome, since the 20th. year of King Henry 8. and also for the establishment of all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical possessions and hereditaments conveyed to the Laity, were all clearly repealed and made void: as by the same Act of repeal more at large appears. By reason of which Act of repeal, your said humble Subjects were estsoons brought again under an usurped foreign power and authority, and yet do remain in that bondage, to the intolerable charges of your loving Subjects, if some redress (by the Authority of this your High Court of Parliament with the assent of your Highness) be not had and provided. May it therefore please your Highness, for the repressing of the said usurped foreign power, and the restoring of the Rights, Jurisdictions, and preeminences appertaining to the Imperial Crown of this your Realm, that it may be Enacted by the Authority of this present Parliament, etc. And then it proceeds to Repeal the said Act of Philip, and Mary; and revives the former Statutes of King Hen. 8. and King Edw. 6. abolisheth all usurped foreign powers, and authorities; and restoreth and uniteth all Jurisdictions, Privileges, Superiorites, and Preeminences Spiritual, and Ecclesiastical to the Imperial Crown of this Realm.  
This Statute doing Right to the Queen, and her Successors; ever since, as in Temporal Causes, the Kings of England, by the mouths of their Judges, in the Courts of Justice, have judged, and determined the same, by the Temporal Laws of England: So in all Ecclesiastical, and spiritual Causes, (as Blasphemy, 
Ecclesiastical Causes Stat. de circumsuecte agatis. 13 Edw. 1. Articuli Cleri. 9 Edw. 2. Fitzh. Nat. Bre. 41, 42, 43, etc.  Apostasy from Christianity, Heresy, Schism, Ordering Admissions, and Institution of Clarks, Celebration of Divine service, Rites of Matrimony, Divorces, Bastardy, Substraction and Right of Tithes, Oblations, Obventions, Dilapidations, Reparation of Churches, Probate of Wills and Testaments, Administrations, and Accounts upon the same, Simony, Fornication, Incest, Adulteries, Solicitation of Chastity, Appeals in Ecclesiastical causes, Commutation of Penance, Pensions, Procurations, etc.) the Conusans of all which belongs not to the Common Law; but the determination, and decision of the same, hath been by Ecclesiastical Judges, according to the King's Ecclesiastical Laws of this his Realm.  
And although the said Stat. 1 Eliz. declares how, and by whom, the King may appoint the same to be done; yet (as is intimated before) the King by Law may do the same, although that Statute had not been made: And hence it was, that Stephen Gardiner, the noted Bishop of Winchester, 
Significantiori vocabulo competentem Principi jure Divino po●est●tem expr●mi clarius volu●runt.  in his Oration De vera Obedientia, once said, That by the Parliaments styling of King Hen. 8. Head of the Church, it was no new invented matter wrought; only their mind was to have the power pertaining to a Prince by God's law to be more clearly expressed by this Emphatical compellation. And certainly this was the ground of that answer, which King James gave to the Nonconforming Divines, at the conference at Hampton Court, upon the seven and thirtieth Article of the Church of England; the said Divines urging, that these words in the Article, viz. 
Confer. at Hamp. Court fo. 37.  The Bishop of Rome hath no Authority in this land, were not sufficient, unless it was added, nor aught to have: To which the King, being somewhat moved, roundly replied, What speak you of the Pope's authority here? Habemus jure quod habemus, and therefore, in as much as it is said, He hath not, it is plain and certain enough that he ought not to have.  
Nor is this Authority united to the Crown of England only, but of right also to all other Christian Crowns; and accordingly avowed by all other Christian Princes. And to this purpose I could multiply the Suffrages of many ancient Fathers, and Doctors of the Church, but my aim being rather at matter of fact, I will forbear the particularising the explicit Judgements, and Declarations of those Devout, and just men, who were as careful, in its degree, and proportion to give unto Caesar, the things that are Caesar's, as to God, the things that are God's. But for the matter of practice; And in the first place here I cannot but take notice, That in the first Ages of Christianity, Religion did not only subsist, but spread by immediate influence from Heaven only; but when by virtue of the same influence it had once prevailed, and triumphed over all oppositions of Pagan superstition, and persecution, and subdued the Emperors themselves, and became the Imperial Religion; then Ecclesiastical Authority assumed, and fixed itself in its natural and proper place; and the excercise of its Jurisdiction (and what that was I shall show also) was restored to the Imperial Diadem: and Constantine was no sooner settled in his Imperial Throne, but he took the settlement of all Ecclesiastical matters into his care and cognisans: He called Synods, and Councils, and ratified their Canons into Laws: He routed the Conventicles of the Donatists: made Edicts concerning Festivals, the Rites of Sepulture, the immunities of Churches, the Authority of Bishops, the Privileges of the Clergy, with divers other things relating to the outward Polity of the Church: In which affair he was carefully followed by his Successors, as evidently may appear to all conversant in the Civil Law. And the aforesaid Stephen Gardiner, in that his notable Oration of true Obedience, makes instance in the Roman Emperor Justinian, who, with the approbation of all the world, at that time, set forth those Laws of the most Blessed Trinity, the Catholic Faith, 
Justiniani factum, qui leges edidit de Trinitate, de fide Catholica etc. Steph. Wint. Orat. fo. 19  of Bishops, and Clergymen, and the like. The like also appears by the most famous Partidas, set forth by Ferdinando the Saint, and his Son Alphonso, for the ancient Kingdoms of Castille, Toledo, Leon, and others of Spain, celebrated in the Spanish Histories. Correspondent to which also hath been the practice of the Kingdom of France, 
Lew. Turquet Hist. of Spain.  whose Kings have ever been esteemed, in some sense, the Heads of their Church: and this is the reason, that the opening their most ancient Councils, under the first, and second (the Merovingian, and Caroline) line, was ever by the power, and authority, and sometimes the presidency of their Kings, and Princes: It being a noted saying in one of their Councils, 
Council. Parisien●. 6. lib. 2. cap. 2.  Cognoscant Principes Seculi se Deo debere rationem propter Ecclesiam quam à Deo tuendam accipiunt. And according to this Doctrine, 
C d. L●g. Antiq. Gall. f●. 827. L●ndenbrog.  for matters of Church, or State, of Charles the Great, Ludovicus Pius, Lewis le Gros, Pepin, and others, collected by the French Antiquaries. And at this day generally, amongst the Lawyers, and most learned of the French Nation, it is held, and declared, 
Vid. le Re●●w de le Council de Trent. Bore●. lib. 4. de Decret. Eccl. Gall.  That the Bishop of Rome was anciently the First, and chiefest Bishop, according to the dignity of of Precedency, and order: not by any Divine institution, but because Rome was the chief City of the Empire. That he obtained this Primacy over the Western Church by the grace, and gift of Pepin, Charles the Great, and other Kings of France: And that he hath no power to dispose of temporal things. That it belongs to Christian Kings, and Princes to call Ecclesiastical Synods; to establish their Decrees; to make wholesome Laws, for the government of the Church; and to punish and reform abuses therein. That the Laws whereby their Church is to be governed, are only the Canons of the more ancient Councils, and their own National Constitutions, and not the Extravagants, and Decretals of the Bishop, or Court of Rome. That the Council of Constance, assembled by Sigismond the Emperor, with a concurrent consent of other Christian Princes, Decreeing a General Synod, or Council, to be Superior to the Pope, and correcting many abuses in the Roman Church, which yet remain in practice, was a true Ecumenical Council; as also was the Council of Basil. That the Assembly of Trent was no lawful Council, and the Canons thereof rather to be esteemed the Decrees of the Popes, who called, and continued it, than the Decrees of the Council itself; and that in regard the number of Bishops there met was but small, bearing no proportion to the import of a General Council; as also the greatest part of those present were Italian, and Vassals to the Pope; and nothing there resolved on, but what was before determined at Rome; which then occasioned this infamous byword, That the Holy Ghost was carried in Cloak-bags, every Post, from Rome to Trent. That the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ought to be administered under both kinds: and that, at the least, a great part of Divine Service ought to be performed in the vulgar Tongue. Thus far the French, and  
Many the like instances might here be added to the same purpose: but yet, under favour, all Crowns Imperial must give place, in regard of this one Flower, or Jewel of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, to the Crown of England: For as the first Christian King, that ever the world saw, is recorded to have been of this Island, the renowned Lucius; so is he intimated to be the first that ever exercised Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, being directed thereunto by Pope Eleutherius, 
V●d. Eleuth. Epist.  to fetch his Laws, by the advice of his Council, out of the Old, and New Testament, and by the same to Govern his Kingdom, wherein he was God's Vicar. According to which advice, the British, Saxon, Danish, and first Kings of the Normans, have governed their Churches, and Churchmen, as may appear by the Laws by them for that purpose made, 
Archaionem. Analect. Angl. Brit. li. 1, 2. Hist. Cambr. fo. 59 Jo. Brompton. etc.  and lately exhibited to the public by Mr. Lambard, Mr. Selden, Dr. powel, and others. Neither can any Ecclesiastical Canons, for Government of the English Church be produced, till long after the conquest, which were not either originally promulged, or afterwards allowed, either by the Monarch, or some King of the Heptarchy, sitting, or directing in the National, or Provincial Synod. Nay, in the after usurping times, there is to be seen the Transcript of a Record An. 
Manus. Chronic. Abb. de Bello. Vide the like Charter of exemption to the Abbot of Abbindon, by K●nulphus, in Stanf. pl. Cor. l. 2. fo. 111. b. 1 Hen. 7. fo. 23, 25.  3 Hen. 2. wherein when the Bishop of Chichester opposed some Canons against the King's exemption of the Abbey of Battle from Episcopal Jurisdiction; the King in anger replied, Tu pro Papae authoritate ab hominibus concessa, contra dignitatum Regalium authoritates mihi à Deo concessas, calliditate arguta niti praecogitas? Dost thou go about, by subtlety of Wit, to oppose the Pope's authority, granted by the connivance of men, against the authority of my Regal Dignity, given by God himself? And thereupon requires reason, and justice against the Bishop for his insolence. And thus it is most easily demonstrable, that the Kings of England have had these Flowers of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction planted in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, even from the very beginning of the Christian Monarchy in this Island; where we hope they have now taken such root, that neither any Fanatic whispers at home, nor the roaring of any Romish Bulls from abroad, will ever be able to shake, or blast the same. And from hence was the Resolution of our Judges (mentioned before) in the Case of Cawary, 
Cook 5. Rep. De Jure Reg. Eccl.  that the said Statute made in the first year of the Queen, concerning Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, was not introductory of a new Law, but Declaratory of the old; which appears as well by the Title of the said Act, as by the Body of it, 
An Act restoring to the Crown the ancient jurisdiction over the state Ecclesiastical and spiritual. 1 Eliz. 1.  in divers places: for that Stat. doth not annex any Jurisdiction to the Crown, but that which in truth was, or of right aught to be, by the ancient Laws of this Realm, parcel of the King's Jurisdiction.  
Now it is not unknown how from the root, as it were, of this inherent Authority grow the several Branches of the same; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  As that he hath the supreme Right of Patronage over all England, and all Ecclesiastical Benefices within the same: so that if the immediate Patron present not a Clerk in due time, nor the Ordinary, nor Metropolitan, the Right of Presentation devolves on the King, and there rests. 
Nullum tempus occurrit Regi.  He only hath the Patronage of all Bishoprics, and none can be chosen but by his Congee d' Eslier, and whom he nominates: none can be consecrated Bishop, or take possession of the Revenues of the Bishopric, without a special Writ, or Assent from the King. The King only calls National, or Provincial Synods; and by his Commissioners, or Metropolitans, gives life to Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, relating to the Government, and Ceremonies of the Church; for reformation, and correction of Heresies, Schisms, Contempts, etc. 
Hall's Case. Coke 5 Rep.  The King hath Power to pardon the violation of Ecclesiastical Laws, to dispense with the rigour of them; and to regulate all Ecclesiastical Persons, as that a Bastard may be made a Priest; 
11 Hen. 7.12. a.  That a Priest may hold more Benefices than one; That he may succeed his Father; That he may be non-Resident, etc. And for his Superintendency over the whole Church, the King hath the First-Fruits, and Tenths of all Ecclesiastical Benefices. And from him lies no Appeal to any foreign Jurisdiction whatsoever.  
Neither is it unknown what strange encroachments, and usurpations have been made upon the fundamental Right of our Kings, by the Popes, and Court of Rome; and again how strenuously, in all times, it hath been asserted, and vindicated, by the Kings, and People of England: the Papal Dominion rising, and falling here, according to the quality of the Times, and the measures of resistance which it met withal. And evident is it also, by what means this foreign Dominion came to be owned here: for in the Empire the Bishops of Rome usurped one half of the Imperial Power, and annexed the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and Supremacy to their own See: for taking advantage of the public distractions occasioned partly by the incursions of the Barbarians on the North, and East parts; and chief by the divisions of the Empire itself, and by some opportunities of serving some weak, and vicious Emperors in their unworthy purposes, they gained at last, by force, or fraud, the whole Dominion of Religion to themselves: and by pretending to the Spirit of Infallibility, they usurped an absolute Empire over the Faiths, and Consciences of men: which yet they could not maintain without the continual disdained affronts to the Princes of Christendom; the last whereof reduced under this yoke were the Kings of this Island; and for which there were not Arts enough wanting: As by making a bad use of innocent, and good meanings, and improving the humility of others for an advantageous step whereon to mount itself: For when Religion came to a consistency here, the Bishop of Rome was greatly reverenced by the Christians of this Island, as one that was the Primate of one of the than most glorious Churches in the World, Patriarch of the West, and residing in a City famous for Arts, and Learning, and the seat of the Empire: And then the fame of this eminent Bishop (crescens eundo, 
Tacit. Hist. lib. 2.  and majora credi de absentibus, as Tacitus speaks) acquired a mighty reverence for him in these remoter parts: though the devout Britain's, who received more probably their first conversion from Asia, applied themselves chief to Judaea, as a place of the greatest sanctity; yet amongst the Saxons, for the reasons aforesaid, 
Beda Hist li. 4. cap. 23.  Romam adire magnae virtutis aestimabatur, as Ven. Beda hath it: But as this was of their part, no other than as to a great Doctor, or Prelate, from whose countenance, and assistance they hoped for great advantages; so those Instructions they received from Rome, were not as coming from one that had Dominion over their Faith; the one side not at all giving, nor the other assuming more respect, than what was decent, and fit, out of Charity, Reverence, and Christian affection, each unto the other. And therefore observable is it, in that famous transaction of the Kingdom of France, 
Platina in vita Zach 1. Spondan. in eod.  about the deposing of Childerick, and setting up Pepin in his room; which some have contended to have been done by the Pope's Authority; The Truth is, 
Mente stupidus, & vitâ ignavus. Paul. Aemil.  Childerick was set aside by the Peers of France, for a Fool, or Frantic; and Pepin stepping up, applied himself to the then Pope Zachary, to confirm, not to confer his new obtained Kingdom: for in those days they gave no such power, neither did Pope Zachary claim it. Only that such an extraordinary action might carry the better face in the world, it was thought requisite to have the suffrage of so grave an Oracle: and therefore Baronius confesses, and that you will will say is much, 
Baron. Annal.  Francos non Zachariae paruisse decreto, sed acquievisse consilio: and there is great difference between an Authoritative Injunction, and a Prudential Advice, which is only an Answer out of discretion, and left to discretion, and so can imply no obligation at all. And Sabellicus relates it thus, That the Peers of France deposed Childerick, 
Sabell. Ennead. 8 lib. 8.  and set up Pepin in his stead, Romano Pontifice consulto; whence this Gloss upon one of their Laws, Papa deposuit, id est, deponentibus consensit. But enough of this.  
But certain it is, that by one way or other, the Papal Dominion arrived to a great height in the World, and particularly in this Island, in after times; and then the former addresses of the Christians of this Island to the Bishop of Rome were made use of, as notes, and evidences of subjection: and what had passed by the Pope's advice, and Counsel only, was afterward said to have been done by his Authority: And so the ordering, and determining of Ecclesiastical affairs was endeavoured to be drawn to a foreign Judicature, to the apparent prejudice, and diminution, as well of the Rights of the Crown, as of this Church. And therefore in this case it fared with our Ancestors, as with her in the Tragedy, 
Quisquis in primo obstitit  
Repulitque amorem, tutus ac victor fuit. 
S●nec Trag. Hippolyt.   
Qui blandiendo dulce nutrivit malum,  
Sero recusat far, quod subiit, jugum.   
But notwithstanding the infinite subtle arts, and mighty efforts for that purpose, the Papacy found it, at any time, a most difficult thing, to carry any thing here by a high hand, and to bring the Ecclesiastical State of this Nation to depend on Rome. For our Princes never did doubt, but they had the same Authority within their own Dominions, as Constantine had in the Empire; and our Bishops the same as St. Peter's Successors in the Church: Ego Constantini, 
Ailred. Rival. Coll. 361.16.  Vos Petri gladium habetis in manibus, said King Edgar, in an eminent Speech unto his Clergy. And what Power in the Church our Kings took themselves anciently to have, appears by their Laws, and Edicts, published by themselves, 
Leg. Edu. confess cap. 17. fo. 142. Leg. Canut. & Inae, apud. Jornal. Mart. Paris. w. 2.  and acknowledged by their subjects: All speaking thus; That the ordering, and disposition of all Ecclesiastical Affairs, within their own Dominions, was their sole, and undoubted Right, the Foundation thereof being that Power which the Divine wisdom hath invested the Secular Magistrate withal, for the defence, and preservation of his Church, and People, against all attempts whatsoever. And all our Laws, and Lawyers concurring in this, 
Rex sub nullo nisi tantum sub Deo. Bracton. Leg. Sanct. Edw. cap. 19.17.  That the King of England is subject to no Power on Earth, but to God only: and in King Edward's Laws he is called Vicarius summi Regis; as also in Bracton; that being the Cognomen, as it were, given by Pope Eleutherius, long ago to King Lucius here; as not being under the power of any other. And this in effect acknowledged by the whole Body of the English Clergy, 
Reg. Hoveden in Hen. 2. pa. post. fo. 510.  in a Letter of the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, to Tho. Becket, An. D. 1167. as it stands recorded at large by Roger Hoveden.  
To this it will be but seasonable, and pertinent, to add the Historical Instances, and evidences, some of them, as occur, demonstrating, as the continual claim, and when they could, the exercise of this Right, by the Kings of this Island; so the worthy resistances as, from time to time, have been made against all foreign usurpations, and encroachments upon the same: sufficient to show, that our Princes did not command the ecclesiastics here, who made up so great a part of their subjects, according to the will, and pleasure of any foreign Potentate; nor that they were only lookers on, whilst others governed the English Church. Therefore we may observe,  
All Councils, and Convocations, 
Eadmer. fo. 25.5.11. Florent. Wigorn. An. 1070. fo. 434. Stat. 25 H. 8.19.  assembled at the King's appointment, and by the King's Writ, Jubente, & praesente Rege, as one says: and that upon the same Authority, as the Emperor Constantine had long before assembled the Council of Nice.  
Some appointed by the King to sit in those Councils, and supervise their actions, 
Matt. Paris ad An. 1237. fo. 447.  ne ibi contra regiam coronam, & dignitatem aliquid statuere attentarent. And Mat. Paris gives us the names of the Commissioners, for that purpose, in one of the Councils held in the time of King Hen. 3. And when any did otherwise, he was forced to retract such Constitutions, as did Peckham: or they were but, in paucis servatae, 
Ly●dw de soro competent. cap. 1.  as were those of Boniface, as Lyndwood ingenuously doth acknowledge.  
No Synodical Decree suffered to be of force, but by the King's allowance, 
Eadmer. fo. 6.29.  and confirmation. In hoc concilio, ad emendationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, assensu Domini Regis, 
Gervas'. Dorobern. An. 1175. fo. 1429. Mat. Paris. Hen. Huntingd. Eadm. passim. Pat. 8 & 9 Johan. R. m. 5.8.  & primorum omnium regni, haec subscripta promulgata sunt capitula, as Gervasius Dorobern. informs us.  
No Legate suffered to enter into England, but by the King's leave; and swearing to do nothing prejudicial to the King, and his Crown.  
All matters of Episcopacy determined by the King himself, 
Eadmer. 115.23.  inconsulto Romano Pontifice.  
No Appeals to Rome permitted.  
None to receive Letters from the Pope, 
Thorn. Coll. 2152. Coke 3. Instit. cap. 54.10.127. Hoveden. Hen. 2. fo. 496.  without showing them to the King, who caused all words prejudicial to him, or his Crown, to be renounced, and dis-avowed by the bringers, or receivers of such Letters.  
Permitted no Bishops to Excommunicate, 
Eadmer. fo. 6.31.  or inflict any Ecclesiastical censure on any Peer, nisi ejus praecepto.  
Caused the Bishops to appear in their Courts, 
Addit. Mat. Paris. fo. 200  to give account why they excommunicated a subject.  
Bestowed Bishoprics on such as they approved, 
Forent. Wigorn. An. 1070. foe 536.  and translated Bishops from one See to another.  
Erected new Bishoprics: 
Godwin de Praef. Angl.  So did King Hen. 1. An. 1109. Ely, taking it out of Lincoln: Carlisle 1133. out of York, or rather Durham.  
Commanded by Writ, 
Coke 2. Instit. 625. Addit. Mat. Paris. fo. 200. nu. 6.  the Bishops to Residency.  
Placed, by a Lay hand, Clerks in Prebendary, or Parochial Churches, Ordinariis penitus irrequisitis; as it is phrased in Matt. Paris.  
By these, and many other instances of the like nature, exercised by our Kings, it appears that the English ever took the outward Policy of this Church, or Government of it, in foro exteriori, to depend on the King. And therefore the writs of Summoning all Parliaments express the calling of them to be, Pro quibusdam arduis, urgentibus negotiis, nos, statum, & defensionem Regni nostri Angliae, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae concernentibus, etc.  
In the Reign of King Edward the first, 
Bro●k. Tit. Praemunire. pl. 10.  A subject brought in a Bull of Excommunication against another subject of this Realm, and published it to the Lord Treasurer of England: and this was, by the ancient Common Law of England, adjudged Treason against the King, his Crown, and Dignity; for which the Offender should have been drawn, and hanged; but at the great instance of the Chancellor, and Treasurer, he only abjured the Realm.  
King Edw. 
Trin. 19 Ed. 3. Fitzh. Quare non admisit. pl. 7.  presented his Clerk to a Benefice, within the Province of York, who was refused by the Archbishop, for that the Pope, by way of Provision, had conferred it on another. The King thereupon brought a Quare non admisit: the Archbishop to it Pleaded, that the Bishop of Rome had long time before Provided to the said Church, as one having Supreme Authority in that case; and that he durst not, nor had power to put him out, who was possessed by the Pope's Bull. But for this high contempt, against the King, his Crown, and Dignity, in refusing to execute his Sovereign's commands, against the Pope's Provision, by Judgement of the Common Law, the Lands of his whole Bishopric were seized into the King's hands, and lost during his life. And this Judgement was before any Act of Parliament made in that case. 
Nota.  And there it is said, That for the like offence, the Archbishop of Canterbury had been in worse case, by the Judgement of the Sages in the Law, if the King had not extended favour to him.  
Although by the Ordinance of Circumspect agatis, 
Coke 5 Rep. Case de jure R. Eccl.  made in the thirteenth year of King Edward the first, and by a general allowance, and usage, the Ecclesiastical Court held Plea of Tithes, Oblations, Obventions, Mortuaries, Redemption of Penance, Laying of violent hands on a Clerk, Defamations, etc. yet did not the Clergy think themselves assured, nor quiet from Prohibitions purchased by subjects, till King Edward the second, by his Letters Patents under the Great Seal, 
Sta● 9 Edw. 2. Artic. cler. ca 16.  in and by consent of Parliament, upon Petition of the Clergy, had granted them Jurisdiction in those cases.  
An Excommunication by the Archbishop, 
Finzh. Excom. 4.16 Ed. 3. Bro●k Excom. pl. 5.14 H. 4.  although it be dis-annulled by the Pope, or Legate, is to be allowed. Neither may the Judges give any allowance of any such sentence of the Pope or his Legate. And it hath often been adjudged, 
30 Ed 3 Lib. Assiz. pl. 19.12 Ed. 4.16.  and declared, That the Pope's Excommunication is of no force in England.  
It is often Resolved in our Books, that all the Bishoprics in England were founded by the King's Progenitors, and the Advowsons' vowsons of them all belong to the King; and at first they were 
* Per traditionem annuli, & pastorasis baculi.  Donative. And that if an Incumbent of any Church with cure dies, if the Patron Present not within six months, the Bishop of that Diocese ought to collate, that the cure be supplied: if he neglect by the space of six months, the Metropolitan of that Diocese shall confer one unto that Church: and if he also neglect six months, than the Law gives to the King, as Supreme, within his own Kingdom, and not to the Pope, power to provide a Pastor.  
The King may not only exempt any Ecclesiastical Person from the Jurisdiction of the Ordinary, but may grant unto him Episcopal Jurisdiction: as it appears the King had done of ancient time to the Archdeacon of Richmond. 
17 Ed 3.13. 20 Ed. 3.  And the Abbot of Bury was exempted from Episcopal Jurisdiction by the King's Charter.  
The King Presented to a Benefice, 
21 Ed. 3.40.  and his Presentee was disturbed by one that had obtained Bulls from Rome; for which offence he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment.  
If Excommunication be the final end of any suit in the Court of Rome, as indeed it is, and be not allowed, 
Fitzh. Nat. Br. fo. 64. f.  or allowable in England, as it hath often been Declared; It then follows, that by the Ancient Common Law of England, no suit for any cause, though it be spiritual, arising within this Realm, may or can be determined in the Court of Rome; Quia frustra expectatur eventus, cujus effectus nullus sequitur.  
At a Parliament held An. 
Stat. 25 Ed. 3. de Provisorib.  25 Edward the third, It was Enacted, That as well they that obtained Provisions from Rome, as they that put them in execution, should be out of the King's Protection: and that they should be dealt withal, as the King's Enemies, and no man so dealing with them should be impeached for the same.  
At a Parliament held An. 
Stat. 16 Ric. 2. cap. 5.  16 Ric. 2. It is declared, That the Crown of England hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in subjection to none, but immediately subject to God, and none other, and that the same ought not in any thing, touching the Regality of the said Crown, to be submitted to the Bishop of Rome: nor the Laws, and Statutes of this Realm by him frustrated, or defeated at his Will. And the Commons in that Parliament affirmed, that the things attempted by the Bishop of Rome, be clearly against the King's Crown and his Regality, used and approved in time of all his Progenitors, in which points the said Commons professed to live, and die: and to all which the Lords assented also, as being thereto bound by their Allegiances.  
It is resolved that the Pope's Collector, 
2 Hen. 4 fo. 9  though he have the Pope's Bull for that purpose, hath no Authority within this Realm. And there it is said, That the Archbishops, and Bishops of this Realm are the King's spiritual Judges. And in another place it is said, Papa non potest mutare Leges Angliae: 
11 Hen. 4. fo. 37.  Per Curiam.  
In the reign of King Henry the sixth, 
1 Hen. 7. fo. 10.  the Pope wrote Letters in derogation of the King, and his Regality; and the Churchmen durst not speak any thing against them: But Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, for their safe keeping, put them into the fire.  
In the reign of King Edward the fourth, 
1 Hen. 7. fo. 20.  the Pope granted to the Prior of St. John's, to have Sanctuary in his Priory: and this was pleaded, and claimed by the Prior: but resolved by the Judges, 
Keilway Reports. 8 H. 8. fo. 191. b.  That the Pope had no power to grant any Sanctuary within this Realm: and therefore the same was disallowed by Judgement of Law.  
In Brook Tit. Presentation all Esglise, 
Bro. Present. all Esglise. p. 12.  It is affirmed, That the Pope was permitted to do certain things within this Realm by usurpation, and not of right, until the Reign of King Kenry the eighth, quod nota, says the Book. 
Stat. 24 Hen. 8. ca 12.25 H. 8.21.  And in what esteem the Pope's Authority here was in that King's time, may sufficiently be collected from the Tenor, and Purview of the Statutes, about that affair, in his reign made.  
In the reign of King Kenry the sixth, Henry Beaufort Uncle to the King, being Bishop of Winchester, was made Cardinal, and thereupon purchased from the Pope a Bull Declaratory, that he might still hold his Bishopric: yet it was held, and adjudged, that the See of Winchester was become void, by the assumption of the Cardinalship; and therefore the Cardinal fallen into a Praemunire, 
4 Hen. 6. in Arch. Turr. Lond.  for which he was glad to purchase his pardon, as by the Records of all this it doth appear.  
It was Adjudged in the Court of Common Pleas, 
Dier 12 Eliz.  by Sir James Dyer, Weston, and the whole Court, That a Dean, or any other Ecclesiastical Person, may resign, as divers did to King Edward the sixth, 
Vid. Grend ca in Ploughed. Com.  for that he had the Authority of the Supreme Ordinary.  
With all this may be noted also, the several Statutes heretofore made against the usurpations of the Bishops of Rome in this Kingdom, the principal whereof these, viz. Stat. 25 Ed. 3. de Provisorib. Stat. 27 & 28 Ed. 3. Cap. 1, 2. Stat. 38 Ed. 3. Cap. 3. Stat. 
Statutes of P●ov●sors, and Preminire.  16 Ric. 2. Cap. 5. Stat. 2 Hen. 4. Cap. 3. Stat. 6 Hen. 4. Cap. 1. Stat. 7 Hen. 7. Cap. 6. Stat. 3 Hen. 5. Cap. 4. Stat. 1 Hen. 7. Cap. 4. Stat. 24 Hen. 8. Cap. 12. Stat. 25 Hen. 8. Cap. 21. Stat. 1 Eliz. Cap. 1. etc. By all which, with the foregoing Resolutions, and Precedents, to which a multitude more, to the same purpose, might be added, it doth appear clearly, that long before the time of King Hen. 8. divers Statutes, and Laws were made, and declared against foreign encroachments upon the Rights of the Crown in this matter; and those as sharp, and severe, as any Statutes, for that purpose, have been made in later times, though then both King, Lords, and Commons, that made those Laws, and the Judges that did interpret them, did for the most part follow the same Opinions in Religion, which were held, and taught in the Church of Rome. And therefore those that will lay upon this Nation the imputation of Schism, for denying the Pope's Supremacy here, 
Vid. Case de Praemunire: in St. John Davys Rep.  must charge it many Ages before the time of King Henry the eighth, For the Kings, Lords, and Commons of this Realm, have ever been most eminent for asserting their just Rights, and Liberties; disdaining to become a Tributary Province, as it were, to the See of Rome; or part of St. Peter's earthly Patrimony in Demesn. And the Faith, and Loyalty of the English race hath been generally such, (though true it is, that every Age hath brought forth some singular monsters of disloyalty) as no pretence of zeal, or Religion could ever draw the greater part of the Subjects for to submit themselves to a foreign Yoke; no not when Popery was in greatest height, and exaltation; of all which the aforesaid Statutes are manifest Evidences, being generally made at the Prayer of the Commons, as by their Preambles may appear, most worthy to be read: Particularly, in the Preamble to the Statute of 16 Ric. 2. They complain, 
Sta. 16 Ric. 2. cap. 5.  That by Bulls, and Processes from Rome, the King is deprived of that Jurisdiction which belongs of right to his Imperial Crown: That the King doth lose the service, and Counsel of his Prelates, and learned men by translations made by the Bishop of Rome: That the King's Laws are defeated at his will, the Treasure of the Realm is exhausted, and exported to enrich his Court: And that by those means the Crown of England, which hath ever been free, and subject unto none, but immediately unto God, should be submitted unto the Bishop of Rome, to the utter destruction of the King; and the whole Realm, which God defend, say they: and thereupon out of their zeal, and loyalty, they offer to live, and die with the King, in defence of the liberties of the Crown: And then they pray the King to examine all the Lords in Parliament, what they thought of these wrongs, and usurpations, and whether they would stand with the King in defence of his Royal liberties; which being done, the Lords Spiritual, and Temporal, did all answer that these usurpations of the Bishop of Rome were against the liberties of the Crown, and that they were all bound by their Allegiance to stand with the King, and to maintain his Honour, and Prerogative.  
Upon producing, and averrement of all this, it is requisite some satisfaction be given about the conclusion, that happened so different to these premises. For, if the Kings, and People of England have in all times been so sensible of, and zealous for their just Rights, how could the Roman Power, in derogation of those Rights, arrive to such a consistence, and height, as here it was for many years? To this, as to the means, and manner of that acquist, to keep within our Historical compass; First let it be premised, as undoubtedly true, That before the time of the Norman Conquest, the Bishops of Rome had very little, or nothing to do here, as well in matter of Fact, as of Right: For before that time the Pope's Writ did not run in England: His Bulls of Excommunication, and Provision came not hither: no Citations, or Appeals were made from hence to the Court of Rome: Our Archbishops did not purchase their Palls there: Neither had the Pope the Investiture of any of our Bishoprics: And Ingulphus, who lived in the conquerors time, a Favourite, and one preferred by him, thus informs, 
Ingulph. Hist. fo. 901.  A multis namque annis retroactis nulla Electio Praelatorum erat libera mere & Canonica, sed omnes dignitates tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum per annulum & baculum regis curia pro sua Complacentia conferebat. For as it is observable, that under the Temporal Empire of Rome, Britain was one of the last Provinces that was won, and one of the first that was lost again: So under the Spiritual Empire of the Pope, England was one of the last Countries of Christendom, that received the Yoke, and one of the first that cast it off. But for our purpose, that the Bishops of Rome had any Jurisdiction, or Hierarchical Authority in the times of the Britain's, Saxons, or Danes, there is an altum silentium in all our Histories, and Records: For the times of the Britain's, 
Eleuth. Epist  Eleutherius. Pope, about 180 years after Christ, writes to Lucius the British King, and styles him God's Vicar within his own Kingdom; and sure he would not have given that Title to the King, if himself, under pretence of being God's Vicar-General on Earth, had claimed Jurisdiction over all Christian Kingdoms.  
After that, 
Beda Eccl. Hist. Matt. Westm. Polychron. Fab. Huntingd. etc.  about the year 600. Austin the Monk was sent by Pope Gregory into England, to convert the Saxons to the Christian Faith: But the British Bishops, then residing in Wales, gave no regard either to his Commission, or his Doctrines, as not owing any duty to, or dependence upon Rome; but still retained their Ceremonies, and Traditions which they received from the East Church, upon the first plantation of Christianity, being both divers, and contrary to those of the Church of Rome, which Austin did endeavour to impose upon them. 
Usser. de Prim. Eccl. Brit.  Then about the year 660 there is a famous disputation celebrated between one Colman, and one Wilfrid, touching the Observation of Easter, wherein the Britain's differed from the practice of the Roman Church; from which is plainly inferrable, that the Authority of the Bishop of Rome was, at that time, of no estimation in this Island: And that the Primitive Churches of Britain were instituted according to the form of the East, and not of the West Church. Nay upon the first coming of Austin, and his retinue into Britain, there was such a strangeness, and averseness to him, that one Daganus, a British, 
Beda Eccl. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 4 Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. fo. 129.  or Scottish Bishop, happening into their Company, he would neither eat with them, nor under the same roof where they were; as Mellitus, Laurentius, and Justus complained in an Epistle of theirs to the Scots Bishops.  
For the Saxons, though King Ina, 
Larga Reg is Benignitas.  or some other, gave the Peter-pences, partly as Alms, and partly in recompense of a house erected in Rome for entertainment of English Pilgrims: Yet it is certain that Alfred, Athelstan, Edgar, Edmund, Canutus, Edward the Confessor so called, and divers other Kings of the Saxon race, gave all the Bishoprics of England, per annulum, & baculum, without any other Ceremony, or any application to Rome; as was usual by the Emperor, the French King, and other Christian Princes so to do: as also in all their Laws for the Government of the Church here, they consulted only with their own Clergy, without any regard to the Authority of Rome. But under the Norman Conquest the Papal usurpation marched in: for as the Conqueror came in with the Pope's Banner; So either by the way of complimental gratitude, or surprise, the Pope presently laid hold upon part of the purchase, as boasting all was gained by his aid, and blessing. And thereupon he sent two Legates into England, favourably received by the Norman; by whom a Synod of the Clergy was convened, 
Will. Malm. de gest. Pon●if. Angl. lib. 1. fo. 204. Rog. Hoveden pa. prior. fo. 453.  and old Stigand, Archbishop of Canterbury deposed, because he had not purchased his Pall in the Court of Rome: and many other Bishops, and Abbots displaced, on supposal, for the like reasons, of the invalidity of their Titles, but speciously to place the Normans in their rooms, or rather ultimately to introduce the Papal authority in cases of the Church. Amongst these is to be noted, that the King having earnestly moved the old Bishop of Worcester, 
Matt. Paris Hist. in Will. 2. fo. 20.  Wulstan, to give up his Staff; his answer was, that he would only give it up to him of whom he first received the same; and so the old man went to St. Edward's Tomb, and there offered up his Staff, and Ring, with these words, Of thee, O holy Edward, I received my Staff, and Ring, and to thee I now Surrender the same again; not acknowledging any authority in the Pope, or in any other on his behalf, to receive, or dispose them, as Matthew Paris relates the story at large. And though the Conqueror did thus Compliment the Pope, in the admission of his Legates, and some other small matters, yet how far he really submitted himself appears by an Epistle to Gregory the seventh, by him wrote, thus, Excellentissimo S. Eccl. Pastori Gregorio, Gratia Dei Anglorum Rex, & Dux Normannorum Willielmus, Salutem cum amicitia: Hubertus tuus Legatus ad me veniens, ex tua parte me admonuit, ut tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam antecessores mei ad Romanam Ecclesiam mittere solebant, melius cogitarem, unum admisi, alterum non admisi, fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo, quia nec ego promisi, nec antessores mees antecessoribus tuis id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus fere annis, in Gallia me agente, negligenter collecta est, nunc vero divina misericordia me in regnum meum reverso, quod collectum est per praefatum Legatum mittetur, & quod reliquum est per Legatos Lanfranci Archiep. fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmittetur, etc.  
But in the time of his next successor K. Will. Rufus, a further attempt was made, that is, to draw Appeals to the Court of Rome: and that appears in the noted transactions with Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury, at large reported in our stories. And afterwards, in the time of King Henry the first, another step was made, viz. to gain to the Pope the Patronage, and Donations of Bishoprics, and other Benefices Ecclesiastical: at which the King taking courage, writes roundly to the Pope, thus, Notum habeat Sanctitas vestra, 
Hist. Jorvall. Coll.  quod me vivente (Deo auxiliante) dignitates & usus regni nostri non minuentur, & si ego (quod absit) in tanta me directione ponerem, magnates mei, imo totius Angliae populus id nullo modo pateretur. Notwithstanding which, upon the regress, or restoring of Anselme, and some difficulties that pressed the King, in reference to his elder Brother Robert, 
Matt. Paris in Hen. 1. fo. 63.  in a Synod held by Anselme at London, in the year 1107. a Decree passed, Cui annuit Rex Henricus, & statuit, as Matthew Paris saith, ut ab eo tempore in reliquum nunquam per donationem baculi pastoralis, vel annuli quisquam de Episcopatu vel Abbatiaper Regem vel quamlibet laicam manum investiretur in Anglia. But yet with this clause of salvo, 
Sr. H. Spel●. Concil. Tom. 2. fo. 28.  Suis tantum juribus regalibus sepositis & exceptis, as appears in the Exemplification of the Acts of that Synod, by the learned Collector of our English Councils. In recompense whereof the Pope, that there might be quid pro quo, yielded to the King, that thenceforth no Legate should be sent into England, without the King's leave; and that the Archbishop of Canterbury, for the time being, should be, for ever, Legatus natus; and for the honour of the See, it was obtained, that the Archbishop of Canterbury should in all General Councils sit at the Pope's foot, tanquam alterius orbis Papa. But this agreement was soon broken, on both sides, the Pope sending his Legates, and the King resuming the Investiture of Bishops, 
Matr. Paris. fo. 65.  as the same Historian relates, in divers instances.  
In the next troublesome reign of King Stephen, it was won clearly, that Appeals should be made to the Court of Rome; established in a Synod at London, 
Speim. Concil. Tom. 2. foe 44.  held by Henry Bishop of Winchester, the Pope's Legate; for before that time, In Anglia namque Appellationes in usu non erant (as un unquestionable Historian hath it) donec eas Henricus Wintoniensis, dum Legatus esset, 
Hen Huntingdon. lib. 8. foe 395.  malo suo crudeliter intrusit: in eodem namque Concilio ad Romani Pontificis audientiam ter appellatus est.  
And in the reign of King Henry the second, began the claim, and usage of exempting Clarks from the secular Power, whatever their crimes were. And from this root sprang the famous contention between this King, and his Archbishop Thomas Becket; together with the Constitutions of Clarendon, for the rectifying that abuse; at large to be read, and observed in the Historians of those times.  
To all this it will be but pertinent to subjoine some brief disquisition touching the Canon Law, how, and by whom compiled, and when introduced into this Island; under which, where admitted, no small part of the Papal authority was neatly, and artificially drawn in. For which purpose we must know, that after the Power of the Bishops of Rome came to some consistency in the world, and the Pope began to look upon himself as a spiritual Prince, or Monarch, he presently began to attempt to give Laws to Nations, and People, as a badge of his Sovereignty: but then well knowing, That ubi non est condendi authoritas, ibi non est parendi necessitas, he would not impose those Laws, at first, peremptorily upon all People, but offered them timide, and precario, and in such places where he presumed they would find the freest reception: and in order to this, at first, he caused certain Rules to be collected for the Order, and Government of the Clergy only, which he called Decreta, and not Laws, or Statuta: and these Decrees, as they were called, were first published in the year 1150 in the reign of our King Stephen: and whereas Sr. Edward Coke, 
Sir Ed. Coke Pref. a● 8. Relat.  in the Preface to the eighth Report, says that Roger Bacon, the learned Friar, saith in his Book de impedimentis Sapientiae, That King Stephen forbade by public edict, that no man should retain the Laws of Italy, then brought into England: we may, with some assurance, intent it of these Decrees, about that time compiled, and published. And these were received, 
Keilways Rep. 7 Hen. 8. fo. 184.  and observed by the Clergy of the Western Churches only, for those of the Eastern Churches would never admit these Rules, or Canons.  
Afterwards the Bishops of Rome attempted to bring the Laity also under the obedience of these Canons; and for that purpose, they first began with Rules, or Canons about abstinence, and days of Fasting, to be observed by the Laity, 
Ma●sil. Pat. lib. Defence. Pac. pa. 2. c. 23 Durard. Rat. Di. l. 4. c. 6, 7.  as well as Clergy, which at the first institution, were termed by that mild word Rogationes; and thence the week of Fasting before the Feast of Pentecost, came to be called Rogation week, in regard this time of Abstinence was at first appointed by an Ordinance called Rogatio, and not Praeceptum, or Statutum.  
When the Laity had swallowed this Ordinance of Fasting, then, De una praesumptione ad aliam transivit Romanus Pontifex, as Marsil. Pata. hath it; that is, the Bishop of Rome proceeded to make, and publish several other orders, by the name of Decretals, and these were published about the year 1230. 
An. 14 Hen 3. Mat. Paris in Hen. 3. fo. 417.  and made, or proposed to bind all the Laity, as well Princes, as their Subjects, in several matters relating to their Civil, and Temporal concerns; As, That no Layman should have the Donation of Ecclesiastical Benefices: That no Lay man should marry within certain degrees, out of the degrees limited by the Levitical Law: That all Infants born before Espousals, should after Espousals be adjudged Legitimate, and capable to inherit: That all Clarks should be exempt from the Secular Power; and divers more such like.  
But then we must know, that these Decretals, so made, were not entirely, and absolutely received in all parts of Christendom, but only, at first, in the Temporal Territory of the Pope, which, on that account, is called by the Canonists, Patria Obedientiae, but wholly rejected in England, France, and other Christian Countries, which thence are sometimes called Patriae consuetudinariae, as resolving to adhere to their old Laws, and Customs: As the Canon that prohibits Donation of Benefices per Laicam manum, was always disobeyed in England, France, the Realm of Naples, and divers other Countries. The Canon to legitimate Infants born before marriage, was specially rejected in England, when in the Parliament held at Merton, 
Stat. de Merton. An. 20 Hen. 3.  Omnes Comites & Barones una voce responderunt, 
Keilway 7 H. 8. fo. 181. b.  Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari, quae hucusq, usitatae sunt, etc. The Canon that exempted Clerks from the Secular Power was never observed fully in any part of Christendom: Infallible arguments, that these Canons received not the force of Laws from the Court of Rome, as if that had power to give Laws to all Nations without their respective consents; but the approbation, and usage of the People received them as they pleased, partially, and specially, as to Places, Times, and parts of those Canons; and for the same reason that some rejected one, others did more, and some all of them; as Bodin says, 
Bodin. de Repub lib. 1. cap. 8.  That the Kings of France, upon erecting of their Universities there, declare in their Charters, that the Profession of the Civil, and Canon Laws, may there be received and used according to discretion, but not to bind as Laws.  
Now when the Bishop of Rome perceived that many of his Canons were embraced in several Countries; under colour thereof he claimed Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within those Realms, with power to interpret, and dispense with his own Canons; and for that purpose sent his Legates about, with Commissions to hear and determine causes according to those Laws; which, upon their first exhibition, 
Marsil. Pat. ut supr. pa. 2. c. 23.  as is before noted, he durst not call Laws, or Statuta, ne committeret crimen laesae Majestatis in Principes, as Marsil. Patav. observes; who further says, that these Canons, inasmuch as they were made by the Pope, neque sunt humanae leges, neque divinae, sed documenta quaedam, & narrationes. But, as is said, when he perceived they were allowed, and used, in part, or in whole, in divers Countries, they were revised, digested, and compiled into Volumes, and called Jus Canonicum; and being appointed to be read, and expounded in public Schools, and Universities, they were commanded to be obeyed by all under pain of Excommunication, with declaration of the Pope's power to interpret, abrogate, or dispense with them at his pleasure; and thereupon the Canonists say, 
Lib. 6. de Const. cap. Licet.  Papa in omnibus pure positivis, & in quibusdam ad jus Divinum pertinentibus dispensare potest, quia dicitur omnia jura habere in scrinio pectoris sui, quantum ad interpretationem, & dispensationem.  
In the 25th year of King Ed. 1. 
An Dom. 1297 Tho. Walsing. & Stow, in hoc anno.  one Simon, a Monk of Walden began first to read the Canon Law in the University of Cambridge: and the year after it began to be read also in the University of Oxford, in the Church of the Friar's Praedicants; and from that time got ground in England, being sometimes admitted, and sometimes rejected, according to the Ebb, or Flow, of the Papal interest here: but how really this Canon Law was an innovation, and usurpation here, it is sufficient but to peruse the Preamble to the Statute of Faculties, 
Stat. 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21.  and Dispensations, made in the reign of King Hen. 8. to which the Reader is referred.  
As another Branch of the Pope's power, in the matters aforesaid, we may observe that this clause, or words (non obstante) was first invented, and used in the Court of Rome; whereupon Marsil. Petau. pronounces a dreadful Vae against that Court, for introducing this clause of (non obstante) as being a bad precedent, and mischievous to all the People of Christendom: for when the Temporal Princes perceived the Pope to dispense with his own Canons, they made no scruple to imitate him, and dispense with their Penal Laws and Statutes: 
Vid. le Case de Penal. stat. in Coke 7. Rep.  and hereupon one Canonist said thus, Dispensatio est vulnus, quod vulnerat jus common: and another thus, That all abuses would be reformed, if these two words, viz. non obstante, did not hinder. And Matt. Paris, reciting several Decrees made in the Council of Lions; beneficial to the Church, 
Mat. Paris in An. 1245.  says thus, Sed omnia haec, & alia per hoc repagulum, non obstante, infirmantur. But now to return.  
We have seen how by several steps, and gradations it was, after the Norman Conquest, that the Court of Rome usurped upon the Crown of England, in four main points of Jurisdiction, under four of our Kings, (not immediately succeeding, for of King Will. Rufus the Pope could gain nothing:) viz. 1. Upon the Conqueror, by sending Legates, or Commissioners, to hear, and determine Ecclesiastical causes, and other purposes. 2. Upon King Hen. 1. the Donation, and Investiture of Bishoprics, and other Benefices. 3. Upon King Stephen, in drawing of Appeals to the Court of Rome. 4. Upon King Hen. 2. in the exemption of Clerks from the secular Power: all riveted, and clinched by the new Decrees, and Canons, which were continually multiplied, and obtruded here; and all this, notwithstanding the generous resistances, which, at several times, were made to all.  
Neither would all this satisfy, till an entire surrender of the Crown itself was obtained from King John, re-granted him again, to hold in Fee-Farm and Vassalage of the Court of Rome: For it was both before, in, and after this King's time, that by the boldness, and activity of strangers, and treachery, or pusillanimity of subjects, co-operating with the weaknesses, and necessities of Princes, the Papacy arrived to that height, as to domineer in a most intolerable way, both over the Purse, the Conscience, the Regality, and all the most weighty concernments of the Nation.  
Now, to redress all this, some unequal resistances were at divers times made: 
Vid. Mat. Paris in H. 3. in toto.  King Hen. 3. was totally born down, and his Kingdom, and subjects reduced to utter poverty, and slavery by this usurpation.  
After him comes the noble King Edw. 1. who truly may be styled Vindex Libertatis Anglicanae: at his Father's death he was abroad in the Holy Land; but no sooner returned, and Crowned, and finding his Kingdom in such a bad plight, his first work was to put some stop to the career of Papal encroachments: For the Pope having then summoned a General Council, he would not suffer his Bishops to repair to it, till he took a solemn Oath of them for their Loyalty, and good abearing: Then the Pope forbidding the King to War against Scotland, he slights his prohibition, and proceeds: The Pope demands the First Fruits of Ecclesiastical Live, but the King forbids the payment thereof to him: The Pope sends forth a general Bull, prohibiting the Clergy to pay Subsidies to Temporal Princes, whereupon, a Tenth being granted to the King in Parliament, the Clergy refused to pay it; but the King seizeth their Temporalties for the Contempt, and obtained payment, notwithstanding the Pope's Bu●: After this he made the Statute of Mort●●ain, that the Church might not grow monstrous in temporal possessions: In his time, one of his subjects brougth in a Bull of Excommunication against another, and the King Commanded he should be executed as a Traitor, according to the ancient law; but the Chancellor, and Treasurer, on their knees begged that he should be only banished: He caused Laws to be made against bringing in of Bulls of Provision, and Breves of Citation, and made the first Statute against Provisors.  
His Successor King Edw. 2. being but a weak Prince, suffered the Pope to grow upon him, but then the Peers, and People withstood him all they could, and when that unhappy King was to be deposed, amongst the Articles framed against him, one of the most heinous was, That he had given allowance to the Pope's Bulls.  
After him King Ed. 3. a magnanimous Prince, courageously resisted the Pope's encroachments, and caused the Statutes against Provisors to be severely put in execution, and the Bishops of Winchester, and Ely, and Abbot of Waltham convicted, and punished for their high contempts. Yet during the nonage of King Rich. 2. the Pope's Bulls, 
Stat. 16 R. 2. ca 5.  Breves, and Legates became very busy, and daring again, whereof the People became so sensible, and impatient, that upon their special prayer the Stat. 16. R. 2. of Praemunire was enacted, more severe, and penal than all the former Statutes against Provisors: and yet against this King, as against King Ed. 2. it was objected, at the time of his depose, that he had allowed the Pope's Bulls, to the enthralling of the Crown.  
After this comes a weak King, Hen. 6. and then another attempt was made, if possible, to revive the usurped Jurisdiction; for the commons denying the King money, when he was in great wants, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the Bishops, offered the King a large supply, if that he would consent, that all the Laws against Provisors, and especially that of 16 Ric. 2. might be repealed; but the Duke of Gloucester, who before had burnt the Pope's Letters, caused this motion to be rejected; so that all those Laws, by especial providence, have stood in force until this day. All which, with the Resolutions, and Judicial Judgements before specified, founded upon the ancient, and good Laws of the Land, have enabled our Kings, at all times since, to vindicate the just Rights of their Crown. But King Hen. 8. designing a further Reformation, which could not be effected, whilst the Pope's authority had any life in England, took this course; First he writes to the Universities, the Great Monasteries, and Churches in his Kingdom, and in particular May 18. 1534. to the University of Oxford, requiring them, as men of virtue, 
In Archivis Oxon. ad An. 1534. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. fo. 384. 37.  Integrity, and profound Learning, diligently to examine, discuss, and resolve a certain Question of no small import, viz. An Romanus Episcopus habeat majorem aliquam jurisdictionem sibi collatam in Sacra Scriptura in hoc regno Angliae, quam alius quivis externus Episcopus? and to return their Opinion in Writing, under their common seal, according to the mere, and sincere truth thereof. To which after mature deliberation, and examination, not only of the places of the Holy Scriptures, but of the best Interpreters of the same, for many days, they returned Answer, Jun. 27. 1534. Romanum Episcopum majorem aliquam Jurisdictionem non habere sibi à Deo collatam in Sacra Scriptura in hoc regno Angliae, quam alium quemvis Externum Episcopum. Conformable to which was also the Resolution of all the English Clergy. Upon which, and presently after, King Hen. 8. was by Parliament agnized Supreme Head of the Church, in these his Dominions; 
Stat 26 Hen. 8 cap. 1.  whereby it was also Enacted, and Declared, That the King, his Heirs, and Successors Kings of England, should have and enjoy united, and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this his Realm, as well the Title, and Style thereof, as all Honours, Dignities, Jurisdictions, etc. to the said Dignity of Supreme Head of the Church of England belonging, or appertaining: with full power, and authority to visit, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all errors, heresies, abuses, etc. which Act, 
Io. H●rb. Hist. of Hen. 8 fo. 380.  though much to the support of the Regal Authority, seemed not suddenly to be approved by the King, nor before he had consulted with his Council, (who shown him many precedents of Kings of England, that had used this power) and with his Bishops, who having fully discussed the point in their Convocations, Declared, That the Pope had no Jurisdiction in this Kingdom warranted by God's word; suitable to what was Declared by the Universities, Colleges, and Religious Houses, with learned men of all sorts, maintaining it necessary that such a power should be extant in the Realm, for the Peace, good Order, and Government of the same; the Reasons, and Arguments of all which, were couched in a Book of the King's, about that time published, De vera differentiae Regiae, & Ecclesiasticae potestatis: whence also the Learned Bishop Andrews, in his Tortura Torti, seems to have drawn diver assertions of the Regal Authority, to which the Reader is referred.  
A practice this, I mean of consulting the Clergy, and the Learned, in a case of so great an import, agreeable to former Precedents, 
Tho. Walsing in An 1408. fo. 420.  as I find in Tho. Walsingham, In concilio cleri celebrato Londoniis, assistentibus Doctoribus Vniversitatum Cantabrigiae, & Oxoniae, tractatum est de censu & obedientia Papae subtrahendis, vel non subtrahendis. And as King Hen. 2. 
Rog. Hoveden in Hen. 2. pa. prior.  professed he would proceed, in the great cause depending between him, and his Archbishop Becket.  
Now when King Hen. 8. was by Parliament agnized Supreme Head of the Church, within his own Dominions, and by him, for the reasons aforesaid, owned and accepted: what they meant by this, may well enough be collected from the premises, and from that notable Oration of Stephen Gardiner, of True Obedience, before mentioned: which Title, he neither took, nor the Parliament gave, in other sense, than the French have always attributed it to their Princes; and what the Royal Ancestors of King Hen. 8. 
Spelm. Conc. 437. Seld. ad Eadm. 1●5. ●●g. Edvard. etc.  himself assumed, under the Homonymous names of, Tutors, Protectors, Governors, Domini, Christi Vicarii, Agricolae, etc. and the like.  
And this is the Supremacy which the Kings of England have always claimed, and exercised within their own Dominions, with the temporary obstructions above mentioned: that is, in Sovereign way, to Rule and Govern all their Subjects, of what degree, and quality soever: to call their own Clergy, and Churchmen together, and with their advice to see the Church reform: and by Act of Parliament to have all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction restored and united to the Crown; as in the First year of Q. Eliz. was done, enlarged on before.  
And here it will not be unnecessary to observe, and know, how that Restitution was resented by the Queen's Subjects at that time: And for that, observe (and observable it was) the general compliance, and complacence of the People in it: as also, that from the First, until the Eleventh year of that Queen's reign, 
Coke 5 Rep. de ure Reg. E●c●esiastico. fo. 35.  no person of what persuasion of Christian Religion soever, at any time refused to come to the Public Divine Service, celebrated in the Church of England, and established by public Authority within this Realm: until the Bull of Pope Pius Quintus, in the Eleventh year of her Majesty's Reign, came out against her; whereby he deprived her of all her Right, Authority, Dignity, and Privilege, in or unto these her Realms, and Dominions, and absolved all her Subjects of their Allegiance. After this Bull it was, that those who regarded the Pope's power, or threats, more than their Prince's just Authority, or their own Allegiance, refused to come to Church; and from that occasion first acquired the stile of Recusants. 
Vid. Camb. Annal.  This gave rise also to a multitude of treasonable practices, and conspiracies against the Queen's life: taken up also against King James: 
Vid. Arth. Crohagans case in Crook. 1. Rep.  continued against our late Sovereign, King Charles the First: and still fermenting, to break forth upon all opportunities to promote the Catholic cause: and all abetted by the traitorous Doctrine of King-killing, justified, and proclaimed to the World by Bellarmin, 
Co licenz●, & con privi●egio.  Baronius, Mariana, Emanuel Sa, Allen, Creswell, and others both Natives, and Strangers: the consequence whereof was this, That though Treason was always in the intention, yet (God be praised) nothing hath yet been brought to Execution, but the Traitors  
In this affair, 
St. Jo. Davys D sc. of Ireland. fo. 242.  I find a memorable Observation, of a grave Statesman, That in the Indentures of submission of the Irish to King Hen. 8. all the Irish Lords did acknowledge him to be their Sovereign Lord, and King; and owned his Supremacy in all causes, utterly renouncing the Pope's Jurisdiction; most worthy of note (says he) in that when the Irish had once resolved to obey the King, they made no scruple to renounce the Pope.  
Besides these which have been experienced in our own Country, infinite have been the mischiefs, occasioned in the World, upon this score of Supremacy, and Dominion: and that by the mighty struggling, and bicker that have been maintained between the Papacy, and the Princes of the Earth, about the gaining, and keeping this Power. Besides the general Observations, that a great means of the growth of the Turkish Empire, to it's now formidable stature, hath been the Wars, and disturbances, wrought upon this ground, amongst the Christians themselves. Also the decay, and corruption of sincere piety, and devotion, by the turning the current of Religion, out of its pure primitive channel, into the sink of disputes, and controversies, about the Rights, and Bounds of Dominion; when Christ himself hath told us, That his Kingdom is not of this world. This caused Divine Religion to degenerate into Humane Policy: and upon this it was, that Machiavelli, too truly, observed, 
Mach. Disc. on Tit. Liv. lib. 1. cap. 12.  That there was now here less Piety, and Religion, than in those that dwelled nearest to Rome; the main point of Religion there practised being how to draw this Prince, or that State, or Territory, under the Spiritual Dominion of the Pope, 
P●atin in vits G●●g. 7.  there esteemed the very Atlas of the World, with power to depose, dispose, and impose in all Kingdoms as he please. But for true Christianity, 
Hos● in de Or●g. Monac. li. 6. ca 66.  Hospinian affirms, that the name of Christian, in the Italian tongue, was used to note a Blockhead, and a Fool. Add to this, the many Treasons, Rebellions, Perjuries, Wars, and Commotions raised in Christendom about this very quarrel.  
And for this main drift of the Papacy for Dominion in all places, but now mentioned; it is visible, that the Pope's Supremacy is the foundation that supports the whole building of that Hierarchy; and therefore it hath been thought necessary by them always to lay that stone in the first place: As about the year 1594. the Bishops of South Russia, being under the King of Poland, but of the Greek Church, submitted themselves to the Bishop of Rome, (in the point of Jurisdiction) yet not without special reservation of the Greek Religion, 
Brierw. Inquir. cap. 18. fo. 138.  and Rites, before they would acknowledge their subjection; as appears by the Articles of conditions extant. Whereby it is manifest, that the Pope aimed not so much to reduce those Churches to the Truth, as to his own Obedience. As the Emperors, and our Kings; John, and King Hen. 8. thundered against, only for impugning the Pope Supremacy, though they held all other points of Romish Religion.  
And, as the Papacy gained in this matter, in some places, and in some measure; so it lost much more in others, by straining, and aspiring to an unlimited authority, suis & ipsa Roma viribis ruit● For when the Pope, and his Clergy endeavoured the advancement of their Sovereignty over the World; upon this occasion any countries' fell away, not only from 〈◊〉 Dominion, but also from many other corrupt Doctrines of the Church of Rome. For when they perceived that the chief struggle, and design was for Temporal Greatness; that many conclusions tending to that end, were obtruded as Articles of Faith, so manifestly contrary to the Dictates of Christianity, and prejudicial to the Rights of others: Then both Princes, and People, began to look into their Title, and examine their Evidences, and finding them all defective, and defeasible, thought there was no other remedy, but quite to cut off that Power, that would not be confined: whereby this Image of Papal Supremacy became broken, and thrown down in many countries', and is but in a tottering condition in several others at this day: The Kings, and Princes of the Earth maintaining the just Rights of their Crowns, and Kingdoms against this Usurpation, on these, and the like grounds, and reasons, viz. That the Title, and Power of Kings is far more ancient than this pretended Spiritual Dominion, and Quod prius est tempore, potius est jure: and that in this sense Grace destroyeth not nature; and Kings must not lose by becoming Christians. That Dominion is expressly given in Scripture unto Kings, and is as expressly denied in Scripture unto the Clergy. That as the Pope claimeth, at best, to be but the Vicar of Christ, and that not as he was God; it is most certain that Christ never impeached, impaired, or imposed upon the Temporal Right of any man; the same Authority that Princes had, either by the Law of Nature, or of Nations, before his coming, the same he left untouched at his departure; neither did any of the Apostles, or Disciples, after his recess, ever innovate in the same. That the Church in this world is not at home, but in a state of perigrinancy, and militancy; and it is neither Reason, nor Justice, that strangers should either expel, or domineer over the ancient Inhabitants, and Melior est conditio possidentis, as the Lawyers speak. That the proper Rights, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacra Regni, Sacra sublim●●.  and Qualities of Majesty, and Sovereignty, are to be both perpetual, and absolute, as not depending upon any other, nor subject to any exception, or restraint: That these Rights consist in managing affairs of the highest nature, which cannot be separated from the Sovereign Power, for upon the guiding of them, all the fortunes of a State depend: That nothing is of so high a nature, in a State, as Religion; for inasmuch as Religion commandeth the Conscience, 
Religio, à Religando.  and holdeth the soul in subjection, if supremacy therein be acknowledged in any foreigner, the very sinews (as I may say) of Sovereignty are cut asunder: And it is the most destructive Error in Policy, and Government, to allow to any other, a power of disposing, or declaring, in matters of Religion, either besides, above, or against the Prince himself: by which means any King, or Prince would soon be despoiled of his Authority, and his Subjects drawn from their due Allegiance, upon pretences of Conscience, and Religion.  
But now, for a Conclusion of this Discourse, touching the King's Supremacy, it will be but pertinent, and reasonably expected, to clear one thing. viz. whereas upon restitution of that Right to the Crown, by the Statute made in the First year of Queen Elizabeth, some were induced to conceive, by the generality of the words, that affirm her Majesty to be Supreme Governor, as well in all Spiritual, or Ecclesiastical causes, as Temporal, etc. as if it had been an usurping upon the Sacred function of the Church, properly belonging to them in Sacred Orders. To give satisfaction in this, we may, in the first place, observe, in what Spheres, and in what distances, all the Divines agree that Ecclesiastical Authority doth move; and for our purpose at this time, Bellarmine shall suffice for all; 
Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. li. 4. c. 22. s. 1.  who divides Spiritual Power, into that of Ordinis, and that of Jurisdictionis: For that of Ordinis, it appears chief in the Administration of the Sacraments: That of Jurisdiction is held to be double; First, Internal, where the Divine, or Holy man, by Demonstrations, Persuasions, Instructions, Heavenly Counsel, and the like, so convinceth the inward Conscience of a man, as it presently resigns, and yields obedience to that which is proposed; as did those Three Thousand Souls, 
Acts 2.37, 41.  which were converted at the Preaching of St. Peter. Secondly, External, when Christians, in foro exteriori, are compelled to their duty, and Obedience.  
Now, for that first power of Order, and for that power of Jurisdiction Internal; our Kings never claimed, or pretended to claim, or excercise them, or either of them: The example of Vzza sufficiently lessoning all persons to keep within their due, and proper distances, and Offices, in God's service; 
2 Sam. 6.7.  this bold person being immediately stricken by the Divine Hand, for his error, and for his acting an irregular part in the holy Procession of the Ark. And that of Vzziah, a King indeed, proclaiming aloud both the sin, and danger, in trespassing beyond the stated and just bounds, and limits in Religious Offices, whilst under his usurped Pontifical Robes, 
2 Chron. 26.21.  he wore a loathsome leprosy to his dying day, as a most signal mark of the Divine vengeance, for Exchanging his Sceptre for a Censer, to offer up unwarranted, and noisome Incense. But (God be thanked) neither of these is the case of our Kings, who otherwise have taken f r their patterns divers other Noble, 
H●zekiah, J●siah, etc.  virtuous, and Religious Princes, to whose Honour it is recorded, how, though they neither offered Sacrifice, nor Incense; yet that they cleansed the polluted Temple, reform the corrupted Religion, and manners of their times, and caused Judah, and Jerusalem to serve the Lord. So ours never assumed to themselves a Power, or Authority of Preaching, Teaching, binding, or losing in foro animae, Administering the Holy Sacraments, conferring Orders, or any thing in particu are properly annexed to those Orders: But only in matters External, that is, of Jurisdiction external (the last Branch of Ecclesiastical Authority) and what belongs to the outward Polity of the Church, they look upon it as their duty, and honour, to become Nursing Fathers: to see that the true God be publicly worshipped: to see that Atheists, Poly●heists, and all such as break the Moral, and eternal Law be Corrected, chastised, and restrained; upon which acconut it is often said, that Rex est Custos utriusque Tabulae: To see that good and wholesome Laws be made, and established for the good government of the Church: That both the Church, and Churchmen be regulated, and defended in their respective Rights, Possessions, Interests, and concerns; and that such as do transgress the lawful constitutions of the Church be duly punished: and to this purpose the Regal Office is thus described in King Edward's Law, Rex, 
Leg. Edu. Confess. cap. 17. fo. 142.  quia vicarius Summi Regis est, ad hoc est constitutus, ut regnum terrenum, & populum Domini, &, super omnia, Sanctam veneretur Ecclesiam ejus, & regat, & ab injuriosis defendat. 
Jo. Brompt. Coll. 761 923. etc.  And much to the same purpose in those of Ina, Canutus, and others. And hence it also is that in those Laws we often find the Prince extending his Commands unto the same things the Priest did his Exhortations.  
And thus, the premises considered, it plainly may be collected wherein the formalis ratio of our King's Supremacy, and Ecclesiastical Authority doth consist; which, being inherent in their Crowns, they do, and may at all times put in practice, sine ulla labe Christianitatis, and without praying the Aid of any foreign Power, or Potentate whatsoever.  
And further, to anticipate all prejudice, and Scandal in this matter, Queen Elizabeth, in the same year of the Restitution of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to her Crown, did declare, she did not challenge any other authority, 
Admoni●ions annexed unto the Injunctions. 1 El.  than was challenged, and lately used by King Henry the eighth, and King Edward the sixth, which is, and was of ancient time due to the Imperial Crown of this Realm: that is, under God, to have the Sovereignty, and rule over all manner of persons within her Realms, and Dominions, etc. And for the Oath of Supremacy appointed by the said Stat. 1 Eliz. whereby her Highness' Supremacy was Declared in the stile aforesaid; It was Declared in a Statute made the next Parliament, 
St●t. 5 El. Ca 1.  That the said Oath shall be taken, and expounded in such form as is set forth, in an Admonition annexed to the Q. Majesty's Injunction, etc. At which time also a Synod being held, for avoiding of diversity of Opinions, and establishing of consent touching true Religion, etc. It did expressly declare, 
Artic. 37.  That they did not give to our Princes the ministering of God's word, or the Sacraments: But only that Prerogative as is given in the Holy Scriptures by God himself, viz. That they should rule all Estates, and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical, or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil sword the stubborn, and evil doers, etc. 
Stat. 13 Eliz. cap. 12.  And th● Articles of this Synod were likewise confirmed by Parliament. So that now no man need doubt, but that all this was but acknowledgement, that what our Kings, and Princes had done in former Ages, might lawfully be continued by their Royal Successors: and that therein they did not usurp upon the Rights, and Offices of others, but only maintained their own: and that all these Declaratory, Supervening Statures, passed and Enacted upon the most weighty Reasons of State, were not Introductory of any new Law, but only Assertory of the just Rights, and Prerogative of the Kings, and Crown of England. Like as a Reformation once made in the ancient Roman Empire, 
Jul. Capitolin. vit. Ant. 〈◊〉  by the Emperor Antoninus Philosophus, is thus celebrated by Julius Capitolinus in his life, Jus autem magis vetus restituit, quam novum fecit. Applicable, as well to all the other points, and branches of the Reformation here, as to that of the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. But the clearing that I leave to the Divines.  
And thus have taken a brief view only (for much more might have been added out of our authentic Records, and Histories) as of the ancient Rights of Kings, and Princes in general, so particularly of our own in matters Ecclesiastical: How the same have, for some time, been suppressed, and usurped upon by the Papal Faction, but happily Vindicated, and restored in these latter Ages: In which affair no Country hath proceeded more regularly, laudably, or legally, than this our Kingdom of England; the Princes of the same, as Supreme within their own Dominions, calling together their own Clergy, and with their assistance, and advice reforming the Church. And what remains now, but my submission, and pardon, for the presumption of this attempt upon my Sovereign's Supremacy: seeing that Prince may be said, in a manner to be deposed, that is made the Subject of an usurping Peneus  
FINIS.