MEMORIALS OF The Most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer, SOMETIME Lord Archbishop of CANTERBURY. WHEREIN The HISTORY of the CHURCH, and the REFORMATION of it, during the Primacy of the said ARCHBISHOP, are greatly Illustrated; and many singular Matters relating thereunto, now First Published.  
In Three Books.  
Collected chiefly from RECORDS, REGISTERS, Authentic LETTERS, and other ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS.  
By JOHN STRIPE, M. A.  
LONDON; Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. MDCXCIV.   

EFFIGIES VERA REVERENDISSIMI C●●●MERI ARCHIEPISCOPI CANTUARIENSIS  
H Holbein pinxit  
Natus. 1489 July. 2.  
Consecratus 1533. Marzo.  
Martyrio. Coronatus. 1556. Mar 21.  
pag 179: Printed for Ric: Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church yard   

TO THE Most Reverend Father in God, JOHN, By the DIVINE PROVIDENCE, Lord Archbishop of CANTERBURY, Primate of all England, and Metropolitan; AND One of Their Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.  
May it please Your Grace,  
TO pardon the Presumption of the Obscure Person that dedicates this Book to Your GRACE, for the sake of the Renowned Man it treats of, Viz. One of your Illustrious Predecessors, an Archbishop of Canterbury, that hath deserved so eminently of that See, nay, and of the whole British Church; I may say, that deserved Best of any Archbishop before him, that wore that Mitre. To whose solid Learning, Deliberation, and indefatigable Pains, both the Kings and People of this Realm owe their Deliverance from the long and cruel Bondage of Rome. For it is true what the Romanists say in Obloquy of this Archbishop, and we Protestants say it to his Eternal Fame, That he was the first of all the Archbishops of Canterbury that made a Defection from the Papal Chair; Thereby vindicating this Crown from a base Dependence upon a Foreign Jurisdiction. 
In his Three Conversions.  But whereas Parsons saith, That this was the first Change of Religion in any Archbishop of Canterbury from the beginning unto his days; this is not so true; For sundry of Archbishop Cranmers Predecessors, (to look no further than Two or Three hundred Years backward) were of different Judgements from the Church of Rome in some Points. His immediate Predecessor, Warbam, approved of the King's Title of Supreme Head of the Church under Christ, in his own Kingdom, against the Doctrine of the Pope's Universal Authority. And a Century of Years before him, Archbishop Chichely, though he were made the Pope's Legate, refused to exercise his Power Legantine, further than he should be authorized thereunto by the King. And Archbishop Islip, as long before him, disliked of Dissolving those Marriages that were contracted by such as had before vowed the single Life. For though he laid a Punishment upon a Countess of Kent, who being a Widow, and then Professed, afterwards secretly married to a certain Knight, named Abrincourt; yet he divorced them not, but permitted them to live together. And the Judgement of Archbishop Arundel, who lived in K. Richard the Second Reign, was for the Translation of the Scriptures into the Vulgar Tongue, and for the Laities use thereof. For He, preaching the Funeral Sermon of Queen Anne, the beloved Wife of that King, after she deceased at Sheen, in the Year 1392. commended her, as for her other Virtuous Accomplishments, so particularly for her Study of the Holy Scriptures, and of the Sense of them; and for having them in the Vulgar Tongue; as I find by an Ancient MS. Fragment, 
E Foxij MSS.  writ near Three hundred Years ago, formerly belonging to the Church of Worcester, in these Words following; Also the bishop of Caunterbury, Thomas of Arundel, that now is, say a Sermon at Westminster, thereas was many an hundred of people, at the burying of queen Anne, (of whose Soul God have mercy.) And in his commendation of her he said, That it was more joy of her, than of any woman, that ever he knew. For notwithstanding that she was Alien born, [being the Daughter of the Emperor Charles IU.] she had on English all the iiij gospels, with the Doctors upon him. And he said, that she sent them unto him. And he said, that they were good and true, and commended her, in that she was so great a Lady, and also an Alyan, and would study so holy, so virtuous books. And he blamed in his Sermon sharply the negligence of the Prelates, and other men, etc.  
So that it is not true what Parsons saith, if he mean, That no Archbishops of Canterbury before Cranmer, varied from the Church of Rome in any of her Doctrines. But true it is, though not so much to their Credits, that none of them, however sensible they were of the Roman Errors and Superstitions, did in good earnest bestir themselves to set this Church free of them, before our abovenamed Archbishop (being the sixty eighth from Augustine the Monk) resolutely and bravely undertaken and effected it. Indeed they spent not their Zeal, their Treasure, and their Interest this way so much, as in contending about Superiority and their Prerogatives, in exempting their Clergy from the Cognizance of the Temporal Magistrate, in Applications to, and Courting of the Bishops of Rome, in Persecuting those they called Heretics, in Eternising their own Names, by founding Religious Houses, and building Stately Palaces, and Shrines, and in exhibiting themselves in great Worldly Pomp and Appearance.  
But blessed be God for Archbishop Cranmer; by means of whose Reformation succeeded a Series of better, though not so splendid, Archbishops. Who made conscience of minding things more suitable to their high Vocation, and the Spiritual Trust committed to them: Men that regarded little or nothing the vain shows of exterior Grandeur and Glory, nor sought Great Things for themselves, but with their great Predecessor St. Paul, (on whom lay the Care of all the Churches) spent and wore out themselves in the Restoration of the Kingdom of Christ, so happily begun by the said Archbishop Cranmer in this Island. Such were Parker, Grindal, Whitgift, the Three first Protestant Archbishop's next after him; what he planted they watered, and God gave a Blessed Increase to. Whose most excellent Lives and Conducts in the Government of this Church, as well as in their own more private and Domestic Conversation; their rare Piety, Prudence, Patience, Courage, and Activity, I can scarcely temper my Pen from making excursions into. Of which I could fill even Volumes (had I Leisure, Favour, and Countenance) from those Large Collections which I have for divers Years been storing up with great delight, partly out of their own Original Letters, and partly from other MSS. in their times.  
But besides these first Archbishops during the Long Reign of Q. Elizabeth, who by their Care and Diligence established and settled that Reformation, of which Archbishop Cranmer laid the first Stones, we are beholden unto the same Archbishop for all the rest of the Worthy and Painful Prelates of that Metropolitical See, who have taken Care of this Excellently Reformed Church, even unto Your GRACE. Whose Deserts towards this Church and the Reformation, have raised you to sit in Archbishop Cranmers Chair; though with as much Reluctancy in You, as was in Him. Of Your GRACE'S Endowments to qualify You for this most Eminent Station, I will be wholly silent; knowing how abhorrent Your Generous Nature is from Reading or Hearing Your Own Commendations.  
Nor, MY LORD, is this my End in this my Dedication: But this it is, That You would so far Encourage these my Weak and Imperfect Labours (done out of a Good Intent) as to cast a Favourable Eye upon them, for the sake of Your Glorious Predecessor, the Subject of this Book; and to repute me among the Number,  
May it please Your GRACE, Of Your most Humble, and most Obedient Servants, JOHN STRIPE.   

THE PREFACE.  
I Think it fit, by way of Preface to these Memorials, to admonish the Reader of a few things preparatory to the Perusal thereof: As, What it was put me at first upon making these Collections concerning Archbishop Cranmer, and the State of the Church in his time: What induced me to make them Public: And, What Credit may be given to them; with some other occasional matters.  
I. As to the first, I have been for a long time not a little addicted to read whatsoever I could of the Reformation of this famous Church; that I might truly understand, for what Reasons it was at first attempted; in what Methods it proceeded; by what Men it was chiefly managed and carried on; and how it stood in truth as to its Doctrine, Discipline and Government, Reputation, Learning, Piety, and such like, in its first Establishment, and the Earlier Times of it. For which purpose I did not only read over what we have in Print of these Matters, but for more satisfaction I was carried on to look into MSS. whether Registers, Records, Letters, Instruments, and such like: A great sort of which by Providence fell into my hands. And besides them, I have turned over many more in Libraries and elsewhere; from whence I made Transcriptions, Extracts, and Collections, for my own use and satisfaction; which swollen to no little bulk. And while I was doing this, I took always a more curious View into the Lives, Manners, and Doings, Learning, Virtues, and Abilities of the chief leading men, whether Archbishops and Bishops, or other Churchmen; of whom we have but little Account extant, though many of them very Great and Good men; little more remaining of some of them, than their Names.  
The Reverence I bore in my mind to Archbishop Cranmer, the Father of the Reformation here in England, and the first of that Ancient Metropolitan See, that so bravely shaken off the Pope and his Appendages, inclined me especially to gather up what Notices I could of him. Afterwards, as my leisure served me, out of my indigested Mass of Notes, I compiled into some order, Memorials of him, and of the Affairs of the Church during his Primacy; in which he for the most part was concerned, and bore a great share with K. Henry, and the Lord Cromwell, his Vicegerent in Spirituals. After some Years, these Memorials lying by me, I enlarged considerably, and digested them into Annals, and had thoughts of making them Public, being excited and encouraged thereunto by my Friends, who were privy to these my Doings.  
II. And indeed many Considerations induced me hereunto: As, in general, the great Benefit of reading Histories of former Times; which what that is, take in the Words of john Fox; 
In his Protestation to the whole Church of England.  For the things which be first, are to be preferred before those which be later: And then is the reading of Histories much necessary in the Church, to know what went before, and what followed after. And therefore not without cause, History in old Authors is called, The Witness of Times, the Light of Verity, the Life of Memory, the Teacher of Life, and Shower of Antiquity. Without the knowledge whereof, man's Life is blind, and soon may fall into any kind of Error, as by manifest experience we have to see in these desolate later Times of the Church, whenas the Bishops of Rome, under colour of Antiquity, have turned Truth into Heresy, and brought in such newfound Devices of strange Doctrine and Religion, as in the former Ages of the Church were never heard of: And all through Ignorance of Times, and for lack of True History. And therefore the Use of History being so considerable, Historians in some Kingdoms have been maintained by Public Encouragement. And so the Writer of the Epistle to K. Edward, before Erasmus' Paraphrase Englished, propounded once to that King, That there should be a Public Salary allotted to some able Persons, to Translate good Books, and to Write Chronicles, for bestowing so great a Benefit on the Commonwealth.  
But particularly the History of the Church, and matters relating to Religion, have a more special benefit, as being conversant about Spiritual things, which are weightier by far, and concern us more a great deal than Temporal. But, the more is the pity, in this sort of History there is a greater Defect than in the other; I speak of our own Nation; for though the History of the State in the last Age, was excellently done by the Pens of the Lord Herbert and Mr. Cambden; yet the Matters of the Church they professedly declined, or did but touch at; the former saying expressly, His intention was not in an History to discuss Theological Matters, 
Pag. 418. Edit. 1672.  as holding it sufficient to have pointed at the places where they are controverted. And the latter in his History, as often as he came to matters of the Church, tells us, That he left his Readers to the Ecclesiastical Historian. Which hath made me wonder at, and apt to accuse the Slothfulness of that Age, that during all the time of K. Henry, K. Edward, and Q. Marry, wherein Religion was so tossed about, and took up so much of those Reigns, there is no one Ecclesiastical History thereof written, except that of the diligent and learned Mr. Fox; and during the long Reign of Q. Elizabeth and K. james, I think none at all. Till of late years, when by length of time, and destruction of many Original MSS. by the Civil Wars, divers remarkable Transactions were buried and lost, some few Learned Men employed themselves in Collecting and Publishing what Memorials of Religion and the Church they could retrieve; as namely, Dr. Fuller, Dr. Heylin, and especially Dr. Burnet, now the Right Reverend Bishop of Sarum; to whom the English Church must be ever beholden for his great and happy Pains contributed hereunto. But yet there be good Glean after these Writers; and many things of remark there are, relating to the Church in those Three busy Reigns of Henry, Edward, and Mary, whereof these Historians are either wholly silent, or speak imperfectly, or erroneously: Some whereof in my Searches I have met with; which I have disposed in these Memorials.  
But besides the General Benefit of History, especially Ecclesiastical, this Particular History now recommended unto the English Nation, may produce this good effect, To make us value and esteem, as we ought, our Reformed Religion, when we see by what just and fair ways it went on, and how it prevailed like Christianity at first, notwithstanding the great Opposition it met with, and what sort of men they were, such as Gardiner and Boner, who especially set themselves to stop it.  
Moreover, Reading the Lives of Exemplary Men, and such as were Famous in their Generation, hath a great Virtue in it, to influence the Manners of men. Their wise Saying, their discreet Behaviour, their just Management of Matters committed to their trust; their Zeal, their Charity, their Awe of God, their Contempt of the World, and such like, are not only delightful to read or hear, but do insensibly instil into men's minds a secret Approbation thereof, and draw them on to an Imitation. This Land hath produced many admirable men; the Knowledge of whom, and the Benefit of whose Examples, is utterly lost, for want of some Writers to leave their Memory unto the World. It was a thing complained of in the last Age, That as that Age abounded more in Writers, than any Age before it, so there were very few that set themselves to Pen the Lives of Excellent men; as Samuel, the Learned and Worthy Son of john Fox spoke: 
Life of john Fox.  But he ever thought it, as he said, most unjust, notwithstanding, to deprive the world of the memory of matters done by them, by whose Labours and worthy Deeds, the common state of the Country was so much bettered. And if the Use of History, as the same Author saith, is to form the Lives and Manners of men, that being the chief end of History; then I add, No part of History doth more promote this, than the History of the Deeds of Famous men.  
It was another great Inducement to me to let this Work see the light, to be grateful to the Memory of this Holy Prelate, that hath so well deserved of this Church; and to whom, under God, she oweth that Excellent Constitution, and Reformed State in which she is; which cost him so dear, so many Pensive Thoughts, so many long hours Study, so many Consultations and Debates with Learned men, so much Correspondence abroad, so many Speeches, Arguments, and Struggle, in the Parliament, in the Convocation, before the King, the Clergy, the People; so much Danger, and Trouble, and Envy, and Reproach, and at last his dearest Blood. Posterity would be highly injurious to such a Person as this, if he should not be recorded with all due Respect and Honour. It was a commendable Practice of the Ancient Persians, to write in Records the Names and good Deeds of such as had deserved well of the King and Kingdom, to remain for ever. And these Records Kings themselves did sometimes use to read. The King Ahasuerus called one Night for them to be read to him, to entertain his waking hours, Esther VI And Xerxes in an Epistle of his to Pausanias, extant in Thucydides, told him, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That his Good Deed was upon Record in his Palace for ever. For these Records were esteemed so precious, that they were kept within the Walls of the Palace. And this Custom of Writing up the Remembrance of Men of Merit, seemed also to be among the jews. Thus it is said of judas Macchabeus, That the Remembrance of him was for a blessing for ever. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Mac. III. 7.  To which does, I suppose, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Book of Remembrance, or Record, allude, (in Mal. III. 16.) that was written for those that feared God, and thought on his name. And surely it is agreeable to God's Will, that this Piece of Gratitude should be shown to men of singular Virtue deceased, to keep their Names and Good Deeds upon Record, for Posterity to know, and to thank God for.  
And this Office of Love and Duty seems highly convenient to be done towards Archbishop Cranmer, that something might appear in the world for his Vindication, under those many base Aspersions, and lying Insinuations, that are and have been Printed by Papists, to defame and blacken him to Posterity. One of them hath these words, (which show that he cared not what he said, 
Parsons Three Conversions, Part 3. p. 84.  so he might but throw his dirt upon the chief Lights of the Reformation), The very Pillars of this Rank, [which he names to be] Luther, Bucer, P. Martyr, Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, Hooper, Rogers, Farrar, Taylor, Tyndal, all Married Priests and Friars, [but some of them were never Friars, and others never Married] were men given to their Sensualities, both of Women, and other like their Commodities, after the fashion of other ordinary men. Neither is there recounted any one eminent Action in all their Lives, that I have read, either of chastening their Bodies, mortifying their Appetites, contemning the World and the Pleasures thereof, while they might have and use the same; or finally, any more excellent Spirit in them above the rest, or of any supernatural Concurrence of God with their Actions in any one thing. But did he converse so much in Fox, as to undertake in one or two Books to answer and confute him and his Martyrs; and yet doth he meet with nothing there of none of these men in that Martyrology, but what was Ordinary to other men, and that showed not some more excellent Spirit to be in them? It is a sign he read but little there, or read with a cankered mind. This ensuing Book shall effectually confute these Misreports and Slanders of Cranmer, one of these Pillars, as he calls them; and shall abundantly make it appear, That he was no Sensualist, nor addicted (notwithstanding his High Place) to the Pleasures and Commodities of this world; and that his Life shone bright by his many eminent Actions of Piety, Mortification, Contempt of the world; and that he was of a more excellent Spirit than that of the ordinary rank of men; and that for some Ages there scarce arose his Fellow; and finally, that he must needs have some supernatural Concurrence and mighty Aid of God's Grace with him, in many of the Affairs that passed through his hands.  
III. The Third thing remains, (which is indeed the main matter that makes an History of any account), and that is, What Credit may be given to what I have writ: For if it stand not upon the Foot of Truth, it is not History, but a Romance, a Legend, a mere Tale. And here I remember what john Fox said to Alan Cope, concerning an History-Controuler, which is as true of an History-Writer: If you will be a Controller in Story-matters, 
Acts and Mon. Vol. I. p. 532. Edit. 1610.  Diligence is required, and great searching out of Books and Authors, not only of our time, but of all Ages, and especially where matters of Religion are touched, pertaining to the Church; it is not sufficient to say what Fabian, or what Hall saith, but Records must be sought, and Registers must be turned over: Letters also and ancient Instruments ought to be perused, and Authors with the same compared; finally, the Writers among themselves one to be compared with another; and so with Judgement to be weighed, with Diligence to be laboured, and with Simplicity, pure from all Addiction and Partiality, to be uttered.  
Now to measure myself with this: Diligence and Faithfulness, I trust, hath not been wanting in me: I have been governed by a hearty Desire and Love of Truth: I have read over such Printed Books as are of the best Credit and Vogue; and I have often compared them with good MSS. especially when I have had occasion to make use of them; which I have done but sparingly and briefly, that I might not cumber the Book with what hath been known and written afore. But the Collections I have here made▪ and do publish to the world, are chiefly from Manuscript Records, Registers, Letters, Orders of Council, Original and Authentic. For besides Archbishop Cranmers Register, in a great Folio, in which I have bestowed some considerable time, I have had the Perusal of several Rare Papers (Volumes I may say) of Sir john Cotton, preserved in his Invaluable Library; and of Archbishop Parker, that great Antiquarian, collected by him, and now remaining in the private Library of Bennet-College in Cambridge; among which there is a Writing, entitled, A Declaration concerning the Progeny, with the Manners and Trade of Life, and bringing up, of the most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury; and by what Order and Means he came to his Preferments and Dignities. Which I perceive was drawn up by Cranmers Secretary, at the desire of Archbishop Parker, and for his use. I have been conversant in what remaineth of the Papers of john Fox, communicated to me by the Favour of my good Friend William Willys, of Hackney, Esquire. Among which there is a MS. Life of Cranmer; Annals writ by an Augustine Monk of Canterbury, from the year 1532. to 1538. Many Letters of Fox, and other Learned Men to him, relating to the Affairs or Afflictions of the Church in those Times; and abundance more, too long here to be inserted. I have consulted also many MSS. of great Worth, originally belonging to the Lord Treasurer Burleighs Secretary, imparted to me by Sir Will. Hickes, of Low-Leyton in Essex, Knight and Baronet: Wherein are divers of Archbishop Cranmers Letters, written by his own Pen. By the Kindness of the Reverend Mr. Nicolas Battely of Kent, and his great readiness and zeal to forward my Design, I have received a great many material Excerpta out of the Registers and Records of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, and out of other Books and MSS. William Petyt of the Inner-Temple, Esquire, and Keeper of the Tower-Records, did with great humanity communicate unto me his Collection of excellent Papers, contained in two large Volumes: Which though in these Memorials I have made but little use of, yet may be admirably subservient to me, or whosoever's Lot else it may happen to fall to, to give the world some account of Qu. Elizabeth's Archbishops, and the Church-Affairs in their times. In this Catalogue of Friends and Assistants, I must mention also the Reverend Dr. Thomas Smith, and Mr. Henry Wharton; Mr. Laughton, Keeper of the Public Library in Cambridge, and Mr. Harrison, Fellow of Sidney-College in that University. Unto all these Gentlemen now named, I do here (as I ought in Gratitude) publicly acknowledge myself beholden.  
I did also consult the MS. Library at Lambeth, by the favourable Permission of the last, and the present Archbishop of Canterbury. But though there be divers Shelves of very choice MSS. yet I found little or nothing there, serviceable to my purpose; unless it should please God to lengthen my Life and Health, to write in this Method concerning Archbishop Whitgift. Neither was I successful in Inquiries which I procured Friends to make, from such as were Relations of the Archbishop, in any Matters or Notices concerning him. There is one Mr. Cartwright of Nottinghamshire, that is an Heir of that Ancient Family of the Cranmers, a Worthy Gentleman, and now, or late, Justice of the Peace for that County; who being made acquainted with my Design, and moved to impart any Letters or Writings that might be of use thereunto, answered a Friend, that he was plundered in the late Civil Wars of abundance of Papers, and not a few to that effect; but that now he had not any thing left to contribute, but his own good wishes to the Undertaker.  
But still further, for the better satisfying the Readers in the Truth of what I write, I have, according to a good practice first begun by Mr. Sumner of Canterbury, 
In his Antiq. of Canterb.  cast the most material Records and Original Letters together by themselves in an Appendix, that those that please may read them there, rather than in the Body of the Story, where it might too much interrupt the Thread of the Discourse, and make the reading more tedious. Which Appendix will serve both as a Proof of the History, and moreover as a Repository for many choice Monuments of Antiquity; which otherwise being in loose Papers, and private Studies, might in time be utterly extinguished, and irrecoverably lost.  
And I do here protest once for all, that I have not inserted into this Book any one single Historical Passage out of mine own head, but such as I have either found in some credible published History, or in some oldBook printed in those times, or the Prefaces and Epistles to them; or, lastly, in some good MS. or other.  
I have digested these Memorials into Annals, and have laid matters under their respective Years, and Months, and Days, as near as I could: Sometimes indeed I have been left to conjecture at the true time; which I have done with as much Care and Exactness, as by considering all Circumstances I could. Yet herein I am not so confident, but that I may sometimes perhaps make a mistake. And if I do so, it will, I hope, be excused to me, considering that I was fain oftentimes to go by guess (grounded however upon the best probability I could make), the Papers I used being not seldom without Date, sometimes of the Year, sometimes of the Month, and sometimes of both.  
I thought it not amiss, (though I have not observed it done in any other History) to set down under every Year, what Bishops, Diocesan and Suffragan, were Consecrated in the Province of Canterbury, and by whom. And I am jealous some of the Suffragans may be omitted by me; which Defect must be attributed to the Registers rather than to me. I have taken particular heed to the Convocations, and to what was done in them. And because the Affairs of the English Church have such a near relation unto the Archbishops of the Church, so as their Histories are but maimed and imperfect, without some respect had to those Affairs, I have diligently interwoven many Ecclesiastical Emergencies into this History; and a great many more I have been forced to omit, though well worthy the Public, left the Volume might swell too much.  
If any might perhaps deem this a needless Work, the Life of this Archbishop having been writ already in the Book of Martyrs, and the British Antiquities; I answer such, that I have therefore been short, and it may be silent in some things more fully and largely treated of elsewhere: But here are numberless Notices given concerning the Archbishop, some which are no where else, others very imperfectly, observed; besides the Narrations of the State, and History of the Church, (which are every where interposed), in most of which the Archbishop bore a part.  
The Cathedral Church of Canterbury, now called Christ-Church, I have in some places styled Trinity Church, because I so find it named in those particular Records I make use of in those places; and it seems in some of the first years of our Archbishop, it ordinarily went by that old Name.  
My Style may seem rough and unpolished, and the Phrases here and there uncouth; the reason of which is, because I confess I have often taken the very Expressions and Words of the Papers I have used; and so may fall sometimes into obsolete Terms, and a Style not so acceptable to the present Age, whose Language is refined from what it was an Hundred and fifty or forty years ago. But I have chosen to do this, that I might keep the nearer Truth, and lest that by varying of the Language, I might perhaps sometimes vary from the true meaning of my Writer. And in truth, he that is a Lover of Antiquity, loves the very Language and Phrases of Antiquity.  
The Reader will find some few things here, which are already published in the late Specimen, put forth by Anthony Harmer; he and I, it seems, lighting unwittingly upon the same Records, to wit, K. Edward's Council-Book, and the Register of Christ-Church, Cant. Nor could I strike out of my Book what I found published in the said Specimen, having fully finished it, and the Copy being under the Press some Weeks before that Book came forth, and the matters there related interwoven into the Contexture of my History.  
And now after all this Pains that I have taken in fulfilling this Task, (which I assure the Readers have not been small, nor of a few Years) let me not for every little slip fall under their Censure and Reproach, but rather let them use me with Gentleness and Charity; considering how few, though much abler, will trouble themselves to Labour and Drudge, and take Journeys, and be at Expenses, in making such Collections for the Public Good. It calls to mind what happened upon the Death of the Laborious Antiquary, john Stow, who had been a Collector of Matters for the English History Seven and forty years, and died 1605. and had all the Collections of Reiner Wolf, (another Historian, and a Printer in K. Edward the Sixth's days), and if he had lived but one year longer, intended to have published his long Labours: But after his death, there was not a man to be found, to take the small Pains to review his Papers, and fit them for the Press: Many indeed were talked of to do it, both Persons of Quality among the Laity and Clergy, (For the World had great and earnest expectation to see Stow in Print) But when they were spoke to to, take the good Work in hand, some of them said, That they thought the giving out of their Names was rather done by secret Enemies, on purpose to draw them into Capital Displeasure, and to bring their Names and Lives into a general question. Others said, That they who did such a Work, must flatter, which they could not, neither wilfully would they leave a Scandal unto their Posterity. Another said, he could not see, how in any Civil action a man should spend his Travel, Time, and Money worse, than in that which acquires no Regard or Reward, except Backbiting and Detraction. And one among the rest swore an Oath, and said, He thanked God that he was not yet mad, to waste his Time, spend Two hundred Pounds a Year, (which it seems Stow had done) trouble himself and all his Friends, only to gain assurance of endless Reproach, loss of Liberty, and bring all his days in question. Yet at last, one Edward Howes undertook it, and effected it: But it happened just so to him, having been intolerably abused and scandalised for his Labour. So slothful and backward are most to take Pains in Works of this nature, and so apt to censure those that do. I hope I shall meet (if not with Thanks, at least) with more candid men, and better usage.  
But whatever happens, I shall arm myself with Patience to undergo it, since I intent nothing hereby, but to be serviceable unto my Country, and God's Church, and to Justify the excellent Reformation of it in these Kingdoms; and finally to do Right unto the Memory of that truly Great and Good Archbishop of Canterbury. And thus recommending the Success of this Work unto God's Blessing, I here make an End.  
J. STRIPE. Sept. 29. 1693. Low-Leyton.  
I desire the Reader to take Notice, That when I quote Fox's Acts and Monuments, it is the Edition in the Year 1610. And when the Life of K. Henry VIII. by the L. Herbert, it is the Edition of 1672. And when the History of the Reformation by Bishop Burnet, it is that of the Year 1681. Farewell.   

A TABLE OF THE Books, Chapters, and Contents, OF THESE MEMORIALS OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.  

BOOK I.  CHAP. I. Cranmer 's Birth, Education, and Rise. 
A Worthy Work to revive his Memory. His Family. Account of his younger years. Sent to Cambridge, An. 1503. Sets himself to study the Scripture. 
Anno 1489, 1503, 1511, 1516, 1523, 1529, 1530▪  Is made Doctor of Divinity. Marries. Refuses to go to Wolsey's College, Oxon. He is made one of the University-Examiners. The King's great Cause first proposed to the Universities. The occasion of his Rise. His Opinion of the King's Cause. The King sends for him. Suitably placed with the Earl of Ormond. Friendship and Correspondence between the Earl and Cranmer. A Providence in his being placed here. Cranmer disputes at Cambridge. Grows dear to the King and his Court.  CHAP. II. Pole 's Book about the King's Matrimony. 
Pole's Book against the King's dissolving his Marriage. Cranmer peruses it. 
Anno 1530.  His Account of it. His Censure thereof.  CHAP. III. Cranmer 's Embassies. 
He is employed in Embassies: To the Pope: Offers him a Dispute in favour of the King's Cause. To the Emperor. 
Anno 1530, 1531, 1532.  Cornel. Agrippa gained by Cranmer to the King's Cause. Becomes acquainted with Osiander; and marries his Kinswoman. Treats with the Emperor about the Contract of Traffic; and about sending Supplies against the Turk. Sends the King the News in those Parts; And the Proclamation for a General Council; And the Tax of the States of the Empire. He goes in an Embassy to the Duke of Saxony, and other Protestant Princes.  CHAP. IU. Cranmer made Archbishop of Canterbury. 

Anno 1532, 1533.  Made Archbishop of Canterbury. His Dignities before he was Archbishop. Archbishop Warham foretells a Thomas to succeed him. Archbishop Warham for the King's Supremacy. Cranmers Testimony of Warham. A Reflection upon a Passage relating to Cranmer in Harpsfields History. Cranmer tries to evade the Archbishopric. Declares the reason thereof to the King. The Archbishop's Brother is made Archdeacon of Canterbury. The King linked Cranmer with him in all his Proceedings about Q. Katherine. The King and Archbishop appeal from the Pope to a General Council. The King writes to Dr. Boner his Ambassador in that behalf. The Archbishop is Consecrated. The Pope's Bulls. The Archbishop surrenders them to the King. The method of the Consecration. The Archbishop's Oath for the Temporalties. The Archbishop pronounceth the Divorce. The Archbishop's Judgement of the Marriage.  CHAP. V. The Archbishop Visits his Diocese. 
The Archbishop forbids Preaching. Visits his Diocese. The delusion of a Nun in Kent. 
Anno 1533.  The Archbishop appeals from the Pope. The Archbishop's Letter to Boner. Disputes in the Parliament against the Pope's Supremacy. Licenses for Chapels.  CHAP. VI The Archbishop presseth the Translation of the Bible. 

Anno. 1534.  The Archbishop labours the Reformation of the Church. What he did this Convocation. A Book for Preaching, and the Beads. Dispersed by the Archbishop to all the Bishops. The Archbishop of York preaches at York. The Clergy and Universities subscribe against the Pope. Cranmer and others administer the Oath of Succession to the Clergy: And to Sir Tho. More, who refused it. Cranmers Argument with him. More offers to swear to the Succession itself. Bishop Fisher offers the same. The Archbishop writes to Crumwel in their behalf. The Archbishop's endeavour to save the Lives of More and Fisher.  CHAP. VII. The Archbishop Visits the Diocese of Norwich. 
A Praemunire brought against Bishop Nix. The Archbishop visits this Bishop's See. The Bishop of Norwich a Persecutor. 
Anno 1534.  Go●dric, Lee, and Salcot, Consecrated Bishops.  CHAP. VIII. The Archbishop Preacheth at Canterbury. 

Anno 1535.  The Archbishop preaches up the King's Supremacy at Canterbury. A Prior preaches against him. Whom he convents before him. The Archbishop acquaints the King with the matter. A Provincial Visitation. Winchester herein opposeth him. The Archbishop's Vindication of his Title of Primate. The Bishop of London refuseth his Visitation: And Protests against him. Cranmer sends him a part of the New Testament to translate: And his Answer. Lawney's Jest upon Bishop Stokesly. Who this Lawney was.  CHAP. IX. Monasteries visited. 
Monasteries visited. The Archbishop for their Dissolution. The Visitors Informations. Bishops, Diocesan and Suffragan, Consecrated. 
Anno 1535.  Suffragan Bishops usual in the Realm. Bishops without Title. Nic. Shaxton, Edw. Fox, Will. Barlow, Geo. Brown. A Memorial of the good Services of Archbishop Brown in Ireland. Tho. Manning. john Salisbury.  CHAP. X. The Audience Court. 
The Archbishop's Audience-Court struck at. The Archbishop defends it. 
Anno 1536.  The Archbishop promoting a Reformation in the Convocation.  CHAP. XI. Articles of Religion. 
Articles published and recommended by the King. The Original thereof. 
Anno 1536.  The Original sent into the North to show to the Rebels. The Contents of them. Articles of Faith. Articles relating to Ceremonies. A Conjecture that the Pen of the Archbishop was here.  CHAP. XII. Cranmer 's judgement about some Cases of Matrimony. 
Two remarkable Books published. I. The Book of Articles. II. A Book against the Pope, called, The Bishop's Book. 
Anno 1536.  Certain Cases of Matrimony put to the Archbishop. His Solution. Refuseth to grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of a Relation. His Letter thereupon. He restrains the number of Proctors. Which some complain of to the Parliament. The Archbishop divorceth Q. Anne. A Licence for a Chapel. Bucer this year dedicates a Book to the Archbishop. Bishops consecrated; Richard Samson, William Ruyg, Rob. Warton.  CHAP. XIII. The Bishop's Book. 
The Bishop's Book by the Archbishop's means. Winchester's Opposition. The King makes Animad versions upon it. Published. How esteemed. 
Anno 1537.  Enlarged and Reprinted. Some account of the foresaid Book. Names of the Composers.  CHAP. XIV. The Archbishop visits his Diocese. 
Goes down into his Diocese. Gets a Licence to visit. The Vicar of Croyden. 
Anno 1537.  The Archbishop visits his Diocese. What course he took for the preventing of Superstition.  CHAP. XV. The Bible Printed. 

Anno 1537.  His Joy at the publishing the English Bible. Presents one by Crumwel to the King. Cranmers Letters to Crumwel. Some further Particulars▪ concerning this Edition of the Bible. The Printer's Thanks and Requests to Crumwel▪ Grafton to Crumwel. The Printer apprehensive of another Edition. Other Requests of the Printer.  CHAP. XVI. Many Suffragan Bishops made. 
The Feast of S. Thomas, etc. forbid. Rob. Holgate Consecrated Bishop. john Bird; Lewis Thomas; 
Anno 1537.  Some account of Bird. Thomas Morley; Rich. Yngworth; john Thornton; Richard Thornden; john Hodgkin; Henry Holbeach; Suffragans.  CHAP. XVII. The Bible in English allowed. 
The Archbishop reads upon the Hebrews. A Declaration for reading the Bible. The Bible received and read with great Joy. 
Anno 1538.  The Archbishop had a hand in Lambert's Death. The Bishop's dispute against Lambert's Reasons.  CHAP. XVIII. The Archbishop's judgement of the Eucharist. 

Anno 1538.  Cranmer zealous for the Corporal Presence. His Reasons for it. Sanders his slanders of the Archbishop concerning his Opinion in the Sacrament. When Cranmer changed his Opinion. Latimer of the same Judgement. Divers Priests marry Wives. The King's Proclamation against Priests Marriages. Anabaptists. A Commission against them. The way wardness of the Priests occasions the King to write to the Justices. The Archbishop visits the Diocese of Hereford. Bishop's Consecrated, William Finch, john Bradley.  CHAP. XIX. The Act of Six Articles. 
The Archbishop makes Nic. Wotton Commissary of his Faculties. The King offended with the Archbishop, 
Anno 1538, 1539.  and some other Bishops. The Six Articles opposed by the Archbishop. The Arguments the Archbishop made use of at this time, lost. The King's Message to the Archbishop by the Lords. A Book of Ceremonies: Laboured to be brought in. A Convocation. The Papists rejoice. Two Priories surrendered to the Archbishop. The Archbishop and Crumwel labour with the King about the new Bishoprics. Bishops this year, john Bell, john Skyp.  CHAP. XX. The Archbishop in Commission. 
The Archbishop's Enemies accuse him. His Honesty and Courage in discharge of a Commission. 
Anno 1540  And his Success therein. Questions of Religion to be discussed by Divines, by the King's Command. The Names of the Commissioners. Seventeen Questions upon the Sacrament. The Archbishop's Judgement upon these Questions. The Judgements of other Learned Men concerning other Points. An Act to prevent Divorces. The Archbishop to Osiander, concerning the Germans abuse of Matrimony.  CHAP. XXI. The largest Bible printed. 
Some account of printing the English Bible. The New Testament printed, 1526. And Burnt. Reprinted about 1530. Burnt again. 
Anno 1540  The Scripture prohibited in a Meeting at the Star-Chamber. The New Testament Burnt the third time. The whole Bible printed 1537. Matthews, that is, Rogers' Bible. About 1538, the Bible printed again in Paris. The Printers fall into the Inquisition. The Bible printed with French Presses in London. The largest Bible published in the year 1540 Boner's Admonition for reading the Bible. The Bible suppressed again, Anno 1542/3. King Henry's Judgement for the use of the Bible.  CHAP. XXII. The Archbishop retired. 
The Archbishop keeps himself more retired. The Archbishop issues out his Commission for the Consecrating of Boner. Boner's Oath of Fidelity. 
Anno 1540  The Archbishop makes a Commissary in Calais. Butler a better Commissary. His Troubles. The occasion thereof, the discovery of a Religious Cheat. Glazier Commissary in Calais. The Archbishop's Judgement of Admission of Scholars into the School belonging to the Cathedral. Bishop's Consecrated; Edmund Boner, Nic. Hethe, Tho. Thirlby. Some account of Thirlby's Rise.  CHAP. XXIII. All-Souls College visited. 
The Archbishop visits All-Souls College. Visits it a second time. The Archbishop gives Orders about Shrines. 
Anno 1541.  The King to the Archbishop for searching after Shrines. The Archbishop's Orders accordingly to his Dean, his Archdeacon and Commissary. The Archbishop lays Bekesburn to the See. Learned Preachers preferred by the Archbishop. The Archbishop makes some recant. A Convocation. Their business. Bishops consecrated, William Knight, john Wakeman, john Chambre, Arthur Bulkely, Robert King.  CHAP. XXIV. The King's Book revised. 
The King's Book revised by the Archbishop. Divers Discourses of the Archbishop. The goodly Primer. 
Anno 1542.  The Archbishop instrumental to the Reformation of Scotland. An Act procured by the Archbishop. Paul Bush Consecrated.  CHAP. XXV. Presentments at a Visitation. 
The King's Book published by Authority. A Visitation at Canterbury. Presentments. Reflections upon the former Presentments. 
Anno 1543.  The Prebendaries and Preachers admonished by the Archbishop.  CHAP. XXVI. A black Cloud over the Archbishop. 
The Prebendaries Plot against the Archbishop. Winchester the chief Manager. Winchester designs the Death of divers of the Court: 
Anno 1543.  And of the Archbishop and his Friends. The Papers relating to Archbishop Cranmers Accusation. The Contents thereof. The Canons and Preachers of Cranmers Chaplains complained of at the Sessions. They prepare the Articles and pr●fer them. They Article against the Archbishop himself. London's Practices. A great Mass of Articles against the Archbishop procured. The chief Instruments Gardener, Serles, Shether. The Bishop of Winchester's discourse with a Prebendary of Canterbury. Willoughby and London wait at the Council-Chamber. Willoughby brought to the L. Privy Seal, and to Winchester. The Contents of the Articles against the Archbishop. More Articles against his Commissary. More still. The Witnesses. The Prebendaries deliver the Articles.  CHAP. XXVII. The King the Archbishop's Friend in this Danger. 
The King himself discovers all to the Archbishop. The Archbishop desires a Commission. The Archbishop in Commission expostulates with his Accusers. 
Anno 1543.  Sh●ther in Prison sends to Winchester. Their Reasons which they pretended for what they did. Cocks and Hussey Commissioners, and his Officers false. New Commissioners sent down. The Register false. The Delinquents Chambers and Chests searched. The Treachery of Thornton and Barber. The Archbishop's discourse to them. The Conspirators are imprisoned. Their Release. Their Confessions and Letters. The Ends of the Conspirators.  CHAP. XXVIII. The Archbishop falls into more Troubles. 
The Archbishop accused before the Parliament. 
Anno 1543, 1544▪  The Palace of Canterbury burnt. The Council accuse the Archbishop. The King sends privately for him. Comes before the Council. The King rebukes the Council for Cranmer. The King changes the Archbishop's Arms.  CHAP. XXIX. Occasional Prayers and Suffrages. 
Prayers to be made against immoderate Rain. English Suffrages commanded to be used. 
Anno 1544.  The Contents of the King's Letter to that end. A Procession for the King's Expedition. The Council's Letter to the Archbishop. Popery prevails. Gardiner and the Bishops now carry all. Bishop of Landaff removed to York. His Oath.  CHAP. XXX. The Archbishop reformeth the Canon Law. 

Anno 1545, 1546.  The Archbishop sets upon reforming the Canon Law. An Act concerning it. The Progress made by the Archbishop in this Work. The MS. of these Laws. The Archbishop labours in this Work under K. Edward. The Archbishop employed in mending Service-Books. The King consults with the Archbishop for the Redress of certain Superstitions. The Opportunity of Winchester's absence taken. The Archbishop prevails with the King in two great Points. Seeks to redress Alienation of the Revenues of the Cathedral. Scripture and Sermons more common by the Archbishop's means. Anthony Kitchen Consecrated. A Proclamation against the English Testament. He interprets a Statute of his Church. The Archbishop by the King's Command pens a Form for a Communion. His last Office to the King.   

BOOK II.  CHAP. I. He Crowns King Edward. 
COnceives great hopes of K. Edward. The Archbishop takes a Commission to execute his Office. K. Edward Crowned by the Archbishop. 
Anno 1546.  The manner of the Coronation. The Archbishop's Speech at the Coronation.  CHAP. II. A Royal Visitation. 
A Royal Visitation on foot. The Visitors. The method of this Visitation. 
Anno 1547.  The Homilies, and Erasmus' Paraphrase.  CHAP. III. Homilies, and Erasmus 's Paraphrase. 
The Archbishop to Winchester concerning the Homilies. The Archbishop, etc. compose Homilies. Winchester in the Fleet. 
Anno 1547.  The Bishop of Winchester's Censure of the Homily of Salvation; And of the Archbishop for it. Winchester's Censure of Erasmus' Paraphrase. His account of his Commitment. Erasmus vindicated. Winchester's Letter to Somerset concerning these things. The Archbishop appoints a Thanksgiving for a Victory. The Archbishop to the Bishop of London.  CHAP. IU. A Convocation. 
A Convocation in the first year of the King. 
Anno 1547.  Dr. Redman's Judgement of Priest's Marriage. The Archbishop's Influence on the Parliament. The Communion in both kinds established. The Archbishop's Queries concerning the Mass. The Archbishop assists at the Funeral of the French King. The Marquis of Northampton's Divorce committed to the Archbishop. Processions forbid by his means. Examines the Offices of the Church.  CHAP. V. The Archbishop's Catechism. 
The Archbishop puts forth a Catechism: And a Book against Unwritten Verities. 
Anno 1547.  His Care of Canterbury.  CHAP. VI The Archbishop's Care of the University. 

Anno 1547.  The Archbishop's Influence upon the University. Some of S. John's College apply to him upon the apprehension of a danger. Offended with some of this College; and why. The ill condition and low estate of the University. An Address of the University to the Archbishop. The Sum thereof. The Success of the Universities Address to him, and others. Another Address to him against the Townsmen. Roger Ascham's Application to him for a Dispensation for eating flesh. Favourably granted by the Archbishop. The Archbishop's Opinion concerning Lent. Ascham acquaints him with the present state of the University, as to their Studies. Sir john Cheke, the Archbishop's dear Friend: The prime Instrument of Politer Studies there. The Impediments of that University's flourishing state laid before him.  CHAP. VII. Dr. Smith, and others, recant. 
Dr. Smith recants at Paul's Cross. His Books. Gardiner offended with this Recantation. 
Anno 1547.  Other University-men recant. Smith affronts the Archbishop. His inconstancy. The Archbishop's Admonition to the Vicar of Stepney. The Archbishop licenseth an eminent Preacher. Who preacheth against the Errors and Superstitions of the Church. Is bound to answer for his Sermon at the Assizes. How far the Reformation had proceeded. Ridley Consecrated Bishop.  CHAP. VIII. The Church's Goods embezzled. New Opinions broached. 

Anno 1548.  Churches profaned. Church-Ornaments embezzled. The Council's Letter to the Archbishop thereupon. A Form of Prayer sent to the Archbishop; With the Council's Letter. New Opinions broached. Champneys revokes Six Articles; and abjures. Other Heresies vented. Asheton's Recantation. Other Errors still. joan Bocher's Heresy. Latimer's Censure of her. George Van Paris.  CHAP. IX. The Archbishop visits. 

Anno 1548.  The Archbishop visits his Diocese. His Articles for the Clergy; and for the Laity. An exchange made between the Archbishop and the L. Windsor. Farrar Bishop of S. David's Consecrated. Some account of this Bishop. The Archbishop swayed by Farrar's Enemies.  CHAP. X. The Archbishop answers the Rebels Articles. 
Rebellion in Devon. The Archbishop answers the Rebels Articles. Some account thereof. 
Anno 1549.  Crispin. Moreman. Cardinal Pole. The Archbishop procures Sermons to be made against the Rebellion. Peter Martyr's Sermon upon this occasion. The French take occasion at this Rebellion. Bucer's Discourse against the Sedition. The Archbishop's Prayer composed for this occasion.  CHAP. XI. Bishop Boner deprived. 
The Archbishop deprives Boner. 
Anno 1549.  Discourse between the Archbishop and him concerning his Book; and concerning the Sacrament. Chargeth the Archbishop concerning the Preachers he allowed. The Archbishop's Answer to Boner's Declaration. Papists insist upon the Invalidity of the Laws made in the King's Minority. An Ordination of Priests and Deacons. The Office of Ordination reform. The Archbishop visits some vacant Churches. S. david's. Gloucester. Norwich. London. A new Dean of the Arches.  CHAP. XII. Duke of Somerset's Troubles. The Common-Prayer ratified. 
The Archbishop writes to the Lords at Ely-House. Their Answer. The Archbishop gets the Common-Prayer-Book confirmed. 
Anno 1549.   CHAP. XIII. The Archbishop entertains learned Foreigners. 
The Archbishop harbours Learned Strangers. Bucer writes in the Archbishop's Family. The Archbishop's Guests. 
Anno 1549.  Martyr dedicates his Lectures at Oxon to the Archbishop. The Archbishop writes to Bucer to come over. Bucer and Fagius Professors at Cambridge Fagius dies. The Archbishop sends Money to Fagius' Widow. Bucer laments his Loss.  CHAP. XIV. Peter Martyr disputes in Oxford, being challenged thereunto. 
Peter Martyr challenged publicly to a Disputation. His Answer hereunto. 
Anno 1549.  Declines it at present; and why. They agree upon the Conditions of a Disputation. They Dispute. Martyr sends the Sum of the Disputation to the Archbishop. The Disputation published by Martyr: And by Tresham. Smith writes to the Archbishop from Scotland. Disputations at Cambridge before the Commissioners. Bucer disputes. His Judgement of the Sacrament.  CHAP. XV. Matters of the Church, and its State now. 
Relics of Popery remaining. The Council gives Orders to the Justices: 
Anno 1549.  And writes to the Bishops. Neglect in London. Adulteries frequent. Books dispersed by Protestants. Preaching against Len●. Gardiner's Judgement of a Rhyme against Lent. Latimer counsels the King about Marriage. Foreign Protestants their Offer to K. Edward.  CHAP. XVI. Ridley made Bishop of London. The Communion-Book reviewed. 
Ridley made Bishop of London. Rochester vacant. 
Anno 1550.  Bucer writes to Dorset not to spoil the Church. The Common-Prayer-Book reviewed. Bucer and Martyr employed in it.  CHAP. XVII. Hoper's Troubles. 

Anno 1550.  Hoper nominated for Bishop of Gloucester. He and Ridley confer about the Habits. The Archbishop writes to Bucer for his Judgement in this matter. The Questions. Martyr writes to Hoper. Hoper's Two Objections: Considered. Another Objection of Hoper considered. Other things urged by him. Hoper confined to his House, and Silenced. Committed to the Archbishop's Custody. Sent to the Fleet. Hoper Conforms. Martyr to Gualther concerning Hoper's Conformity.  CHAP. XVIII. Bishop Hoper visits his Diocese. 
Hoper visits his Diocese. His Articles of Religion. His Injunctions and Interrogatories. 
Anno 1550.  Holds Worcester in Commendam And visits that Church and See. Goes over both h●● Dioceses again. The Counsels Order concerning the two Canons. Licence for the Bishop of Gloucester to attend upon the Duchess of Somerset in the Tower. Other matters relating to this Bishop.  CHAP. XIX. Troubles of Bishop Gardiner. 
Divers great Lords repair to Gardiner. The Council's proceedings with him. Articles propounded to him to subscribe. 
Anno 1550.  Winchester sequestered for three months. The Sequestration expires. The Commissioners sit to examine him. A Letter of some Noblemen whom he had belied. Gardiner offers his Book against Cranmer to the Commissioners. He is deprived. The Council's Order for his straight Confinement. Poynet made Bishop of Winton.  CHAP. XX. Bishop Hethe, and Bishop Day; their Deprivations. 
Other Popish Bishops dealt with. Bishop Hethe's Troubles. Sent for before the Council. 
Anno 1550.  Day, Bishop of Chichester, his Troubles. Bishop Day will not pull down Altars. Appears before the Council. The Archbishop and Bishop of Ely reason with him. The Council give him time to confer. Before the Council again. Before the Council the third time. And the fourth time, when he was sent to the Fleet. Commissioners appointed for Worcester and Chichester. They are deprived. Placed the one with the L. Chancellor, and the other with the Bishop of London. Day writes to Kings-College for leaving off Masses. His unnatural Carriage towards his Brother. Preaches against Transubstantiation. His Change charged on him.  CHAP. XXI. Papists grow bold. Loose Professors restrained. 
The Papists write Libels. Several Papists now taken up. Chedsey, Morgan, Sir Ant. Brown, 
Anno 1550.  White. Other Professors restrained.  CHAP. XXII. Foreigners allowed a Church. A Lasco. 
The Archbishop's care of the Souls of Strangers residing here. The Dutch Congregation under john a Lasco. The occasion of his coming into England. 
Anno 1550.  His business here. From Embden he wrote to the Archbishop: And to Cecyl. The sad condition of the Protestants there. Latimer mentions A Lasco to the King. Contest among A Lasco's people. The care of A Lasco over his Church, and its Privileges. Favourably received by the L. Chancellor Goodrig. Labours with the Secretary to procure Letters from the Council in behalf of his Church. The extent of his Superintendency. Melanc●hon thought to shelter himself under him. His great Abilities for Government. Erasmus' Praise of him. Purchased Erasmus' Library. A Lasco a married man. His Influence in the Reformation under Q. Elizabeth. Blamed for meddling in our Controversies. A Church of Italians constituted in London. Michael Angelo their Minister. The Service the Archbishop did for this Church: And for the Minister. Divers of this Church fall out with their Minister, and go to Mass again. A Conjecture at the Cause thereof. Their Minister sends their Names to the Secretary, and accuses them. The Morals of this man tainted. Writes a Penitent Letter to the Secretary. A French Church also in London.  CHAP. XXIII. The Church at Glastenbury. 
Another Church of Strangers at Glastenbury. 
Anno 1550.  Their Trade Weaving. Valerandus Pollanus their Preacher and Superintendent. How they came to fix here. Conditions of Trade between them and Somerset. Their Trade obstructed by the Troubles of Somerset. Apply themselves again to the Council, and to the Secretary Cecyl. The Council become their Patrons, and assist them. Orders from the Lords to set this Manufacture forwards. Pollanus very serviceable to them. An Apology for the largeness of the former relation. After the King's Death they remove to Frankford. Prove Friends to the English Exiles there. A Spanish Church. Cassiodorus and Corranus their Preachers. Many of K. Philip's Spaniards become Protestants. Great Numbers of Protestants in Spain and Italy.  CHAP. XXIV. The Archbishop's care of the Revenues of the Church. Bucer dies. 
The Archbishop labours to preserve the Revenues of the Church. The detaining the Church-Revenues a Scandal to the Reformation. 
Anno 1550.  Calvin to the Archbishop upon this matter: And to the Duke of Somerset. Bucer publicly disputeth at Cambridge. Dieth. The University wrote up concerning his Death. Bucer's Library. His Widow retires to Germany. The Correspondence between him and Martyr. A Plot of the Papists at Oxon against Martyr, at an Act. Martyr's Judgement of the Communion-Book. Bucer's great dangers. Poynet Consecrated, and Hoper.  CHAP. XXV. The Archbishop publisheth his Book against Gardiner. 
Cranmer publisheth his Book of the Sacrament. His first Book of that Subject. Wrote against by Gardener and Smith. 
Anno 1551.  Vindicated in another Book by the Archbishop. The Method of the Archbishop's Reply. The Judgements made of this Book. How the Archbishop came off from the Opinion of the Corporal Presence. The Archbishop's great Skill in Controversy. Peter Martyr enlightened by Cranmer. Fox's Conjecture of the Archbishop. A second Book of Gardener against the Archbishop. The Archbishop begins a third Book. Martyr takes up the Quarrel. Cranmer puts out his Book of the Sacrament in Latin. Printed again at Embden. Cranmers second Book intended to be ●ut into Latin. Some Notes of Cranmer concerning the Sacrament. Martyr succeeds Cranmer in this Province. Writes against Gardiner: And Smith.  CHAP. XXVI. The Duke of Somerset 's Death. 
The Duke of Somerset's Death. Winchester supposed to be in the Plot. Articles against the Duke. 
Anno 1551.  What he is blamed for. The new Book of Common-Prayer established. Coverdale made Bishop of Exon. Scory Bishop Elect of Rochester. The Archbishop appoints a Guardian of the Spiritualties of Lincoln; And of Wigorn; And of Chichester; And of Hereford; And of B●ngor. Hoper visits his Diocese. Two Disputations concerning the Sacrament. Dr. Redman dies. The Archbishop and others appointed to reform Ecclesiastical Laws. The method they observed. Scory, Coverdale, Consecrated.  CHAP. XXVII. The Articles of Religion. 
The Articles of Religion framed and published. The Archbishop's diligence in them. 
Anno 1552.  The Archbishop retires to Ford.  CHAP. XXVIII. Persons nominated for Irish Bishoprics. 
Consulted with for fit Persons to fill the Irish Sees. Some account of the four Divines nominated by him for the Archbishopric of Armagh. 
Anno 1552.  Mr. Whitehead, Mr. Turner, Thomas Rosse, or Rose, Robert Wisdom. The Character the Archbishop gave of the two former. Turner designed for Armagh: But declines it. Goodacre made Archbishop of Armagh. Letters from the Council to Ireland, recommending the Irish Bishops.  CHAP. XXIX. The Archbishop charged with Covetousness. 

Anno 1552.  A Rumour given out of the Archbishop's Covetousness and Wealth. Which Cecyl sends him word of. The Archbishop's Answer for himself and the other Bishops. This very slander raised upon him to K. Henry. K. Henry promised him Lands. This Promise performed by K. Edward: His Purchases. The Archbishopric fleeced by K. Henry. Lands passed away to the Crown by Exchange. Lands made over to the Archbishop. The Archbishop parted also with Knol and Otford to the King. What moved him to make these Exchanges. His Cares and Fears for the King.  CHAP. XXX. His care for the Vacancies. Falls sick. 

Anno 1552.  His Care for filling the Vacancies of the Church. Laboured under an Ague this Autumn. The great Mortality of Agues about this time. That which most concerned him in his Sickness. The Secretary sends the Archbishop the Copy of the Emperor's Pacification.  CHAP. XXXI. His Kindness for Germany. 
His Kindness for Germany. 
Anno 1552.  His Correspondence with Germany; And with Herman Archbishop of Col●n. The suitableness of both these Archbishop's Dispositions. Their diligence in Reforming.  CHAP. XXXII. Troubles of Bishop Tonstal. 
The Troubles of Bishop Tonstal. The Causes of this Bishop's Punishment. 
Anno 1552.  A Bill in Parliament to attaint Tonstal. The Care of the Diocese committed to the Dean.  CHAP. XXXIII. The New Common-Prayer. The Archbishop in Kent. 
The New Common-Prayer began to be used. 
Ann● 1552.  This Book put into French for the King's French Subjects. The Age still vicious. A new Sect in Kent. The Archbishop's business in Kent. A Letter for Installing Bishop Hoper. The Vicar of Beden. Samson and Knox. The Council favour Knox. john Taylor Consecrated.  CHAP. XXXIV. A Catechism. The Archbishop opposeth the Exclusion of the Lady Mary. 
Great use made of the Archbishop at Council. 
Anno 1553.  The Articles of Religion enjoined by the King's Authority. The Catechism for Schools. A Catechism set forth by the Synod. The Archbishop opposeth the New Settlement of the Crown. Denyeth before the Council to subscribe to the Exclusion of the Lady Mary. Sets his hand. The Archbishop ungratefully dealt with. The Council subscribe and swear to the Limited Succession.  CHAP. XXXV. The King dies. 
The King dies. His Character. The Archbishop delights in this Prince's Proficiency. K. Edward's Writings. The King's Memorial for Religion. 
Ann● 1553.  The Archbishop frequent at Council. His Presence in the Council in the year 1550. In the year 1551. In the year 1552. And 1553. john Harley Consecrated Bishop.   

BOOK III.  CHAP. I. Queen Mary soon recognized. The Archbishop slandered and imprisoned. 
THE Archbishops and Counsellors concern with the Lady jane. 
Anno 1553.  They declare for Q. Mary: And write to Northumberland to lay down his Arms. The Queen owned by the Ambassadors. The Archbishop misreported to have said Mass. Mass at Canterbury. Which he makes a Public Declaration against. The Declaration. Appears before the Commissioners at P●uls: And before the Council. The Archbishop of York committed to the Tower; and his Goods seized, At Battersea, At Cawood. Gardiner's passage of the two Archbishops.  CHAP. II. Protestant Bishops and Clergy cast into Prisons, and deprived. 
This Reign begins with Rigour. The Protestant Bishops deprived. The hard usage of the Inferior Clergy. 
Anno 1553.  Professors cast into the M●rshalsea. Winchester's Alms. P. Martyr writes of this to Calvin. The state of the Church now. The Queen leaves all matters to Winchester. The Queen Crowned. The Service still said. The Queen's Proclamation of her Religion. Signs of a Change of Religion.  CHAP. III. The Archbishop adviseth Professors to fly. 

Anno 1553.  The Archbishop adviseth to flight. Cranmer will not fly. Whither the Professors fly: And who. Duke of Northumberland put to Death. His Speech. Sir john Gates his Speech. And Palmer's. The Duke labour's to get his life. Whether he was always a Papist.  CHAP. IU. Peter Martyr departs. A Parliament. 

Ann● 1553.  P. Martyr departs. Malice towards him. A Scandal of the Queen. A Parliament. The Parliament repeal Q. Katherine's Divorce; And Cranmer taxed for it.  CHAP. V. The Archbishop attainted. 

Ann● 1553.  The Archbishop attainted of Treason. The Dean of Canterbury acts in the Vacancy. The Archbishop sues for Pardon of Treason. Obtains it. He desires to open his mind to the Queen concerning Religion.  CHAP. VI A Convocation. 

Anno 1553.  A Convocation. How it opened. The Archbishop and three more crowded together in the Tower.  CHAP. VII. The Queen sends to Cardinal Pole. 

Ann● 1553.  The Queen sends to Pole. The Contents of her Letters. Concerning the Supremacy. Concerning the New Bishops. Pole's Advice to the Queen. Instructions to Goldw●l. Disgusts his Stop. Sends to Rome about this his Stop: And to the Emperor. His Judgement of two late Acts of Parliament.  CHAP. VIII. The Dealings with the Married Clergy. 

Anno 1553.  The Married Clergy deprived and divorced. Married Priests in London cited to appear▪ Interrogatories for the Married Clergy. Turnor's Confession. Boner deprives the Married Clergy in London without Order. Married Prebendaries in Canterbury proceeded against. Edmund Cranmer deprived of all. The Injustice of these Proceedings. Martin's Book against Priest's Marriage. Wherein Winchester had the greatest hand. Answered by Poyne●. The Confessions of the Married Priests. Married Priests that did their Penance, hardly dealt with.  CHAP. IX. Evils in this Change of Parliament. 

Anno 1553.  A twofold Evil upon this Turn of Religion. The Dissimulation of the Priests. A Parliament restore the Pope. A design to revive the Six Articles.  CHAP. X. Archbishop Cranmer disputes at Oxon. 
A Convocation appoint a Dispute with Cranmer at Oxford. 
Ann● 1554.  The Questions Sent to Cambridge. The Disputants of Oxford and Cambridge. Cranmer brought before them. His Behaviour. Ridley brought: And Latimer. Cranmer brought to his Disputation. His Notaries. Cranmers Demands. Cranmer disputes again. The Papists undecent management of the Disputation. The Protestants glad of this Disputation. Dr. Tailor to the three Fathers after their Disputations. Ridley pens the Relation of his Disputation. The University sends the Disputations up to the Convocation. Various Copies of these Disputations.  CHAP. XI. Cranmer condemned for an Heretic. 
Cranmer condemned for Heresy. Cranmer writes to the Council. Disputation intended at Cambridge. Their condition after Condemnation. 
Anno 1554.  Their Employment in Prison. Other Works of Ridley in Prison.  CHAP. XII. A Parliament. Pole reconciles the Realms. 
The Queen's Letters, directing the Elections of Parliament men. 
Ann● 1554.  Pole comes over. The Cardinal absolves Parliament and Convocation. The Clergy again wait upon the Legate. A Commission granted by him against Heretics. His Commissions to all the Bishops to reconcile their Dioceses. The Commission to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury. The Legate's Instructions to the Bishops. Pole a severe Persecutor.  CHAP. XIII. A Convocation. Articles framed therein. 
A Convocation. Articles presented to the Upper-House. 
Anno 1554.  Cranmers Book to be burnt. Men burnt to death without Law.  CHAP. XIV. The Condition of the Protestants in prison. Free-Willers. 
Popery fully established. Protestants. The Pastors in Prison. Free-Willers. 
An●● 1554.  Bradford's Concern with them. His Kindness to them. Bradford gaineth some of them. Careless' pains with them. Philpot's counsel. Careless draws up a Confession of Faith. Some few Arians. The Prisoners offer to justify K. Edward's Proceedings. And again offer it.  CHAP. XV. The Exiles, and their Condition. 
The Exiles. The Lutherans refuse to give harbour to them. The English at Wesel. The Lutherans Heat against Sacramentaries. At Zurick and other places well received. 
Anno 1554.  Their Employments. Contentions at Frankford. Some Children of the Exiles baptised by Lutherans. Pieces of Ridley's Writings conveyed to Frankford. Exiles at Basil. Divers of the Exiles, Writers. Scory, Old, Samson, Turner, jewel, Becon, Humphrey, Traheron. Fox: His Acts and Monuments. Books by him published in Exile. Translates Cranmers Book of the Sacrament into Latin. Lever to Fox, Bale, Knox. How the Exiles subsisted.  CHAP. XVI. Many Recant. Some go to Mass. 
Many Recant. The Persecution hot. Gospelers go to Mass. 
Ann● 1554.  Bradford labours to hinder it. Ann Hartipoll goes to Mass. The Lady Vane puts certain Cases concerning the Mass.  CHAP. XVII. A Bloody Time. The Queen's Great Belly. A Convocation. 

Anno 1555.  Many burned. Instructions to the Justices. Orders sent in to Norfolk against the Professors The effect thereof. The Earl of Sussex receiveth Information against some▪ Popish Spies set every where. The Protestants frequently assemble. Confidently reported, that a Male Heir to the Crown was born. The Queen's Great Belly. Like a Design. The Queen's Zeal. A Convocation.  CHAP. XVIII. Ridley and Latimer burnt. 

Anno 1555.  Some petition the Queen for Cranmer. He seeth Ridley and Latimer going to their Burning. Latimer's Character. Cranmers Employment in Prison. Report of the Queen's Death.  CHAP. XIX. The last proceedings with Cranmer. 

Anno 1555.  Proceedings against Cranmer. Martin acts as the Queen's Proctor. Cranmers greatest Trouble at this time. Interrogatories put to him; with his Answers▪ Witnesses sworn against him. Cited to Rome. The Pope's L●tters against him. The Process against him at Rome. The Pope's Letters read. They degrade him. He appeals. He is ill dealt with in his Process. The Reasons of his Appeal. He presseth his Appeal.  CHAP. XX. Cranmer writes to the Queen. 

Ann● 1555.  Writes two Letters to the Queen. The Contents of the first. The Contents of his second Letter. The Bailiff of Oxford carries his Letters. Cardinal Pole answereth them. Some account of the Cardinal's Letter to Cranmer. Another Letter of the Cardinal to Cranmer.  CHAP. XXI. He Recants, Reputes, and is Burnt. 

Anno 1555.  He Recants. Notwithstanding his Burning is ordered. A Letter from Oxford concerning Cranmers Death. Cranmer brought to S. Mary's. Cole's Sermon. Turns his Speech to Cranmer. After Sermon all pray for him. His Penitent Behaviour. Speaks to the Auditory. He Prayeth. His Words before his Death. Confesses his Dissembling. His Reply to my Lord Williams. Goes to the place of his burning. His Talk and Behaviour at the Stake. He burneth his Right Hand. Two Remarks upon his Martyrdom. Who instigated the Queen to put him to death. No Monument for him but his Martyrdom. His Heart unconsumed. The Bailiffs Expenses about these three Martyrs. The Bailiffs not repaid. Humphrey to Archbishop Parker in their behalf.  CHAP. XXII. Cranmer 's Books and Writings. 
His Books and Writings. His first Book. Other of his Writings. His Book of the Doctrine of the Sacrament. Other Writings mentioned by Bishop Burnet. More of his Writings still. Archbishop Parker was in pursuit of certain MSS. of Cranmer concealed. What the Subject of his numerous Writings were.  CHAP. XXIII. The Archbishop's Regard to Learned Men. 
Paul Fagius, and Martin Bucer placed at Cambridge by his means. Procures them Honorary Stipends from the King. Allowances to P. Martyr and Ochin. Dr. Mouse Master of Trinity-Hall, favoured by Cranmer. His Inconstancy. And Ingratitude. Becomes Reader of the Civil Law at Oxon. The Archbishop a Patron to Learned Foreigners. To Erasmus, allowing him an Honorary Pension. To Alexander Aless, a Scothman. By him Melancthon sends a Book to the Archbishop. And to the King. Aless brought by Crumwel into the Convocation. Where he asserts Two Sacraments only. Writes a Book to clear Protestants of the Charge of Schism. Translated a Book of Bucer's about the English Ministry. Received into Crumwel's Family. Aless Professor of Divinity at Leipzig. Four others recommended by Melancthon to the Archbishop. Viz. Gualther. Driander. Driander placed at Oxon. Eusebius Menius. justus jonas.  CHAP. XXIV. Melancthon and the Archbishop great Friends. 
Divers memorable Passages between Melancthon and our Archbishop. Sends Melancthon certain Public Disputations in Oxford and Cambridge. Melancthon's Reflections thereupon. Sends the Archbishop his Enarration upon the Nicene Creed. The beginning of their Acquaintance. The Archbishop propounds a weighty matter to Melancthon, for the Union of all Protestant Churches. The diligence of the Archbishop in forwarding this Design. M●lancthon's Judgement and Approbation thereof. His Caveat of avoiding ambiguous expressions. Renews the same Caution in another Letter. Peter Martyr of this judgement. What Melancthon thought of the Doctrine of Fate.  CHAP. XXV. The Archbishop corresponds with Calvin. 
The Archbishop breaks his purpose also to Calvin. Calvin's Approbation thereof, and Commendation of the Archbishop. Offers his Service. Excites the Archbishop to proceed. This excellent purpose frustrated. Thinks of drawing up Articles of Religion for the English Church. Which he communicates to Calvin. And Calvin's Reply and Exhortation. Blames him for having not made more Progress in the Reformation. But not justly. The Clergy preach against Sacrilege. The University-men declaim against it in the Schools. And the Redress urged upon some at Court. Calvin sends Letters and certain of his Books to the King. Well taken by the King and Council. What the Archbishop told the Messenger hereupon.  CHAP. XXVI. The Archbishop highly valued Peter Martyr. 
P. Martyr and the Archbishop cordial Friends. The use the Archbishop made of him. Martyr saw the Voluminous Writings, and Marginal Notes of the Archbishop. Two Letters of Martyr from Oxford. An Instance of his love to the Archbishop.  CHAP. XXVII. The Archbishop's favour to John Sleidan the Historian. 
The Archbishop's favour to john Sleidan. Procures him a Pension from the King. The Payment neglected. Sleidan labours with the Archbishop to get the Pension confirmed by Letters-Patents. Sends his Commentaries to the King. Designs to write the History of the Council of Trent: For the King's use. Sends the King a Specimen thereof. In order to the proceeding with his Commentaries, desires Cecyl to send him the whole Action between K. Henry VIII. and Pope Clement VII. Bucer writes to Cecyl in behalf of Sleidan. john Leland.  CHAP. XXVIII. Archbishop Cranmer 's Relations and Chaplains. 
His Wives and Children. His Wife survived him. Divers Cranmers. The Archbishop's stock. Aslacton. Whatton. The Rectories whereof the Archbishop purchased. His Chaplains. Rowland Taylor. His Epitaph. A Sermon preached the day after his Burning Wherein the Martyr is grossly slandered. john Ponett. Thomas Becon. Richard Harman.  CHAP. XXIX. Archbishop Cranmer 's Officers. 
Robert Watson the Archbishop's Steward. His Secretary Ralph Morice. His Parentage. Well known to divers eminent Bishops. Presents Turner to Chatham. And stands by him in his Troubles for his faithful Preaching. An Instance of the Archbishop's Kindness to this his Secrerary. Morice his Suit to Q. Elizabeth for a Pension. His second Suit to the Queen, to confirm certain Lands descended to him from his Father. He was Register to the Commissioners in K. Edward's Visitation. Suffered under Q. Mary. Morice supplied Fox with many material Notices in his Book. Morice a Cordial Friend to Latimer.  CHAP. XXX. A Prospect of the Archbishop's Qualities. 
Morice's Declaration concerning the Archbishop. His Temperance of Nature. His Carriage towards his Enemies. Severe in his behaviour towards offending Protestants. Stout in God's or the King's Cause. His great Abilities in answering the King's Doubts. Cranmer studied three parts of the Day. Would speak to the King, when none else durst. Lady Mary. Q. Katherine Howard. His Hospitality. Falsely accused of Ill Housekeeping.  CHAP. XXXI. Archbishop Cranmer preserved the Revenues of his See. 
The preserving the Bishop's Revenues owing to the Archbishop. The Archbishop vindicated about his Leases. By long Leases he saved the Revenues. Justified from diminishing the Rents of the See. O●ford and Knol. Curleswood. Chislet Park. Pasture and Meadow. Woods. Corn. The best Master towards his Servants. An Infamy that he was an Ostler.  CHAP. XXXII. Some Observations upon Archbishop Cranmer. 
Observations upon the Archbishop. His Learning very profound. His Library. An excellent Bishop. His Care of his own Diocese. At the great Towns he preached often. Affected not his high Styles. His diligence in reforming Religion. Puts K. Henry upon a purpose of reforming many things. The King again purposeth a Reformation. His Influence upon K. Edward.  CHAP. XXXIII. Archbishop Cranmer procures the use of the Scriptures. 
A great Scripturist. Procures the publishing the English Bible. The Bishops oppose it. The first Edition of the Bible. The Preface to the Bible made by the Archbishop. The Contents thereof. The Frontispiece of Cranmers Edition of the Bible.  CHAP. XXXIV. Archbishop Cranmer compassionate towards Sufferers for Religion. 
His Affection and Compassion towards Professors of the Gospel. Particularly for Sir john Cheke a Prisoner; And the Lord Russel. A Patron to such as preached the Gospel in K. Henry's days. His Succour of Afflicted Strangers in K. Edward's days. England harbourous of Strangers. The Archbishop's favour to Foreigners. Unjustly charged with Covetousness. His Words to Cecyl upon this Charge. Reduced as he feared to stark Beggary before his Death.  CHAP. XXXV. Some account of Archbishop Cranmers Housekeeping. 
Some Account of his Housekeeping. Retrenches the Clergy's superfluous House-keeping. His Pious Design therein. Others charged him with Prodigality.  CHAP. XXXVI. Archbishop Cranmer Humble. Peaceable. Bold in a good Cause. 
Humble and Condescending. Peaceable and Mild. His Speech upon the News of Wars abroad. Unacquainted with the Arts of Court-Flattery. Would never crouch to Northumberland. He and Ridley fall under that Duke's displeasure. Bold and undaunted in God's Cause. Falsely charged with Cowardice, and too much Flexibility. Of ardent Affections. Cranm●r compared with Cardinal Wolsey.  CHAP. XXXVII. Osiander 's and Peter Martyr 's Character of the Archbishop. 
Osiander's Character of the Archbishop. And Peter Martyr's. Bale's Character of the Archbishop. The difficult times wherein Cranmer lived.  CHAP. XXXVIII. The Archbishop vindicated from Slanders of Papists. 
A lying Character of this Archbishop by a late French Author. Allen's Calumny of the Archbishop. Wiped off. Cleared from his Charge of Apostasy. Saunders Falsehoods of the Archbishop. Parsons his Compliments to the Archbishop. Fox in behalf of Cranmer. The Conclusion.    

Errata and Emendations belonging to the Memorials.  
Where the Reader finds this mark * after the Figure denoting the Line, he is to tell from the bottom.  
PAge 5. Line 21. for At read All. P. 29. l. 11. r. Imprisoned. P. 30, 31. in the Margin, in three places, r. 1534.  
P. 36. l. 8. after Appendix, Note, That the Dissolution of S. Swithins in Winchester (though laid here under the year 1535.) happened not that year, but about five years after, viz. 1540 But the occasion of the Discourse there, which was of the vast Wealth obtained to the King by the Fall of Religious Houses, made the Author produce it in this place, as an Instance thereof. Ibid. l. 20. * r. Diocesan.  
P. 37. Among the Diocesan Bishop's Consecrated under the year 1535▪ place Hugh Latymer Consecrated Bishop of Worcester, and john Hildesly, or Hilsey, a Friar, of the Order of Preachers, first of Bristol, and afterwards of Oxford, Consecrated Bishop of Rochester, next after john Fisher, Executed for Treason. These two I had omitted in their Places, not meeting with them in Cranmers Register. The former I suppose was consecrated with Shaxton in April, as the latter might be with Fox and Barlow in September, his Temporalties having been restored to him in the beginning of October. This Hilsey was a great Assistant to Archbishop Cranmer, and a learned man. He wrote a Book of Prayers, with Epistles and Gospels (in English, I suppose) which he dedicated to the Lord Crumwel; by whose command it was published.  
P. 57 l. 17. After Him add, But he could not see his Desire effected by these men, till it was happily done by other hands. P. 75. l. 7. r. Superstitions. P. 58. l. 6. * f. Three or four, r. Four or five. P. 59 l. 14. del. Some years after came forth, &c to th● end of the Paragraph.  
P. 77. l. 4. * After Winton, Whereas I had said, That the Bishop of Winchester was not in a Commission there specified, 
Hist. Reform. Vol. I. p. 274.  it appears by Crumwel's Speech, set down by the Bishop of Sarum, that that Bishop was then indeed a Commissioner. Here my MS. deceived me. But be it noted what the L. Paget testified before the Commissioners at that Bishop's Trial in 1549; namely, That 
† Acts and Mon. first Edit. p. 815  because he was so wilful in his opinion, and addicted to the Popish part, the King left him out of the Commission for Compiling the last Book of Religion. And what that Book was, I know not, unless the Necessary Erudition.  
P. 78. l. 13. * after Hands, deal the Period. P. 85. l. 21. * Remove th● Close of the Parenthesis after That. P. 94. l. 8. * r. Translation. P. 95. l. 13. after Bulkley insert was Consecrated. P. 97. l. 4. * r. Abused. P. 104. l. 17. * r. one. P. 109. l. 16. r. Archbishop's Endeavour. P. 126. l. 13. * After Arms, Whereas it was conjectured there, that the King changed Archbishop Cranmers Coat of Arms about 1544, it must have been several years before: For his New Coat of the Pelicans may be seen in the Frontispiece of the great English Bible, printed 1540 And how long before that time, I know not. P. 135. l. 16. * r. Church living. P. 146. l. 7. * f. Counties r. Episcopal Sees. P. 149. l. 25, 26. These words, When the old Order was broken, and a New brought in by Homilies, to be within a Parenthesis. Ibid. l. 5. * after and, add said. P. 151. l. 17. deal and. Ibid. after Charge, add was. P. 153. l. 4. r. Protectors. P. 154. l. 17. after them, instead of a Period make a Colon. P. 186. l. 16. f. them r. it. P. 196. l. 15. * r. Bucer. P. 197. l. 4. in the Marg. r. Vit. P. 219. l. 8, 9, 10, 11. deal the Commas on the sides. P. 220 l. 1. r. Augmentations. P. 226. l. 4. r. Wreaked. P. 234. l. 25. r. Strangers. P. 235. l. 7. r. Embark. P. 237. l. 12. of the Marg. r. Extent. P. 238. l. 14. * deal the Commas before Leave. P. 239. l. 4. r. Strasburgh. P. 243. l. 14. r. Glastenbury. P. 266. l. 22. r. Superstitious. P. 268. l. 5. r. Council. P. 270. l. 12. * add in the Margin, The Sweeting Sickness. P. 271. l. 12. r. two. P. 286. l. 12. f. were r. was. P. 306. l. 23. r. other. Ibid. l. ●5. deal the Comma. P. 307. l. 16. * r. Hand. P. 311. l. 14. r. one. P. 314. l. 14. * r. Joh. Ibid. l. ult. after Humphrey make a Comma. P. 315. l. 24. ● r. convince. P. 349. l. 19 after all add and. P. 351. l. 11. * r. Conversation. P. 352. l. 5. * after it add in. P. 354. l. 25. r. Corpus. P. 378. l. ult. r. but. P. 395. l. 10. f. Contrived r. Composed. P. 396. l. 21. del. With a Preface. P. 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400. on the Top of each Margin, del. An. 1555. P. 411. l. 10. r. was P. 421. l. 21. * after him add be. P. 422. l. 1●. f. Flesh r. Fish. P. 424. l. 4. * r. one. Ibid. l. 3. * f. John r. Thomas. P. 425. l. 2. after two add to. P. 427. l. 20. after appointed add a. P. 437. l. 9 * f. Historiae r. Historia. P. 444▪ l. 18. * f. 1538, or 1539. r. 1537, or 1538. P. 448. l. 1. f. that r. the. Ibid. l. 9 * r. Sanctuary. P. 461. l. 5. f. infringing r. incurring. Ibid. l. 28. after about add with. P. 464. l. 22. f. is r. was.  

Errata in the Appendix.  
PAge 7. in the Margin, for Sir W. S. read Sir W H. P. 8. l. 10. * r. Popes. P. 45. l. 9 * r. Controversiam. P. 46. l. 13. * r. Oecolampadio. Ibid. l. 3. * r. nec. P. 55. l. 9 deal the Colon. P. 56. l. 13. r. Concedant. Ibid. r. concessit. P. 116. l. 18. after Parcyalyte add as. P. 131. l. 18. r. Circumcision. And so P. 132. l. 21. and l. 29. and l. 31. P. 143. l. 15. * r. praeponenda. P. 180. l. 6. * r. Decanatu. P. 183. l. 18. after Verbo add a Comma; and after Consentientibus deal the Comma. l. 19 after Authoritatibus add a Comma. P. 188. l. 18. after Liberantes instead of the Period make a Semicolon. Ibid. l. 20. after Legati deal the Period. P. 190. l. 22. before dam add quibus. Ibid. l. 6. * Draw the Comma after Eos, before it. P. 191. l. 12. r. Procedetur. P. 193. l. 10. * r. deterrimo carcere. P. 194. l. 13. * f. ita r. ira. P. 195. l 17. r. Bernher. P. 197. l. 6. * f. quin r. quum. P. 199. l. 5. Cognoscentiae perhaps for Ignoscentiae. Ibid. l. 11. * r. imbuerat. P. 212. l. 3. r. your. P. 222. l. 14. Remove the Comma after Abripere, before it. P. 224. l. 20. * r. punitus. P. 232. l. 20. r. habes. P. 237. l. 16. * r. angustijs. P. 238. l. 17. f. 1552. r. 1553. P. 251. l. 9 r. Appointment.    

MEMORIALS OF Archbishop CRANMER. BOOK I.  

CHAPTER I. Cranmers Birth, Education and Rise.  
THE Name of this most Reverend Prelate, 
A worthy Work to revive his Memory.  deserves to stand upon Eternal Record; having been the first Protestant Archbishop of this Kingdom, and the greatest Instrument, under God, of the happy Reformation of this Church of England▪ In whose Piety, Learning, Wisdom, Conduct and Blood, the Foundation of it was laid. And therefore it will be no unworthy Work to revive his Memory now, though after an hundred and thirty Years and upwards. I pretend not to write a complete Narrative of his Life and Death, that being scarce possible at such a distance of Time, and in the want of full Intelligence and Information of the various Matters that passed through his Hands, and the Events that befell him. All that I attempt by this present Undertaking, is, to retrieve and bring to light as many Historical Passages as I can, concerning this Holy Prelate; by a careful and long search, not only into printed Books of History, but the best Archives, and many most precious and inestimable Manuscripts that have fallen into my hands.  
I shall pass over, in a few words, his earlier Days, 
His Family.  because I have so much to say of him in his riper Years. Aslacton, a Town in the County of Nottingham, was the Place of his Birth; and the second Day of july, in the Year 1489, was the Day of it. 
Anno 1489.  He was the Son of Thomas Cranmer Esq a Gentleman of a right ancient Family; whose Ancestor came in with the Conqueror: And for a long Series of Time the Stock continued in good Wealth and Quality▪ as it did in France; for there were extant, of his Name and Family there, in the Reign of Henry the Eighth. One whereof came then into England, in company with the French Ambassador: To whom, for Relation-sake, our Bishop gave a noble Entertainment▪  

Account of his younger Years.  Our Youth was put to learn his Grammar of a rude Parish-Clerk in that barbarous Age. Under whom he learned little, and endured much, from the harsh and cursed Disposition of his Schoolmaster. Though his Father were minded to have his Son educated in Learning, yet he would not he should be ignorant of Civil and Gentlemanlike Exercises. 
Life of Cranm. in the MSS. C.C.C.C.  Insomuch that he used himself to Shoot. And many times his Father permitted him to Hunt and Hauk, and to ride rough Horses: So that when he was Bishop, he feared not to ride the roughest Horses that came into his Stables; which he would do very comely. As otherwise at all times there was not any in his House that would become an Horse better. And after his Studies, when it was time for Recreation, he would both Hawk and Hunt, the Game being prepared for him. And sometimes he would shoot in the Longbow, and many times kill the Deer with his Cross-Bow, though his Sight was not perfect; for he was purblind.  

Sent to Cambridg, An. 1503.  But to return to his younger Days. He lost his Father early; but his Mother, at the Age of fourteen Years, Anno 1503, sent him to study at Cambridg. Where he was nursled in the grossest kind of Sophistry, 
Life of Cranm. inter Foxii MSS.  Logic, Philosophy Moral and Natural: Not in the Text of the old Philosophers, but chiefly in the dark Riddles of Duns, and other subtle Questionists. And in these he lost his Time, till he came to two and twenty Years of Age. 
Anno 1511.  After that, he gave himself to the reading of Faber, Erasmus, good Latin Authors, four or five Years together, 
Anno 1516.  unto the Time that Luther began to write. And then considering what great Controversy was in Matters of Religion, not only in Trifles, but in the chiefest Articles of our Salvation, he bent himself to try out the Truth herein.  

Sets himself to study the Scripture.  And forasmuch as he perceived he could not judge indifferently in such weighty Matters, without the Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures; therefore before he was infected with any Man's Opinions or Errors, 
Anno 1519.  he applied his whole Study three Years therein. After this, he gave his Mind to good Writers, both New and Old: not rashly running over them; for he was a slow Reader, but a diligent Marker of whatsoever he read, seldom reading without Pen in Hand. And whatsoever made either for the one Part, or the other, of things in Controversy, he wrote it out, if it were short, or at least noted the Author, and the Place, that he might find it, and write it out at leisure: which was a great help to him in debating of Matters ever after.  

Is made Doctor of Divinity, An. 1523.  This kind of Study he used, till he was made Doctor of Divinity: which was about the Thirty-fourth Year of his Age, and about the Year 1523.  
But before this, being Master of Arts, and Fellow of jesus College, 
Marries.  he married a Gentleman's Daughter. And then leaving the College, he read the Common Lecture in Buckingham College; before that called Monks College, because Monks studied there; but now Magdalen College. But in a Year after, his Wife travailing with Child, both she and the Child died. And being now single again, immediately the Master and Fellows of his old College chose him in Fellow again: where he remained.  
During his Residence here, divers of the ripest and solidest sort of Scholars were sought out of this University of Cambridg, to be transplanted into Cardinal Wolsey's new College in Oxon, 
Refuses to go to Wolsey's College, Oxon.  to be Fellows there. Our Cranmer was nominated for one by Dr. Capon, to whom that Matter was, as it seems, entrusted by the Cardinal. And though the Salary was much more considerable there, and the way to Preferment more ready, by the Favour of the Cardinal, to such as were his own Scholars; yet he refused to go, choosing rather to abide among his old Fellow-Collegians, and more closely to follow his Studies and Contemplations here: though he were not without danger for his incompliance with this Invitation, giving them that were concerned great Offence hereat. But of those that went from Cambridg at this time, who were all Men picked out for their Parts and Learning, these were the chief, Clerk; Friar, afterwards Doctor of Physic. Sumner; Harman, afterwards Fellow of Eton. Betts, afterwards Chaplain to Queen Ann. Cox, afterwards Schoolmaster to King E●ward. Frith, afterwards a Martyr. Baily, Godman; Drum, afterwards one of the six Preachers at Canterbury. Lawney, afterwards Chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk. All these were cast into Prison for suspicion of Heresy; and divers through the hardship thereof died. So that well it was for Cranmer that he went not.  
Soon after he took his Degree of Doctor of Divinity, 
He is made one of the University Examiner's.  and became the Reader of the Divinity-Lecture in his own College. And out of the value the University had of his Learning, he was appointed one of the Examiner's of such as commenced Bachelors and Doctors in Divinity. According to whose Approbations, the University allowed them to proceed. In which Place he did much Good; for he used to examine these Candidates out of the Scriptures. And by no means would let them pass, if he found they were unskilful in it, and unacquainted with the History of the Bible. So were the Friars especially, whose Study lay only in School-Authors. Whom therefore he sometimes turned back as insufficient, advising them to study the Scriptures for some Years longer, before they came for their Degrees, it being a shame for a Professor in Divinity to be unskilled in the Book, wherein the Knowledge of God, and the Grounds of Divinity lay. Whereby he made himself from the beginning hated by the Friars. Yet some of the more ingenuous sort of them afterward rendered him great and public Thanks for refusing them; whereby, being put upon the Study of God's Word, they attained to more sound Knowledge in Religion. One of these was Dr. Barat, a White Friar, who lived afterwards in Norwich.  
Not long after this, 
The King's great Cause first proposed to the Universities.  King Henry being persuaded that the Marriage between him and Q. Katherine, Daughter to K. Ferdinand of Spain, was unlawful and naught, by Dr. Longland Bishop of Lincoln, his Confessor, and other of his Clergy; he sent to six of the best learned Men of Cambridg, and as many of Oxford, to debate this Question, Whether it were lawful for one Brother to marry his Brother's Wife, being known of his Brother? Of the which Cambridg Doctors, Cranmer was appointed for one, such was his Fame then in that University for Learning. But because he was not then at Cambridg, another was chosen in his stead. These Learned Men agreed fully, with one Consent, that it was lawful, with the Pope's Dispensation, so to do. But if Cranmer had been there, he would have been of another Mind, as we shall see in the Sequel.  

The Occasion of his Rise.  This great Matrimonial Cause, gave the first step to Dr. Cranmers Preferment: For when Fox and Gardiner, the one the King's Almoner, and the other his Secretary, lighting by chance in Dr. Cranmers Company, at one Mr. Cressies House, situate in Waltham-Abbey Parish in Essex, had on design fallen upon Discourse of that Matter, purposely to learn his Judgement therein, knowing him an eminent noted Reader of Divinity in Cambridg: He gave his own Sense of the Cause, 

His Opinion of the King's Cause.  
Life of Cranmer, in theMSS. C.C.C.C.   in words to this effect: I have nothing at all studied, said he, for the Verity of this Cause; nor am beaten therein, as you have been. Howbeit, I do think that you go not the next way to work, to bring the Matter unto a perfect Conclusion and End, especially for the satisfaction of the troubled Conscience of the King's Highness. For in observing the common Process, and frustratory Delays of these your Courts, the Matter will linger long enough; and peradventure in the end come to small effect. And this is most certain, said he, there is but one Truth in it. Which no Men ought, or better can discuss than the Divines. Whose Sentence may be soon known, and brought so to pass with little Industry and Charges, that the King's Conscience may thereby be quieted and pacified. Which we all ought to consider, and regard in this Question or Doubt; and then his Highness in Conscience quieted, may determine himself that which shall seem Good before God. And let these tumultuary Processes give place unto a certain Truth.  

The King sends for him.  His Opinion, thus unwillingly drawn from him, was so much liked of by them to whom he spoke it, that they thought it worth their acquainting the King with it. Which they did within two days after at Greenwich. Whereupon the King commanded he should be sent for to the Court. Which was done, and he brought into the King's Presence. Who, having heard him discourse upon the Marriage, and well observing the Gravity and Modesty, as well as Learning of the Man, resolved to cherish and make much of him. This was about August 1529, 
Anno 1529.  the King having commanded him to digest in Writing, what he could say upon the foresaid Argument; retained him, and committed him unto the Family and Care of the Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, named Sir Thomas Bolen, dwelling then at Durham-House: Esteeming him a fit Person for Cranmer to reside with, who had himself been employed in Embassies to Rome and Germany about the same Matter; and so able to instruct our Divine in particular Passages relating thereunto: And likewise would be sure to afford him all the Security, and Favour, and Aid possible, from the Prospect, that if the King's former Marriage could be proved unlawful, and thereby null and void, his own Family would be in a fair probability to be highly advanced, by the King's matching with his Daughter the Lady Ann Bolen.  

Suitably placed with the Earl of Ormond.  Nor was Cranmer unsutably placed here, in regard of the Disposition of his Noble Host, being accounted one of the learnedest Noblemen in the Land, and endued with a Mind inclined to Philosophy. Erasmus, who had good Intelligence in England, and knew this Earl himself, giveth this Account of him to Damianus à Goes: Est enim Vir, ut uno ore praedicant omnes, unus prope inter Nobiles eruditus, 
Epist. 19 li. 27.  animóque planè Philosophico. He was also much addicted to the Study and Love of the Holy Scriptures, as the same Erasmus in an Epistle to him mentioneth, and commendeth him for. 
Impensius gratulor tuae soelicitati, quod homini potenti, Lalco, & Aulico, perspiciam etiam sacra● Literas ●sse cordi, teque nobili● illius Margaretae desiderio ten●ri. Epist. 34. lib. 29.  I do the more congratulate your Happiness, when I observe the Sacred Scriptures to be so dear to a Man, as you are, of Power, one of the Laity, and a Courtier; and that you have such a desire to tha● Pearl of Price. He was also a Patron of Learning and Learned Men. And if there were nothing else to testify this, it would be enough to say, that he was well-affected to the Great Erasmus, and a true valuer of his Studies. The World is beholden to this Noble Peer, for some of the Labours that proceeded from the Pen of that most Learned Man. For upon his desire Erasmus wrote three Tracts: One was, Enarrations upon the Twenty second Psalms, entitled, Dominus regit me; but more truly the Twenty third. Another was an Explication of the Apostles Creed. And the third, Directions how to prepare for Death. And from these Subjects, which this Nobleman chose to desire Erasmus his Thoughts of, we may conclude also his Pious and Religious Mind. At which his virtuous Accomplishments, as they rendered his House a suitable Harbour for the Learned and Pious Cranmer, so they were not a little increased by his Converse and Familiarity there.  
For while Cranmer abode here, 
Friendshipand Correspondence between the Earl and Cranmer.  a great Friendship was contracted between him and that Noble Family; especially the chief Members of it, the Countess, and the Lady Ann, and the Earl himself; who often held serious Conferences with him about the great Matter. And in the Earl's absence from Home, Letters passed between them; Cranmer writing to him of the Affairs of the Court, and of the Welfare of his Family, as well as of other more weighty Things. In one Letter, dated from Hampton-Court, in the Month of june, (which by Circumstance must be in the Year 1530.) he writ to him; 
Anno 1530.  That the King's Grace, my Lady his Wife, my Lady Ann his Daughter, were in good Health: And that the King, and my Lady Ann, road the Day before to Windsor from Hampton-Court, and that Night they were looked for again there; praying God to be their Guide.  
And I cannot look upon this Pious and Learned Man's placing here in this Family, 
A Providence in his being placed here.  but as guided by a peculiar Hand of Divine Providence. Whereby this House became better acquainted with the Knowledge of the Gospel; and had the Seeds of true Religion scattered in the Hearts of those Noble Persons that were related to it: Particularly of Her, who was afterwards to be advanced to that high and public Station, to be Consort to the King. And that she became a Favourer, and as much as she durst, a Promoter of the purer Religion, must, I think, in a great measure be owing thereunto.  
When Cranmer had accomplished the King's Request, 
Cranmer Disputes at Cambridg.  and finished his Book, he himself, the Secretary, and the Almoner, and other Learned Men, had in Commission to dispute the Cause in Question, in both the Universities. Which being first attempted at Cambridg, Dr. Cranmer, 
MS. Life of Cranmer.  by his Authority, Learning and Persuasion, brought over divers Learned Men in one Day, of the contrary Part and Opinion, to be on his Part. For being now, after some absence, returned to Cambridg, divers of the University, and some of those Doctors that before had given in their Judgements to the King for the Validity of the Pope's Dispensation, repaired to him, to know his Opinion: And, after long Reasoning, he changed the Minds of Five of the Six. Then almost in every Disputation, both in Private Houses, and in the Common Schools, this was one Question, Whether the Pope might dispense with the Brother to marry the Brother's Wife, after Carnal Knowledge? And it was of many openly defended, that he might not. The Secretary, when he came Home, acquainted the King with what they had done, and how Dr. Cranmer had changed the Minds of Five of the said Learned Men of Cambridg, and of many others beside. Afterward this University, as well as the other, determined the King's Cause against the Pope's Dispensation.  

Grows dear to the King and his Court.  From an Academic, our Doctor being now become a Courtier, he so prudently demeaned himself, that he was not only dear to the Earl of Wiltshire's Family, but grew much favoured by the Nobility in general; 
Li●e of Henr. 8. p. 375.  as the Lord Herbert collects from the Historians of those Times; and especially by the King himself. He was very much about him, the King holding frequent Communication with him, and seemed unwilling to have him absent. Which may appear from hence; that when Cranmer was minded for some reason to resort to the Earl of Wiltshire, who was then from Hampton-Court, and as it seems at London, upon some Occasions of his own, he doubted, whether the King would let him go. And so he writ to him, that he would come the next Day to him, If the King's Grace let him not.   

CHAP. II. Pole's Book about the King's Matrimony. 
An. 1530.   

Pole's Book against the King's Dissolving his Marriage.  ABout this time, a Book of Reginald Pole, afterwards Cardinal, earnestly persuading the King to continue his Marriage with his Queen, fell into Dr. Cranmers Hands. I do not find mention of this Book in any Historian, that hath come to my Hands. No, not in his Life published by Bacatellus, Bishop of Ragusa, though he hath there given us a Catalogue of his Books. But in likelihood the Reason was, because this was some private Discourse, or Letter, chiefly intended for the King's own Use; as appears from some words of Cranmer concerning it, Viz. That it was writ with that Eloquence, that if it were set forth, and known to the common People, [an evidence it was a more private Writing] it were not possible to persuade them to the contrary. It was penned about the Year 1530, as may be collected from another Passage in the said Writing, wherein he mentioneth the King's living in Wedlock with Queen Katherine twenty Years, the expiration of which fell in about that Time. What induced Pole to write on this Subject, is to me uncertain; for he avoided, as much as could be, to meddle in this Affair, out of Fear of the King's Displeasure, which was the Reason of his departing Abroad. Probably it was at the King's Command; like as some Years after he commanded him to write his Judgement of the Title of Supreme Head, which he had lately assumed. Which occasioned Pole's four Books of Ecclesiastical Unity. For some about the King had told him, it would have a great Influence upon the People, especially the Nobility, if he could bring Pole over to allow, and approve of his Marriage. Who was a Person, though then but Young, yet highly valued in the Nation for his Piety, and Learning, and great Descent.  
The Book was soon delivered, whether by the Earl of Wiltshire, 
Cranmer per●●ses it.  or the King himself, unto the Examination and Consideration of Cranmer, now the great Court-Divine. Who, after he had greedily perused it, sent the Contents of it, in a Letter to his Friend and Patron the Earl, being then absent from Court. The Book, though the Argument of it chiefly depended upon Divinity, proceeded more on Political Principles than Divine. Take the following account of it, as Cranmer gave it in his said Letter.  
First, 
His account of it.  Pole treated of the Danger of Diversity of Titles to the Crown. Which might follow, if the present Marriage with Queen Katherine were rejected, (in which there was an Heir) and another consummated. As appeared by the Titles and Pretensions of the two Houses of Lancaster and York. And that the King ought to provide against the Miseries that might be brought upon his Realm by the People, if he should reject his Daughter, whom they took for his Lawful Heir, and should persuade them to take another. Then he urged the Danger of incurring the Emperor's Displeasure, the Queen being his Aunt, and the Princess his Cousin. Then he proceeded to consider the Reasons that moved the King to his present Resolutions: Namely, That God's Law forbade marrying the Brother's Wife. And that the People, however averse at first, (besides that it belonged not to them to judge of such Matters) would be content in the King's Doings, when they should know, how the ancient Doctors of the Church, and so many great Universities were on the King's Side. And, that however the Emperor might fall out with the King for this Matter, yet God would never fail those, that stood on his part, and refused to transgress his Commandments: and that England might depend on the French King's Aid, by virtue of the League, which he had entered into with the King, and the old Grudge, which he bore towards the Emperor. Afterwards Pole goes on to review these Reasons. And first, his Judgement was, that Scripture might be brought to justify this Marriage, and that there was as good ground of Scripture for that, as for the part which the King then took, namely, the unlawfulness of it. That if indeed he thought the King's Part was just, and that his Marriage were undoubtedly against God's Pleasure, than he could not deny, but that it should be well done for the King to refuse it, and take another Wife. Yet he confessed, that for his own part, he could not find in his Heart to have any Hand, or be any furtherer or abetter in it: Acknowledging however, that he had no good Reason for it, but only out of Affection and Duty to the King's Person. Because he would not disannul the Princess his Daughter's Title, nor accuse the most part of the King's Life, as the Books written on the King's part did: As though he had lived in a Matrimony, Shameful, Abominable, Bestial, and against Nature. This seemed an high Compliment of Pole's indeed, that he would rather choose to let the King live and die in an habitual Breach of God's Law, than be guilty of something that might argue a want of civil Affection and Duty in him.  
And as concerning the People, his Judgement was, That neither by Learning, nor Preaching, would they ever be brought into an ill Conceit of the King's former Marriage, and to think so dishonourably of their King, as to live so many Years in Matrimony so abominable. But as they had begun to hate Priests, this would make them much more to do so: nay, and the very Name of Learning too. As for the Authority of the Universities, they were many times led by Affection, which was well known. And he wished they had never erred in their Determinations. He showed, that they were brought to the King's Part with great difficulty. Moreover, against the Universities Authority, he set the Authority of the King's Father, and his Council, the Queen's Father, and his Council, and the Pope and his.  
Then he proceeded to Political Considerations, of the Pope, and Emperor, and the French King. That the Pope was a great Adversary of the King's purpose, he had showed divers tokens already; and that not without cause. Because if he should consent, he should do against his Predecessors, and restrain his own Power, which he would rather gladly enlarge, and likewise raise Seditions in many Realms, as in Portugal. Of whose King the Emperor married one Sister, and the Duke of Savoy the other. Then he went on extolling the Emperor's Power, and lessening that of the French King, as to his aiding of us. Mentioning the Mischief the Emperor might do England, by forbidding only our trading into Flanders and Spain. That the French never used to keep their Leagues with us, but for their own Ends; and that we could never find in our Hearts to trust them. And that the two Nations never loved one another. And that if the French should but suspect, that this new Matrimony (of the King with the Lady Ann Bolen now purposed) should not continue, we must not expect Succour of them, but upon intolerable Conditions. And then lastly, he comes to deliberate for the saving the King's Honour. Which as it was impossible to do, if he proceeded one step further, for he had already, he said, gone to the very Brink; so he began to propound certain means for the rescue of it. Thus far is Cranmers Relation of the Book.  
But here he breaks off, the Messenger that tarried for the Letter being in haste: promising the next Day to come to the Earl, to whom he wrote all this, and relate the rest to him by Word of Mouth. These Means in short were (as I collect from some other Passages of this Letter) to refer the Matter wholly to the Pope, and to reject the thoughts of matching with the Lady Ann. The which was now much talked of; For the King and She were very great, and about this very time they both road together from Hampton-Court to Windsor▪ though she were yet no more than the Lady Ann, without any other Title.  
The Censure which our Divine gave of this Book, and the Writer, was this, (wherein his Modesty and Candour, as well as Judgement appeared) That Pole had showed himself both Witty and Eloquent: 
Cranmers Censure thereof.  And that for his Wisdom, he might have been of Counsel to the King: and such his Rhetoric, that if his Book should have been set forth, and known to the common People, he believed it were not possible to persuade them to the contrary. Concerning that which he chiefly drove at, namely, That the King should commit his great Matter to the Pope's Judgement, Cranmer gave his Opinion, That he seemed therein to lack much Judgement: And that though he pressed it with such goodly Eloquence, both of Words and Sentence, that he were likely to persuade many; yet him, he said, he persuaded in that Point nothing at all. No, Cranmer had too well studied the Point, to leave such a Case of Conscience to the Pope's Decision. But in many other things in this Discourse of Pole, he professed, he was much satisfied. I have placed this whole Letter in the Appendix at the end of these Memorials, 
Num. 1.  as I shall do many other Letters and Papers of value, partly for the Satisfaction of more curious Readers, that love to see Originals, and partly for the preservation of many choice Monuments, relating to this Man, and these Times, and for the transferring them to posterity.   

CHAP. III. Cranmers Embassies.  
IN the Year 1530, Dr. Cranmer was sent by the King into France, Italy, and Germany, with the Earl of Wiltshire, 
He is employed in Ambassies,  Chief Ambassador, Dr. Lee Elect Archbishop of York, Dr. Stokesly Elect of London, Divines; Trigonel, Karn, and Benet, Doctors of the Law, to dispute these Matrimonial matters of his Majesty at Paris, Rome, and other places: Carrying the Book he had made upon that Subject with him. From France they took their Journey to the Pope; 
To the Pope.  where Cranmers Book was delivered to him, and he ready to justify it, and to offer a Dispute against the Marriage openly, upon these two Points, which his Book chiefly consisted of, viz. 
Offers him a Dispute in Favour of the King's Cause.   
I. That no Man, jure Divino, could, or aught to marry his Brother's Wife.  
II. That the Bishop of Rome by no means ought to dispense to the contrary.  
But after sundry Promises and Appointments made, there was no Man found to oppose him, and publicly to dispute these Matters with him. Yet in more private Argumentations with them that were about the Pope, he so forced them, that at last they openly granted, even in the Pope's chief Court of the Rota, that the said Marriage was against God's Law. But as for the Pope's Power of Dispensing with the Laws of God, it was too advantageous a Tenet to be parted with. But Dr. Cranmer boldly and honestly denied it utterly before them all.  
The King's Ambassadors from the Pope repaired to the Emperor Charles V. Cranmer only being left behind at Rome, to make good his Challenge, and withal, more privately to get the Judgements and Subscriptions of the Learned Men there in the King's Case: which was one of his Businesses also in Germany after. What he did in this latter Affair, he signified by a Letter to Crook, another of the King's Agents for that purpose in Italy: 
Hist. Refor. P. 1. p. 89.  Namely, That his Success there at Rome was but little: and that they dared not to attempt to know any Man's Mind, because of the Pope, who had said, that Friars should not discuss his Power. And added, That he looked for little Favour in that Court, but to have the Pope and all his Cardinals declare against them.  

To the Emperor.  Here at Rome Cranmer abode for some Months. But in all the Journey he behaved himself so learnedly, soberly and wittily, that the Earl of Wilts gave him such Commendations to the King by his Letters, 
Life of Cran. inter Foxii, MSS.  that the rest coming home, he sent him a Commission with Instructions to be his sole Ambassador to the Emperor in his said great Cause. Which Commissional Letters of the King to him bare date january 24. 1531. 
An. 1531.  wherein he was styled Consiliarius Regius & ad Caesarem Orator. By this opportunity of travelling through Germany, 
Hist. Luther. Per Seckendorf.  following the Emperor's Court, by his Conferences he fully satisfied many Learned Germans, which afore were of a contrary Judgement; and divers in the Emperor's own Court and Council also. One of the chiefest of these, and who suffered severely for it, was Cornelius Agrippa, Kt. Doctor of both Laws, Judge of the Prerogative Court, 
Cornelius Agrippa gained by Cranmer to the King's Cause.  and Counsellor to the Emperor, and a Man of deep Learning. Who confessed to the said Ambassador, that the Marriage was naught, but that he durst not say so openly, for fear both of the Pope and Emperor. Yet he was afterwards cast into Prison, where he died, for expressing his Mind, as was thought, somewhat more plainly in this Affair.  

Becomes acquainted with Osiander.  While he was now abroad in Germany, he went to Norimberg, where Osiander was Pastor. And being a Man of Fame and Learning, our Ambassador became acquainted with him: sending for him sometimes to discourse with him; and sometimes he would go to Osiander's House, to visit him and his Study. This eminent Divine of the German Protestant Church he also gained to favour the King's Cause. For he wrote a Book of Incestuous Marriages, wherein he determined the King's present Matrimony to be unlawful. But this Book was called in by a Prohibition, printed at Augsburgh. And there was also a Form of a Direction, drawn up by the same Osiander, how the King's Process should be managed: Which was sent over hither. 
Multa graviter, multa sapienter, ●c plan● divinitus d● Christiana doctrina, ac vera religione disputares. In Ep. Dedicat. ante Harmon. Evangel.  Cranmers Discourse with Osiander, at these their Meetings, concerning divers Matters relating especially to Christian Doctrine, and True Religion, were so wise and good, that that great Divine stood in admiration of him, as though he had been inspired from Above. In one of their Conferences, Osiander communicated to him certain Papers, wherein he had been attempting to harmonise the Gospels: but by reason of the Difficulty that often arose, had thrown them aside. A thing this was which Cranmer declared to him his great Approbation of; as he was always a Man greatly studious of the Scripture, and earnestly desirous that the right knowledge thereof might be increased. So he vehemently exhorted him to go forward in this Study, and to finish it with all convenient speed: For that it would not only, (he said) be of use to the Church of Christ, but adorn it. These Admonitions gave new strength to Osiander to fall afresh about this Work, and at last to bring it to a conclusion. In the Year 1537, he published it, and dedicated it to Cranmer, than Archbishop, the great Encourager of the Author.  
In some of these Visits, Cr●nmer saw Osiander's Niece, 
And marries his Kinswoman.  and obtained her for his Wife. Whom when he returned from his Embassy, he brought not over with him: But in the Year 1534. he privately sent for her. And kept her with him till the Year 1539, in the severe time of the six Articles; when he sent her back in Secret to her Friends in Germany for a time. By these Visits, and this Affinity, there grew a very cordial Love between Cranmer and Osiander: and a great Correspondence was maintained by Letters between them long after. A parcel of these Letters in Manuscript, the Right Reverend the Bishop of Sarum mentioned in his History of the Reformation. Which he met with in the exquisite Library of Mr. Richard Smith, as he told a Friend of mine. But notwithstanding my enquiry after them, I had not the good fortune to see them, nor to find into whose Hands they were come, after the selling of that Library by Auction. Which Letters, if I could have procured a sight of, might have served somewhat perhaps in this my Undertaking.  
We are now slipped into the Year 1532. 
An. 1532.  And among other Services which he did Abroad, (besides his promoting the King's great Matrimonial Cause among the Germane Princes and States, 
Treats with the Emperor about the Contract of Traffic.  as well as others) he was employed for the establishing and securing a Traffic, between the Merchants of England, and the Emperor's Low Countries. Concerning which the former Contract, it seems, began to shake, occasioned by that Lukewarmness of Affection, that now grew between these two Monarches. About this Affair our Ambassador had divers Conferences with Monsieur Grandeville, the Emperor's great Minister, at Regensburgh. The effect of his last Solicitation was, that Gr●ndeville had told him that the Diet concerning the said Contract was held in Flanders, where the Queen of Hungary was Governess; and therefore that the Emperor would do nothing therein without her advice; and that he would make answer by her, rather than by him. And so Cranmer desired the King, that it would please his Grace no further to look for Answer from him therein, but from the Queen, unto whom the whole Answer was committed.  
Another Business our Ambassador was now agitating at this Court for the King, was, 
And about sending Suplies against th● Turk.  about sending Supplies to the Emperor against the Turk: Who had now made a formidable Invasion in Hungary, with an Army consisting of three hundred thousand Men. The Emperor had lately, by virtue of a former League, and for the Common Cause of Christianity, demanded certain Forces of the King for this purpose. Now what measures his Ambassador was to take with the Emperor in this Affair, William Paget, his Majesty's Servant (the same that was afterward Secretary of State) was dispatched to him with Instructions: Wherein were contained what Answer he should make to the Emperor's Demands. Which he reported accordingly to Grandeville. The which Answer he delivered to him in writing, upon the desire of Grandeville, for this Reason, as he urged, that he might relate the same the more truly to the Emperor. He was now, in the Month of September, drawing towards the Turk from Abagh, a Place not far from Regensburgh, where our English Ambassador now resided; not having yet returned any Reply to him, prevented by that hurry of Business that then lay upon the Emperor. So that upon Grandeville's intimation to repair unto the Emperor at Lintz, which was in his way to Vienna; and that there he should have an Answer in Writing again, the Ambassador followed thither, in Company with the Ambassador of France. And so he, with the other Ambassador, in eight or ten days space, furnished themselves with Wagons, Horses, Ships, Tents, and other things necessary to the Journey, for themselves and their Train.  

Sends the King the News in those Parts;  But before his departure, he informed the King of the News in those Parts. As, that the Turk resided still in Hungary in the same Place, environed on all parts: Of which more at large he had written in his former Letters. That King Ferdinando, the Emperor's Brother, who was then at Regensburgh, was to meet the Emperor at Passaw, fourteen miles from thence: and so both were to pass forth to Lintz, which was the midway from Regensburgh to Vienna. That the Emperor would tarry there to take Counsel what to do, and there all the Ambassadors should know his Pleasure.  

And the Proclamation for a General Council.  He sent the King also the Copy of the Emperor's Proclamation concerning a General Council, and a Reformation to be had in Germany, for the Controversies of the Faith. Which he was constrained to do, his Affairs with the Turk pressing him so much. The Sum thereof was; That his Imperial Majesty declared Peace throughout all Germany: Enjoining, that none should be molested for the Cause of Religion, until the Council should be called: or, in case there were none, until some other Means should be found out by the States of the Empire, for healing the present Divisions. And that he would use his utmost diligence, that a Council should be denounced within six Months, and the Year after to be commenced. And that if this could not be obtained, than these Matters should be referred to the Imperial Diets, to be handled there. That in the mean time all Judicial Proceedings, relating to Religion, should be suspended; and that no Law-Suits should hereafter be commenced against the Protestants: and that in case any were, 
Sleid. Comment.  he commanded that they should be void and null. This Edict was published in the Month of August this Year.  

And the Tax of the States of the Empire.  Together with the aforesaid Proclamation, he transferred over to the King the Tax of all the States of the Empire; that is, How many Soldiers every Man was limited to find for Aid against the Turk. Whence our Ambassador made a particular Observation to his Master, for his better Direction, what number of Forces it were equal for him to send; and to justify his Refusal to comply with the Emperor, in case he should have demanded more than was his Proportion: Taking his Measures from the said Tax. And the Observation, which he made was this, That his Grace might perceive▪ that the greatest Prince in Germany (only the Duke of Burgundy, and Austria excepted) was not appointed above 120 Horsemen, and 554 Footmen. A Transcript of this Letter of Cranmer to the King, I have put in the Appendix. 
Nᵒ II.  These Passages will serve to show Dr. Cranmers Diligence, Wisdom, and other Abilities in the Quality he now stood in of an Ambassador.  
Being now resident in the Emperor's Court, 
He goes in an Embassy to the Duke of Saxony, and other Protestant Princes.  the King made use of him in another Embassy, but to be more secretly made, to the Elector Frederick, Duke of Saxony, that the Emperor might not be privy to it. For in the Month of july, Dr. Cranmer departed incognito from Ratisbon, (where the Emperor was, and had there appointed a Diet, 
Hist. Lutheranism. per Seckendors.  in order to the coming to some Terms of Peace with the Protestants, until a Council should be called) and came privately to the Duke, then abiding in a certain Hospital, as it was called, and delivered Letters to him, and to Philip Duke of Lunenburgh, and Wolfgang Prince of Anhalt. At this first Congress, he assured the Elector of his Master the King of England's Friendship, as the Letters he delivered imported. The next day he returned to the Elector's Court, Pontanus and Spalatinus, two of the Elector's Counsellors, being present. Here at this Meeting he required divers things concerning Peace with the Emperor, the State of Religion, Aid against the Turk, and the Goods of the Church, which the Princes were said to invade. He spoke magnificent things of the King his Master: as what mighty Aids he had offered the Emperor against the Turk; and as he told them, the French King would do. And so taking Letters to the King from Frederick, dated july 15. he was dismissed. But four days after, he came again privately with one Servant only; and had conference with Spalatinus all alone: telling him, that he had forgot, as he pretended, one part of his Message: and that was, That not only his Master, but the French King, was ready to give Assistance to the Elector, and his Confederates, in the case of Religion. And he desired to know in what state the Business of the Election of Ferdinand stood; whom, being the Emperor's Brother, he had made King of the Romans by a pretended Election. Which Election gave offence, and Frederick, Duke of Saxony, had manifested Imperfect and Defective. What Answer was given to Cranmer was not known: Only it was thought that this was somewhat unseasonably acted, because saith my Author, 
Seckendorf, ub● supra.  there was Peace at this time between the Emperor and the English, which the King's Ambassador by those Offers did desire to disturb. This it seems was the Judgement of the Protestants concerning this Overture to them by the King's Ambassador, as though it were not sincere. But I do not find, but, that whatsoever Peace was now between the Emperor and the English, the former League with him was shaking by reason of the Emperor's disobliging the King, in siding so earnestly with Queen Katherine, in the Controversy between the King and her.   

CHAP. IU. Cranmer made Archbishop of Canterbury.  

Made Archbishop of Canterbury.  AND this great Trust the King, his gracious Master, committed to him, as a mark of the Honour he had for him, and a Sign of further Preferment he was minded to advance him to. And about this very time happened a fair Opportunity to the King to manifest his Favour to him; Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, departing this mortal Life, whereby that See became Vacant. The Preferment indeed seemed too great for Cranmer, at one stride to step into, without some other intervening Dignities, to have been first conferred on him. But the King, thinking him the fittest Man of all the English Clergy to be promoted to this high Office, resolved to give it to him, though now absent abroad upon his Business. Hereupon the King commanded him to hasten Home, though he concealed the Reason from him, which was to take the Archbishopric he had designed for him. Which when he came Home, in Obedience to his Majesty, though much against his Inclination, and after many Refusals, proceeding from his great Modesty and Humility, and certain Scruples, at length he did accept.  

His Dignities before he was Archbishop.  It doth not appear to me what Ecclesiastical Places he had before: only that he was the King's Chaplain, and archdeacon of Taunton. The Pope also, in honour to his Master, had constituted him Poenitentiary General of England. He had also a Benefice, while he lived in the Earl of Wiltshire's Family, which was bestowed upon him by the King: A mention whereof I find in one of his Letters to the said Earl.  

Archbishop Warham foretells a Thomas to succeed him.  It was in the Month of August 1532, that William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury died: a wise and Grave Man, a great Patron of the most Learned Erasmus, and once Lord Chancellor of England. Who seemed to foresee and foretell, or at least to conjecture, that Thomas Cranmer should succeed him, as judging him, in his own Mind, the fittest Person for the King's and Church's Service in that juncture, to enter upon that See. For this truth, methinks, we may pick out of those malicious words of Harpsfield in his Ecclesiastical History, viz. That Archbishop Warham should say, That a Thomas should succeed him; who by a loose and remiss indulgence of a licentious sort of Life granted to the People, and by unsound Doctrines, would more disgrace the Church of Canterbury, and all the rest of the Church of England, than Thomas the Martyr did amplify it by his Martyrdom. And that he admonished his Nephew, and Namesake, William Warham, archdeacon of Canterbury, that if any Thomas should succeed in the See, while he lived, he should not by any means enter into his Service.  
It is not unusual, (nay it is seldom otherwise) for Popish Historians to stuff their Histories with strange Prophecies and Falsehoods, mixed with some Truth. And I suppose the Matter might be no more than this. This grave and sober Archbishop was sensible of the gross Encroachments of the Bishops of Rome upon the Authority of the Kings of this Realm in their own Dominions: and his Judgement stood for the restoring of this Imperial Crown to its ancient Right and Sovereignty, and for the abridging the Papal Power. And knowing how learned a Man Dr. Thomas Cranmer was, and perceiving what an able Instrument he was like to prove in vindicating the King's Right to the Supremacy in his own Kingdoms, the Archbishop upon these Accounts might think him the fittest to succeed in the Archiepiscopal Chair, and might have some reason to believe that the King intended him thereunto.  
And that Archbishop Warham was of this Judgement, 
Archbishop Warham for the King's Supremacy.  it may appear, if we trace some Footsteps of him. In the Year 1530, when all the Clergy were under a Praemunire, and a Petition was drawing up in the Convocation for that Cause, the King in the said Petition was addressed to by the Title of Supreme Head of the Church, and Clergy of England. At this Title, when the Archbishop found some of the Clergy to boggle, who were yet afraid openly to declare their disallowance of it, he took the opportunity of their Silence to pass the Title, by saying, That Silence was to be taken for their Consent.  
In the last Synod, wherein this Archbishop was a Member, and the main Director, many things were debated about Abolishing the Papacy. This Synod was prorogued from April 26, to October 5. 
A●t. Brit.  In the mean time he died. But had he lived, and been well, unto the next Sessions, some further Steps had been made in evacuating the Bishop of Rome's Usurpations; as may be guessed by what was done under his influence the last Sessions, when the Supremacy of that foreign Prelate was rejected.  
Something more of this Archbishop's Endeavours, 
Cranmers Testimony of Warham.  of restoring the King to his Supremacy, appears by what Archbishop Cranmer said to Brooks, Bishop of Gloucester, before a great Assembly, not long before his Burning. Brooks had charged him for first setting up the King's Supremacy. To which Cranmer replied, That it was Warham gave the Supremacy to Henry VIII, and that he had said, he ought to have it before the Bishop of Rome, and that God's Word would bear it. And that upon this the Universities of Cambridg and Oxford were sent to, to know what the Word of God would allow touching the Supremacy. Where it was reasoned and argued upon at length: and at last both agreed, and and set to their Seals, and sent it to the King, That he ought to be Supreme Head, and not the Pope. All which was in Archbishop Warham's Time, and while he was alive, three quarters of a Year before ever Cranmer had the Archbishopric of Canterbury, as he also added in that Audience.  
So that these things considered, we may conclude, that Warham did think, that none would be so fit to come after him as Cranmer, a Learned and diligent Man, to carry on this Cause, which he, before him, had begun: and so might speak of him as the properest Person to be advanced to this See.  
To this I will add the Sense of an Ingenious and Learned Friend of mine concerning this Passage in Harpsfield's History: 
A reflection upon a Passage relating to Cranmer in Harpsfield's History▪  Which the Author also of the Athenae Oxonienses hath made use of to the good Archbishop's Discredit: and which Summoner also had unluckily selected, though without design to hurt his good Name, and is all he writes of him. But may it not be considered, saith he, that the pretended Martyr Thomas Becket, 
Antiq. of Cant.  though he died in vindication of the Privileges of the Church, yet he was the first betrayer of the Rights of his See? He made the greatest Breach upon the Authority of the Primacy of Canterbury, by resigning the Archbishopric into the Pope's Hands, and receiving it again from him, as the Pope's Donation. But it is the Honour of the blessed Martyr, Thomas Cranmer, that he was the first, who began to claim the Primacy, and retrieve the Rights of his See from being slavishly subjected to the Roman Power. Indeed, little credit is to be given to the Author, who first published this Story; considering what a Violent Man he was, and how much prejudiced against Cranmer, and interessed in the Popish Cause: and coming into the Arch-Deaconry of Canterbury by the deprivation of the Archbishop's Brother.  

Cranmer tries to evade the Archbishopric.  Cranmer Noluit Episcopari, had no mind to be Archbishop. He loved his Studies, and affected Retirement, and well knew the Dangers and Temptations of a public Station. But especially he could not induce his Mind to take his Office from the Pope, and to swear Fidelity to him as well as to the King: whereby he should ensnare himself in two contrary Oaths. Wherefore when the King sent for him home from his Embassy in Germany, with a design to lay that honourable Burden upon him, he, guessing the Reason, first endeavoured to delay his coming, by signifying to the King some Matters of Importance, that would require his tarrying there somewhat longer for the King's Service: Hoping in that while, the King might have bestowed the Place upon some other. In fine, our Historians say, he stayed abroad one half Year longer. But I find him in England in the Month of November, which was not much more than a quarter of a Year after Warham's Death. Then the King was married to the Marchioness of Pembroke, and Cranmer was present. So that the King must have sent for him home in june, two or three Months before the Archbishop's Death: probably while he was in a declining dying Condition. But after, when that which Cranmer seemed to suspect of certain Emergences in those parts, wherein the English State might be concerned, fell not out; the King again commanded his return Home. Now more perfectly knowing, by some of his Friends, the King's Intentions to make him Archbishop, he made means by divers of his Friends to shift it off, desiring rather some smaller Living.  

Declares the reason thereof to the King.  At length the King broke his Mind to him, that it was his full Purpose to bestow that Dignity upon him for his Service, and for the good Opinion he conceived of him. But his long disabling himself nothing dissuaded the King, till at last he humbly craved the King's Pardon, for that he should declare to him, and that was, That if he should accept it, he must receive it at the Pope's Hand, which he neither would nor could do: for that his Highness was the only Supreme Governor of the Church of England, as well in Causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal; and that the full Right of Donation of all manner of Benefices and Bishoprics, as well as any other temporal Dignities and Promotions, appertained to him, and not to any other Foreign Authority. And therefore if he might serve God, him and his Country in that Vocation, he would accept it of his Majesty, and of no Stranger, who had no Authority within this Realm. Whereat the King made a Pause; and then asked him how he was able to prove it. At which time he alleged several Texts out of Scripture, and the Fathers, proving the Supreme Authority of Kings in their own Realms and Dominions: and withal showing the intolerable Usurpations of the Bishops of Rome. Of this the King talked several times with him; and perceiving that he could not be brought to acknowledge the Pope's Authority, the King called one Dr. Oliver, an eminent Lawyer, and other Civilians, and devised ●ith them, how he might bestow the Archbishopric upon him, salving his Conscience. They said, he might do it by way of Protestation: and so one to be sent to Rome to take the Oath, and do every thing in his Name. Cranmer said to this, It should be super animam suam: and seemed to be satisfied in what the Lawyers told him. And accordingly, when he was consecrated, made his Protestation, That he did not admit the Pope's Authority any further, than it agreed with the express Word of God. And that it might be lawful for him at all times to speak against him, and to impugn his Errors, when there should be occasion. And so he did.  
Whether Warham, the archdeacon, 
The Archbishop's Brother is made archdeacon of Canterbury.  had conceived any Prejudice against our new Archbishop, by some warning given him by the former Archbishop, as was hinted above; or whether he was willing to give place upon Cranmers Entreaty, that he might provide for his Brother: so it was, that Edmund Cranmer, Brother to the Archbishop, succeeded Warham in the Arch-deaconry of Canterbury, 
Summoner Hist. of Cant. p. 322. ex lib. Eccles. Cant.  and the Provostship of Wingham. Who parted with both these Dignities by Session. And by the Privity and Consent of the Archbishop, he had a Stipend, or Pension, of sixty pounds per Annum, allowed him during his Life, out of the Arch-deaconary; and twenty pounds per Annum out of Wingham, by his Successor aforesaid. Who continued archdeacon until Queen Mary's Days, and was then deprived, and his Prebend, and his Parsonage of Ickham, all taken from him in the Year 1554, for being a married Clerk. The first was given to Nicholas Harpsfield; the second to Robert Collins, Bachelor of Law, and Commissary of Canterbury; and the third to Robert Marsh.  
The King had before linked him into his great Business about Queen Katherine and the Lady Anne. 
The King linked Cranmer with him in all his proceedings about Q: Katherine.  So now when he had nominated him for Archbishop, he made him a Party and an Actor in every step almost which he took in that Affair. For to fetch the Matter a little backward; Not long before the Archiepiscal See was devolved upon Cranmer, the King had created the Lady Anne Marchioness of Pembroke, and taken her along with him in great State into France, when by their mutual Consent there was an Interview appointed between the two Kings. At Calais King Henry permitted Francis the French King to take a view of this Lady, who then made both Kings a curious and rich Mask, where both honoured her by dancing: This was in the month of October. In the Month before I find a parcel of very rich Jewels were sent from Greenwich to Hampton Court by Mr. Norrys, 
Anno 1532. Sept. 21.  probably he who was Groom of the Stole, and executed upon Queen Ann's Business afterwards. Which Jewels as some of them might be for the King's own wearing, now he was going into France; so in all probability others were either lent or given to the Marchioness to adorn and make her fine, when she should appear, and give her entertainment to the French King. For the sake of such as be curious, 
Append. Nᵒ III.  I have set down, in the Appendix, a Particular of these most splendid and Royal Jewels, from an Original signed with the King's own Hand in token of his Receipt of them.  
Immediately after the King's and ●●e Marchionesses return from France, he married her. At which Wedding, though very private, the Archbishop was one that assisted, 
Rex D. Annam Bullenam, Thoma Cranmero, sacra Ministrante, Vxorem duxit.  according to the Lord Herbert; but, according to the Author of the Britannic Antiquities, did the Sacred Office. When she was crowned Queen, which was Whitsuntide following, the Archbishop performed the Ceremonies. When, after that, the King had a Daughter by her, he would have the Archbishop assist at the Christening, and be her Godfather. And before this, when Queen Katherine was to be divorced from the King, and the Pope's Dispensation of that Marriage declared Null, our Archbishop pronounced the Sentence, and made the Declaration solemnly and publicly at Dunstable Priory. Thus the King dipped and engaged Cranmer with himself in all his Proceeding in this Cause. Now as all these doings had danger in them, so especially this last highly provoked the Pope for doing this without his Leave and Authority, as being a presumptuous Encroachment upon his Prerogative. Insomuch that a public Act was made at Rome, that unless the King undid all that he had done, and restored all things in integrum, leaving them to his Decision, he would excommunicate him. And this Sentence was affixed and set up publicly at Dunkirk. 
The King and the Archbishop appeal from the Pope to a General Council.  Which put the King upon an Appeal from the Pope to the next General Council, lawfully called. The Archbishop also, foreseeing the Pope's Threatening hover likewise over his Head, by the King's Advice, made his Appeal by the English Ambassador there. I have seen the King's Original Letter to Dr. Bonner, ordering him to signify to the Pope, in Order and Form of Law, 
The King writes to Dr. Bonner in that behalf. No. IU.  his Appeal, sending him also the Instrument of his Appeal, with the Proxy devised for that purpose. This bare date August 18 th' from his Castle at Windsor: I have reposited it in the Appendix. Which Order of the King Bonner did accordingly discharge, at an Audience he got of the Pope at Marceilles, November 7. And that Letter which the Lord Herbert saith, he saw of Bonner to the King, wherein he signified as much, must be his Answer to this of the King to him.  

An. 1533.  Dr. Cranmer having now yielded to the King to accept the Archbishopric, it was in the beginning of the next Year, viz. 1533. March 30. and in the 24 th' of King Henry, 
The Archbishop is consecrated.  that he received his Consecration: But that ushered in with abundance of Bulls, some dated in February, and some in March, from Pope Clement, to the number of Eleven: as may be seen at length in the beginning of this Archbishop's Register.  
The first was to King Henry upon his Nomination of Cranmer to him to be Archbishop. 
The Pope's Bulls.  The Pope alloweth and promoteth him accordingly. The second was a Bull to Cranmer himself, signifying the same. The third Bull absolved him from any Sentences of Excommunication, Suspension, Interdiction, etc. It was written from the Pope to him, under the Title of archdeacon of Taunton in the Church of Wells, and Master in Theology; and ran thus:  
Nos ne forsan aliquibus sententiis, censuris & poenis Ecclesiasticis, ligatus sis, etc. Volentes te a quibusvis excommunicationis, suspensionis, & interdicti, aliisque Ecclesiasticis sententiis, censuris, & poenis, a jure vel ab Homine, quavis occas●●●e vel causa latis, etc. Authoritate praedicta, tenore praesentium, absolvimus, & absolutum fore nuntiamus, non obstantibus constitutionibus, & ordinationibus Apostolicis, etc. One might think, that this Bull was drawn up peculiarly for Cranmers Case. Who, by reason he might have been suspected as infected with Lutheranism, or had meddled too much in the King's Matrimonial Cause; and so entangled in the Church's Censures, might have need of such assoiling. But I suppose it was but a customary Bull. A fourth Bull was to the Suffragans of Canterbury; that is, to all the Bishops in the Province: signifying Cranmers Advancement, to be their Metropolitan. Another to the City and Diocese of Canterbury. Another to the Chapter of the said Church. Another to the Vassals of the Church; that is, to all such as held Lands of it. Another to the People of the City. Another, wherewith the Pall was sent to the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of London. Another, of the Destination of the Pall: Which the Bull saith, was taken de corpore B. Petri, to be presented to him by the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of London, or one of them, after he had received the Gift of Consecration. In this Bull of the Destination is an Order, not to use the Pall but on those proper Days which were expressly mentioned in the Privileges of the Church. On purpose to beget a greater Esteem and Veneration of this, and whatsoever Baubles else came from Rome, and brought such Treasure thither.  
The Archbishop according to Custom, 
The Archbishop surrenders them to the King.  received these Bulls, which the Pope sent him to invest him with the Archbishopric. But he surrendered them up to the King; because he would not own the Pope, as the giver of this Ecclesiastical Dignity, but the King only, as he declared at his Trial before Queen Mary's Commissioners at Oxford in the Year 1555.  
As to the Act of Consecration, first, 
The Method of the Consecration.  They assembled in the Chapterhouse of the King's College of S. Stephen, near the King's Palace of Westminster. Present as Witnesses Watkins, the King's Prothonotary, Dr. john Tregonwel, Thomas Bedyl Clerk of the King's Council, Richard Guent Doctor of Decrees, of the Court of Canterbury principal Official, and john Cocks the Archbishop's Auditor of the Audience, and Vicar-general in Spirituals. The first thing that was done by the Archbishop Elect, was for the satisfaction of his Conscience. Who was now before his Consecration to take an Oath of Fidelity to the Pope, which will follow by and by. This he saw consisted by no means with his Allegiance to his Sovereign. And therefore how common and customary soever it were for Bishops to take it; yet Cranmer in the first place, in the said Chapterhouse, before the said Witnesses, made a Protestation; wherein he declared, that he intended not by the Oath that he was to take, and was customary for Bishops to take to the Pope, to bind himself to do any thing contrary to the Laws of God, the King's Prerogative, or to the Commonwealth and Statutes of the Kingdom: nor to tie himself up from speaking his Mind freely in Matters relating to the Reformation of Religion, the Government of the Church of England, and Prerogative of the Crown. And that according to this Interpretation and Meaning only he w●●ld take the Oath, and no otherwise. This Protestation, because I think it is not recorded in our Historians, 
De Minister. p. 154. No. V.  except Mason, (and in him imperfect) I have put it into the Appendix verbatim, as I transcribed it out of the Archbishop's Register. And having made this Protestation, he bade the Prochonotary to make one or more public Instruments thereof, and desired the forementioned Persons to be Witnesses thereunto. After this Protestation made, he in the presence of these Witnesses, being arrayed in Sacerdotal Garments, went up to the step of the high Altar, to receive Consecration; where was sitting in a Chair, honourably adorned, john Longland the Bishop of Lincoln, having on his Pontificals, assisted by john Voicy Bishop of Exon, and Henry Standish Bishop of S. Asaph; holding in his hand a Schedule with the Oath, which he was now going to take to the Pope: and having withal his Protestation, he, before the aforesaid Witnesses, asserted and protested, that he would read the Schedule, and perform the Oath therein contained under the said Protestation, which he said he made the same day in the Chapterhouse before those Witnesses, and no otherwise, nor in any other manner. And then presently after, kneeling on his Knees, read the Schedule, containing the Oath to the Pope. 
No. VI  Which I have reposited in the Appendix.  
Then the Bishops proceeded to the consecrating of the Archbishop. And then again, after the solemn Consecration was finished, being about to receive his Pall, when he was to take another Oath to the Pope, he protested again in the presence of the same Witnesses, that he took the following Oath under the same Protestation as he made before in the Chapterhouse, nor would perform it any other ways; and then took the Oath. And after he had taken it, desired the Prothonotary the third time to make a public Instrument or Instruments thereof. Which he did.  

The Archbishop's Oath for the Temporalties.  To these Oaths I will add one more, which the Archbishop took with a better Stomach to the King, for his Temporalties. This was for the most part the accustomable Oath of Bishops to the King, when they sued for their Temporalties; but hardly reconcilable with the Oath they had taken to the Pope: Because in this Oath was mentioned a renouncing of all Privileges and Grants of the Pope by virtue of his Bulls, that might be prejudicial to the King, and an Acknowledgement, that they held their Bishoprics only of the King, which the Archbishop worded more fully, viz. That he held his Archbishopric of the King immediately and only, and of none other. 
No. VII. The Archbishop pronounceth the Divorce.  I refer the Reader to the Appendix for this Oath.  
One of the first Services the Archbishop did for the King, was the pronouncing the Sentence of Divorce from his former Queen Katherine, which was done May 23; but drew an implacable hatred upon him from the Pope and Emperor abroad, as well as the Papists at home. And Queen Mary would not forget it, when She came to the Crown, taking then her full Revenge upon him: though in the same Commission, wherein this Sentence was pronounced, sat the Bishops of Winton, London, Bath, Lincoln, and many other great Clerks. And though he pronounced the Sentence, he was but the Mouth of the rest, and they were all in as deep as he.  
There is a short Account of Archbishop Cranmers Judgement of the unlawfulness of this Marriage, digested under twelve Articles, 
The Archbishop's Judgement of the Marriage.  with his own Name writ by himself on the top of the Paper. Which Bishop Burnet transcribed from a Cotton Manuscript, 
Vol. I. Collect. p. 95.  and inserted into his History. It bears this Title: Articuli ex quibus plane admodum demonstratur, Divortium inter Henricum VIII. Angliae Regem Invictissimum, & Serenissimam Catharinam necessario esse faciendum. The twelfth and concluding Article is this: We think that the pretended Matrimony of Henry King of England, and Catharine the Queen, hath been, and is none at all, being prohibited both by the Law of God and Nature.   

CHAP. V. The Archbishop visits his Diocese.  
AFter his Sentence against Q. Katherine, 
The Archbishop forbids preaching.  and confirmation of Q. Ann's Marriage, one thing he did, which looked as if he was not like to prove any great Friend to a Reformation. For he forbade all Preaching throughout his Diocese, and warned the rest of the Bishops throughout England to do the same, 
Foxii MSS.  as I have it from an old Journal made by a Monk of St. Augustine's, Canterbury. But this was only for a time, till Orders for Preachers, and the Beads could be finished: it being thought convenient that Preaching at this Juncture should be restrained, because now the Matter of Sermons chiefly consisted in tossing about the King's Marriage with the Lady Anne, and condemning so publicly and boldly his doings against Q. Katherine, the Priests being set on work by her Friends and Faction.  
In October or November the Archbishop went down to Canterbury, 
Visits his Diocese.  in order to a Visitation.  
The third day of December the Archbishop received the Pontifical Seat in the Monastery of the Holy Trinity. 
August. Monk's Journal.  And soon after, viz. the Ninth of the same Month, began to go on Visitation throughout all his Diocese, that he might have finished that Work before the Sessions of the Parliament. 
The Delusion of a Nun in Kent.   
This same Year a remarkable Delusion was discovered in the Archbishop's Diocese, and even under his Nose, the Scene being chiefly laid in Canterbury, by some belonging to the Cathedral Church. For a certain Nun, called Elizabeth Barton, by marvellous Hypocrisy mocked all Kent, and almost all England: For which Cause she was put in Prison in London; Where she confessed many horrible things against the King and the Queen. This forenamed Elizabeth had many Adherents, but especially Dr. Bocking, Monk of Christ's-Church in Canterbury, who was her chief Author in her Dissimulation. All of them at the last were accused of Treason, Heresy and Conspiracy. And so stood in Penance before the open Cross of S. Paul's in London; and in Canterbury in the Churchyard of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity, at the Sermon time they stood over the high Seat: where of the Preacher they were grievously rebuked for their horrible Fact. And in April the next Year, she, with Bocking and Dering, another Monk of Canterbury, were led out of Prison through all the Streets of London unto Tyburn, where she and these Monks, and also two Brothers of the Minors, suffered with the rest upon the Gallows for Treason and Heresy.  

The Archbishop appeals from the Pope.  In the Month of November the Archbishop sent a Letter to Bonner the King's Ambassador at Marseilles, together with his Appeal from the Pope, to be there signified, as was hinted before. The reason whereof was this; Upon the King's Divorce from Q. Katherine, the Pope had by a public Instrument declared the Divorce to be null and void, and threatened him with Excommunication, unless he would revoke all that he had done. Gardiner Bishop of Winton about this time, and upon this occasion, was sent Ambassador to the French King; and Bonner soon after followed him to Marseilles, Where Gardener at the interview between the French King and the Pope, now was. For the King and the Council apprehended some Mischief to be hatching against the Kingdom by the Pope: who was now inciting the Emperor and other Princes to make War upon us. And indeed he had vaunted, as the Ld Herbert declares, that he would set all Christendom against the King. And the Emperor in discourse had averred, that by the means of Scotland he would avenge his Aunt's Quarrel. The Archbishop in this Juncture had secret intimation of a Design to excommunicate him, and interdict his Church. Whereupon, as the King by Bonner, Novemb. 7, had made his Appeal from the Pope to the next General Council lawfully called; so by the King and Council's Advice, the Archbishop soon after did the same: sending his Appeal with his Proxy, under his Seal, to Bonner, desiring him together with Gardiner, to consult together, and to intimate his Appeal in the best manner they could think expedient for him. And this Letter he wrote by the King's own Commandment. It was not the Hand of the Archbishop, nor of his Secretary. So I suppose it was drawn up by some of his own Lawyers; and is as followeth:  

The Archbishop's Letter to Bonner. Cleopat. E. 6.  In my right hearty manner I commend me to you. So it is, as you know right well, I stand in dread, lest our Holy Father the Pope do intend to make some manner of prejudicial Process against me and my Church. And therefore having probable Conjectures thereof, I have appealed from his Holiness to the General Council, accordingly as his Highness and his Council have advised me to do. Which my Appeal and procuracy under my Seal, I do send unto you herewith; desiring you right-heartily to have me commended to my Ld of Winchester, and with his Advice and Counsel to intimate the said Provocation after the best manner, that his Lordship and you shall think most expedient for me. I am the bolder thus to write unto you, because the King's Highness commandeth me this to do, as you shall, I trust, further perceive by his Grace's Letter: Nothing doubting in your Goodness, but at this mine own desire you will be contented to take this Pains, though his Highness shall percase forget to write unto you therein. Which your Pains and Kindness, if it shall lie in me in time to come to recompense, I wol not forget it with God's Grace. Who preserve you, as myself. From Lambeth, the xxvii th' day of November.  
Thomas Cantuar.  
Cranmer being now placed at the Head of the Church of England, 
Disputes in the Parliament against the Pope's Supremacy.  next under God and the King, and the chief care of it devolved upon him, his great study was conscientiously to discharge this high Vocation. And one of the first things, wherein he showed his good Service to the Church, was done in the Parliament in the latter end of this Year 1533. When the Supremacy came under debate, 
Life of Cranm. inter Foxii MSS.  and the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome was propounded, than the old Collections of the new Archbishop did him good service; for the chief, and in a manner the whole burden of this weighty Cause was laid upon his Shoulders. Insomuch that he was forced to answer to all that ever the whole Rabble of the Papists could say for the defence of the Pope's Supremacy: And he answered so plainly, directly and truly to all their Arguments, and proved so evidently and stoutly, both by the Word of God, and Consent of the Primitive Church, that this usurped Power of the Pope is a mere Tyranny, and directly against the Law of God: and that the Power of Emperors and Kings is the highest Power here upon Earth: Unto which, Bishops, Priests, Popes and Cardinals ought to submit themselves, and are as much bound to obey, as their Temporal Subjects, or Laymen, (as the Priests call them) that the Issue was the abolishing of that Foreign Papal Power, and the expulsion of it out of this Realm, by the full consent of Parliament.  
A Licence dated Feb. 13. this Year, 
Licences for Chapels.  was granted by the Archbishop to Mary the Relict of Sir Henry Guildford Kt. to have the Eucharist, Matrimony and Baptism, 
Cran. Reg:  ministered in any Chapel or Oratory within her Manors where she should reside, during her Life. And such a Licence, dated also Feb. 13. the next Year, was granted by him to Margaret Marchioness of Dorset. Whether indulged to them by the Archbishop, the rather to free them from danger for not frequenting their Parish-Churches, and for the avoiding the Superstitious and Idolatrous Worship there performed; and that there might be some private Places for purer worshipping God, and administration of the Sacraments; or only for the Convenience of those Ladies, the Reader hath liberty to judge.   


An. 1534.  CHAP. VI The Archbishop presseth the Translation of the Bible.  

The Archbishop labours the Reformation of the Church.  THIS Rub of the Papal Power being now taken out of the way, and the King's Supremacy settled in the next Sessions of Parliament, in Novemb. 1534. a Way was opened for a Reformation of Errors and Abuses in Religion. So that, as the Archbishop judged it a thing impossible to make any amendment of Religion under the Pope's Dominion; so he thought it now (the same being dispatched out of the Realm) a mee● time to restore the true Doctrine of Christ, according to the Word of God, and the old Primitive Church, within his Jurisdiction and Cure; and with the said Pope, to abolish also all false Doctrine, Errors and Heresies, by him brought into the Church; for the accomplishing of which he let pass no Opportunities.  

What he did this Convocation.  A Convocation now afforded him one. Our Archbishop, from his first entrance upon his Dignity, had it much in his mind to get the Holy Scriptures put into the Vulgar Language, and a Liberty for all to read them. The Convocation now was so well disposed, by the influence of the Archbishop and his Friends, that they did petition the King, that the Bible might be translated by some Learned Men of his Highness' nomination. And as this good Motion was briefly made in the House by the Archbishop, so they agreed upon him to carry their Petition. But they clogged it with another, which the Archbishop did not so well approve of: For about the Month of December they passed this Order of Convocation. The Bishops, Abbots, Priors of this Upper House of Convocation, of the Province of Canterbury, met together in the Chapterhouse of St. Paul; unanimously did consent, that the most Reverend Father the Archbishop, should make instance in their Names to the King, that his Majesty would vouchsafe, for the increase of the Faith of his Subjects, to decree and command, That all his Subjects, in whose possession any Books of suspect Doctrine were, especially in the Vulgar Language, imprinted, beyond or on this side the Sea, should be warned, within three Months, to bring them in before Persons to be appointed by the King, under a certain Pain to be limited by the King.  
And that moreover his Majesty would vouchsafe to decree, that the Scriptures should be translated into the Vulgar Tongue, by some honest and learned Men, to be nominated by the King, and to be delivered unto the People according to their Learning. This was resolved in the Convocation, Decemb. 19  
Accordingly the King issued out soon after his Proclamation. What this Proclamation was I do not know, unless it were one I meet with about this time, against bringing in, or printing seditious Books of Anabaptists and Sacramentaries, who were said to be lately come into the Realm: and against some of his own Subjects, who publicly disputed in Taverns and other open Places, upon those Points of Religion, which the King was offended withal. For the Correction and Regulating of which, the King in the said Proclamation commanded sundry Articles to be observed; which for the length of them I have put into the Appendix. 
No. VIII.  Unless perhaps this Proclamation may belong to the Year 1538.  
About the month of june this Year, 
A Book for preaching, and the Beads.  was a Book drawn up for Bishops and Priests, wherein was an Order for preaching; and in the same were Forms devised for the Beads, as well for Preachers, as Curates. In which Forms the King's Title of Supreme Head was specified. In this Book was commandment given by the King, that ●very Preacher should, before Easter, once in solemn Audience, de●●are the usurped Jurisdiction, within this Realm, of the Bishop of ●ome, and the King's just Cause to decline from the same: and also to open and declare such things as might avow and justify the King's refusal of Marriage with the Princess Dowager, and his contract anew with Queen Ann. And also in the same Book an Order was given for the suppression of the General Sentence or Curse. 
Dispersed by the Archbishop to all the Bishops.  This Book the Archbishop, who we may well suppose had a great hand in it, sent, by the King's Commandment, to all the Bishops, and to the Archbishop of York, though out of his Province: that Archbishop lying under some Jealousy as it seems with the King.  
Therefore after the receipt of the Book, 
The Archbishop of York preaches at York.  the said Archbishop of York the next Sunday, which was the second Sunday after Trinity, went from Cawood to York, and there in his own Person declared, as well the King's Cause touching the Matrimony, as his refusal of the Pope's Jurisdiction, so fully, that nothing that needed to be opened was left unspoken, as that Archbishop wrote himself to the King in his own Vindication. And that the Auditory might be the greater, he sent to York forthwith, upon the receipt of the Book, to publish there, that he would be there the next Sunday following, and caused the Churches to make an end of their Service in such time, as every Man might have opportunity to be at the Sermon: and especially required the Mayor and his Brethren, and one Mr. Magnus, and Sir George Lawson, his Majesty's Chaplains to be there: And a very great Confluence there was. Then the Archbishop preached from that Text, Vxorem duxi, etc. Whence he took occasion to utter, and declare both his foresaid Matters, and the Injury done to the King's Highness by Pope Clement.  
As the Convocation this Year had declared the Pope to have no Jurisdiction in this Kingdom, so this would not serve the King, 
The Clergy and Universities subscribe against the Pope.  till all the Learned and Spiritual Men in England had subscribed to it with their Hands. The Archbishop's Church of Canterbury began. For the Prior and Convent thereof, moved and influenced not a little by their Diocesan, solemnly subscribed an Instrument for abolishing the Pope's Supremacy, and for acknowledgement of the King Supreme Head of the Church of England, under this Position. 
Cleopat. E. 6. p. 208.   
Quod Romanus Episcopus non habet majorem aliq●am jurisdictionem a Deo sibi collatam in hoc regno Angliae, quam quivis externus Episcopus. That is,  
That the Bishop of Rome hath not some greater jurisdiction conferred upon him by God in this Realm of England, than any other Foreign Bishop.  
This was consented to by the Prior's own Hand subscribed, and sixty nine of the Convent besides. The Original whereof is in a Volume of the Cotton Library. 
Page 458.  In another place of the same Volume is extant the Subscription of the Bishops, Deans, and several Abbots; and after that, of the University of Oxford, and all the particular Colleges: and after that, the Names of all the subscribing Priors of England.  

Cranmer and others administer the Oath of Succession to the Clergy.  The Archbishop was one employed about the Act of Succession, that was made the last Sessions of Parliament: which was to invest the Succession to the Crown upon the Heirs of Q. Ann; and that Q. Katherine should be no more called Queen, but Princess Dowager. In the Preamble to the Act, there were certain Touches against the Pope's Supremacy, and against his Power of dispensing in the King's former Marriage with his Brother's Wife, carnally known by him. To this Act all Persons were to swear, to accept and maintain the same, upon pain of Treason. The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Ld Chancellor Audley, Secretary Crumwel, the Abbot of Westminster, and others, were the King's Commissioners appointed to tender this Oath. The Nobility and Gentry took it, none denying, to which they set their Hands in a long List.  
On the 13 th' of April, the Commissioners sat at Lambeth to receive the Oaths of the Clergy, and chiefly those of London, that had not yet sworn; who all took it, not one excepted. And a certain Doctor, Vicar of Croyden, that it seems made some boggle before, went up with the rest: of whom Sir Thomas More, who then stood by, made an Observation, how, as he passed, he went to my Lord's Buttery-hatch, and called for Drink, and drank valde familiariter; whether, saith he sarcastically, it were for Gladness, or Dryness, or Quod ille notus erat Pontifici. The Oath also now was taken by Dr. Wylson, a great Court-Divine in those Days, who for Queen Katharine's Business was a Prisoner at this time, though a great while he was unsatisfied, and consulted much with Sir Thomas More about the Lawfulness of taking it.  

And to Sir Thomas More who refused it.  The same Day were conveyed hither from the Tower, Bishop Fisher, and Sir Thomas More, the only Layman at this Meeting, to tender this Oath to them. Who both, being separately called, refused it. After the Clergy were sworn and dispatched, immediately Sir Thomas by himself was sent for the second time. 
Sir Thomas More's Letters.  Now he had much talk with the Lords, who would fain have brought him to comply. They urged him to declare the Causes why he would not Swear: But he excused his so doing. Then they charged him with Obstinacy: He said, it was not Obstinacy, but because he might not declare his Mind without peril of incurring the King's further Displeasure. He told the Commissioners, that for his part he condemned not the Consciences of any; but that he was dissatisfied in his own Conscience for certain Reasons. 
Cranmers Argument with him.  The Archbishop taking hold of this, spoke to him thus, That it appeared well, that Sir Thomas did not take it for a very sure thing and a certain, that he might not lawfully swear, but rather as a thing uncertain and doubtful. But you know, said my Lord, for a certainty, and for a thing without doubt, that you be bound to obey your Sovereign Lord the King. And therefore are you bound to leave off the doubt of your unsure Conscience, in refusing the Oath, and take the sure way in obeying of your Prince who commands you to Swear. This Argument, as Sir Thomas confessed in one of his Letters to his Daughter Roper, seemed so subtle, and with such Authority coming out of so Noble a Prelate's Mouth, that he could answer again nothing thereto: but only that he thought with himself, that he might not so do, because that in his Conscience this was one of the Causes in which he was bounden, that he should not obey his Prince; sith that whatsoever other Folks thought in the Matter, (whose Conscience or Learning, as he said, he would not condemn, or take upon him to judge) yet in his Conscience the Truth seemed on the other Side, wherein he had informed his Conscience neither suddenly nor slightly, but by long leisure and diligent search for the Matter.  
In fine, the farthest Sir Thomas could be brought, 
More offers to swear to the Succession itself.  and which he offered voluntarily that Morning, was to swear to the Succession, (which was the main Design of the Act) though not to the Preamble. At parting the Lord Chancellor bade the Secretary, before More, take notice, that More denied not, but was content to swear the Succession. More assented and said, in that Point he would be contented, so that he might see the Oath so framed, as might stand with his Conscience.  
Fisher Bishop of Rochester, offered the same before this Assembly, 
Bishop Fisher offers the same.  that More had done: and in a Letter of his afterwards writ to the Secretary, assigned the Reason why he could, with a good Conscience, swear to the Succession, viz. because he doubted not but that the Prince of a Realm, with the Assent of the Nobles and Commons, might appoint his Successors according as he pleased. 
No. IX.  In the Appendix this Letter will be found, which Bishop Fisher writ upon occasion of the Secretary's Advice, who laboured to gain him, that he should write to the King, to declare his Mind to him in swearing to the Succession; and to petition him to let that suffice, because his Conscience could not consent to the rest of the Act. The Secretary also had sent unto Fisher, lying in the Tower, Lee Bishop Elect of Lichfield and Coventry; to whom he declared again, that he would take the Oath to the Succession; and moreover, that he would swear never to meddle more in Disputation of the Matrimony, and promised all Allegiance to the King. But he told Lee, his Conscience could not be convinced, that the Marriage was against the Law of God, because of a Prohibition in the Levitical Law. See Lee's Letter, in the Appendix, to Secretary Crumwel. 
No. X.   
The Archbishop, 
The Archbishop writes to Crumwel in their behalf.  soon after that meeting of the Commissioners at Lambeth, retired to Croyden: And being a Man not kind to his own Party and Persuasion only, and fierce and bloody-minded to them that differed from him, but compassionate towards all, Friend and Foe; his tender Spirit suggested to him, to make this serve for an Occasion to intercede for More and Fisher, to Crumwel; showing him in a Letter, dated April the 17 th', how adviseable in his Judgement it would be to be satisfied with that Oath they had offered to swear, in case they would swear to maintain the said Succession against all Power and Potentates: Urging to him that there would be these Advantages gained thereby. First, That it would be a means to satisfy the Consciences of the Princess Dowager and the Lady Mary; who it seems made it a Matter of Conscience and Sin to abandon their Titles. Also, that it might tend to stop the Emperor's Mouth, and the Mouths of other their Friends, when Fisher and More, who had stickled so much for them, should now own that Succession, which would be in effect a disowning of them. Secondly, That it might be a means to resolve and quiet also many others in the Realm that were in doubt, when such great Men should affirm by Oath and Subscription, that the Succession mentioned in the said Act was good, and according to God's Laws. And he thought, that after two such had sworn, there would be scarce one in the Kingdom would reclaim against it. And thirdly, That though a great many in the Realm could not be brought to alter from their Opinions of the Validity of the King's former Marriage, and of the Bishop of Rome's Authority, that it would be a great Point gained, if all with one accord would own and acknowledge the Succession.  

The Archbishop's endeavour to save the Lives of More & Fisher.  Weaver, the Author of the Funeral Monuments, transcribed this Letter out of the Cotton Library, and inserted it into his said Book: and the thing he takes notice of therein, is the Wisdom and Policy of the prudent Archbishop. I shall take notice of another thing, and which I suppose was the great Cause that employed his Pen at this time, namely, his tender Heart, and abhorrence from Bloodshedding: Propounding these Politic Considerations to the Secretary, which were the properest Arguments to be used with a Statesman, and for him to use and urge before the King; that so he might be an Instrument of saving the Lives of these Men, however they differed from him, and it may be were none of his very good Friends. This Letter of the Archbishop's, as I myself took it from the Original, I thought worthy depositing among Cranmers Monuments in the Appendix. 
No. XI.  But this Offer of theirs, notwithstanding the Archbishop's Arguments and Endeavours, would not be accepted. The King would not be satisfied with this Swearing by halves.   

CHAP. VII. The Archbishop visits the Diocese of Norwich.  

A Praemunire brought against Bishop Nix.  THE Popish Bishops were now at a low ebb; and being under the Frowns of their Prince, other Men took the opportunities, upon their Slips, to get them punished. A Storm now fell upon Richard Nix Bishop of Norwich, a vicious and dissolute Man, as Godwin writes. 
Cotton Libra●. Cleop. F. 1.  Against him was a Praemunire this Year (25 of Hen. VIII.) brought. That, De tout temps, there had been a Custom in the Town of Thetford in the County of Norfolk, that no Inhabitant of the same Town should be drawn in Plea in any Court Christian for any Spiritual Causes, but before the Dean in the said Town. And there was a Presentment in the King's Court, before the Mayor of the Town, by twelve Jurors, that there was such a Custom. And beside, that whosoever should draw any Man out of the said Town, in any Spiritual Court, should forfeit six shillings and eight pence. The Bishop nevertheless cited the Mayor to appear before him, pro Salute animae: And upon his appearance libelled for that Cause, and enjoined him, upon pain of Excommunication, not to admit the said Presentment. And whenas the Bishop could not deny his Fact, Judgement was given, that he should be out of the King's Protection, his Goods and Chattels forfeited, and his Body in Prison during the King's Pleasure. For which he had the King's Pardon. Which was afterwards confirmed in Parliament.  
This Bishop's Diocese was now in such disorder, 
The Archbishop visit● this Bishop's See.  that the Archbishop instituted a Visitation of that See; wherein William May LL. D. was the Archbishop's Commissary. The 28 th' of july, the Bishop was called and summoned to appear, but appeared not: And so was pronounced Contumax. 
Cranmers Reg.  But at another meeting he sent Dr. Cap his Proctor, by whom he made a Protestation against their Doings and Jurisdiction; and that it was not decent for that Reverend Father to appear before him, the Archbishop's Official. However at another meeting, the Bishop not appearing at the Time and Place appointed, Dr. May declared him obstinate, and to incur the Penalty of Obstinacy. After this the Bishop, by his Proctor, was willing to submit to obey Law, and to stand to the Command of the Church, and to do Penance for his said Contumacy, to be enjoined by the Archbishop, or his Commissary. At another Court the Bishop appeared in Person, and then showed himself willing to take the said Commissary for Visitor, or any other in the Name of the Archbishop of Canterbury. This Bishop was now fourscore Years old, and blind, as appears by a Writing of his scent by his Proctor, dated Septemb. 1534. He died two Years after, and came in to be Bishop in the Year 1500.  
This Bishop seems to have made himself very odious in his Diocese, 
The Bishop of Norwich a Persecutor.  by his Fierceness and Rigours against such as were willing to be better informed in Religion; whom he would style Men savouring of the Frying-pan. He seized such Books as were brought from beyond-Sea, of which sort there were now many, which tended to lay open the Corruptions of the Church; and especially the New Testament, which he could not endure should be read. And when some of these commonly gave out, that it was the King's Pleasure that such Books should be read, he sent up studiously by the Abbot of Hyde, to have this showed to the King; and begged his Letters under his Seal, to be directed to him, or any body else whom the King pleased in his Diocese, to declare it was not his Pleasure such Books should be among his Subjects, and to punish such as reported it was. He sent also a Letter to Warham then Archbishop of Canterbury, making his Complaint and Information to him, desiring him to send for the said Abbot, who should tell him what his Thoughts were for the suppression of these Men; and entreating the Archbishop to inform the King against these erroneous Men, as he called them. Some part of his Diocese was bounded with the Sea, and Ipswich and Yarmouth, and other Places of considerable Traffic, were under his Jurisdiction. 
An. 1535.  And so there happened many Merchants and Mariners, who by Converse from Abroad, had received knowledge of the Truth, and brought in divers good Books. This mightily angered the zealous Bishop, and he used all the Severity he could to stop the Progress of Evangelical Truth, and wished for more Authority from the King to punish it; for his Opinion was, that if they continued any time, he thought they would undo them all, as he wrote to the Archbishop. This Letter is in the Appendix. 
No. XII.   

Bishop's Consecrated.  
April the 19 th', the Archbishop of Canterbury, invested in his Pontificals, 
Goodrick Lee, and Salcot consecrated Bishops.  consecrated Thomas Goodrick, Doctor of Decrees, Bishop of Ely, in his Chapel at Croyden; together with Rowland Lee, Doctor of Law, Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry; and john Salcot, alias Capon, Doctor of Law, Bishop of Bangor: being assisted by john Bishop of Lincoln, and Christopher Bishop of Sidon.    

CHAP. VIII. The Archbishop preacheth at Canterbury.  

An. 1535.  IN order to the bettering the State of Religion in the Nation, the Archbishop's Endeavours, both with the King and the Clergy, 
The Archbishop preaches up the King's Supremacy at Canterbury.  were not wanting, from time to time. And something soon after fell out, which afforded him a fair opportunity: which was this. The King resolving to vindicate his own Right of Supremacy against the Encroachments of Popes in his Dominions, especially now the Parliament had restored it to him, being at Winchester, sent for his Bishops thither about Michaelmas, ordering them to go down to their respective Dioceses, and there in their own Persons to preach up the Regal Authority, and to explain to the People the Reason of excluding the Pope from all Jurisdiction in these Realms. Our Archbishop, according to this Command, speeds down into his Diocese to promote this Service for the King, and the Church too. He went not into the nearer parts of Kent about Otford and Knol, where his most frequent Residence used to be; because his Influence had a good effect for the Instruction of the People thereabouts in this, as well as in other Points of sound Religion: But he repaired into the East parts of his Diocese, where he preached up and down upon the two Articles, of the Pope's Usurpations, and the King's Supremacy. But the People of Canterbury being less persuaded of these Points, than all his Diocese besides, there in his Cathedral Church, he preached two Sermons: wherein he insisted upon three things.  
I. That the Bishop of Rome was not God's Vicar upon Earth, as he was taken. Here he declared by what Crafts the Bishop of Rome had obtained his usurped Authority.  
II. That the Holiness that See so much boasted of, and by which Name Popes affected to be styled, was but a Holiness in Name; and that there was no such Holiness at Rome. And here he launched out into the Vices and profligate kind of living there.  
III. He inveighed against the Bishop of Rome's Laws. Which were miscalled Divinae Leges, and Sacri Canon's. He said, that those of his Laws, which were good, the King had commanded to be observed: And so they were to be kept out of obedience to him. And here he descended to speak of the Ceremonies of the Church: that they ought not to be rejected, nor yet to be observed with an Opinion, that of themselves they make Men holy, or remit their Sins; seeing our Sins are remitted by the Death of our Saviour Christ. But that they were observed for a common Commodity, and for good Order and Quietness, as the Common Laws of the Kingdom were. And for this Cause, Ceremonies were instituted in the Church, and for a remembrance of many good things; as the King's Laws dispose Men unto Justice and unto Peace. And therefore he made it a general Rule, that Ceremonies were to be observed as the Laws of the Land were.  
These Sermons of the Archbishop, 
A Prior preaches against him.  it seems, as they were new Doctrines to them, so they were received by them at first with much gladness. But the Friars did not at all like these Discourses: They thought such Doctrines laid open the Truth too much, and might prove prejudicial unto their Gains. And therefore by a Combination among themselves, they thought it convenient, that the Archbishop's Sermons should be by some of their Party confuted, and in the same place where he preached them. So soon after came up the Prior of the black Friars in Canterbury, levelling his Discourse against the three things that the Archbishop had preached. He asserted the Church of Christ never erred: that he would not slander the Bishops of Rome; and that the Laws of the Church were equal with the Laws of God.  
This angry Prior also told the Archbishop to his Face, in a good Audience, concerning what he had preached of the Bishop of Rome's Vices, that he knew no Vices by none of the Bishops of Rome. And whereas the Archbishop had said in his Sermon to the People, that he had prayed many Years, that we might be separated from that See, and that he might see the Power of Rome destroyed, because it wrought so many things contrary to the Honour of God, and the Wealth of the Realm; and because he saw no hopes of amendment; and that he thanked God he had now seen it in this Realm; for this the Prior cried out against him, that he preached uncharitably.  
The Archbishop not suffering his Authority to be thus affronted, 
Whom he convents before him.  nor the King's Service to be thus hindered, convented the Prior before him before Christmas. At his first examination, he denied that he preached against the Archbishop, and confessed that his Grace had not preached any thing amiss: But sometime afterward, being got free from the mild Archbishop, and being secretly upheld by some Persons in the Combination, he then said, he had preached amiss in many things, and that he purposely preached against him. This created the Archbishop abundance of Slander in those parts. The Business came to the King's Ears, who seemed to require the Archbishop to censure him in his own Court.  
But upon occasion of this, the Archbishop wrote his whole Cause in a Letter to the King, 
The Archbishop acquaints the King with the matter.  dated from his House at Ford, 1535. Declaring what he had preached, and what the other had preached in contradiction to him. And withal entreated his Majesty, that he, the Archbishop, might not have the judging of him, lest he might seem partial; but that he would commit the hearing unto the Lord Privy Seal, who was Crumwel: or else to assign unto him other Persons, whom his Majesty pleased; that the Cause might be jointly heard together. He appealed to the King and his Council, If the Prior did not defend the Bishop of Rome, though he had said nothing else, than that the Church never erred. For than they were no Errors, as he inferred, that were taught, of the Pope's Power; and that he was Christ's Vicar in Earth, and by God's Law Head of all the World, Spiritual and Temporal; and that all People must believe that the necessitate Salutis; and that whosoever did any thing against the See of Rome, is an Heretic. But if these be no Errors, than your Grace's Laws, said he, be Erroneous, that pronounce the Bishop of Rome to be of no more Power than other Bishops, and them to be Traitors, that defend the contrary. In fine, in the stomach of an Archbishop, and finding it necessary to put a stop to the ill designs of these Friars, he concluded, That if that Man, who had so highly offended the King, and openly preached against him, being his Ordinary, and Metropolitan of the Province, and that in such Matters as concerned the Authority, Misliving and Laws of the Bishop of Rome; and that also within his own Church: if he were not looked upon, he left it to the King's Prudence to expend, what Example it might prove unto others, with like colour to maintain the Bishop of Rome's Authority; and of what estimation he the Archbishop should be reputed hereafter, and what Credence would be given unto his preaching for time to come. And he left his Majesty to hear the Testimony of Dr. Leighton, one of the King's Visitors, who was present at the Sermon the Archbishop then made. This Letter, the Contents whereof I have now set down, I have placed in the Appendix, 
No. XIII.  as well worthy the preserving among the rest of the Monuments of this Archbishop, as I transcribed it out of the Cotton Library. I do not find what Issue this Business had: but I suspect the Black Friars of Canterbury had a black Mark set upon them by the King for this Opposition of his Archbishop, in the discharge of his Commands.  
But to speak a little of a Provincial Visitation, jure Metropolitico, which the Archbishop had begun the last Year, 
A Provincial Visitation.  viz. 1534, being his first Visitation. It was somewhat extraordinary; for such a Visitation had not been in an hundred Years before. For this he got the King's Licence, to countenance his doings, knowing what oppositions he should meet with. In the Month of May we find him at his House at Otford about this Business: The main End whereof was to promote the King's Supremacy, and, as opportunity served, to correct the Superstitions of this Church, and to inspect even Bishops and Cathedrals themselves.  
In Apr. 1535, 
Winchester herein opposeth him.  Cranmer had sent his Monition to Steph. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, that he would visit his Diocese. The Bishop, who never loved the Archbishop, and being a great upholder of the old Popish Superstitions, was the more jealous of this Visitation, opposing himself as much as he could against it; and would have picked an Hole in Cranmers Coat, for styling himself, in the Instrument of the Process, Totius Angliae Primas; as though this had been an high Reflection upon the King, and detracted much from his Supremacy. Of this therefore he went and made a Complaint to the King himself: and taking it in some Indignation, that the Archbishop should visit his Diocese, he pretended to the King, that the Clergy of his Diocese would be driven to great straits, and mightily oppressed, if it should be now visited again, having been visited but five Years ago by his Predecessor Warham; especially being also to pay a new Duty, enjoined by the Parliament, namely, their Tenths; hoping hereby to evade the Archbishop's inspection into the Corruptions of the Diocese of Winchester.  
All this Crumwel, his Friend, certified him of, by his Chaplain, 
The ABp's vindication of his title of Primate●  one Champion. Winchester indeed, whatsoever he pretended, tendered not so much the King's Cause, as his own, that he might not be visited. For otherwise he would have complained to the King of this Matter before Cranmers signification to him of a Visitation, since he always bare the Title of Primate of all England, as being the common Style of the Archbishop. And if this Style of Primacy was a diminution to the King, it would have been so to the Pope, when Winchester held him, as he did once, for Supreme Head of the Church: but then he never made any complaint against those Archbishops that styled themselves Primats. The Pope's Supreme Authority was not less thought of, because he had such Primates under him, but rather more. And the King might therefore have such as were Primates under him, without any derogation to his Authority. Nor did Cranmer value at all Names and Titles; and if he thought it any thing interfering with the King's Honour, he would himself have been the first to sue for the taking it wholly away. This he signified in a Letter to Secretary Crumwel; which because it hath many excellent things declarative of the good Temper and Spirit of Cranmer, I have presented it to the Reader's Eye in the Appendix, 
No. XIV.  being an Original in the Cotton Library.  
And as Winchester had picked a Quarrel with him for one part of his Archiepiscopal Style; so Stokesly Bishop of London, 
The Bp of London refuseth his Visitation.  a Man of the same inveterate Temper against Cranmer, refused his Visitation, because he styled himself, in his Monitions, Apostolicae Sedis Legatus. For under that Title he Convented that Bishop, with the Abbots, Priors, and archdeacon of London, to appear before him at a Visitation, which he intended to hold at the Chapterhouse in St. Paul's Church London. But the Bishop of London, and the Chapter, warned him of assuming that Title, as making against the King's Prerogative. And at the Visitation itself in S. Paul's, they made a Protestation; which was openly read. The import whereof was, that they would not accept him as such a Legate, and neither admit nor submit to his Visitation under that Name; and required the Archbishop's Register to enter their Protestation. And upon his refusal thereof, delivered a Certificate of what they had done. Stokesly also contended with him for suspending all the Jurisdiction of the Bishop, Dean, and archdeacon, during his Visitation. To which the Archbishop answered, it was no more than his Predecessors had usually done in those Cases. In fine, they appealed, in their own justification, unto the King, and desired his Licence to defend themselves against him by the Laws, and as the Parliament had provided. Thus they showed before, their secret Malice, and violent Opposition against the good Archbishop, and how afraid they were of his Visitation; glad to catch any thing to enervate his Authority. The sum of which Appeal drawn up by Stokesly, being somewhat too long to be subjoined here, 
No. XV.  may be read in the Appendix.  
Finally, upon the Archbishop's visiting of his Diocese, he entered three Protestations against it (as may appear in Stokesley's Register) for preserving his Privileges. 
And protests ●gainst him.   

Cranmer sends him a part of the New Testament to translate. And his Answer.  This Man ever carried himself perversely to the Archbishop. It was not long after this time, that the Archbishop, whose Mind ran very much upon bringing in the free use of the Holy Scripture in English among the People, put on vigorously a Translation of it. And that it might not come to be prohibited, as it had been, upon pretence of the Ignorance or Unfaithfulness of the Translators, he proceeded in this method. 
●●xii MSS.  First, He began with the Translation of the New Testament; taking an old English Translation thereof, which he divided into nine or ten Parts; causing each Part to be written at large in a paper Book, and then to be sent to the best Learned Bishops and others; to the intent they should make a perfect Correction thereof. And when they had done, he required them to send back their Parts, so corrected, unto him at Lambeth, by a day limited for that purpose: and the same course, no question, he took with the Old Testament. It chanced that the Acts of the Apostles were sent to Bishop Stokesly to oversee and correct. When the Day came, every Man had sent to Lambeth their Parts corrected, only Stokeslye's Portion was wanting: My Lord of Canterbury wrote to the Bishop a Letter for his Part, requiring him to deliver them unto the Bringer his Secretary. He received the Archbishop's Letter at Fulham. Unto which he made this Answer; I marvel what my Lord of Canterbury meaneth, that thus abuseth the People, in giving them liberty to read the Scriptures: which doth nothing else but infect them with Heresy. I have bestowed never an Hour upon my Portion, nor never will. And therefore my Lord shall have this Book again, for I will never be guilty of bringing the simple People into Error. My Lord of Canterbury's Servant took the Book, and brought the same to Lambeth unto my Lord, declaring my Lord of London's Answer. When the Archbishop had perceived that the Bishop had done nothing therein, I marvel, said he▪ that my Lord of London is so froward that he will not do as other Men do. One Mr. Thomas▪ Lawney stood by; 
●●wney's Jest upon S●okesly.  and hearing my Lord speak so much of the Bishop's untowardness, said, I can tell your Grace why my Lord of London will not bestow any labour or pains this way. Your Grace knoweth well, that his Portion is a piece of New Testament. But he being persuaded, that Christ had bequeathed him nothing in his Testament, thought it mere madness to bestow any labour or pain, where no Gain was to be gotten. And besides this, it is the Acts of the Apostles; which were simple poor Fellows, and therefore my Lord of London disdained to have to do with any of them. Whereat my Lord of Canterbury, and others that stood by, could not forbear from laughter.  
This Lawney was a witty Man, 
Who this Lawney was.  and Chaplain to the old Duke of Norfolk, and had been one of the Scholars placed by the Cardinal in his New College at Oxon. Where he was Chaplain of the House, and Prisoner there with Frith, another of the Scholars. In the Time of the six Articles he was a Minister in Kent, placed there, I suppose, by the Archbishop. When that severe Act was past, more by the Authority of a Parliament, than by the Authority of the Word of God, it chanced, that my Lord of Norfolk meeting with this his Chaplain, said, O! my Lawney, (knowing him of old much to favour Priest's Matrimony) whether may Priests now have Wives or no? If it please your Grace, replied he, I cannot well tell whether Priests may have Wives or no: But well I wot, and am sure of it, for all your Act, that Wives will have Priests. Harken, Masters, said the Duke, how this Knave scorneth our Act, and maketh it not worth a Fly. Well, I see by it that thou wilt never forget thy old Tricks. And so the Duke, and such Gentlemen as were with him, went away merrily, laughing at Lawney's sudden and apt Answer. The Reader will excuse this Digression.   

CHAP. IX. Monasteries visited.  
THis Year the Monasteries were visited by Cramwel, 
Monasteri●● visited. The ABp for their Dissolution.  Chief Visitor. Who appointed Leighton, Legh, Petre, London, his Deputies, with Injunctions given them to be observed in their Visitation. Indeed the King now had thoughts of dissolving them, as well as visiting them. Whose Ends herein were, partly because he saw the Monks and Friars so untoward towards him, and so bend to the Pope; and partly to enrich himself with the Spoils. Archbishop Cranmer is said also to have counselled and pressed the King to it▪ but for other Ends, viz. That out of the Revenues of these Monasteries, the King might found more Bishoprics; and that Dioceses being reduced into less compass, the Diocesans might the better discharge their Office, according to the Scripture and Primitive Rules: And because the Archbishop saw how inconsistent these Foundations were with the Reformation of Religion; Purgatory, Masses, Pilgrimages, Worship of Saints and Images being effectual to their Constitution, as the Bishop of Sarum hath observed. 
Hist. R●●. P. ●. p. 189, 190.  And the Archbishop hoped that from these Ruins there would be new Foundations in every Cathedral erected, to be Nurseries of Learning, for the use of the whole Diocese. But however short our Archbishop fell of his Ends, desired and hoped for by these Dissolutions, the King obtained his. For the vast Riches that the Religious Houses brought in to the King, may be guessed by what was found in one, namely, S. Swithins, Winchester. An account of the Treasures whereof I having once observed from a Manuscript in the Benet Library, thought not amiss here to lay before the Reader; which he may find in the Appendix. 
No. XVI.   

The Visitors Informations.  When these Visitors returned home from their Visitation, they came well stocked with Informations of the loose, wicked and abominable Lives, and Irregularities of the chief Members of these Houses of Religion, having by diligent inquisition throughout all England collected them. These Enormities were read publicly in the Parliament-House, being brought in by the Visitors. When they were first read, nothing was done with these unclean Abbots and Priors: But within a while, saith Latimer in a Sermon before King Edward, 
Second Sermon.  how bad soever the Rep●●ts of them were, some of them were made Bishops, and others put into good Dignities in the Church: that so the King might save their Pensions, which were otherwise to be paid them.  
Now I will, at the conclusion of my Collections for this Year, set down the Names of the Bishops this Year consecrated, both Diocesan and Suffragan: 
Bishop's Diocesan and Suffragan consecrated.  there having b●en an Act of Parliament made in the six and twentieth of the King, (that is, the last Year) for furnishing the Dioceses with six and twenty Suffragans, for the better aid and comfort of the Diocesans: The Se●s whereof are all set down in the said Act. But I doubt whether there were ever so many made. At least the mention of the Acts of the Consecration of some of the Suffragans in the Province of Canterbury are omitted in the Register.  

Suffragan Bps usual in the Realm.  Before this Act of Parliament enjoining the number of Suffragans, Suffragans were not unusual in the Realm. Whom the Bishop's Diocesans, either for their own ease, or because of their necessary absence from their Dioceses in Ambassies abroad, or Attendance upon the Court, or civil Affairs, procured to be consecrated to reside in their steads. Thus to give some Instances of them, as I have met with them. About the Year 1531, I find one Underwood, Suffragan in Norwich, that degraded Bilney before his Martyrdom. Certain, bearing the Title of Bishops of Sidon, assisted the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury. One of these was named Thomas Wellys, Prior of S. Gregory's by Canterbury. He, being Archbishop Warham's Chaplain, was sent by him to Cardinal Wolsey, to expostulate with him in his Lord's Name, for encroaching upon his Prerogative Court. There was afterwards one Christopher, that bore that Title, and assisted Archbishop Cranmer about these Times in Ordinations; and another Thomas, entitled also of Sidon, succeeded. Long before these, I find one William Bottlesham, Espicopus Navatensis, Anno 1382, at the Convocation House in London, summoned against the Wicklivites, 
Ex Regist. ABp Courtney.  that then showed themselves at Oxford. Robert King, Abbot of Oseney, while Abbot, was consecrated titular Bishop, and called Episcopus Roannensis, a See in the Province of the Archbishopric of Athens. This is he that resigned Oseny, and Tame, under the name of Bishop of Reonen: Of which See the Bishop of Sarum was at a stand. 
Hist. Re●. Coll. p. 148. Godwin's Catal.  He was translated from this imaginary Bishopric to be Bishop of Oxford, in the Year 1541. One john Hatton had the Title of Episcopus Negropont: He was Suffragan under the Archbishop of York. john Thornden, who was several times Commissiary of Oxon, while Archbishop Warham was Chancellor of that University, was styled Episcopus Syrinensis. And hereafter, 
Ath. Oxonien.  in the progress of this Book, we shall meet with a Bishop of Hippolitanum, who assisted Archbishop Cranmer at his Ordinations. These were but Titulary Bishops; and the use of them was, to supply the Diocesans absence, to consecrate Churches and Churchyards, and to reconcile them, to assist at Ordinations, and confer Orders, to confirm Children, and the like.  
Sometimes these Suffragans had no Titles at all to any place, 
Bishops without Title.  but were Bishops at large. Such an one, named Richard Martin, is met with in an old Register at Canterbury, who was Guardian of the Gray-Fryars there. By his last Will, made 1498, he gave a Library to the Church and Covent. He was Parson of Ickham, and Vicar of lid in Kent; and writ himself in the said Will, 
Summoner's Antiq. of Cant.  Bishop of the Universal Church: By which the Antiquarian supposed nothing else was meant, but that he was a Bishop in Name, endued with Orders, but not with Jurisdiction Episcopal, having no particular Charge to intend, but generally officiating as Bishop in any part of the Christian Church. This I have writ, that the Reader may not be put to a stand, when he shall, in these Commentaries, meet with some of these Titular Bishops.  
But proceed we now to the Bishops that were this Year Consecrated.  

Diocesan Bishops.  
April the 11 th', Nicholas Shaxton was consecrated Bishop of Sarum, 
Nic. Shaxton.  in the King's Chapel of S. Stephen, by our Archbishop, john Bishop of Lincoln and Christopher Sidoniens. assisting.  
Septemb. the 15 th', was the Act of Confirmation and Election of Edward Fox, Elect of Hereford, 
Edward Fox. William Barlow.  and of William Barlow Prior of the Priory of Canons Regular of Bisham, of the Order of S. Augustin Sarum, for the Bishopric of S. Asaph. The Consecration of these two last are not inserted in the Register.  
March the 18 th', 
George Brown.  the Act of Confirmation and Election of George Brown, D. D. Provincial of the Order of Friars Augustin in the City of London, for the Archbishopric of Dublin. Consecrated March the 19 th' by the Archbishop at Lambeth, Nicholas Bishop of Sarum, and john Bishop of Rochester assisting.  
Of this last-mentioned Bishop, I shall take some further notice, 

A Memorial of the good Services of ABp Brown in Ireland.  
Life and Death of Geo. Brown, printed in Dublin.   having been the first Protestant Bishop in Ireland, as Cranmer was in England; a great furtherer of the Reformation in that Land, being a stirring Man, and of good Parts and Confidence. He was first taken notice of by Crumwel, Lord Privy Seal, and by his sole means preferred to this Dignity in the Church of Ireland: upon the observation that was taken of him, when he was Provincial of the Augustin Order in England, advising all People to make their Application only to Christ, and not to Saints. Whereby he was recommended unto K. Henry, who much favoured him. When the King's Supremacy was to be brought in, and recognized in Ireland, which was the same Year wherein he was made Archbishop; he was appointed one of the King's Commissioners, for the procuring the Nobility, Gentry and Clergy, to reject the Pope, and to own the King for Supreme Head of the Church. In which Commission he acted with that diligence, that it was to the hazard of his Life, such opposition was made to it in that Realm. At which time, in an Assembly of the Clergy, George Dowdal Archbishop of Ardmagh made a Speech to them, and laid a Curse upon those, whosoever they were, that should own the King's Supremacy. Within five Years after this, this Archbishop Brown caused all Superstitious Relics and Images to be removed out of the two Cathedrals in Dublin, and out of the rest of the Churches in his Diocese; and ordered the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed, to be set up in Frames above the Altar in Christ's-Church Dublin. In K. Edward VI his Reign, he received the English Common-Prayer-Book into that Realm, upon the King's Proclamation for that purpose, after much opposition by Dowdal. And it was read in Christ's-Church, Dublin, on Easter Day, 1551. He preached also a Sermon in Christ's-Church, for having the Scripture in the Mother-Tongue, and against Image-worship. And for this his forwardness and conformity in Religion, and the perverseness of the other Archbishop of Ardmagh, who had violently resisted all good Proceedings, the Title of Primacy was taken from him, and conferred upon the Archbishop of Dublin: And Dowdal was banished, or, as others say, voluntarily left his Bishopric. And then Goodacre, sent from England with Bale for the See of Ossory, succeeded. In Q. Mary's days, Dowdal was restored: and, being a great Man in this Reign, expulsed Archbishop Brown from his See, for being a married Man: Who two or three Years after was succeeded by Hugh Corwin, (a Complier in all Reigns) and Brown soon after died.   

Suffragan Bishops.  

Tho. Manning.  The first of these standing in the Register of the Archbishop, was the Suffragan of the See of Ipswich. The Bishop of Norwich, according to the direction of the late Act, 
Regist. Cran.  (wherein the Bishop was to nominate two for Suffragan to the King, and the King was to name one of them to the Archbishop, to receive Consecration) humbly signified to the King, that he was destitute of the Aid of a Suffragan; and so prayed him to appoint, either George, Abbot of the Monastery of S. Mary's of Leyston, or Thomas Manning, Prior of the Monastery of S. Mary's of Butley, to be his Suffragan; without mentioning for what place. And on the 7 th' of March, in the 27 th' of his Reign, he sent to the Archbishop to make the latter Suffragan of Gipwich. Who was accordingly consecrated by the Archbishop, and invested in insigniis Episcopalibus; Nicholas Bishop of Sarum, and john Bishop of Rochester, assisting. The Date not specified; but probably on the same Day with the Consecration following, 
An. 1536.  there being the same Assistants.  
The said Bishop of Norwich sent to the King, 
john Salisbury.  recommending to him to be Suffragan, Thomas de Castleacre, of the Cluniac Order, and john Salisbury Prior of S. Faiths of Horsham, of the Order of S. Benet, both Priors of Monasteries in Norwich Diocese. The King sent to the Archbishop to consecrate john the Prior of S. Faiths, for Suffragan of Thetford. Accordingly he consecrated him March the 19 th', Nicholas Bishop of Sarum, and john Bishop of Rochester assisting.    

CHAP. X. The Audience Court.  
THE good Archbishop almost every Year met with new Opposition from the Popish Clergy. 
An. 1536.  The late Act for abolishing the Pope's Authority, and some Acts before that, for restraining of Applications to Rome, 
The ABp's Audience Court struck at.  served them now as a Colour to strike at one of the Archbishop's Courts, viz. that of the Audience, (a Court which the Archbishops used to hold in their own Houses, where they received Causes, Complaints and Appeals; and had learned Civilians living with them, that were Auditors of the said Causes, before the Archbishop gave Sentence) pretending that he held it as the Pope's Legate: Urging also the great Troubles and Inconveniences it caused, both to the Clergy and the Laity; and that every Man must, by virtue of that Court, be forced up to London, from the farthest part of the Land, for a slanderous Word, or a Trifle. And that they thought it convenient, if it were the King's Pleasure to continue that Court, that he would settle it upon some other, and not upon the Archbishop, that so it might appear, the Original of that Court was from the King, and not from the Pope. And lastly, that it would not be safe to constitute the Archbishop the Pope's Legate, because it would infringe the Power of the Vicar-General. This was drawn up in way of Petition and Complaint, either to the King or Parliament, by a Combination of some of the Convocation, as I suspect, the Paper being writ by the Hand of the Register of the Lower House of Convocation. The great Wheel we may be sure, that set a moving this Device, was Winchester, his neverfailing Adversary.  
The King, notwithstanding, 
The Abp. defends it▪  bade the Archbishop maintain his Court. And he answered all their Pleas against it; and by way of Protestation affirmed, that he kept not his Court by virtue of his Bull from Rome for Legat, and that none could suspect that he did. And that he saw no Cause, but that he might keep that Court by virtue of the late Act of Parliament, that gave Power to enjoy all things that were before had from the See of Rome. And finally, he answered, that it was the King's Will and Command that he should continue his Court. To which the Convocation, or rather some part of it, made a Reply, that may be seen in the Appendix. 
No. XVII.   
But notwithstanding these Discouragements, (which were thrown in probably to hinder his good Designs) the Archbishop vigorously prosecuted a Reformation at this Convocation. 
The ABp. promoting a Reformation in the Convocation.  Where, assisted by Crumwel, the King's Vicar General, he earnestly laboured for the redress of several Abuses and Errors in the English Church. And that not without good Success at length. For after much deliberation among the Clergy there assembled, and much opposition too, he got a Book of divers good Articles to that purpose to be agreed upon and subscribed. An account of which by and by shall follow.   

CHAP. XI. Articles of Religion.  

Articles published and recommended by the King.  NOW though I do not find the King went so far, as that it should be enjoined on all the Clergy to own the Articles of this Book by their own Hands subscribed, yet he published and recommended them to all his loving Subjects in general, to accept and repute them to be agreeable to God's Laws, and proper for the establishment of Peace and Concord: And further probably in prudence the King thought not fit yet to go, considering the great Disputes and Arguments that had happened in the Convocation hereupon. Now because this was one of the great Services our pious Prelate contributed to the Church, and was one of the first Steps made in the Reformation of the Doctrine and Worship, it will not be amiss here, in order to the enlightening this History, to set down the Heads of this Book, though it be done by others before me. And notwithstanding what the Noble Author of the History of Henry VIII, 
Life Hen. VIII. p. 466.  saith, he gathered by some Records, that this Book was devised by the King himself, and recommended afterwards to the Convocation by Crumwel, yet we have reason to attribute a great share therein to the Archbishop.  

The Original thereof.  They that are minded to see a Draught of these Articles from the Original, with the Royal Assent prefixed to them, may have it in Dr. Fuller's Church-History: Which he tells us he transcribed out of the Acts of the Convocation. 
Book V. p. 213.  The Bishop of Sarum also met with an Original of them, in the Cotton Library, wrote out fairly, as it seems for the King's own Use, and subscribed with all the Hands of the Convocation thereunto. 
Addenda to the Collection, Num. 1.  He also hath inserted the Transcript of them in the first part of his History of the Reformation.  

The Original sent into the North to show to the Rebels.  In the Rebellion in the North, which happened this Year 1536, chiefly raised by Priests and Friars, many Copies of these Articles (for the Book was printed by Barthelet) did Crumwel send by the King's Order, to the Duke of Norfolk, the King's Lieutenant there, to disperse in those Parts, together with the Original Copy itself, as it was signed by the Hands of the Convocation, amounting to the number of 116 Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Arch-deacons, and Proctors of the Clergy. Which the said Duke had order to show unto the Clergy and others, as occasion served; that they might understand it was a proper Act of the Church, and no Innovation of the King, and a few of his Counsellors, as they gave out. And after he had made his use of this Original, he was required to reserve it safe for the King. This choice Treasure, which the King himself required such care to be taken of, Sir Robert Cotton afterwards procured, at his no small Expense, no doubt. It is very fairly written in Vellum; and at the bottom of the first Page is written, Robertus Cotton Bruceus, by Sir Robert's own Hand, signifying his Value of this Monument. It is still extant in that incomparable Library in the Volume Cleopatra E. 5. And there I have seen it, and diligently compared it. Excuse this Digression, and I now proceed to the Articles themselves.  
These Articles were of two sorts: some concerning Faith, 
The Contents of them.  and some concerning Ceremonies.  
The former sort were digested under these five Titles following.  
I. The Principal Articles of Faith. And they were these. 
Articles of Faith.  That all those things that be comprehended in the whole Body and Canon of the Bible, and in the three Creeds, are true, and constantly to be believed. That we take and hold the same for the most holy and infallible Words of God. That the Articles of the Faith, contained in the Creeds, are necessary to be believed for Man's Salvation. That the same words be kept, in which the Articles of Faith are conceived. That all Opinions contrary to the Articles; and which were condemned in the four first Councils, are to be utterly refused.  
II. The Sacrament of Baptism. That it was instituted and ordained by jesus Christ as necessary to Everlasting Life. That by it all, as well Infants as such as have the use of Reason, have Remission of Sins, and the Grace and Favour of God offered them. That Infants, and Innocents' must be Baptised, because the Promise of Grace and Everlasting Life, pertains as well to them as to those who have the use of Reason. And that therefore Baptised Infants shall undoubtedly be saved. That they are to be Baptised, because of Original Sin, which is remitted only by Baptism. That they that are once Baptised, must not be Baptised again▪ That the Opinions of Anabaptists and Pelagians are to be held for detestable Heresies. That those, who having the use of Reason, shall come to Baptism, shall obtain the Remission of all their Sins, if they come thereunto perfectly and truly repentant, confessing and believing all the Articles of the Faith, and having firm Credence and Trust in the Promise of God adjoined to the said Sacrament.  
III. The Sacrament of Penance. That that Sacrament was instituted of Christ in the New Testament, as a thing so necessary for Man's Salvation, that no Man that after his Baptism is fallen again, and hath committed deadly Sin, can without the same be saved. That such Penitents shall without doubt attain Remission of their Sins. That this Sacrament consists of Contrition, Confession, and Amendment of Life. That Contrition consists, first, of Acknowledgement of our Sins. Unto which the Penitent is brought by hearing and considering the Will of God declared in his Laws, and feeling in his own Conscience that God is angry, and this joined with Sorrow and Shame, and fear of God's Displeasure. That, secondly, it consists of Faith, Trust and Confidence in the Mercies and Goodness of God: whereby the Penitent must conceive certain Hope, and repute himself justified, not for any Merit or Work done by him, but by the only Merits of the Blood of jesus Christ. That this Faith is begotten and confirmed by the Application of Christ's Words and Promises. That Confession to a Priest, the second part of Penance, is necessary, where it may be had. That the Absolution given by the Priest, was instituted of Christ, to apply the Promises of God's Grace to the Penitent. And that the words of Absolution, pronounced by the Priest, are spoken by the Authority given him by Christ. That Men must give no less Faith and Credence to the Words of Absolution, pronounced by the Ministers of the Church, than they would give unto the very Words and Voice of God himself. And that Men in no wise contemn this Auricular Confession. As to the third part of Penance, viz. Amendment of Life, That all are bound to bring forth the Fruits of Penance, that is to say, Prayer, Fasting and Alms-deeds, and to make Restitution and Satisfaction in Will and Deed to their Neighbour, and all other good Works, or else they shall never be saved. That Works of Charity be necessary to Salvation. That by Penance and such good Works we do not only obtain Everlasting Life, but deserve Remission or Mitigation of these present Pains and Affliction in this World. Mark here by the way, how the Doctrine of Merits is propounded. Our Merits do not extend to Pardon and Everlasting Life, but only to the removal or abatement of temporal Afflictions.  
IV. The Sacrament of the Altar. That under the Form and Figure of Bread and Wine is verily and substantially contained that very same Body and Blood, which was born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered upon the Cross. And that the selfsame Body and Blood of Christ is distributed unto, and received by all the Communicants. That therefore this Sacrament is to be used with all due reverence and honour. And that before any receive it, he ought religiously to try and search his own Conscience.  
V. justification. That the word signifies Remission of Sins, and our Acceptation or Reconciliation into the Grace and Favour of God. That Sinners attain this Justification by Contrition and Faith joined with Charity. That neither our Contrition and Faith, nor any Work proceeding thence, can merit or deserve the said Justification. That the Mercy and Grace of the Father, promised freely for Christ's Sake, and the Merit of his Blood and Passion, be the only sufficient and worthy Causes thereof.  
This was the Sum of the Articles concerning Faith. Those concerning Ceremonies followed next: which were likewise comprised under five Titles.  

Articles relating to Ceremonies.  I. Of Images. That they be representers of Virtue and good Example. That they be stirrers of men's Minds, and make them often to remember and lament their Sins: especially the Images of Christ and our Lady. That it was meet they should stand in the Churches, but be none otherwise esteemed. That the Bishops and Preachers diligently teach the People according to this Doctrine, lest there might fortune Idolatry to ensue. That they be taught also, that Censing, Kneeling, and Offering to Images, be by no means to be done, (although the same had entered by Devotion, and fallen to Custom) but only to God and in his Honour, though it be done before the Images.  
II. Of Honouring Saints. That they are to be honoured, but not with that Confidence and Honour, that is due only unto God, trusting to attain at their Hands, that which must be had only of God. That most especially Christ is to be lauded and praised in them, for their excellent Virtues, which he planted in them; and for their good Example. And that they are to be taken, wherein they may, to be the Advancers of our Prayers and Demands unto Christ.  
III. Of Praying to Saints. That though Grace and Remission of Sins be to be obtained only of God, by the Mediation of Christ; yet it is very laudable to pray to Saints in Heaven, to be Intercessors, and to pray for us and with us unto God, after this manner: All Holy Angels and Saints in Heaven, pray for us and with us unto the Father, that for his dear Son jesus Christ his sake, we may have Grace of him, and Remission of our Sins, with an earnest purpose (not wanting ghostly Strength) to observe and keep his Holy Commandments, and never to decline from the same again unto our lives end. That in this manner we may pray to our Blessed Lady, Saint john Baptist, or any other Saint particularly: So that it be done without any vain Superstition; as to think that any Saint is more merciful, or will hear us sooner than Christ; or that any Saint does serve for one thing more than another. That Holy Days are to be kept to God, in memory of him and his Saints upon such Days as the Church hath ordained: but may be mitigated and moderated by the King, being Supreme Head.  
IV. Of Rites and Ceremonies. As Vestments in God's Service, Sprinkling Holy Water, Giving Holy Bread, Bearing Candles on Candlemass-day, Giving of Ashes on Ash-wednesday, Bearing of Palms on Palm-sunday; Creeping to the Cross, and kissing it, and offering unto Christ before the same on Good-friday; Setting up the Sepulchre of Christ, Hallowing of the Font, and other-like Exorcisms and Benedictions, and laudable Customs. That these are not to be contemned and cast away, but continued, to put us in remembrance of Spiritual Things. But that none of these Ceremonies have power to remit Sin.  
V. Of Purgatory. That Christians are to pray for Souls departed, and to commit them in their Prayers to God's Mercy, and cause others to pray for them in Masses and Exequys; and to give Alms to others to pray for them, that they may be relieved and holpen of some part of their Pain. But because the Place where they be, the Name thereof, and kinds of Pain there, is to us uncertain by Scripture, therefore we remit this, with all other things, to Almighty God; unto whose Mercies it is meet to commend them. That such Abuses be put away, which under the Name of Purgatory have been advanced. As to make Men believe, that through the Bishop of Rome's Pardons, Souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and the Pains of it: or that Masses said at Scala Coeli, or otherwise in any Place, or before any Image, might deliver them from all their Pains, and send them straight to Heaven.  

A Conjecture, that the Pen of the ABp was here.  These are the Contents of that memorable Book of Articles. There are Reasons added now and then, to confirm the respective Tenets there laid down, and many Quotations of Holy Scripture, which for brevity sake I have omitted. Which one may conjecture to have been inserted by the Pen of the Archbishop: Who was the great Introducer of this Practice, of proving or confuting Opinions in Religion by the Word of God, instead of the ordinary Custom then used, of doing it by Schoolmen and Popish Canons. We find indeed many Popish Errors here mixed with Evangelical Truths. Which must either be attributed to the Defectiveness of our Prelate's Knowledge as yet in True Religion, or being the Principles and Opinions of the King, or both. Let not any be offended herewith, but let him rather take notice, what a great deal of Gospel-Doctrine here came to light, and not only so, but was owned and propounded by Authority to be believed and practised. The Sun of Truth was now but rising, and breaking through the thick Mists of that Idolatry, Superstition, and Ignorance, that had so long prevailed in this Nation, and the rest of the World, and was not yet advanced to its Meridian Brightness.   

CHAP. XII. Cranmers judgement about some Cases of Matrimony.  

Two remarkable Books published.  IN this Year than came forth two remarkable Books: whereof both the King, and the Archbishop and Bishops might be said to be joint Composers. In as much as they seemed to be devised by the Archbishop, and some of the Bishops; and then Revised, Noted, Corrected and Enlarged by the King.  

I. The Book of Articles.  The one of these was the Book of Articles of Religion mentioned before. This Book bore this Title, Articles devised by the King's Highness, to stable Christian Quietness and Unity among the People, etc. With a Preface by the King. Where the King saith, he was constrained to put his own Pen to the Book, and to conceive certain Articles. Which words, I leave to the Conjecture of the Reader, whether by them he be inclined to think that the King were the first Writer of them, or that being writ and composed by another, they were perused, considered, corrected and augmented by his Pen.  

II. A Book against the Pope, called the Bishop's Book.  The other Book that came out this Year, was occasioned by a Piece published by Reginald Pole, entitled De Vnione Ecclesiastica. Which inveighing much against the King for assuming the Supremacy, and extolling the Pope unmeasurably, he employed the Archbishop, and some other Bishops, to compile a Treatise, showing the Usurpations of Popes; and how late it was ere they took this Superiority upon them, some hundred Years passing before they did it. And that all Bishops were limited to their own Dioceses by one of the eight Councils, to which every Pope did swear. And how the Papal Authority was first derived from the Emperor, and not from Christ. For this there were good Arguments taken from the Scriptures and the Fathers. The Book was signed by both the Archbishops, 
Herbert's Life of K. Henry, p. 418.  and nineteen other Bishops. It was called the Bishop's Book, because devised by them.  
The Lord Crumwel did use to consult with the Archbishop, 
Certain Cases of Matrimony put to the ABp.  in all his Ecclesiastical Matters. And there happened now, while the Archbishop was at Ford, a great Case of Marriage: Whom it concerned I cannot tell, but the King was desirous to be resolved about it by the Archbishop, and commanded Crumwel to send to him for his Judgement therein. The Case was threefold.  
I. Whether Marriage contracted or solemnised in Lawful Age per Verba de presenti, and without carnal Copulation, be Matrimony before God or no?  
II. Whether such Matrimony be consummate, or no? And,  
III. What the Woman may thereupon demand by the Law Civil, after the death of her Husband? This I suppose was a cause that lay before the King and his Ecclesiastical Vicegerent, to make some determination of. And I suspect it might relate to Katherine, his late divorced Queen.  
The Archbishop, who was a very good Civilian, 
His Solution.  as well as a Divine, but that loved to be wary and modest in all his Decisions, made these Answers.  
That as to the first, he and his Authors were of Opinion, that Matrimony contracted per Verba de presenti, was perfect Matrimony before God. 2. That such Matrimony is not utterly consummated, as that term is commonly used among the School-Divines and Lawyers, but by carnal Copulation. 3. As to the Woman's Demands by the Law Civil, he therein professed his Ignorance. And he had no learned Men with him there at Ford to consult with for their Judgements: only Dr. Barbar, (a Civilian, that he always retained with him) who neither could pronounce his Mind without his Books, and some learned Men to confer with upon the Case; But he added, that he marvelled, that the Votes of the Civil Lawyer should be required herein; seeing that all manner of Causes of Dower be judged within this Realm by the Common Laws of the same. And that there were plenty of well-learned Men in the Civil Law at London, that undoubtedly could certify the King's Majesty of the Truth herein, as much as appertained unto that Law: warily declining to make any positive Judgement in a Matter so ticklish. This happened in the month of january.  
And indeed in these Times there were great Irregularities about Marriage in the Realm: many being incestuous and unlawful. 
Refuseth to grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of a Relation.  Which caused the Parliament, two or three Years past, viz, 1533. in one of their Acts, to publish a Table of Degrees, wherein it was prohibited by God's Law to marry. But the Act did not cure this Evil: many thought to bear out themselves in their illegal Contracts, by getting Dispensations from the Archbishop: which created him much trouble by his denying to grant them. There was one Massy, a Courtier, who had contracted himself to his deceased Wife's Niece. Which needing a Dispensation, the Party got the Lord Crumwel to write to the Archbishop in his behalf: especially because it was thought to be none of the Cases of Prohibition contained in the Act. But such was the Integrity of the Archbishop, that he refused to do any thing he thought not allowable, though it were upon the persuasion of the greatest Men, or the best Friends he had. But he writ this civil Letter to the Lord Crumwel upon this occasion.  

Cleopatra E. 5. His Letter thereupon.  MY very singular good Lord, in my most hearty-wise I commend me unto your Lordship. And whereas your Lordship writeth to me in the favour of this Bearer, Massey, an old Servant to the King's Highness, that being contracted to his Sister's Daughter of his late Wife deceased, he might enjoy the Benefit of a Dispensation in that behalf; especially, considering it is none of the Causes of Prohibition contained in the Statute: Surely, my Lord, I would gladly accomplish your Request herein, if the Word of God would permit the same. And where you require me, that if I think this Licence may not be granted by the Law of God, than I should write unto you the Reasons and Authorities that move me so to think; that upon Declaration unto the King's Highness, you may confer thereupon with some other Learned Men, and so advertise me the King's farther Resolution. For shortness of time, I shall show you one Reason, which is this. By the Law of God many Persons be prohibited, which be not expressed, but be understood, by like Prohibition in equal degree. As S. Ambrose saith, that the Niece is forbid by the Law of God, although it be not expressed in Leviticus, that the Uncle shall not marry his Niece. But where the Nephew is forbid there, that he shall not marry his Aunt, by the same is understood that the Niece shall not be married unto her Uncle. Likewise as the Daughter is not there plainly expressed, yet where the Son is forbid to marry his Mother, it is understood that the Daughter may not be married to her Father; because they be of like degree. Even so it is in this Case and many others. For where it is there expressed, that the Nephew shall not marry his Uncle's Wife, it must needs be understood that the Niece shall not be married unto the Aunt's Husband, because that also is one equality of degree. And although I could allege many Reasons and Authorities more for this purpose; yet I trust this one Reason shall satisfy all that be Learned, and of Judgement.  
And as touching the Act of Parliament concerning the Degrees prohibited by God's Law, 
Vid. Fox Acts, p. 960.  they be not so plainly set forth as I would they were. Wherein I somewhat spoke my Mind at the making of the said Law, but it was not then accepted. I required then, that there must be expressed Mother, and Mother-in-Law; Daughter, and Daughter-in-Law; and so in further degrees directly upwards and downwards, in Linea recta; also Sister and Sister-in-Law, Aunt & Aunt-in-Law, Niece and Niece-in-Law. And this Limitation, in my Judgement, would have contained all degrees prohibited by God's Law, expressed and not expressed: and should have satisfied this Man, and such others which would marry their Nieces-in-Law.  
I have no News to send you from these Parts; but I much long to hear such News as be concurrent with you. And therefore if you have any good News, I pray you to send me some▪ Thus, my Lord, right heartily fare you well. At Ford, the 7 th' Day of September.  
Your Lordship's own, Tho. Cantuarien.  
About this Year as near as I can guests, 
He restrain the Number of Proctors.  the Archbishop made an Order concerning the Proctors of his Court of Arches. The Numerousness and Irregularities of Proctors made these Civil Courts uneasy to the People. Complaints were made of their Clamorousness, by reason of the plenty of them, that neither Advocates nor Judges could be heard: of the Injuries they did to Advocates, in retaining and concluding Causes oftentimes without them: and of thrusting themselves into Causes without the knowledge or will of the Parties, and such like. The Evils of which, long after endured, were endeavoured to be redressed by the Canons and Constitutions, made in the beginning of the Reign of King james I. Our Archbishop conceived, that in order to the Reformation of the Proctors, it were good to begin at first with a restraint of the Numbers of them. Wherefore he decreed, That whereas the Number of the Proctors in the Court of Arches was heretofore about Twenty, or four and Twenty, and my Lord's Grace at liberty to add more; Thenceforth no more should be admitted, till the Number were reduced to Ten: and then that Number never to be increased. This liberty, which his Predecessors always had, he willingly infringed himself of, out of no other intent, but for the benefit and ease of the People, whom he saw were enticed to Contention by the crafty Insinuations of this kind of Men, setting Neighbours together by the Ears for their own Lucre. And therefore the fewer of them, the better. And this Number he thought sufficient for the necessary Business of the Court.  
But some looked upon this as a crafty Fetch, 
Which some complain of to the Parliament.  and Plot of the Proctors of that Time, upon the good Nature and pious Disposition of the Archbishop. That so all others being excluded from officiating as Proctors, they might have all the Business of the Arches in their own Hands. And hence might divers Abuses come into that Court. And for the confirmation of this Order of the Archbishop for the tying of his Hands, they, who were Counsellors to the Archbishop in this matter, got it confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's-Church Canterbury. This giving Offence to many, there were some who drew up a long Paper against this Order, and presented it to the consideration of the Parliament; because it could be redressed no other way, the Archbishop having put it out of his own Power to do it. In this Paper they set forth, that the said Statute was prejudicial unto the Commonwealth, because the Number of ten Proctors was not sufficient to dispatch the Causes that came into that Court: and so there must be Delays and prolix Suits, while these Proctors were attending other Causes in the Archbishop's Court of Audience, and the Bishop of London's Court of Consistory. Whereas before it had been seen by experience, that Twenty Proctors could not suffice for the managery of the Causes in these Courts, without Delays and Prorogations, from Day to Day. That Causes by this means could not be diligently attended, when there were many Causes, and few Proctors to look after them. And hereby many good Causes were like to perish for lack of good looking after. That this had occasioned the Proctors to neglect a very good Oath, called juramentum Calumpniae; which was the best Provision that could be against unlawful Suits, and lengthening them out further than was necessary. This Oath was, that the Parties, or the Proctors should swear, that they believed their Cause was just, and that they should not use unlawful Delays, whereby Justice might be deferred; that they should answer the Judge truly to what he should demand of them; that nothing should be given or promised to the Judges or any other Officer, besides the Fees allowed by Law, and that they should not procure any false Witness. Again, this Paper urged for a good Number of Proctors, that this would be a means, that the Judges could not so easily keep them in subjection, and fear of them: whereby they had been hindered sometimes in speaking freely before them in their Clients Causes. It was urged also, that it was a great discouragement to young Men in studying the Law, when there is so little prospect of Benefit thereby. Lastly, That it was contrary to the Civil and Canon Law, that permits any Man to be Proctor for another, a few excepted. But this Paper, notably enough written, may be read at large in the Appendix. 
No. XVIII.  And so I leave the Reader to judge of the Expediency of this Order of the Archbishop, by weighing the Archbishop's Reasons with these last mentioned. Surely this his Act deserved commendation for his good Intentions thereby, though some lesser Inconveniences attended, which no doubt he had also well considered before he proceeded to do what he did.  


The ABp divorseth Queen Ann.  
Life of King Henry p. 446.   When Queen Ann, on May the 2 d, was sent to the Tower, by a sudden Jealousy of the King her Husband: The next day, the Archbishop extremely troubled at it, struck in with many good Words with the King on her behalf, in form of a Letter of Consolation to him; yet wisely making no Apology for her, but acknowledging how divers of the Lords had told him of certain of her Faults, which, he said, he was sorry to hear: And concluded, desiring that the King would however continue his Love to the Gospel, lest it should be thought, that it was for her sake only that he had favoured it. Being in the Tower, there arose up new Matter against Queen Ann, namely, concerning some lawful Impediment of her Marriage with the King: and that was thought to be a Precontract between her and the Earl of Northumberland. Whereupon the Archbishops of Canterbury and York were made Commissioners to examine this Matter. And she being before the Archbishop of Canterbury, confessed certain just, true and lawful Impediments, as the Act in the 26 of Hen. VIII expresseth it; but not mentioning what they were. So that by that Act the said Marriage is declared never to have been good, nor consonant to the Laws. Yet the Earl of Northumberland being examined upon Oath before both the Archbishops, denied it: Upon the Truth of which, he received also the Blessed Sacrament. And the Lord Herbert saw an Original Letter to Secretary Crumwel, to the same import. But her Confession of it so far prevailed with the King, that he would be divorced from her; and with our Archbishop, that he performed it by due Order and Process of Law. And an Act passed, that the Marriage between the King and Queen Ann was null and void, and the Issue illegitimate.  
The Archbishop granted a Licence, 
A Licenc●●or a Chapel. Cran. Regist.  dated july the 24 th', with the full Consent of Richard Withipol, Vicar of Walthamstow in Essex, to George Monoux Alderman of London, and Thomas his Son, to have the Sacrament administered in his Chapel, or Oratory, in his House De Moons, now a Farm near Higham-hill, in the said Parish of Walthamstow: Indulging therein to the Wife of the said Thomas to be purified, or churched, in the same Chapel. I the rather mention this, that it may serve to recall the Memory of that pious and charitable Citizen and Draper, Sir Geo. Monoux; who built the fair Steeple of that Parish-Church, and allowed a Salary for ever for ringing the great Bell at a certain Hour in the Night and Morning the Winter half Year. He built also the North Isle of the said Church; in the Glass-windows whereof is yet remaining his Coat of Arms. In the Chancel his Body was interred, under a fair Altar-Monument yet standing. In the Churchyard he founded an Hospital and Free-School, and very liberally endowed it; though now the Endowments are sadly diminished. He also made a Causeway over Walthamstow-Marsh to Lockbridg, over the River Lee, for the conveniency of Travellers from those Parts to London, and left wherewith to continue and keep it in Repair; but that also is lost, and the Ruins now only to be seen. But enough of that.  
The Germans conceived great hope of good to befall the Church by Cranmers Influence, and Presidency in England; and took their opportunities of addressing to him. 
Bucer dedicates this Year a Book to the ABp.  This Year Martin Bucer published a large Book in Folio upon the Epistle to the Romans, entitled, Metaphrasis & En●rratio; and dedicated it in a long Epistle to the Archbishop. Wherein are sundry Expressions, which will show, how well known abroad the Archbishop was already among the Protestants, and what an excellent Bishop they looked upon him to be, and how fixed their Eyes were upon him for doing great things towards a Reformation in England. For thus he writ in this Epistle, Te omnes praedicant animo praeditum Archiepiscopo, & tanti, sicque ad gloriam Christi comparati regni, Primate digno, etc. That all Men proclaimed him endowed with a Mind worthy of an Archbishop and Primate of so great a Kingdom, and so disposed to the Glory of Christ. That he had so attained to this high Estate in Christ by his spiritual Wisdom, Holiness of Life, and most ardent Zeal to render Christ's Glory more illustrious; that gathering together the Humble, and taking pity upon the Sheepfold, being indeed dispersed and scattered abroad, he always sought and saved that which was lost, and brought back Christ's poor Sheep to his Fold, and the Pastures of everlasting Life, when they had been before most miserably harassed by the Servants of Superstition, and the Emissaries of the Roman Tyranny. And after, speaking of the King's rooting out the Usurpation of the Pope▪ and his pretended Jurisdiction, by taking to himself the Supremacy, the said Learned Man excited Cranmer to a further Reformation, by telling him, How easy now it would be for him, and the other Archbishops and Bishops, who were endued with the Spirit and Zeal of Christ, from the remainders of the Ecclesiastical Administration, to retain what might contribute to the true edifying of Consciences, the saving Instruction of Youth, and to the just Discipline and Polity of the whole Christian People. For when the Enemies were once removed out of the way, there could not then happen among us any extraordinary great Concussion of Religion, and Ecclesiastical Discipline, or any dashing one against another, as among them in Germany of necessity came to pass: striving so many Years, for the Church of Christ, against such obstinate Enemies.  

Bishop's Consecrated.  The Consecrations this Year were these.  

Diocesan Bishops.  

Rich. Samson.  june the 10 th' Richard Samson, Doctor of Decrees, and Dean of the King's Chapel, was elected and confirmed Bishop of Chichester, by Resignation of Robert Sherburn, 
Cran. Regist.  who was now very old. No Consecration set down in the Register.  

William Rugg.  june William Rugg, a Monk, was consecrated Bishop of Norwich. 
Godwin's Catal.  This is omitted also, if I mistake not, in the Register. Probably he was consecrated with Samson.  

Rob. Warton.  july the 2 d, Robert Warton, Abbot of Bermondsey, was consecrated Bishop of S. Asaph, 
Cran. Regist.  at Lambeth, by the Archbishop, john Bishop of Bangor, and William Bishop of Norwich, assisting.   

Suffragan Bishops.  
Octob. 20. William More, B. D. consecrated Suffragan of Colchester, by john Bishop of Rochester, by virtue of the Archbishop's Letters Commissional to him, assisted by Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and Thomas Bishop of Sidon. This More held the Monastery of Walden in Essex, an House of Benedictines, in Commendam (where Audley-end now stands) and surrendered it to the King 1539.    

CHAP. XIII. The Bishop's Book.  

An. 1537.  
The Bishop's Book by the ABp's means.  THE pious ABp thought it highly conducible to the Christian Growth of the common People, in Knowledge and Religion, and to disentangle them from gross Ignorance and Superstition, in which they had been nursled up by their Popish Guides; that the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed, and the Grounds of Religion, should be explained sound and orthodoxly, and recommended unto their reading. Wherefore he consulting with the Lord Crumwel, his constant Associate and Assistant in such Matters; and by his and other his Friends, importuning the King, a Commission was issued out from him, in the Year 1537. to the Archbishop, to Stokesly Bishop of London, Gardiner of Winchester, Samson of Chichester, Repps of Norwich, Goodrick of Ely, Latimer of Worcester, Shaxton of Salisbury, Fox of Hereford▪ Barlow of S. David's, and other Bishops and Learned Divines, to meet together, and to devise an wholesome and plain Exposition upon those Subjects, and to set forth a Truth of Religion purged of Errors and Heresies. Accordingly they met at the Archbishop's House at Lambeth. Their Course was, that after they had drawn up their Expositions upon each Head, and agreed thereto, they all subscribed their Hands, declaring their Consent and Approbation.  
In the Disputations which happened among them in this Work, 
Winchester's opposition.  Winchester, the Pope's chief Champion, with three or four other of the Bishops, went about with all subtle Sophistry, to maintain all Idolatry, Heresy and Superstition, written in the Canon Law, 
Fox MS. Life of Cranmer.  or used in the Church under the Pope's Tyranny. But at the last, whether overpowered with Number, or convinced by the Word of God, and consent of Ancient Authors, and the Primitive Church, they all agreed upon, and set their Hands to a Godly Book of Religion: Which they finished by the end of july, and stayed for nothing but the Vicar-General's Order, whether to send it immediately to him, or that the Bishop of Hereford should bring it with him, at his next coming to the Court. But the Plague now raging in Lambeth▪ and People dying even at the Palace-Doors, the Archbishop desired Crumwel, for the King's Licence to the Bishops to depart for their own Safety, their Business being now in effect drawn to a Conclusion. Soon after the Bishops and Divines parted, and the Archbishop hastened to his House at Ford near Canterbury.  
The Book was delivered by Crumwel to the King; 
The King makes Animadversions upon it.  which he at his leisure diligently perused, corrected and augmented. And then, after five or six Months, assigned Crumwel to dispatch it unto the Archbishop, that he might give his Judgement upon the King's Animadversions. A Pursuivant brought it to Ford. The Archbishop advisedly read and considered what the King had writ; and disliking some things, made his own Annotations upon some of the Royal Corrections: there especially, we may well imagine, where the King had altered the Book in favour of some of the old Doctrines and Corruptions. And when he sent it back again with those Annotations, he wrote these Lines to Crumwel therewith, on the 25 th' day of january.  
MY very singular good Lord: 
Cleopatra ●. 5.  After most hearty Commendations unto your Lordship; these shall be to advertise the same; That as concerning the Book lately devised by me, and other Bishops of this Realm which you sent unto me, corrected by the King's Highness; your Lordship shall receive the same again by this Bearer, the Pursuivant, with certain Annotations of mine own concerning the same. Wherein I trust the King's Highness will pardon my Presumption, that I have been so scrupulous, and as it were a picker of Quarrels to his Grace's Book, making a great Matter of every little Fault, or rather where no Fault is at all. Which I do only for this Intent; that because now the Book shall be set forth by his Grace's Censure and Judgement, I would have nothing therein that Momus could reprehend. And I refer all mine Annotations again to his Grace's most exact Judgement. And I have ordered my Annotations so by Numbers, that his Grace may readily turn to every place. And in the lower Margin of this Book, next to the Binding, he may find the Numbers, which shall direct him to the Words, whereupon I make the Annotations. And all those his Grace's Castigations, which I have made none Annotations upon, I like them very well. And in divers places I have made Annotations; which places nevertheless I mislike not, as shall appear by the same Annotations.  

Published.  At length this Book came forth, printed by Barthelet, in the Year 1537, and was commonly called the Bishop's Book, because the Bishops were the Composers of it. It was entitled, The godly and pious Institution of a Christian Man; and consisted of a Declaration of the Lord's Prayer, and of the Ave Mary, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Seven Sacraments. It was Established by Act of Parliament, having been signed by the two Archbishops, nineteen Bishops, eight Arch-deacons, and seventeen Doctors of Divinity and Law.  

How esteemed.  The Opinion that the Favourers of the Gospel had of this Book in those Times, may appear by what I find in a Manuscript of the Life of this Archbishop, by an unknown Author, that wrote it soon after the said Archbishop's Death: A godly Book of Religion, not much unlike the Book set forth by K. Edward VI except in two Points. 
Inter Foxii MSS.  The one was the real Pre●ence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament of the Altar. Of the which Opinion the Archbishop was at that time, and the most part of the other Bishops and learned Men. The other Error was of Praying, Kissing, and Kneeling before Images: Which, saith he, was added by the King, after the Bishops had set their Hands to the contrary.  
But this Book came forth again two Years after, viz. 1540 (unless my Manuscript mistake this Year for 1543.) very much enlarged, 
Enlarged and reprinted.  and reduced into another Form, and bearing another Name, A necessary Doctrine and Erudition of any Christian Man. And because the King had put it forth by his own Authority, it was called now The King's Book, as before it was called The Bishops. But that none might be confounded in these Books, he may know that there was, in the Year 1536, 
Ld. Herb. Hist. p. 418.  another Book also called The Bishop's Book, upon the same reason that this was so called, because the Archbishops and Bishops had the making thereof. It was a Declaration against the Papal Supremacy, written upon occasion of Pole's Book of Ecclesiastical Union, mentioned before. And in the Year 1533, there came forth another Book in Latin called The King's Book, 
Ibid. p. 408.  entitled, The Difference between the Kingly and Ecclesiastical Power: reported to be made, as Bale writes, by Fox the King's Almoner. Which was translated into English, 
Bale's Cent.  and put forth by Henry Lord Stafford in King Edward's Days. The King affecting to be thought Learned, affected also to have Books called by his Name; not that he was always the Author of them, but that they came out by his Authority, and had undergone his Corrections and Emendations.  
But before we pass away from hence, 
Some Account of the foresaid Book.  it may be convenient to give the Reader a little taste of so famous a Treatise as that Bishop's Book was in those Days. And I will do it, not in my own words, but in the words of a very Learned and Eminent Man, the Answerer to Dr. Martin's Book against Priest's Marriage, not far from the beginning of Q Mary, supposed to be Ponet Bishop of Winchester▪ then in Exile. Applying himself, in his Preface, unto the Queen's Prelates, he told them; That in their Book entitled, The Institution of a Christian Man, presented by their whole Authorities, to the King of famous Memory, K. Henry VIII. In the Preface thereof they affirmed to his Highness, with one assent, by all their Learnings, that the said Treatise was in all Points concordant and agreeable to Holy Scripture: yea, such Doctrine, that they would, and desired to have it taught by all the Spiritual Pastors to all the King's loving Subjects, to be Doctrine of Faith. And there entreating of the Sacrament of Orders, they desired to have it taught, that we be in no subjection to the Bishop of Rome, and his Statutes, but merely subject to the King's Laws, under his only Territory and Jurisdiction. And that the Canons and Rules of the Church, were therefore allowable in the Realm, because the Assent of the King and of the People accepted the same. And that Priests and Bishops whatsoever, never had any Authority by the Gospel in Matters Civil and Moral, but by the Grant and Gift of Princes; and that it was always, and ever shall be, lawful unto Kings and Princes, and to their Successors, with the Consent of their Parliaments, to revoke and call again into their own Hands, or otherwise to restrain all their Power and Jurisdiction given and permitted by their Authority, Assent or Sufferance, etc. Without the which, if the Bishop of Rome, or any other Bishop whatsoever, should take upon them any Authority or Jurisdiction in such Matters as be Civil, No doubt, said they, that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop, but rather a Tyrant, and an Usurper of other men's Rights, contrary to the Laws of God; and is to be reputed a Subverter of the Kingdom of Christ. Yea, besides these things, and many other, as he added, they put in our Creed, or Belief, as an Article of Salvation or Damnation, that the Church of England is as well to be named a Catholic and Apostolic Church, as Rome Church, or any other Church where the Apostles were resident. And that they willed us to believe in our Faith, that there is no difference in Superiority, Preeminence or Authority, one over the other, but be all of equal Power and Dignity; and that all Churches be free from the Subjection and Jurisdiction of the Church of Rome. And that no Church is to be called Schismatical, as varying from the Unity of the Church of Christ, if it persist in the Unity of Christ's Faith, Hope and Charity, and Unity of Christ's Doctrine and Sacraments, agreeable to the same Doctrine.  

Defence of Priests Mar. p. 226.  And that it appertained to Christian Kings and Princes, in the discharge of their Duty to God, to reform and reduce again the Laws to their old Limits and pristine State, of their Power and Jurisdiction, which was given them by Christ, and used in the Primitive Church. For it is, say they, out of all doubt, that Christ's Faith was then most firm and pure, and the Scriptures of God were then best understood, and Virtue did then most abound and excel. And therefore the Customs and Ordinances then used and made, must needs be more conform and agreeable unto the true Doctrine of Christ, and more conducing to the edifying and benefit of the Church of Christ, than any Custom or Laws used or made since that Time. This he collected out of their Exposition of the Sacrament of Orders.  
The said Learned Author observed, that this Doctrine was set forth by the whole Authority of the Bishops in those Days, presented by the Subscription of all their Names. And since the time of their presenting thereof, by the space almost of twenty Years, (that is, to the middle of Queen Mary) never revoked, but continually from time to time taught by this Book, and by such other Declarations.  

Names of the Composers.  And that one more Particular relating to this Book may be known, namely, who the Bishops and other Divines were, that composed it, and that were commissioned so to do, I shall record their Names, as they were found writ by the Hand of Dr. Sam. Ward, in his own Book, now in the possession of N. B. a Reverend Friend of mine; who hath well deserved of this History.  
Thomas Cant. Io. Lond. Steph. Winton. Io. Exon. Io. Lincoln. Io. Bathon. Roland. Coven. & Litch. Tho. Elien. Nic. Sarum. Io. Bang. Edward Heref. Hugo. Wigorn. Io. Roffen. Ric. Cicestr. Guilielm. Norv. Guilielm. Menevens. Rob. Assav. Rob. Landav. Edoard Ebor. Cuthb. Dunelm. Rob. Carliolen.  
Richard. Wolman, Archidiac. Sudbur. Guil. Knight, Archid. Richmon. Io. Bell, Archid. Gloc. Edmund. Bonner, Archid. Leicestr. john Skip, Archid. Dorset. Nic. Hethe. Archid. Stafford. Cuthb. Marshal, Archid. Nottingham. Rich. Curren. Archid. Oxon.  
Gulielm. Cliff, Galfridus Downes, Robertus Oking, Radul. Bradford, Richardus Smith, Simon Matthew, joannes Pryn, Guliel. Buckmaster, Guliel. May, Nic. Wotton, Ric. Cox, joannes Edmunds, Thomas Robertson, joannes Baker, Thomas Barret, joannes Hase, joannes Tyson, Sacrae Theologiae, Juris Ecclesiastici & Civilis Professores.  
In the Year 1543. The same Book was printed again, amended much both in Sense and Language: yet not having any step in the Progress of the Reformation, more than the former, each Edition express positively the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament. But in this is much added about freewill, which it asserts, and Good Works. In 1544, the same was printed again at London in Latin, entitled, Pia & Catholica Christiani Hominis Institutio.   

CHAP. XIV. The Archbishop visits his Diocese.  
AS soon as this Business was over with the Archbishop and Bishops at Lambeth; 
Goes down into his Diocese.  no Parliament sitting this Year, and a Plague being in London and Westminster, he went down, as was said before, into his Diocese. But before he went, he expressed a great desire to wait upon the King, being then, I suppose, at Hampton-Court, or Windsor; but he feared he should not be permitted, coming out of the smoky Air, as he wrote to the Lord Crumwel, in that time of Infection. Yet he desired to know the King's Pleasure by him. He had a mind indeed to leave some good Impressions upon the King's Mind in the behalf of the Book, that he and the rest had taken such Pains about, and but newly made an end of. But whether he saw the King now or no, he had his Commission, and took it down with him. Which he advisedly did, the better to warrant and bear him out in what he intended to do in his Diocese, which he purposed to visit.  
This was a Year of Visitation. 
Gets a Licence to visit.  For there was a new Visitation now again appointed throughout all England; to see how the People stood affected to the King, to discover Cheats and Impostures, either in Images, Relics, or such like. The Archbishop also thinking good now to visit his Diocese, procured the Licence of the Vicegerent, Lord Crumwel, so to do. Because, I suppose, all other Visitations were to cease, to give way to the King's Visitation. And to render his Power of Visiting the more unquestionable, and void of scruple, he desired the Vicegerent, that in drawing up of his Commission, his Licence to visit might be put into it by Dr. Peter; who was then, if I mistake not, Master of the Faculties to the said Vicegerent, and afterwards Secretary of State. And because he would not do any thing without the Counsel and Allowance of the Vicegerent, he asked his Advice, how he should order in his Visitation such Persons as had transgressed the King's Injunctions. Which came out the Year before under Crumwel's Name: Whereof some were for the restraint of the Number of Holy Days, a great cause of Superstition, and of the continuance of it. And afterwards other Injunctions came out: whereof the first was, that in all Parishes, once every Sunday, for a quarter of a Year together, the Supremacy should be taught, and the Laws to that intent read. These Injunctions were in number Eleven, as they are set down in the Lord Herbert's History. 
Pag. 472.   
The Vicar of Croyden under the ABp's Nose, 
The Vicar of Croyden.  had been guilty of certain Misdemeanours: Which, I suppose, were speaking or preaching to the disparagement of the King's Supremacy, and in favour of the Pope. Now before he went into the Country, and having as yet divers Bishops and Learned Men with him at Lambeth, he thought it advisable to call this Man before them at this time. But before he would do it, he thought it best to consult with Crumwel, and take his Advice, whether he should now do it, and before these Bishops or not. So ticklish a thing than was it for the Bishops to do any things of themselves without the privity and order of this great Vicegerent. Cranmer was aware of it, and therefore required Direction from him in every thing.  

The ABp visits his Diocese.  But whatsoever was done with this Vicar, the Archbishop was soon down in his Diocese; and having taken an Account of the People and Clergy, what Conformity they bore to the King's Laws and Injunctions; he found them superstitiously set upon the observation of their old Holy Days. Some whereof he punished, and others he admonished, according to the degree of their Crimes. And he discovered the chief Cause to lie in the Curates and Priests, who did animate the People to what they did: indeed their Interest and Gain was concerned. The great inconvenience of these Holy Days lay partly in the numerousness of them: so that the attendance upon them hindered dispatching, and doing Justice in Westminster-hall in the Terms, and the gathering in Harvest in the Country: partly in the Superstitions that these Holy Days maintained, in the idolatrous Worship of supposed Saints: and partly in the Riot, Debauchery and Drunkenness, that these Times were celebrated with among the common People; and lastly, the Poverty it brought upon the meaner sort, being detained from going about their ordinary Labours and Callings, to provide for themselves and Families.  

What course he took for the preventing of Superstition.  For the prevention of these Superstitions for the Future, and to make the People more obedient to the King's Laws, he gave out strict Orders to all Parsons of Parishes, upon pain of Deprivation, that they should cause the abrogated Holy Days not to be observed for the future; and to present to the Archbishop all Persons in their respective Parishes, as should do contrary to any of the King's Ordinances already set forth, or that should be hereafter by his Authority, relating to the Doctrine and Ceremonies of the Church. And this course he conceived so good an Expedient, that he counselled the Lord Vicegerent, that all Bishops in their several Dioceses might be commanded to do the same, for the avoiding of Disobedience and Contention in the Realm. By which means, he said, The Evil-Will of the People might be conveyed from the King and his Council, upon the Ordinaries. And so the Love and Obedience of the People better secured to their Sovereign. Such was his care of his Prince, to preserve him in the Affections of his People, that he was willing to take upon himself their Enmity, that it might not light upon the King. But Cranmer had observed these Holy Days were kept by many, even in the Court under the King's Eye; which he well knew was an Example and Encouragement to the whole Nation. And therefore he signified to the Lord Crumwel, that they could never persuade the People to cease from keeping them, when the King's own Household were an Example unto the rest to break his own Ordinances. 
No. XIX.  See his Letter to Crumwel in the Appendix.   

CHAP. XV. The Bible printed.  
HE was now at Ford; and it was in the Month of August, 
His joy at the publishing the English Bible.  when something fell out, that gave the good Archbishop as much Joy as ever happened to him in all the time of his Prelacy. It was the printing of the Holy Bible in the English Tongue in the great Volume. Which was now finished, by the great Pains and Charges of Richard Grafton the Printer. Osiander, who knew the Archbishop well, when he was the King's Ambassador in Germany, saith of him, that he was Sacrarum Literarum Studiossimum. Indeed he always had a great value for the Scriptures, because they were the Word of God: and extraordinary desirous he was, from the very first entrance upon his Bishopric, that the People might have the liberty of reading it; and for that purpose, to have it interpreted into the Vulgar Language. And so by Crumwel's means, he got leave from the King, that it might be translated and printed. The care of the Translation lay wholly upon him; assigning little Portions of this Holy Book to divers Bishops and Learned Men to do; and being dispatched, to be sent back to him. And to his inexpressible Satisfaction, he saw the Work finished in this Year, about july or August.  
As soon as some of the Copies came to his Hand, 
Presents one by Crumwel to the King.  one he sent to Crumwel, entreating him, that he would present it from him to the King, (and no question he thought it the noblest Present that ever he made him;) and withal to intercede with his Majesty, that the said Book might by his Authority be both bought and used by all indifferently. Both which Crumwel did. For which the Archbishop was full of Gladness and Gratitude; and wrote two Letters to him soon after one another, wherein he thanked him most heartily, telling him, How he had hereby made his Memory famous to Posterity within the Realm, among all such as should hereafter be favourers of God's Word: and that he should hear of this good Deed of his at the last Day. That for his part, it was such a content to his Mind, that he could not have done him a greater pleasure, if he had given him a thousand Pounds. And that such Knowledge would ensue hereupon, that it should appear he had done excellent Service both to God and the King. He also particularly spoke of the Bishop of Worcester, how highly obliged he was sure he was to him for this. But I refer the Reader to his own Letters, which follow.  
MY very singular good Lord; 
Cleopatra E. 5. p. 329. Cransmer's Letters to Crumwel.  In my most hearty wise I commend me unto your Lordship. And whereas I understand, that your Lordship at my Request hath not only exhibited the Bible which I sent unto you, to the King's Majesty, but also hath obtained of his Grace, that the same shall be allowed by his Authority to be bought and read within this Realm; My Lord, for this your Pains, taken in this behalf, I give you my most hearty Thanks: Assuring your Lordship, for the Contentation of my Mind, you have showed me more pleasure here, than if you had given me a thousand Pounds; and I doubt not but that hereby such Fruit of good Knowledge shall ensue, that it shall well appear hereafter, what high and excellent Service you have done unto God and the King. Which shall so much redound to your Honour, that besides God's Reward, you shall obtain perpetual Memory for the same within this Realm. And as for me, you may reckon me your Bondman for the same. And I dare be bold to say, so may ye do my Lord of Worcester. Thus, my Lord, right heartily fare ye well. At Ford, the xiii day of August.  
Your own Bound-man ever, T. Cantuarien.  
And in another Letter fifteen days after, he again renewed his Thanks.  

Cleopatra E. 6. p. 292.  MY very singular and special good Lord, In my most hearty wise I commend me to your Lordship. These shall be to give you most hearty Thanks, that any Heart can think, and that in the Name of them, which favour God's Word, for your diligence at this time, in procuring the King's Highness to set forth the said God's Word, and his Gospel, by his Grace's Authority. For the which Act, not only the King's Majesty, but also you shall have a perpetual Laud and Memory of all them that be now, ●or hereafter shall be God's faithful People, and the Favourers of his Word. And this Deed you shall hear of at the Great Day, when all things shall be opened, and made manifest. For our Saviour Christ saith in the said Gospel, that whosoever shrinketh from Him and his Word, and is abashed to profess and set it forth before Men in this World, he will refuse him at that Day: And contrary, whosoever constantly doth profess Him and his Word, and studieth to set that forward in this World, Christ will declare the same at the Last Day before his Father and all his Angels, and take upon him the Defence of those Men.  

Some further Particulars concerning this Edition of the Bible.  Now because by these Letters of the Archbishop it appears how instrumental Crumwel was, when the Bible was printed, to procure the setting it forth by the King's Authority, I will here relate more at large what Countenance and Assistance he gave to this pious Work all along, and those that were concerned and employed in the doing of it.  
The Bible, as Fox speaks, had been printed in the Year 1532, and reprinted again three or four Years after. The Undertakers and Printers, were Grafton and Whitchurch, who printed it at Hamburgh. The Corrector was john Rogers, a Learned Divine, afterwards a Canon of St. Paul's in King Edward's Time, and the first Martyr in the next Reign. The Translator was William Tyndal, another Learned Martyr, with the help of Miles Coverdale, after Bishop of Exeter. But before all this second Edition was finished, Tyndal was taken and put to death, for his Religion, in Flanders, in the Year 1536. And his Name then growing into ignominy, as one burnt for an Heretic, they thought it might prejudice the Book, if he should be named for the Translator thereof: and so they used a feigned Name, calling it Thomas Matthews Bible; though Tyndal before his death had finished all but the Apocrypha, which was translated by Rogers abovesaid, who added also some Marginal Notes. In this Bible were certain Prologues, and a special Table collected of the common Places in the Bible, and Texts of Scripture for proving the same: And chiefly the common Places of the Lord's Supper, the Marriage of Priests, and the Mass. Of which it was there said, that it was not to be found in Scripture. This Bible giving the Clergy offence, was gotten to be restrained. Some Years after came forth the Bible aforesaid, wherein Cranmer had the great Hand; which, as I suppose, was nothing but the former corrected, the Prologues and Table being left out.  
When Grafton had finished this Work, 
The Printer's thanks and requests to Crumwel.  and printed off fifteen hundred Bibles at his great Charge, amounting to five hundred Pounds, (a round Sum in those days) the Ld. Crumwel desired to have six of his Books. Which he forthwith sent by his Servant, a clear Man of all suspicion of any Infection, coming that day out of Flanders, Grafton not adventuring to come himself with the Books, because of the Infection at London where he was. These Books therefore he sent, together with a Letter of Thanks, for being so assistant in the publication; (which, as he writ in his Letter, the Archbishop said, the Tidings of did him more good than the Gift of ten thousand Pounds) and for procuring the King's Licence, which was thought fit to be signified in the Title Page in red Letters, thus, Set forth by the King's most gracious Licence. But several would not believe the King had licenced it: and therefore he desired further of Crumwel, that he would get it licenced under the Privy Seal, which would be a Defence for the present, and for the future. But take the Letter as Grafton himself penned it.  
MOST humbly beseeching your Lordship to understand, 
Gra●ton to Crumwel. Cl●opatra E. 5.  that according to your Request, I have sent your Lordship six Bibles; which gladly I would have brought myself, but because of the Sickness which remaineth in the City: and therefore I have sent them by my Servant, which this day came out of Flanders. Requiring your Lordship, if I may be so bold as to desire you, to accept them as my simple Gift, given to you for those most godly Pains; for which the heavenly Father is bound, even of his Justice to reward you with the Everlasting Kingdom of God. For your Lordship's moving our most gracious Prince to the Allowance and Licensing of such a Work, hath wrought such an Act worthy of Praise, as never was mentioned in any Chronicle in this Realm: and, as my Lord of Canterbury said, the Tidings thereof did him more good than the gift of 10000 l. yet certain there are which believe not, that it pleased the King's Grace to licence it to go forth. Wherefore if your Lordship's Pleasure were such that we might have it Licenced under your Privy Seal, it would be a Defence at this present, and in time to come, for all Enemies and Adversaries of the same. And forasmuch as this Request is for the maintenance of the Lord's Word, which is to maintain the Lord himself, I fear not, but that your Lordship will be earnest therein. And I am assured that my Lord of Canterbury, Worcester, and Salisbury, will give your Lordship such Thanks, as in them lieth. And sure ye may be, that the Heavenly Lord will reward you for the Establishment of his Glorious Truth. And what your Lordship's Pleasure is in this Request, if it may please your Lordship to inform my Servant, I and all that love God heartily are bound to pray for your Preservation all the days of our Life. At London the xxviii day of this present Month of August, 1537.  
Your Orator while he l●veth, Richard Grafton, Grocer.  

The Printer apprehensive of another Edition.  And as this Printer had addressed to Crumwel for the Privy Seal, so he apprehended now a further need of the Corroboration of Authority, upon another Account. For some observing how exceeding acceptable the English Bible was to the common People, were designing to print it in a less Volume and smaller Letters: whereby it would come to pass, that Grafton would be undersold; and so he and his Creditors would be undone: and besides, it was like to prove a very ill Edition, and very Erroneous. Insomuch that Grafton affirmed, they would commit as many Faults as there were Sentences in the Bible. And it must needs be so, because then the Printers were generally Dutchmen within the Realm, that could neither speak nor write true English: nor for Covetousness-sake would they allow any Learned Men at all to oversee and correct what they printed, as formerly it had been printed, but Paper, Letter, Ink and Correction would be all naught. Therefore he desired one Favour more of the Lord Crumwel; 
Other Requests of the Printer.  and that was, to obtain for him of the King, that none should print the Bible for three Years but himself. And to move him, he said he was sure the Bishop of Canterbury, and other his special Friends would not be unthankful to him. He urged to him, that his whole Living lay upon this Point. And for the better and quicker sale of his Books, he desired also, that by his Commandment in the King's Name, every Curate might be obliged to have one; ●hat they might learn to know God, and to instruct their Parishioners; and that every Abbey should have six, to be laid in several places of the Convent. He wished some Commissions might be issued out to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of Sarum and Worcester; and they would readily cause this to be done in their Dioceses. To which he earnestly added his own Arguments to provoke Crumwel to yield to his request. This Letter may be found in the Appendix. 
No. XX.    

CHAP. XVI. Many Suffragan Bishops made.  
IT was now forbidden by the Parliament, and in pursuance thereof, by the Bishops in their several Dioceses, 
The Feast of S. Thomas, etc. forbid.  that the Feast of S. Thomas a Becket, the pretended Martyr, should be celebrated any more; nor of S. Laurence, nor of divers others, the Feasts of the Twelve Apostles excepted, and of our Lady, S. Michael, 
August. Monk's Journal.  and Mary Magdalene. Also the Feast of the Holy Cross was forbid; and commanded, that none should presume to keep those Feasts Holy; that is, they should ring no Bells, nor adorn their Churches, nor go in Procession, nor do other suchlike things as belonged to the Celebration of Festivals. So when S. Thomas' Eve came, which had used constantly by the Archbishops of Canterbury, and their Domestics to be celebrated by Fasting, Archbishop Cranmer took no notice of that Eve, but eat Flesh, and supped in his Parlour with his Family. Which created much Observation, it having never been seen before; the Archbishop thinking it unworthy, that a Man of that Devotion to the See of Rome, and disloyalty to his natural Prince, should b● so religiously commemorated.  

Bishop's Diocesan Consecrated.  
March the 25 th', Robert Holgate, Master of the Order of Sempringham, was consecrated Bishop of Landaff, 
Rob. Holgate Consecrated Bp.  in the Chapel of S. Mary in the Conventual Church of Friars Preachers of the City of London, by john Bishop of Rochester, by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Archbishop to him; john Bishop of Bangor, and Nicolas Bishop of Sarum, assisting. This Holgate was either Abbot or Prior of S. Marry Watte, an House of Gilbertines, which he held in Commendam, and surrendered in the Year 1539.   

Suffragan Bishops.  
june the 24 th'▪ john Bird, 
john Bird▪  S. Th. P. Provincial of the Order of Friars Carmelites of the City of London, was consecrated Suffragan of the See of Penrith, in Landaff Diocese. And,  
Lewis Thomas, formerly Abbot of the Monastery of Kynmer, 
Lewis Thoma●.  Suffragan Bishop of the See of Salop; both consecrated at Lambeth by the Archbishop. The Assistant Bishops at this Consecration not mentioned in the Register.  
Of Bird, a word or two; 
Some account of Bird.  I find him in Norwich about the Year 1531. busy with Bilney before his Death. He was a Person K. Henry made use of; for in the Year 1535, he, with Fox the Almoner, and Bedel a Clerk of the Council, were sent to Q. Katherine, divorced from the King, to forbear the Name of Queen. Which nevertheless she would not do. 
Lord Herbert's Hist. Hen. 8.  He preached certain Sermons before the King against the Pope's Supremacy. Bale, in his Exposition upon the Revelations, makes him to be one of the Ten Horns that shall hate the Whore. Godwin asserts of him, that he was once Bishop of Ossory. Bale in his Centuries, mentions not at all his being an Irish Bishop; but naming his Preferments, first calls him Episcopus Penricensis: In 1539, made Bishop of Bangor; and removed to Chester 1541. He was married, and therefore upon Q. Mary's access to the Crown, was deprived of his Bishopric; but complied with the old Religion. I find him alive in the Year 1555, being then at Fulham at Bishop Bonner's, 
Fox's Acts.  and there he lodged. Upon his coming, he brought his Present with him, a Dish of Apples, and a Bottle of Wine. While he was here, he exhorted Mr. Hawkes, Convented for pretended Heresy before Bonner, to learn of his Elders, and to bear with some things, and be taught by the Church, and not to go too far. In that Queen's Reign he became Bonner's Suffragan, and Vicar of Dunmow in Essex.  

Tho. Morley.  November the 4 th', Thomas Morley, formerly Abbot of Stanley in Sarum Diocese, of the Cistertian Order, was consecrated in the Chapel of Lambeth, Suffragan of the See of Marlborough, by the Archbishop, assisted by john Bishop of Lincoln, and john Bishop of Rochester.  

Rich. Yngworth.  December the first, the Archbishop, according to the Direction of the Act for Suffragan Bishops, nominated to the King two Persons, out of which he might elect a Suffragan for Dover, viz. Richard Yngworth Prior of the Priory of Langley-Regis, and john Codenham, both Doctors in Divinity. December the 8 th', The King answered Cranmers Letter by his Privy Seal: wherein he appointed Yngworth to be consecrated for his said Suffragan. And accordingly December the 9 th', john Bishop of London, by virtue of Commissional Letters from the Archbishop, assisted by john Bishop of Rochester, and Robert Bishop of St. Asaph, consecrated the said Yngworth. On the 10 th', the Archbishop issued out his Commission to the said Suffragan, ordaining him his Suffragan by those Presents, until he should think fit to withdraw his said Commission again. Signifying, that what he was to do, was, within his Diocese and City of Canterbury, and Jurisdiction of Calis, and the Marches thereof, to confirm Children, to bless Altars, Chalices, Vestments, and other Ornaments of the Church; to suspend Places and Churches, and to reconcile them; to consecrate Churches and Altars new set up; to confer all the lesser Orders; to consecrate Holy Oil of Chrism and Holy Unction; and to perform all other things belonging to the Office of a Bishop. The Bishop's Letter to the King, desiring him to appoint him a Suffragan, out of those two abovenamed; And the Archbishop's Commissional Letters to Suffragan Yngworth, 
No. XXI. No. XXII.  may be seen in the Appendix. And he that is minded to read the Form of the King's Mandate to the Archbishop for making a Suffragan, may find it in The History of the Reformation. 
Vol. I. Collect. 51. Book. 2.   
The Reason why the Archbishop all this while, that is, from the first making the Act, in the Year 1534, to this Time, had nominated none for Suffragan to this See till now, might be, because there seemed to be a Suffragan already, even the same that had been in the time of Archbishop Warham, 
joh. Thornton Suffragan. See Summoner's Hist. Cant. Append. p. 423. Rich. Thornden·  namely, john Thornton▪ Prior of Dover; who was one of the Witnesses appointed by that Archbishop to certify what was found and seen at the opening of S. Dunstan's Tomb. Richard Thornden seems to have succeeded Yngworth in this Office some Years after; and was very dear to the Archbishop, having been by him preferred to be Prebend of Canterbury; though he proved very false to him, and was among those that made a treacherous Combination against him in the Year 1543. And in Q. Mary's Time became a great Persecutor.  
December the 9 th', john Hodgkin, Professor of Divinity, 
john Hodgkin.  was consecrated at the same time, and by the same Bishops as above; but to what See is not mentioned. The Bishop of London▪ together with this Hodgkin, had nominated to the King Robert Struddel Professor of Divinity. Both he recommended to the King by Letters, to be made Suffragans at large, without mention of any See in his Diocese; but only expressing that his Diocese wanted the comfort of Suffragans, that might bear a part in his Cure; and so mentioned those two: adding, that the King might appoint them to some See within the Province of Canterbury. Hodgkin, if I mistake not, was consecrated Suffragan of Bedford: And was afterwards one of those that assisted at the Consecration of Archbishop Parker. He was a Black Friar. In the Year 1531, he, with Bird, laboured with Bilney at Norwich, a little before his Death, to bring him off from the Doctrines for which he was condemned. Afterwards Hodgkin coming nearer under the Archbishop's Eye, by his means came to better knowledge in Religion, and married a Wife; but in Queen Mary's Time put her away.  
March 24. Henry Holbeach, Prior of the Cathedral Church of Wigorn, S. T. P. (Hugh Bishop of Wigorn, 
Henry Holbeach.  having recommended him to the King for Suffragan Bishop of Bristol) was accordingly consecrated in the Bishop of London's Chapel, in the said Bishop's House, situate in Lambeth-Marsh, by the said Bishop, Hugh Bishop of Wigorn, and Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, assisting.    

CHAP. XVII. The Bible in English allowed. 
An. 1538.   
THE next Year I find the careful Archbishop again at Canterbury, 
The ABp reads upon the Hebrews.  looking after his Charge. And here he read Lectures upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Hebrews, half the Lent, in the Chapterhouse of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity.  
Now, viz. 1538. the Holy Bible was divulged, and exposed to common sale; and appointed to be had in every Parish-Church. 
A Declaration for reading the Bible.  And then, that the Sacred Book might be used with the more benefit, both of the Clergy and Lay-People, for this Reason a Declaration was issued out, to be read openly by all Curates, upon the publishing of this Bible: showing the godly Ends of his Majesty in permitting it to be in English: and directions how they should read and hear it. Namely, to use it with Reverence and gre●● Devotion: to conform their Lives unto it; and to encourage those that were under them, Wife's, Children and Servants, to live according to the Rules thereof; that in doubtful Places, they should confer with the Learned for the Sense, who should be appointed to preach and explain the same, and not to contend and dispute about them in Alehouses and Taverns. They that are minded to read this Declaration, 
No. XXIII.  may find it in the Appendix. This Bible was of so quick sale, that two Years after it was printed again.  

The Bible received and read with great Joy.  It was wonderful to see with what joy this Book of God was received, not only among the Learneder sort, and those that were noted for Lovers of the Reformation, but generally all England over, among all the Vulgar, and common People; and with what greediness God's Word was read, and what resort to Places where the reading of it was. Every body that could, bought the Book, or busily read it, or got others to read it to them, if they could not themselves; and divers more elderly People learned to read on purpose. And even little Boys flocked among the rest to hear Portions of the Holy Scripture read. 
Inter Foxii MSS.  One William Maldon, happening in the Company of john Fox, in the beginning of the Reign of Q. Elizabeth, and Fox being very inquisitive after those that suffered for Religion in the former Reigns, asked him, if he knew any that were persecuted for the Gospel of jesus Christ, that he might add it to his Book of Martyrs; He told him▪, he knew one that was whipped by his own Father in K. Henry's Reign for it. And when Fox was very inquisitive who he was, and what was his Name, he confessed it was himself: and upon his desire he wrote out all the Circumstances. Namely, That when the King had allowed the Bible to be set forth to be read in all Churches, immediately several poor Men in the Town of Chelmsford in Essex, where his Father lived and he was born, bought the New-Testament, and on Sundays fat reading of it in the Lower end of the Church: many would flock about them to hear their reading; and he among the rest, being then but fifteen Years old, came every Sunday to hear the glad and sweet Tidings of the Gospel. But his Father observing it, once angrily fetched him away, and would have him to say the Latin Matins with him. Which grieved him much. And as he returned at other times to hear the Scripture read, his Father still would fetch him away. This put him upon the thoughts of learning to read English, that so he might read the New Testament himself. Which when he had by diligence effected, he and his Father's Apprentice bought the New Testament, joining their Stocks together; and to conceal it, laid it under the Bedstraw, and read it at convenient Times. One night, his Father being asleep, he and his Mother chanced to discourse concerning the Crucifix, and kneeling down to it, and knocking on the Breast then used, and holding up the Hands to it, when it came by on Procession: This he told his Mother was plain Idolatry, and against the Commandment of God, where he saith, Thou shalt not make any graven Image, nor bow down to it, nor worship it. His Mother enraged at him for this, said, Wilt thou not worship the Cross, which was about thee when thou wert Christened, and must be laid on thee when thou art dead? 
An. 1537.  In this heat the Mother and Son departed, and went to their Beds. The Sum of this Evening's Conference she presently repeats to her Husband: which he impatient to hear, and boiling in Fury against his Son, for denying worship to be due to the Cross, arose up forthwith, and goes into his Son's Chamber, and like a mad Zealot, taking him by the Hair of his Head with both his Hands, pulled him out of the Bed, and whipped him unmercifully. And when the Young Man bore this beating, as he related, with a kind of Joy, considering it was for Christ's Sake, and shed not a tear; his Father, seeing that, was more enraged, and ran down and fetched an Halter, and put it about his Neck, saying he would hang him. At length, with much entreaty of the Mother and Brother, he left him almost dead. I extract this out of the Original Relation of the Person himself, wrote at Newington, near London, where he afterwards dwelled. Which relation he gave to john Fox.  
This Year Nicolson, a very Learned Man, 
The ABp had a hand in Lambert's Death's  greatly acquainted with Tindal and Frith, and who by reason of trouble from the Bishops formerly, for the better concealing of himself for time to come, called himself Lambert, was adjudged to the Flames, and cruelly burnt. Wherein our Archbishop and the Lord Crumwel unhappily had their hands; the one in reading the Sentence against him De Haeretico comburendo, by the King's Commandment: and the Archbishop first in having him before him in a judiciary way, and afterwards in disputing publicly against him in favour of the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence. The first occasion of Lambert's Troubles was this. At the hearing of a Sermon of Dr. Taylor (he who was afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, and a favourer of the Gospel) preached by him at S. Peter's Cornhill, he came and presented him with Ten Reasons against Transubstantiation, written by him. Dr. Tailor▪ by Dr. Barnes his means, who, though in other things he favoured a Reformation, and suffered Death upon the Six Articles; yet was hot against Sacramentaries at this time, thinking the broaching that Doctrine might throw in some Impediment to the progress of the Gospel; Dr. Taylor, I say, by Barnes his Advice, carried these Reasons to the Archbishop. Who, upon this, conventing Lambert before him, endeavoured to reclaim him, by holding much discourse with him. The News of this came to the Court. And by the instigation of the Bishop of Winchester, the King resolved to dispute with him himself in a very public and solemn manner: and that because he had appealed from the Bishops to the King.  
The Day being come, and the King present, with all his Bishops on the right Hand, and his Nobles on the Left, 
The Bishop's dispute against Lambert'● ●e●son●.  accompanied with his Lawyers and other Attendants, on purpose to terrify him, and to make an open Signification, that though he had cast off the Papal Supremacy, yet he intended not to be a favourer of Heresy so called; first commanded Richard Samson Bishop of Chichester (Fox saith it was Day Bishop of Chichester, but in that he was mistaken, for he was not yet Bishop) to begin, and give the Reason of the meeting. He appointed the Bishops now present to answer Lambert's Ten Reasons, as Fox; or his Eight, as the Bishop of Chichester in his Declaration mentioned. 
An. 1538.  The Archbishop answered the second, for the King himself had disputed against the first. The Archbishop, according to his mild Temper, but withal according to the false Opinion, which he then most confidently maintained, styling him Brother Lambert, desired the Matter might be decided indifferently between them. And that if he convinced Lambert by Scripture, Lambert would be willing to come over from his Opinion: But if Lambert on the other hand could by Scripture convince him, he promised to embrace his Opinion. Then he fell upon Lambert's Reason, which was taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, where Christ appeared unto Paul by the way. Disputing from that place, that it was not disagreeable to the Word of God, that the Body of Christ may be in two places at once. Which being in Heaven, was seen the same time by S. Paul upon the Earth. And, said the Archbishop, If it may be in two places, why by the like Reason may it not be in many places? In what order and course the rest of the Bishops disputed, or rather baited this poor Man, it is uncertain, only Winchester had the sixth place, Tunstal of Durham next to him, and next Stokesly Bishop of London. Richard Bishop of Chichester, who was reputed a Man of great Learning, had his course, to whose turn it came to confute Lambert's Sixth Reason, which was taken from that of S. Paul to the Romans, 
Rome▪ x.  Who hath ascended up to Heaven, to bring Christ down from thence? His Argument is preserved in the Cotton Library. 
Cleopatra E. 5. No. XXIV.  I refer the Reader to the Appendix, where he shall meet with it. Whereby may be seen after what a haughty and indecent manner this meek Confessor of Christ was dealt with▪ as though they designed rather to run him down, and browbeat him, than answer him.   

CHAP. XVIII. The Archbishop's judgement of the Eucharist.  

Cranmer zealous for the Corporal Presence.  BUT to return to Cranmer, whose Opinion in the Point of the Sacrament we will stay a little upon. He was now a strong stickler for the Carnal Presence, and seemed greatly prejudiced to that Opinion. There was one joachim Vadianus, a Learned Man of S. Gal in Helvetia, and an Acquaintance of the Archbishop's. He had framed a Treatise, entitled, Aphorisms upon the Consideration of the Eucharist, in six Books: Which were intended to prove no Corporal Presence. This Book he presented to the Archbishop: but though he loved him as a Learned Man, yet he declared himself much displeased with his Argument; and wrote to him, That he wished he had employed his Study to better purpose, and that he had begun his Correspondence with him in some better and more approved Subject: Adding, That he would be neither Patron nor Approver of that Doctrine, until he saw stronger Proofs for it. And so much did he dislike Oecolampadius and Zuinglius their Opinion in this Matter, that he applied that Censure of S. Hierom concerning Origen to them; That where they wrote well, no body writ better; and where ill, no body worse. And he wished those Learned Men had gone no further, than to confute Papistical Errors and Abuses, and had not sown their Tares with their good Corn.  
That which detained our Archbishop in this Error, 
His Reasons for it.  was the Veneration he had for the Ancient Doctors of the Church, whose Writings, as he then thought, approved the Doctrine of this gross Presence; judging that none could ever reconcile those Authors to the contrary Opinion. Indeed he judged it the very Doctrine of the Fathers from the beginning of the Church: And he reckoned that it must be a Truth, because otherwise it could not consist with God's Goodness to his Spouse, to leave her in such blindness so long. It seemed also that he built this his Error upon the words of Scripture, taking the sense of This is my Body literally.  
Vadian by this Book had intended to have brought Cranmer off from this Opinion. And before him several Attempts had been made that way; but he remained so rooted therein, that he seemed to be ever unmoveable. He supposed also, that the giving up this Doctrine would prove a great Impediment to the Work of the Gospel, that now proceeded well in the Nation. He advised and beseeched all, both Lutherans and Zwinglians, that the Churches of Christ would lay aside their Controversies in that Matter, and agree and unite in a Christian Concord together, that they might propagate one sound pure Doctrine, consonant to the Discipline of the Primitive Church. And this would be the way to convert even Turks themselves to the Obedience of the Gospel. But I recommend the Reader to the Archbishop's own Letter to the said Vadianus; wherein he may see how fast and firm he stuck to this Doctrine in these days. He will find it in the Appendix. 
N. XXV.   
Sanders, in his lying Book of the English Schism, would make his Reader believe, 
Sanders Slanders of the Abp concerning his Opinion in the Sacrament.  that Cranmer was of this Opinion for another Reason, namely, because his Master K. Henry thought so: and that he had so devoted himself to him, that he in all things whatsoever believed, and did, in conformity to him: giving Cranmer therefore the Nickname of Henricianus. But we must attribute that Suggestion to the well-known venomous Pen of that Man, who cared not what he writ, so he might but throw his Dirt upon the Reformation, and the Reformers. The said Author with the same Malice would have it, that Cranmer was very variable and inconstant, having been first for a Corporeal Presence, afterwards a Lutheran, and then a Calvinist: And that he thus changed his Opinion, as a Sycophant and Flatterer, to comply with every Man's Humour that was uppermost. That all the time of K. Henry, he remained of that King's Opinion, who was a vehement Enemy to Luther; but when he was dead, he became wholly Lutheran, and put forth a Catechism dedicated to K. Edward, and printed it, in which he taught, that every Christian that received the Sacrament, either under the Bread, or in the Bread, or with the Bread, certainly received into his Mouth the very true Body and Blood of Christ. But that scarce a Month passed, when the Wretch (that is his word) understood, that the Duke of Somerset, the King's Governor, was a Calvinist, and not a Lutheran, What should he do? He printed his Catechism again, changed the word; and of an Henrician and a Lutheran, became a Calvinist.  

When Cranmer changed his Opinion.  But to give a more true and respectful account of our Archbishop, as to his continuance in this Opinion, and his change of it. Hitherto we have seen his Opinion for a Corporal Presence. In the next Year, (viz. 1539.) I find one Adam Damplip of Calais, a Learned Preacher, convented before him, and several other Bishops, for not holding the Real Presence. From which Opinion the Archbishop, with the rest, did endeavour to bring him off: Though then he marvelled much at the Answers that Damplip made, and confessed openly and plainly, that the Scripture knew no such term as Transubstantiation. In the Year 1541, he had one Barber, a Master of Arts of Oxford, brought before him for denying the said Corporal Presence: the Archbishop disputed again earnestly for that Doctrine against this Man, yet could not but admire at his readiness in citing his Places out of S. Augustin, nor could tell how to confute them, as Mr. Ralph Morice his Secretary related afterward to john Fox. 
Acts and Mon. p. 1101.  And this Tenet he held to the very last Year of K. Henry, that is, to the Year 1546. When by more mature and calm deliberation, and considering the Point with less prejudice, and the sense of the Fathers more closely; in conference with Dr. Ridley, afterwards Bishop of Rochester, and his Fellow-Martyr, he at last quitted and freed himself from the Fetters of that unsound Doctrine; as appears by the Epistle Dedicatory before his Book of the Sacrament in Latin, printed by the Exiles at Embden. Which Epistle we may give credit to, being written (as is thought) by Sir john Cheke, who well knew the Archbishop, and Matters relating to him.  

Latimer of the same Judgement.  After Archbishop Cranmer and Ridley had changed their Opinion, Latimer not long after changed his in this Point. For as they all three died Martyrs at Oxon, I am willing to join them together here. It was but seven Years before his Burning that he relinquished that old Error, that is, about the Year 1547, as he confessed to Dr. Weston in his Disputation. There is an Argument the said Latimer made use of, to prove the deceit of the Blood of Hales; which Argument supposes him then of this Opinion. It was pretended by the Priests, that none could see this Blood, but those that were confessed and absolved by the Priest, and so clean in Life; and their seeing of it, was a sign they were so. But said Latimer in those Times, for the exposing of this Fraud; 
Fox, p. 1581.  Those Wretches that scourged Christ, and nailed him to his Cross, did see his Blood with their bodily Eyes, and yet were not in clean Life. And we see the selfsame Blood in form of Wine, when we have consecrate, and may both see it, feel it, and receive it to our Damnation, as touching bodily receiving. We shall perhaps say more of the Archbishop's Opinion in the Eucharist, when we come to speak of his Book relating to that Argument.  

Divers Priests marry Wives.  Divers Priests now, as well Religious as Secular, had married themselves, after the Example of the Archbishop, who kept his Wife secretly with him. But some of these married Priests were so indiscreet, that they lived publicly and openly with their Wives, though the Ecclesiastical Laws were in force against such Marriages, nor had they any Allowances by the King and Realm in Parliament; Only some had Dispensations (as 'tis said) from the Archbishop. Therefore the King, pressed by some of the Papists about him, (who began now, after Lambert's Death, to listen to them) set forth a Proclamation, Novemb. 16. for the stopping of such Matrimonies. Which ran in this Tenor.  
That the King's Majesty understanding that a few in number of this his Realm, being Priests, as well Religious as other, 
The King's Proclamation against Priests Marriages.  had taken Wives, and married themselves, etc. His Highness in no wise minding, that the generality of the Clergy of this his Realm should, with the Example of such a few number of light Persons, proceed to Marriage without a common Consent of his Highness, and his Realm; Did therefore straight charge and command, as well all and singular the said Priests, as have attempted Marriages, that be openly known, as all such as would presumptuously proceed to the same, that they, ne any of them, should minister any Sacrament, or other Ministry Mystical: Ne have any Office▪ Dignity, Cure, Privilege, Profit or Commodity, heretofore accustomed and belonging to the Clergy of this Realm; but should be utterly, after such Marriages, expelled and deprived from the same; and be had and reputed as Lay-people to all intents and purposes. And that such as should after this Proclamation, contrary to his Commandment, of their presumptuous Mind, take Wives and be married, should run in his Grace's Indignation, and suffer further Punishment and Imprisonment at his Grace's Will and Pleasure. Dat. xuj. Novembris, Anno Regni sui xxx.  
Wherein we may observe what a particular regard the King had for the Archbishop in relation to his Wife, that the danger of the Proclamation might not reach him, by limiting the Penalty, not to such as were married and kept their Wives secretly, but to such as should marry hereafter, and such as kept them openly. And we may observe further, that it seemed to be in the King's Mind in due time, to tolerate Marriages to Priests by Act of Parliament, which that Clause seems to import, that these Priests had married themselves without a common Consent of his Highness and his Realm. 
Defence of Priest's marriage, p. 198.  And Bishop Ponet, or whoever else was the Author of the Defence of Priest's Marriage, assures us, that the King intended to permit Priests to take Wives, knowing how necessary it was to grant that Liberty; and he affirms, that it was not unknown to divers that heard him speak oft of that Matter. But was hindered by some jealous Councillors, that pretended, how ill the People would take it had it been done by his Authority.  
The Sect of Anabaptists did now begin to pester this Church; 
Anabaptists  and would openly dispute their Principles in Taverns and public places, and some of them were taken up. Many also of their Books were brought in and printed here also: which was the cause that the King now set out a severe Proclamation against them and their Books. To which he joined the Sacramentaries, as lately with the other come into the Land; Declaring, That he abhorred and detested their Errors; and that those that were apprehended, he would make Examples. Ordering, that they should be detected▪ and brought before the King or his Council; and that all that were not, should in eight or ten days depart the Kingdom. This Proclamation may be read in the Appendix. Num. VIII. Where I have misplaced it.  

A Commission again them. Cranm. Regist.  A Commission also was then given out to the Archbishop, to john Bishop of Lincoln, Rich. Bishop of Chichester, and others, against this Sect. Which Commission was signed at the bottom by Thomas Crumwel.  

The waywardness of the Priests. Cl●opat. E. 6. p. 222.  It was observed, that the Parsons, Vicars and Curates did read confusedly the Word of God, and the King's Injunctions, lately set forth, and commanded by them to be read: humming and hawking thereat, that almost no Man could understand the meaning of the Injunction. And they secretly suborned certain spreaders of Rumours and false Tales in Corners, who interpreted the Injunctions to a false sense. And because there was an Order, that all Christen, Marriages and Burials should be registered from time to time, and the Books surely kept in the Parish Churches, they blew abroad, that the King intended to make new Exactions at all Christen, Weddings and Burials: adding, that therein the King went about to take away the Liberties of the Realm, for which they said, Thomas a Becket died. And they bade their Parishioners, notwithstanding what they read, being compelled so to do, that they should do as they did in Times past, to live as their Fathers; and that the old Fashion is the best: and other crafty and seditious Parables they gave out among them.  

Occasions the King to write to the Justices.  This forced the King to write his Letters to the Justices of Peace, to take up such seditious Parsons, Vicars and Curates. And in these Letters is explained the true Reason of Thomas a Becket's Contention with K. Henry II. As that he contended, that none of the Clergy offending should be called to account, or corrected, but in the Bishop's Courts only, and not by the Laws of the Realm: and that no King should be Crowned but by the Archbishop of Canterbury only.  

He visits the Diocese of H●reford.  The Church of Hereford being now become vacant by the Death of Fox, (an excellent Instrument of the Reformation) the Archbishop committed the custody of the Spiritualities to Hugh Coren Doctor of Canon Laws, and Prebendary of that Church, and by him visited the Church and Diocese, and gave certain Injunctions to the Parsons, 
Cranm. Regist.  Vicars, and other Curates there. These Injunctions, as I find them in Cranmers Register, were eight in number. Which I shall not here insert at large, because they may be met with in the History of the Reformation. 
Par. I. Book III. Collect. 12.  But in short, they enjoined the Observation of the King's Injunctions, given by his Majesty's Commissaries in the Year 1536. They enjoined, that they should have by the first of August, a whole Bible in Latin and English; or at least a New Testament in the same Languages. That they should every day study one Chapter of the Bible or Testament, conferring the Latin and English together; and to begin at the beginning of the Book, and so continue to the End. That they should not discourage any Laymen from reading the Bible, but encourage them to it. And to read it for the Reformation of their Lives, and Knowledge of their Duty; and not to be bold and presumptuous in judging of things before they have perfect Knowledge. That they should, both in their Preachings and Confessions, and in other their Doings, excite their Parishioners unto such Works as are commanded by God expressly: Adding, that for this God should demand of them a strict Reckoning. And to teach them, that other Works which they do of their own Devotion, are not to be so highly esteemed as the other. And that for the not doing them, God will not ask any Account. That no Friar have any Cure or Service in their Churches, unless he were dispensed withal and licenced by the Ordinary. That they admit no young Person to the Sacrament, who never received it before, unless such Person openly in the Church, after Mass upon a Holiday, say the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments. That they twice a Quarter declare the Bands of Matrimony, and the danger of using their Bodies, but with such Persons as they might by the Law of God; and that no privy Contracts be made, as they would avoid the extreme Peril of the Laws of the Realm.  
No Diocesan Bishop Consecrated this Year.  

Bishops Suffragans.  
Robert Bishop of S. Asaph recommended to the King john Bradley, 
Bishops consecrated.  Abbot of the Monastery of Milton, of the order of S. Benedict, or William Pelles, both Bachelors of Divinity, to the Dignity of Suffragan within the Diocese [Province rather] of Canterbury, 
Cranm. Registi  mentioning no particular See. The Bishop of Bath and Wells also recommended two to the King, out of which to nominate a Suffragan to some See within the Province of Canterbury, viz. William Finch, late Prior of Bremar, and Richard Walshe, Prior of the Hospital of S. john Baptist of Bridgewater.  
April the 7 th', 
William F●nch▪  William Finch was nominated by the King to the Archbishop to be Consecrated for Suffragan of Taunton; and then consecrated in the Chapel of S. Mary's in the Conventual Church of the Friars Preachers, London, by john Bishop of Rochester, by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Archbishop, Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and William Suffragan of Colchester assisting. And,  
March the 23. 
john Bradly▪  john Bradley was consecrated Suffragan of Shaftsbury, in the Chancel of the Parish-Church of S. john Baptist in Southampton, by john Bishop of Bangor, by the Letters Commissional of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, john Ipolitanen▪ and Thomas Suffragan of Marleborough, assisting.    

CHAP. XIX. The Act of Six Articles.  
THIS Year, October the 6 th', I meet with a Commission, 
The ABp makes Nic. Wotton Commissary of his Faculties. Cranm. Regist.  ad Facultates, granted from the Archbishop to a famous Man, Nicolas Wotton, LL. D. a Man of great Learning, and made use of by the King afterwards in divers Embassies, and a Privy-Counsellor to King Henry, 
An. 1539.  and his three Children successively Princes of the Realm, and Dean of Canterbury and York. This Commission was in pursuance of a late Act of Parliament, to this Tenor, That in whatsoever Cases, not prohibited by Divine Right, in which the Bishop of Rome, or Roman See, heretofore accustomed to Dispense, and also in all other Cases in which the Bishop or See of Rome accustomed not to dispense, if so be they were not forbid by Divine Right; in these Cases the Archbishop had Power granted him to Dispense. In this Office he constituted Wotton his Commissary or Deputy, for the Term of his natural Life. He succeeded Edmund Boner, Master of the Archbishop's Faculties, 
Ath. Oxon. p. 124.  now preferred to the Bishopric of Hereford. So that Cranmer took notice of the Merits of this Man, who was so much made use of afterwards in the Church and State; and was of that great Esteem and Reputation, that he was thought on, in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign for ABp of Canterbury. In the Year 1528. he was Doctor of Laws, and the Bishop of London's Official. In the Year 1540, he was Resident for the King in the Duke of Cleve's Court; and had been employed in the Match between the King and the Lady Ann of that House the Year before; and perhaps this might be the first time he was sent abroad in the King's Business.  

An. 1539.  In the Year 1539, the King took occasion to be displeased with the Archbishop and the other Bishops of the new Learning, as they then termed them, 
The King offended with the ABp and some other Bishops.  because they could not be brought to give their Consent in the Parliament, that the King should have all the Monasteries suppressed to his own sole use. They were willing he should have all the Lands as his Ancestors gave to any of them; but the Residue they would have had bestowed upon Hospitals, 
Life of Cranm. inter Foxii MSS.  Grammar-Schools for bringing up of Youth in Virtue and good Learning, with other things profitable in the Commonwealth. The King was hereunto stirred, by the crafty Insinuations of the Bishop of Winchester, and other old dissembling Papists. And as an effect of this Displeasure, as it was thought, in the Parliament this Year, he made the terrible bloody Act of the Six Articles: Whereby none were suffered to speak a word against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation, upon pain of being burnt to Death as an Heretic, and to forfeit all his Lands and Goods, as in case of Treason. And moreover, it was made Felony, and forfeiture of Lands and Goods, to defend the Communion in both kinds, Marriage in a Priest, or in any Man or Woman that had vowed Chastity: or to say any thing against the necessity of Private Masses and Auricular Confession. Which Articles were plainly enough designed against any that should dare to open their Mouths against these Romish Errors, and especially to impose Silence, and that on pain of Death, upon many honest Preachers that were now risen up, and used to speak freely against these Abuses; and as a good means to keep the poor People still securely in their old Ignorance and Superstition.  
But before this Act passed, marvellous great struggling there was on both Parts, 
The six Articles opposed by the ABp.  for and against it. But the side of the Favourers of the Gospel at this time was the weaker, the King, now inclining more to the other Party, for the reason abovesaid, and for other Causes: Wherein I refer the Reader to the Conjectures of the Lord Herbert. The Bishops disputed long in the House, some for it, and some against it. 
Life of K. Henry p. 512.  The Archbishop disputed earnestly three days against it, using divers Arguments to dissuade passing the Act. Which were so remarkable for the Learning and Weight of them, that the King required a Copy of them. And though he was resolved not to alter his purpose of having this Act made, yet he was not offended with the Archbishops freedom, as knowing the Sincerity of the Man. Even those in the House that dissented from him, were greatly taken with the Gravity, Eloquence, and Learning he then showed, and particularly the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. Who told him so at his Table soon after: being sent by the King to him, to comfort him under his dejection for this Act, with Crumwel, and many other Lords. The Papist Writers say he opposed it, because himself was a Married Man, and so it would touch him close. But it is plain, that there were other of these Six Articles which he utterly disliked. And especially he abhorred the rigorous penalty of the Act. But hereupon he privately sent away his Wife into Germany among her Friends. On this side also were, beside the Archbishop, the Bishops of Ely, Sarum, Worcester, Rochester, and St. David's: York, Durham, Winchester, and Carlisle went vigorously the other way. Against the former the King himself argued, with his Learning, out of the Scriptures; and would by all means prove these Articles thence. The Parliament Men said little against this Bill, but seemed all unanimous for it: Neither did the Lord Chancellor Audley, no, nor the Lord Privy Seal, Crumwel, speak against it: the Reason being, no question, because they saw the King so resolved upon it. Nay, it came to be a flying Report, that the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, and all the Bishops, except Sarum, consented. But this is not likely, that Cranmer, who had so openly and zealously opposed it, should be so soon changed, and brought to comply with it. Nay, at the very same time it passed, he stayed and protested against it, though the King desired him to go out, since he could not consent to it. Worcester also, as well as Sarum, was committed to Prison: and he, as well as the other, resigned up his Bishopric upon the Act.  
In the foresaid Disputation in the Parliament-house, 
The Arguments the ABp made use of at this time, lost.  the Archbishop behaved himself with such humble modesty, and obedience in word towards his Prince; protesting the Cause not to be his, but God's; that neither his Enterprise was misliked of the King, and his Allegations and Reasons were so strong, that they could not be refuted. Great pity it is, that these Arguments of the Archbishop are lost; which I suppose they are irrecoverably, because Fox that lived so near those Times, and so elaborate a Searcher after such Papers, could not meet with them; and all that he could do, was to wish that they were extant to be seen and read. However I will make my Conjecture here, that I am apt to think, that one of the main Matters insisted on by him at this time, was against the cruel Penalty annexed to these Articles. For I find in one of the Archbishop's Manuscript Volumes, now in Benet-College Library, there is in this very Year, a Discourse in Latin upon this Subject, Num in haereticos jure Magistratui gravius animadvertere liceat: Decisio Vrbani Rhegii, Interpret jacobo Gisleno. Anno 1539. Which Book I suppose he might at this juncture have read over, and made use of.  

The King's Message to the ABp by the Lords.  The Dukes and Lords of Parliament, that as above was said, came over to Lambeth to visit and dine with him, by the King's Command, used words to him to this Tenor; The King's Pleasure is, that we should in his behalf cherish and comfort you, as one, that for your travail in the late Parliament, declared yourself both greatly Learned, and also Discreet and Wise: And therefore, my Lord, be not discouraged for any thing that passed there contrary to your Allegations. The Archbishop replied, In the first place, my Lords, I heartily thank the King's Highness for his singular good Affection towards me, and you all, for your pains. And I hope in God, that hereafter my Allegations and Authorities shall take place, to the Glory of God, and Commodity of the Realm. Every of the Lords brought forth his Sentence in commendation of him, to show what goodwill both the King and they bore to him. One of them entered into a Comparison between the said Archbishop and Cardinal Wolsey, preferring the Archbishop before him for his mild and gentle Nature; whereas he said, the Cardinal was a stubborn and churlish Prelate, that could never abide any Nobleman. The Lord Crumwel, 
MS. Life of Cranmer, in C.C.C.C.  as Cranmers Secretary relates, who himself heard the words, You, my Lord, said he, were born in an happy Hour I suppose; for do or say what you will, the King will always take it well at your Hands. And I must needs confess, that in some things I have complained of you to his Majesty; but all in vain, for he will never give credit against you, whatsoever is laid to your Charge: But let me, or any other of the Council be complained of, his Grace will most seriously chide, and fall out with us: And therefore you are most happy, if you can keep you in this State.  

A Book of Ceremonies laboured to be brought in.  The Roman Zealots having obtained this Act of the Six Articles, desisted not, but seconded their Blow by a Book of Ceremonies to be used by the Church of England, so entitled; all running after the old Popish strain. It proceeded all along in favour of the Roman Church's superstitious Ceremonies, endeavouring to show the good signification of them. The Book first begins with an Index of the Points touched therein; viz. Churches and Churchyards, the hallowing and reconciling them. The Ceremonies about the Sacrament of Baptism. Ordering of the Ministers of the Church in general. Divine Service to be sung and said in the Church. Matins, Prime and other Hours. Ceremonies used in the Mass. Sundays, with other Feasts. Bells. Vesture and Tonsure of the Ministers of the Church, and what Service they be bound unto. Bearing Candles upon Candlemass-day. Fasting Days. The giving of Ashes. The covering of the Cross and Images in Lent. Bearing of Palms. The Service of Wednesday, Thursday and Friday before Easter. The hallowing of Oil and Chrism. The washing of the Altars. The hallowing of the Font upon Saturday in the Easter-Even. The Ceremonies of the Resurrection in Easter-Morning. General and other particular Processions. Benedictions of Bells or Priests. Holy Water, and holy Bread. A general Doctrine to what intent Ceremonies be ordained, and of what value they be. The Book itself is too long to be here inserted; but such as have the Curiosity, 
Cleopatra E. ●. p. 259.  may find it in the Cotton Library, and may observe what Pains was taken to smooth and varnish over the old Supperstions. I do not find this Book mentioned by any of our Historians. The Bishop of Winchester, with his own Pen, hath an Annotation in the Margin of one place in the Book. And I strongly suspect he was more than the Revisor of it; and that it was drawn up by him and his Party, and strongly pushed on to be owned as the Act of the Clergy. 
A Convocation.  For this Year there was a Convocation. The King had sent his Letters, written March the 12 th', in the 30 th' Year of his Reign, viz. 1538. to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for summoning a Convocation, to meet together at St. Paul's the second day of May. But this Assembly, by the King's Letters to him, was prorogued till November the 4 th'. At this Convocation, I suppose, these Articles were invented and propounded to the House. All this long Book, in behalf of the Ceremonies, did our laborious Metropolitan put himself to the pains of answering, and thereby hindered the Reception of it. For concerning this, I do interpret that Passage of Fox, viz. That the Archbishop confuted eighty eight Articles devised by a Convocation, and which were laboured to be received, but were not. But to return to the six Articles.  
Great triumphing now there was on the Papists Side, 
The Papists rejoice.  as appears by a Letter wrote from some Roman Catholic Member of the House of Lords to his Friend. Which may be read in the Appendix. 
No. XXVI.  But after some time, the King perceiving that the said Archbishop and Bishops did this thing, not of Malice or Stubbornness, but out of a zeal they had to God's Glory and the Commonwealth, reform in part the said Six Articles, and somewhat blunted the Edge of them.  
March 20. Two Commissions were sent to the Archbishop to take the Surrender of two Houses of Religious Persons; namely, 
Two Priories surrendered to the ABp.  that of Christ's-Church Canterbury, and that of Rochester.  
Towards the latter end of this Year, 
The ABp and Crumwel labour with the King about the new Bishoprics.  several new Bishoprics were founded out of old Monasteries; and several Deaneries and Colleges of prebend's out of divers Priories belonging to Cathedral Churches. Herein as Crumwel, so Cranmer had a great Hand. Who laboured with the King, that in these New Foundations there should be Readers of Divinity, Greek and Hebrew, and Students trained up in Religion and Learning. From whence, as a Nursery, the Bishops should supply their Dioceses with honest and able Ministers. And so every Bishop should have a College of Clergymen under his Eye, to be preferred according to their Merits. For it was our Archbishops regret, that the Prebendaries were bestowed as they were. This Complaint Bishop Burnet tells us he saw in a long Letter of Cranmers own hand. 
Hist. Ref. P. I. p. 301.   

Bishops Confirmed.  
In Archbishops Cranmers Register I find these Bishops Confirmed, 
Bishops this Year.  their Consecrations being omitted.  
August the 11 th', john Bell, LL. D. brought up in Balliol College, and archdeacon of Gloucester, 
An. 1540  was Confirmed Bishop of Worcester, upon the Resignation of Bishop Latimer, in the Chapel of Lambeth. He is styled in the Register, 
john Bell.  the King's Chaplain and Councillor.  

john Skyp.  November the john skip, D. D. archdeacon of Dorset, and once Chaplain to Queen Ann Bole●, was Confirmed Bishop of Hereford. The King's Letter to the Archbishop to consecrate him bears date November 8.    

CHAP. XX. The Archbishop in Commission.  

An. 1540  THE next Year, viz. 1540 The Archbishop lost his great Friend and Assistant in carrying on the Reformation, I mean the Lord Crumwel. 
The ABp's Enemies accuse him.  And when he was, by Popish Craft and Malice, taken off, their next Work was to sacrifice Cranmer. And many were the Accusations that were put up against him: and Trial was made many ways to bring him to his Death, or at least to bring him in disgrace with the King.  

His Honesty and Courage in discharge of a Commission,  And first they thought to compass their Ends against him by occasion of a Commission now issued out from the King to a select Number of Bishops, whereof the Archbishop was one, (which Commission was confirmed by Act of Parliament) for inspecting into Matters of Religion, and explaining some of the chief Doctrines of it. These Commissioners had drawn up a set of Articles, favouring the old Popish Superstitions. And meeting together at Lambeth they produced them, and vehemently urged that they should be established, and that the Archbishop would yield to the Allowance of them; especially seeing there was a signification, that it was the King's Will and Pleasure that the Articles should run in that Tenor. But they could not win the Archbishop neither by Fear nor Flattery; No, though the Lord Crumwel at this very time lay in the Tower. There was not one Commissioner now on his part, but all shrank away, and complied with the Time: and even those he most trusted to, viz. Bishop Hethe of Rochester, and Bishop Skip of Hereford. The Archbishop as he disliked the Book already drawn up by them, so he presented another Book, wherein were divers Amendments of theirs. After much arguing and disputing, nor could the Archbishop be brought off, Hethe, and Skip, with a Friend or two more, walked down with him into his Garden at Lambeth, and there used all the Persuasion they could; urging to him, that the King was resolved to have i● so, and the Danger therefore of opposing it. But he honestly persisted in his constancy: telling them, That there was but one Truth in the Articles to be concluded upon, which if they hid from his Majesty, by consenting unto a contrary Doctrine, his Highness would in process of Time perceive the Truth, and see how colorably they had dealt with him. And he knew, he said, his Grace's Nature so well, that he would never after credit and trust them. And they being both his Friends, he bade them beware in time, and discharge their Consciences in maintenance of the Truth. But though nothing of all this could stir them, yet what he said, sufficiently confirmed the Archbishop to persist in his Resolution.  
The Archbishop standing thus alone, went himself to the King, 
And his Success therein.  and so wrought with him, that his Majesty joined with him against all the rest of them; and the Book of Articles passed on his side. When indeed this stifness of Canterbury was the very thing his Enemies desired; thinking that for this Opposition, the King would certainly have thrown him into the Tower; and many Wagers were laid in London about it. So that this ended in two good Issues; that the Archbishop's Enemies were clothed with Shame and Disappointment, and a very good Book, chiefly of the Archbishop's composing, came forth for the Instruction of the People, known by the Name of A necessary Erudition of any Christian Man. A particular Account whereof may be read in the History of the Reformation. 
Hist. Ref. P. I. p. 286.  This vexed Winchester to the Heart, that his Plot took no better Effect: but he put it up, till he should find other Opportunities to attack him, which after happened, as we shall see in the sequel of this Story.  
But this Matter deserves to be a little more particularly treated of: 
Questions of Religion to be discussed by Divines, by the King's Command.  The King had, as was said before, appointed several of the Eminent Divines of his Realm, to deliberate about sundry Points of Religion then in Controversy, and to give in their Sentences distinctly. And that in regard of the Germans, who the last Year had sent over in Writing, the Judgement of their Divines respecting some Articles of Religion; and had offered his Majesty to appoint some of their Divines to meet some others of the King's, in any Place he should assign; or to come over into England to confe● together. And also in regard of a more exact review of the Institution of a Christian Man, put forth about two or three Years before, and now intended to be published again, as a more perfect Piece of Religious Instruction for the People. The King therefore, being minded thoroughly to sift divers Points of Religion, then started and much controverted, commanded a particular number of Bishops, and other his Learned Chaplains and Dignitaries, to compare the Rites and Ceremonies, and Tenets of the present Church, by the Scriptures, and by the most Ancient Writers; and to see how far the Scripture, or good Antiquity did allow of the same. And this I suppose he did by the instigation of Archbishop Cranmer.  
The Names of the Commissioners were these; 
The Names of the Commissioners.  Cranmer ABp of Canterbury, Lee ABp of York, Boner Bishop of London, Tunstal Bishop of Durham, Barlow Bishop of S. David's, Aldrich Bishop of Carlisle, Skyp Bishop of Hereford, Hethe Bishop of Rochester, Thirleby Bishop Elect of Westminster; Doctors, Cox, Robinson, Day, Oglethorp, Redman, Edgeworth, Symonds, Tresham, Leyghton, Curwen, Crayford. Where we may wonder, not to see the Name of the Bishop of Winton: But if we consider the Reason the King gave why he left him out of the Number of his Executors, viz. because (as he told several Noblemen then about him) that Bishop was a turbulent wilful Man; and if he were joined with them, they should have no quiet in their Consultations: The same Reason we may conclude moved the King now in these Deliberations about Religion to lay him aside. These Persons were generally learned and moderate Men, and such as we may conjecture the Archbishop had the Nomination of to the King. However, we may be sure, Winchester was not idle at this time.  

Seventeen Questions upon the Sacrament.  And first the Doctrine of the Sacraments was examined, by propounding seventeen distinct Questions drawn up, as I have reason to conclude, by the Archbishop, on which the Divines were to consult. But each one was to set down in Writing his Sense of every of these Questions singly and succinctly. These Questions are the same with those in the History of the Reformation. 
Part I. Collect. xxi. p. 201.  The Right Reverend Author hath set down there the several Answers that those Bishops and Divines, that he met with in Bishop Stillingfleet's Manuscript, made to each Question; which I shall not now repeat after him. But I find in a Cotton Book a few Pages that deserve (according to my poor Judgement) to be transcribed, 
Cleopatra E. 5. p. 36.  of something which is not in that History, being the Answers of other Bishops and Divines in the same Commission. The first is Nameless; but for some Reasons I believe him to be the Bishop of Durham. Each Page consisteth of three Columes; the middle Column contains the Questions. On one side-Colume is writ his Answer to each Question; on the other side-Colume are the King's Notes upon the Answer, wrote by his own Hand: 
N●. XXVII.  I refer the Reader to the Appendix for this. There follow in the Cotton Book, Solutions of each of these Questions by another, omitted by the Bishop of Sarum in his History. He is nameless also, but appears to have been some popishly affected Bishop, but yet one that conversed much with the Archbishop, the Bishop of S. David's, and Dr. Cox, and was, I suppose, Thirleby Elect of Westminster: For in many places in the Margin of his Paper, are set the Names of those Men; for what purpose I do not know, unless to signify their Judgements as agreeable with his; though in these very places sometimes their Minds and his differ. This Man's Answer also was perused by the King, who sometimes writ his own Objections in the Margin. 
No. XXVIII.  This also I have cast into the Appendix.  

The ABp's Judgement upon these Questions.  In the conclusion of this famous Consultation upon these seventeen Articles concerning the Sacraments (their Resolutions being drawn up in Writing under their own hands.) The Archbishop having these Discourses given into his hand, for the King's Use, drew up a Summary of each Man's Judgement: Which together with his own, he caused to be written fairly out by his Secretary, and so presented to the King. 
Vol. I. Book 3. Collect. XXI.  The Bishop of Sarum hath saved me the trouble of writing them out in this Work, having presented them already to the World in his History, 
Cleopatra E. 5.  from another Manuscript than the Cotton Book which I make use of, which is a true Original. The Archbishop's Summary may be found among the Collections in the said History, against the word Aggrement in the Margin, and the Archbishop's own Judgement against his Name in the Margin. At the conclusion of his Paper, which he sent to the King, he subscribed thus, most warily and modestly, with his own Hand, T. Cantuarien. This is mine Opinion and Sentence at this present; which nevertheless I do not temerariously define, but refer the Judgement thereof unto your Majesty.  
Besides these 17 Questions, 
The Judgements of other Learned Men concerning other Points.  there are in this choice Cottonian Manuscript, divers others propounded to another Combination of Bishops and Divines, perhaps about this time, or rather, I conceive, three Years before, with their Answers under their Hands thereunto, being called together in order to the composing the Book called The Institution. As, concerning Confirmation; Whether this Sacrament be a Sacrament of the New Testament, instituted by Christ, or not? What is the outward Sign, and invisible Grace, that is conferred in the same? What Promises be made, that the said Graces shall be received by this Sacrament? The Bishop of Sarum hath printed among his Collections, the Resolutions of the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London to these Queries; having taken them out of this Manuscript Volume which I use. But there be here the Opinions of many more, both Bishops and other Dignitaries of the Church: As namely the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of Ely, Rochester, Lincoln, Bangor, and Sarum. Then follows the Opinion of the Bishop of London, and next of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Then come the Judgements of Dr. Wotton Dean of Canterbury, Dr. Barber archdeacon of Cleveland, and Warden of All-Souls Oxon, and one of the Convocation in 1562. Dr. Bell a Civilian, employed in the King's Business against Queen Katherine, archdeacon of Gloucester, and soon after Bishop of Worcester; Dr. Wolman Dean of Wells, Dr. Martial archdeacon of Nottingham, Dr. Cliff Treasurer of the Church of York, Dr. Edmunds, the same, I suppose, that was Master of Peter-house, Cambridg; Dr. Downs Chancellor of the Church of York; Dr. Marmaduke, the same probably that was called Marmaduke Waldeby; Dr. Robinson, for Robertson, I suppose, archdeacon of Leicester; Dr. Smith, he probably that was Professor of Divinity in Oxon; Dr. Buckmaster, and another nameless.  
And as these Learned Men treated of this Point of Confirmation, so by the various Heads and Discourses I meet with here, they all gave their Judgements of divers other chief Points of Religion; as De Fide, De Salvatione, De Matrimonio, De Poenitentia, De Sacramentorum usu, and De auriculari Confession. Where is a Letter of the King's own writing, in answer to somewhat the Bishop of Durham had writ upon that Argument. This Royal Letter the Bishop of Sarum hath printed in his History. Of Priest's Marriage; 
Part I. Addend● to the Collect. No. XI.  whereof the King wrote a short Discourse. Of Pilgrimages; Of Purgatory; of this there is a Discourse wrote by Latimer. And after follows another by the King. Latimer's Discourse is animadverted upon by the King's Pen in the Margin; De utraque specie. Three or four large Discourses thereupon, in favour of Receiving in one Kind: One whereof was part of the King's Answer to the Germane Ambassadors, that were sent hither about a Treaty, in the Years 1538, and 1539. The Second is part of an Apology, by an English Divine, to those Germane Protestants, for Communion in one Kind, and for private Mass. And this latter probably is the Bishop of Durham's, because the Correction of the Paper, (transcribed as it seems by his Secretary) here and there is his own Hand.  
So that some of these Discourses were, I make no doubt, drawn up by the Divines for the King's Use, in order to his Answer to the Writing, which the Germane Agents the last Year had composed, before their Voyage home. But these Papers, some English and some Latin, are so large, that they would too much swell this Volume, and entangle the Thread of the Discourse, if I should here insert them: And therefore I must omit them, and proceed to other matters.  

An Act to prevent Divorces.  In this thirty second Year of the King, by a seasonable Law, a stop was put to an Evil that now mightily prevailed: Namely, the frequency of Divorces. For it was ordinary to annul Marriages, and divide Man and Wife from each other, who it may be had lived long together, and had Children in Wedlock: When upon any disgust of Man or Wife, they would withdraw from one another; and so in effect make their Children Bastards, upon pretence of some Precontract or Affinity: Which by the Pope's Law required a Divorce. The King himself took particular care of this Act, and there were two rough Draughts of it, which I have seen in the Cotton Library: both which he himself revised diligently, and corrected with his own Pen. These Divorces the Archbishop highly disliked; and might probably have laid before the King the great Inconveniences, as well as Scandal, thereof. It troubled him to see how common these Divorces were grown in Germany, and After-Marriages, and Bigamy. There is a Letter of his to Osiander, the Germane Divine, concerning Matrimony: In what Year written appeareth not; unless perhaps in this Year, or the following, now that the King was employing his Thoughts about redress of this Business. 
The ABp to Osiander, concerning the Germans abuse of Matrimony.  The sum of the Letter, is to desire Osiander to supply him with an Answer to some things, that seemed to reflect a Fault upon those in Germany that professed the Gospel; and that was, that they allowed such as were divorced to marry again, both Parties divorced being alive: and that they suffered, without any Divorce, a Man to have more Wives than one. And Osiander had acknowledged as much expressly to Cranmer, in a Letter, seeming to complain of it, and added, that Philip Melancthon himself was present at one of these Marriages of a second Wife, the first being alive.  
Indeed if any thing were done among those Protestants, that seemed not just and fair, to be sure Cranmer should presently be twitted in the Teeth for it. And then he was fain to make the best Answers he could, either out of their Books, or out of his own Invention. And he was always asked about the Affairs in those Parts. And sometimes he was forced to confess some things, and be ready to blush at them, (such a concern had he for Germany) as concerning their Allowance of Usury, and of Concubines to their Noblemen: as he wrote to the said German. But I will not longer detain the Reader from perusing the excellent Learned Letter of the Archbishop, 
No. XXIX.  which he may find in the Appendix, concerning this Subject.   

CHAP. XXI. The largest Bible printed.  
THE largest English Bible coming forth in Print this Year, 
Some account of printing the English Bible.  wherein our Archbishop out of his Zeal to God's Glory had so great an influence, I shall here take occasion to give some account of the Translation of, as well as I can, there having been no exact Story thereof any where given, as I know of.  
The first time the Holy Scripture was printed in English, 
New Testament printed in 1526.  (for written Copies thereof, of Wickliffs' Translation, there were long before, and many) was about the Year 1526. And that was only the New Testament translated by Tindal, assisted by joy and Constantine, and printed in some Foreign Parts, I suppose at Hamburgh or Antwerp. For in this Year I find, that Cardinal Wolsey and the Bishops consulted together for the prohibiting the New Testament of Tindal's Translation to be read. And Tonstal Bishop of London▪ issued out his Commission to his Arch-deacons for calling in the New Testament. 
And burnt. Fox's Acts p. 929.  This Year also Tonstal and Sir Thomas More bought up almost the whole Impression, and burned them at Paul's Cross. I think it was this first Edition, that Garret, alias Garrerd, Curate of Hony-Lane, afterwards burnt for Heresy, dispersed in London and Oxford.  
Soon after Tindal revised his Translation of the New Testament, 
Reprinted about 1530.  and corrected it, and caused it again to be printed about the Year 1530. 
Inter Foxii MSS.  The Books finished were privily sent over to Tindal's Brother, john Tindal, and Thomas Patmore Merchants, and another young Man; who received them and dispersed them. For which having been taken up by the Bishop of London, they were adjudged in the Star-Chamber, Sir Thomas More being than Lord Chancellor, to ride with their Faces to the Horse Tail, having Papers on their Heads, and the New Testaments and other Books (which they dispersed) to be fastened thick about them, pinned or tacked to their Gowns or Cloaks, and at the Standard in Cheap themselves to throw them into a Fire made for that purpose: 
Burnt again.  and then to be fined at the King's Pleasure. Which Penance they observed. The Fine set upon them was heavy enough, viz. eighteen thousand eight hundred and forty Pounds and ten Pence: as was extant to be seen in the Records of the Star-Chamber.  
Anno 1531. The Bishops came into the Star-Chamber, 
The Scripture prohibited, in a Meeting at the Star-Chamber.  and communing with the King's Counsel, and alleging that this Testament was not truly translated, and that in it were Prologues and Prefaces of Heresy and Raillery against Bishops; upon this Complaint the Testament, and other such like Books were prohibited. But the King gave Commandment to the Bishops at the same time, that they calling to them the best Learned out of the Universities, should cause a New Translation to be made; so that the People might not be ignorant in the Law of God. But the Bishops did nothing in obedience to this Commandment.  
The same Year, viz. 1531. in the Month of May, 
New Testaments burned the third Time.  Stokesly Bishop of London, (as Tonstal, his Predecessor, had done four or five Years before) caused all the New Testaments of Tindal, and many other Books which he had bought up, to be brought to Paul's Churchyard▪ 
Fox. p. 937.  and there openly burnt.  

The whole Bible printed 1537.  In the Year 1537. The Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments, called Matthews Bible, of Tindal's and Roger's Translation, was printed by Grafton and Whitchurch at Hamburgh, to the number of fifteen hundred Copies. Which Book obtained then so much Favour of the King, by Crumwel's and Canterbury's Means, that the King enjoined it to be had by all Curates, and set up in all Parish-Churches throughout the Realm. 
Matthews, that is, Roger's Bible.  It was done by one john Rogers, who flourished a great while in Germany, and was Superintendent of a Church there; being afterwards a Prebend of S. Paul's, and the first Martyr in Queen Mary's Days. He is said, by my Author, to have translated the Bible into English from Genesis to the end of the Revelations, making use of the Hebrew, Greek, Latin, German, and English [that is Tyndal's] Copies. He added Prefaces, and Notes out of Luther: and dedicated the whole Book to King Henry, under the Name of Thomas Matthews, 
Balaei Centur.  by an Epistle prefixed; minding to conceal his own Name. Graston, and the rest of the Merchants concerned in the Work, thinking that they had not Stock enough to supply all the Nation, and this Book being of a Volume not large enough, and considering the Prologues and Marginal Notes gave offence to some, and being put on by those that favoured the Gospel, that as many as possible could be, might be printed, for the dispersing the Knowledge of Christ and his Truth; they resolved to imprint it again, which they intended should be of a larger Volume than any before: and therefore it was called, when it came forth, The Bible in the largest Volume. They intended also, in order to this Edition, to have the former Translation revised, and to omit several Prologues and Annotations. And Miles Coverdale was the Man now, that compared the Translation with the Hebrew, and mended it in divers places, and was the chief Overseer of the Work. But though they left out Matthews', that is Roger's Notes, yet they resolved to make Hands and Marks on the sides of the Book: which meant, that they would have particular notice to be taken of those Places, being such Texts as did more especially strike at the Errors and Abuses of the Romish Church.  

About 1538. the Bible printing again in Paris.  Grafton resolved to print this Bible in Paris, if he could obtain leave, there being better Paper and cheaper to be had in France, and more dextrous Workmen. For this purpose the Lord Crumwel, who stood by him in this Enterprise, procured Letters of the King, as Fox relates, to Francis the French King, which were conveyed to Boner then Ambassador at that Court, for him to present them to that King. The Contents of which Letters of King Henry were to this effect, For a Subject of his to imprint the Bible in English in his Dominion, both in regard of his Paper and Workmen. The King at the same time wrote to his said Ambassador to aid and assist the Undertakers of this good Work in all their reasonable Suits. Boner did not only present this Letter to Francis, and obtained with good Words the Licence desired, but he showed great Friendship to the Merchants and Printers, and so encouraged them, that the Work went on with good Speed and Success. And to show, how well affected he was now to the Holy Bible, he caused the English there in Paris to print the New Testament in English and Latin, 
Fox▪ p. 1086.  and took off a great many of them himself, and distributed them to his Friends. But the Principle, that moved Boner in all this, was, that he might the better curry Favour with Crumwel, and recommend himself to him, who being the great Favourite now with the King, was the fittest Instrument for his Rise. The Letters Patents that Boner procured of the French King for the printing this Bible, may be seen in the Appendix. 
No. XXX.  Wherein indeed I do not find any specification of King Henry's Letters to Francis, but only mention made that he had sufficient Testimony, that the said Henry had allowed them to print the Bible as well in Latin as English, and being finished, to bring the Impression safely over.  
But notwithstanding this Royal Licence, 
The Printers fall into the Inquisition.  such was the overswaying Authority of the Inquisition in Paris, that the Printers were had up into the said Inquisition. For in the Year 1538, there was an Instrument dated December the 17 th', coming from Henry Garvais, S. Th. D. Prior of the Convent of the Friars-Preachers, Paris, and Vicar-General of the Venerable Father, Friar Matthew Ory, of the same Order, and D. D. Inquisitor-General of Heretical Pravity in the whole Kingdom of France, by Apostolical and Regal Authority especially Deputed: Setting forth, 
Cleopatra E. ●▪  That since from the Translation of the Sacred Scriptures, as well of the Old Testament as New, into the Mother-Tongue, which cometh to the Hands of the simple, it is found in these last Days, that some have taken occasion of Error in the Faith; and that it is provided by Edicts of the Supreme Court of Parliament, that none should print the Old and New Testament in his Mother-Tongue, or sell it being printed; and that it was known to him, that one Francis Regnault, a Bookseller of the City of Paris in those Days, did print the Bible in the Vulgar Britannic, or English Language; by reason of which, Scandals and Errors might arise in the Church: Therefore he gave out his Order to all Priests, Vicars, Curates, etc. to cite the said F. Reginault, and all other that it might concern, to answer, etc. And to inhibit them under Canonical Pains, to imprint the said Bible, nor to make away, or conceal, from him or his Possession, the Sheets that are already printed, unless they were seen by him, and otherwise appointed. Dated at Paris, under the Seal used in such cases, and the Sign Manual of the Notary Public, or sworn Scribe of the said Holy Inquisition.  
Le Tellier.  
But before this happened, 
The Bible printed with French Presses in London▪  they were gone through even to the last part of the Work. And then great Troubles arose: The Printer was sent for by the Inquisitors, and charged with certain Articles of Heresy: And the Englishmen likewise that were at the Cost and Charges hereof, and the Corrector Coverdale. Therefore finding it not safe to tarry any longer, they fled away as fast as they could, leaving behind them all their Bibles, the Impression consisting of five and twenty hundred in Number; which were seized. And if you would know what was done with them, the Lieutenant-Criminal caused them to be burnt in M●●bert-place, as heretical Books. Only a few escaped, 
The English Bible burned the fourth time.  the Lieutenant selling them for Waste-paper to a Haberdasher, being about four dry-Fats full. But however not long after, the English that were concerned in this Work, by the Encouragement of Crumwel, went back to Paris again, and got the Presses, Letters, and Printing-Servants, and brought them over to London. And so became Printers themselves, which before they never intended. And so at length in this Year 1540, they successfully printed off the Bible of the largest Volume: and after that there were sundry other Impressions also.  

The largest Bible published in the Year 1540  To this Impression of the Bible, that came forth in these troublesome Times, and through extraordinary Opposition, the King gave Countenance, commanding the buying and setting it up. For as it had been printed about three Years before; and Crumwel, the King's Vicar-General, in his Injunctions in the King's Name, had ordered all Incumbents of Livings to provide one, and to set it up publicly in their Churches: So this Year the King, by his Proclamation in the Month of May, did again command, that this Bible of the largest Volume should be provided by the Curates and Parishioners of every Parish, and set up in their Churches. For as yet, notwithstanding the first Injunctions, many Parishes in the Realm were destitute of them: Whether it were by reason of the unwillingness of the Priests to have the English Bible, or the People to be any ways acquainted with it, for fear it should make them Heretics, as their Curates told them. He stinted also the Time, namely, that it should be every where provided before All-Saints Day next coming, and that upon a Penalty of forty Shillings a Month, after the said Feast, that they should be without it. The said Proclamation also set the Price, at ten Shillings a Book unbound; and well Bound and Clasped, not above twelve Shillings. And charged all Ordinaries to take care for the seeing this Command of the King the better executed.  

Boner's Admonitions for reading the Bible.  And upon this, Boner, being now newly Bishop of London, set up six Bibles in certain convenient Places of S. Paul's Church; together with an Admonition to the Readers, fastened upon the Pillars to which the Bibles were chained, to this Tenor; That whosoever came there to read, should prepare himself to be edified and made the better thereby. That he should join thereunto his readiness to obey the King's Injunctions made in that behalf. That he bring with him Discretion, honest Intent, Charity, Reverence, and quiet Behaviour. That there should no such Number meet together there, as to make a Multitude. That no Exposition be made thereupon, but what is declared in the Book itself. That it be not read with Noise in time of Divine Service: Or that any Disputation or Contention be used at it.  

The Bible suprest again, An. 154●.  But it was not much above two Years after, that the Popish Bishops obtained of the King the suppression of the Bible again. For after they had taken off the Lord Crumwel, they made great complaint to the King (their old Complaint) of the Translation, and of the Prefaces: Whereas indeed and in truth, it was the Text itself, rather than the Prefaces or Translation that disturbed them. Whereupon it was forbid again to be sold, the Bishops promising the King to amend and correct it, but never performed it. And Grafton was now, so long after, summoned and charged with printing Matthews' Bible. Which he, being timorous, made Excuses for. Then he was examined about the great Bible, and what the Notes were he intended to set thereto. He replied, that he added none to his Bible, when he perceived the King and the Clergy not willing to have any. Yet Grafton was sent to the Fleet, and there remained six Weeks; and before he came out, was bound in three hundred Pounds, that he should neither sell nor imprint any more Bibles, till the King and the Clergy should agree upon a Translation. And they procured an Order from the King, that the fals● Translation of Tindal, as they called it, should not be uttered, either by Printer or Bookseller; and no other Books to be retained, that spoke against the Sacrament of the Altar: No Annotations or Preambles to be in Bibles or New Testaments in English, (that so they might keep Scripture still as obscure as they could): Nor the Bible to be read in the Church, and nothing to be taught contrary to the King's Instructions. And from henceforth the Bible was stopped during the remainder of King Henry's Reign.  
But however for some certain Ends, 
K. Henry's judgement for the use of the Bible.  the King restrained now and then the use of the Scriptures, to comply with the importunate Suits of the Popish Bishops; yet his Judgement always was for the free use of them among his Subjects, and (in order to) that for the translating and printing them. For proof of which, I will recite the words of the Translator of Erasmus' Paraphrase upon S. Luke, in his Preface thereunto; viz. Nic. Vdal, a Man of Eminency in those Days, a Canon of Windsor, and a Servant unto Q. Katherine▪ the King's last Wife; His most Excellent Majesty, from the first day that he wore the Imperial Crown of this Realm, foresaw that to the executing the Premises, [viz. to destroy counterfeit Religions, and to root up all Idolatry done to dead Images] it was necessary, that his People should be reduced to the sincerity of Christ's Religion by knowing of God's Word. He considered, that requisite it was his Subjects were nursled in Christ by reading the Scriptures, whose Knowledge should easily induce them to the clear espying of all the Slights of the Romish Juggling. And therefore as soon as might be, his Highness, by most wholesome and godly Laws, provided that it might be lawful for all his most faithful loving Subjects to read the Word of God, and the Rules of Christ's Discipline, which they professed. He provided, that the Holy Bible should be set forth in our own Vulgar Language, to the end that England might the better attain to the Sincerity of Christ's Doctrine, which they might draw out of the clear Fountain and Spring of the Gospel.   

CHAP. XXII. The Archbishop retired.  

The ABp keeps himself more retired.  OUR Archbishop, after the unhappy Death of the Lord Crumwel, so excellent an Instrument in correcting the Abuses of Religion, out of sorrow and care of himself, betook himself to more Retirement, and greater Privacy. For in and after this Year 1540, I find nothing in his Register, but the Acts of Confirmations, and Elections, and Consecrations of Bishops, as Bishoprics fell vacant: the Archbishop very seldom Consecrating any himself, but commissionating others by his Letters to Confirm and Consecrate. And nothing to be found a great way on in the Register concerning giving Ordinances and Injunctions to the Diocese or Province. And no wonder, for there was now no Vicegerent in Ecclesiasticals, to be ready to hearken to the Archbishop's Directions and Counsels for reforming Abuses, and to see them executed in the Church. And his own Sorrows, and the Troubles he met with in these Times from his Enemies, made him judge it convenient for him now more warily to conceal himself till better Days.  

The ABp issues out his Commission for the Consecrating of Boner.  But before the Death of Crumwel, when Boner, Bishop Elect of London, was to be consecrated, the Archbishop probably not liking him, and seeing through him, whatever his Pretences were; and therefore declining to have any hand in his Preferment; sent his Commission in April to Stephen Bishop of Winchester, Richard Bishop of Chichester, Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and john Bishop of Hertford, [i. e. Hereford] to consecrate him. Which it is said in the Register they did accordingly, per Sacri chrismatis unctionem, & manuum suarum impositionem. In this Consecration, the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury insisted, it seems, upon an ancient Privilege of their Church, which I do not find in this Register they had at other Consecrations done; namely, that the Consecration should be celebrated at the Church of Canterbury, and at no other Church or Oratory, without their Allowance. And so in a formal Instrument, they gave their Licence and Consent, directed to the Archbishop, to proceed to the Consecration elsewhere. 
Cranm. Regist.  The Letter is from Thomas the Prior, and the Chapter of Canterbury; and it ran thus.  
Licet antiquitus fuerit salubriter ordinatum, hactenusque in & per totam vestram Provinciam Cantuar' inconcussè observatum, quod quilibet Suffragan●us Ecclesiae vestrae Metropoliticae Christi Cantuar' memoratae in Ecclesia vestra Metropolit' Cantuar' & non alibi, pntialiter consecrari & benedici debeat, etc. Yet they gave their Consent, that he might be Consecrated in any other Oratory: But yet so, that neither they, nor the Church, received any Prejudice, and reserving to themselves a decent Cope, as every Suffragan of the Church of Canterbury, according as his Profession was, aught to give to the same Church by Right and ancient Custom; and the Rights, Liberties, Privileges, and other Customs of the said Church always, and in all things, being safe. The renewing of this their old pretended Privilege looked like some check to the Archbishop, and as though they required of him a sort of dependence on them now more than before; and it showed some secret Ill-will towards him, which broke out more openly not long after, as we shall show in the Process of our Story.  
In the Register is also recorded Boner's Oath of Fidelity to the King against the Bishop of Rome: Which I will add here, 
Boner's Oath of Fidelity.  that Men may see with what little Affection to the Pope this Man was let into the Bishopric, which he afterwards made so much use of for him and his Usurpations; though thereby he stands upon Record for ever for Perjury. But the Oath was this: Ye shall never consent nor agree, that the Bishop of Rome shall practise, exercise, or have any manner of Authority, Jurisdiction or Power, within this Realm, or any other the King's Dominions, but that ye shall resist the same at all times to the uttermost of your Power: And that from henceforth ye shall accept, repute, and take the King's Majesty to be the only Supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England, etc. So help you God, and all Saints, and the Holy Evangelists.  
Signed thus, ✚ In fidem praemissorum Ego Edm. Boner Elect. & Confirmat. Londoniens. huic praesenti chart a subscripsi.  
By the Archbishop's Letters, 
The ABp makes a Commissary in Calais.  bearing date May 20. he made Robert Harvey B. LL. his Commissary in Calais, and in all the other Neighbouring Places in France, being his Diocese. A Man surely wherein the good Archbishop was mistaken, or else he would never have ventured to set such a Substitute, of such bigoted cruel Principles, in that place. This Harvey condemned a poor labouring Man of Calais, who said, 
Fox p. 1120.  he would never believe that any Priest could make the Lord's Body at his pleasure. Whereupon he was accused before the Commissary, who roundly condemned him to be burnt, inveighing against him, and saying, He was an Heretic, and should die a vile Death. The poor Man said, He should die a viler shortly. And so it came to pass; for half a Year after, he was hanged, drawn and quartered for Treason.  
He seemed to have succeeded in the room of a Man of better Principles, 
Butler a better Commissary.  called Sir john Butler: Who was deprived of his Commissariship by some Bishops, Commissioners from the King for the examining several Persons suspect of Religion in Calais. The Council there had, about the Year 1539, complained of him as a maintainer of Damplip, a learned and pious Preacher there. So he was sent for into England, and charged to favour Damplip, because he preached so long there, and was not restrained nor punished by him: He answered warily and prudently, that the Lord Lisle, Lord Deputy, and his Council, entertained and friendly used him, and countenanced him by hearing him preach; so that he could not do otherwise than he did. After long attendance upon the King's Commissioners, he was discharged, and returned home, but discharged also of his Commissary's place too.  
And having been an Officer of the Archbishop's, I will add a word or two more concerning him. About the Year 1536, he was apprehended in Calais, and bound by Sureties not to pass the Gates of that Town, 
His Troubles.  upon the Accusation of two Soldiers, that he should have said in contempt of the Corporal Presence, That if the Sacrament of the Altar be Flesh, Blood and Bone, than there is good Aqua vitae at John Spicer's: Where probably was very bad. This Butler, and one Smith, were soon after brought by Pursuivants into England; and there brought before the Privy-Council in the Star-Chamber, for Sedition and Heresy, (which were Charges ordinarily laid against the Professors of the Gospel in those Times) and thence sent to the Fleet: and brought soon after to Bath-place, there sitting Clerk Bishop of Bath, Samson Bishop of Chichester, and Reps Bishop of Norwich, the King's Commissioners.  
And no wonder he met with these Troubles: For he had raised up the hatred of the Friars of Calais against him, 
The occasion thereof, the Discovery of a Religious Cheat.  by being a Discoverer and Destroyer of one of their gross Religious Cheats. There had been great talk of a Miracle in S. Nicolas Church, for the conviction of Men, that the Wafer after Consecration was indeed turned into the Body, Flesh and Bones of Christ. For in a Tomb in that Church, representing the Sepulchre, there were lying upon a Marble Stone three Hosts sprinkled with Blood, and a Bone representing some Miracle. This Miracle was in writing, with a Pope's Bull of Pardon annexed, to those, I suppose, that should visit that Church. There was also a Picture of the Resurrection, bearing some relation to this Miracle. This Picture and Story Damplip freely spoke against in one of his Sermons, saying, that it was but an Illusion of the French before Calais was English. Upon this Sermon, (the King also having ordered the taking away all superstitious Shrines) there came a Commission to the Lord Deputy of Calais, to this Sir john Butler, the Archbishop's Commissary, and one or two more, that they should search, whether this were true; and if they found it not so, that immediately the Shrine should be plucked down; and so it was. For breaking up a Stone in the corner of the Tomb, instead of the three Hosts, the Blood and the Bone, they found soldered in the Cross of Marble lying under the Sepulchre, three plain white Counters, which they had painted like unto Hosts, and a Bone, that is in the tip of a Sheep's Tail. This Damplip showed the next Day, being Sunday, unto the People; and after that, they were sent to the King by the Lord Deputy. But this so angered the Friars and their Creatures, that it cost Damplip his Life, and Commissary Butler much trouble, and the loss of his Office.  
After Harvey, Hugh Glazier B. D. and Canon of Christ's-Church, Canterbury, 
Glazier Commissary in Calais.  succeeded in the Office of Commissary to the Archbishop fo● Calais. He was once a Friar, but afterwards favoured the Reformation. He was put up to preach at Paul's Cross the first Lent after King Edward came to the Crown: and then asserted the observation of Lent to be but of human Institution. 
ABp's Judgement of Admission of Scholars into the School belonging to the Cathedral.   
This Year the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was altered from Monks to Secular Men of the Clergy, viz. Prebendaries, or Canons, Petticanons, Choristers and Scholars. At this Erection were present Thomas Cranmer Archbishop, the Lord Rich Chancellor of the Court of the Augmentation of the Revenues of the Crown; Sir Christopher Hales Knight, the King's Attorney, Sir Anthony Sentleger Knight, with divers other Commissioners. 
Foxii MSS.  And nominating and electing such convenient and fit Persons, as should serve for the Furniture of the said Cathedral Church according to the new Foundation, it came to pass, that when they should elect the Children of the Grammar-School, there were of the Commissioners more than one or two, who would have none admitted, but Sons, or younger Brethren, of Gentlemen. As for other husbandmen's Children, they were more meet they said for the Plough, and to be Artificers, than to occupy the place of the Learned sort. So that they wished none else to be put to School, but only gentlemen's Children. Whereunto the most Reverend Father the Archbishop, being of a contrary Mind, said, That he thought it not indifferent so to order the matter. For, said he, poor men's Children are many times endued with more singular Gifts of Nature, which are also the Gifts of God, as with Eloquence, Memory, apt Pronunciation, Sobriety, and such like; and also commonly more apt to apply their Study, than is the Gentleman's Son delicately Educated. Hereunto it was on the other part replied, That it was meet for the Ploughman's Son to go to Plough, and the Artificer's Son to apply the Trade of his Parent's Vocation; and the Gentleman's Children are meet to have the knowledge of Government and Rule in the Commonwealth. For we have, said they, as much need of Ploughman, as any other State. And all sorts of Men may not go to School. I grant, replied the Archbishop, much of your meaning herein, as needful in a Commonwealth: But yet utterly to exclude the Ploughman's Son, and the Poor Man's Son from the benefit of Learning, as though they were unworthy to have the Gifts of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon them, as well as upon others, is as much to say, as that Almighty God should not be at liberty to bestow his great Gifts of Grace upon any Person, nor no where else, but as we and other Men shall appoint them to be employed, according to our Fancy, and not according to his most godly Will and Pleasure: Who giveth his Gifts both of Learning, and other Perfections in all Sciences, unto all Kind's and State's of People indifferently. Even so doth he many times withdraw from them and their Posterity again those beneficial Gifts, if they be not thankful. If we should shut up into a straight Corner the bountiful Grace of the Holy Ghost, and thereupon attempt to build our Fancies, we should make as perfect a Work thereof, as those that took upon them to build the Tower of Babel. For God would so provide, that the Offspring of our best-born Children should peradventure become most unapt to learn, and very Dolts, as I myself have seen no small number of them very dull, and without all manner of Capacity. And to say the truth, I take it, that none of us all here being Gentlemen born (as I think) but had our beginning that way, from a low and base Parentage. And through the benefit of Learning, and other Civil Knowledge, for the most part all Gentlemen ascend to their Estate. Then it was again answered, That the most part of the Nobility came up by Feats of Arms, and Martial Acts. As though, said the Archbishop, that the noble Captain was always unfurnished of good Learning and Knowledge to persuade and dissuade his Army Rhetorically. Who rather that way is brought unto Authority, than else his manly Looks. To conclude, the poor Man's Son, by painstaking, will for the most part be learned, when the Gentleman's Son will not take the pains to get it. And we are taught by the Scriptures, that Almighty God raiseth up from the Dunghill, and setteth him in high Authority. And whensoever it pleaseth him of his Divine Providence, he deposeth Princes unto a right humble and poor Estate. Wherefore if the Gentleman's Son be apt to Learning, let him be admitted; if not apt, let the poor Man's Child that is apt enter his Room. With words to the like effect. Such a seasonable Patron of poor Men was the Archbishop.  

Bishops consecrated.  
April the 4 th', Edmond Boner LL. D. Bishop of Hereford, consecrated Bishop of London, 
Edm. Bone●. Nic. Hethe.  and Nicolas Hethe, consecrated Bishop of Rochester, in a Chapel in S. Paul's, on the North side of the Nave, by Stephen Bishop of Winton, 
Cranm. Regist.  assisted by Richard Bishop of Chichester, Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and john Bishop of Hereford; by virtue of Commissional Letters from the Archbishop.  

Tho. Thirlby.  December the 29 th', Thomas Thirlby, consecrated the first Bishop of Westminster in S. Saviour's Chapel, near the Sepulchre of Henry VIII. in the Church of Westminster, by the Bishop of London; assisted by Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, and john Suffragan of Bedford, by Letters Commissional from the Archbishop.  

Some account of Thirlby's Rise.  Dr. Butts, the King's Physician, first moved him to take Dr. Thirlby into his Service; for that the said Thirleby was accounted a favourer of all such as favoured sincere Religion. The Archbishop soon became acquainted with him, and liked his Learning, and his Qualities so well, that he became his good Lord towards the King's Majesty, and commended him to him, to be a Man worthy to serve a Prince, for such singular Qualities as were in him. And indeed the King soon employed him in Embassies in France and elsewhere: So that he grew in the King's Favour by the means of the Archbishop; who had a very extraordinary Love for him, and thought nothing too much to give him, or to do for him. And we may conclude it was by his means, that after the dissolution of the Bishopric of Westminster, he was preferred to Norwich, in the Year 1550. He complied with King Edward's Proceedings all his Reign; and so he did with Queen Mary's during hers, being then translated to Ely. And was then made use of to be one of the Bishops, (Boner being the other) that were sent to Oxon, to degrade the Archbishop, which he did with Tears. If this Bishop did not, to his uttermost endeavour, practise to save the Archbishop's Life, 
In a Letter to Day the Printer, An. 1565.  he not only did him much wrong, but also abused his singular Benevolence with overmuch Ingratitude. I use the words of Morris the Archbishop's Secretary, as though he suspected he did not.    

CHAP. XXIII. 
An. 1541.  All-Souls College visited.  
THE following Year, the College of All-Souls, Oxon, 
The ABp visits All-souls College.  underwent the Archbishop's Visitation, by virtue of a Commission, May 12. to john Cocks, the Archbishop's Vicar-general in Spirituals, john Rokesby LL. D of the Arches, Walter Wright LL. D. Public Notary, and john Warner M. D. Warden of the College. This Visitation was occasioned upon a Complaint of the very ill and loose Behaviour of the Members of that House. 
ABp Cranm. Registi  The College grew scandalous for their Factions, Dissensions, and Combinations one against another; for their Compotations, Ingurgitations, Surfeitings, Drunkennesses, enormous and excessive Comessations. They kept Boys in the College, under pretence of poor Scholars. They entered not into Orders, and became not Priests after they were Masters of Art: Nor observed their Times of Disputations. Their Habit and Apparel was gaudy. And other things there were among them contrary to the Statutes of the College. This Visitation was prorogued, and all the Visitors were reduced to one, viz. Dr. Wright. And in concusion, the Archbishop gave them a Set of Injunctions, Declarations and Interpretations of their Statutes, to the number of Four and twenty. One was for the better frequenting Chapel, and singing the Service. Another for the Residence of the Warden, not to be absent above sixty Days in a Year. The rest were, to observe, at the Dean's Command, the solemn Times of Disputation. That such Bachelors of Arts that were Fellows, should take their Degrees of Masters of Arts, when they were standing for it. That several of them, being Masters of Arts, should take Priests Orders. That the Master and the rest, Fellows and Scholars, should wear long Gowns to their Heels, plain Shirts, and not gathered about the Neck and Arms, and adorned with Silk; and the rest should wear decent Garments. Concerning keeping Boys, beside such as were Servants; that if any of the Fellows, Scholars, or Servants of the College, shall keep any poor Scholars, Boy, or Youth, to lodge with him in his Chamber, or within the College, to nourish him with the Fragments of the College, after such a Day, that he be then admonished by the Warden, or Sub-warden, etc. and such Boys to be expelled the College.  
But it seems this Visitation did not effect the good Ends intended by it: 
Visits it a second Time.  For not long after another Commission for the Visitation of this College, was given by the Archbishop to john Barbar LL. D. Official of his Court of Canterbury.  
In the Month of October, 
The AB● give● order about Shrines.  there issued out the King's Letters to our Archbishop for taking away superstitious Shrines. Which I suppose the Archbishop himself procured, having complained to the King, how little effect former Orders from his Majesty had taken, (and particularly in his own Church) for the Images and Bones of supposed Saints; with all the Monuments of their pretended Miracles, to be taken away and defaced: and how his Injunctions were illuded, which commanded, that there should be no Offerings nor setting up Candles to them in any Church, and specially in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury; which once before had been scoured of these Superstitions, when Thomas a Becket's Tomb, and the the Riches thereof were taken away. The King in this Letter commanded him to cause due search to be made in his Cathedral Church for Shrines, and cover of Shrines, & ●. and to take them away, that there remain no memory thereof; and to command all the Curates and Incumbents of Livings to do the like.  
The King's Letters were as follow.  
By the KING.  

The King to the ABp for searching after Shrines.  MOST Reverend Father in God, right Trusty, and right entirely Wellbeloved, We greet you well: Letting you wit, that whereas heretofore, upon the Zeal and Remembrance which we had to our bounden Duty towards Almighty God, perceiving sundry Superstitions and Abuses to be used and embraced by our People, 
ABp Cranm. Regist.  whereby they grievously offended Him and his Word; We did not only cause the Images and Bones of such as they resorted and offered unto, with the Ornaments of the same; and all such Writings and Monuments of feigned Miracles, wherewith they were illuded, to be taken away in all places of our Realm; but also by our Injunctions commanded, that no Offering, or setting of Lights or Candles, should be suffered in any Church, but only to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar: It is lately come to our knowledge, that this our good Intent and Purpose notwithstanding, the Shrines, Cover of Shrines, and Monuments of those things, do yet remain in sundry places of our Realm, much to the slander of our Doings, and to the great Displeasure of Almighty God, the same being means to allure our Subjects to their former Hypocrisies and Superstition; and also that our Injunctions be not kept, as appertaineth. Fro [for] the due and speedy reformation whereof, we have thought meet by these our Letters, expressly to Will and Command you, that incontinently upon the Receipt hereof, you shall not only cause due search to be made in your Cathedral Church for those things; and if any Shrine, Covering of Shrine, Table, Monument of Miracles, or other Pilgrimage, do there continue, to cause it to be taken away, so as there remain no memory of it: But also that you shall take order with all the Curates, and others, having Charge within your Diocese, to do the Semblable. And to see that Our Injunctions be duly kept, as appertaineth, without failing, as we trust you, and as you wool answer to the contrary. Yeven [under] our Signet, at our Town of Hull, the iiii day of October, in the xxxiiii Year of our Reign.  
This was dated from Hull, for the King was now in his Progress towards Scotland, to meet the Scots King according to appointment; though he met him not.  
Whereupon the Archbishop, by his Letter dated from Lambeth, Oct. 15. to Richard Lyel LL. D. Dean of the Deaneries of Shoreham, Croyden, Bocking, Risburgh, Terring and Pageham, enjoined him to take care to execute the King's Will: To cite before him with all speed, all and singular the Ministers of the Collegiate Churches; 
The ABp's Orders accordingly to his Dean, his Archdeacon and Commissary.  and Rectors, Vicars and Priests of the Parish-Churches within the Deaneries aforesaid; and then to declare to them the Contents of the King's Letters, and to command them to observe exactly the King's Injunctions. The like Letters he also sent to Edmond Cranmer archdeacon of Canterbury. An Answer to which the said Edmond wrote to the Archbishop, dated Oct. 29. signifying his doing according to the Archbishop's Commandment. The like were written to Hugh Glazier, the Archbishop's Commissary General in the Town of Calais, and the Marches of the same. Who sent his Answer to the Archbishop, Nou. 24. from the Town of Calais.  
I am apt to think that these Letters of the King were Circulary, and sent with the same Command to all the Bishops to see executed in their several Dioceses; though the Effect of them was, according as the Bishops themselves stood affected.  
This Year an exchange was made by the Abp of the Manor of Bishopsb●rn for Bekesburn, 
The ABp lays Bekesburn to the See.  with Sir john Gage, controller of the King's Household. Bekesburn, anciently called Livingsb●rn, was healthfully and conveniently seated, lying an easy distance from Canterbury, whensoever the Archbishops were minded to be retired. This place ABp Parker took a great delight in, and intended greatly to enlarge by Buildings; but died before he began his Purpose. ABp Cranmer made considerable Buildings here, and probably would have done more, had he continued in his Prelacy. In the Year 1552, he finished the Gatehouse now standing; as appears from the North and South sides thereof, wherein are two Stones set in the Brickwork, with the Letters of his Name T. C. and Coat of Arms, and Motto, Nosce Teipsum, & Deum; together with the Date, 1552. This Manor now returned to the Church again; from whence it had been for some time severed; only the Owners changed. For whereas, before the Dissolution of the Monasteries, it belonged to the Priors of Christ-Church, Canterbury; now it came to the Archbishops. This Manor was not given to Christ-Church till after the Year 1400. Thomas Goldstone, a Prior of that Church, and a great Builder, built the Manor-house for a Mansion for the Priors, and a Chapel annexed, and a new Hall adjoining to the Dormitory, and divers other Edifices there; 
Angl. Sacra, Vol. 1. p. 148.  as we learn from the History of the Priors of Canterbury lately published. To which we may add a Record in that Church, to direct us in the Computation of the Time: Viz. Anno Dom. 1508. In vigiliis S. Marci Capella dedicatur in Manerio de Lyvyngsborn, 
Records of Chr. Ch. Cant.  procurante Thoma Goldston. At the Dissolution this was alienated and given to Gage; and from him it came to Archbishop Cranmer and his Successors. And the Bargain was confirmed by Act of Parliament, Anno Henr. 34.  
The Archbishop, 
Learned Preachers preferred by the ABp.  as he had opportunity, preferred Learned and Pious Men in his Diocese, in the Benefices of his Church; and such who freely preached against the Pope, and his Superstitions, against Images, and the Worship of them. The chief of these were Nic. Ridley (afterwards Bishop of London) whom he made Vicar of Herne, and Prebend of Canterbury; and john Scory (afterwards Bishop of Chichester) whom he made one of the six Preachers; Michael Drum, and Lancelot Ridley, worthy Men, were two more of the Six. These he preferred, and divers others about through his Diocese, that set the Abuses of Popery open before the People's Eyes in their Sermons. This so angered the Men of the old Religion, and particularly some of his own Church in Canterbury, that they detected them to the Archbishop, by articling against them for their Doctrine. This they did this Year, when the Archbishop visited his Church. And about two Years after they did so again, as shall be taken notice of in due Season.  

The ABp makes some recant.  About this time it was, that Serles and Shether, two of the Six Preachers of Canterbury, were by the Archbishop's Censure put to Recantation for some unsound Passages they had preached. Which made them such Enemies to the Archbishop, and such Contrivers of his Ruin, by devising and drawing up a great number of Articles against him, if they could have accomplished their Design, as shall be seen hereafter under the Year 1543. It was observed of Shether at this time, that after the pronouncing his Recantation, or Declaration, he added these words, Good Christians, I take God to record, that I never preached any thing to you in my Life but the Truth. And so in short gave himself the Lie, and overthrew all the Recantation he had made before.  


A Convocation.  
Their Business. Fuller's Ch. Hist. from the Records of Canterbury.   The latter end of the Year there was a Convocation: Wherein one of the Matters before them was concerning the procuring a true Translation of the New Testament. Which was indeed intended, not so much to do such a good Work, as to hinder it. For having decried the present Translation, on purpose to make it unlawful for any to use it, they pretended to set themselves about a new One. But it was merely to delay and put off the People from the common use of the Scripture: As appeared plainly enough, in that the Bishops themselves undertook it. And so having it in their own Hands, they might make what delays they pleased. For in the third Session, a Proposition was made for the Translation, and an Assignation to each Bishop of his Task. As Matthew to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Mark to the Bishop of Lincoln, Luke to Winton, john to Ely: and so of the rest. But the Archbishop saw through all this. And therefore, in a Sessions that followed after, told the House from the King, to whom I suppose he had discovered this Intrigue, that the Translation should be left to the Learned of both Universities. This was a Surprise to the Bishops, who all, except Ely and S. David's, protested against it, and began to undervalue the Sufficiency of the Universities, as much decayed of late; and that they were but young Men: and that the greatest Learning lay in the Convocation-men. But the Archbishop roundly said, that he would stick by his Master's Will and Pleasure; and that the Universities should examine the Translation.  

Bishop's Consecrated.  
May 29, being Sunday, 
William Knight.  William Knight was Consecrated Bishop of Bath and Wells by Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, by Virtue of the Archbishop's Letters to him, assisted by Richard Suffragan of Dover, and john Suffragan of Bedford, in the Chapel of the said Bishop of Bath's House, situate in the Minories without Aldgate.  
September the 25 th', john Wakeman, late Abbot of Teuksbury, 
john Wak●man.  was Consecrated the first Bishop of Gloucester, by the Archbishop, Edmond Bishop of London, and Thomas Bishop of Westminster assisting.  
john Chambre B. D. was Consecrated first Bishop of Peterburgh, 
john Chambre.  Octob. 23. in the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh, in the Presbytery there, by john Bishop of Lincoln, Thomas Bishop of Ely, and William Bishop of Norwich, by Commission from the Archbishop.  
February the 19 th', Arthur Bulkeley, 
Arthur Bulkeley.  in the Chapel of john Incent LL. D. Dean of St. Paul's, by john Bishop of Sarum, by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Archbishop, William Bishop of St. David's and john Bishop of Gloucester assisting.  
Robert King, another Abbot, and Titular Bishop Reonen, 
Robert King.  Suffragan to the Bishop of Lincoln, was this Year Consecrated Bishop of Oxford. The Date, or his Consecrators I cannot assign, the Act being omitted in the Archbishop's Register. He was first a Monk of Rewly, a Priory without Oxford, of the Cistertian Order. Then Abbot of Bruerne in Oxfordshire. After, Abbot of Thame, of which he was also called Bishop: and lastly of Oseney. Both which he surrendered to the King at the dissolution of Monasteries. This Man, when Suffragan, preached at S. Mary's in Stamford, where he most fiercely inveighed against such as used the New Testament. In Q. Mary's Reign he was a persecutor of the Protestants, and died, 1557.    

CHAP. XXIV. The King's Book revised.  
THE Archbishop was this Year, among other things, 
An. 1542.  employed in the King's Book, as it now was called, that is, The Erudition of any Christian Man, spoken of before. 
The King's Book revised by the ABp.  For the King was minded now to have it well reviewed, and if there were any Errors, and less proper Expressions, to have them corrected and amended. And so to have it recommended unto the People as a complete Book of Christian Principles, in the stead of the Scripture; which upon pretence of their abuse of, the King would not allow longer to be read. Accordingly a Correction was made throughout the Book: and the correct Copy sent to Cranmer to peruse. Which he did, and added his own Annotations upon various Passages in it at good length. And had it not been too long, I had transcribed it wholly out of a Volume in the Benet-College Library. But for a taste take this that follows. In the Title, under his own Hand, was this written, Animadversions upon the King's Book.  

Upon the Chapter of Original Sin.  

Mis●●llan●● D. inter MSS. C.C.C.C.  For the first Offence of our Father Adam.] No Man shall be damned for the Offences of Adam, but for his own proper Offences, either Actual, or Original. Which Original Sin every Man hath of his own, and is born in it, although it came from Adam.  
The principal means (viz. God's Favour) whereby all Sinners attain their justification]. This Sentence importeth, that the Favour and Love of the Father of Heaven towards us, is the Means whereby we come to his Favour and Love. And so should one thing be the Means to itself. And it is not the use of Scripture to call any other the Means and Mediator for us, but only Jesus Christ, by whom our access is to the Father.  
Having assured Hope and Confidence in Christ's Mercy, willing to enter into his perfect Faith.] He that hath assured Hope and Confidence in Christ's Mercy, hath already entered into a perfect Faith, and not only hath a Will to enter into it. For perfect Faith is nothing else but assured Hope and Confidence in Christ's Mercy.   

Upon the Explication of the Tenth Commandment.  
Without due Recompense.] This Addition agrees not well with the Coveting of another Man's Wife, wherein is no Recompensation. And in the other things, although Recompensation be made, yet the Commandment nevertheless is transgressed and broken.   

Upon another Chapter concerning Obedience to the Civil Power.  
By his Ordinate Power.] This word Ordinate Power obscureth the Sentence in the understanding of them that be simple and unlearned: and among the Learned it gendereth Contention and Disputation, rather than it any thing edifieth. Therefore methinketh it better, and more plain as it is in the print, or else to say, By his Ordinance. For the Scripture speaketh simply and plainly, Potestati ejus quis resistit?  
By these few Passages, which I have carefully taken out of the Archbishop's own Book, may be seen of what a Critical and Exact Judgement he was.  

Divers Discourses of the ABp.  But besides these Adversaria in these Papers of the Archbishop's Annotations, there be divers large Discourses of his, upon several Heads of Religion, drawn up, as I conceive, upon the King's Command, to be inserted into his Book above mentioned. I have extracted some of these Discourses; as upon Faith, Justification, and Forgiveness of Injuries: Wherein may be seen his sound Opinion in those great Doctrines of Christian Religion. I took also out of the same Volume, some Specimen of three other Discourses of his. One with this Title, writ by his own Hand, De Consolation Christianorum contra metum mortis. Ex Doctoribus Ecclesiasticis. Compiled, I guess, as well for his own use, being not inapprehensive of his ticklish Station and Danger, from so many and implacable Enemies which he had, as to be inserted in the aforesaid Book. The others were two Exhortations, to take the Pains of Sickness well, and Adversity patiently: the one taken out of Cyprian, the other out of S. Augustin, Lib. De visitatione infirmorum. The Specimen of them are in the Appendix; as also the Discourses of Faith, 
No. XXXI. No. XXXII.  Justification, and Forgiveness of Injuries.  
This Year Boner Bishop of London set forth Injunctions for the Clergy of his Diocese, 
The goodly Primer.  containing Directions for their Preaching and Conversation; together with a Catalogue of certain Books prohibited: Which the Curates were to inquire after in their respective Parishes, and to inform their Ordinaries of them, and of those in whose possessions they found them. Among these Books were the English Testament of Tindal, and divers other Pieces of the said godly and learned Man; some Prefaces and Marginal Glosses of Thomas Matthews in his English Bible. A Book of Friar Barnes. The Supplication of Beggars. The Practice of Prelates. The Revelation of Antichrist. The Church of john Rastal. The Disputation between the Father and the Son. The Preface made in the English Primers by Marshal. This Marshal was he, I suppose, whose Christian Name was Cuthbert, and was D. D. and archdeacon of Nottingham, and died about 1549. At this Book I will stop a little, being a Book of Eminency and Remark in those Times; and that hath such a strain of Truth and serious Piety in it, that it seems very probable, that the Archbishop had a considerable hand it, and procured the Publication of it, Cum privilegio Regali. It was styled A Goodly Primer, or Book of Prayers, and called The King's Primer. I speak of the second Edition, which was about the Year 1535. It began with an Admonition to the Reader, containing very sharp and severe Reflections upon the Popish Devotions, and praying to Saints. And towards the conclusion, the Writer professeth, That this his Admonition proceeded neither of blind Zele, or Affection, neither of Will or Purpose to offend or displease any Man, much less than to displease any Saint in Heaven; and in no wise than our blessed Lady, but evin of very pure Love to the Honour of God, and Health of Man's Souls.  
Then followeth a pious Exposition of the Ten Commandments; and the Creed. Then is a general Confession of Sin. Which goes according to the Commandments, after this manner: 1. I have not set my whole Belief, Confidence, Trust and Hope in thee, etc. 2. I have divided thy Worship and Honour from Thee, and given it to thy Creatures, and to dead things, imagined of my own fond Fantasy; I mean, in the misusing of Images. 3. I have abased thy Name, etc. 4. In the Sabbath-day I have not given myself to hearing, reading and learning the Holy Scriptures, etc. Then comes an Exposition upon the Lord's Prayer, and the Salutation. Some short Prayers. Some Graces before and after Meat; most of which are Graces still retained in our English Primers, after the Catechism. And the Method of the Book is the same with our children's Primer now in use. In this Edition there was a Litany added, with a Preface before it, directly against praying to Saints, and showing the difference of the Case, between presenting our Petitions to God, and presenting a Petition to an Earthly King: that though this latter cannot be done without the mediation of some Servant of the King, yet the former may be done immediately to God, in the Name of Christ. Besides, he said, there were many doubtful Saints: that many Saints canonised by the Bishop of Rome, whether they were Saints or no, he committed to the secret Judgement of God. By this taste of the Preface, you easily see, why Bishop Boner placed it among the prohibited Books, to be diligently searched for. The Litany the Author added, for the sake of many People, that thought there could be no right Prayers without they were in the old form of Processions, which were by way of Litany, or Supplication to Angels and Saints. And so he writ in this Preface, that it was for the Contentation of such weak Minds, and somewhat to bear their Infirmities, that he had at this his second Edition of the Primer, caused the Litany to be printed. In this Litany all doubtful Saints are left out, and he addresseth only to the Holy Angels S. Michael; S. Raphael, etc. to pray for us; And the Blessed Apostles, S. Peter, S. Paul, S. Andrew, etc. The Prayer for the King, nameth K. Henry VIII, and his gracious Son Prince Edward. In the Calendar Thomas a Becket's Days are still retained in red Letters. But I suppose that was done of course by the Printer, using the old Calendar. In the same Book is a large and pious Paraphrase on Psalm LI. A Dialogue between the Father and the Son. Meditations on Christ's Passion; and many other things.  

The ABp instrumental to the Reformation in Scotland.  By somewhat that happened this Year, the Archbishop proved very instrumental in promoting the Reformation of corrupt Religion in the Neighbouring Nation of Scotland: which this Year had received a great Overthrow by the English Army; and great Numbers of Scotish Noblemen and Gentlemen were taken Prisoners, and brought up to London, and after disposed of in the Houses of the English Nobility and Gentry, under an easy Restraint. The Earl of Cassillis was sent to Lambeth; 
Hist. Reform. Vol. 1. p. 320.  where the good Archbishop showed him all Respects, in providing him with Necessaries and Conveniences, but especially in taking care of his Soul. He detected to him the great Errors of Popery, and the Reasons of those Regulations that had been lately made in Religion in England. And so successful was the Archbishop herein, that the Earl went home much enlightened in true Religion; which that Nation then had a great aversion to, for they highly misliked the Courses King Henry took. Which Prejudices the King understanding, endeavoured to take off, by sending Barlow Bishop of S. David's to Scotland, with the Book of The Institution of a Christian Man. Which nevertheless made no great Impression upon that People. But this that happened to the Scotish Nobility, that were now taken Prisoners, and especially this Guest of the Archbishop, becoming better inclined to Religion by the Knowledge they received while they remained here, had a happier Effect, and brought on the Reformation that after happened in that Kingdom.  
The Parliament being summoned in january, 
An Act procured by the ABp.  in order to the King's making War with France, (whither he intended to go in Person) the Archbishop resolved to try this Occasion to do some good Service again for Religion, which had of late received a great stop. His Endeavour now was to moderate the severe Acts about Religion, and to get some Liberty for the People's reading of the Scripture. 
Hist. Refor. Vol. 1. p. 321.  Cranmer first made the Motion, and four Bishops, viz. Worcester, Hereford, Chichester and Rochester, seconded him. But Winchester opposed the Archbishop's Motion with all earnestness. And the Faction combined with so much Violence, that these Bishops and all other fell off from the Archbishop; and two of them endeavoured to persuade the Archbishop to desist at present, and to stay for a better Opportunity. But he refused, and followed his Stroke with as much vigour as he could; and in fine, by his persuasion with the King and the Lords, a Bill past. And the King was the rather inclined thereunto, because he being now to go abroad upon a weighty Expedition, thought convenient to leave his Subjects at home as easy as might be. So with much struggling, an Act was past, entitled, An Act for the Advancement of True Religion, and the Abolishment of the contrary. In this Act, as Tindal's Translation of the Scriptures was forbidden to be kept or used, so other Bibles were allowed to some Persons, excepting the Annotations and Preambles, which were to be cut or dashed out. And the King's former Proclamations and Injunctions with the Primers, and other Books printed in English, for the Instruction of the People before the Year 1540, were still to be in force, which it seems before were not. And that every Nobleman and Gentleman, might have the Bible read in their Houses: and that Noble Ladies, and Gentlewomen, and Merchants might read it themselves. But no Men or Women under those Degrees. That every Person might read and teach in their Houses, the Book set out in the Year 1540, (which was, The necessary Erudition of a Christian Man) with the Psalter, Primer, Pater noster, Ave, and Creed in English. But when Winchester and his Party saw that they could not hinder the Bill from passing, they clogged it with Prouisoes, that it came short of what the Archbishop intended it; as that the People of all sorts and conditions universally might not read the Scriptures, but only some few of the higher Rank. And that no Book should be printed about Religion without the King's Allowance. And that the Act of the Six Articles should be in the same Force it was before.   

A Bishop Consecrated.  

Paul Bush.  june the 25 th', being Sunday, Paul Bush, Provincial of the Bonhommes, was consecrated the first Bishop of Bristol, by Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, assisted by Thomas Bishop of Westminster, and john Suffragan of Bedford. This Consecration was celebrated in the Parish-Church of Hampton in the Diocese of Westminster.    

CHAP. XXV. Presentments at a Visitation.  

An. 1543.  BY the Act abovementioned, the generality of the People were restrained from reading the Holy Scriptures. 
The King's Book published by Authority.  But in lieu of it was set forth by the King and his Clergy, in the Year 1543, a Doctrine for all his Subjects to use and follow; which was the Book abovesaid: and all Books that were contrary to it, were by Authority of Parliament condemned. It was printed in London by Thomas Barthelet. This Book the Archbishop enjoined to be made public in his Diocese, (as I suppose it was in all other Dioceses throughout the Kingdom) and allowed no preaching or arguing against it. And when one Mr. joseph, once a Friar in Canterbury, now a learned and earnest Preacher, (and who was afterward preferred to Bow-Church in London) had attempted to preach against some things in the Book, the Archbishop checked and forbade him: For indeed there were some Points therein, which the Archbishop himself did not approve of, foisted into it by Winchester's Means and Interest at that time with the King. Which Bishop, politicly as well as flatteringly, called it The King's Book, a Title which the Archbishop did not much like; for he knew well enough Winchester's Hand was in it. And so he told him plainly in K. Edward's Time, when he might speak his Mind; telling him in relation thereunto, That he had seduced the King. But because of the Authority of the Parliament ratifying the Book, and the many good and useful Things that were in it, the Archbishop introduced and countenanced it in his Diocese, and would not allow open preaching against it.  

A Visitation at Ca●terbury.  The Archbishop, about the Month of September, held a Visitation in Canterbury: chiefly because of the Jangling of the Preachers, and the divers Doctrines vented among them, according as their Fancies, Interests or Judgements led them. The Visitation proceeded upon the King's Injunctions and other late Ordinances. And here I shall set down before the Reader some of the Presentments, as I take them from an Original in a Volume that belonged to this Archbishop. 
Intit. Accusatio Cranmer, inter MSS. C.C.C.C.  Wherein notice may be taken, what ignorance was then in some of the Priests; what bandying against one another, and what good Progress the Gospel did begin to make, and what good Numbers of Priests and Laymen there were, that savoured of the Gospel-Doctrine.  

Presentments.  Sir Humphrey Chirden, Parson of S. Elphins, on a Sunday in Lent, said, If judas had gone to God and confessed his Fault, saying Peccavi, as he went unto the Priests, he had not been damned. 
An. 1543.  This Passage was plain enough leveled against confessing to a Priest. But this was presentable, because against the Six Articles.  
One Lancaster, the Parson of Pluckley, was presented, because that when one Giles said, That he blessed himself daily and nightly, saying, In nomine Patris, & Filii & Sp. Sancti; and then said, In the Honour of God and our Lady, and all the company of Heaven, and for all Christian Souls, that God would have prayed for, a Paternoster, an Ave, and a Creed; the said Parson said to him, That if he knew it of Truth, that the said Giles used the same form of Prayer, he would not accompany him, nor once drink with him.  
Vincent Ingeam, a (Justice of Peace I suppose) commanded, on Easter Monday, 33ᵒ of the King, that no Man should read, or hear the Bible read, upon pain of Imprisonment: and cast two into Prison, the one for speaking against him therein, and the other for showing him the King's Injunctions concerning the same. He repugned against the Doings of the Commissary, for taking down the Image of S. john, by the King's Commandment. Where I find, among other witnesses to this, one Daniel Cranmer, a Relation doubtless of the Archbishop.  
Sir Thomas, Curate of Sholden, and Thomas Sawyer set up again four Images, which by the King's Commandment were taken down, for Abuses by Pilgrimages and Offerings: viz. S. Nicolas, S. Stephen, S. Laurence, and our Lady.  
Another accused for forsaking his own Parish-Church at the time of Easter, two Years together, [not liking his Parish-Priest for his affection to the Gospel] and for going to Walsingham [in Pilgrimage▪] and that he would at no time show to the Vicar a lawful Certificate, that he had received the Blessed Sacrament at the time commonly accustomed, as a Christian Man ought to do. And obstinately refused to learn his Pater Noster, Ave, Credo, and Ten Commandments in English, according to the King's Injunctions.  
Sir Edward Sponer, Vicar of Boughton, had not declared to his Parishioners the right use of Ceremonies, neither showed the difference between them, and Works commanded by God, as he is commanded by the King's Proclamation. He had not preached against the Bishop of Rome his usurped Power, and set forth the King's Supremacy, as he is bound by the King's Injunctions, and other his Proceedings. He hath not preached his Quarter's Sermons, neither at Boughton, nor at his Benefice in the Mersh. He never declared, that the Even of such Saints, whose Days be abrogated, be no Fasting-days.  
The archdeacon of Canterbury (that was Edmund the Archbishop's Brother) the morrow after the Ascension was three Years, took out of the Church of S. Andrews in Canterbury, three lamp Tapers brenning before the Sacrament, and a Coat from a Rood, and did violently break the Arms and Legs of the Rood.  
Sir William Kemp, Vicar of Northgate, had not read the Bible since Pentecost, as he was commanded by the Ordinary. He doth not declare to his Parishioners the right use of Holy Water, Holy Bread, bearing of Candles upon Candlemassday, giving of Ashes, bearing of Palms, creeping to the Cross. For lack whereof the most part of the said Parish be as ignorant in such things, as ever they were. And many of them do abuse Holy Water, insomuch that against Tempests of Thunder and Lightning, many run to the Church for Holy Water to cast about their Houses, to drive away Evil Spirits and Devils, notwithstanding the King's Proclamations in the same. He hath not read to them the King's Injunctions, as he ought to do, by reason whereof his Parish be blind and ignorant in them.  
Bartholomew joy confessed to his Curate in general, saying, I am a Sinner. And when the Vicar asked him, wherein he had sinned, he answered, that he had confessed himself to the Lord already, and that he would make none other Confession at that time; and so departed.  
john Tofts, Christopher Levenysh, Bartholomew joy, in the 30 th' of the King, pulled down all the Pictures in the Church of Northgate in Canterbury, except only the Rood, Mary and john, the Twelve Apostles, the Picture of our Lady and S. john Baptist. And in the thirty fourth of the King, Tofts pulled down the Picture of our Lady, and had her and the Tabernacle home to his House, and there did hew her all to Pieces. And at another time, the same Tofts openly, with a loud Voice, read the Bible in English in the Church to his Wife, Sterkies' Wife, George Tofts Wife, to the Midwife of the same Parish, and to as many others as then were present.  
joanna Meriwether of S. Mildred's Parish, for displeasure that she bore towards a young Maid, named Elizabeth Celsay, and her Mother, made a Fire upon the Dung of the said Elizabeth; and took a holy Candle, and dropped upon the said Dung. And she told unto her Neighbours, that the said Enchantment would make the Cule of the said Maid to divide into two parts.  
Rafe, the Bell-ringer of Christ-Church, at the Burial of Dr. Champion, [the Archbishop's Chaplain] after the Priest had censed his Grave, and a Boy was bearing away the Censers and the Coals, called after the Boy, and took the Censers, and poured the hot Coals upon him in his Grave, to the great slander of the said Dr. Champion, as though he had been an Heretic, worthy burning. Also he said, the King was content that all Images should be honoured as they were wont to be.  
Coxson, Petty Canon of Christ-Church, made his Testament, by the advice of Mr. Parkhurst, Mr. Sandwich and Mr. Mills, Canons of the said Church; and gave and bequeathed to every Vicar of Christ-Church twenty Pence, that had a pair of Beads, and would say our Lady Psalter for his Soul departed. And this was executed according to the Will.  
The Parson of Alyngton never preached in the Church of Alyngton, nor declared against the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome, nor set forth the King's Supremacy according to the King's Proclamations, Letters and Injunctions. He hath been a great setter forth in his Parish of the Maid of Kent, Pilgrimages, feigned Relics, and other such Superstitions; and yet never recanted, and reproved the same, according to the King's Majesty's Injunctions. He hath not declared to his Parishioners, that the Eves of such holidays as be abrogate, be no Fasting-days, according to the King's Injunctions. So upon the Sundays, Candlemass-day, Ash-wednesday, Palm-Sunday, and Good-Friday, he hath not declared the true use of the Ceremonies, used those Days according to the King's Proclamation.  
The Curate of Stodmersh did dissuade Men from eating of White-meats the last Lent, and rebuked them that did eat White-meats. About Alhallontide was twelvemonth he preached in S. Dunstan's Church beside Canterbury, that Men should love God, and fear God, but not to trust him too much.  
Turnor, in the time of his being at Chatham, did cast no Holy Water, neither before the Sacrament, nor upon any Altar in the Church, (except the high Altar.) Nor also before the Crucifix in the Roodloft, according to the laudable Ceremony. He christened three Children upon one day, and did not anoint them with Holy Oil, neither upon Back nor Belly. He neither incensed the Crucifix in the Roodloft, nor any Altar in the Church, except the high Altar: Nor distributed any Holy Candles among his Parishioners, as hath been accustomed.  
Sir james Newnam and one Laurence, took down an Image of our Lady; to the which was no Offering, except Candles at the Purification of Women: nor any Miracles noted to be done there by the said Image.  
Scory, one of the six Preachers, said, that much Superstitions were used in the Church, as making of Crosses upon Palm-Sunday, setting of them up, and Blessing them with the Holy Candles; Ringing of Bells in the Thunder. For think you, said he, that the Devil will be afraid, or flee away at Cross-making, hurling of Holy Water, ringing of Bells, and such other Ceremonies; when he was not afraid to take Christ himself, and cast him on his Back, and set him on a Pinnacle? Those things that be good of themselves, may not utterly be put away, although they be abused. For then the Holy Sacrament of the Altar should be set aside, which is daily bought and sold.  
Serles, one of the six Preachers, in a Sermon said, If the Preacher preach Error and erroneous Doctrine, the simple Man, though he receive it and believe it, it doth not infect nor corrupt him. And this he repeated twice. He said also, that Moses sent Letters from Hell, to teach the State thereof, and how Men should live. And another likewise out of Heaven. Item, they say, (said he) that only Faith justifies, and that it maketh no matter how we do live: Christ died for us, and by his Blood hath washed all our Sins away; therefore what needeth us to fast or pray?  
Sandwich a Canon of Christ's-Church, said in his Sermon in the Year 1542. Whereas a good Christian or Evil, preached unto you truly the Word of God, as I report me to the Conscience of you all; yet some that have evil Ears, did Evil report of me. But if their Ears were cut off, as Malchus' was, and set up where every Man might wonder at them, I think therein a Man should not wish much against Charity. At another time, in the Year 1543. he said in his Sermon, Some, if they are given to Goodness, to follow the Decrees of Holy Church, to kneel before the Blessed Sacrament, they will counsel them from the same, and say, Deus in manufactis Templis non habitat. They will have none of the Holy Doctors. They will not have S. Augustin, S. Ambrose, S. Hierom, S. Gregory, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, etc. Since the time we have been given to new Fangles, the Spirit of new Fangle hath brought in the Spirit of Error. But what Remedy then, said he, to obtain the Spirit of Truth again? Of that, said he, I spoke the last time that I preached, and showed you that we must return where we went out. We must return to our Dog, to our Conscience again; and that will certify us where is the Truth.  
Shether, one of the six Preachers, said, That there was one straight Way to the Truth, in which we & all Men have gone a long time; saving a few now of late, not being content to follow that Trade, have wandered in divers Pathways to seek a nearer way to the Truth. But they are like unto one, that being clean lost, was fain to ask which way he might go to the end of his Journey? And to such it was answered, You be clean out of the Way, and there is none other means for you, but even to turn back again, and to begin your Journey again where you left. Nothing at all, as the Informer adds, admonishing the People of the Way, which Men had lost, by defending and retaining the Usurpations of Rome: Nor no mention, that the King's Majesty hath reform the Abuses of Superstitious Religion. But even as one, that would have all things honestly reform, to revert again into their Superstition, for the maintenance of all Blindness and Error, commanded every Man to turn back, and to begin where they left.  
Dr. Willowby the Vicar of Chilham, keepeth still in his Church a certain Shrine gilt, named S. Austin's Shrine: Which Shrine was conveyed from S. Austin's of Canterbury, unto the Parish-Church of Chilham, at the suppression of the Monastery of S. Austin's. Item, a Rood there, which had Shoes of Silver, being a Monument of Pilgrimage, or Offering, standeth yet still, being only spoiled of the Monument. He said, Images had Power of God to help sick People, vowing unto them, the Communication then being of our Lady of Cutupstreet, between the said Vicar and own Dawson of Chatham, a Miller. Memorandum, that Potter's Wife was banished out of Feversham, for her suspect lying with Dr. Willowby, and also was compelled to forsake Chilham for the same, about two or three Years past; and yet she remains in the Company of the said Doctor.  
Serles, mentioned before, in a Sermon made in the Chapterhouse of Christ's-Church, An. 1543, said, Some that occupy this place of Preaching, say no Matins, Mass nor Evensong once in a Quarter. They be never seen confessed, nor to occupy Porteous, nor Mass-Book. These use no Vocal Prayer: Beware of their Doctrine. In the Church of Leneham in the Day of Assumption, he said, That as the Moon is in the Full at fourteen Days, even so Mary was conceived fully with Christ, when she was fourteen Years old. Item, he said, That if one had looked in Mary, when she was full conceived with Christ, he should have perceived him in his Mother's Womb, with a Bush of Thorns on his Back: For he was Crucified, Crowned, and pricked with Thorns. That Mary bare Christ poorly; for she had no Fire, but begged a Coal of one, and a Stick of another to warm her Child. He preached, that Mary nourished her Son with Milk, but not with material Milk, but with Milk that came from Heaven: For no Woman else can nourish her Child with material Milk, than she that is conceived by knowledge of Man. [And no question this Heavenly Milk came along the milky Way.] That all the whole Faith of the World remained in Mary only for the space of three Days and three Nights. That Faith was dead in the Apostles, and in all the World, from the Death of Christ till his Resurrection, and remained in the Virgin Mary whole and only. That the Sorrows that she had, were greater and more painful than Christ's, but for Death only. That Christ descended into Hell, and rose the third Day and ascended into Heaven, and many more with him; saying thus, Multa corpora ascenderunt cum Christo, ut perhiberent testimonium. In Ashford he preached, that Prayer was not acceptable with God, but in the Church only, and no where else; alleging this Text, Domus mea domus orationis vocabitur. Then and there he said also, You Fellows of the new Trick, that go up and down with your Testaments in your Hands, I pray you what Profit take you by them? [this last Passage relating to the Testament, was interlined by Cranmer himself]. As Adam was expulsed out of Paradise for meddling with a Tree of Knowledge, even so be we for meddling with the Scripture of Christ. He said, There were some that said, that part of the Ave Maria was made to a Strumpet. That Christ in the Gospel confounded Mary Magdalene with two Parables, likening her to an Alestake, and to a poor Woman whom an Emperor had married, and in his presence did lie with a leprous Lazar-man. Anno 1542, Preaching in Kennyngton-Church on Good-friday, he said, That as a Man was creeping to the Cross upon a Good-friday, the Image loosed itself off the Cross, and met the Man before he came to the Cross, and kissed him. At the Funeral of Mr. Boys, he preached, That by the receiving of the Sacraments and Penance, all a Man's deadly Sins were forgiven clearly, but the venial Sins remained; and for them they that died should be punished, except they were relieved by Masses and Dirges after their Death. [This that follows is Cranmers hand,] He preacheth no Sermon, but one part of it is an Invective against the other Preachers of Christ's Church.  
Shether preached at Sandwich in the Year 1542, That Baptism taketh away but only Original Sin. At another time there, That every Man, since the Passion of Christ, hath us much Liberty and freewill, as ever Adam had in Paradise before his Fall. That the new Preachers, with the liberty of the Gospel, have caused our Livings to be worse than the Turks. That Zacharias, and Elizabeth his Wife, kept all the Commandments of God▪ and that it was a light thing for every Man to keep them, if he would. That Christ and Baptism did nothing else but wash away Original Sin▪ and that if any Man after Baptism did fall, he must purchase Remission of his Sins by Penance, as Mary Magdalene did. That a certain King was sick of a Leprosy, and had a Vision to go to jordan to be washed, and should be whole. And as he was in his good Intent going, h● thought that he had as good and sweet Water in his own Country, as that was; and so returned back and washed himself therein, but nothing at all he thereby mended: And then he went to jordan, and so was made whole. He compared Man's Conscience to a Dog. Beware of these false Preachers, which preach to you new Fangles. Will you know how to discern a true Preacher from a False? You have a Dog, which is your Conscience: Whensoever you shall come to any Sermon, ask your Dog, What he saith unto it? If he say, it be good, then follow it: but if your Dog bark against it, and say it is naught, then beware and follow it not. Adding these words, If you will ask your Conscience, What she thinks of such new Fangles as are brought into the Church of God, she will say, that they be naught. He also preached, that Men nowadays say, that Holy Water signifieth of Christ Blood. O! these are very glorious words. But it is not fit, good Christians, that such new Fangles and Fantasies of Men should be brought into the Church of God. Item, In all his Sermons he commonly useth to make Invectives against the other Preachers of this Cathedral Church; making the People believe, that the Preachers of the Church, preach nothing but a carnal Liberty, new Fangles, new Auricular Confession, Prayers, Fasting, and all good Works. This last is added by Cranmers Hand, as are also several other Passages above, according as he himself took the Examination.  
And as the Gospelers thus articled against the Papists, so the Papists were as hot in drawing up Articles against the Gospelers.  
Scory, beforementioned, was accused, that he preached in a Sermon at S. Elphies, on Ascension-day 1541. That there was none in Heaven but Christ only; [meaning, I suppose, as Mediators there with God, in opposition to the Intercession of Saints]. Then followeth, writ by Cranmers hand, these words; The Witnesses against him, were Bradkirk Priest, Shether, Marden, Colman; Adding, These four be Witnesses against all the Articles of Ridley and Scory, in the first Detection made to me two Years past. Then follow more Accusations of Scory. He preached in August ●ast, in the Chapterhouse of Christ's-Church, That no Man may pray in any wise in Latin, or other Tongue▪ except he understand what he prayeth. And that Priests and Clarks do offend, taking any Money or Reward for saying Dirige and Mass. He said▪ that some Preachers brought in their Sermons Gesta Romanorum, persuading to the People, that it was the Gospel or the Bible. Another time, Anno 1541▪ he preached in Lent in Christ's-Church, Canterbury▪ That only Faith justifies; and he that doth deny, that only Faith doth justify, would deny, if he durst be so bold, that Christ doth justify. He preached at Christ's-Church another time, That the Supper of the Lord, which is Sacrificium & Hostia, is not Hostia pro peccatis, but Hostia L●●dis. He preached at Faversham, Anno 1542▪ in the Feast of Dedication▪ That the Dedication of material Churches was instituted for the Bishop Profits; and that he could not see by Scripture, that they might use any such Fashions for that purpose, as for Conjuration. And then they must conjure the Devil out of the Ground, or out of the Lime and Stones. And if so, than it were as necessary for every Man's House to be consecrate or dedicate. Admit, quoth he, that the Dedication of the same were lawful, yet the Bishops should always preach, (for that is their Office); and other Men might and may consecrate them as well as they.  
Item, This sumptuous adorning of Churches, is against the old Fashion of the Primitive Church. They had no such Copes, nor Chalices, nor other Jewels, nor Gildings, nor Paintings of Images, as we now have. And therefore if I were Curate, I would sell all such things, or lay them to pledge to help the Poor.  
At Christmas last there was a general Procession by the King's Majesty, and Mr. Scory preached these words: Every Country hath a Custom to choose a Patron. As England hath chosen S. George; Scotland, S. Andrew, etc. thinking, rather by intercession of Saints to obtain the Victory of their Enemies. But, good People, quoth he, forasmuch as Saints be circumscript, it is not possible for the Saint that is in the North, to hear the Prayer that is made in the South; nor that Saint that is in the South, to hear the Prayer that is made in the North. But this last Passage of the Christmas Sermon hath a Cross struck through it.  
Ridley, the Prebendary, was charged, Sept. 22. 1543, that he preached at S. Stephens, in the Rogation Week, Anno Reg. 32. that Auricular Confession was but a mere positive Law, and ordained as a godly Means for the Sinner to come to the Priest for Counsel; but he could not find it in Scripture. And that there was no meeter Terms to be given to the Ceremonies of the Church, than to call them Beggarly Ceremonies. That Te Deum hath been sung commonly in English at Herne, where the said Mr. Doctor is Vicar.  
Brooks, one of the six Preachers, was accused for preaching, That all Masters and Mistresses were bound to eat Eggs, Butter and Cheese in Lent, to give Example to their Households to do the same. [This the Papists thought a breaking of Lent, to allow this eating of White-meats, whereas Fish only ought to be eaten.] And he thought, that the Ceremonies of the Church were but Beggarly Ceremonies, and that was the meetest Term he could give them.  
Thomas Carden, Vicar of Lime, in a Lenten-Sermon, Anno 1543, said, He supposed S. Katherine was rather a Devil in Hell, than a Saint in Heaven. And that the People said naught, and that this term was naught to say, That they should receive their Maker at Easter; but they should say, we shall receive our Housel. He preached, That the Water in the Font is no better than other Water is.  
Drum, one of the six Preachers, in the Year 1543, preached in a Sermon made in Christ's-Church, that we may not pray in an Unknown Tongue; for if we do, we do but mock with God, and of God we be mocked. As if a Man do come to a Lord, and babble to him words he knoweth not, the Lord will but mock him, and account him for a Fool. So thy Prayer, Man, not understood, is but babbling; and for that before God thou art but a Fool. Your Psalmody and Song in the Church is so taken with God, if that you, which do occupy yourselves therein, do not understand it. And thou, that so babblest, dost break the Command of God: For it is written, Non accipies nomen Dei in vanum. And you do call on God vainly, when you do call upon him in a Tongue that you understand not. Wherefore to such as know not the Latin, it must be needful to pray in the Mother-Tongue. Item, That the Material Church is a thing made and ordained to content the Affections of Men, and is not the thing that pleaseth God, nor that God requires; but is a thing that God doth tolerate for the weakness of Men. For as the Father contenteth his Child with an Apple, or a Hobby-horse; not because these things do delight the Father, but because the Child, ruled by Affections, is more desirous of these things than the Father is rejoiced in the Deed: So Almighty God, condescending to the Infirmities of Man, and his weakness, doth tolerate material Churches, gorgeously built, and richly decked; not because he requires, or is pleased with such things. This Drum was one of the Cambridg Men, that Cardinal Wolsey transplanted into his College at Oxon, and who suffered Imprisonment there some time after with Cox and Frith, and divers others of the same College for Matters of Religion. But however Drum afterwards fell away into Papistry.  
Lancaster, Parson of Pluckley, useth not in the Church-porch any haly Water, according to the laudable Custom of the Church. A great part of his Parish useth not to receive haly Bread. Going on Procession, he useth not to rehearse Sancta Maria, nor any other Saints Names.  
The Curate of Much Mongam, going on Procession, refuseth, and will in no wise sing, nor say, the Litany in such manner as all other Curates do.  

Reflections upon the former Presentments.  All these Collections I have made out of the Original of this Visitation of the Archbishop. Wherein may be seen the particular Matters in these Times vented and tossed about in the Pulpits; the trifling way of Popish Preaching, consisting in ridiculous lying Fables and Stories, as is used still in the Popish Countries; and with how much more Solidity, Truth and Reason the Sermons of those, who favoured the Gospel, were replenished. We may observe here also, how diligent our Archbishop was in his care of his Diocese, and the pains he took to come to a perfect Detection of his Clergy, in order to their Regulation, and divers other things, which an ingenious Reader will take notice of.  

The Prebendaries and Preachers admonished by the ABp.  The Archbishop had all the Prebendaries and Preachers before him in his Consistory, at Croyden, on Trinity-Sunday was twelve Month; where he argued with them, instructed, rebuked, exhorted them, according as he saw needful for ever Man, with relation unto the Articles abovesaid. He told Serles, who had preached in favour of Images in Churches, as Representatives of Saints, and not Idols, That Imago & Idolum was one thing; but the one was the Latin, the other the Greek. To which Gardener, a Prebend of the Church, replied, That he did not think, that an Image and an Idol was one, but that an Image, not abused with Honour, is an Image, and not an Idol. This saying of the Archbishop did so gall them, that they took occasion after, in their Sermons, to confute it. And they lyingly reported in Canterbury, that the ABp should say, He would be even with Gardiner, or that Gardener should repent his reasoning with him. Whereas all that Cranmer said, was, that the Communication that Gardiner had that Day, should be repeated again at his Grace's coming to Canterbury. The same day the Archbishop told them, that he had set in their Church six Preachers, three of the old Learning, and three of the New. Now Gardiner told him, he thought that would not be for the most quietness in Preachers. The Archbishop replied, that he had showed the King's Grace what he had done in that Matter, and that the King's Pleasure was, that it should be so. He then also gave them Warning, that none should inveigh against others in their Sermons.   

CHAP. XXVI. A black Cloud over the Archbishop.  
SOon after this, 
The Prebendaries Plot against the ABp.  a great and black Cloud hung over our Archbishop's Head, that threatened to break upon him in Thunder and Lightning. The Prebendaries and others of the Church of Canterbury for the most part were addicted to the Pope and the old Superstitions. Which the Archbishop endeavouring to abolish, and to bring in truer knowledge of Religion among them, caused them to do what they could to oppose him. And indeed they usually carried themselves disobligingly enough to him. Which made him say to one of them, viz. Gardiner, alias Sandwich, You and your Company hold me short, but I will hold you as short. They seemed now to have a fair Advantage against him, upon account of the Statute of the Six Articles: which the King at this time stood much upon the execution of; and did give out, that he required Justices and others, his Officers, in their several Places, to give notice of all Disobedience against it. The Bishop of Winchester also was now in great Favour with the King, a constant Adversary to Canterbury, and implacably set against the New Learning, as it was then called. He thought to take this opportunity to deal so effectually with the King, as to get the Gospel destroyed, and all that adhered to it. And moreover, about this time was given out a saying ordinarily, That the Bishop of Winchester had bend his Bow to shoot at some of the head Deer: Meaning, as the Issue made manifest, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Queen Katherine Par, and others of the Court.  
And to carry on his Purpose, he being a Privy-Counsellor himself, 
Winchester the chief Manager.  had an understanding with some of the Council, who were of his Mind, and ready to second these his Ends: as among the rest was Baker, the Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations. These were his Confidents at home. Abroad, to be his Solicitor, and his great Agitator, he had a very fit Man for his purpose, one Dr. London, Warden of New-College Oxon, Prebend of Shipton in the Church of Sarum, Canon of Windsor, and Dean of Osenay, a very busy Zealot. Who was in his Time the great Contriver and Practiser of Mischief against good Men, that could not comply with Papal Superstitions. He was one of the three, that some Years before now prosecuted most rigorously the good Students in the Cardinal's College, when by Imprisonment and hard Usage several of them died. But this Man was met with: not long after this, suffering public shame for Perjury, and died in a Jail. At one and the same time Winchester, with this his trusty Partner, London, was driving on two Games together: The one was to bring into trouble several of the King's own Court, that were Favourers of the Gospel; not liking that such should be so near the King: and the other was to overthrow the good Archbishop, and his Friends in his Diocese of Canterbury, and to extinguish that Light of the Gospel that began notably to shine there.  

Winchester designs the Death of divers of the Court.  For the compassing the first, they procured among them a special Sessions to be held at Windsor: Wherein they not only, upon the Six Articles, condemned four poor honest Men, viz. Persons, Filmer, Testwood and Marbeck, whereof the three former were burnt to Death; but they drew up a bundle of Indictments against a very great many, 
Fox.  and some of Eminency about the King, as Cardin and Hobby, Knights, of the King's Privy-Chamber; with the Ladies, Harman and Welden, Snowbal and his Wife, and a great many more of the King's true and peaceable Subjects. One Ockham, that served for Clark of the Peace at that time, had these Indictments ready, to carry them to the chief Patron of these Plots, the Bishop of Winchester. But this Design, notwithstanding the Privacy and crafty Contrivance of it, took not effect; but he rather brought himself into Disgrace thereby. For one Fulk, belonging unto the Queen, being at Sessions at Windsor at that time, and observing what was done, hastily rode to Court, and discovered to the Persons concerned what was hatching against them, letting them know, that Ockham was coming with his Indictments to the Bishop of Winchester: who as soon as he had received them, would without doubt have laid them before the King and his Council. But by this seasonable Notice they waylaid Ockham, and Cardin and others seized him, and all his Papers, as soon as he came to Court, before he got to Winchester. These Papers were perused by some of the Privy-Council; and seeing what large numbers, it may be, of themselves and of their Friends, as well as others, were indicted, and designed for Death, they thought fit to acquaint the King with it. And he, not liking such bloody Doings, gave them all a Pardon: And observing how Winchester was the great Agen● in all this, never liked him after.  
But Winchester and London had other Irons in the Fire against the Archbishop and his Friends at and about Canterbury: 
And of the ABp and his Friends.  and particularly Dr. Ridley a Prebendary, Scory, Lancelot Ridley, and Drum, three of the Preachers. And to bring Mischief upon these, by the instigation of Winchester and practice of London, several of the Prebendaries, and some of the Six Preachers, combine in a Resolution to draw up Accusations, both against the Archbishop and against his Friends. But neither did this Winchester's second Plot succeed, but rather drew Shame upon himself, and those that assisted in it.  

The Papers relating to ABp Cranmers Accusation.  There is a Volume in the Benet College Library, entitled, Accusatio Cranmeri: wherein are contained the rough Papers of the Examinations, that were taken of these Accusers of the Archbishop; the Interrogatories put to them; their Confessions and Submissions to the Archbishop. Upon which Papers this was writ by the hand of Archbishop Parker, in whose possession they afterwards came, viz.  
Memorandum, That King Henry, being divers times by Bishop Gardiner, informed against Bishop Cranmer, and the said Gardener having his Instructions of one Dr. London, a stout and filthy Prebendary of Windsor, who there convicted [of Perjury] did wear a Paper openly, and road through the Town with his Face toward the Horse-tail; and also had Information of Mr. Moils, Mr. Baker, and of some others promoted by the said Cranmer; (Whose Tales he uttered to the King) perceiving the Malice, trusted the said Cranmer with the Examination of these Matters; which he did of divers Persons, as by this doth appear.  
Hence I have carefully extracted some Particulars, 
The Contents thereof.  that I may give a particular Account of this exquisite Piece of Malice; which aimed at nothing less than this good Man's Life, and that they might make him tread the same Path with his Friend Crumwel two or three Years before, as a Reward of his endeavours in setting forward a Reformation in the Church.  
But first I will set down the Names of the Prebendaries and Preachers of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, 
The Canons and Preachers of Canterbury.  because we shall have occasion often to mention divers of them.  

Canons of Canterbury, Anno 1543.  
Richard Thornden Suffragan of Dover, Arthur Sentleger, Richard Parkhurst Parson of Leneham, Nicolas Ridley, john Meines, Hugh Glazier, William Hunt, William Gardiner, john Milles, john Daniel, Robert Goldson, john Baptist.   

The Six Preachers.  
Robert Serles Vicar of Charing, Michael Drum, Lancelot Ridley, john S●ory, Edmund Shether, Thomas Brooke.  
Many of these he had himself preferred, and was a special good Lord unto. And yet such was the ingratitude of several of them, that they voluntarily yielded to be made Tools to carry on this wicked Machination against him. The Names of the chief Actors were Thornden, who lived in the Archbishop's Family, and eat at his Table, and with whom he used to converse most familiarly: Gardiner, whom Cranmer had taken as his own Child▪ and he had resigned up himself to him with Heart, Body and Service, as he once solemnly professed to th● Archbishop: Sentleger, Milles, Parkhurst, Serles and Shether; and one Dr. Willoughby, beneficed in Kent, and the King's Chaplain.  
Their first Attempt which they made was, 
Cranmers Chaplains complained of at the Sessions.  to prefer Bills of Accusation against the Archbishop's Chaplains and Preachers, viz. The two Ridleyes, Scory, Turner, Bland, Drum, Lancaster and others; and slantingly through their Sides, striking at the Archbishop himself. This they did to the Justices at their Sessions, upon the Statute of the Six Articles. And that by the suggestion of London; who thought it convenient that the Articles should first be carried to the Sessions, and from thence returned to the Council-Board. Willoughby, being the King's Chaplain, and a Man of some Quality, was prevailed with to present the Articles to the Justices, and to make them willing to meddle in this Affair, which otherwise they had no great Stomach to do, fearing they might draw the King's displeasure upon themselves. Willoughby, by the direction of London, told Moyle and Thwaits, and the other their Fellow-Justices, That they should be shent for suffering such Preaching and Contention, without doing any thing therein to stop it. And this was that they drove at; that after these Articles were preferred from the Justices up to Court, and seen and read by the King and Council, a Commission should then be obtained: and such put into the Commission, as might effectually take order with the Preachers. And these three Prebendaries, Parkhurst, Gardiner and Mills, they laboured especially to be put in Commissioners; and that the Archbishop himself should be left out: For so London had promised.  

They prepare the Articles, and prefer them.  Their next Care was to prepare the Articles. Gardiner and Serles are extraordinary diligent in this Work, and had been gathering Matter a good space before. The Writings were finished at Justice Moyles House. And Willoughby seems to be the Man that offered the Bill in Court. They dealt earnestly with Baro, Clark of the Peace, to draw up the Indictment against the good Men complained of in their Bill of Articles, (the chief whereof were john Bland, and Richard Turner) but he denied it. And when the Jury, that were to be sworn, came, they took them not orderly as they stood in the Panel, but overleaped some of them, and left them unsworn, that they might be sure to have such Men as would do their Business. After they had proceeded thus far, their next Care was to get their Articles sent up to the Court, and laid before the King and Council.  

They Article against the ABp himself.  And to these foresaid Articles, they drew up another Book against the Archbishop himself▪ the matter being first plotted between Dr. London and Serles, a discontented Man, lately imprisoned. And this created them a new Diligence, and divers Journeys from Kent to London to take their Instructions, and from London to Kent, to get their Informations. And there was at last a parcel of Articles (Trifles for the most part) raked out of the Dunghill, picked up any where, and from any Person without Proof. For they had nothing to show for the truth of them, but Hear-say and Report, and scarcely that. Serles inveighles Dr. Willoughby into this Business, and brings him into acquaintance with Dr. London. In whose House the Articles are first read, to whom it was propounded to present them. But when Searles had said, that the things mentioned in the Articles were such as were openly spoken, Willoughby replied, Though he heard such things, he was not sure they were true; and there was no Record to affirm them true, no Witnesses Hands being subscribed. And so made a great boggle at presenting them, and put Serles upon that Work. But London urged Willoughby to carry them to the Council, telling him, that it would be a Matter of great Danger for him, being so near the King, if he should not give information of such ill things in that Country where he lived; especially knowing the King's Pleasure, that such Matters should not be concealed, but that complaint should be made of them to Him and his Council. And he bade him not fear; for that he himself had made such a Spectacle 
† Little thinking what a Spectacle he was soon after to make there, when he was carried on Horseback through the Town, with a Paper upon his head, declaring his Perjury, and his Face to the Horse's Tail.  at Windsor in bringing to light abominable Heresies, (meaning in causing those three poor Men to be burnt, and indicting so many more their Maintainers) whereat the King, he said, was astonished, and angry, both with the Doers and Bearers. And therefore if he should now shrink, he should show himself to be no true Subject. Upon these words, which created some fear in Willoughby, if he should decline what London put him on to do, he was content to present them.  
Thus having gotten a Person ready for this part of the Drudgery, to prefer the Complaints against the Archbishop, London writ them over again, and added other new Articles, as he pleased. 
London's Practices.  Which Serles himself liked not: But London said, he meant, by putting in some things, to bring the Matter before the Justices, and certain of the Spirituality for his purpose. Matters, many of them, of mere untruth, and not so much as the pretence of a Rumour for. But he told Willoughby and Serles, that it should never be known to be their doings. And so Willoughby took the old Copy with him into Kent, to get it recorded, and signed with Hands. And London sent a Copy to the Bishop of Winchester. Willoughby being now at Canterbury about this Business, requiring the Prebendaries to sign the Articles, they all refused. Up road Willoughby to London again, and acquaints Dr. London therewith with a heavy heart. Then he began another practice, to tamper with the Justices, bidding Willoughby let them know, that the King would be angry with them for taking no more notice of the Disorders in Kent. London went also himself to Moils Lodging, a Leading Justice then in Kent, and talked with him, exhorting him to forward this Work against the Archbishop; telling him, That he himself had taken up my Lord of Canterbury before the Council; meaning thereby to signify to him, that he needed not to fear him so much as he seemed to do, or his Interest at the Court. Upon this Moil sent to several other Gentlemen and Justices to search out for any Priests that wanted a Crown, [as a Reward for their Information] who should inquire about the Country for what things were rumoured against the Archbishop. And so as many Rumours and Bruits as were brought, were presently turned into Articles. But Moyle warily sent all the Reports that came to his hand to the Archbishop, not so much out of goodwill to him, as that he might pretend to discharge his Duty in giving Information to the Diocesan of Abuses in his Diocese: thereby also reckoning to avert the Displeasure of the Archbishop from himself. But this London liked not of, and told him he would mar all.  
At length Serles and Willoughby had got together a mass of Accusations; whether true or false mattered not, 
A great Mass of Articles against the ABp procured.  but a great heap they made. For these two were the chief Collectors of Articles, both at Canterbury, and other Places in Kent: London having advised them to get as much Matter as could be devised; for it would be the goodliest Deed, as he said, and the most bounden Act to the King that ever they did. These Reports were digested into two or three Books. Serles brought up some of the Articles roughly drawn to London; and London transcribed them, and brought them to the Bishop of Winchester: and there they were copied out by Germane Gardiner, his Secretary, another busy Man.  

The chief Instruments. GARDINER.  Gardiner, the Prebendary, by this time had gotten a Book of Articles, signed by the rest of the Prebendaries, and Willoughby brought them up: some of the Prebendaries coming up too, being about to be the Presenters of the Book themselves. Winchester, and Baker, Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations, gave the said Prebendaries encouragement to proceed in what they went about. And busy London to make the Articles the better entertained, when they should be presented to the Council, had officiously shown the Copy of them to several of the said Council beforehand.  

SERLES.  I must here give this further note concerning Serles: that he was so zealous a Man, that he had the Year before put up to the Council Articles against the Preachers of the Gospel. But they were such, that the Council thought not fit the King should see them. Which he complained of; and it seems at his return was clapped up in Prison for his pains, for some either malicious Insinuations, or irregular Practices herein.  

SHETHER.  Shether was another of the Gang, and one of the forwardest in this invidious Business against the innocent Archbishop. He was one of those that came up to London to present the Bill. It may be guessed what a hotheaded Man he was, by a passage we meet with concerning him, 
Fasti Oxon. p. 686.  when he was Proctor at Oxford in the Year 1535. In which Year he made such a Combustion betwixt the University and the Townsmen, that they being enraged against him, he went in danger of his Life. So that he and his Company were fain to go armed when they went abroad. And when he was out of his Proctorship, the University allowed him to defend himself from the Townsmen at the University Charge, if he should be set upon by them. This Shether brought up also his Collections to one Ford his Brother-in-Law, to write them out: which amounted to a great Book of two days Labour. For they were resolved to have enough; and to make out in Bulk, what was wanting in Truth.  

The Bishop of Winchester's Discourse with a Prebendary of Canterbury.  Take an hint or two here of Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, the secret Machine in all this ingrateful Work. Coming once from the Council, that then was beyond the Sea at Calais, about the time of the Breach with France, he after hearing Mass at the Cathedral Church at Canterbury, took his Namesake Gardiner, the Prebendary, by the Hand, and asked him how he did, and how they did in Canterbury? meaning in relation to Religion professed in the City. And when Gardiner answered, But meetly; he enquired, How they did within the House among themselves, with relation to the Churchmen belonging to it? He told him, That they did not agree all in Preaching. So do I hear, said Winchester. Then he asked, wherein they did not agree? Gardiner then repeated somewhat of Ridley's and Scory's Sermons: and this among other things, That Prayer ought to be made in a Tongue known, and not in a Tongue unknown; for so it were but babbling. Winchester then said, He miss. For the Germans themselves are now against that saying. Well, said he, this is not well. My Lord of Canterbury will look after this, I doubt not, or else such Preaching will grow unto an evil Inconvenience: I know well he will see Remedy for it. Well, how do you do with them? Gardener replied, My Lord, Hardly: I am much marked in my Sermons. And I cannot tell whether I be taken, or no. I pray your good Lordship of your Counsel, what were best for me to do. I had rather leave Preaching betimes, than to be taken in my Sermons. Then said Winchester, Do thus: Write your Sermons into a Book, every word, as you will preach it; and when you go into the Pulpit, deliver your Book unto the chiefest Man there, that can read, and let him take heed of your Book while you do preach, and say no more, but that you have written and studied for; And I warrant you, you shall do well enough. And when you do hear any Man preach any otherwise then well, hold you contented, and meddle not; so shall you do best. Then he passed forth his time in Communication concerning the Ordinances of their Choir, their Statutes, their Masses, and Hours of them. And at the last sent for Ridley the Prebendary, and had some conference with him: but what, it is uncertain.  
The bulky Articles being at last hammered out and made ready, 
Willoughby and London wait at the Council-Chamber.  London now required Willoughby to deliver them to the Council; which he would fain have shrunk from. He then charged him upon his Allegiance to go with him to the Council-Chamber-Door, meaning to have him into the Council. Having gotten him there, he went in, and informed some of the Privy-Council, (and Friends, I suppose, to the Matter) that Dr. Willoughby was without, desiring he might be called in. Willoughby was before instructed by London to use words to the Council to this Tenor, when he should deliver his Articles: viz. That the King and they had been at great Charges, and taken great Pains to set a good and godly Way among them, [meaning the Statute of the Six Articles.] And for all that they had with them in Kent the most enormous Heresies. And because he heard, that it was the King's Will and Pleasure, that every Man, on pain of his Allegiance, should bring in what he knew, or else if he knew and did conceal it, it should be his damage; therefore in discharge of his Duty, he came to tender that Bill of Articles. But this Speech was not delivered that Day, the Council not being at leisure. And lest some People, knowing the pragmatical temper of London, might be jealous what he did at the Court, and suspect it was for no Good to the Professors of the Gospel, it was studiously given out, that he was there for some Promotion from the King.  
The next day the sedulous Man carried Willoughby to the Lord Privy-Seal, [Lord Russel, if I mistake not] with his Articles; 
Willoughby brought to the Lord Privy-Seal, and to Wi●chester.  but neither would my Lord-Privy-Seal see them, having no leisure, as he pretended: I suppose, because he liked them not, and loved my Lord of Canterbury. The Day after London carried him to the Bishop of Winchester. Into whom he went and tarried an Hour, carrying in the Copy of the Articles. In which time, no question, the Bishop and his trusty Substitute contrived for the managing of the Matter. Soon after Willoughby being with Winchester, and desiring him, That he might not be put to present the Articles, not being able to testify to the Truth of them, Winchester bade him Fear not to do his Duty: and that if the Matter were not to be abidden by, the Doers should bear the blame, and not the Presenter. And that it was all our Duties to stand in such things as were contrary to the King's Injunctions. But notwithstanding Willoughby got himself excused, and delivered them not; but the Prebendaries soon after Easter did.  

The Contents of the Articles against the ABp.  The Articles are not specified in the Papers I use; but by the Interrogatories and other Passages, it appears that some of them were these that follow: That he rebuked Serles for that he preached, that Images might be permitted in the Church, as Representatives of Saints, and not be Idols. Item, That the Archbishop spoke openly before all the Prebendaries and Preachers in Consistory, that the King's Pleasure was to have the Six Preachers consist of three of the New Learning, and three of the Old. Item, That Serles and Shether underwent Censure laid upon them by the Archbishop for somewhat they had preached, when the Honesty of their Audience offered themselves to testify, that they were falsely accused, and that that which was laid against them was not true: and although they were a great Number, yet they could not be admitted. That they were Innocent Preachers, and being Innocent, were condemned, the one to Prison, and the other to read a Declaration of false surmised Articles. Item, That those that would speak against evil Opinions, dared not; for if they did, they were complained of, and called Seditious Persons, stirring the People to Commotion: and complaining to their Ordinary, they got nothing but displeasure; and the evil Preachers had much more Favour and Boldness. Item, That there were two Images of Christ, and two of our Lady, that were taken down; whereunto was neither Oblation, nor any Lights standing before them.  

More Articles against his Commissary.  Other Articles, which were of Serles his own collecting, as appears by the Interrogatories, that Cranmer under his own hand had prepared to put to him, were such as these, and were chiefly against the Archbishop's Commissary. That there were a great number of evil Preachers in Canterbury Diocese. That the Archbishop's Commissary [Dr. Leigh] in his Visitation, commanded, that the Wax-Candles, blessed upon Candlemass-day, should not be delivered unto the People. That Holy-Water should not be born, nor cast into men's Houses. That in some Churches, by the Commissaries command, all the Images were pulled down, and hewed with Axes. That the Commissary was most conversant with Abjured Persons, and other suspect of Heresy, aiding, maintaining, and succouring them. That joanna Bochier was delivered by the Favour of the Commissary. [Whereas indeed she was by the King's Pardon. This is she that was afterwards burnt for Arianism in King Edward's Days]. That one Giles came to Canterbury, in a Courtier's Coat, and a Beard, being a Priest, and there lodged ten Days. And one hards, a Justice, complained of him to the Commissary, but the Commissary did nothing. [Whereas in truth he was not a Priest, but a Layman.] That a Tailor in Canterbury did openly read and expound the Scripture in his own House: and open resort thither was suffered by the Commissary. That the Master of S. John's in Canterbury at his Death refused to receive, and despised the Blessed Sacrament: and yet by the Sufferance of the Commissary, was both buried like a true Christian, and also was of very many praised for a good and holy Man. That Mr. Bland in communication with Mr. Sponer, Vicar of Boughton, denied Auricular Confession to be requisite, and delivered his Opinion to the said Sponer in Writing. Which the Commissary hearing, desired Sponer to let him see the Writing, swearing that he would not keep it from him: But when he had the Bill, he put it into his Purse. That the Commissary resigned a Benefice to the said Bland, binding Bland, and his Successor, by a Writing made under the Hand of my Lord of Canterbury, and the Chapter, to pay unto him, and his Assigns, a great part of the clear yearly Value for many Years. This was the Sum of Serles' Articles: but most of them were found to be frivolous and false.  
Articles yet more against our Archbishop were, 
More still.  That he held a constant correspondence with Germany, sending Letters thither, and receiving Letters thence. That he gave out a great many Exhibitions in Germany, and had many Pensioners there. (In relation to which, there seemed to be a design carrying on, that the Bishop of Winchester should seize some of these Letters of the Archbishop. For Gardiner told him whose Hands they passed through, namely one Fuller of Canterbury, and that if the said Bishop would send for him, and command him upon his Allegiance, he should know more. Or at least, that he might make use of Fuller for a Witness to serve to prove this Article.) Moreover, they put in their Articles, That his Grace's Sister was a Milner's Wife, and that She and her Husband lived nine or ten Years together in Canterbury. And then that She married to one Mr. Bingham, her former Husband being yet alive: and that Mr. Commissary married her Daughter. And though he were thus a married Priest, yet he was joined with Mr. Dean [Wotton] to be one of the Proctors of the Clergy in the Convocation-house: and not of their Election, but that it was obtained by the Interest of his Affinity.  
The chief Witnesses and Persons concerned as Vouchers and Informers, were, Roper, Balthasar a Chirurgeon, Heywood, Moor, 
The Witnesses.  Beckinsal, Germane Gardiner.  
At length, after much ado, some of the Prebendaries, 
The Prebendaries deliver the Articles.  in the Name of the Church of Canterbury, delivered into the Council not long after Easter, the Articles swelled to a good Quantity of Paper. And so they came at last into the King's Hand. Having received them, he bade Baker the Chancellor of the Court of Augmentation, a Kentish Man, being one of the Privy-Council, and a Privado in this Matter, to send to Canterbury for some to prove the Articles. The said Chancellor order the Dean, ignorant of the Matter, to send to Shether & Serles to come up as secretly as might be to London. Being come up, Shether repairs to the Dean: Who ●ad him with Gardiner and Parkhurst, to go to the Chancellor who sent for them. Being come before him, he said to them, That the King had a Book against the Archbishop delivered to him; which he had himself perused. And because that he perceived, that they could say somewhat, wishing also for Serles, (who was not yet come) he told them the King willed them to say what they knew; fearing no Person, but to dread only one God and one King. Whereupon they took the Book, and drew out such Articles as they could witness of. He bade them return to Canterbury, and provide the Witnesses there; and that Shether the youngest should come back again, after he had perfected the Book in the Day and Year, and to bring it with him. From him they applied again to the Bishop of Winchester, the great Wheel, and showed him what Baker had said to them.    

CHAP. XXVII. The King the Archbishop's Friend in this Danger.  

The King himself discovers all to the ABp.  THE King well perceiving the Malice of the Men, and a Plot contrived against an honest and innocent Man, strengthened with the Favour and Aid of Winchester, and several of the Counsellors, and the imminent danger the Archbishop was in, except he himself did interpose, it pleased God to turn the King's Heart to him. So he put the Book of Articles in his Sleeve; and passing one Evening in his Barge by Lambeth-Bridg, the Archbishop standing at the Stairs to do his Duty to his Majesty; he called him into the Barge to him; and accosting him with these words, O my Chaplain, now I know who is the greatest Heretic in Kent, communicated to him these Matters, showing him the Book of Articles against him and his Chaplains, and bade him peruse it. This both surprised, and troubled the Archbishop not a little: that those of his own Church, and Justices of the Peace whom he had obliged, should deal so treacherously with him. He kneeled down to the King, and wellknowing how false the Articles were, 
The ABp desires a Commission.  desired him to grant a Commission to whomsoever it pleased him, to try the Truth of these Accusations, so as from the highest to the lowest they might be well punished, if they had done otherwise than became them. The King told him He would grant a Commission, and that such Affiance and Confidence he had in his Fidelity, that he should be the chief Commissioner himself, to whom he would wholly commit the Examination, with two or three more such as he should choose. When the Archbishop replied, That it would not seem indifferent to make him a Commissioner, who was a Party accused; the King told him, That he was sure he would not halt with him, although he were driven to accuse himself, but would speak the Truth of himself, if he had offended. The King added, That he knew partly how the Matter came about, [namely, by Winchester's subtle means] and that if he handled the Matter wisely, he should find a pretty Conspiracy against him. The King named but one, viz. Dr. Belhouse, to be in the Commission; and the Archbishop named Dr. john Cocks his Vicar-General, and Anthony Hussey his Register. The Commission was made out of hand, and he was commanded to go himself into Kent upon it: And the King commanded the Commissioners particularly, that it should be sifted out, who was the first Occasion of this Accusation. Presently every one that had meddled in this Detection, shrunk away, and gave over their hold.  
The Archbishop came to Feversham himself, and there, as it seems, 
The ABp in Commission expostulates with his Accusers.  sat upon the Commission, and drew up some Interrogatories with his own Hand for some of these Informers; and having summoned these Accusers before him, argued and expostulated meekly, and sometimes earnestly with them; chiefly insisting upon their Ingratitude and Disingenuity with him. He asked Sentleger, if he were at Home on Palm-sunday? (that was the Day, when the Prebendaries signed the Articles) Sentleger saying, He was then at his Benefice, the Archbishop declared the Procession done that Day, as he called it; and said, Whether he and the rest were present that Day, they were all knit in a Bond among them, which he would break: adding, in a passionate way of Expression; O, Mr. Sentleger, I had in you and Mr. Parkhurst, a good Judgement, and especially in you; but ye will not leave your old Mumpsimus. To which Sentleger boldly replied, That he trusted they used no Mumpsimus', but those that were consonant to the Laws of God and the Prince. And with Shether, one of the busiest Enemies the Archbishop had in this Affair, the Archbishop so fatherly discoursed and argued, that Shether could not forbear weeping. He and Serles, two of the chief Agents, were committed to Custody.  
But Shether presently dispatcheth his Servant to the Bishop of Winchester, declaring how he and Serles were in Durance, 
Shether in Prison sends to Winchester.  and recommended their Case to him. Winchester went into the Council-Chamber, probably to try his Interest with the Council to get them released. But it seems he soon perceived how the King stood affected, and so there was nothing yet to be done: And therefore he told the Servant, he could give him no Answer as yet. A Day or two after, at the Servant's departing, he told him, That his Master was a Child for weeping to the Archbishop, when he should have answered; and that he should not weep for shame, but answer like a Man; and that he should take a good Heart, for he should have Friends. That he would not forget him: but he must know of the Council first what to do; and so desired the Servant to have him recommended to the Prebendaries all in general; bidding him tell them, That my Ld of Canterbury could not kill them, and that therefore they should bear their Sufferings; for all he did was against himself, and that he should see what would come of it. Ford, a Brother-in-law of Shether's, and a Party, told the Servant, That he should tell his Brother, that he should never recant; for if he did, he would never be his Friend while he lived, nor none should that he could let; and that my Lord of Winchester should be his Friend.  
But to return to the Archbishop's Examination of them. 
Their Reason's which they pretended for what they did.  When he asked them what the reason was of these their doings; they pretended one one thing, and another another. Gardiner said, that which moved him was, Because he observed such Jarrings among them, and so much Unquietness about Matters of Religion; and that he thought it was by the Archbishop's Sufferance: Which the Archbishop convinced him was false. Shether pretended that Baker, the Chancellor of the Augmentations, had willed him to mark the chief Fautors of new Opinions. Willoughby desired Dr. Thornton, who was very great with the Archbishop, but secretly false to him, that he would let his Lordship know, that he never put up Article against any Man in his Life; for that he was charged to have put up, or ready to have put up, the Articles. Thornton bade him stick to it, and not be afraid; for, saith he, I have spoken my Mind to the Council therein, as I am bound, and so be you, being the King's Chaplain.  

Cocks and Hussey Commissioners, and his Officers false.  But the Archbishop left the further discovery of this Mischief to the diligence of Cocks and Hussey his Officers: this was about August. They sat six Weeks, saith my Manuscript; but being secret Favourers of the Papists, handled the Matter so, that nothing would be disclosed and espied, but every thing colourably was hid. The Archbishop secretly observed this; but Morris his Secretary wrote to Dr. Butts the King's Physicians, and Sir Anthony Denny of his Bedchamber, That if the King sent not some others to assist the Archbishop, than those that were with him, it was not possible any thing should come to light; wishing that Dr. Legh, or some such other stout Man, that had been exercised in the King's Ecclesiastical Affairs in his Visitation, might be sent to him. And Dr. Legh was soon dispatched with Instructions from the King into Kent, with the King's Ring, which he delivered to the Archbishop on Alhollow-Even. And with Dr. Legh, Dr. Rowland Taylor another Civilian, a bold and stirring Man, was joined; who afterwards was burnt for his constancy in Religion.  

New Commissioners sent down.  These new Commissioners startled the Delinquents; and they began to be very uneasy, and full of Anger, as well as Fear. One cried, Thank my Lord's Grace; that is a way to have Quietness in Kent, to have Dr. Legh there. Of Dr. Taylor they said, he was a Man of an evil Judgement, and notified for, and brought up in the same. And another, reflecting upon these Men, said, I would all Ambitious Knaves were hanged; I would all maintainers of new Opinions were hanged; I would all Knaves that break Orders were hanged; I would all Knaves that are against the Commonwealth were hanged.  

The Register false.  Hussey the Register, who had the Examinations of these Men, had private Conferences with them; and let Serles and Sandwich (alias Gardiner) have the Copies of their Accusations, before they were to be called before Legh, that they might the better know what Answers to make.  

The Delinquents Chambers and Chests searched.  But to proceed, to see what Course Dr. Legh took. Immediately upon his coming, according to the King's Advice, he gave Commission to about nine or ten of the Archbishop's Officers and Gentlemen, such as were tried Men of Wit and Audacity, to go and search the Purses, Chests and Houses of certain Prebendaries and Gentlemen, viz. such as were deemed or suspected to be of this Confederacy, within the Cathedral Church and without; and what Letters and Writings they could find with them, to bring to the Archbishop and him.  
They all went about their Work in the same Hour; and within four Hours after, the whole Conspiracy was discovered, by finding of Letters, some from the Bishop of Winchester, some from Dr. London at Oxon, and from Justices of the Shire. In the Chambers and Chests of some Gentlemen of the County, were found Letters serving to that purpose. And among the rest there came to the Archbishop's Hand two Letters, one of Thornton, and the other of Dr. Barber; 
The Treachery of Thornton and Barber.  whom the ABp retained with him in Household, for expedition of Matters in Suit before him, being his Officer, and as a Counsellor to him in the Law when need required: Both promoted by him; Thornton, who was Suffragan of Dover, he made Prebendary of his Church, and whom he always set at his own Mess. The Archbishop taking them apart, showed them their Letters, and upbraided them with their Falseness and Ingratitude. They fell down on their Knees to the Archbishop, and with many Tears begged his Pardon, acknowledging that they had been a Year ago tempted to do what they had done.  
The Archbishop before them casting up his Hands to Heaven, 
The ABp's Discourse to them.  applied himself to God, thanking him that he had, in the midst of so many Enemies and false Friends, vouchsafed him one great Friend and Master, meaning the King, without whose Protection, as he said, he were not able to stand upright one Day. He prayed God to make them good Men, and bade them ask God forgiveness, seeing he had never deserved such usage at their Hands. He added, that now he perceived there was no Fidelity nor Truth among Men; and that he was brought to that Point, that he feared his left Hand would accuse his Right: But that he needed not to marvel at it, seeing Christ prophesied of such a World to come in the latter Days. 
Mark XIII. 12. The Brother shall betray the Brother to death, and the Father the Son: and Children shall rise up against their Parents, etc.  He prayed God of his Mercy to finish that Time shortly: and so dismissed them with gentle and comfortable words. And it was observed, that there never after appeared, neither in his Countenance nor his Words, any remembrance thereof. But he thought fit no more to trust them; and so discharged them of his Service. And so he did one Mr. Talbot, another false Man, which was also of his Counsel and Chamber. But Dr. London took occasion hence to say, That they could tell a shrewd Tale, if they were examined; and that it was not for nought they were put out of Service, as though the reason were, that they should no more have opportunity of knowing any of the Archbishop's Doings or Sayings.  
All the foresaid seized Papers and Writings, were put into a Chest, 
The Conspirators are imprisoned.  and brought up to Lambeth, the King being minded to peruse them, and to punish the Principals. In fine, divers of the chief of the Knot were committed to Prison, where they remained till the next Year, some more closely confined than others; all during the Archbishop's Pleasure. All that the Archbishop required of them, was Repentance and Recantation, and an ingenuous confession of their Faults and Falseness to him. Abiding for some time under Affliction, their Spirits began to mollify; and then, by supplicatory Letters to the Archbishop, they begged his Pardon, made their Confessions, and desired their Liberty.  
About which time a Parliament was at hand. Then great labour was made by their Friends for a General Pardon from the King, procuring him a Subsidy, 
Their Release.  the easier to obtain it. Which indeed followed, and wiped away all Punishment and Correction for their Fault. But without the King's Indulgence, they were like suddenly to have had their Liberty by the Archbishop's Intercession for them, being a Man that delighted not in revenge.  

The Confessions & Letters.  In the beforementioned Manuscript Volume, belonging to Benet-College, whence I have extracted most of these Relations, are remaining the Interrogatories prepared for Dr. London, wrote by the Archbishop's own Hand, together with the humble Confessions and Letters of Willoughby, Gardiner, Serles, Milles, Sentleger, and others concerned. 
No. XXXIII.  Some of which I have transcribed into the Appendix. Gardiner's Expressions seemed so penitent, styling the Archbishop his Father, that it made such an Impression upon the Archbishop's Heart, that when he saw him next, he told him, Ye call me Father, in good Faith I will be a Father to you indeed. Yet this very Man, so ingrateful he was, that soon after this kind Reconciliation of the Archbishop to him, and (as it seems) his deliverance out of Prison, he and the rest had fresh Communications together again: Insomuch that the Archbishop was fain to enter upon a new trouble with them, putting them under Restraint again, and interrogating them concerning their late Communication. Unless this Letter of Gardiner writ unto his Grace, may admit of a more favourable Interpretation.  
MOST honourable Father; Unadvisedly, as God shall save me, I have offended your Grace; and I think not the contrary, but that some back Friend hath done me more hurt and hindrance, than I have at your Grace's Hands deserved. For I know well in mine own Conscience, I have nothing so highly offended, as I do perceive that your Grace is informed of me. In good Faith I speak it of my Conscience, and before God, I would I were under Ground. For now have I lost that, which I never thought to lose again: Yea that of which had I was as glad as ever I was of Benefit received in this World, as knoweth my Saviour Christ Jesus: Who preserve your Grace.  
Yours, William. Gardiner.  

The Ends of the Conspirators.  But while these things were transacted at Canterbury, on the Archbishop's behalf, against these false Accusers, Dr. London, one of the great Incendiaries, was censured at Windsor. For he, and one Symons a Lawyer, and Ockham, that laid Traps for others, were catched at length themselves. They were Men that busied themselves in framing Indictments, upon the six Articles, against great Numbers of those that favoured or professed the Gospel, and in sending them to Court to Winchester; who was to prefer the Complaints to the Council. The King being more and more informed of their base Conspiracies, and disliking their bloody Dispositions, commanded the Council should search into the Matters. And so London and his Fellows being examined before the said Council, were in the end found to be perjured, in denying, upon their Oaths, what they had indeed done, and was proved manifestly to their Faces. Hereupon they were adjudged perjured Persons, and appointed to ride through Windsor, Reading and Newberry, where they had done most Mischief, with their Faces towards the Horse-Tail, and a Paper upon their Heads, declaring their Crime; and to stand upon the Pillory in each of those Towns. And that Punishment they underwent, and then were sent to the Fleet. London not long after died there, probably out of Shame and Sorrow: This was the End of one of these Conspirators. German Gardiner was a Year after hanged, drawn and quartered, as a Traitor, for denying the King's Supremacy. And the Bishop of Winchester after this, never had Favour or Regard of the King more. And Heywood, another of the Crew of the Informers and Witnesses, was condemned for Treason with Gardiner; but making a Recantation, his Life was spared.   

CHAP. XXVIII. The Archbishop falls into more Troubles.  
AFter this, the Archbishop received two terrible Shocks more, if I am right in the placing them, as I think I am, though I leave Fox to follow Morris, the Archbishop's Secretary, in his Manuscript Declaration of the said Archbishop. The former was a Complaint that was made openly against him in Parliament; and the latter, when the Lords of the Privy-Council accused him unto the King, and required that he should be sent to the Tower.  
Sir john Gostwick, a Knight for Bedforshire, 
The ABp accused before theParliament. MS. Declaration of ABp Cranmer.  a Man of great Service in his Time, but Papistical, stood up in the House, and laid to his Charge his Sermons and Lectures, both at Sandwich and Canterbury, containing, as he said, manifest Heresy against the Sacrament of the Altar. Though it was much they should accuse him in that Point, seeing he then held a Corporal Presence; but it displeased them that it was after the Lutheran way, rather than after theirs of Transubstantiation. But the King perceived easily this proceeded of Malice, for that he was a Stranger in Kent, and had neither heard the Archbishop preach nor read there. Knowing thereby that he was set on, and made an Instrument to serve other men's Purposes; the King marvellously stormed at the Matter, calling Gostwick openly, Varlet, and said, That he had played a villainous part, to abuse in open Parliament the Primate of the Realm, especially being in Favour with his Prince as he was. What will they do with him, said he, if I were gone? Whereupon the King sent word unto Gostwick, by one of his Privy-Chamber, after this sort; Tell the Varlet Gostwick, That if he do not acknowledge his Fault unto my Lord of Canterbury, and so reconcile himself towards him, that he may become his good Lord, I will soon both make him a poor Gostwick, and otherwise punish him to the Example of others. He wondered (he said) he could hear my Lord of Canterbury preaching out of Kent. And that if he had been a Kentish-Man, he might have had some more shadow to put up an Accusation against him. Now Gostwick, hearing of this grievous Threat, came with all possible speed unto Lambeth, and there submitted himself in such sorrowful case, that my Lord out of hand not only forgave all his Offences, but also went directly unto the King for the obtaining of the King's Favour; which he obtained very hardly, and upon condition, that the King might hear no more of his meddling that way. This happened, I suppose, in the Parliament that began in january, 
The Palace of Canterbury burnt.  and continued till March 29. 1544. The Archbishop's Palace at Canterbury was this Year burnt, and therein his Brother-in-Law, and other Men, according to Stow.  
I find no Bishops Consecrated in this Year.  

An. 1544.  At length the Confederacy of the Papists in the Privy-Council (whereof I suspect the Duke of Norfolk to be one, 
The Council accuse the ABp.  a great Friend of Winchester's, by whose Instigation this Design was set on Foot) came and accused him most grievously unto the King; That he, with his Learned Men, had so infected the whole Realm with their unsavoury Doctrine, that three parts of the Land were become abominable Heretics. And that it might prove dangerous to the King, being like to produce such Commotions and Uproars, as were sprung up in Germany. And therefore they desired, that the Archbishop might be committed unto the Tower, until he might be examined. The King was very straight in granting this. They told him, That the Archbishop being one of the Privy-Council, no Man dared to object Matter against him, unless he were first committed to durance. Which being done, Men would be bold to tell the Truth, and say their Consciences. Upon this Persuasion of theirs, the King granted unto them, that they should call him the next Day before them, and, as they saw cause, so to commit him to the Tower.  

The King sends privately for the ABp.  At Midnight, about Eleven of the Clock, before the Day he should appear before the Council, the King sent Mr. Denny to my Lord at Lambeth, willing him incontinently to come over to Westminster to him. The Archbishop was in Bed, but rose straightway and repaired to the King, whom he found in the Gallery at Whitehall. Being come, the King declared unto him what he had done, in giving Liberty to the Council to commit him to Prison: for that they bore him in hand, that he and his learned Men had sown such Doctrine in the Realm, that all Men almost were infected with Heresy; and that no Man durst bring Matter against him, being at Liberty, and one of the Council. And therefore I have granted to their Request, said the King; but whether I have done well or no, what say you, my Lord? The Archbishop first humbly thanked the King, that it had pleased him to give him that warning beforehand. And that he was very well content to be committed to the Tower for the trial of his Doctrine, so that he might be indifferently heard; as he doubted not but that his Majesty would see him so to be used. Whereat the King cried out, O Lord God, what fond Simplicity have you, so to permit yourself to be imprisoned, that every Enemy of yours may take Advantage against you? Do not you know, that when they have you once in Prison, 
An. 1544.  three or four false Knaves will soon be procured to witness against you, and condemn you; which else, now being at Liberty, dare not once open their Lips, or appear before your Face? No, not so, my Lord, (said the King) I have better regard unto you, than to permit your Enemies so to overthrow you. And therefore I will have you to Morrow come to the Council, which no doubt will send for you. And when they break this Matter unto you, require them, that being one of them, you may have so much Favour, as they would have themselves; that is, to have your Accusers brought before you. And if they stand with you, without regard of your Allegations, and will in no Condition condescend unto your Request, but will needs commit you to the Tower, then appeal you from them to our Person, and give to them this my Ring; (which he then delivered unto the Archbishop) by the which (said the King) they shall well understand, that I have taken your Cause into my Hand from them. Which Ring they well know, that I use it for no other Purpose, but to call Matters from the Council into mine own Hands, to be ordered and determined. And with this good Advice Cranmer, after most humble Thanks, departed from the King's Majesty.  
The next Morning, according to the King's Monition, 
Comes before the Council.  and his own Expectation, the Council sent for him by Eight of the Clock in the Morning. And when he came to the Council-Chamber-Door, he was not permitted to enter into the Council-Chamber, but stood without among Servingmen and Lackeys above three quarters of an hour; many Counsellors and others going in and out. The Matter seemed strange unto his Secretary, who then attended upon him; which made him slip away to Dr. Butts, to whom he related the manner of the thing. Who by and by came, and kept my Lord Company. And yet ere he was called into the Council, Dr. Butts went to the King, and told him, that he had seen a strange Sight. What is that, said the King? Marry, said he, my Lord of Canterbury is become a Lackey, or a Servingman: For to my knowledge, he hath stood among them this hour almost at the Council-Chamber-Door. Have they served my Lord so? It is well enough, said the King, I shall talk with them by and by. Anon Cranmer was called into the Council, there it was declared unto him, That a great Complaint was made of him, both to the King and to them, That he, and others by his Permission, had infected the whole Realm with Heresy: And therefore it was the King's Pleasure that they should commit him to the Tower, and there for his Trial, to be examined. Cranmer required, as is before declared, with many, both Reasons and Persuasions, that he might have his Accusers come there before them, before they used any further Extremity against him. In fine, there was no Entreaty could serve, but that he must needs depart to the Tower. I am sorry, my Lords, said Cranmer, that you drive me unto this Exigent, to appeal from you to the King's Majesty; who by this Token hath resumed this Matter into his own Hand, and dischargeth you thereof. And so delivered the King's Ring unto them. By and by the Lord Russel swore a great Oath, and said, Did not I tell you, my Lords, what would come of this Matter? I know, right well, that the King would never permit my Lord of Canterbury to have such a Blemish, as to be imprisoned, unless it were for High-Treason. And so as the manner was, when they had once received that Ring, they left off their Matter, and went all unto the King's Person, both with his Token, and the Cause.  

The King rebukes the Council for Cranmer.  When they came unto his Highness, the King said unto them; Ah, my Lords, I thought that I had had a discreet and wise Council, but now I perceive that I am deceived. How have you handled here my Lord of Canterbury? What make ye of him? A Slave? Shutting him out of the Council-Chamber among Servingmen. Would ye be so handled yourselves? And after such taunting words as these spoken, the King added, I would you should well understand, that I account my Lord of Canterbury as faithful a Man towards me, as ever was Prelate in this Realm, and one to whom I am many ways beholden, by the Faith I owe unto God, and so laid his Hand upon his Breast. And therefore who loveth me, said he, will upon that Account regard him. And with these words all, and especially my Lord of Norfolk, answered and said, We meant no manner of Hurt unto my Lord of Canterbury, that we requested to have him in Durance. Which we only did, because he might, after his Trial, be set at Liberty to his greater Glory. Well, said the King, I pray you use not my Friends so. I perceive now well enough, how the World goeth among you. There remaineth Malice among you one to another; let it be avoided out of hand, I would advise you. And so the King departed, and the Lords shook Hands every Man with the Archbishop. Against whom never more after durst any Man spurn, during King Henry's Life. And because the King would have Love always nourished between the Lords of the Council and the Archbishop, he would send them divers times to Dinner with him. And so he did after this Reconciliation.  

The King changes the ABp's Arms.  Thus did the King interpose himself divers times between his Archbishop, and his irreconcilable Enemies the Papists: and observing, by these Essays against him, under what Perils he was like to come hereafter for his Religion, about this Time it was, as I conjecture, that the King changed his Coat of Arms. For unto the Year 1543, he bore his Paternal Coat, of Three Cranes Sable, as I find by a Date set under his Arms, yet remaining in a Window in Lambeth-House. For it is to be noted, That the King perceiving how much ado Cranmer would have in the Defence of his Religion, altered the Three Cranes, which were parcel of his Ancestors Arms, into Three Pelicans, declaring unto him, That those Birds should signify unto him, that he ought to be ready, as the Pelican is, to shed his Blood for his young Ones, brought up in the Faith of Christ. For, said the King, you are like to be tasted, if you stand to your Tackling at length. As in very deed many and sundry times he was shouldered at, both in this King's Reign, as you have heard, and under the two succeeding Princes.   

CHAP. XXIX. Occasional Prayers and Suffrages.  
OCcasional Prayers and Suffrages, to be used throughout all Churches, began now to be more usual than formerly. For these common Devotions were twice this Year appointed by Authority, as they had been once the last; which I look upon the Archbishop to be the great Instrument in procuring: That he might by this means, by little and little, bring into use Prayer in the English Tongue, which he so much desired: and that the People, by understanding part of their Prayers, might be the more desirous to have their whole Service rendered intelligible; whereby God might be served with the more Seriousness and true Devotion.  
The last Year there was a plentiful Crop upon the Ground: 
Prayers to be made against immoderate Rain.  But when the Time of Harvest drew near, there happened a great Plague of Rain. So in August Letters were issued out from the King to the Archbishop, that he should appoint certain Prayers to be used for the ceasing of the Wet-weather; and to write to the rest of the Province to do the like. But hear the King's Letter.  
MOST Reverend Father in God, right Trusty, 
Cranm. Regist.  and right entirely Beloved, We greet you well. And forasmuch as there hath been now a late, and still continueth, much Rain, and other unseasonable Wether, whereby is like to ensue great Hurt and Damage to the Corn and Fruits now ripe upon the Ground, unless it shall please God, of his infinite Goodness, to stretch forth his holy Hand over us: Considering, by sundry Examples heretofore, that God at the Contemplation of earnest and devout Prayers, oftentimes extended his Mercy and Grace; and hath also assuredly promised, that whensoever we call upon him for Things meet for us, he will grant unto us the same: We, having the Governance and Charge of his People committed unto Us, have thought good to cause the same to be exhorted by You, and other the Prelates of this our Realm, with an earnest repentant Heart for their Iniquities, to call unto God for Mercy; and with devout and humble Prayer and Supplication, every Person, both by himself apart, and also by Common-Prayer, to beseech him to send unto us such seasonable and temperate Wether, to have in those Fruits, and Corn on the Ground, which hitherto he hath caused so plenteously to grow.  
For the which purpose we require you, and nevertheless command you, to send unto all your Brethren, the Bishops within your Province, to cause such general Rogations and Processions to be made incontinently within their Dioceses, as in case like heretofore hath been accustomed in this behalf accordingly.  
Yevon under our Signet, at our Manor of the Moor, the 20 th' Day of August, the XXXV Year of our Reign.  
The Archbishop accordingly sent his Order, dated August 23. 1543. to Edmond Bishop of London, that there might be Prayers and Supplications in his Diocese every Fourth and Sixth Days of the Week. And the like Order was dispatched to all the other Bishops in his Province; By their Prayers, as was accustomed, to implore God's Mercy to avert his Wrath, that the People had justly deserved. And not to cease their Prayers and Suffrages till further Order from him.  

English Suffrages commanded to be used.  It is not so evident, that these Prayers were in the English Tongue. But in the Year following, viz. 1544. there were, without Controversy, certain Suffrages drawn up in our Mother-Tongue by the Archbishop's means; which he intended to be universally observed every where. Upon the Archbishop's pious Motions, as it seems, the King issued out his Letters to him, dated in june, for the publication of these Prayers in English, to be from thenceforth continually used in the Church; together with setting forth the King's Injunctions, by Preaching and good Exhortation, that the People, who before did but slackly observe their Devotions, for want of understanding the Divine Service, might henceforth more frequently and more fervently resort to religious Worship.  
I shall not here set down the King's Letter, as I transcribed it out of Archbishop Cranmers Register, 
The Contents of the King's Letter to that intent. Cranm. Regist. Fol. 48.  because Bishop Burnet hath printed it already in his first Volume, among the Collections, pag. 264. It runs in such a pious strain, as though none but the Archbishop had been the Suggestor thereof. That since at that time Christendom was plagued with Wars, Hatred and Dissensions, and in no Place was Peace and Agreement: and since it was out of the Power of Man to redress these Miseries, God alone being able to restore Peace, and unite men's Hearts; Therefore the King was resolved to have general Processions used in all Churches, with all Reverence and Devotion of the People. And because the not understanding the Prayers and Suffrages formerly used, caused that the People came but slackly to the Processions; therefore the King now had published certain Prayers in our Native Tongue. Which he, with his present Letter, had sent to the Archbishop, for the special Trust and Confidence he had of his Godly Mind, and the earnest desire that was in him for the setting forth of God's Glory, and the true worshipping of his Name. And that these Prayers should not be observed for a Month or two, as his other Injunctions had been, but that they, together with the Injunctions, should be earnestly set forth by Preaching, good Exhortation, and otherwise; in such sort as they might feel the Godly Taste thereof, and godly and joyously with Thanks receive, embrace, and frequent the same. Commanding the Archbishop, that he should not only cause the same Suffrages to be used in his own Diocese, but signify the King's Pleasure in this regard to all other Bishops of his Province. And that he should have a special respect hereunto; and make report, if any did not with good dexterity accomplish the same. It was given under the King's Signet, at his Manor of S. James', june 11. in the 36 th' of his Reign. I have not met with these Suffrages; which if I had, I should have been inclined to publish them here; and the rather, because I believe they were of Cranmers own composing.  
According to this Letter, the Archbishop dispersed his Letters to Edmund Bishop of London, and the other Bishops, with a Copy of the Suffrages to be used: urging withal, the observation of all the King's Injunctions heretofore promulgated, for the confirming and establishing of Sacred Religion.  
About August this Year, 
A Procession for the King's Expedition.  the King was upon going himself in Person to invade France, against which Nation he was now in Hostility; and had prepared a mighty Army by Land and Sea for that purpose. Now the Archbishop was again called upon by the Privy-Counsellors, to appoint Processions in the English Tongue through the Realm, for the King's good Success in this great Expedition. The Councils Letter ran in this Tenor.  
AFTER our right-hearty Commendations to your good Lordship: These shall be to signify to the same, 

The Councils Letter to the ABp.  
Reg. Cranm.   That the King's Highness having so provided for the Safety of his Grace's Realm, as the great Malice of his Enemies shall, by the Grace of God, take small effect: For the repulsing of which, his Highness hath in a readiness to set abroad, at the furthest on Wednesday next, such a puissant Navy, as hath not been seen assembled in the remembrance of Man: Considering nevertheless, that all Victories and good Successes come only at the Direction and Appointment of God, following herein that Trade of such a Christian Prince, as he is, hath devised to have Processions throughout the Realm, in such sort as in like Cases hath heretofore laudably been accustomed. Requiring your Lordship therefore, to take Order incontinently, that from henceforth, through your Province, the said Processions be kept continually upon the accustomed Days, and none otherwise; and sung or said, as the number of the Quoire shall serve for the same, in the English Tongue; to the intent, that there may be an Uniformity in every Place. Whereby it may please God at all times to prosper his Majesty in all his Affairs: And the rather, to have regard at this time unto the Uprightness of his Grace's Quarrel, and to send his Highness victorious Success of the same. And thus we bid your Lordship most heartily well to far. From Petworth, the 10 th' Day of August.  
Your Lordship's assured loving Friends, W. Essex, St. Wynton, Ant. Brown. Will. Paget.  
The Copy of this Letter the Archbishop dispatched to the Bishop of London; and in a Letter of his own, he first stirred him up to take care of making due Provisions for the religious Performance of these Prayers in his Diocese, upon consideration of the King's great Wars by Land and Sea, and his Wars in France, in Scotland, and in the Parts about Bulloign. Then he enjoined him, and all the Bishops in his Province, every Fourth and Sixth Day, to retire to Prayer and Supplication to God; and that the People should, as he wrote, Concinna modulatione & una voce cunctipotentem Deum Sabaoth, omnis Victoriae largitorem unicum, sanctè & piè, non labiis sed corde puro adorent: In becoming Harmony, and with one Voice, holily and piously, not with the Lips, but with a pure Heart, adore the Almighty God of Sabaoth, the only giver of all Victory.  

Popery prevails.  And in these smaller Matters our Archbishop was fain now to be contented to busy himself, since about this Juncture Winton or his Party had the Ascendent, and did all at Court. Concerning these latter Times of King Henry, when the Popish Bishops carried all before them again; and the Acts of Parliament that were made, whereby the Bishops were empowered to call Sessions as oft as they would, to try those that gave not due Obedience to the Superstitions of the Church, 
Image of both Churches.  and that upon pain of Treason: Thus john Bale complains, whose Words may give us some light into the sad Condition of these Times. Still remaineth there Soul-Masses, of all Abominations the principal; their prodigious Sacrifices, their Censings of Idols, their boyish Processions, their uncommanded Worshippings, and their Confessions in the Ear, of all Traitery the Fountain; with many other strange Observations, which the Scripture of God knoweth not. Nothing is brought as yet to Christ's clear Institution, and sincere Ordinance, but all remaineth still as the Antichrists left it. Nothing is tried by God's Word, but by the ancient Authority of Fathers. Now passeth all under their Title. Though the old Bishops of Rome were of late Years proved Antichrists, and their Names razed out of our Books; yet must they thus properly, for old Acquaintance, be called still Our Fathers. If it were naught afore, I think it is now much worse; for now are they become laudable Ceremonies, whereas beforetime they were but Ceremonies alone. Now are they become necessary Rites, godly Constitutions, seemly Usages, and civil Ordinances, whereas afore they had no such Names. And he that disobeyeth them, shall not only be judged a Felon, and worthy to be hanged, by their new-forged Laws, but also condemned for a Traitor against the King, though he never in his Life hindered, but rather to his Power hath forwarded the Commonwealth. To put this with suchlike in Execution, th● Bishops have Authority, every Month in the Year if they list, to call a Session, to Hang and Burn at their pleasure. And this is ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament, to stand the more in Effect.  
Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, had by his Policy and Interest, brought things thus backward again, 
Gardiner and the Bishops now carry all.  and exalted the Power of the Bishops, that of late Years had been much eclipsed. And so he plainly told one Seton, a Man of Eminency in these Times, both for Piety and Learning in London; who met with Troubles there, about the Year 1541, for a Sermon preached at S. Anthony's, against Justification by Works. This Seton being now it seems fallen into new Troubles, and brought before the aforesaid Bishop; when he was able no longer to withstand the manifest Truth, said to him, Mr. Seton, we know ye are Learned, and plenteously endued with Knowledge in the Scriptures, yet think not that ye shall overcome us. No, no, set your Heart at rest, and look never to have it said, that ye have overcome the Bishops. For it shall not be so.  
Robert Holgate Bishop of Landaff, 
Bp of Landaff removed to York.  was this Year preferred to the See of York. His Confirmation is mentioned in the Archbishop of Canterbury's Register: Wherein is set down an Oath which he then took, of Renunciation of the Pope, and Acknowledgement of the King's Supremacy, very full and large. Afterwards I find the same Oath administered to Kitchen Elect of Landaff, and Ridley Elect of Rochester, and Farrar of S. David's. But I think it not unworthy to be here set down as I find it, seeming to be a new Form drawn up, to be henceforth taken by all Bishops. And this Archbishop of York the first that took it.  
I Robert Archbishop of York Elect, 
The ABp's Oath. Cranm. Regist.  having now the Veil of Darkness of the Usurped Power, Authority and Jurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome, clearly taken away from mine Eyes, do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience, that neither the See, nor the Bishop of Rome, nor any Foreign Potestate hath, nor aught to have, any Jurisdiction, Power or Authority within this Realm, neither by God's Law, nor by any just Law or Means. And though by Sufferance and Abusions in Time past, they aforesaid have usurped and vindicated a feigned and unlawful Power and Jurisdiction within this Realm, which hath been supported till few Years past; Therefore because it might be deemed, and thought thereby, that I took or take it for Just and Good, I therefore do now clearly and frankly renounce, forsake, refuse and relinquish that pretended Authority, Power and Jurisdiction, both of the See and Bishop of Rome, and of all other Foreign Powers: And that I shall never consent or agree, that the foresaid See or Bp of Rome, or any of their Successors, shall practise, exercise, or have any manner of Authority, Jurisdiction or Power within this Realm, or any other the King's Realms or Dominions; nor any Foreign Potestate, of what State, Degree, or Condition he be; but that I shall resist the same to the uttermost of my Power; and that I shall bear Faith, Troth, and true Allegiance to the King's Majesty, and to his Heirs and Successors declared, or hereafter to be declared, by the Authority of the Act, made in the Sessions of his Parliament holden at Westminster, the 14 th' day of january, in the 35 th' Year, and in the Act made in the 28 th' Year of the King's Majesty's Reign. And that I shall accept, repute, and take the King's Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, when they, or any of them shall enjoy his Place, to be the only Supreme Head in Earth, under God, of the Church of England and Ireland, and all other his Highness Dominions. And that with my Body, Cunning, Wit, and uttermost of my Power, without Guile, Fraud, or other undue Means, I shall observe, keep, maintain and defend all the King's Majesty's Styles, Titles and Rights, with the whole Effects and Contents of the Acts provided for the same, and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made within the Realm, in and for that purpose, and the Derogation, Extirpation and Extinguishment of the usurped and pretended Authority, Power and Jurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome, and all other Foreign Potestates as afore. And also as well his Statute made in the said 28 th' Year, as his Statute made in the Parliament holden in the 35 th' Year of the King's Majesty's Reign, for Establishment and Declaration of his Highness' Succession, and all Acts and Statutes made and to be made in Confirmation and Corroboration of the King's Majesty's Power and Supremacy in Earth, of his Church of England and of Ireland, and all other his Grace's Dominions. I shall also defend and maintain, with my Body and Goods, with all my Wit and Power. And thus I shall do against all manner of Persons, of what State, Dignity, Degree or Condition soever they be; and in no wise do nor attempt, nor to my Power suffer, or know to be done or attempted, directly or indirectly, any thing or things privily or apertly, to the let, hindrance, damage or derogation of any of the said Statutes, or any part thereof, by any manner of Means, or for or by any manner of Pretence. And in case any Oath hath been made by me to any Person or Persons, in Maintenance, Defence or Favour of the Bishop of Rome, or his Authority, Jurisdiction or Power, or against any the Statutes aforesaid, I repute the same as vain and annihilate. I shall wholly observe and keep this Oath. So help me God, and all Saints, and the Holy Evangeles.  
And then after this Oath, followed the Prayers before the Benediction of the Pall, and the Ceremonies of delivering it.   

CHAP. XXX. The Archbishop Reformeth the Canon Law.  

An. 1545.  OUR Archbishop seeing the great Evil and Inconvenience of Canons and Papal Laws which were still in Force, 
The ABp sets upon reforming the Canon Law.  and studied much in the Kingdom, had in his Mind now a good while to get them suppressed, or to reduce them into a narrower Compass, and to cull out of them a set of just and wholesome Laws, that should serve for the Government of the Ecclesiastical State. And indeed there was great need of some Reformation of these Laws: For most of them extolled the Pope unmeasurably, and made his Power to be above that of Emperors and Kings. Some of them were, That he that acknowledged not himself to be under the Bishop of Rome, and that the Pope is ordained of God to have the Primacy over the World, is an Heretic. That Prince's Laws, if they be against the Canons and Decrees of the Bishop of Rome, be of no Force. That all the Decrees of the Bishop of Rome ought to be kept perpetually, as God's Word spoken by the Mouth of Peter. That all Kings, Bishops and Noblemen, that believe or suffer the Bishop of Rome's Decrees in any thing to be violated, are accursed. That the See of Rome hath neither Spot nor Wrinkle. And abundance of the like, which the Archbishop himself drew out of the Canon Laws, 
Part I. among the Collections, p. 257.  and are set down by the Bishop of Sarum in his History.  
Therefore by the Archbishop's Motion and Advice, the King had an Act past the last Year, viz. 1544. 
An. 1545.  That his Majesty should have Authority, during his Life, to name thirty two Persons; 
An Act concerning it.  that is to say, sixteen Spiritual, and sixteen Temporal, to examine all Canons, Constitutions and Ordinances, Provincial and Synodal, and to draw up such Laws Ecclesiastical, as should be thought by the King and them convenient to be used in all Spiritual Courts. According to this Act, though it seems this Nomination happened some time before the making of the same, the King nominated several Persons to study, and prepare a Scheme of good Laws for the Church. Who brought their Business to a Conclusion, and so it rested for a time. The Archbishop being now to go down into Kent, to meet some Commissioners at Sittingborn, went to Hampton-Court to take his leave of the King. There he put him in mind of these Ecclesiastical Laws, and urged him to ratify them. So the King bade him dispatch to him the Names of the Persons, (which had been chiefly left to Cranmers Election) and the Book they had made. This care he, going out of Town, left with Heth Bishop of Rochester.  
So that these Laws, by the great Pains of the Archbishop, 
The Progress made by the ABp in this Work.  and some Learned Men about him, were brought to that good Perfection, that they wanted nothing but the Confirmation of the King. And there was a Letter drawn up ready for that purpose for the King to sign. It was directed to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Clerks, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Knights and Gentlemen, and all others of whatsoever Degree, his Subjects and Liege-men: Giving them to understand, That in the room of the corrupt Laws, Decrees and Statutes that proceeded from the Bishops of Rome, which were all abolished, he had put forth by his Authority another Set of Ecclesiastical Laws, which he required to be observed, under pain of his Indignation. 
No. XXXIV.  The Copy of this Letter may be read in the Appendix. But whatsoever the Matter was, whether it were the King's other Business, or the secret Oppositions of Bishop Gardiner, and the Papists, this Letter was not signed by the King.  
I have seen the Digest of these Ecclesiastical Laws in a Manuscript in Folio, fairly written out by the Archbishop's Secretary, 
The MSS. of these Laws. Inter Fox. MSS.  with the Title to each Chapter prefixed, and the Index of the Chapters at the beginning, both of the Archbishop's own Hand. In many places there be his own Corrections and Additions, and sometimes a Cross by him struck through divers Lines. And so he proceeded a good way in the Book. And where the Archbishop left off, Peter Martyr went on, by his Order, to revise the rest in the Method he had begun. And in the Title, De Praescriptionibus, the greatest part of the seventh Chapter is Martyr's own writing, viz. beginning at this word Rumpitur, 
Reformatio Legum Ecclesiast. Lond. 1640.  which is in Pag. 248. of the printed Book, Lin. 23. and so to the end of the Chapter. So that this Manuscript I conjecture was the first Draught of these Laws, prepared in the Reign of King Henry, and revised in the Reign of King Edward his Successor, when P. Martyr was appointed by that King's Letters to be one of those that were to be employed in this Work; who was much at this Time with the Archbishop. In this Draught were several Chapters afterwards added, partly by Cranmer, and partly by Martyr. There was yet a latter, and more perfect Draught of these Laws, as they were completed and finished in King Edward's Reign. This Draught fell into the Possession of Archbishop Parker. From whence he published the Book in the Year 1571, intituling it, Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, etc. Which was printed again in the Year 1640. Both these Manuscript Draughts were diligently compared together by john Fox; and the main Difference seemed to consist, in putting the latter into a new Method, and placing the Titles differently.  

The ABp labours in this Work under K. Edward.  For in this Matter Cranmer was much busied in King Edward's Reign also, being greatly desirous to bring that good Work to perfection. For he thought it greatly inconvenient, when the Pope's Power was abrogated, that his Laws should remain in Force; holding it highly necessary, that the Nation might have a Body of wholesome Laws, for the good Administration of Justice in the Spiritual Courts. Wherefore he procured in the fifth Year of that King, Letters Commissional to him, and seven more, diligently to set about the perusal of the old Church-Laws; and then to compile such a Body of Laws, as should seem, in their Judgements, most expedient to be practised in the Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdictions: These seven were, Thomas Goodrick Bishop of Ely, Richard Cox the King's Almoner, Peter Martyr, William May, Rowland Taylour, john Lucas and Richard Goodrick. But the Matter was in effect wholly entrusted by the King to the Archbishop, who associated to himself in the active part of this Work, Taylour, Martyr and Haddon. The Method they observed in managing this Affair, was, that after they had finished a Title, and drawn it up, it was then sent to Dr. Haddon, who was a Civilian, and an accurate Latinist, to peruse: And if any thing was less elegantly expressed, to correct it. So I find at the Title De Decimis, these words writ by Cranmer; This is finished by us, but must be over-seen again by Dr. Haddon. Thus for instance, I observe these Corrections by Haddon's Pen, in the Chapter entitled, De Commodis quae perveniunt à Sacris ritibus; instead of Gratiarum actionis mulierum a partu, he corrected it, Levatarum puerperarum: And in another place, Cuicunque hoc Praerogativum est, instead of hoc Praerogativum, he put, Hoc peculiar jus tribuitur, quod Praerogativum vocant. But his Corrections are very few, and but of words less proper: The Work and Words were mainly Cranmers own. But all this great and long Labour of the Archbishop came to no effect, by reason of the King's untimely Death, and it may be, the secret opposition of Papists.  

The ABp employed in mending Books of Service.  At the same time that he being at Hampton-Court, dealt with the King concerning the Reformation of the Canon-Laws, he also gave him an Account of a Business his Majesty had employed him in, and with him also Heth and Day Bps of Worcester and Chichester, and some other of his Chaplains, and Learned Men; whom he had of late appointed with the Archbishop to peruse certain Books of Service, delivered by the King to them, wherein there were many Superstitions fit to be amended. Which the Archbishop, in the Name of the rest, at this time acquainted the King with: As namely, the Vigil, and ringing of Bells all the Night long upon Alhallow-Night; and the covering of Images in the Church in the time of Lent, with the lifting the Veil that covereth the Cross on Palm-Sunday, and kneeling to the Cross at the same time. He moved the King in his own Name, and the Name of the rest, that these things might be abolished, and the Superstitions, and other Enormities and Abuses of the same. And that because all other Vigils, which in the beginning of the Church were godly used; yet for the manifold Superstitions and Abuses, which did after grow by means of the same, were many Years passed taken away throughout Christendom, and there remained nothing, but the Name of the Vigil in the Calendar, saving only upon Alhallow-Day at Night, he moved that it might be observed no more. And because creeping to the Cross was a greater Abuse than any of the other, (for there the People said, Crucem tuam adoramus, Domine: And the Ordinal saith, Procedant Clerici ad Crucem adorandum nudis pedibus: and it followeth in the said Ordinal, Ponatur Crux ante aliquod Altar, ubi à Populo adoretur: Which by the Bishop's Book, entitled, A necessary Instruction, is against the second Commandment) therefore he desired of the King, that the creeping to the Cross might also cease hereafter.  
These superstitious Usages were allowed in the Articles of Religion, put forth Anno 1536. 
The King consults with the ABp for the Redress of certain Superstions.  Cranmer than not having Interest enough to procure the laying them aside, or thinking it then not a fitting season to attempt it, as being in vain to oppose what the King himself at that time approved of. But now the King listened to the Archbishop, and bade him confer with the Bishop of Worcester, and send to him their Thoughts, what course they would advise him to take for Redress. The Archbishop accordingly consulted with the said Bishop, who then went along with Cranmer in the Reformation. The Effect of which was, as the Archbishop wrote to the King soon after from Bekesbourn, That his Majesty should send his Letters to both the Archbishops to reform these Superstitions; and they to send in the King's Name to all the Prelates within their respective Provinces to the same purpose. The Archbishop withal sent to the King the Minutes of a Letter to be sent to him, the said Archbishop, to that intent. He also advised the King, that at the same time that this Alteration was commanded to be made, he should set forth some Doctrine which should declare the Cause of the abolishing these Usages, for the Satisfaction of the Consciences of the People. For he knew well, as he wrote, that the People would think the Honour of Christ was taken away, when this honouring of the Cross was taken away: And therefore that they should need some good Instruction herein. He nominated the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester, and some other his Grace's Chaplains for the preparing this: And this, he said, would make the People obey him without murmuring; nay, be thankful to him for showing them the Truth: And it would be a Satisfaction to other Nations, when they should see the King do nothing but by the Authority of God's Word, and for the setting forth of God's Honour, 
Hist. Ref. Vol. II. Collect. p. 236.  and not the diminishing thereof. This Letter of the Archbishop to the King is extant in the Paper-Office, whence the Bishop of Sarum extracted a Copy.  
These things were agitated in the Bishop of Winchester's Absence, whom the King had sent Ambassador this Year with the Bishop of Westminster to Charles the Emperor, about the Mediation of a Peace between England and France. 
The opportunity of Winchester's Absence taken.  The Archbishop took this occasion to move the King in these good Purposes for a further Reformation of Abuses in Religion; towards the which the King appeared to be in so good a Mind, Winchester being absent, who, if he had been at Home, would undoubtedly have done his Endeavour to put a Check to these Attempts. But it must be attributed to his being Abroad, that the King gave an Ear to the Archbishop, and appointed a Set of more moderate Bishops and Divines to prepare Matter for his Allowance and Ratification. But Winchester, though at a distance, had Information of these Designs by his Intelligencers; and by making the King believe, that if he suffered any Innovations in Religion to proceed, the Emperor would withdraw his Mediation for a League: by these crafty Means of this Man, these good Motions proceeded no further.  

The ABp prevails with the King in two great Points.  So that there were two Abuses in Religion, which our Archbishop by Time and seasonable Inculcation, brought the King off from. He had a very great Esteem for Images in Churches, and for the Worship used to the Cross. And many Disputations and Discourses happened between the King and the Archbishop concerning them. Once at the King's Palace at Newhal in Essex, Canterbury and Winchester being alone with the King, a Talk happened about Images, and the Arguments that were used for abolishing them were considered. The Archbishop, who built all his Arguments upon the Word of God, produced the second Commandment, and thence he raised his Argument. But the King discussed it as a Commandment relating only to the Jews, and not to us; as Winchester relates in one of his Letters to the Duke of Somerset; adding, (because the reasoning was so much to his own Mind) That the King so discussed it, that all the Clerks in Christendom could not amend it. And when at another time, one had used Arguments against the Image of the Trinity, whether Cranmer, or some else I know not, Winchester heard the King answer them too: So possessed was the King once with an Opinion of retaining them; and yet at length, by the Archbishop's wise and moderate Carriage and Speeches, the King was brought to another Opinion, and to give his Orders for the abolishing of a great many of them; namely of such as had been abused. But when he had done this, he would not forgo the other, but commanded Kneeling and Creeping to the Cross. And gross was the Superstition that was committed in this blind Devotion; which the King, by the Archbishop's means being at length sensible of, was prevailed with, that this also should no more be used, as you heard before.  
There was one thing more this careful Archbishop recommended to the King this Year. 
Seeks to redress Alienation of the Revenues of the Cathedral.  He was troubled for his Cathedral Church of Canterbury, observing how the Revenues of it were diminished, and made away daily by the Prebendaries thereof, to satisfy the insatiable Greediness of the Laity, and it may be their own too. And the Courtiers and others were hard to be withstood, when they were minded to rake from the Church. The Practice was, that when any were minded to get a Portion of Land from the Church, they would first engage the King therein, and so the Church was to make it over to him. An● then by Gift, or for some trifling Consideration, as a Sale, it was conveyed to them from the King. Nay, sometimes they would use the King's Name, without his knowledge.  
Cranmer had the Honesty and the Courage to make Complaint of this Abuse and Injury done to the Revenues of the Cathedral. That those of the Church, to their Disquietment, and also great Charges, did alienate their Lands daily, as it was said, by the King's Commandment: But he was sure, he said, that others had gotten the best Lands, and not his Majesty. Therefore he sued, that when his Majesty was minded to have any of their Lands, that they might have some Letters from him to declare his Pleasure, without the which they were sworn to make no Alienation: and that the same Alienations might not be made at other men's Pleasures, but only to his Majesty's Use. By which Means it is likely, the Prebendaries had more quiet Possession of their Lands for the time to come.  
By this Time the Archbishop had compassed two very good Things, 
Scripture and Sermons more common by the ABp's means.  in order to the furthering the Common People in Knowledge and True Religion. The one was, that he brought in among the Laity a more common use of the Scriptures; and the other, that Sermons were more frequently preached than had been before. But both these, to the Grief of the Archbishop, were sadly abused: For now the Contending of Preachers in their Pulpits, one against another, grew more and more, and became most scandalous. So that few preached the Word of God truly and sincerely, but ran almost wholly upon Matters controverted; and in that railing manner, that their Expressions were very provoking. So that this came to the sowing of Discord among the People, instead of promoting Love, Unity, and solid Religion. The Laity on the other hand, some of them railed much on the Bishops, and spoke contemptibly of the Priests, and taunted the Preachers. The Scriptures were much read, but the Effect of it appeared too much in their making use of it only for Jangling and Disputation upon Points of Religion, and to taunt at the Ignorance or Error of Priests. Others on the other hand, to be even with the Gospelers, made it their Business to derogate from the Scripture, to deal with it irreverently, and to rhyme and sing, and make sport with it in Alehouses and Taverns. These things came to King Henry's Ears, 
Vid. Herb. Hist. P. 600.  which made him very earnestly blame both the Laity and Spirituality for it, in a Speech which he made at the Dissolution of his Parliament this Year.  

A Bishop Confirmed.  
Anthony Kitchen, alias Dunstan, D.D. 
Anth. Kitchin.  was Elected and Confirmed Bishop of Landaff, May 2. The ABp sent his Commissional Letters, dated the same Day, to Thomas Bishop of Westminster for his Consecration: But the Consecration is not entered in the Register. His Oath to the King began thus: I Anthony Kitchen, Elect Bishop of Landaff, having now the Vale of Darkness of the Usurped Power, Authority and Jurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome, clearly taken away from mine Eyes, do utterly testify and declare in my Heart, that neither the See, nor the Bishop of Rome, nor any Foreign Potestate hath, or aught to have, etc. as before.  

An. 1546.  Another Proclamation was set out the next Year, (which was the last issued out under this King) prohibiting again Tindal's and Coverdale's English New Testament, 
A Proclamation against the English Testament.  or any other than what was permitted by Parliament; and also the English Books of Wickliff, Frith, etc. the King being vexed with the Contests and Clamours of the People one against another, while they disputed so much of what they read, and practised so little.  

He interprets a Statute of his Church.  A small matter oftentimes creates great Brabling and Contentions in Fraternities. Such a small thing now occurred in the Archbishop's Church. Two of the prebend's were minded to change Houses; but the rest it seems made some Opposition, as reckoning it contrary to a certain Statute of that Church. The Archbishop hearing hereof, seasonably interposed, and interpreted their Statute for them. The Preachers also of this Church, seem not to have been fairly dealt with by the prebend's, both as to their Lodgings and Benefits. But at a late Chapter they had obtained an Order in their behalf. This the Archbishop now, who favoured Preaching, reminded them speedily to make good. Concerning both these Affairs, he wrote this Letter to them, for the preserving Quietness, Peace and good Order in his Church.  

Ex Regist. Eccles. Christ. Cant.  AFter my hearty Commendations: Whereas I am informed, that you be in doubt whether any Prebendary of that my Church, may exchange his House or Garden with another Prebend of the same Church-Living, and that you be moved by this Statute so to think, which here followeth; Statuimus ut Canonicus de novo Electus, & demissus in demortui, aut resignantis, aut quovismodo cedentis aedes succedat. These be to signify unto you, that neither this Statute, nor any other Reason that I know, maketh any thing against the Exchange between two prebend's Living, but that they may change House, Orchard or Garden during their Life, this Statute or any other Reason contrary notwithstanding. And whereas you have appointed your Preachers at your last Chapter, their Chambers and Commodities, I require you that they may be indelayedly admitted thereunto, according to that your Order. Thus fare you well. From my Manor of Croyden, the 12 th' of December, 1546.  
Th. canturians. To my loving Friends, the Vice-dean and Prebendaries of my Church in Canterbury.  
This was the last Year of King Henry. And the two last things the Archbishop was concerned in by the King, were these. The King commanded him to pen a Form, 
The ABp by the King's Command pens a Form for a Communion.  for the Alteration of the Mass into a Communion. For a Peace being concluded between Henry and the French King, while that King's Ambassador, Dr. Annebault was here, a notable Treaty was in hand by both Kings, for the promoting that good Piece of Reformation in the Churches of both Kingdoms, of abolishing the Mass. The Kings seemed to be firmly resolved thereon, intending to exhort the Emperor to do the same. The Work our King committed to the Archbishop, who no question undertook it very gladly. But the Death of the King prevented this taking Effect.  
The last Office the Archbishop did for the King his Master, 
His last Office to the King.  was to visit him in his last Sickness, whom of all his Bishops and Chaplains he chose to have with him at that needful Hour, to receive his last Comfort and Counsel. But the King was void of Speech when he came, though not of Sense and Apprehension. For when the King took him by the Hand, the Archbishop speaking comfortably to him, desired him to give him some Token, that he put his Trust in God through jesus Christ, according as he had advised him; and thereat the King presently wrung hard the Archbishop's Hand, and soon after departed, viz. january the 28 th'.    
The End of the First Book.   

MEMORIALS OF Archbishop CRANMER. BOOK II.  

CHAPTER I. He Crowns King Edward.  
OUR Archbishop having lost his old Master, 
Conceives great Hopes of K. Edward.  was not so sorrowful, but the Hopefulness of the new One did as much revive and solace him; because he concluded, that the Matters requisite for the Reformation of the Church, were like now to go on more roundly, and with less Impediment.  
One of the very first Things that was done in young King Edward the Sixth's Reign, in relation to the Church, was, that the Bishops, 
The ABp takes a Commission to execute his Office.  who had the Care of Ecclesiastical Matters, and the Souls of Men, should be made to depend entirely upon the King and his Council, and to be subject to suspension from their Office, and to have their whole Episcopal Power taken from them at his Pleasure, which might serve as a Bridle in case they should oppose the Proceedings of a Reformation. In this I suppose the Archbishop had his Hand: For it was his Judgement, that the Exercise of all Episcopal Jurisdiction depended upon the Prince: And that as he gave it, so he might restrain it at his Pleasure. And therefore he began this Matter with himself, Petitioning, That as he had exercised the Authority of an Archbishop during the Reign of the former King; so that Authority ending with his Life, it would please the present King Edward, to commit unto him that Power again. For it seemed, that he would not act as Archbishop, till he had a new Commission from the new King for so doing. And that this was his Judgement, appeared in the first words of that Commission granted to him; In the composing of which I make no question he had his Hand. Quandoquidem omnis juris dicendi autoritas, 
Cranm. Regist.  atque etiam jurisdictio omnimoda, tam illa quae Ecclesiastica dicitur, quam Secularis, à Regia potestate, velut à supremo capite, ac omnium Magistratuum infra Regnum nostrum fonte & scaturigine, primitus emanaverit, etc. That is, Since all Authority of exercising Jurisdiction, and also all kind of Jurisdiction, as well that which is called Ecclesiastical, as Secular, originally hath flowed from the King's Power, as from the Supreme Head, and the Fountain and Source of all Magistracy within our Kingdom: We therefore in this part yielding to your humble Supplications, and consulting for the Good of our Subjects, have determined to commit our Place to you, under the Manner and Form hereunder described. And the King than licenseth him to ordain within his Diocese, and to promote and present to Ecclesiastical Benefices; and to institute and invest; and if occasion required, to deprive; to prove Testaments, and the rest of the Business of his Courts. And so all the rest of his Offices were reckoned. This was dated Feb. 7. 1546. But yet all these things were committed to him, with a Power of Revocation of the Exercise of this Authority reserved in the King, & durante beneplacito. Thus a formal Commission was made to him; I do not transcribe it, 
Hist. Re●. P. II. Coll. p. 90.  because the Bishop of Sarum hath saved me that Pains. And hence I find, that the Archbishop in some of his Writings is styled, The Commissary of our dread Sovereign Lord King Edward.  

K. Edward crowned by the ABp.  One of the first Exercises of his Episcopal Power, was the Coronation of young King Edward. Which was celebrated February the 20 th', at the Abbey of Westminster, the Archbishop assisting now at his Coronation, as he had done about nine Years before at his Christening, 
C.C.C.C. Library. Miscellan. B.  when he stood his Godfather. The Form and Solemnity of it, and wherein the Archbishop bore so great a part, was in this manner, as I collect and transcribe out of a Manuscript in Benet College.  

The manner of the Coronation.  First, There was a goodly Stage richly hanged with Cloth of Gold and Cloth of Arras; and the Steps from the Choir contained two and twenty Steps of height; and down to the high Altar but fifteen Steps, goodly carpetted, where the King's Grace should tread with his Nobles.  
Secondly, The high Altar richly garnished with divers and costly Jewels and Ornaments of much Estimation and Value. And also the Tombs on each side the high Altar, richly hanged with fine Gold Arras.  
Thirdly, In the midst of the Stage was a goodly thing made of seven steps of height, all round, where the King's Majesty's Chair Royal stood; and he sat therein, after he was crowned, all the Mass-while.  
Fourthly, At nine of the Clock all Westminster Choir was in their Copes, and three goodly Crosses before them: and after them other three goodly rich Crosses, and the King's Chapel with his Children, following all in Scarlet, with Surplices and Copes on their Backs. And after them ten Bishops in Scarlet with their Rochets, and rich Copes on their Backs, and their Mitres on their Heads, did set forth at the West Door of Westminster towards the King's Palace, there to receive his Grace; and my Lord of Canterbury with his Cross before him alone, and his Mitre on his Head. And so past forth in order, as before is said. And within a certain space after were certain blue clothes laid abroad in the Church-floor against the King's coming, and so all the Palace, even to York place.  
Then is described the setting forward to Westminster Church to his Coronation, Unction and Confirmation.  
After all the Lords in order had kneeled down and kissed his Grace's right Foot, and after held their Hands between his Grace's Hands, and kissed his Grace's left Cheek, and so did their Homage; Then began a Mass of the Holy Ghost by my Lord of Canterbury, with good singing in the Choir, and Organs playing. There at Offering time his Grace offered to the Altar a Pound of Gold, a Loaf of Bread, and a Chalice of Wine.  
Then after the Levation of the Mass, there was read by my Lord Chancellor, in presence of all the Nobles, a General Pardon granted by King Henry the Eighth, Father to our Liege Lord the King, that all shall be pardoned that have offended before the 28 th' day of january last passed.  
When the King's Majesty, with his Nobles, came to the Place of the Coronation, within a while after, his Grace was removed into a Chair of Crimson Velvet, and born in the Chair between two Noblemen, unto the North-side of the Stage, and showed to the People; and these words spoken to the People by my Lord of Canterbury, in this manner, saying: Sirs, here I present unto you K. Edward, the rightful Inheritor to the Crown of this Realm. Wherefore all ye, that be come this Day to do your Homage, Service, and bounden Duty, Be ye willing to do the same? To the which all the People cried with a loud Voice, and said, Yea, Yea, Yea; and cried, King Edward; and prayed, God save King Edward. And so to the Southside in like manner, and to the East-side, and to the Westside.  
After this, his Grace was born again to the high Altar in his Chair, and there sat bareheaded: And all his Nobles and Peers of the Realm were about his Grace, and my Lord of Canterbury Principal. And there made certain Prayers and Godly Psalms over his Grace; and the Choir answered with goodly Singing, the Organs playing, and Trumpets blowing.  
Then after a certain Unction, Blessing, and Signing of his Grace, he was born into a Place by the high Altar, where the Kings use always to kneel at the Levation of the Parliament-Mass. And there his Grace was made ready of new Garments; and after a certain space brought forth between two Noblemen, and sat before the High Altar bareheaded. Then after a while his Grace was anointed in the Breast, his Soles of his Feet, his Elbows, his Wrists of his Hands, and his Crown of his Head, with virtuous Prayer said by the Bishop of Canterbury, and sung by the Choir.  
Then anon after this, a goodly fair Cloth of red Tinsel Gold was hung over his Head: And my Lord of Canterbury kneeling on his Knees, and his Grace lying prostrate afore the Altar, anointed his Back.  
Then after this, my Lord of Canterbury arose and stood up, and the fair Cloth taken away. Then my Lord Protector, Duke of Somerset, held the Crown in his Hand a certain space; and immediately after begun Te Deum, with the Organs going, the Choir singing, and the Trumpets playing in the Battlements of the Church. Then immediately after that, was the Crown set on the King's Majesty's Head by them two, [viz. Somerset, and the Archbishop of Canterbury]. And after that another Crown; and so his Grace was crowned with three Crowns.  
The Relation breaks off here abruptly. But what is wanting, may be supplied by the Order of the Coronation, 
Hist. Ref. Vol. 11 Collect. p. 93.  as Bishop Burnet hath taken it out of the Council-Book, and given it us in his History.  

The ABp's Speech at the Coronation. Foxes & Firebrands, Part 2.  At this Coronation there was no Sermon as I can find, but that was supplied by an excellent Speech which was made by the Archbishop. It was found among the inestimable Collections of Archbishop Usher; and though published of late Years, yet I cannot but insert it here, tending so much to illustrate the Memory of this great and good Archbishop.  

MOST Dread and Royal Sovereign: The Promises your Highness hath made here, at your Coronation, to forsake the Devil and all his Works, are not to be taken in the Bishop of Rome's Sense, when you commit any thing distasteful to that See, to hit your Majesty in the Teeth, as Pope Paul the Third, late Bishop of Rome, sent to your Royal Father, saying, Didst thou not promise, at our permission of thy Coronation, to forsake the Devil and all his Works, and dost thou run to Heresy? For the Breach of this thy Promise, knowest thou not, that 'tis in our Power to dispose of thy Sword and Sceptre to whom we please? We, your Majesty's Clergy, do humbly conceive, that this Promise reacheth not at your Highness' Sword, Spiritual or Temporal, or in the least at your Highness swaying the Sceptre of this your Dominion, as you and your Predecessors have had them from God. Neither could your Ancestors lawfully resign up their Crowns to the Bishop of Rome or his Legates, according to their ancient Oaths then taken upon that Ceremony.  
The Bishops of Canterbury for the most part have crowned your Predecessors, and anointed them Kings of this Land: Yet it was not in their Power to receive or reject them, neither did it give them Authority to prescribe them Conditions to take or to leave their Crowns, although the Bishops of Rome would encroach upon your Predecessors by their Act and Oil, that in the end they might possess those Bishops with an Interest to dispose of their Crowns at their Pleasure. But the wiser sort will look to their Claws and clip them.  
The solemn Rites of Coronation have their Ends and Utility; yet neither direct Force or Necessity: They be good Admonitions to put Kings in mind of their Duty to God, but no increasement of their Dignity: For they be God's Anointed; not in respect of the Oil which the Bishop useth, but in consideration of their Power, which is Ordained; Of the Sword, which is Authorized; Of their Persons, which are elected of God, and endued with the Gifts of his Spirit, for the better ruling and guiding of his People.  
The Oil, if added, is but a Ceremony: If it be wanting, that King is yet a perfect Monarch notwithstanding, and God's Anoined, as well as if he was inoiled. Now for the Person or Bishop that doth anoint a King, it is proper to be done by the chiefest. But if they cannot, or will not, any Bishop may perform this Ceremony.  
To condition with Monarches upon these Ceremonies, the Bishop of Rome (or other Bishops owning his Supremacy) hath no Authority: but he may faithfully declare what God requires at the Hands of Kings and Rulers, that is, Religion and Virtue. Therefore not from the Bishop of Rome, but as a Messenger from my Saviour jesus Christ, I shall most humbly admonish your Royal Majesty what Things your Highness is to perform.  
Your Majesty is God's Vicegerent, and Christ's Vicar within your own Dominions, and to see, with your Predecessor josias, God truly worshipped, and Idolatry destroyed; the Tyranny of the Bishops of Rome banished from your Subjects, and Images removed. These Acts be Signs of a second josias, who reform the Church of God in his Days. You are to reward Virtue, to revenge Sin, to justify the Innocent, to relieve the Poor, to procure Peace, to repress Violence, and to execute Justice throughout your Realms. For Precedents on those Kings who performed not these Things, the Old Law shows how the Lord revenged his Quarrel; and on those Kings who fulfilled these things, he poured forth his Blessings in abundance. For Example, it is written of josiah, in the Book of the Kings, thus; Like unto him there was no King, that turned to the Lord with all his Heart, according to all the Law of Moses; neither after him arose there any like him. This was to that Prince a perpetual Fame of Dignity, to remain to the End of Days.  
Being bound by my Function to lay these Things before your Royal Highness; the one as a Reward, if you fulfil; the other as a Judgement from God, if you neglect them: Yet I openly declare, before the living God, and before these Nobles of the Land, that I have no Commission to denounce your Majesty deprived, if your Highness miss in part, or in whole, of these Performances: Much less to draw up Indentures between God and your Majesty, or to say you forfeit your Crown with a Clause for the Bishop of Rome, as have been done by your Majesty's Predecessors, King john, and his Son Henry of this Land. The Almighty God of his Mercy, let the Light of his Countenance shine upon your Majesty, grant you a prosperous and happy Reign, defend you and save you: and let your Subjects say, Amen.  
God save the King.   
I find no Bishop Consecrated this Year.   


An. 1547.  CHAP. II. A Royal Visitation.  

A Royal Visitation on foot.  BY these and other pious Instigations of the Archbishop, who was of high esteem with the King, he began early to think of the Church, and to take care about rectifying the Disorders of its Members. For about April there was a Royal Visitation resolved upon all England over, for the better Reformation of Religion. And accordingly in the beginning of May, Letters were issued out from the King to the Archbishops, that they and all their Fellow-Bishops, should forbear their Visitations, as was usually done in all Royal and Archiepiscopal Visitations. And it was enjoined, that no Ministers should preach in any Churches but in their own.  

Titus B. 2.  In a Volume in the Cotton Library, there be extant the King's Letters to Robert Archbishop of York, relating to this Visitation; signed by our Archbishop, the Duke of Somerset the Protector, and his Brother Sir Thomas Seymour, the Lord Russel, Favourers of the Reformation; the Lord St. john's, Petres the Secretary, who went along with it; Gage Controller of the Household, and Baker Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations, back-Friends to it. 
Hist. Ref. Vol. II. Collect. p. 103.  I do not set down the Letter itself, because the Bishop of Sarum hath already published it in his History.  
Very worthy sober and learned Men were appointed for Visitors, both of the Laity and Clergy. And there was a Book of Injunctions prepared, whereby the King's Visitors were to govern their Visitation. The Original of which Book of Injunctions is extant in Benet-College Library: There I have seen them, being signed by Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Somerset, Sir Thomas Seymour, and divers others of the Privy-Council; but no Bishop save Cranmer only; he being, I suppose, the only Bishop then a Privy-Counsellor; and now often appearing in the Council for the better forwarding of Religion. These Injunctions are printed in Bishop Sparrow's Collection, 
Vol. 11. p. 28.  and briefly epitomised in the History of the Reformation.  

The Visitors.  The Persons nominated for this present Employment were these, as I find them set down in a Manuscript, formerly belonging to Archbishop Parker, 
Vol. intit. Syvodalia.  but now in the Benet-College Library: Where you may observe the Visitors were divided into six Sets, and to each Set were apportioned particular Counties, and a Preacher and a Register, in this exact Method following.  
Visitors. Added by ABp Parker. Counties visited. Dean of Westminster. Boston. York. Sir john Herseley Kt.  Durysme. Nicholas Ridley, Preacher.  Carlyll. Edward Plankney, Register.  Chester. Sir Anthony Coke, Kt.  Westminster. Sir john Godsalve, Kt. 
† He belonged to the Office of the Signet, and was Protonotary.    Dr. Christopher Nevison. The Elder. London. john Gosnold. A Lawyer.  Dr. Madewe, Preacher.  Norwich. Peter Lylly, Register.  Ely. Sir john Hales, Kt.  Rochester. Sir john Mason, Kt.   Sir Anthony Cope, Kt.  Canterbury. Dr. Cave. A Lawyer.  Mr. Briggs, Preacher. Once of Pembroke. Chichester. Rafe Morice, Register.  Winchester. Dean of Paul's. Dr. May. Sarisbury. Dean of Exeter. Dr. Hains. Exeter. Sir Walter Buckler, Kt.  Bath. Mr. Cotisford, Preacher.  Bristol. john Redman, Register. Of Haslingfeld. Gloucester. Dean of Lincoln. Dr. Taylor. Peterburgh. Dr. Rowland Taylor.  Lincoln. Mr. john joseph. Once of Canterbury, Oxford.  a Friar. Coventry. john Old, Register.  Litchfeld. Mr. Morison. Once Husband to the Earl of Rutland's Wife. Worcester.  Hereford. Mr. Syddel.  Landaff. Mr. Ferrowr, Preacher. After L. Bishop of S. David's. S. david's. George Constantine, Register.  Bangor. Hue Rawlins, Preacher in the Welsh Tongue.  S. Ass.  
Where we may observe, that in every Company of Visitors was joined one Preacher, or more; whose Business, in the respective Circuits, was to preach to the People, to dehort them from the superstitious use of Beads and suchlike Things, and to learn them to worship God truly in Heart and Mind, and to obey the Prince.  
The Method which these Commissioners used in their Visitation, 
The Method of this Visitation.  as we collect from what was done at S. Paul's, London, was this. They summoned the Bishop, and the Members of each Cathedral; and first swore them to renounce the Bishop of Rome, and to the King's Supremacy: and then that they should present all things in their Church and Diocese, needful to be reform. Then certain Interrogatories and Articles of Enquiry were read to them by the Register. To perform which, an Oath was administered to them. After that, the printed Injunctions, and others not printed, with the Book of Homilies, were delivered, both to the Bishop for his Church, and the Arch-deacons for their respective Archdeaconries; strictly injoining them to see them speedily executed, reserving other new Injunctions to be ministered afterwards, as they should see cause. Their next Work was to examine the Canons and Priests by virtue of their Oaths which they had taken, concerning their Lives and Doctrines. What was discovered in other Places concerning the Vices of the Clergy, we may conclude from what was found among the Dignitaries of St. Paul's. 
Fox.  For when the Canons and Priests belonging to this Church were examined, one of them, named Painter, openly confessed, that he had often carnally used a certain Married-man's Wife, whom he would not name: And divers others, both of the Canons and Priests, confessed the same of themselves.  
There be remaining, in the Archives of the Church of Canterbury, the Injunctions of the King's Visitors to the Dean and Chapter there, bearing date Sept. 22. An. 1 Edw. VI subscribed by the Visitors Hands. Which Injunctions do all relate to the particular Statutes of the Church, and are of no other moment.  

The Homilies, and Erasmus' Paraphrase.  There was now a Book of Homilies prepared for present use, to be read in all Churches, for the Instruction of the People: and Erasmus' Paraphrase upon the New Testament in English, was to be set up in all Churches, for the better instruction of Priests in the Sense and Knowledge of the Scriptures. And both these Books, by the King's Injunctions aforementioned, were commanded to be taught and learned.   

CHAP. III. Homilies, and Erasmus' Paraphrase.  
Archbishop Cranmer found it highly convenient to find out some Means for the Instruction of the People in true Religion, 
The ABp to Winchester concerning the Homilies.  till the Church could be better supplied with learned Priests and Ministers. For which purpose he resolved upon having some good Homilies or Sermons, composed, to be read to the People; which should in a plain manner teach the Grounds and Foundation of true Religion, and deliver the People from popular Errors and Superstitions. When this was going in hand with, the Archbishop sent his Letters to the Bishop of Winchester, to try if he could bring him to be willing to join in this Business; showing him, that it was no more than what was intended by the former King, and a Convocation in the Year 1542, wherein himself was a Member, to make such a stay of Errors, as were then by ignorant Preachers spread among the People. But this Bishop was not for Cranmers Turn; in his Answer signifying to him, That since that Convocation the King, his old Master's Mind changed, and that God had afterwards given him the Gift of Pacification, (as he worded it) meaning, that the King made a stop in his once intended Reformation. He added, That there was a Convocation that extinguished those Devices, and this was still in force: And therefore, that now nothing more ought to be done in Church-Matters. And a Copy of this Letter he sent to the Lord Protector, trying to persuade him also to be of his Mind.  
The Archbishop answered these Letters of Winchester: Wherein he again required these Homilies to be made, by virtue of that Convocation five Years before; and desired Winchester to weigh things. But he replied, It was true, they communed then of such things, 
See his Letters to the Protector, in Fox.  but they took not effect at that time; nor needed they to be put in execution now. And that in his Judgement it could not be done without a new Authority and Command from the King's Majesty. Then he used his Politics, urging, That it was not safe to make new Stirs in Religion: That the Lord Protector did well in putting out a Proclamation to stop vain Rumours; and he thought it not best to enterprise any thing to tempt the People with occasion of Tales, whereby to break the Proclamation. And as in a natural Body, he said, Rest without Trouble did confirm and strengthen; so it was in a Commonwealth, Trouble travaileths, and bringeth things to looseness. Then he suggested the Danger the Archbishop might involve himself in, by making Alterations. That he was not certain of his Life, when the old Order was broken, and a new brought in by Homilies; that he should continue to see the new Device executed. For it was not done in a Day; He wished there were nothing else to do now. He suggested, that a new Order engendered a new Cause of Punishment against them that offend; and Punishments were not pleasant to them that have the Execution. And yet they must be, for nothing may be contemned. There were two Letters Winchester sent to the Archbishop, in answer to as many from the Archbishop: In which he laboured to persuade the Archbishop, not to innovate any thing in Religion during the King's Minority; and particularly to forbear making Homilies, and refusing for himself to meddle therein. An imperfect part of one of these Letters I have laid in the Appendix, as I transcribed it from the Original. 
No. XXXV.   
So when it was perceived that Winchester would not be brought to comply, and join in with the Archbishop and the rest, they went about the composing the Homilies themselves. Cranmer had a great hand in them: 
The ABp. etc. compose Homilies.  And that Homily of Salvation particularly seems to be of his own doing. This, while he was in composing it, was shown to Winchester by the Archbishop; to which he made this Objection. That he would yield to him in this Homily, if they could show him any old Writer, that wrote how Faith excluded Charity in the Office of Justification; and that it was against Scripture. Upon this Canterbury began to argue with him, and to show him how Faith excluded Charity in the Point of Justifying. And Winchester denied his Arguments. And in fine, such was his Sophistication, that the Archbishop at last told him; He liked nothing unless he did it himself: and that he disliked the Homily for that Reason, because he was not a Counsellor.  
The Council had now put this Bishop in the Fleet, for his Refractoriness to the King's Proceedings; 
Winchester in the Fleet.  where, if his Complaint to the Lord Protector were true, he was somewhat straight handled: For he was allowed no Friend or Servant, no Chaplain, Barber, Taylor, nor Physician. A sign he gave them high Provocation. While he was here, the Archbishop sent for him once or twice to discourse with him, and to try to bring him to comply with their Proceedings in reforming Religion. He dealt very gently with him, and told him; That he was a Man, in his Opinion, meet to be called to the Council again: but withal told him, that he stood too much in Obstinacy; that it was perverse Frowardness, and not any Zeal for the Truth. And laboured to bring him to allow the Book, which was now finished, and the Paraphrase of Erasmus.  
The former he could not allow of, because of the Doctrine therein by Cranmer asserted, 
The Bp of Winchester's Censure o● the Homily of Salvation,  of Justification by Faith without Works. Which Cranmer took pains to persuade him about; telling him, his Intent was hereby, only to set out the Freedom of God's Mercy. But Winchester challenged him to show Scripture for it, or any one ancient Writer, That Faith in justifying excludeth Charity. This Winchester afterward declared at large to the Lord Protector; and added, That the Archbishop in that Homily of Salvation, had taken such a Matter in hand, and so handled it, as, if he were his extreme Enemy, he would have wished him to have taken that Piece in hand, and so to have handled it as he did. He represented one of the Archbishop's Arguments for Faith excluding Charity to be thus, out of that Homily; We be justified by Faith without all Works of the Law: Charity is a Work of the Law: Ergo, We are justified without Charity. But I warn the Reader to consult the Homily itself, before he pass his Judgement upon Cranmers Argument, as it is here represented by one that was none of his Friend. In fine, he said, There were as many Faults in that Homily of Salvation, as he had been Weeks in Prison, and that was seven, besides the Matter, viz. making a Trouble without Necessity.  

And of the ABp for it.  In short, he charged the Archbishop for troubling the World with such a needless Speculation as this is; because, he said, that in Baptism we are justified, being Infants, before we can talk of the Justification we strive for. For all Men receive their Justification in their Infancy in Baptism. And if they fall after Baptism, they must arise again by the Sacrament of Penance. And so this Doctrine, he said, was to be sent to the Universities; where it is meet to be talked and disputed of, and not fit for Homilies. And to disparage further the Archbishop's Judgement, he told the Protector, That if my Lord of Canterbury would needs travail in this Matter, he should never persuade that Faith excluded Charity in Justification, unless he borrowed Prisons of the Protector; and then he might percase have some to agree to it: As poor Men kneel at Rome when the Bishop of Rome goeth by, or else are knocked on the Head with a Halberd. And then he made some scoffing mention of the Strength of God's Spirit in the Archbishop, and his Learning in his Laws, so as to be able to overthrow with his Breath all Untruths, and establish Truths. I make no Reflection upon all this unseemly Language of this Bishop, but leave it to the Reader to judge hereby of the Learning and Spirit that was in him. And could we have retrieved the Archbishop's own Arguments and Replies to these Barkings of Winchester, they would have left to the World a full Vindication of Cranmer and his Doctrine.  
As to Erasmus' Paraphrase, the said Bishop pretended, 
Winchester's Censure of Erasmus' Paraphrase.  He found divers things in it to condemn the Work: and that he agreed with them that said, Erasmus laid the Eggs, and Luther hatched them: and that of all the monstrous Opinions that have risen, evil Men had a wondrous Occasion ministered to them from that Book. He also wrote to the Protector the particular Objections he made against it. He said, He might term it in one word Abomination, both for the Malice and Untruth of much Matter out of Erasmus' Pen: and also for the arrogant Ignorance of the Translator of it; considering that Book was authorized by the King, and a Charge laid upon the Realm of twenty thousand Pounds, by enjoining every Parish to buy one: Whereof he had made an Estimate by the probable number of Buyers, and the Price of the Book. He charged the Translator with Ignorance, both in Latin and English; a Man (he said) far unmeet to meddle with such a Matter, and not without Malice on his part.  
Finally, The Matter he had to show in both the Books, was in some part dangerous; and the Concealment thereof a great Fault, if he did not utter it. And that he pretended, made him somewhile ago write to the Council, declaring his Mind in relation thereunto. For which he was sent to the Fleet.  
The true Occasion whereof, as I take it from his own Letter, 

His Account of his Commitment.  
Inter Foxil MSS.   written with his own Hand, which I have before me, was this▪ Upon the Departure of the Lord Protector against the Scots, the King's Visitors began their Visitation. Then as soon as the Bishop heard of the Visitation, and the Books of Homilies and Injunctions were come to his hands, he wrote to the Council, trusting, upon such earnest Advertisements as he made, they would incontinently have sent for him; and upon knowledge of so evident Matter as he thought he had to show, would have stayed till the Protector's Return. He saw (as he said) a Determination to do all things suddenly at one time. Whereunto, though the Protector had agreed, yet of his Wisdom, as the Bishop conjectured, he had rather these Matters should have tarried till his Return, had he not been pressed on both Sides, (an Expression which the Protector in a Letter to him had used). He reckoned, that if he could have stayed this Matter in his Absence, though by bringing himself into extreme Danger, besides his Duty to God and the King, he should have done the Protector a Pleasure, of whom he had this Opinion, that willingly and wittingly, he would neither break the Act of Parliament, nor command Books to be bought by Authority, that contained such Doctrine as those Books did. Thus he had, he said, remembrance of his Grace in these his Letters to the Council; but he chiefly made not his Grace, but God his Foundation, with the Preservation of the late deceased King's Honour, and the Surety of the King then being. His Writing, he confessed, was vehement; but he would have none offended with it, for he wrote it with a whole Heart; and if he could have written it with the Blood of his Heart, he would have done it, to have stayed the thing till it had been more maturely digested. He touched lively one Point in his Letter to the Council, and considered whether the King might command against a Common Law, or an Act of Parliament; and showed the Danger of it in the late Lord Cardinal, and the Lord Typtoft before him, who was Executed on Tower-hill, for acting against the Laws of the Land, though it were by the King's Commission; and by other Precedents.  
Not long after these Letters of the Bishop to the Council, they sent for him. When he came before them, he came furnished with his Trinkets, his Sleeves and Bosom trussed full of Books, to furnish his former Allegations. He was heard very well, and gently. Then he showed Matter that he thought would have moved them: For there he showed the two contrary Books, [meaning the Homilies, and Erasmus' Paraphrase]. But the Council told him, they were not moved: and added, That their Consciences agreed not with his; using many good Words to bring him to Conformity. After he had been aside from them, and was returned again, they entered a precise Order with him, either to receive the Injunctions, or to refuse. In which Case they told him, that the Protector was privy to what was done there. The Bishop answered, That he would receive them as far as God's Law and the King's would bind him. And because he saw they drew to such Preciseness, he told them, there were three Weeks of Delay to the coming of the Visitors to him. In the mean time he offered to go to Oxford, to abide the Discussion there. That Offer was not allowed. He desired to go to his House at London, and have Learned Men speak with him there. That was not accepted. He entered then the Allegation of the Gospel, of the Servant that said, he would not do a thing, and yet did it: And so the Bishop said, it might be, that although he then said Nay, as his Conscience served him, yet he might change, and was a Man that might be tempted. But as his Conscience was then, he thought, that God's Laws and the King's letted him. Then they asked him, if he had spoken to any Man of what he found in the Books. To which he answered truly, [acknowledging he had]. But told the Lords, that he thought it hard, unless there were a greater Matter than this, to send him to Prison for declaring his Mind beforehand, what he minded to do, before it had been by him done; who had all the mean time to repent himself.  
In the End the Council committed him to the Fleet. Of his Behaviour under this Censure, he hath these words; That he had well digested it; and so all might be well, he cared not what became of his Body. That he departed as quietly from them as ever Man did, and had endured with as little grudge. He had learned this Lesson in the World, never to look backward, as S. Paul saith, ne remember that is past. That he would never grudge or complain of any thing for himself.  
To the Lord Protector, to whom he wrote all this Account of himself, turning his Discourse, he said, That he thought it very weighty, to have these Books recommended to the Realm in the King's Name by his (the Protector) Direction, since the King himself knew nothing of them, and therefore nothing could be ascribed to him: And his Grace had been so occupied, as all Men knew, that he had no leisure to peruse them. And yet of such sort were the Books according to the Account he had before written; and that if no Man had advertised the Council, as he had, it was because they had not read them as he had done.  
In Vindication of the Learned Author of the Paraphrase, 
Erasmus vindicated.  so bedashed by Winchester, I will here use the words of him that writ the Epistle Dedicatory before the translated Paraphrase on the Acts. I cannot but judge, that whoso are prompt and hasty Condemners of Erasmus, or eager Adversaries unto his Doctrine, do, under the Name and Colour of Erasmus, rather utter their Stomach and Hatred against God's Word, and the Grace of the Gospel, which Erasmus for his part most diligently and most simply laboureth to bring to light. And to such as said, that his Doctrine was scarcely sincere, and that he did somewhat err, he answered, That Erasmus, forasmuch as he was a Man, and so esteemed himself, would that his Works should none otherwise be read or accepted, than the Writings of other mortal Men. And that after his Judgement, a little Trip among so many notable good Works for the interpretation of Scripture, and for the help of the Simple, should rather be born withal, than so many good Things to be either rejected, or kept away from the hungry Christian Reader. It is a cold Charity that can bear with nothing; and an eager Malice it is, that for a Trifle, or a Matter of nothing, would have the Ignorant to lack so much good edifying, as may be taken of Erasmus.  
Mention was made a little above, 
Winchester's Letter to Somerset concerning these things.  of the Bishop of Winchester's Objections against the Paraphrase of Erasmus, sent by him in a Letter to the Lord Protector. This Paper I have met with in Sir john Cotton's Library; and being somewhat long, I have put it into the Appendix: Wherein may be seen at large the Bishop's Quarrels, 
No. XXXVI.  both against the Paraphrase and the Homilies; labouring here to show, that the Book of Homilies and Erasmus' Paraphrase, did contradict each other, and therefore could not both be received; and that there were Errors in each, and so neither aught to be admitted. Moreover, he urged the Danger of making Alterations in Religion contrary to the Laws then in Force; designing thereby, if he could over-perswade the Protector, to enervate the King's late Injunctions. For the Papists, whose chief Instrument was Winchester, saw it was time now to bestir themselves to overthrow these Proceedings that were in hand, if it were possible.  
When this Affair happened between the Council and the Bishop, 
The ABp appoints a Thanksgiving for a Victory.  for which they cast him into the Fleet, Somerset the Protector was absent in an Expedition against the Scots: By whose Conduct, in the Month of September, God blessed the King with a very glorious Victory, in a Battle fought near Musselburrough. Which redounded much to the Protector's Honour, wherein was more Danger than he looked for, which gave him the greater occasion to show his Valour: For there were but few lost on the English-side; but fifteen thousand Scots reckoned to be slain, and two thousand taken Prisoners. For this Victory a Public Thanksgiving was thought fit to be Celebrated. And the Archbishop required of the Bishop of London, to procure a Sermon at S. Paul's, before the Mayor and Aldermen, and immediately after a Procession in English, and Te Deum. The Archbishop's Letter (which will show what the Court thought of that good Success) was as followeth.  
AFter our right hearty Commendations: Whereas it hath pleased Almighty God to send the King's Majesty such Victory against the Scots, 
The ABp to the Bp of London. Cranm. legist.  as was almost above the Expectation of Man, and such as hath not been heard of in any part of Christendom this many Years: In which Victory above the Number of 15000 Scots be slain, 2000 taken Prisoners; and among them many Noblemen, and others of good Reputation; all their Ordnance and Baggage of their Camp also won from them. The King's Majesty, with Advice of his Highness' Privy-Council, presently attending upon his Majesty's most Royal Person, wellknowing this, as all other Goodness, to be Gifts of God, hath and so doth account it. And therefore rendereth unto him the only Glory and Praise for the same: And so hath willed me, not only in his Majesty's Cathedral Church, and other Churches of my Diocese, to give Thanks to Almighty God, but also to require, in his Name, all other Bishops in the Province of Canterbury to do, or cause to be done, semblably in their Course. Which his Majesty's Pleasure I have thought good to signify unto you: Requiring you, not only to cause a Sermon to be made in your Cathedral Church, the next Holiday after receipt hereof, declaring the Goodness of God, and exhorting the People to Faith and amendment of Life; and to give Thanks to God for this Victory; but also at the same time, immediately after the Sermon, and in presence of the Mayor, aldermans, and other the Citizens of London, to cause the Procession in English, and Te Deum, to be openly and devoutly sung. And that you do also cause the like Order to be given in every Parish-Church in your Diocese, upon some Holiday, when the Parishioners shall be there present, with as much speed as you may; not failing, as you tender his Majesty's Pleasure. Thus fare you heartily well. From oatland's, the 18 th' Day of December 
* It should be Sept. I suppose. , the Year of our Lord God, 1547.  
Your loving Friend, Tho. Cantuarien.  
The Counselor's Pleasure is, you shall see this executed on Tuesday next, in St. Paul's in London. This be given in haste.   

CHAP. IU. A Convocation.  
THE Parliament now sat: 

A Convocation in the first Year of the King.  
C.C.C.C. Library. Vol. intit. Synodalia.   And a Convocation was held November the 5 th'. Some Account of what was done here, I will in this place set down, as I extracted it out of the Notes of some Member, as I conceive, then present at it.  

Session 1. Nou. 5.  
john Taylor Dean of Lincoln, chosen Prolocutor by universal Consent.   

Sess. 2. Nou. 18.  
This Day the Prolocutor was presented to the Archbishop and Bishops in the Upper House.   

Sess. 3. Nou. 22.  
It was then agreed, that the Prolocutor, in the Name of the whole House, should carry some Petitions unto the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop, viz.  
I. That Provision be made, that the Ecclesiastical Law may be examined, and promulged, according to that Statute of Parliament in the 35 th' Year of Henry VIII.  
II. That for certain urgent Causes, the Convocation of this Clergy may be taken and chosen into the Lower House of Parliament, as anciently it was wont to be.  
III. That the Works of the Bishops and Others, who by the Command of the Convocation, have laboured in examining, reforming and publishing the Divine Service, may be produced, and laid before the Examination of this House.  
IV. That the Rigour of the Statute of paying the King the First-Fruits, may be somewhat moderated in certain urgent Clauses, and may be reform, if possible.  
The fourth Session is omitted in the Manuscript, the Writer probably being then absent.   

Sess. 5. Nou. ult.  
This Day Mr. Prolocutor exhibited, and caused to be read publicly, a Form of a certain Ordinance, delivered by the most Reverend the Archbishop of Canterbury, for the receiving of the Body of our Lord under both Kind's, viz. of Bread and Wine. To which he himself subscribed, and some others, viz. Mr. Prolocutor, Mr. Cranmer archdeacon of Canterbury, Mr. May, Mr. jenyngs, Mr. William's, Wilson, Carleton, etc.   

Sess. 6. Decemb. 2.  
This Session, all this whole Session, in Number Sixty-four, by their Mouths did approve the Proposition made the last Session, of taking the Lord's Body in both Kind's, nullo reclamante.  
The same Day with Consent were chosen, Mr. Dr. Draycot, Bellasis, Dakyns, jeffrey, Elize ap Rice, Oking, Pool, and Ap Harry, to draw up a Form of a Statute for paying Tithes in Cities, etc.  
This was a thing the Clergy now were very intent upon. For I find in the Archbishop's Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws, there is a Law made for paying Tithes in Cities, as was done in London.   

Sess. 7. Decemb. 9  
By common Consent were nominated and assigned Mr. Rowland Merick, john ap Harry, john William's, and Elizeus Price, DD.LL. to obtain the following Effects, viz. That the Petition made to have this House adjoined to the Lower House of Parliament, may be granted. Item, That a Mitigation of the sore Penalty expressed in the Statutes against the Recusants, for nonpayment of the perpetual Tenths, may be also obtained.  
And the same Day were likewise appointed, Mr. Dean of Winchester, and Mr. Dr. Draycot, to accompany Mr. Prolocutor to my Lord of Canterbury, to know a determinate Answer, what Indemnity and Impunity this House shall have to treat of Matters of Religion, in Cases forbidden by the Statutes of this Realm to treat in.   

Sess. 8. Dec. 17.  
This Day was exhibited a certain Proposition under these words, viz. That all such Canons, Laws, Statutes, Decrees, Usages and Customs, heretofore made, had or used, that forbid any Person to contract Matrimony, or condemn Matrimony already contracted by any Person, for any Vow or Promise of Priesthood, Chastity or Widowhood, shall from henceforth cease, be utterly void, and of none Effect. To which Proposition many subscribed, partly in the Affirmative, partly in the Negative.  
In the Affirmative, 53 Voices. In the Negative, 22 Voices.  
And here I will insert a few words, which I take out of a Book writ very near this Time, and by one who was well acquainted with the Affairs of this Convocation. 
Defence of Priest's Marriage, p. 268.  The Affirmants, saith he, of this Proposition were almost treble so many as were the Negants. Amongst which Affirmants, divers were then unmarried, and never afterwards did take the Liberty of Marriage; as Dr. Taylor the Bishop, Dr. Benson, Dr. Redman, Dr. Hugh Weston, Mr. Wotton, etc. Of them that denied it, notwithstanding their Subscriptions to the contrary, as few as they were, yet some of them took upon them the Liberty of Marriage not long after, as Dr. Oken, Mr. Ray●er, Mr. Wilson, etc.  
This Subscription following was made by the Hand of john Redman, 
Dr. Redman's Judgement of Priest's Marriage.  S. T. P. in this very Convocation, who, being absent this Session, (for his Name is not among the 53) was desired to declare his own Sense in this Point, under his own Hand, being so Learned a Man, and in such great Credit universally, for his Ability in deciding Questions of Conscience.  
I think that although the Word of God do exhort and counsel Priests to live in Chastity, out of the Cumber of the Flesh and the World, that thereby they may the more wholly attend to their Calling: Yet the Band of containing from Marriage, doth only lie upon Priests of this Realm, by reason of Canons and Constitutions of the Church, and not by any Precept of God's Word; as in that they should be bound by reason of any Vow, which, in as far as my Conscience is, Priests in this Church of England do not make: I think that it standeth well with God's Word, that a Man which hath been, or is but once married, being otherwise accordingly qualified, may be made a Priest. And I think that forasmuch as Canons and Rules made in this behalf, be neither universal nor everlasting, but upon Consideration may be altered and changed: Therefore the King's Majesty, and the higher Powers of the Church, may, upon such Reasons as shall move them, take away the Clog of perpetual Continency from the Priests; and grant, that it may be lawful to such as cannot, or will not contain, to marry one Wife. And if she die, than the said Priest to marry no more, remaining still in his Ministration.  
Some larger Account of this memorable Convocation, especially as to some of these Matters then under their Hands, may be read in Bishop Stillingfleet's Irenicum, 
Irenic. p. 387.  published by him from a Manuscript Volume once belonging to Archbishop Cranmer.  
In this Convocation the Archbishop bore the great Sway; 
The ABp's Influence on the Parliament.  and what things were agitated herein, were chiefly by his Motion and Direction: Some whereof were turned into Laws by the Parliament, that was now sitting, through his Activeness and Influence. As particularly that Repeal of the Statute of the Six Articles, and of some other severe Laws, decreeing divers things Treason and Felony, made in the former King's Reign. For when the Archbishop in the Convocation had made a Speech to the Clergy, exhorting them to give themselves to the study of the Scriptures, and to consider what Things in the Church needed Reformation, that so the Church might be discharged of all Popish Trash, not yet thrown out; Some told him, that as long as the Six Articles remained, it was not safe for them to deliver their Opinions: This he reported to the Council. 
Hist. R●s. Vol. 1. p. 40.  Upon which they ordered this Act of Repeal.  
By his means also another great thing, moved in the Convocation, 
The Communion in both Kind's established.  was now ratified, and made a Law by this Parliament: which was, for the Administration of the Communion under both Kind's throughout the Kingdom of England and Ireland. And upon this the King appointed certain Grave and Learned Bishops, and others, 
Fox.  to assemble at Windsor-Castle, there to treat and confer together; and to conclude upon and set forth, one perfect and uniform Order of Communion, according to the Rules of Scripture, and the Use of the Primitive Church. And this being framed, it was enjoined to be used throughout the Realm, by a Proclamation, and all required to receive it with due Reverence.  

The ABp's Queries concerning the Mass.  I meet with a Writing of the Archbishop without Date, consisting of Queries concerning the Mass, in order to the abolishing it, and changing it into a Communion. Which I know not where so well to place as here, now the Convocation was employed upon this Matter: For it seems to have been drawn up by the Archbishop, on purpose to be laid before the Consideration of this House. The Queries were these.  
What or wherein john, Fasting, giving Alms, being Baptised, or receiving the Sacrament of the Altar in England, doth profit and avail Thomas dwelling in Italy, and not knowing what john in England doth?  
Whether it profit them that be in Heaven, and wherein?  
Whether it lieth in the Faster, Giver of Alms, Receiver of the Sacrament, him that is Baptised, to defraud any Member of Christ's Body of the Benefit of Fasting, Alms-Deeds, Baptism, or Receiving of the Sacrament; and to apply the same Benefit to one Person more than to another?  
What thing is the Presentation of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Mass, which you call the Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ? And wherein standeth it in Act, Gesture or Word; and in what Act, Gesture or Word?  
Is there any Rite or Prayer, and expressed in the Scripture, which Christ used or commanded at the first Institution of the Mass, which we be now bound to use; and what the same be?  
Whether in the Primitive Church there were any Priests that lived by saying of Mass, Matins and Evensong, and praying for Souls, only? And where any such State of Priesthood be allowed in the Scriptures, or be meet to be allowed now?  
For what Cause were it not expedient nor convenient, to have the whole Mass in the English Tongue?  
Wherein consisteth the Mass by Christ's Institution?  
What Time the accustomed Order began first in the Church, that the Priests alone should receive the Sacrament?  
Whether it be convenient that the same Custom continue still within this Realm?  
Whether it be convenient that Masses Satisfactory should continue; that is to say, Priests hired to sing for Souls departed?  
Whether the Gospel ought to be taught at the Time of the Mass, to the understanding of the People being present?  
Whether in the Mass it were convenient to use such Speech as the People may understand?  

The ABp assists at the Funeral of the French King.  To proceed to some other Things, wherein our Archbishop was this Year concerned. In june the Church of S. Paul's was hanged with Black, and a sumptuous Hearse set up in the Choir, and a Dirige there sung for the French King, who deceased the March precedent. And on the next Day the Archbishop, assisted with eight Bishops more, all in rich Mitres, and their other Pontificals, did sing a Mass of Requiem; 
Stow.  and the Bishop of Rochester preached a Funeral Sermon.  
A nice Matter was now put by the Council to the Archbishop, 
The Marquis of Northampton's Divorce committed to the ABp.  having some other Bishops and Learned Men joined with him, to the Number of Ten. The Case was, Whether a Man divorced from his Wife for her Adultery, might not lawfully marry again? This was propounded upon the Account of a great Man in those Times, namely, the Brother of Queen Katherine Par, Marquis of Northampton; who had gotten a Divorce from his Wife, the Daughter of Bourchier Earl of Essex, for Adultery. The Canon Law would not allow marrying again upon a Divorce, making Divorce to be only a Separation from Bed and Board, and not a Dissolving the Knot of Marriage. This was a great Question depending among the Civilians. And it being committed to the Determination of our Archbishop, and some other Delegates, (though the Marquis stayed not for their Resolution, but in this Interval married Elizabeth Daughter of the Lord Brook) he searched so diligently into the Scriptures first, and then into the Opinions of Fathers and Doctors, that his Collections swelled into a Volume, 
Bp of Wigorn.  yet remaining in the Hands of a Learned Bishop of this Realm: The Sum whereof is digested by the Bishop of Sa●●m. Cranmer seemed to allow of Marriage in the Innocent Person. 
Hist. Ref. Vol. 2. p. 56.   
He was a Means also to the Council of forbidding Processions: 
Processions forbid by his means.  Wherein the People carried Candles on Candlemass-day, Ashes on Ash-wednesday, Palms on Palm-sunday; because he saw they were used so much to Superstition, and looked like Festivals to the Heathen Gods. So that this Year on Candlemass-day, the old Custom of bearing Candles in the Church, and on Ash-wednesday following, giving Ashes in the Church, 
Stow.  was left off through the whole City of London.  
He was a Member of a Committee this Winter, 
Examines the Offices of the Church.  appointed to examine all the Offices of the Church, and to consider where they needed Reformation, and accordingly to reform them. Of this Commission were most of the Bishops, and several others of the most Learned Divines in the Nation. And a new Office for the Communion was by them prepared, and by Authority set forth, as was observed before; and received all over England.    

CHAP. V. The Archbishop's Catechism.  
THIS Year the Archbishop put forth a very useful Catechism, 
The ABp puts forth a Catechism.  entitled, A short Instruction to Christian Religion, for the singular Profit of Children and young People. This Catechism went not by way of Question and Answer, but contained an easy Exposition of the Ten Commandments, the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the two Sacraments. The first and second Commandments were put together as one, and the whole recital of the Second omitted, according to the use in those Times. But that Commandment is explained under the first. The Substance of this Book is grave, serious and sound Doctrine. It is said in the Title Page, to be overseen and corrected by the Archbishop. Indeed it was a Catechism wrote originally in the Germane Language, for the use of the younger Sort in Norinberg; Translated into Latin by justus jonas, Junior, who now was entertained by the Archbishop in his Family; and thence turned into our Vulgar Tongue by the said Archbishop, or his special Order. But 'tis certain, so great a Hand he had therein, that in the Archbishop's first Book of the Sacrament, he said, that it was translated by himself, and set forth. Bishop Gardiner in his Book against the Archbishop, takes advantage of two things in this Catechism against him, as though he himself, when he put it forth, was of the Opinion of the Corporal Presence. The one was a Picture that stood before the Book, where was an Altar with Candles lighted, and the Priest apparelled after the old Sort, putting the Wafer into the Communicant's Mouth. The other is an Expression or two used somewhere in the Book, That with our bodily Mouths we receive the Body and Blood of Christ: And, that in the Sacrament we receive truly the Body and Blood of Christ. And, this we must believe, if we will be counted christian Men. But to both, Cranmer in his next Book against Gardiner made answer, That as for the Picture, it was that was set before the Dutch Edition of the Book, and so none of his doing; but that he afterwards caused the Popish Picture to be altered into a Picture representing Christ eating his last Supper with his Disciples. As for the Expressions, he said, he taught, that we in the Sacrament do receive the Body and Blood of Christ spiritually; and, that the words Really and Substantially were not used, but Truly. And in his Answer to Dr. Richard Smith's Preface, wrote against the said Archbishop, who it seems had twitted him also with this Catechism, he spoke largely of these his Expressions in his own Vindication.  

And a Book against Unwritten Verities.  There was another Book of the Archbishop's against Unwritten Verities, which I do by Conjecture place here, as put forth under this Year, or near this Time. Which I suppose Dr. Smith nibbled at in his Book of Traditions, which this Year he recanted. The Book was in Latin, and consisted only of Allegations out of the Bible and Ancient Writers. In Queen Mary's Days the Book was again published by an English Exile, naming himself E. P. The Title it now bore was, A Confutation of Unwritten Verities, by divers Authorities, diligently and truly gathered out of the Holy Scripture, and Ancient Fathers; By Tho. Cranmer, late Archbishop, and burned at Oxford, for the Defence of the true Doctrine of our Saviour. Translated and set forth by E. P. Before it, is a Preface of the Translator to his Countrymen and Brethren in England. In it he lamented the woeful State of Things in England, by the Restoring of Popery, and the Persecution of Protestants there; and showed what a kind of Man the chief Bishop then in England, viz. Cardinal Pool, was, who in the last King's Reign went from Prince to Prince, to excite them to make War against his own Prince and Country.  
This Treatise is but a bare Collection of places of Holy Scripture, and Ancient Fathers, to prove, That the Canon of the Bible is a true, and sound, and perfect Doctrine, containing all Things necessary to Salvation: That neither the Writing of the Old Fathers, without the Word of God, nor General Councils, nor the Oracles of Angels, nor Apparitions from the Dead, nor Customs, can be sufficient in Religion to establish Doctrine, or maintain new Articles of Faith. Then Reasons are given against Unwritten Verities, and the places of Holy Scripture, and other Writers, which the Papists bring to maintain Unwritten Verities, are answered. At last the Objections of the Papists are confuted, in a concluding Chapter. Which last part was not writ by the Archbishop, but by the Translator. For relating here the Story of the Holy Maid of Kent, he saith, she was examined by Tho. Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury. And at last he saith, I have plainly and fully answered to all that I remember the Papists do, or can allege by Writing, Preaching, or Reasoning, for the Defence of their Unwritten Verities; on which they build so many detestable Idolatries and Heresies. But yet if any be able to answer so plainly and truly to the Scriptures, Authorities, and Reasons rehearsed by me, as I have done to theirs, and to prove their Doctrines by as plain Testimonies and Reasons as I have done mine, I shall not only acknowledge my Ignorance and Error, but I shall gladly return into England, recant my Heresies, etc. Hence it is plain, that the Conclusion of the Book, as well as the Preface, was writ by the Translator.  
I will add one Passage taken out of this Book, about the middle, whereby it may be seen what a Clergy was now in England: Having quoted the Canons of the Apostles, 
Ca●. 3.  Let not a Bishop or Deacon put away his Wife, etc. He makes a heavy complaint against the frequent practice of beastly Sins in the Priests, Adultery, Sodomy, etc. and that they never were punished. And in my Memory, (as he proceeds) which is above thirty Years, and also by the Information of others, that be twenty Years elder than I, I could never learn that one Priest was punished.  
This is some Account of the Care he took for the Church in general, as Metropolitan. 
His Care of Canterbury.  But he had a particular Care of his own Diocese, now his Power was not checked, as it was in the former Reign, especially of the City of Canterbury; which had been formerly the backwardest in Religion of any other Place of his Diocese. He supplied this City with store of excellent Learned Preachers, Turner, the two Ridleys, Becon, Besely, and john joseph, who this Year went along with the King's Visitors, as one of their Preachers. These converted not a few to sincere Religion; as may appear by those Numbers of Canterbury, that in Queen Mary's Reign suffered the Torment of Fire for their Profession of the Gospel. But in that Reign all the Preachers fled, so that there was scarce one remaining in the City: Which was looked upon as a particular Sign of God's Displeasure against that Place, because the Professors there, and others, reform not themselves, according to those Opportunities of Grace, which God had put into their Hands. And so I find in a Letter to them, wrote by some eminent Person in Prison in Queen Mary's Reign. Alas! how few faithful Servants hath the Lord of Life in these troublesome Days within Canterbury, 
Fox's MSS.  to whom above all other People, in comparison of multitude, he hath sent most plenteously his Word, in the Mouths of most excellent Preachers. But even as the People were Negligent, Hardhearted, nothing willing to take the lively Word unto their Defence, against the World, the Devil and the Flesh— Even so hath he permitted the same Preachers to be dispersed, that not one of them should be a comfortable Example to such an unkind People.   

CHAP. VI The Archbishop's Care of the University.  

The ABp's Influence upon the University.  THE Archbishop was a great Patron of all solid Learning, being a very Learned Man himself. And knowing very well how much the Libertas Philosophandi, and the Knowledge of Tongues, and the other Parts of Humane Learning tended to the preparing men's Minds for the reception of True Religion, and for the detecting of the gross Errors and Frauds of Popery, which could subsist only in the thick Darkness of Ignorance; these things made him always cast a favourable Aspect upon the Universities, and especially that of Cambridg, whereof he himself was once a Member. Which the Governors, and the rest of the Gremials, very well knew, and therefore did frequently apply to him, as often as they had need of the Favour of the Court or Parliament. Roger Ascham, Fellow of S. John's College, and one of the floridest Wits of this University, and who succeeded Sir john Cheke in reading the Greek Lecture, said of him in a Letter he sent him, (wherein he styled him Literarum Decus & Ornamentum); That he was the Man who was accustomed to express great Joy at the good Progress of Learning, such was his singular goodwill towards it; and when it went otherwise than well with it, he alone could apply a Remedy; such was his Sway and Authority. And so much was he the known Maecenas of Learning, that according to the public Encouragement or Prejudice it received, so the Vulgar accounted the Praise or Dispraise thereof to redound upon Cranmer. So that if Learning were Discountenanced, it was esteemed to cast some Disparagement upon him; if it flourished, it was a sign that Cranmer prevailed at Court. For to that purpose do those words of the said Ascham to the Archbishop in another Letter seem to tend. Nulla hoc tempore literis vel insperata clades, vel expectata commoditas accidere potest, cujus tu non aut author, ad magnam commendationem, aut particeps ad aliquam reprehensionem, 
Some of St. John's College apply to him upon the apprehension of a Danger.  voce ac sermone omnium jactatus eris.  
In this Year 1547, and in the Month of October, there fell out an Accident in S. John's College in Cambridg, which made those of that College that favoured Learning and Religion, (as that House was the chief Nursery thereof in that University) judge it highly necessary to apply themselves to the Archbishop, to divert a Storm from them. The Case was this; A French Lad of this College, Cizer to one Mr. Stafford there, had one Night, in hatred to the Mass, secretly cut the String, whereby the Pix hung above the Altar in the Chapel. The like to which was indeed done in other Places of the Nation by some zealous Persons, who began this Year, without any Warrant, to pull down Crucifixes and Images out of the Churches. As was particularly done in S. Martin's Ironmonger-lane, London. This Affront to the Popish Service made a great Noise in the College: And the sober Party among them feared the ill Effect it might have upon the whole College, either to its Disparagement or Prejudice, when the News of it should come to Court; especially by the means of such who stomached much the Decay and Downfall of Superstition, and endeavoured what in them lay to obscure and eclipse the rising Light of the Gospel. Therefore after the Matter had been taken into Examination by themselves, quietly and without Tumult, they thought fit, by Consent, to acquaint the Archbishop with it in a Letter; which one of their Members, Thomas Lever, a Learned and grave Man, carried; who likewise should inform him of all Circumstances: and so committed both the Cause and Person to his Grace's Judgement and Censure. But withal letting him know, that the Youth was well Learned, and before this had carried himself quietly and modestly; and that Mr. Stafford, who was a great Student, could not tell how to be without him: But however, such was his Prudence, that he was willing to leave his Scholar and his Fault to the Archbishop's Discretion. By which Message they warily avoided the Odium of this Action, as though they had countenanced any violent or illegal Methods for the removal of Superstition, before it were done by Public Authority; and likewise rescued their Scholar from Expulsion, or too rigorous Punishment, which some in the College would have been apt to inflict upon him, had not the Matter been thus prudently removed from them.  
Let me here insert another Matter that happened the Year after in the same College; 
Offended with some of this College, and why.  whereat divers took Occasion so to represent it to our Archbishop, as to create in him, as much as they could, an ill Opinion of the better sort of the Members thereof. About November or December, in the Year 1548, some of the College got this Question to be disputed in the Chapel concerning the Mass, Ipsáne Coena Dominica fuerit, nécne? It was handled with great Learning by two Learned Fellows of the House, Thomas Lever and Roger Hutchinson. The Noise of this soon spread in the University; and many were much displeased at it. At last Ascham being a very fit Person to undertake it, was prevailed with by the rest, to bring this Question out of the private Walls of the College, into the public Schools: yet as was pretended, with this mind and meaning, not dogmatically to assert any thing, but modestly and freely to learn from Learned Men, what could be fetched out of the Holy Scriptures to defend the Mass, which had taken up, not only the chiefest Place in Religion, and men's Consciences, but took away in effect all the Use and Benefit of the faithful Ministry of the Word and Sacraments from Christians. This Business they set about with Quietness, they conferred their common Studies together, propounded to themselves the Canonical Scriptures, by the Authority whereof they wished the whole might be decided: They took also along with them, concerning this Matter, the Ancient Canons of the Early Church, the Councils of Fathers, the Decrees of Popes, the Judgements of Doctors, the great Plenty of Questionists, all the Modern Authors, both Germane and Roman. But this Design of theirs was not only the Subject of Talk in the University, but noted in the public Sermons; and such Labour there was among some in opposition to it, that Dr. Madew, than Vicechancellor, was prevailed with by his Letters to forbid the Disputation. They obeyed, but took it hardly, that they might not as well dispute in favour of the Question, as others might preach as much as they would against it. But it ended not here; for their Adversaries industriously carried the Report hereof to our Prelate, and did so blacken the Business by their Slanders, and loud and tragical Clamours, that he became somewhat offended with the Undertakers. These on the other hand, no question, applied themselves to him with their just Defence: and not only to him, but to others, and particularly to Mr. Cecyl, one formerly their Colleague, who was now Master of Requests to the Protector, letting him know the whole Matter; that he might upon occasion represent the Cause the more favourably to the Archbishop. And Ascham himself was their Scribe; whose Epistle, penned in a handsome Latin Style, being not extant among his printed Epistles, and being subservient to the History of the University in those Times, I have thought worthy to be inserted among the Originals. 
No. XXXVII.  In this Letter he charged the other Party as well with Malice as Ignorance: For this their Question was very agreeable to Thomas Aquinas, who proved that the Mass exceeded the Lord's Supper in many Prerogatives, and much differed from it by many Notes; as, womans, Children, Bastards, maimed Persons, were not allowed to partake of the Mass, but they were received to the Holy Supper. So that should any say, (as he proceeds in his Letter) that the Mass and the Supper were the same, they might exclaim against them much more. Their Adversaries had charged them with being too rash, in not staying for what Reformation the State should make: But he said, that all Cambridg wanted rather Spurs to put them forward, than a Bridle to keep them back. But though their Dispute were prohibited, yet their Studies upon the same Argument had in a manner increased; having now written a just Treatise of the Mass, which they intended shortly to present to the Protector; and waited only for Cecyl's and Cheke's Advice therein. But I must beg Pardon of the Reader for this Excursion.  

The ill Condition and low Estate of the University.  And as I have given an Instance or two of the private Address of a particular College to him in a particular Case, so I will subjoin another more public of the University in general. In the Year abovesaid, being the first Year of the King, the University laboured under the Fears of the Encroachments of the Town upon their Privileges, and likewise under great Suspicions of being spoiled of its Revenues, or at least of having them much diminished; she having observed how those of her Sister, the Church, were daily invaded by secular Hands. These Fears put Cambridg now in a decaying State, and the Studies of good Literature began to be but little minded. Add also hereunto, that Ecclesiastical Preferments, which formerly were the peculiarRewards of Academics, were now ordinarily enjoyed by mere unlearned Laymen. 
Hist. Ref. Part II. p. 8.  So the Earl of Hartford held a Deanery, a Treasureship of a Cathedral Church, and four of the best prebend's; and his Son three hundred Pounds a Year out of a Bishopric. And Learned Men were seldom taken notice of, or had Honours conferred on them; and if they obtained any Rewards, they were but small. Nor were Scholars now in any Repute or Value: So that neither Poor nor Rich abode long at their Studies in the University, to attain to any considerable Degrees of Learning. The Poor could not, because the Encouragements there were scarce capable to maintain them; and the richer Sort would not, choosing rather to follow some other Course, because of the obscure and neglected Condition Learning then lay under. The Grammar Schools also became disused, Parents choosing any other Calling for their Children, rather than to bring them up to Letters: As Roger Ascham, a Man that well knew the State of the University, complains in a Letter to the Marquis of Northampton. This was the Cause that the said Ascham pensively thus writ unto our Archbishop not long after. That the University was then in so depressed and drooping a Condition, that very few had hope of coming thither at all, and fewer had any Comfort to make long tarrying when they were there: And that Abroad it retained not so much as the Shadow of its Ancient Dignity.  
At this low Ebb the University now was, 
An Address of the University to the ABp.  when King Edward the Sixth came to the Sceptre. But there being a Parliament this Year in the Month of November, the chief Officers thereof thought it adviseable however to prevent it, if they could, from sinking lower, and to keep at lest what they had, by getting their Ancient Privileges confirmed by that Parliament. And for this purpose they writ their earnest Letters to the Archbishop: john Madew their Vicechancellor, the Bearer, urging to him, Not only, 
The Sum thereof.  that it was a thing usual at the beginning of Princes Reigns, to show that Favour to the University to have their Privileges renewed by Parliament; but chiefly, that the Favour his Grace should do to it, would be a true piece of Service to the Religion which he had such a tender Care of. That every one knew how much it concerned the Commonwealth, that Account should be made of Learning; but how much it concerned the pure Religion, (as they styled that of the Reformation) he alone did consider above all others. That he knew, how that about five hundred Years past or more, the knowledge of Letters, by the Fault of Kings, who ought to have cherished it, began to withdraw itself from Men, and to hide itself in Darkness. In which dark Times, so involved in Ignorance, that notable wild Boar out of the Wood spoilt the Vineyard of Christ above measure: Not only treading down the Kings of the Earth, and conferring upon himself the Empire of the World, but so invaded and broke into the Holy Seat and Temple of Conscience, that now there were scarce any Manners of Men, any Course of Life, any Rite of Ceremonies, any Sacrament of the Church, any Footstep of Christ, which were not either laid waste by his Thunder, or defiled by his Breath: Or, to speak in milder, but more significant terms with S. Paul, which were not most foully corrupted and adulterated by the Wisdom of humane Will-worship. That it was this Night of Discipline, and want of Knowledge, which rob us of God's Word, and advanced the Empire of Man's Doctrine to that Arbitrary Height, that instead of the true Worship of God, the right using of things Divine, a holy and pure Course of Life; Hypocrisy, Idolatry and Adultery were most cunningly conveyed and brought in. That they did the more willingly mention this Pest of Ignorance, conceiving great Hope that the Honour of Learning would be restored anew, now when all things tended in a wonderful manner to the illustrating of true Religion, which good Learning did necessarily accompany. And that since God had now raised him up on purpose for the restoring of the Gospel, and had so long reserved him for that End, they doubted not but he would give all his Pains and Authority to preserve the Welfare of Learning. And that somewhat for this Reason, because at that time there could happen no Calamity or Advantage thereunto, but every Man would be apt either to charge him with the Blame of the one, or attribute to him the Praise of the other. This eloquent Letter indicted by the Pen of Ascham, than the University-Orator, having some remarkable Passages of the State of the University at that Time, and of the great Sway the Archbishop then carried in the Public, and the marvellous goodwill he was esteemed to bear towards Learning, 
No. XXXVIII.  I have therefore placed in the Appendix, though printed before.  

The Success of the University's Address to him and others.  This Favour of having their Privileges confirmed, sued for in the forementioned Letter, the University then got, partly by the Means of their cordial Patron the Archbishop, and partly by the Intercession and Friendship of Queen Katherine Par, a great Favourer of Learning and pure Religion, of Wriothesly Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Warwick, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Arundel, and Sir William Paget; to all whom at that time they addressed their Letters: whether it were out of fear of the difficulty of getting the thing done, or to take this Opportunity to obtain the Countenance of the great Men of the Court.  

Another Address to him against the Townsmen.  Some time after, upon another Occasion, the Heads of the University made another Application to their Patron the Archbishop; which was, to befriend them at Court against the Townsmen their old Enemies, who were now wresting from them one of their Ancient undoubted Privileges; namely, the use of the Prisons of the Toll-booth and Castle. The Occasion was this; In the time of Sturbridg-Fair, the Proctors, upon great Complaints made to them, going their Rounds one Night, had taken certain evil Persons in Houses of Sin, and had brought them to the Toll-booth, in order to the commitment of them there. But having sent to the Mayor for the Keys, he absolutely refused to part with them. So they were fain to carry their Prisoners to the Castle, where they left them in Custody. But the Mayor's Son, after an Hour or two, let them all out to return, if they pleased, to their former Lewdness; to the Breach of Law, and Affront of the Magistrate. Upon this the University sent their Letters to the Archbishop, making certain of their grave Members the Bearers, to relate the Matter more fully; earnestly requiring that such Insolence might be punished: and that the King and his Council would make such Men feel what it was to violate Laws, and to cherish Impunity, and to break their Oaths, which they had taken to maintain the University-Privileges. They urged to him, how serviceable and ready their University had been to him in his pious Labours and Counsels, in establishing the true Doctrine in the Church; and what fit and worthy Men they had sent him for his Assistance in that good Work. In like manner they required and expected of him, that their Dignity might be maintained and preserved by his Aid and Authority. That the University was then but in a low Condition, and that Abroad it scarcely retained the Shadow of its former Glory. But if at Home, and within itself, the Bonds and Sinews of its Safety should thus be cut, as not to have a Power to restrain Vice by Imprisonment, what could the Kingdom, Religion, and the King's Majesty hope for any more from that University? They inculcated, how Learning, and the true Religion rise and fall together; and that if it went otherwise than well with the one, the other would feel the Smart of it. And truly (say they) no remarkable Damage can light upon the Studies of Learning, which by the same Motion draws not along with it the true Religion into the same Catastrophe. And these Considerations they made use of, to excite his Grace to assist them in vindicating their Privileges, and in having that gross Infringement of them punished. Upon the same Occasion they wrote their Letters also to Sir William Paget, a great Friend of theirs, and eminent Patron of good Learning. What the Issue of these Applications was, I find not, but may conclude, they received a Success proportionable to the good Will and Authority of those to whom they were made.  
And as the whole Body of the University knew what Favour our Prelate bore to it, 
Roger Ascham's Application to him for a Dispensation for eating Flesh.  so every single ingenious Member confided in him, and applied to him in their Needs. Roger Ascham, the University Orator, whom I had occasion to mention before, was a Man of a weak Constitution, and had contracted more frailty, by reason of a long Ague that then hung about him, and his Complexion became Melancholy by the Relics of that stubborn Distemper. He had also in his Nature a great averseness to the Fish-diet. Upon these Reasons he addressed his Letters to the ABp with an humble Suit, very handsomely penned, that he might be dispensed with as to abstinence from Flesh-meats, Lent and Fish-days, being then strictly observed in the Colleges. And this Licence he desired might be, not only Temporary, but perpetual, as long as he lived; which was somewhat extraordinary. But to incline the Archbishop to yield to his Suit, he told him, That it was not to pamper his Flesh, nor out of an affectation of doing that which was unusual, or against common Custom, but only for the preserving his Health, and that he might the more freely pursue his Studies. He added, That the Air of Cambridg was naturally Cold and Moist, and so the Fish-diet the more unwholesome. He desired therefore, That by his Authority he might no longer be tied by that Tradition, which forbade the Use of certain Meats at certain Times. He said, That those who granted this Liberty to none but such as laboured under a desperate Disease, did like them who never repaired their Houses, but when they were just ready to fall down by Age. Thrifty Housekeepers did otherwise: So did skilful Physicians, who did not use to prescribe their Physic when it was too late, but always put a stop to Beginnings. That they who never would impart the using of this Liberty (of eating Flesh) to any, but when all Health was despaired of, knew not what good a prudent Foresight did in all Commonwealths, and did too insolently abuse a good Thing bestowed upon us by God, when little or no use at all could be made of it. Nay, that such a Good was no Good at all, being External, but in that respect only, as there might some use be made of it. That we ought not therefore unprofitably to abuse Food to Diseases that are desperate, but to accommodate it to the preservation of Health. And so did S. Paul command, Therefore I exhort you to take some Food, for this is for your Health. Then he subjoins a Passage of Herodotus in his Euterpe, concerning the Egyptian Priests, from whom issued originally all kinds of Learning and Arts, and who were always conversant in Learned Studies. These, saith that Author, religiously tied themselves, ever to abstain from all eating of Flesh. No doubt for this only Cause, saith Ascham, Nè ignea vis ingenii atque praestantia, ullo frigido succo, quem esus piscium ingeneraret, extingueretur. That the Wits of Men, that have a noble fiery Quality in them, might not be quenched by some cold Juice, which the eating of Fish might engender. And that it was somewhat unjust, he adds, that when so many kinds of Superstition flowed in such a plentiful measure from the Egyptians, as might easily be proved, and thence derived themselves, first to the Greeks, then to the Romans, and afterwards to our Times, through that Sink of Popery, that that single worthy Counsel and Remedy of those most Learned Men, enjoined for the enlarging and spreading of Learning, should be debarred us to follow; and that by such as were either unlearned themselves, or superstitious Men: Whereby the best Wits received so great Prejudice and Damage. That none knew better than his Lordship whence this Custom arose, by whom cherished, and by what kind of Men brought down to us. And, lastly, how unwholesome and unfit all eating of Flesh was in the Springtime. And that he might obtain this Favour, he would use it without giving Offence, or making any common Speech of it, with Quietness and Silence, with Abstinence and Thanksgiving.  

Favourably granted by the ABp.  This Letter he got his Friend Poinet, the Archbishop's Chaplain, (the same I suppose who after was Bishop of Winchester) to put into his Grace's Hand, and to further his Request what he could. The Issue whereof was to his Heart's desire: For though the Archbishop knew him not, nor was easily drawn to dispense with the Church's Ancient Discipline and Rites; yet he received his Suit with all Humanity; and such he found to be the Modesty and Ingenuity of the Man, and what he requested to be grounded upon such reasonable and just Causes, that he readily yielded to it. And whether he thought it out of his Power to grant a Licence of that Latitude, to discharge a Person for all Time to come, from the Obligation of keeping Lent, or to avert the Censure he might incur if he should have done it by his own Authority, or reckoning it a Matter of Law rather than Religion, he put himself to the trouble of procuring the King's Licence under the Privy Seal for this Man: And when he had done that, considering an Academick's Poverty, he released him of the whole Charges of taking it out, paying all the Fees himself: and so conveyed it to him by Dr. Tayler the Master of his College.  
And indeed the Archbishop's Opinion concerning Lent, 
The ABp's Opinion concerning Lent.  made way for his more ready yielding to Ascham's Request: For he held the keeping of Lent, as founded in a Positive Law, rather than as a Religious Duty, and thought it necessary that so the People should be taught and instructed. As appears by his Articles of Visitation in the second Year of King Edward: One whereof ran thus, That enquiry should be made, whether the Curates had declared, and to their Wit and Power had persuaded the People, that the manner and kind of Fasting in Lent, and other Days in the Year, was but a mere positive Law: And that therefore all Persons having just Cause of Sickness, or other Necessity, or being licenced by the King's Majesty, may moderately eat all kind of Meat, without grudge or scruple of Conscience.  
The same Ascham knowing well how the Archbishop's Mind stood affected to Cambridg, his old Nurse, 

Ascham acquaints him with the present State of the University, as to their Studies.  
Epistol. libro 2.   and how well he wished it for the sake of Religion, acquainted him with the State of the University about the beginning of King Edward's Reign, and the Course of the Studies that were then used. That there were very many began to affect the Study of Divinity. [A new Study, it seems then; the Pope's Laws and the Schoolmen having before employed the Heads of almost all]. That the Doctrines of Original Sin and Predestination were much canvased. But many went rather according to Pighius, highly applauding him, than according to S. Augustin, though he exceeded all others that either went before or followed after him, for the excellency of his Wit and Learning, and the greatness of his Industry and Opportunities. That others among them made the reading of God's Word their daily Exercise. And for the helping their Understandings in the sense of it, they made use of, and adhered to the Judgement of S. Augustin chiefly; and studied hard the Tongues. The Knowledge of Languages began to be affected. And such as studied them were reckoned the best Masters; as qualifying them best for teaching of others, or understanding themselves. That for Oratory, they plied Plato and Aristotle; from whose Fountains among the Greeks, Loquens illa prudentia (as he styled Oratory) that speaking Prudence might be fetched. And to these among the Latins they added Cicero. They conversed also in Herodotus, Thucidid●s and Xenophon, the three Lights of Chronology, Truth, and Greek Eloquence; and which brought a great Lustre to their other Studies. The Greek Poets, which they took delight in, were Homer, Sophocles and Euripides, the one the Fountain, the two others the Streams, of all Eloquence and Learned Poetry. Which they were of Opinion, did more largely water their other Studies, than Terence or Virgil; which in some former Years were chiefly read. Thus was the Method of University-Studies altered (so much for the better,) from reading the Schoolmen, and Metaphysical Niceties, the Pope's Canons and Decretals, to converse in politer and more manly Learning, which tended so much to solid Knowledge, and preparation of men's Minds to the Entertainment of the Gospel.  

Sir john Cheke, the ABp's dear Friend, the prime Instrument of politer Studies there.  The great setter on foot of this ingenuous Learning in the University, was Sir john Cheke of S. John's College, now preferred to be the King's Tutor, a Person for whom the Archbishop had a very tender Love, and affectionate Kindness. For so Ascham writ to him in his former Letter, That many had addicted themselves to this course of Study, by the Aid and Conduct, Example and Counsel of that excellent Man. And that they bore the better his going from them to the Court, who had brought them on in so good a Course; because they knew their Disprofit was abundantly recompensed by the Profit and Safety that would accrue to the whole Commonwealth by him. Applying that of Plato to him, Plurimum Reip. interest, ut unus aliquis existat semper praestans excellensque Vir, ad cujus virtutis imitationem, caeteri voluntate, industria, study, & spe erecti, totos sese effingant & accommodent.  

The Impediments of the Universities flourishing state laid before him.  Afterwards he acquainted the most Reverend Person, to whom he wrote, with those things which proved great Hindrances to the flourishing Estate of the University; that by his Counsel and Authority, if possible, they might be redressed. And they were two. The one was, That they wanted elderly Men, very few such remaining among them, by whose Example the younger Sort might be excited to study, and by whose Authority the Manners of the rest might be rightly form and fashioned. The other Impediment was occasioned by such as were admitted: Who were for the most part only the Sons of Rich Men, and such as never intended to pursue their Studies to that degree, as to arrive at any eminent Proficiency and Perfection in Learning, but only the better to qualify themselves for some Places in the State, by a slighter and more superficial Knowledge. The Injury accrueing thence to the University was double; both because by this means, all hope of ripe and completed Learning was immaturely cut off in the very Bud; and also all the Expectations of the poorer sort, whose whole Time was spent in good Studies, was eluded by these Drones, occupying those Places and Preferments, which more properly belonged unto them. For Parts, Learning, Poverty and Election, were of no strength at Home, where Favour and Countenance, and the Letters of Noblemen, and suchlike extraordinary and illegal Courses from Abroad, bore all the Sway.   

CHAP. VII. Dr. Smith and others recant.  
AND now before I conclude this Year, let me pass from more public Matters, and present the Reader with two or three Passages, wherein the Archbishop had to do with private Men.  
May the 15 th', Richard Smith D. D. Master of Whittington College, 
Dr. Smith recants at Paul's Cross.  and Reader of Divinity in Oxford, a hot turbulent Man, made his Recantation at Paul's Cross, convinced and moved thereunto by the Pains of the Archbishop. What his Errors were, that he had publicly vented in the University, and in his Writings, may be known by the words of his Recantation, which were these:  
I do confess and acknowledge, that the Authority, as well of the Bishop of Rome, whose Authority is justly and lawfully abolished in this Realm, as of other Bishops, and others called the Ministers of the Church, consisteth in the Dispensation and Ministration of God's Word, and not in making Laws, Ordinances and Decrees over the People, besides God's Word, without the Consent and Authority of the Prince and People. I say and affirm, that within this Realm of England, and other the King's Dominions, there is no Law, Decree, Ordinance, or Constitution Ecclesiastical, in force, and available by any Man's Authority, but only by the King's Majesty's Authority, or of his Parliament.  
This Man had wrote two Books in favour of Popish Doctrine; 
His Books.  and those he also now disclaimed, viz. A Book of Traditions, and another of the Sacrifice of the Mass. In the former of which he maintained, That Christ and his Apostles taught and left to the Church many things without writing; which he asserted were steadfastly to be believed, and obediently fulfilled, under pain of Damnation. In the other Book he maintained, That Christ was not a Priest after the Order of Melchizedeck, when he offered himself upon the Cross for our Sins, but after the Order of Aaron: and that when Christ did offer his Body to his Father, after the Order of Melchizedek, to appease his Wrath, it was to be understood not of the Sacrifice of the Cross, but of the Sacrifice that he made at his Maundy, in form of Bread and Wine. In which Book were other Errors. He that is minded to see his Recantation of these his Books, may have it in the Appendix, 
No. XXXIX.  as I transcribed it out of an old Book made by Becon, entitled, Reports of certain Men. This Recantation he not long after made at Oxon, viz. in August following: Where he also protested openly, That he would abide in the sincere and pure Doctrine of Christ's Gospel, all humane trifling Traditions set apart, even unto Death, though it should cost him his Life. And this Recantation he also printed, for further Satisfaction to the World.  
Bishop Gardiner, who was now at Winchester, 
Gardiner offended with this Recantation.  was very uneasy at the News of this Recantation, which some took care to bring down to him. He signified to the Protector, That Smith was a Man with whom he had no Familiarity, nor cared for his Acquaintance. That he had not seen him in three Years, nor talked with him in Seven. He was greatly displeased with the first words of his Recantation, 
Psal. 116.11.  (which yet were but the words of Scripture) Omnis Homo mendax: Making all the Doctors in the Church (as he inferred) to be Liars with himself: How it argued his Pride; for he that sought for such Company in Lying, had small Humility; and that he would hide himself by that Number: that his depraving of Man's Nature in that sort, was not the setting out of the Authority of Scripture. He said, he neither liked his Tractation, nor yet his Retractation. That he was mad to say in his Book of Unwritten Verities, that Bishops in this Realm could make Laws, wherein, he said, he lied loudly. About this time Chadsey, 
Other University-Men recant.  Standish, Young, Oglethorp, and divers others recanted (whose Recantations Fox had by him to show) as well as Smith, whom we have now before us.  

Smith affronts ●he ABp.  After this Recantation he carried not himself according to it; but favoured the Old Errors: And in the Year 1549, offered some Affront unto Archbishop Cranmer, opposing him in the Doctrine of the Lawfulness of Priest's Marriage, and endeavoured to make a Rout in Oxford, to the endangering P. Martyr's Life: and printed a Book the same Year against him, De Votis Monasticis. Whereupon incurring, as he apprehended, some Danger, he fled into Scotland. But weary of being there, and willing to have his Peace made in England, he wrote two Letters to the Archbishop from thence; professing that he would out of hand, by open Writing in the Latin Tongue, revoke all that erroneous Doctrine, which he had before taught and published, and set forth the pure Doctrine of Christ. And for a Proof hereof, he would strait after his return into England, set forth a Book in Latin, in defence of the most lawful Marriage of Priests. In the Year 1550, he wrote certain Treatises against P. Martyr, printed at Louvain. And the same Year came out his Book against the Archbishop's Treatise of the Sacrament.  

His Inconstancy.  This Man was of a most inconstant, as well as turbulent Spirit. For in the Reign of Queen Mary he turned to the Religion then professed; and was great with Bishop Boner in those Times, but greatly despised for his Fickleness. He once attempted to discourse with Hawks in Boner's House in London; Hawks threw in his Dish his Recantation. To which when he said, it was no Recantation, but a Declaration; the other gave him this Rub, To be short I will know, whether you will Recant any more, ere ever I talk with you, or believe you? and so departed from him. We shall hear of him again in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when he again complied, and submitted himself to Archbishop Parker. And last of all returned to his old Opinions, and fled to Louvain.  

The ABp's admonition to the Vicar of St●pney.  Pass we from this Man to another of the same Strain, with whom the Archbishop had to do. As the Popish Clergy in the former King's Reign had made all the rudest and eagerest Opposition they dared, against the Steps that were then made towards a Reformation, so they ceased not to do in this King's; nay and more, hoping to shelter themselves under a milder Government. One Instance of this appeared in what was done by the Quondam Abbot of Tower-hill, 
Foxii MSS.  London: Who for some Recompense of the loss of his Abbey, was made Vicar of Stepney-Church; succeeding I suppose Mr. Hierom, burnt to death in the Year 1540, with Dr. Barnes and Garret. He being a bold Man, and addicted to the old Superstition, would commonly disturb the Preachers in his Church, when he liked not their Doctrine, by causing the Bells to be rung when they were at the Sermon; and sometimes beginning to sing in the Choir before the Sermon were half done; and sometimes by challenging the Preacher in the Pulpit: For he was a strong, stout, Popish Prelate. Whom therefore the Godly-disposed of the Parish were weary of, and especially some of the eminentest Men at Lim●hurst, whose Names were Driver, Ive, Poynter, March and others. But they durst not meddle with him, until one Vnderhil, of the Band of Gentlemen-Pensioners, of a good Family, and well respected at Court, came to live at Limehurst. He being the King's Servant, took upon him to reprehend this Abbot for these and suchlike his Doings: and by his Authority carried him unto Croyden to the Archbishop there, the Persons abovenamed going along as Witnesses. In fine, the mild Archbishop sent him away with a gentle Rebuke, and bade him to do no more so. This Lenity offended Vnderhil, who said, My Lord, methinks you are too gentle unto so stout a Papist. To which Cranmer replied, Well, we have no Law to punish them by. No Law, my Lord, said the other? If I had your Authority, I would be so bold to unvicar him, or minister some sharp Punishment upon him, and such other. If ever it come to their Turn, they will show you no such Favour. Well, (said the good Archbishop) if God so provide, we must abide it. Surely (replied the other again) God will never con you Thanks for this, but rather take the Sword from such as will not use it upon his Enemies. And so they parted. And this indeed was the constant Behaviour of the Archbishop towards Papists, and such as were his Enemies. For which he was now, and at other times, taxed by Men of hotter Spirits: but his Opinion was, that Clemency and Goodness, as it was more agreeable to the Gospel, which he laboured to adorn, so was more likely to obtain the Ends he desired, than Rigour and Austerity.  
The Archbishop did one thing more this Year of good Conducement to the promoting true Religion, and exposing False: 
The ABp Licenseth an eminent Preacher.  and that was in countenancing and licensing an earnest Preacher in the South-West Parts, named Thomas Hancock, a Master of Arts, whose Mouth had been stopped by a strict Inhibition from Preaching in the former King's Reign. The Archbishop saw well what a useful Man he had been in those parts of England where he frequented, having been a very diligent Preacher of the Gospel, and Declaimer against Papal Abuses, in the Dioceses of two bigoted Bishops, Gardiner of Winchester, and Capon of Sarum. In this first Year of the King, many zealous Preachers of the Gospel, without staying for public Orders from Above, earnestly set forth the Evangelical Doctrine, in confutation of the Sacrifice of the Mass, and the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament, and such like. And of the Laity there were great numbers every where, especially in populous Towns, of such as did now more openly show their Heads, and their good Inclinations to the New Learning, as it was then called. In Southampton of the Diocese of Winchester; in Salisbury, Pool and Dorset, of the Diocese of Sarum, did this Hancock chiefly converse, and officiate in the latter end of K. Henry. When he was suspended à Celebratione Divinorum, by Dr. Raynold, 
Foxil MSS.  Commissary under Dr. Steward, then Chancellor to Bp Gardiner, upon pretence of the Breach of the Act of Six Articles; because he had taught, out of the Ninth to the Hebrews, That our Saviour Christ entered once into the Holy Place, by the which he obtained unto us everlasting Redemption. That he once suffered, and that his Body was once offered, to take away the Sins of many People. And that one only Oblation sufficed for the Sins of the whole World. And though all this was but mere Scripture, yet they found it to contradict their Notions, and therefore they thought convenient to suspend him. But as these Bishops did what they could to stifle all Preaching of God's Word, so the Archbishop's Principle was to encourage and send forth Preachers. So Hancock, notwithstanding his former Suspension, obtained a Licence from our Archbishop to preach.  
Now to follow this Preacher a little after his Licence obtained. At Christ-Church Twinham, 
Who preacheth against the Errors and Superstitions of the Church. Foxii MSS.  in the County of Southampton, where he was born, (as I take it from his own Narration) he preached out of the Sixteenth Chapter of S. john, The Holy Ghost shall reprove the World of Sin, of Righteousness, etc. because I go to the Father. The Priest being then at Mass, Hancock declared unto the People, That that the Priest held over his Head, they did see with their bodily Eyes; but our Saviour Christ doth here say plainly, that we shall see him no more. Then you, saith he, that do kneel unto it, pray unto it, and honour it as God, do make an Idol of it, and yourselves do commit most horrible Idolatry. Whereat the Vicar, Mr. Smith, sitting in his Chair, in the face of the Pulpit, spoke these words; Mr. Hancock, you have done well until now; and now have you played an ill Cow's part, which when she hath given a good Mess of Milk, overthroweth all with her Foot, and so all is lost. And with these words he got him out of the Church.  
Also in this first Year of the King, the same Person preached in S. Thomas Church at Salisbury, 
Is bound to answer for his Sermon at the Assizes.  Dr. Oking Chancellor to Bishop Capon, and Dr. Steward Chancellor to Bishop Gardiner, being present, with divers others of the Clergy and Laity. His place was, Every Plant which my Heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted out. Whence he inveighed against the Superstitious Ceremonies, Holy Bread, Holy Water, Images, Copes, Vestments, etc. And at last against the Idol of the Altar, proving it to be an Idol, and no God, by the First of S. John's Gospel, No Man hath seen God at any time; with other places of the Old Testament. But that the Priest held over his Head, they did see, kneeled before it, honoured it; and so made an Idol of it: And therefore they were most horrible Idolaters. Whereat the Doctors, and certain of the Clergy, went out of the Church. Hancock seeing them departing, charged them, They were not of God, because they refused to hear the Word of God. But when the Sermon was ended, Thomas Chaffen the Mayor, set on, as is likely, by some of the Clergy, came to him, laying to his Charge the Breach of a Proclamation, lately set forth by the Lord Protector, That no Nicknames should be given unto the Sacrament, as Round-Robin, or jack in the Box. Whereto he replied, That it was no Sacrament, but an Idol, as they used it. But for all this Excuse, the Mayor had committed him to Jail, had not Six honest Men been bound for his Appearance the next Assizes, to make his Answer: As Dr. jeffery, about this time had committed two to Prison for the like Cause.  
So that now if we look back upon this first Year of the King, 
How far the Reformation had proceeded.  we may perceive, how busy and diligent our Archbishop was in redressing Abuses, and restoring the Church to its true State of Christian Piety and Devotion; by procuring a Royal Visitation over England, for inspection into the Manners and Abilities of the Clergy, and for taking away of Superstitions; by getting a Book of plain Homilies to teach the common People, (in the composing whereof he himself had a very great hand) and Erasmus his Paraphrase in English upon the New Testament, for the better furnishing the Clergy and others with a sound and sober understanding of the Scriptures; and by encouraging Preachers, and suchlike means. So that if you would particularly know in what forwardness the ABp had already put Religion, taking in his Endeavours in the last King's Reign hitherto, I recommend to your reading his Homily or Sermon Of Good Works: 
Part 3.  Showing out of what abundance of Superstitions the Church was now emerged. Briefly, to pass over the Ungodly and Counterfeit Religion, [he means, of Monks and Friars] let us rehearse some other kinds of Papistical Superstitions and Abuses, as of Beads, of Lady-Psalters and Rosaries, of fifteen O's, of S. Bernard's Verses, of S. Agathe's Letters, of Purgatory, of Masses Satisfactory, of Stations and Jubilees, of feigned Relics, or hallowed Beads, Bells, Bread, Water, Psalms, Candles, Fire, and such other. Of superstitious Fast, of Fraternities or Brotherhoods, of Pardons, with suchlike Merchandise: Which were so esteemed or abused, to the great Prejudice of God's Glory and Commandments, that they were made most high and most holy Things; whereby to obtain to the everlasting Life, or Remission of Sins. Yea also vain Inventions, unfruitful Ceremonies, and ungodly Laws, Decrees and Conceits of Rome; wherein such were advanced, that nothing was thought comparable in Authority, Wisdom, Learning and Godliness unto them. So that the Laws of Rome, as they said, were to be received of all Men, as the four Evangelists: To the which all the Laws of Princes must give place. And the Laws of God also partly were left off, and less esteemed, that the said Laws, Decrees and Councils, with their Traditions and Ceremonies, might be more duly kept, and had in greater Reverence. Thus were the People, through Ignorance, so blinded with the godly Show and Appearance of those things, that they thought the keeping of them to be more Holiness, more perfect Service and honouring of God, and more pleasing to God, than the keeping of God's Commandments. Such have been the corrupt Inclinations of Man, ever superstitiously given, to make new honouring of God of his own Head; and then to have more Affection and Devotion to keep that, than to search out God's Holy Commandments, and to keep them. And furthermore, to take God's Commandments for Man's Commandments, and Man's Commandments, for God's Commandments, yea, and for the highest and most perfect and holiest of all God's Commandments. And so was all confused, that scant well-learned Men, and but a small number of them, knew, or at the least would know, and durst affirm the Truth, to separate or sever God's Commandments from the Commandments of Men. Whereupon did grow such Error, Superstition and Idolatry, vain Religion, overthwart Judgement, great Contention, with all ungodly Living.  

A Bishop Consecrated.  

Ridley consecrated Bp. Cran. Reg. p. 321.  September the 5 th', being Sunday, Nicolas Ridley, D. D. Prebend of Canterbury, was Consecrated Bishop of Rochester, by Henry Bishop of Lincoln, assisted by john Suffragan of Bedford, and Thomas Suffragan of Sidon, in the Chapel belonging to the House of May, Dean of S. Paul's. He was Consecrated according to the old Custom of the Church, by the Unction of holy Chrism, as well as Imposition of Hands. Present among others, john Whytwel the Archbishop's Almoner, Rich. Tayler M. A. Nic. Bullingham, Gregory Tod, and Tho. Bernard, his Chaplains.    

CHAP. VIII. The Church's Goods embezzled. New Opinions broached.  
AS the Reformation of Abuses in Religion went forward under such a King, 
Churches profaned.  and such an Archbishop, so there wanted not for Evils accompanying it, as there do commonly the best Things; the Profaneness of some, and the Covetousness of others, giving occasion thereunto. Sacred Places set apart for Divine Worship, were now greatly profaned; and so probably had been before by ill Custom: For in many Churches, Cathedral as well as other, and especially in London, many Frays, Quarrels, Riots, Bloodsheddings were committed. They used also commonly to bring Horses and Mules into and through Churches, and shooting off Hand-guns: Making the same which were properly appointed to God's Service and Common-Prayer, like a Stable or Common Inn, or rather a Den or Sink of all Unchristiness; as it was expressed in a Proclamation which the King set forth about this Time, 
Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.  as I suppose, (for I am left to conjecture for the Date) by reason of the Insolency of great Numbers using the said evil Demeanours, and daily more and more increasing: Therein forbidding any such Quarrelling, Shooting, or bringing Horses and Mules into or through the Churches, or by any other Means irreverently to use the Churches, upon pain of his Majesty's Indignation and Imprisonment. For it was not thought fit, that when Divine Worship was now reforming, the Places for the said Worship should remain unreformed.  
Beside the profanation of Churches, there prevailed now another Evil, relating also to Churches, viz. That the Utensils and Ornaments of these Sacred Places, were spoiled, embezzled, 
Church Ornaments embezzled.  and made away, partly by the Churchwardens, and partly by other Parishioners. Whether the Cause were, that they would do that themselves, which they imagined would e'er long be done by others, viz. robbing the Churches. Which, it may be, those that bore an Ill-will to the Reformation might give out, to render it the more odious. But certain it is, that it now became more or less practised all the Nation over, to sell or take away Chalices, Crosses of Silver, Bells, and other Ornaments. For the stopping of this, in the Month of April, the Protector, and the Lords of the Council, writ to our Archbishop this Letter, upon the Information and Complaint, as it is likely, of the said Archbishop himself, in whose Diocese especially this Sacrilege prevailed.  
AFter our right hearty Commendations. 
The Council's Letter to the ABp thereupon. Cran. Regist.  Whereas we are informed, that the Churchwardens and Parochians of divers Parishes do alienate and sell away their Chalices, Crosses of Silver, Bells, and other Ornaments of the Church: Which were not given for that purpose to be alienated at their pleasure; but either to be used to the Intent they were at first given, or to some other necessary and convenient Service of the Church. Therefore this is to will and require you immediately, upon the sight hereof, to give straight Charge and Commandment, on the King's Majesty's behalf, to every Parish-Church within your Diocese, that they do in no wise sell, give, or otherwise alienate any Bells, or other Ornaments, or Jewels, belonging unto their Parish-Church, upon pain of his highest Displeasure, as they will answer to the contrary at their Peril. Thus fare you well. From Westminster, the last day of April 1548.  
Your loving Friends, 

E. Somerset  
Tho. Cheyney.  
Will. Seint-Iohn.  
Will. Paget.  
I. Russell.  
Tho. Smith.  
Will. Herbert.  
H. Arundel.  
A. Denny.  
joh. Baker.  .  
It is not an improbable Conjecture, that the Archbishop procured this Letter, to arm Churchwardens with an Answer to such greedy Courtiers and Gentlemen, as used often to resort to them; and in their own, or the Council's Name, required these Goods of their Churches to be yielded up to them; and threatened them if they did not.  
The next Month the Council sent the Archbishop a Form of Prayer, to be used by himself and those of his Diocese. 
A Form of Prayer sent to the ABp.  Wherein God was implored to grant the Nation Peace and Victory over her Enemies: For now all things round about appeared in a Posture of War; and Preparation of Arms were making: Which caused the King also to raise Forces. And for a Blessing upon them, the Privy-Council sent to the Archbishop, together with the Form, an Order for the speedy using of it. The Tenor of the Letter follows.  
AFter our hearty Commendations to your good Lordship. Hearing tell of great Preparations made of Foreign Princes, and otherwise, being enforced for the Procurement and Continuance of Peace, 
With the Council's Letter. Cran. Regist.  to make Preparation of War: Forasmuch as all Power and Aid valuable cometh of God; the which he granteth, as he hath promised by his Holy Word, by nothing so much as by hearty Prayers of good Men: The which is also of more Efficacy, made of an whole Congregation together, gathered in his Holy Name: Therefore this is to will and require you, to give Advertisement and Commandments to all the Curates in your Diocese, That every Sunday and Holiday, in their Common-Prayer, they make devout and hearty Intercessions to Almighty God for Victory and Peace. And to the Intent, that you should not be in Doubts what sort and manner thereof we do like, we have sent unto you one: Which we would that you and they should follow, and read it instead of one of the Collects of the King's Majesty's Procession. Thus we pray you not to fail to do with all speed, and bid you farewel. From Westminster, the 6 th' of May, 1548.  
Your loving Friends, E. Somerset. R. Rich, Canc. W. Seint-Iohn. I. Russel. Th. Cheyney.  

New Opinions Broached.  Now that the Liberty of the Gospel began to be allowed, divers false Opinions and unsound Doctrines began to be vented with it; of which public Cognizance began now to be taken. As that the Elect sinned not, and that they could not sin. That they that be Regenerate, never fall away from godly Love. That the Elect have a right to take so much of the Things of the World, as may supply their Necessities. And there were some that openly preached these Doctrines, and set forth and published Books to the same Tenor.  
Several of these Heretics, in the Month of April, were convented before the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Cranm. Regist.  Sir Thomas Smith; Richard Cox, Hugh Latimer, Doctors of Divinity; William May, Dean of St. Paul's; William Cook, Richard Lyel, Doctors of Law, and others the King's Commissioners. Then did one john Champneys, of Stratford on the Bow, abjure. He taught, and wrote, and defended; 1. That a Man after he is Regenerate in Christ, cannot sin. 2. That the outward Man might sin, but the inward Man could not. 3. That the Gospel hath been so much persecuted and hated ever since the Apostles Times, that no Man might be suffered openly to follow it. 4. That godly Love falleth never away from them which be regenerate in Christ. Wherefore they cannot do contrary to the Commandments of Christ. 5. That that was the most principal of our marked men's Doctrine, that make the People believe that there was no such Spirit given unto Men whereby they should remain Righteous, and always in Christ. Which is [as he wrote and asserted] a most devilish Error. 6. That God doth permit to all his Elect People their bodily Necessities of all earthly Things.  
All these he revoked: Granting or confessing now, 1. That a Man, after he is regenerate in Christ, may sin, being destitute of his Spirit. 2. That the inner Man doth sin, 
Champneys revokes six Articles.  when the outward Man sinneth actually with the consent of the Mind. 3. That divers times, sithence the Apostles Times, to follow the Doctrine of Christ hath been suffered openly. 4. That godly Love falleth from them, that be regenerate in Christ, being destitute of the Spirit: and that then they may do contrary to the Commands of Christ. 5. That it is no erroneous Doctrine, which he affirmed in his Book to be a devilish Error, and our marked men's Doctrine, viz. To make the People believe, that there was no such Spirit given unto Man, whereby he should remain Righteous always in Christ. But I confess, [saith the Abjurer] that a Man having the Spirit, may afterwards fall, and not be Righteous. 6. That God doth not permit to all his Elect People their bodily Necessities of all worldly things to be taken, but by a Law and Order approved by the Civil Policy. To which by me now spoken I mean, ne understand any other Sense than hath been here opened; to use again his very words in his Abjuration. And so touching the Holy Gospel with his Hand, before the King's Commissioners, he abjured, promising, That he should never hold, teach or believe the said Errors, or damned Opinions above rehearsed. And so subscribed his Name.  
Then the Archbishop in his own Name, 
And abjure●.  and in the Name of the other Commissioners, gave him his Oath. 1. That he should not by any means hereafter teach or preach to the People, nor set forth any kind of Books, in print or otherwise, nor cause to be printed or set forth any such Books, that should contain any manner of Doctrine, without a special Licence thereunto of the King's Majesty, or some of his Grace's Privy-Council first had and obtained. 2. That the said Champneys, with all speed convenient, and with all his diligence, procure as many of his Books, as are passed forth in his Name, to be called in again, and utterly destroyed, as much as in him should lie. 3. That he should the Sunday following attend at Paul's Cross upon the Preacher, all the time of the Sermon, and there penitently stand before the Preacher with a Faggot on his Shoulder. And then he had two Sureties bound in five hundred Pounds, that he should perform his Penance. This was done April 27.  
There were other Heresies also now vented abroad, 
Other Heresies vented.  as the denial of the Trinity, and of the Deity of the Holy Ghost: And the Assertion, That Jesus Christ was a mere Man, and not true God, because he had the Accidents of Humane Nature; such as hungering and thirsting, and being visible: And that the Benefit Men receive by Jesus Christ, was the bringing them to the true Knowledge of God. There was one john Assheton a Priest, that preached these Doctrines: Who on the 28 th' of December was summoned to Lambeth, to appear there before the Archbishop. 
Cranm. Regist.  Where john Whitwel the Archbishop's Almoner, and Thomas Langley, both Priests, and his Grace's Chaplains, exhibited a Schedule of divers Heresies and damned Opinions against the said Assheton. Which are recited in the Abjuration which he made. The Tenor whereof is as followeth.  
In the Name of God, Amen. Before you, most Learned Father in God, Thomas Archbishop, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, Commissary of our most dread Sovereign Lord, and excellent Prince, 
Assheton's Recantation.  Edward VI, by the Grace of God, etc. I john Assheton Priest, of my pure Heart, freewill, voluntary and sincere Knowledge, confess and openly recognize, that in Times past, I thought, believed, said, heard and affirmed these Errors, Heresies, and damnable Opinions following; that is to say, 1. That the Trinity of Persons was established by the Confession of Athanasius, declared by a Psalm, Quicunque vult, etc. And that the Holy Ghost is not God, but only a certain Power of the Father. 2. That jesus Christ, that was conceived of the Virgin Mary, was a holy Prophet, and especially beloved of God the Father; but that he was not the true and living God: Forasmuch as he was seen, and lived, hungered and thirsted. 3. That this only is the Fruit of jesus Christ's Passion; that whereas we were strangers from God, and had no knowledge of his Testament, it pleased God by Christ, to bring us to the acknowledging of his holy Power by the Testament.  
Wherefore I the said john Assheton, detesting and abhorring all and every my said Errors, Heresies, and damned Opinions, willingly, and with all my Power, affecting hereafter firmly to believe in the true and perfect Faith of Christ, and his Holy Church, purposing to follow the true and sincere Doctrine of holy Church with a pure and free Heart, voluntarily mind, will, and intent utterly to forsake, relinquish, renounce and despise the said detestable Errors, Heresies, and abominable Opinions: Granting and confessing now, 1. That the blessed Trinity consisteth in Three distinct Persons, and one Godhead; as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, coequal in Power and Might. 2. That Jesus Christ is both God and Man, after his holy Nature, eternally begotten of his Father, of his own Substance; and in his Humanity was conceived by the Holy Ghost incarnate, and for our Redemption, being very God, became Man. 3. That by the Death of jesus Christ we be not only made Partakers of the Testament, and so disposed to the Knowledge of his godly Will and Power, but also that we have full Redemption and Remission of our Sins in his Blood. Then he subscribed his Hand to this Confession before the Archbishop, exhibiting it for his Act; and lifting up his Hand, beseeched his Grace to deal mercifully and graciously with him; and touching the Gospel, gave his Faith that he would faithfully and humbly obey the Commands of the Holy Mother-Church, and whatsoever Penance the said most Reverend Father should lay upon him.  

Other Errors still.  To these erroneous Doctrines we must add others, that now also spread themselves: As that Christ took not Flesh of the Virgin; That the Baptism of Infants was not profitable. Of which Error one Michael Thombe of London, Butcher, recanted the Year following, viz. 1549, May 11. having been then convented before the Archbishop at Lambeth.  
I Michael Thombe of London, Bocher, of my pure Heart and free Will, voluntarily and sincerely acknowledge and confess, and openly recognize, that in times past, I thought, believed, said, heard and affirmed, these Errors and Heresies, and damnable Opinions following: that is to say, That Christ took no Flesh of our Lady; and that the Baptism of Infants is not profitable, because it goeth before Faith. Wherefore I, the said Michael Thombe, detesting and abhorring all and every such my said Errors, Heresies, and damned Opinions; and with all my Power affecting hereafter firmly to believe in the true and perfect Faith of Christ, and of the Holy Church, purposing to follow the true and sincere Doctrine of Holy Church, with a pure and free Heart, voluntarily mind, will, and intent, utterly to forsake, relinquish, renounce and despise the said detestable Errors, Heresies, and damnable Opinions; granting and confessing now, That Christ took Flesh of the Virgin Mary; and that the Baptism of Infants is profitable and necessary. And by this Submission and Penance doing, Thombe escaped.  
But another of the same Opinion, more obstinate, came to a sadder End; and was Burnt; namely, joan Bocher, or joan of Kent. 
joan Boche●s Heresy▪  Her Opinion is in the Instrument drawn up against her in the ABp's Register. Which ran thus; That you believe that the Word was made Flesh in the Virgin's Belly; but that Christ took Flesh of the Virgin you believe not, because the Flesh of the Virgin being the outward Man, was sinfully gotten, and born in Sin. But the Word, by the Consent of the inward Man of the Virgin, was made Flesh. This she stood perversely in. So the Archbishop himself excommunicated her judicially; the Sentence being read by him, April 1549, in S. Mary's Chapel within the Cathedral Church of Paul's, Sir Thomas Smith, William Cook Dean of the Arches, Hugh Latimer, Richard lyel, LL. D. the King's Commissioners, assisting. She was committed afterwards to the Secular Arm; and certified so to be by an Instrument made by the Commissioners to the King. After she was condemned, she was a Seven-night in the Lord Chancellor Rich his House: and every day the Archbishop and Bishop Ridley came and reasoned with her, that if possible they might save her from the Fire: But nothing would do. I will here produce Latimer's Censure of her, 
Latime●'s Censure of her▪  who well knew her Case, being one of the Commissioners that sat upon her. She would say, (saith he in his Sermon on S. john Evangelist's Day) That our Saviour was not very Man, nor had received Flesh of his Mother Mary. And yet she could show no reason why she should believe so. Her Opinion was this, The Son of God, said she, penetrated through her as through a Glass, taking no Substance of her. This foolish Woman denied the common Creed, Natus ex Maria Virgin, and said that our Saviour had a fantastical Body.  
A Dutch Man, an Arian, named George van Paris, denying Christ to be true God, came to a like End with joan, namely, 
Georg● Van Paris.  that of burning to Death, being condemned for Heresy; that was in the Year 1551. But though I make some Anticipation in my History, yet I do it, that I may lay these Heresies here together, that started up, or rather showed themselves more visibly in this Reign.   

CHAP. IX. The Archbishop Visits.  
THE Archbishop in this Year held a Visitation in divers Places throughout his Diocese. 
The ABp visits his Diocese.  Wherein enquiry was to be made concerning the Behaviour both of the Priests and the People, in eighty six Articles. Whereby may be seen the Archbishop's conscientious Care and Solicitude for the abrogating of Superstition, and the promoting of true Religion: That he might reduce the Clergy to Learning, Sobriety, and Diligence in their Vocation; and the People to Loyalty and Obedience to the King, and the sincere worshipping of God.  

His Articles for the Clergy.  Concerning the Priests, he ordered enquiry to be made; Whether they preached four times a Year against the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome, and in behalf of the King's Power and Authority within his own Realms. Whether in their Common-Prayers, they used not the Collects made for the King, and mentioned not his Majesty's Name in the same. Whether they had destroyed and taken away out of the Churches, all Images and Shrines, Tables, Candlesticks, Trindals or Rolls of Wax, and all other Monuments of feigned Miracles, Idolatry and Superstition; and moved their Parishioners to do the same in their own Houses. Inquiries were made concerning their due Administration of the Sacraments; concerning their preaching God's Word once at least in a Quarter; and then exhorting their Parishioners to Works commanded by Scripture, and not to Works devised by men's Fancies, as wearing and praying upon Beads, and suchlike. Concerning the plain reciting the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and Ten Commandments in English, immediately after the Gospel, as often as there were no Sermon. Concerning the examining of every one that came to Confession in Lent, whether they were able to say the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments, in English. Concerning the having Learned Curates, to be procured by such as were absent from their Benefices. Concerning having the whole Bible of the largest Volume in every Church, and Erasmus' Paraphrase in English. Concerning teaching the People of the Nature of the Fast of Lent, and other Days in the Year, that it was but a mere positive Law. Concerning Residence upon Benefices, and keeping Hospitality. Concerning finding a Scholar in the Universities, o● some Grammar-School, incumbent on such Priests as had an hundred pounds a Year. Concerning moving the Parishioners to pray rather in English, than in a Tongue unknown, and not to put their Trust in saying over a number of Beads. Concerning having the New Testament in Latin and English, and Erasmus' Paraphrase, which all Priests under the Degree of Bachelors in Divinity, were examined about. Concerning putting out of the Church-Books the Name of Papa, and the Name and Service of Thomas Becket, and the Prayers that had Rubrics, containing Pardons and Indulgences. And many the like Articles. Which may be seen by him that will have recourse to them, as they are printed in Bishop Sparrow's Collections.  
Those Articles that related to the Laity, were, 
And for the Laity.  Concerning the Letters or Hinderers of the Word of God read in English, or preached sincerely. Concerning such as went out of the Church in time of the Litany, or Common-Prayer, or Sermon. Concerning ringing Bells at the same time. Concerning such as abused the Ceremonies, as casting Holy Water upon their Beds, bearing about them Holy Bread, S. John's Gospel; keeping of private holidays, as Tailors, Bakers, Brewers, Smiths, Shoemakers, etc. did. Concerning the misbestowing of Money arising from cattle, or other movable Stocks of the Church, as for finding of Lights, Torches, Tapers or Lamps, and not employed to the poor Man's Chest Concerning abusing Priests and Ministers. Concerning praying upon the English Primer, set forth by the King, and not the Latin, for such as understand not Latin. Concerning keeping the Church-Holy-day, and the Dedication-day, any otherwise, or at any other time than was appointed. Concerning Commoning and Jangling in the Church, at the time of reading the Common-Prayer or Homilies, or when there was preaching. Concerning maintenance of Error and Heresy. Concerning common Swearers, Drunkards, Blasphemers, Adulterers, Bawds. Inquiries were also to be made after such as were common Brawlers, Slanderers; such as used Charms, Sorceries, Enchantments and Witchcraft; such as contemned their own Parish-Church, and went elsewhere. Concerning Marrying within the Degrees prohibited, and without ask the Bannes. Concerning the honest discharge of Wills and Testaments, in such as were Executors or Administrators. Concerning such as contemned married Priests, and refused to receive the Communion and other Sacraments at their Hands. Concerning such as kept in their own Houses Images, Tables, Pictures, Painting, or Monuments of feigned Miracles undefaced, etc.  
In this Year also the Archbishop, 
An Exchange made between the ABp and the Lord Windsor.  with the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, granted the Patronage, Rectory, etc. of Ri●eborough Monachorum in the County of Bucks, to the Lord Windsor, for fourscore and nineteen Years: And in Exchange, the said Lord granted to the Archbishop the Advouson, Patronage and Nomination of Midley in Kent for the same duration of Years.  
September the 9 th', being Sunday, Robert Farrar, 

Bishop of S. David's Consecrated.  
Cran. Regist. Fol. 327.   D. D. was Consecrated Bishop of S. David's, by Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, endued with his Pontificals, and assisted by Henry Bishop of Lincoln, and Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, at Chertsey in the Diocese of Winton, in the Archbishop's House there. Then certain Hymns, Psalms and Prayers being recited, together with a Portion of Scripture read in the vulgar Tongue, out of S. Paul's Epistles, and the Gospel of S. Matthew, the Archbishop celebrated the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ. There communicated the Reverend Fathers, Thomas Bishop of Ely, Thomas Bishop of Westminster, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, and Farrar the new Bishop; together with William May Dean of S. Paul's, Simon Hains Dean of Exon, Thomas Robertson and john Redman, Professors of Divinity, and others. The Archbishop then distributed the Communion in English Words. This Bishop (as it is writ in the Margin of the Register) was the first that was consecrated upon the bare Nomination of the King, according to the Statute that for that purpose was published in the first Year of his Reign. The Form of the King's Letters Patents, whereby he constituted Farrar Bishop, is extant in the Register, dated from Leghes, August 1. in the second Year of his Reign.  

Some account of this Bishop.  At this Bishop of S. David's I will stay a little: proving unhappy by his Preferment unto a Church, whose Corruptions, while he endeavoured to correct, he sunk under his commendable Endeavours. He was an active Man, and made much use of in Public Affairs in K. Henry and K. Edward's Days; having been first a Canon of S. Mary's in Oxon. He was with Bp Barlow, when he was by K. Henry sent Ambassador to Scotland, An. 1535. Another time employed in carrying old Books of great Value from S. Oswalds, a dissolved Monastery, as it seems, unto the Archbishop of York. And in the Royal Visitation in the beginning of King Edward, he was one of the King's Visitors, being appointed one of the Preachers, for his great Ability in that Faculty: And being Chaplain to the Duke of Somerset, was by his means advanced to be Bishop; and upon his Fall he fell into great Troubles. This Bishop, not long after his first entrance upon his Bishopric, resolved to visit his Diocese, like a careful Pastor, hearing of very great Corruptions in it, and particularly among those that belonged to the Chapter of the Church of Carmarthen; and chiefly Thomas Young chanter, after Archbishop of York, (who pulled down the great Hall in the Palace there for lucre of the Lead) and Rowland Meric●, one of the Canons, after Bishop of the said See of S. David's, and Father to Sir Gilly Merick, that came to an untimely Death, by being in the Business of the Earl of Essex. These two having been before Commissaries of this Diocese, had spoiled the Cathedral Church of Crosses, Chalices, and Censors; with other Plate, Jewels and Ornaments, to the value of five hundred Marks or more; and converted them to their own private Benefit: and had sealed many Blanks (Seed Vacant) without the King's Licence or Knowledge. Whereupon the Bishop issued out his Commission to his Chancellor for visiting the Chapter, as well as the rest of the Diocese. But the Commission was, it seems, drawn up amiss by the said Chancellor, to whom the Bishop left the forming the Draught: For it ran in the old Popish Form, and so the King's Supremacy not sufficiently acknowledged therein; though he professed to visit in the King's Name and Authority. This these two, in Combination with his own ingrateful Register, George Constantine, whom he had preferred, took their Advantage of; not only to disobey the said Commission, but to accuse the poor Bishop of a Praemunire. For which he was said to go down from London, whither they had before brought him up, to answer at the Assizes of Carmarthen. And when by reason of the Molestations they gave him, and their detaining him in London, he could not be so exact in paying in the Tenths, and First-Fruits and Subsidies, due from the Clergy of his Diocese; they took hold of this as another Crime to lay to his Charge. And hereupon in fine, he was kept in Prison a long time, and so remained when Queen Mary entered upon the Government. Upon which Occasion he fell into the Hands of the Pope's Butchers. Who at last, for maintaining the Truth, sent him into his Diocese, and burned him at a Stake. And thus these Men became the Instruments of his Death.  
In their vexatious Suits against this good Bishop, 
The ABp swayed by Farrar's Enemies.  undertaken the better to conceal their own Faults, our Archbishop seemed to be engaged, giving too much credit to the ill Reports that Farrar's Enemies raised against him, in a great heap of frivolous and malicious Articles, exhibited to the King's Council. Who appointed Sir john Mason and Dr. Wotton to examine them: Though, I suppose, our pious Archbishop afterwards saw through this Malice, and forbore any further to give Influence to those that prosecuted this honest Man: Understanding by Letters, which that afflicted Man sent, both to him and Bishop Goodrick Lord Chancellor, his unjust Vexations wrought by his Adversaries. One whereof, I mean his Register, remained Register to that very Popish Bishop that succeeded him, nay, and was assistant at his Trial and Condemnation. In short, hear what one writes that lived nearer those Times, and might therefore be presumed to know more of these Matters.  
This was a Conspiracy of his Enemies against him, 
Sut●li●s Answ. to Parson's Threefold Convers. of England.  and of wicked Fellows who had robbed the Church, kept Concubines, falsified Records, and committed many other gross Abuses. To conclude, I find, by a private Letter written to john Fox, that these Men, knowing how they had wronged the good Bishop, came to him before his Death, and asked him Forgiveness; and he like a good Christian forgave them, and was reconciled to them.   

CHAP. X. The Archbishop answers the Rebels Articles.  
THE Commons this Year broke out into a dangerous Rebellion; and though they were once or twice appeased, 
An. 1549.  
Rebellion in Devon.  and scattered in some Places, yet they made Insurrections in others: And chiefly in Devon, where they were very formidable for their Numbers. The Reason they pretended was double: The one was, the Oppression of the Gentry in enclosing of their Commons from them. The other, the laying aside the old Religion; which, because it was Old, and the Way their Forefathers worshipped God, they were very fond of. The Ld Russel, Ld Privy-Seal, who was sent against them, offering to receive their Complaints, the Rebels sent them to him, drawn up under 15 Articles. As before they had sent their Demands in seven Articles, and a Protestation that they were the King's, Body and Goods. In Answer to which the King sent a Message to them, that may be seen in Fox. They sent also a Supplication to the King: To the which an Answer was made by the King's Learned Counsel.  
I shall take notice only of the fifteen Articles, 
The ABp Answers the Rebels Articles▪  unto which our Archbishop drew up an excellent Answer at good length: For no Man was thought so fit as he, to open and unravel these men's Requests, 
An. 1549.  and to unfold the unreasonableness of them; and to show what real Mischief they would pluck down upon themselves and the Nation, should all the Decrees of our Forefathers, and the Six Articles be revived again: and what great Injury Religion would receive, should the Latin Masses, and Images, and the worshipping the Sacrament, and Purgatory, and Abbeys, be restored, and Cardinal Pole come Home, and the English Bible be called in, and suchlike things which their Demands consisted of. This Answer of the Archbishop I judge worthy preserving; (and therefore, though somewhat long, I have laid in the Appendix; 
N ●. XL. ) because it will show his Wisdom, Learning, and the Knowledge of the State of the Kingdom that he was furnished with. I met with these Writings in the Manuscript Librarary of Benet College, being the rough Draught of them, all under the Archbishop's own Hand. He charged them with Ignorance in putting up such Articles. And concluded them not to be their own Minds to have them granted, had they understood them, but that they were indeed devised by some Priests, and rank Papists and Traitors to the Realm; which he would not so much as think of them. So that he gently told them, that he must use the same expression to them, that Christ did to james and john, They asked they wot not what.  
The Archbishop wrote this Answer after the Rout at Exeter given them by the Lord Russel, 
Some Account thereof.  and the taking Prisoners divers of their Captains and Priests, and between the Condemnation and Execution of Humphrey Arundel, and Bray Mayor of Bodmin; Whom he prayed God to make penitent before their Deaths, to which they were adjudged. For which two the Rebels in one of their Articles, had required safe Conduct to make their Grievances known to the King. As they had, in another Article, demanded two Divines of the same Popish stamp, to be sent to them to preach, namely, Moreman and Crispin: Who both seemed now, being Priests of that Country, to be under Restraint upon suspicion: Men, as the Archbishop told them, ignorant of God's Word, but of notable Craft, Wilfulness and Dissimulation, and such as would poison them, instead of feeding them. 
Crispin.  Of Crispin I find little, but that he was once Proctor of the University of Oxon, and Doctor of the Faculty of Physic, 
Mor●man.  and of Oriel College. Moreman was beneficed in Cornwall in King Henry's Time, and seemed to go along with that King in his steps of Reformation, and was observed to be the first that taught his Parishioners the Lord's Prayer, the Creed and the Ten Commandments in English; yet showing himself in the next King's Reign a Zealot for the old Superstitions. Hence we perceive the Reason why the Archbishop charged him to be a Man full of Craft and Hypocrisy. In Q. Mary's Time he was, for his Popish Merits, preferred to be Dean of Exeter, and was Coadjutor to the Bishop of that Diocese (probably then superannuated,) and died in that Queen's Reign. Besides these two, there was another Clergyman the Rebels spent another Article in speaking for, 
Cardinal Pole.  namely, Cardinal Pole: Whom they would have sent for Home, and to be preferred to be of the Privy-Council. But Cranmer told them his Judgement; first, in general, of Cardinals, that they never did Good to this Realm, but always Hurt: And then in particular of this Cardinal, that he had read once a virulent Book of his writing against King Henry, exciting the Pope, the Emperor, the French King, and all other Princes, to invade this Realm: And therefore that he was so far from deserving to be called Home, and to live in England, that he deserved not to live at all. In fine, in this excellent Composition of the Archbishop, his Design was, to expose the Abuses and Corruptions of Popery, and to convince the Nation what need there was, that such Matters should be abolished, as the Pope's Decrees, Solitary Masses, Latin Service, hanging the Host over the Altar, Sacrament in one Kind, Holy Bread, and Holy Water, Palms, Ashes, Images, the old Service-Book, praying for Souls in Purgatory: And to vindicate the English Service, the use of the Holy Scriptures in the Vulgar Tongue, and other Matters relating to the Reformation, made in King Edward's Time. Which he doth all along with that strain of happy Perspicuity and Easiness, that one shall scarcely meet with elsewhere, mixed every where with great Gravity, Seriousness and Compassion.  
The Archbishop thought it highly convenient in these Commotions round about, to do his Endeavour to keep those People, 
The ABp procures Sermons to be made against the Rebellion.  that were still and quiet as yet, in their Duty. And for this Purpose had Sermons composed, to be now read by the Curates to the People in their Churches, to preserve them in their Obedience, and to set out the Evil and Mischief of the present Disturbances. I find in the same Volume where Cranmers Answers aforesaid are, 
Miscell●n. D.  a Sermon against the Seditions arising now every where, with the Archbishop's Interlinings, and marginal Notes and Corrections. This Sermon was first wrote in Latin by Peter Martyr, (as a Note of Archbishop Parker's Hand testifieth) at Archbishop Cranmers Request to the said Learned Man, no question; and so by his Order translated into English, and printed, I suppose, for the common Use in those Times. It begins thus;  
The common Sorrow of this present Time, dear beloved Brethren in Christ, if I should be more led thereby, 
Peter Martyr's Sermon upon this Occasion▪  than by Reason and Zeal to my Country, would move me rather to hold my Peace than to speak. For the great Evils which we now suffer, are to be bewailed with Tears and Silence, rather than with Words. And hereunto I might allege for me the Example of job, who when he came to his extreme Misery, he lying upon a Dunghill, and three of his Friends sitting upon the Ground by him for the space of seven Days, for great Sorrow, not one of them opened his Mouth to speak a word to another. If then the miserable Estate of job, like a hard and sharp Bit, stopped his Mouth from speaking; and the lamentable Case of their Friend, stayed these three Men, being of Speech most Eloquent, that they could not utter their words; surely it seems, that I have a much more cause to be still, and hold my peace. For there was the piteous Lamentation of no more but one Man, or one Household, and that only concerning temporal and worldly Substance; but we have cause to bewail a whole Realm, and that most Noble, which lately being in that State, that all other Realms envied our Wealth, and feared our Force, is now so troubled, so vexed, so tossed and deformed, and that by Sedition among ourselves, of such as be Members of the same, that nothing is left unattempted to the utter Ruin and Subversion thereof: And besides this, the everlasting Punishment of God threateneth as well the Authors and Procurers of these Seditions, as all other that join themselves unto them, etc.  
Besides this Sermon of P. Martyr's, there is another Discourse penned by him under his own hand on the same occasion, designed as it seems to be translated into English, and sent to the Rebels; thus beginning:  
Tantum voluit Deus vim charitatis & amoris magnitudinem, inter populum & magistratum intercedere, ut per Hieremiam admonuerit plebem Israeliticam, quod pro Rege Nebuchadnezar orarent, qui corum Rempub. everterat, illosque adhuc captivitate Babylonica premebat.  
Dominus tametsi voluit suos, instar columbarum, simplices degere, idem nihilominus admonuit, ut serpentum prudentiam imitarentur, qua suas actiones Literarum Sacrarum praecept●s regerent & moderarentur, caverentque ne aliena consilia, ut Papistarum vel Seditiosorum se in transversum auferrent.  
Si potuissetis (quod est prudentium) in longinquum prospicere, omnino vidissetis caeteros hosts (uti nunc res ipsa declarat) fretos vestris tumultibus in vestrum Regnum arma sumpturos, & ausuros impunè, qui nunquam, si in officio mansissetis, tentassent, etc.  

The French take Occasion at this Rebellion.  This last Paragraph respected the French King, who taking occasion from these Broils at Home, broke out into open Hostility against the Kingdom, recalling his Ambassador, and on a sudden brought his Ships against the Isles of jersey and Guernsey, with an intent to have conquered them. But by the Valour of the Inhabitants, and some of the King's Ships, he was beaten off with great Loss. This was in the Month of August.  

Bucer's Discourse against the Sedition.  Martin Bucer also wrote a Discourse against this Sedition, as well as Martyr. Both of them were now, I suppose, under the Archbishop's Roof, entertained by him. And he thought it convenient that these learned Foreigners should give some public Testimony of their Dislike of these Doings. Bucer's Discourse subjoined to Martyr's, begun in this Tenor:  
Quae dici possunt ad sedandos animos plebis, & ab omni conatu seditioso absterrendos (quod ad rem ipsam attinet) inscripta sunt omnia, in Reverendissimi D. N. M. Ven. Collegae nostri Pet. Martyris Schedis, ut nostra adjectione nulla sit opus, tamen ut consensum spiritus testemur, ha● subjecta libuit annotare, etc.  

The ABp's Prayer, composed for this Occasion.  An Office of Fasting was composed for this Rebellion, which being allayed in the West, grew more formidable in Norfolk and Yorkshire. For I find a Prayer composed by the Archbishop, with these words preceding; The Exhortation to Penance, or the Supplication, may end with this or some other-like Prayer. And then the Prayer followeth:  
O Lord, whose Goodness far exceedeth our Naughtiness, and whose Mercy passeth all Measure, we confess thy Judgement to be most Just, and that we worthily have deserved this Rod wherewith thou hast now beaten us. We have offended the Lord God: We have lived wickedly: We have gone out of the Way: We have not heard thy Prophets which thou hast sent unto us, to teach us thy Word, nor have done as thou hast commanded us: wherefore we be most worthy to suffer all these Plagues. Thou hast done justly, and we be worthy to be confounded. But we Provoke unto thy Goodness; we Appeal unto thy Mercy; we humble ourselves; we knowledge our Faults. We turn to thee, O Lord, with our whole Hearts, in Praying, in Fasting, in Lamenting and Sorrowing for our Offences. Have Mercy upon us, cast us not away according to our Deserts, but hear us, and deliver us with speed, and call us to thee again according to thy Mercy: That we with one Consent, and one Mind, may evermore glorify Thee, World without End. Amen.  
After this follow some rude Draughts written by Archbishop Cranmers own Hand, for the Composing, as I suppose, of an Homily, or Homilies, to be used for the Office aforesaid: which may be read in the Appendix. 
No. X●I.    

CHAP. XI. Bishop Boner Deprived.  
ON the 8 th' of September, 
The ABp deprives Boner.  a Commission was issued out from the King to our Archbishop, together with Ridley Bishop of Rochester, Petre and Smith, the two Secretaries, and Dr. May Dean of Paul's, to examine Boner Bishop of London, for several Matters of Contempt of the King's Order. The Witnesses against him were William Latimer and john Hoper. After the patience of seven Sessions at Lambeth, in all which he carried himself disdainfully, making Excuses and Protestations, first against Sir Thomas Smith, and then against them all, and Appealing to the King, the Archbishop in the Name of the rest declared him Obstinate, and pronounced a Sentence of Deprivation against him; and committed him to the Marshalsea for his extraordinary Rudeness to the King's Commissioners; and there he abode all this King's Reign. I will only mention somewhat of his Behaviour towards the good Archbishop.  
At his first appearance before the Commissioners, 
Discourse between the ABp and him▪ concerning his Book.  which was on the 10 th' of September, when they told him the Reason of their Commission, viz. To call him to Account for a Sermon lately by him made at Paul's Cross; for that he did not publish to the People the Article he was commanded to preach upon, that is, of the King's Authority during his Minority: He after a bold scoffing manner gave no direct Answer to this, but turned his Speech to the ABp, swearing, That he wished one thing were had in more Reverence than it was, namely, the Blessed Mass, as he styled it: And telling the Archbishop withal, That he had written very well of the Sacrament; but he marvelled he did not more honour it. The Archbishop perceiving his gross Ignorance concerning his Book, by his commending that which was contrary to his Opinion, said to Boner, That if he thought it well, it was because he understood it not. Boner after his rude manner replied, He thought he understood it better than he that wrote it. To which the Archbishop subjoined, That truly he would make a Child of ten Years old understand as much as he. But what is that, said he, to our present Matter?  

Concerning the Sacrament.  At this first Session, when Boner had said, That he perceived the Cause of his present Trouble was, for that in the Sermon made at Paul's Cross, beforementioned, he had asserted the true Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar; The Archbishop said, That he spoke much of a Presence in the Sacrament; but he asked him, What Presence is there, and what Presence he meant? Boner then in heat said, My Lord, I say and believe, that there is the very true Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ. What, and how do you believe? said he to the Archbishop. Then the Archbishop not minding to answer his Question at this time, asked him further, Whether Christ were there, Face, Nose, Mouth, Eyes, Arms and Lips, with other Lineaments of his Body? At which Boner shook his Head, and said, He was right sorry to hear his Grace speak those words, and urged the Archbishop to show his Mind. But the Archbishop wisely waved it, saying, That their being there at that time, was not to dispute of those Matters, but to prosecute their Commission against him.  

Chargeth the ABp concerning the Preachers he allowed.  At another of these Sessions, staying at the Chamber-Door, where the Commissioners sat, perceiving some of the Archbishop's Gentlemen standing by, he applied himself to them, requiring and charging them, in God's behalf, and in his Name, That where they should chance to see and hear corrupt and erroneous Preachers against the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, they should tell their Lord and Master of the same, and of these his Sayings also to them, as they were Christian Men, and should answer before God for the contrary. And being committed by the Delegates to the Under-Marshal; and going away, he turned again, and told the Archbishop, That he was sorry that he being a Bishop, should be so handled at his Hands; but more sorry, that he suffered abominable Heretics to practise as they did in London and elsewhere, infecting and disquieting the King's Liege People. And therefore he required him, as he would answer to God and the King, that he would henceforth abstain thus to do. And if he did not, he said, he would accuse him before God and the King's Majesty. Answer to it, added he, as well as you can. And so departed.  

The ABp's Answers to Boner's Declaration.  When Boner, after the Sentence of Deprivation, made a solemn Declaration there against their Proceedings, saying, That he came compelled, and not of his own free will, being brought as a Prisoner: And so appealed again from them to the King. The Archbishop answered his Declaration; and told him, That whereas he said, he came coacted, or else he would not have appeared; he marvelled at him, for that he would thereby make them and the Audience to believe, that because he was a Prisoner, he ought not therefore to answer. Which if it were true, were enough to confound the whole State of the Realm: For I dare say, said the Archbishop, that of the greatest Prisoners and Rebels that ever the Keeper there hath had under him, he cannot show me one that hath used such Defence as you have here done. To which Boner said, That if his Keeper were learned in the Laws, he could show him his Mind therein. The Archbishop said, That he had read over all the Laws as well as he, but to another End and Purpose than he did, and yet he could find no such Privilege in this Matter. He was Deprived in the beginning of October, and the See remained void for some Months till the next Year, when Ridley was translated thither, as we shall see by and by.  
Indeed this was the most plausible Pretence the Papists had, 
Papists insist upon the invalidity of the Laws made in the King's minority.  and which they made much use of, (Which Boner and Gardiner had cunningly invented;) viz. That though the King were to be obeyed, and all were bound to submit to his Laws, yet not to the Orders and Placits of his Counsellors, who made what Innovations they pleased in his Name, and were none of his Laws: and that therefore things should remain in the State wherein the former King left them, till the King, now a Child, came to Years of Discretion to make Laws himself. This the Rebels in Devon made use of. And this also the Lady Mary urged very boldly to the Lords of the Council, for her incompliance with the Communion-Book, and for continuance of the use of the Mass; telling them in a Letter, That she was resolved to remain obedient to her Father's Laws, till the King her Brother should have perfect Years of Discretion to order that Power that God had given him. Which Letter, whereof I have the Original, may be seen in the Appendix. 
No. XLII.  For the satisfying therefore of the People in this, the Preachers were fain to do their Endeavours in the Pulpits: Showing them, that those that were in Office under the King, were by the Word of God to be obeyed as the King himself. There be some Men that say, (as Latimer in one of his Sermons in these Days, 
Lat. Serm. Fol. 25. ) when the King's Majesty himself commandeth me so to do, than I will do it, not afore. This is a wicked Saying, and damnable. For we may not so be excused. Scripture is plain in it, and showeth us, that we ought to obey his Officers, having Authority from the King, as well as unto the King himself. Therefore this Excuse will not, nor cannot serve afore God. Yet let the Magistrates take heed to their Office and Duty.  
This Year the Archbishop celebrated a great Ordination, 
An Ordination of Priests and Deacons.  consisting of such chiefly as showed themselves Favourers of the King's Proceedings, to be sent abroad to preach the Gospel, and to serve in the Ministry of the Church. At this Ordination Bishop Ridley also assisted the Archbishop. The old Popish Order of conferring of Holy Orders was yet in force, the new Office as yet not being prepared and established: But this Ordination nevertheless was celebrated after that Order that was soon after established. At this Ordination great Favour was shown, and Connivance to such who, otherwise being well qualified for Piety and Learning, scrupled wearing the Habits used by the Popish Priests. I meet with two famous Men now ordained: The one was Robert Drakes, who was Deacon to Dr. Tayler Parson of Hadley, at the Commandment of Archbishop Cranmer, afterwards Parson of Thundersley in Essex, and in the Year 1556, burnt to death in Smithfield, for his constant Profession of Christ's Religion. The other was Thomas Samson, Parson of Breadstreet, London, and successively Dean of Chichester and Christ's-Church, Oxon. Who in a Letter of his written to Secretary Cecyl in Q. Elizabeth's Reign, said, That at his Ordination he excepted against the Apparel; and by the Archbishop and Bishop Ridley, he was nevertheless permitted and admitted.  

The Office of Ordination reform.  All the Divine Offices were now reform, but only that for Ordination of Ministers. Therefore for the doing of this the Council appointed Twelve Learned Men, consisting half of Bishops, and half of other inferior Divines: Whose Names I do not meet with, excepting Hethe Bp of Worcester. Who because he would not assist in this Work, was sent to Prison. The chief of them no doubt was the Archbishop. After mature deliberation, this Office was agreed upon, and finished. And Ponet was the first Bishop Consecrated after this new Form. And that I suppose may be the reason, that it is set down at length in the Archbishop's Register in that manner as it is there to be seen: as we shall see under the next Year.  

The ABp Visits some Vacant Churches. S. David's.  Upon the Vacancy of Cathedral Churches the Archbishop used to visit. So now the Church of S. David's being vacant upon the remove of Barlow to Bath and Wells, the Archbishop issued out a Commission to Eliseus' Price to visit that Church. And upon the Vacancy of Gloucester by the Death of Wakeman, 
Gloucester.  there was a Commission to I. Williams, LL. D. and Prebendary there, to be his Commissary, and to visit that Church, and to be Keeper of the Spiritualties of the City and Diocese of Gloucester in this third Year of the King. 
Norwich.  This Year also the Church of Norwich being become Vacant by the Resignation of Repps, the Archbishop granted a Commission to john Bishop Suffragan of Thetford, and Dean of the Church of the Holy Trinity Norwich, to be his Deputy and Commissary for Visitation and Jurisdiction. But somewhat before this, he constituted Roland Taylor, LL.D. and Will. Wakefeld D. D. to be Keepers of the Spiritualties of Norwich. From whose Jurisdiction he protested not to derogate by those his Commissional Letters to the Suffragan, nor to withdraw from them any Authority of Jurisdiction. This was dated February 15. Also the Church of London being Vacant by the Deprivation and Destitution of Boner, 
London.  the Archbishop constituted Gabriel Donne, Residentiary of S. Paul's, to be his Official, and Keeper of the Spiritualties, to exercise all manner of Episcopal Jurisdiction in the said City and Diocese.  

A new Dean of the Arches.  This Year he made Griffin Leyson LL.D. Dean of the Arches.   

CHAP. XII. Duke of Somerset's Troubles. The Common-Prayer Ratified.  

The ABp writes to the Lords at Ely-house.  WHEN most of the Council had combined together, in the Month of October, against the Protector of the King's Person, the Duke of Somerset, and had withdrawn themselves to Ely-House, the King then being at Hampton-Court, and suddenly conveyed by the said Duke to Windsor, upon the fear of Tumult, than I find the Archbishop and but two Privy-Counsellors more with the King and the Protector there. Being here, the good Archbishop, though he would not forsake his Friend the Duke, nor the King his Master; yet he did what lay in him to appease and pacify these Heats. And so he with the Lord Paget and Secretary Smith, in their own and the King's Name, wrote an earnest Letter to the Separating Counsellors, and sent it by Sir Philip Hoby. Wherein, as appears by their Answer, They were charged by the Archbishop with creating much Care and Sorrow to the King, and that he thought they had not that Care that beseemed them, of pacifying the present Uproars, and for the preservation of the State from Danger: That they forgot the Benefits they had received from the King's Father, nor were mindful of their Duty of Allegiance: That their Doings bespoke Wilfulness; and that the Protector meant nothing but the Safety and Protection of the King, in what he had done; and that he had that consideration of his Duty to God, that the Promise and Oath he made, required. They were advised to do as they would be done unto. And mention was made of Cruelty more than once, charging them obliquely therewith. And in fine he wrote, that He, and those with him, knew more than they did, to whom they writ. Probably he meant, that he knew that this Anger against the Duke arose from the private Malice of some of them, or their Hatred of the Reformation, notwithstanding all the fair Pretences of their Care of the King, and the Protector's Misgovernment.  
This Letter the Lords from Ely-house, answered, 
Their Answer.  Charging and commanding the Archbishop, and those with him, to have a continual earnest watch of the King's Person, and that he be not removed from Windsor-Castle, as they would answer the same at their utmost Perils. They wondered much, they said, that they would suffer the King's Royal Person to remain in the Guard of the Duke's Men, and that Strangers should be Armed with the King's Armour, and be nearest about his Person. For, it seems, many of the King's Servants, in this Fear, were removed away. They advised the Archbishop, and the Lord Paget, to come over to their Side, and to leave the poor Duke alone. Upon this the Archbishop and the others wrote a second Letter, dated October the 10 th'. Wherein they assured the Lords, that they could, whensoever they pleased to require it, give such very good Reasons for their so often mentioning Cruelty in their other Letter, as they questioned not, they would be well satisfied with. And so upon the Lord's propounding a Meeting with the King and them, they accorded thereunto, in great prudence willing, for Peace and Quietness, in that dangerous Time, so to do. These Letters are recorded in the History of the Reformation. 

Vol. II. Collect. p. 187.188.  
The ABp gets the Common-Prayer-Book confirmed.    
The Common-Prayer-Book, and Administration of the Sacraments, by the great care and study of the Archbishop, was now finished, and settled by Act of Parliament: which would not down with a great many. But upon the taking up of the Duke of Somerset in the Month of October, and laying him in the Tower, it was generally said, that now the old Latin-Service should come in again, the common Opinion being, that the Common-Prayer was peculiarly of his procuring. And that there were such Designs among Somerset's Enemies, who were generally favourers of the old Religion, it is not improbable. The good Archbishop thought it now time to interpose in this thing, and to obtain from the Privy-Council, somewhat to confirm the Book of Common-Prayer. So there was in Decemb. 25. a general Letter drawn up to all the Bishops of England: Letting them understand, That there was no intention of bringing in again Latin-Service, conjured Bread and Water, nor any such abrogated Ceremonies. And that the abolishing of these, and the setting forth of the Book of Common-Prayer, was done by the whole State of the Realm. That the Book was grounded upon the Holy Scripture, and was agreeable to the Order of the Primitive Church, and much to the edifying of the Subject. And therefore that the changing of that for the old Latin-Service would be a preferring of Ignorance to Knowledge, Darkness to Light, and a preparation to bring in Papistry and Superstition again. The Bishops therefore were bid with all speed to command their Deans and Prebendaries, and all Parsons, Vicars and Curates, to bring to such Places as the Bishops should appoint, all Antiphoners, Missals, etc. and all other Books of Service: and that they be defaced and abolished, that they be no let to that Godly and uniform Order set forth. And to commit to Ward any stubborn and disobedient Persons, that brought not the said Books, and to certify the Council of their Misbehaviour. That they should make search, if any of these Superstitious Books were withdrawn or hid. That, whereas there were some Persons who refused to contribute to the buying of Bread and Wine for the Communion, according to the Order of the Book, whereby manytimes the Holy Communion was fain to be omitted, to convent such Persons before them, and admonish them; and if they refused to do accordingly, to punish them by Suspension, Excommunication, or other Censure. This was signed by the Archbishop and the Lord Chancellor Rich, and four more.   

CHAP. XIII. The Archbishop entertains learned Foreigners.  

The ABp harbours Learned Strangers.  THE Archbishop had now in his Family several Learned Men. Some he sent for from beyond Sea, and some in pity he entertained, being Exiles for Religion. Among the former sort was Martin Bucer, a Man of great Learning and Moderation, and who bore a great part in the Reformation of Germany. While he and the rest abode under his Roof, the Archbishop still employed them, sometimes in learned Conferences and Consultations held with them, sometimes in writing their Judgement upon some Subjects in Divinity. Here Bucer wrote to the Lady Elizabeth, a Letter bearing Date the 6 th' of the Calends of September, commending her Study in Piety and Learning, and exciting her to proceed therein; incited so to do, I make no doubt, 
MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. A.  by the Archbishop, whom Bucer in that Letter makes mention of, and styleth Patrem suum, & benignissimum hospitem. Hence also he wrote another Letter to the Marquis of Northampton (who was a Patron of Learning, and a Professor of Religion) in the behalf of Sleidan, who was promised a Pension by the King, to enable him to write the History of the Progress of Religion, beginning at Luther. A part of the Letter translated into English, ran thus.  
Therefore if we should not take care, that this so great Act of Divine Goodness towards us, [viz. the Reformation began in the Year 1517] should be most diligently written, and consecrated to Posterity, we should lie under the Crime of the neglect of God's Glory, and most foul Ingratitude. Therefore john Sleidan, a very Learned and Eloquent Man, five Years ago began to compile an History of this Nature, as the Work he had published did witness. But after he was much encouraged in this Undertaking, and well furnished with Matter; the Calamities that befell Germany, for our own Deserts, intercepted the pious Attempts of this Man, so very useful to the Church. Nor doth it appear now from whence, besides the King's Majesty, we may hope that some small Benignity may be obtained for Sleidan; since the Salaries which he received for this purpose from the Germane Princes, failed; and he was poor. That john Alasco, Dr. Peter Martyr, and he, considering these things, and weighing how the truly Christian King Edward was even born with a desire of illustrating the Glory of Christ, and what need there was to set Sleidan again upon finishing the History of the Gospel restored to us; they had therefore presumed to supplicate the King in his behalf, and entreated the Marquis to promote and forward their Supplication, and to vouchsafe to contribute his Help also. We shall hear more of this hereafter.  
I find also Annotations writ by the said Bucer upon S. Matthew, 

Bucer writes in the ABp's Family.  
MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. D.   reaching as far as the eighth Chapter, and there ending, in this method: There is the Latin Translation, with large Notes added in the Margin; and at the end of each Chapter common Places collected from thence in the nature of Inferences and Observations. Which I conclude the Archbishop put him upon doing while he was now with him. The Work was looked over and examined by the Archbishop, Notes and Corrections of his own Hand being here and there inserted. Also the Gospel of S. Mark is handled in the same method, by another of the Archbishop's Guests. Which Writing hath this Inscription by Cranmers Hand; Petrus Alexander in Marcum.  
At this time therefore there were at the Archbishop's House, 
The ABp's Guests.  (besides Bucer) Alasco, Peter Martyr, Paulus Phagius, Peter Alexander, Bernardine Ochin, Mat. Negelinus, (after a Minister of Strasburgh) who accompanied Bucer and Fagius into England, and others whose Names do not occur. Three of these were soon after preferred to public Places of Reading in the Universities. Peter Alexander was of Artois, and lived with the Archbishop before Bucer came into England. He was a Learned Man, but had different Sentiments in the Matter of the Eucharist, inclining to the belief of a Corporeal Presence with the Lutherans. Though some Years after he came over to a righter Judgement, as his Companion Peter Martyr signified to Calvin, in a Letter wrote from Strasburgh.  
Peter Martyr coming about the beginning of the Year 1549, unto the University of Oxford, 
Calvin. Ep. 197, Martyr dedicates his Lectures at Oxon to the ABp.  his first Readins were upon the eleventh Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians. In which Chapter is some Discourse of the Lord's Supper. The Professor when he came so far, took occasion to expatiate more largely upon that Argument; and the rather, that he might state it aright in the midst of those hot Contests that were then about it among Learned Men. These Lectures on the Sacrament he soon after printed at London, for the Benefit of the World, (as they were two Years after done at Zurick) and dedicated them to his Patron, the Archbishop. And that partly to give a public Testimony of his Sense of the Archbishop's great Humanity and Benefits towards him: Which were so large, that he must do nothing else but tell of them, to be sufficiently thankful for them. And known it was to all (as he said) how obligingly he received, and how liberally he entertained both himself, and many other Strangers of his Rank and Condition. And partly that by his Authority he would protect and defend what he should find in his Book to be consonant to the Holy Scriptures, and agreeable to the King's Laws. For he had, he said, Skill and Industry enough to do it; who had himself often, both in Public and Private, conflicted with the Adversaries, and with admirable Learning, accuracy of Wit and Dexterity, vindicated the Truth from the spinous and confused Cavils of Sophisters. Nor did he want Will to stand up for Sound and Christian Doctrines, as all good Men knew: who saw how earnest he was in his Labours of restoring Religion; that for that Cause he drew upon himself many Enmities and threatening Dangers.  

The ABp writes to Bucer to come over.  The first Occasion of Bucer's Call into England was thus. He had wrote to john Hales (a learned Englishman, his Acquaintance) the sad Estate of Germany, and that he could scarce stay any longer in the Place where he was. This Hales acquainted the Archbishop with; which made a great Impression upon his compassionate Soul, and he broke out into those words of the Psalmist, Mirifica misericordias tuas, qui salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae. And forthwith writ to Brucer a Letter in October 1548, to come over to this Realm, which should be a most safe Harbour for him, urging him to become a Labourer in the Lord's Harvest here begun; and using other Arguments with him to move him hereunto, in the most obliging Style possible, calling him, My Bucer. And that he might come over the safer from Harms and Enemies, the Archbishop recommended him to one Hills an English-Merchant, to provide for his Passage. 
No. XLIII.  The Archbishop's Letter may be found in the Appendix. To this Letter Bucer wrote an Answer, seeming, upon some Considerations, to decline the Archbishop's Invitation. This Letter coming to the Archbishop's Hands, he showed to Peter Alexander; who by the Archbishop's Order, wrote back to Bucer, in the said Archbishop's and the Protector's Name, to call him again over; which Letter was dated March 24, from Lambeth; telling him withal, that the good old Man Latimer saluted him. Letters, I suppose, of the same Import, were also dispatched to the Learned Fagius.  
Bucer and Fagius, who were thus honourably invited into England by repeated Letters of the Lord Protector, and Archbishop Cranmer, 
Bucer and Fagius Professors at Cambridg.  were by them also nominated for Public Professors in the University of Cambridg, the one of Divinity, the other of the Hebrew Tongue. This was looked on by their Friends as a notable piece of God's good Providence, that when these two eminent Champions of the true Religion were in so much present Danger in Germany, so seasonable a Refuge was provided for them elsewhere. 
Vet. P. Fag. per Ministr. aliquos Eccles. Argent▪  They both arrived safe in England in the end of April, and abode with the Archbishop above a quarter of a Year, until towards the end of the long Vacation, the Archbishop intending they should be at Cambridg when the Term should begin, in order to their Reading. During this Interval, while they continued at Lambeth, they were not idle, being every day busied in some Study and Exercise agreeable to their Function, as was hinted before. But the main of their Thoughts were taken up in preparing for their University-Lectures. Which of what Subject-Matter they should be, the Archbishop himself directed. As it had been a great while his pious and most earnest Desire, that the Holy Bible should come abroad in the greatest Exactness, and true Agreement with the original Text. So he laid this Work upon these two Learned Men. First, That they should give a clear, plain and succinct Interpretation of the Scripture, according to the Propriety of the Language. And, Secondly, Illustrate difficult and obscure Places, and reconcile those that seemed repugnant to one another. And it was his Will, and his Advice, that to this End and Purpose their public Readins should tend. This pious and good Work, by the Archbishop assigned to them, they most gladly and readily undertaken. For their more regular carrying on this Business, they allotted to each other by consent, their distinct Tasks. Fagius, because his Talon lay in the Hebrew Learning, was to undertake the Old Testament, and Bucer the New. The Leisure they now enjoyed with the Archbishop, they spent in preparing their respective Lectures. Fagius entered upon the Evangelical Prophet Esaias, and Bucer upon the Gospel of the Evangelist john. And some Chapters in each Book were dispatched by them. But it was not long, but both of them fell Sick: which gave a very unhappy stop to their Studies.  
Fagius his Distemper proved mortal; 
Fagius dies▪  who was seized at first with a very acute Fever. And notwithstanding Physic and Attendance, remaining very ill, he had a great desire to remove to Cambridg to his Charge appointed him, hoping the Change of Air might help him. He made a shift to travel thither, leaving his dear Colleague sick behind him. But Fagius still declining in his Health, ardently desired Bucer's Company: Who on the fifth of November came to Cambridg. And ten Days after Fagius deceased, aged about forty five Years, to the extraordinary Loss of that University, and the Grief of all pious Men that wished well to Religion: and which was most to be lamented, before he had given any Specimen of his Learning and Abilities in England; though he had already given many to the World: all showing what a Master he was in Hebrew and Rabbinical Learning. His published Labours of this nature (all within the space of six Years) may be seen in the Appendix: Which I have placed there for the preserving the Memory of that Learned Professor, 
No. XLIV.  which our University of Cambridg was once honoured with.  

The ABp sends money to Fagius' Widow.  The good Archbishop troubled at the sudden Death of this Learned Man, from whom he had promised himself some great Good to accrue to the University, sent a Letter, November the last, unto his sorrowful Companion Bucer, desiring him, among other things, as from him, to comfort Fagius' Widow, and to let her know, that he had sent her by the Carrier seven and twenty Pounds, which was part of the Stipend due out of the Exchequer to her Husband. Which although it were not yet paid into Cranmers Hands, yet he thought good to send her the Money so soon, that it might be some alleviation of her present Sorrow. There were fifty Pounds due for his Readins, reckoning from Lady-day last, when his Pension began; but three Pounds were disbursed for Charges in taking out the Patent, and twenty Pounds the Archbishop had sent him before.  

Bucer laments his Loss. MSS. C.C.C.C.  Bucer above all lamented the loss of his Mate, and wrote a sorrowful Letter ad Fratres & Symmystas, to his Brethren and fellow-Ministers in Germany, upon this Subject. And in a Letter to P. Martyr, then at Oxon, he not only complained of this heavy Loss, but, as if himself were like to follow him, of several things that made him uneasy at Cambridg, where he was now placed; as of the want of a convenient House, of a Body impatient of Cold, which the Time of the Year made him begin to feel, need of Necessaries: That the Letters Patents were not yet signed [for his Salary] and the slow and uncertain payment of his Pension. But Cranmer, out of that high respect he had for him, was not wanting in his diligence in due time to make all easy to him; and to have so useful and grave a Man well provided for. But the next Year, the last Day of February, he followed his Companion to the other World: But not before he had made himself and his Learning known to the University. Which to qualify him to moderate at the public Disputations at the Commencement, had given him the Degree of Doctor, as a peculiar Honour done him, without the common Rites and Forms ordinarily used in those Cases. Yet he chose to do his Exercises, responding the first Day of the Commencement, and opposing the second, with great Learning, and no less Satisfaction of the University.   

CHAP. XIV. Peter Martyr disputes in Oxford, being Challenged thereunto.  
THE Papists in both Universities were resolved to try the Metal and Learning of their new Professors; being exceedingly nettled at their coming, and offended at their Readins.  
PETRUS MARTYR VERMILIUS, S.S. Theologiae apud Oxonienses professor Regius. Natus Florentiae Sept. 8 Anno MD Obijt Nov: 12. MDLXII.  
Being come to the Chair, he gently told his Adversaries, 
His Answer hereunto.  in a modest Speech to them, That he refused not to dispute, but that at that time he came to read, and not to dispute. And so themselves yielding to it, he proceeded to his Lecture; which he performed with much constancy and undauntedness, without the least disturbance of Mind, or change of Countenance or Colour, or hesitation in his Speech, notwithstanding the Murmur and Noise of the Adversaries. Which got him much Credit and Applause.  
As soon as he had done his Reading, 
Declines it at present, and why.  the Adversaries began to make loud Cries, that he should Dispute, and especially Smith the Champion. But he modestly refused it, and said, He would do it at another time, and that he was not then prepared, because they had so studiously concealed the Propositions to be disputed of, and had not propounded them publicly, according to the accustomed manner; and that he knew nothing of them till that very Day. But they told him, He could not be unprepared, who had read so much of the Lord's Supper, whatsoever Arguments they propounded in this Matter. They still rudely urging him; he said, He would do nothing in such a Matter, without the King were first made privy to it, especially when the thing tended to Sedition. Moreover, for a lawful Disputation, it was requisite, he said, that certain Questions be propounded, Judges and Moderators constituted; and public Notaries be present, that might impartially and faithfully write down the Arguments and Speeches on both Sides.  

They agree upon the Conditions of a Disputation.  In fine, the Matter came to that pass, that fearing a Tumult, the Vicechancellor decided the Controversy after this manner, That both P. Martyr, and Smith, with some Friends, should meet in his House, and should appoint the Propositions to be disputed of, the Time, the Order and Manner of Disputation. And so the Vicechancellor, the Beadle making him way, went to the Pulpit where the Professor was, and took him by the Hand, and led him down through the Crowds to his own House, his Friends going along with him; and among the rest Sidal and Curtop, then vigorous Defenders of the Truth; but after, in Q. Mary's Days, revolting. Smith also and his Friends, Cole, Oglethorp, and three more, repaired to the Vicechancellor; where it was agreed, after some jangling, That Martyr should observe the same Order in Confuting, as he did in Teaching; and abstaining from strange, barbarous and ambiguous Words, wont to be used in the Schools: he said, he would use only Carnaliter and Corporaliter, Realiter and Substantialiter, because the Scripture useth only the words Flesh and Body, Res or Substantia. And so it was agreed▪ and the Day set was the fourth of May ensuing. And it was agreed also on both Sides, That all this whole Matter should be signified to the Council, that they might have Cognizance of the thing. And by them the Day of the Disputation was appointed, when some from the King, as Judges and Keepers of Peace, would be present at it. The Papists reported falsely, That he having appointed the Time of the Disputation to be ten Days hence; in the mean time got the Magistrates acquainted with this Affair, that they might stop and forbid it, (which they did indeed, proroguing it till some Months after the first Challenge) And that afterwards when the Professor saw his Opportunity, he provoked to a public Disputation, offering to dispute of his Questions formerly propounded, and thought there would be none to take him up▪ For Smith, they say, smelled out some crafty Device taken against him, and so appeared not at the Dispute. And then indeed few thought convenient to be there, their Plot of making a Rout and Confusion being spoiled. Indeed Smith, conscious to himself of making this Tumult, fled before the Day came, and went into Scotland. But Dr. Tresham, a zealous Man, that this Cause might not fall, was desirous to undertake the Disputation; and did so, with Dr. Chedsey, and Mr. Morgan, before the King's Visitors; who were Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Cox Chancellor of that University, Dr. Simon Haines Dean of Exeter, Richard Morison Esq Christopher Nevison Doctor of Civil Law. Before these honourable Umpires, (who came with the King's Letters Patents) the Disputation concerning Transubstantiation, and the Carnal Presence in the Sacrament, lasted four days; wherein P. Martyr the Respondent did acquit himself very sufficiently, both from Scripture and Fathers. The Sum of which may be seen in Fox's Monuments, and the whole in Martyr's Works, in that part thereof entitled, De Eucharistia Disputatio.  
The first day of the Disputation was May the 28 th': 
They Dispute.  It was managed between Martyr and Tresham. Dr. Cox the Chancellor, began with a Speech. Then Martyr made his Proemial Oration and Prayer. Then Tresham succeeded with another Oration, bestowing some Praises upon Martyr. Which he replying upon, and briefly and modestly declining, began his Argument. The next Disputation, on May 29, was between Martyr and Chedzey; after Martyr had made a short Speech and Prayer, and Chedzey his Preface. The third Action was between Morgan, Tresham and Martyr. The Disputation of the fourth day, june 1, was again between Chedzey and Martyr. And then all was concluded by another Speech uttered by the said Chancellor. Wherein he had these words: Peter (and a Peter indeed for his steady Constancy) Martyr, (and rightly called Martyr, for the numberless Testimonies by him produced in the behalf of Truth) must needs obtain much Favour and Respect from us, and all good Men; First, That he hath taken such vast pains in standing under even a Burden of Disputations. For i● Not Hercules himself against two, what shall we think of Peter alone against all? Secondly, That he hath undertaken the Challenge of a Disputation: And so stopped the vain Speeches of vain Men, who dispersed envious and odious Insinuations concerning him; as that either he would not, or dared not to maintain his own Tenets. And, lastly, that he hath so excellently well answered the Expectation of the chief Magistrates, and so of the King himself; while he hath not only recommended to the University the Doctrine of Christ from God's lively Fountains, but also hath not permitted any (as much as lay in him) to muddy or obstruct them. But I refer the Reader for the rest to Dr. Cox's own Oration. 
[No. XLIV.]   
The Professor drew up the whole four days Disputation soon after, 
Martyr sends the Sum of the Disputation to the ABp.  and sent it by his constant Friend and Companion julius, to his Patron the Archbishop. And with the same Messenger he conveyed a Letter, dated june 15, to Bucer then at the Archbishop's House, concerning his said Disputation. Therein he signified the Obstinacy and Boldness of his Opponents; and that he feared, That his Doctrines he then maintained, might not altogether square with Bucer's Judgement. But he said in his own Justification, That he granted the Body of Christ was present to us by Faith, and that we are incorporated into him by Communication. He confessed here, that we do partake of the Matter of the Sacrament, namely, the Body and Blood of Christ; but he meant it in Mind and Faith. And in the mean time he granted, that the Holy Ghost is Efficacious in the Sacraments, by virtue of the Lord's Institution. But that which he especially endeavoured to assert, was, That they mixed not the Body and Blood of Christ carnally with the Bread and Wine, by any Corporeal Presence. Nor yet would he have the Sacrament to be Symbols without Honour and Reverence. Another thing he asserted, which he thought might offend Bucer, was, That it was not agreeable to the Body of Christ, however glorified, to be in many Places at once. But for this, he wrote Bucer, as he urged in the Disputation, that the Scripture obliged to no such belief; How the reason of an humane Body reclaimed against it; and the Fathers affirmed that such a Quality was granted to no Creature, but belonged to God alone. And so, inviting him, and Fagius and Alexander to Oxford, concluded his Letter.  

The Disputation published by Martyr;  But when the Papists dispersed vain Stories and many Falsehoods concerning this Business, he was forced, his Friends also urging him thereunto, to publish an Account hereof. And with what Fidelity and Diligence he drew up his Book, the Testimonies of two of the King's Counsellors, Ear-Witnesses, added thereto, sufficiently confirmed. In the Preface to his Relation of these Disputes, he assigned two Reasons that made him publish them. The one was the Calumnies of evil Men; the other the Desires of his Friends. Under the former he complained, how he was by his Adversaries bespattered among all sorts of People, Princes, Nobles, Commons', Citizens', Clowns: And that all Corners, Streets, Houses, Shops, Taverns, sounded their Triumphs over him; and he doubted not, that it was dispersed by them into other Nations. Upon these Considerations, 
Quid enim n●gare aus●m River. Archi●piscopo Cant. cui plant omnia debto? In Praefat. ad Disp.  his great Patron, the Archbishop of Canterbury, (to whom he dared to deny nothing) and the King's Visitors, besides others of his Friends, had advised and desired him to put forth these his Disputations in his own Vindication, and in the Vindication of the Truth. These he professed to write with all Fidelity: And that he might be the more exact, he had compared his own Collections with the Relations that were drawn up by the Adversaries; and that having read theirs, what he could recall that he had before omitted, which was of any moment, he restored out of their Writings.  
But Tresham, the chief Disputant, pretending himself aggrieved with this Book, 
And by Tresham.  as though Martyr had therein misrepresented him, and expressed some Indignation against him, and added some things that were not spoken; wrote himself another Account of this Disputation, in justification of himself against the Professor; and set a Preface before it, by way of Epistle, to the King's Privy-Council. Wherein he most angrily bespattered this Reverend Man, call him Pseudomartyr, a doting old Man, Subverted, Impudent, and the famous Master of Errors: And that he fled into Germany to obtain the more Licence for his Lust, and that he might enjoy his Adultery, meaning his Wife. The Disputation itself is too long to be transcribed; it is extant among the Foxian Manuscripts. But the Epistle Dedicatory, or Preface before it, I will not omit, that the Reader may there observe the malicious Spirit of Martyr's Adversaries, and collect some further Account of this Disputation. 
No. XLV.  But the Reader must remember, that it was an angry Antagonist that wrote it.  
Dr. Smith, who had done his best to cause a Riot in the University, 
Smith writes to the ABp from Scotland.  and thereby to endanger the King's Professor, and was therefore got away into Scotland; conscious likewise to himself of Calumnies and Wrongs done by him against the Archbishop; some time after wrote to the Archbishop a submissive Letter, praying him to forgive all the Injuries he had done his Grace, and to obtain the King's Pardon for him, that he might return Home again. And he promised to write a Book for the Marriage of Priests, as he had done before against it. That he was the more desirous to come Home into England, because otherwise he should be put upon writing against his Grace's Book of the Sacrament, and all his Proceedings in Religion, being then harboured, as he would make it believed, by such as required it at his Hands. But in Q. Mary's Days he revolted again, and was a most zealous Papist, and then did that indeed, which he gave some Hints of before; for he wrote vehemently against Cranmers Book.  
But from Oxford, let us look over to Cambridg. 
Disputations at Cambridg before the Commissioners.  Where Disputations likewise were held in the Month of june, before the King's Commissioners, who were Ridley Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Bishop of Ely, Mr. Cheke, Dr. May, and Dr. Wendy, the King's Physician. The Questions were, That Transubstantiation could not be proved by Scripture, nor be confirmed by the Consent of Ancient Fathers for a thousand Years past. And that the Lord's Supper is no Oblation or Sacrifice, otherwise than a Remembrance of Christ's Death. There were three Solemn Disputations. In the first Dr. Madew was Respondent, and Glyn, Langdale, Sedgwick, and Young, Opponents. In the Second, Dr. Glyn was Respondent on the Popish side, Opponents Pern, Grindal, Guest, Pilkington. In the third, Dr. Pern was Respondent: Parker, Pollard, Vavasor, Young, Opponents. After these Disputations were ended, the Bishop of Rochester determined the Truth of these Questions ad placitum suum, as a Papist wrote, out of whose Notes I transcribe the Names of these Disputants.  
Besides these Disputations, when Bucer came to Cambridg, 
Bucer Disputes.  he was engaged in another with Sedgwick, Pern and Young, upon these Questions. I. That the Canonical Books of Scripture alone do teach sufficiently all things necessary to Salvation. II. That there is no Church in Earth that erreth not, as well in Faith as Manners. III. That we are so freely justified of God, that before our Justification, whatsoever good Works we seem to do, have the Nature of Sin. Concerning this last he and Young had several Combats: Which are set down in his English Works.  
As to Bucer's Opinion of the Presence in the Sacrament, 
His Judgement of the Sacrament.  the great Controversy of this Time, it may not be amiss to consider what so great a Professor thought herein; and especially by what we saw before, that Martyr and he did somewhat differ in this Point. For as he would not admit those words Carnally and Naturally, so neither did he like Realiter and Substantialiter. Bucer's Judgement drawn up by himself sententiously in 54 Aphorisms, may be seen in the Appendix, as I meet with it among Fox's Papers. 
No. XLVI.  It is extant in Latin among his Scripta Anglicana, and entitled Concessio D. M. Buc. de Sancta Eucharistia, in Anglia Aphoristicos scripta, Anno 1550. And so we take our leave of Bucer for this Year. We shall hear of him again in the next.   

CHAP. XV. Matters of the Church, and its State now.  
LET me now crave a little room to set down some Matters that relate to the Church coming within the compass of this Year, which will show what mean Advances Religion as yet had made in the Nation.  

Relics of Popery remaining.  Divers Relics of Popery still continued in the Nation, by means partly of the Bishops, partly of the Justices of Peace, Popishly affected. In London Bishop Boner drove on but heavily in the King's Proceedings, though he outwardly complied. In his Cathedral Church there remained still the Apostles Mass, and our Lady's Mass, and other Masses under the Defence and Nomination of our Lady's Communion, used in the private Chapels, and other remote places of the same Church, though not in the Chancel, contrary to the King's Proceedings. Therefore the Lord Protector and others of the Council wrote to the Bishop june 24. 
Fox's Acts.  Complaining of this, and ordering that no such Masses should be used in S. Paul's Church any longer; and that the Holy Communion, according to the Act of Parliament, should be ministered at the high Altar of the Church, and in no other place of the same, and only at such times as the high Masses were wont to be used; except some number of People, for their necessary Business, desired to have a Communion in the Morning; and yet the same to be exercised in the Chancel at the high Altar, as was appointed in the Book of Public Service. Accordingly Boner directed his Letters to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's, to call together those that were resident, and to declare these Matters.  

The Council gives Orders to the Justices.  As it was thus in London, so in the Countries, too many of the Justices were slack in seeing to the execution of the King's Laws, relating not only to Religion, but to other Affairs. And in some Shires that were further distant, the People had never so much as heard of the King's Proclamation, by the Default of the Justices, who winked at the People's neglect thereof. For the quickening of the Justices of Peace at this time, when a Foreign Invasion was daily expected, and Foreign Power was come into Scotland to aid that Nation against England; the Lord Protector and the Privy-Council assembled at the Star-Chamber, and called before them all the Justices, (which was a thing accustomed sometimes to be done, for the Justices to appear before the King and Council, there to have Admonitions and Warnings given them for the discharge of their Duty). And then the Lord Chancellor Richardo made a Speech to them, That they should repair down into their several Countries with speed; and give warning to other Gentlemen to go down to their Houses, and there to see good Order and Rule kept, that their Sessions of Goal-delivery, and Quarter-Sessions be well observed, that Vagabonds and seditious Tale-bearers of the King or his Council, and such as preached without Licence, be repressed and punished. That if there should be any Uproars, or Routs, and Riots of lewd Fellows, or privy Traitors, they should appease them. And that if any Enemy should chance to arise in any Place of England, they should fire the Beacons, as had been wrote to them before, and repulse the same in as good Array as they could. And that for that purpose they should see diligently, that Men have Horse, Harness and other Furniture of Weapon ready.  
And to the Bishops the Council now sent Letters again for Redress of the Contempt and Neglect of the Book of Common-Prayer; 
And writes to the Bishops.  which to this time, long after the publishing thereof, was either not known at all to many, or very irreverently used: Occasioned especially by the winking of the Bishops, and the stubborn Disobedience of old Popish Curates. The Letter is dated the 23 d of july, and is extant in Fox.  
In London, by the Connivance and Remissness of the Bishop, 
Neglect in London.  many neglected the Divine Service then established: and others did in secret Places of the Diocese often frequent the Popish Mass, and other Superstitious Rites, not allowed by the Laws of England. The Sins of Adultery greatly increased. The Churches, and particularly the Mother-Church of S. Paul's, ran into Dilapidations; the Glass was broken, and the Ornaments and other Buildings belonging to Churches neglected. Many refused to pay Tithes to their Curates, probably of both sorts; such as were Papists to those Curates as more diligently preached Reformation, and obeyed the King's Laws: and such as were not so, to such Curates as were more backward thereunto. Bishop Boner also himself now seldom came to Church, seldomer preached and celebrated the English Communion. Wherefore the Council sent certain private Injunctions to Boner for the redress of these things. That he should preach in his own Person at Paul's Cross, and declare certain Articles, relating to the beforementioned Neglects, which the Council now sent to him to redress. That he should preach once in a Quarter, and exhort the People to Obedience; and that he should be present at every Sermon at Paul's Cross: that he should on the principal Feasts celebrate the Communion, and at all times, that his Predecessors used to Celebrate and sing High Mass. That he should call before him all such as did not frequent the Church and Common-Prayer, and the Holy Communion, and punish them, as also Adulterers: and that he should look to the Reparation of S. Paul's and other Churches, and that the People pay their Tithes.  
The Adulteries before hinted, 
Adulteries frequent.  which the Council thought fit to recommend to the Bishop to take particular cognizance of, makes me add, that about this time the Nation grew infamous for this Crime. It began among the Nobility, and so spread at length among the inferior sort. Noblemen would very frequently put away their Wives, and marry others, if they liked another Woman better, or were like to obtain Wealth by her. And they would sometimes pretend their former Wives to be false to their Beds, and so be divorced, and marry again such whom they fancied. The first occasion of this seemed to be in the Earl of Northampton, divorcing himself, from his first Wife Anne, Daughter to the Earl of Essex, and after marrying Elizabeth Daughter to the Lord Cobham. In like manner Henry Son of William Earl of Pembroke, put away Katherine Daughter to Henry the Duke of Suffolk, and married Mary, the Daughter of Sir Henry Sidney. These Adulteries and Divorces increased much; yea, and marrying again without Divorce; which became a great Scandal to the Realm, and to the Religion professed in it, and gave much Sorrow and Trouble in good Men to see it. In so much that they thought it necessary to move for an Act of Parliament to punish Adultery with Death. This Latimer in a Sermon preached in the Year 1550, signified to the King. For the Love of God, saith he, take an order for Marriage here in England.  

Books dispersed by Protestants.  This is some Account of the Retardation of Religion. On the other hand the Endeavours of those that wished well to it were not wanting. Now the Protestants begun more freely to put forth Books, and to disperse such as were formerly printed beyond Sea, in the behalf of Religion against Popery, and concerning such as had suffered under the Cruelties of the Church of Rome. Bale about these Days dispersed his Books. One was The Image of both Churches, applying the Divine Prophecy of the Revelations to the Apostate Church of Rome. Another was a Vindication of the Lady Anne Ascue, who suffered the cruel Death of Burning about the end of King Henry's Reign: Whose Cause the Papists studiously had rendered bad. This Book he entitled The Elucidation of Anne Ascue's Martyrdom. Which was this Year exposed publicly to sale at Winchester, and the Parts thereabouts, as a Reproach to the Bishop of Winchester, who was the great Cause of her Death. Four of these Books came to that Bishop's own Eyes being then at Winchester; they had Leaves put in as Additions to the Book, some glued, and some unglewed: which probably contained some further Intelligences that the Author had gathered since his first writing of the Book. And herein some Reflections were made freely, according to Bale's Talon, upon some of the Court, not sparing Paget himself, though then Secretary of State. Another of Bale's Books that went now about, was touching the Death of Luther. Therein was a Prayer of the Duke of Saxony mentioned, which the Bishop of Winchester gladly took hold on: Wherein that Duke, as to the justness of his Cause, remitted himself to God's Judgement to be showed on him here in this World, if the Cause he undertook were not Just concerning Religion; and desired God, if it were not Good, to order him to be taken and spoiled of his Honours and Possessions. Since which the Duke was taken Prisoner: and at the very time of his taking, the Papists made an Observation, that the Sun appeared so strangely in England, as the like had not been seen before. So apt are Men to interpret Events according to their own preconceived Opinions. But at this Winchester took much Advantage. 
Letter to the Lord Protector.  Whereas indeed the Issues of God's Providence in this World are not favourable always even to the best Causes.  

Preaching against Lent.  The keeping of Lent was now called into Controversy; and asserted, that it was not to be observed upon a religious Account. And this was done the rather, because the Papists placed so much Religion in the bare Fast. In the Pulpit it began to be cried down. Tongue and joseph, two great Preachers in London, said, That Lent was one of Christ's Miracles, which God ordained not Men to imitate or follow. And that it was an insupportable Burden. There was a set of Rhimes now made about the burial of Lent, which was called, Lent's Testament, and publicly sold in Winchester Market: therein Steven Gardiner, the Bishop was touched, who was a great Man for keeping it. For in the Ballad Stephen Stockfish was bequeathed in this Will to Stephen Gardiner. Of this he made a long Complaint to the Protector. But yet this Neglect of Lent was not encouraged by the Superiors. For it was kept at Court; and Preparations for the King's Diet were made accordingly this Lent by the Protector. The Protestants indeed were for keeping it, and an Order was issued out for that purpose; though not upon a Religious but Politic Account. But the greater part of the ordinary People would not be brought to it by this Distinction. So that the Preachers were fain to be employed. Latimer preached, That those that regard-not Laws and Statutes, were despisers of Magistrates. There be Laws made of Diet, he said, what Meats we shall eat at all times. And this Law is made in Policy, as I suppose, for Victual's sake, that Fish might be uttered as well as other Meat. Now as long as it goeth so politicly, we ought to keep it. Therefore all except those that be dispensed withal, as sick, impotent Persons, Women with Child, old Folk, etc. aught to live in an ordinary obedience to those Laws, and not to do against the same in any wise.  
Gardiner urged the great Inconvenience these Rhimes against Lent might occasion. 
Gardiner's Judgement of a Rhyme against Lent.  That they could serve for nothing but to learn the People to rail, and to make others forbear to make their usual Provisions of Fish against the ensuing Year, fearing Lent to be sick, as the Rhyme purported, and like to die.  
About these Times there arose much talk of the King's matching. 
Latimer counsels the King about Marriage.  The Protestants were much afraid of his marrying with some Foreign Princess Abroad, that might turn his Heart from Religion. But the Popishly-affected did their endeavours to persuade him to please himself with some Lady Abroad, as best agreeable with Politic Ends, as the enlarging of his Dominions, and the Surety and Defence of his Countries. Some therefore put Latimer upon giving the King Counsel in this Matter from the Pulpit. So he advised the King to choose him one that is of God, that is, which is of the Household of Faith; and such an one as the King can find in his Heart to love, and lead his Life in pure and chaste Espousage with. Let him choose a Wife that fears God. Let him not choose a Proud Wanton, and one full only of rich Treasures and worldly Pomp.  
The Sentiments of the Protestant Foreigners concerning the present English State, deserves a particular Remark. 
Foreign Protestants their offer to King Edward.  They took such great Joy and Satisfaction in this good King, and his Establishment of Religion, that the Heads of them, Bullinger, Calvin, and others, in a Letter to him, offered to make him their Defender, and to have Bishops in their Churches as there were in England, with the tender of their Service to assist and unite together. This nettled the Learned at the Council of Trent, who came to the knowledge of it by some of their private Intelligencers; and they verily thought, that all the Heretics, as they called them, would now unite among themselves, and become one Body, receiving the same Discipline exercised in England. Which if it should happen, and that they should have Heretical Bishops near them in those Parts, they concluded that Rome and her Clergy would utterly fall. Whereupon were sent two of their Emissaries from Rotterdam into England, who were to pretend themselves Anabaptists, and preach against baptising Infants, and preach up Rebaptising, and a Fifth Monarchy upon Earth. And besides this, one D. G. authorized by these Learned Men, dispatched a Letter written in May 1549, from Delf in Holland, to two Bishops, whereof Winchester was one, signifying the coming of these pretended Anabaptists, and that they should receive them and cherish them, and take their Parts if they should chance to receive any Checks. Telling them, that it was left to them to assist in this Cause, and to some others whom they knew to be well-affected to the Mother-Church. This Letter is lately put in print. Sir Henry Sidney first met with it in Queen Elizabeth's Closet, among some Papers of Queen Mary's. 
Fox's and Firebrand's, Part II.  He transcribed it into a Book of his, called, The Romish Policies. It came afterwards into the Hands of ABp Usher; and was transcribed thence by Sir james Ware. Let it be remembered here, and noted, that about this time Winchester was appointed, with Ridley Bishop of Rochester, to examine certain Anabaptists in Kent.  
I find no Bishops Consecrated this Year.   

CHAP. XVI. Ridley made Bishop of London. The Communion-Book reviewed.  

An. 1550.  RIdley Bishop of Rochester, was designed to succeed Boner, lately deprived, in the Bishopric of London; and April 3. took his Oath, 
Ridley made Bp of London.  an half Year being almost spent before he entered upon the Care of that See, after Boner's Deprivation. At his entrance, he was exceeding wary not to do his Predecessor the least Injury in Goods that belonged to him. He had not one Pennyworth of his movable Goods; for if any were found and known to be his, he had Licence to convey them away, 
Ridl. Letter, among the Letters of the Martyrs.  otherwise they were safely preserved for him. There was some quantity of Lead lay in the House, which he used about it and the Church; but Ridley paid for it, as Boner's own Officers knew. He continued Boner's Receiver, one Staunton, in his Place. He paid fifty three or fifty five Pounds for Boner's own Servants common Liveries and Wages, which was Boner's own Debt, remaining unpaid after his Deposition. He frequently sent for old Mrs. Boner, his Predecessor's Mother, call her his Mother, and caused her to sit in the uppermost Seat at his own Table, as also for his Sister, one Mrs. Mongey. It was observed, how Ridley welcomed the old Gentlewoman, and made as much of her as though she had been his own Mother. And though sometimes the Lords of the Council dined with him, he would not let her be displaced, but would say, By your Lordship's favour, this Place of Right and Custom is for my Mother Boner. But to see the base Ingratitude of Boner; when he was restored again in Q. Mary's Reign, he used Ridley far otherwise than Ridley had used him: For he would not allow the Leases which Ridley had made; which was in danger to redound to the utter Ruin and Decay of many poor Men. He had a Sister with three Children, whom he married to one Shipside a Servant of his, and provided for them. This Sister Boner turned out of all, and endeavoured the Destruction of Shipside, had not Bishop Hethe delivered him. Ridley, in his Offices, and in an Iron Chest in his Bedchamber, had much Plate, and considerable Quantities of other Goods; all which Boner seized upon. Insomuch that Ridley, but a little before his Burning, wrote a Supplicatory Letter to the Queen to take this into her Consideration, That the poor Men might enjoy their Leases, and Years renewed, for that they were made without Fraud or Covin, either for their Parts, or his; and the old Rents always reserved to the See, without any kind of Damage thereof: Or at least, that they might be restored to their former Leases and Years, and might have rendered to them again such Sums of Money as they paid him and the Chapter, as Fines for their Leases and Years taken from them. Which Fines he desired the Queen would command might be made good out of the Plate and other Things he left in his House; half whereof would disburse those Fines. This did so much run in the good Man's Mind, that at the time of his Burning, he desired the Lord Williams, then present, to remember this his Suit to the Queen. Which he promised him he would do. But what Effect it had I cannot tell.  
In the Vacancy of the Church of Rochester, 
Rochester Vacant.  by the remove of Ridley, the Archbishop committed the Spiritualities to William Cook, LL. D. April 18.  
The Nobility and Gentry this Year, 
Bucer writes to Dorset, not to spoil the Church.  flying so much upon the Spoil of the Church, Bucer, by the Archbishop's Instigation, as well as his own Inclinations, wrote to the Marquis of Dorset to forbear, dissuading him from spoiling the Church of her Maintenance. In which Letter he hath these Expressions. Antiquum dictum est, 
MSS. C. C. C. C. Miscellan. D.  neminem posse vere ditari furtis aut rapinis, quibus invaduntur res alienae; multo minus peculatu, quo defraudatur Respublica. Quem igitur habeat sensum Dei, qui dubitet, minimè omnium posse cujusquam opes augeri salutariter Sacrilegiis, quibus acciduntur res Ecclesiasticae? Sunt nimium amplae hae opes, addictae Ecclesiis; & in luxum permulti eas diripiunt. Homines planè otiosi; nec ullam Reip. conferentes utilitatem. Submoveantur igitur hi fuci ab Ecclesiae alvearibus, nec depasci permittantur apum labores. Deinde procurentur, ut restitutis passim Scholis nusquam desint Ecclesiarum frugi ministri, etc. That is, It is an old Saying, No body can grow Rich by the stealing, and taking away of private People's Possessions; much less by robbing of the Public. What Sense therefore hath he of God, that doubts not that his Riches shall increase to good purpose, that commits Sacrilege, and robs the Church of what belongs to it? But it is objected, the Church hath too much, and many spend it in Luxury. The Churchmen are idle, and bring no Profit to the Commonwealth. Let these Drones therefore be removed from the Hives of the Church, but let not the Pains of the Bees be eaten up. And then having Schools of good Literature every where restored, let not the Church want sober Ministers, etc.  
A Review was made of the Book of Common-Prayer, about the latter end of the Year, by Archbishop Cranmer, and the Bishops. Divers things that savoured too much of Superstition, were endeavoured to be changed or amended. 
The Common-Prayer-Book reviewed.  But there were among them some that made what opposition they could. The Archbishop had now by Wilkes, Master of Christ's College, desired Bucer (that great Divine then at Cambridg) that he would take an impartial view of the whole Book, having procured him a Translation of it into Latin, done by Aless, the Learned Scotch Divine, for his understanding of it, and that he should judge, if he thought any thing in the Book might be more explained, agreeable with God's Word, and for better Edification of Faith. Bucer in answer sent the Archbishop word, first, what his Judgement was of the Book, and then what Course he intended to use in the Examination of it, that he was now to make. He said, That when he first came into England, and by the help of an Interpreter took some knowledge of the Rites and Doctrines of this Church, that he might see whether he could join his Ministry with it, 
Nec enim quicquam in illis deprehendi quod non sit ex Verbo Dei desumptum, aut saltem ei non adversetur, commodè acceptum. Buceri Scripta Anglican.  he thanked God, That had inclined the Officers of the Church to reform the Ceremonies to that degree of Purity; and that he found nothing in them that was not taken out of the Word of God, or at least was not repugnant to it, being fitly taken. For some few things there were, added he, that unless they were candidly interpreted, might seem not so sufficiently agreeable with the Word of God. As for what he was now to do in order to the fulfilling what the Archbishop required of him, he intended in short Notes, at every Chapter of the Book, to observe what he thought to be according to God's Word, and to be retained and vindicated; what to be taken away or mended, and what to be more plainly explained and allowed. After his perusal of the Book, he gave this Judgement in general; 
Modus quoque harum Lectionum ac precum, & tempora▪ sunt admodumcongruenter, & cum Verbo Dei, & observations priscarum Ecclesiarum constituta. Religione igitur summa retinenda erit, & vindicanda haec Ceremonia. Censura, inter Scripta Anglican.  That in the Description of the Communion and daily Prayers, he saw nothing enjoined in the Book, but what was agreeable to the Word of God, either in Word, as the Psalms and Lessons; or in Sense, as the Collects. Also that the Manner of their Lessons and Prayers, and the Times of using them, were constituted very agreeable, both with God's Word, and the Observation of the Ancient Churches. And therefore that that Book ought to be retained and vindicated with the greatest strictness. What particular Animadversions the said Learned Man made upon the Book, may be seen in his Scripta Anglicana, and in the Bishop of Sarum's History, as he hath there abridged them. And such a Deference was given to his Judgement, that most of the things that he excepted against were corrected accordingly. And that the Book might be the more exact, and perhaps be the more agreeable to the Doctrine and Practice of Foreign Churches, the Archbishop recommended the diligent examination of it unto another great Divine, Peter Martyr, who was now at Lambeth; the Archbishop desiring him to note what he thought good concerning the Book, and because he knew not the Language, the Version of Sir john Cheke (who had also translated it into Latin) was given him. He was also requested to set down in writing what he thought deserved Correction. And he accordingly made his Annotations.  
Martyr agreed clearly in Judgement with Bucer about the Book, as he wrote to him in a Letter sent him to Cambridg, extant among Archbishop Parker's Manuscripts. 

Bucer & Martyr employed in it.  
MSS. C.C.C.C. Vol. intit. Epist. Viror. illustr. & German.   On the backside of which Letter is written, by that Archbishop's own Hand, Censura libri communium precum. In this Letter Martyr told Bucer, that the same things that he disapproved of, the same likewise had he [P. Martyr] done. And that afterward he drew them up into Articles, and showed them to the Archbishop of Canterbury. That to all that Bucer judged aught to be amended, he had subscribed; and that he thanked God, that had given occasion to admonish the Bishops of these things. From this Letter it appears, that the Archbishop had told Martyr, that in the Conference among the Divines, concerning the Correction of these Public Prayers, it was concluded to make many Alterations. But what those things were, as the Archbishop told him not, so neither, as he wrote, did he dare to ask him. But what Cheke told him, did not a little refresh him; viz. That if they themselves would not change what ought to be changed, the King would do it of himself; and when they came to a Parliament, the King would interpose his Majesty's own Authority.   

CHAP. XVII. Hoper's Troubles.  
IN the Month of july, john Hoper, 
Hoper nominated for Bp of Gloucester.  who had lived long abroad in Germany and in Switzerland, and conversed much with Bullinger and Gual●er, the chief Reformers there, but returned into England in King Edward's Reign, and retained by the Duke of Somerset, and a famous Preacher in the City, was nominated by the King to the Bishopric of Gloucester. But by reason of certain Scruples of Conscience he made to the wearing of the old Pontifical Habits, as the Chimere and Rochet, and suchlike, and disliking the Oath customarily taken, he was not Consecrated till eight Months after, and endured not a little Trouble in the mean Season. Soon after his nomination, he repaired to the Archbishop, desiring him in these things to dispense with him. But the Archbishop, for certain Reasons, refused it. Then was the Archbishop solicited by great Men. The Earl of Warwick, afterwards the great Duke of Northumberland, wrote to him a Letter dated july 23, the Bearer whereof was Hoper himself, that the rather at his Instance he would not charge the Bishop Elect of Gloucester with an Oath burdenous to his Conscience. Which was, I suppose, the Oath of Canonical Obedience. And when Hoper had sued to the King, either to discharge him of the Bishopric, or that he might be dispensed with in the Ceremonies used in Consecration, (which he knew the Archbishop could not do, no more than to dispense with the Laws of the Land, whereby he should run into a Praemunire) the King wrote a Letter to Cranmer, dated Aug. 5, therein freeing him of all manner of Dangers, Penalties and Forfeitures that he might incur by omitting those Rites; but yet (by any thing that appears in the Letter) without any urging or persuasion used to the Archbishop to omit the said Rites, leaving that to his own Discretion. But the Archbishop thought the King's bare Letters were not sufficient to secure him against established Laws.  

He and Ridley confer about the Habits.  When this would not do, than endeavour was used to satisfy Hoper's Conscience. And Ridley, Bishop now of London, was thought, for his great Learning, to be a fit Person to confer with him. There were long Arguings between them, and at last it came to some Heats. And Hoper still remained resolved not to comply, holding it, if not unlawful, yet highly inexpedient, to use those very Vestments that the Papal Bishops used. The Council upon this sent for Hoper, and because they would in no wise the stirring up of Controversies between Men of one Profession, willed him to cease the Occasion hereof. Hoper humbly besought them, that for Declaration of his Doings, he might put in Writing such Arguments as moved him to be of the Opinion he held. Which was granted him. These Arguments it seems were communicated to Ridley to answer. And October the 6 th', 
MS. of the Council Book.  the Council being then at Richmond, the Archbishop present, they wrote to the Bishop of London, commanding him to be at Court on Sunday next, and to bring with him what he should for Answer think convenient.  

The ABp writes to Bucer for his Judgement in this Matter.  In the mean time, to bring the Question to more Evidence and Satisfaction, the Archbishop according to his Custom, to consult in Religious Matters with the learnedest Men of other Nations, wrote to Cambridg to Martin Bucer for his Judgement. Who upon occasion of this Controversy, wrote two Epistles; one to Hoper, and another to the Archbishop, both de re Vestiariâ. That to the latter was in answer to these two Queries, which Cranmer had sent for his Resolution about.  

TheQuestions.  I. Whether, without offending of God, the Ministers of the Church of England may use those Garments which are now used, and prescribed to be used by the Magistrates?  
II. Whether he that affirms it Unlawful, or refuseth to use these Garments, sinneth against God, because he saith that is Unclean which God hath sanctified; and against the Magistrate, who commandeth a political Order?  

Script. Anglic. p. 705. & 681.  Bucer to both these Questions, gave his Resolution in the Affirmative, in his Answer to the Archbishop, dated Decemb. 8. But he thought, considering how the Habits had been Occasion to some of Superstition, and to others of Contention, that it were better, at some good Opportunity, wholly to take them away.  

Martyr writes to Hoper.  Besides Bucer's Letter to Hoper from Cambridg, mentioned before, P. Martyr from Oxon wrote him a large Letter, dated Novemb. 4. For both these good Men were desirous that Hoper should have Satisfaction, that so useful a Man might come in place in the Church. To both these Hoper had wrote, and sent his Arguments against the Episcopal Vestments, by a Messenger dispatched on purpose. Martyr told him, That he took much delight in that singular and ardent Study that appeared in him, 
Inter P. Mart. Epist.  that Christian Religion might again aspire to a chaste and pure Simplicity. That for his part he could be very hardly brought off from that simple and pure Way, which he knew they used a great while at Strasburgh, where the difference of Garments in Holy Things was taken away. And so he prayed God it might continue. Thus he said, Hoper might see that, in the Sum, they both agreed together; he wishing for that which Hoper endeavoured. That in Rites, he was for coming as near as possible to the Sacred Scripture, and for taking Pattern by the better Times of the Church. But yet that he could not be brought by his Arguments, to think that the use of Garments was destructive, or in their own Nature contrary, to the Word of God: A Matter which he thought to be altogether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And that therefore indifferent Things, as they were sometimes to be taken away, so might be used. And that if he had thought this were wicked, he would never have communicated with the Church of England. That there might be some great Good follow from the use at present of the Garments; namely, that if we suffered the Gospel to be first preached, and well rooted, Men would afterwards better and more easily be persuaded to let go these outward Customs. But now when a Change is brought in of the necessary Heads of Religion, and that with so great difficulty, if we should make those things that are indifferent to be impious, so we might alienate the Minds of all; that they would not endure to hear solid Doctrine, and receive the necessary Ceremonies. That there was no doubt England owed much to him, for his great pains in Preaching and Teaching. And in return he had gained much Favour and Authority in the Realm, whereby he was in a Capacity of doing much Good to the Glory of God. Only he bade Hoper take heed, that by unseasonable and too bitter Sermous, he became not an Hindrance to himself. Besides, that by looking upon these indifferent Things as sinful and destructive, we should condemn many Gospel-Churches, and too sharply tax very many which anciently were esteemed most famous and celebrated.  
And whereas there were two Arguments that made Hoper ready to charge the use of these Vestments to be not indifferent, 
Hoper's two Objections,  he proceeded to consider them. One was this; That this would be to call back again the Priesthood of Aaron. The other, That they were Inventions of Antichrist; and that we ought to be estranged, not only from the Pope, but from all his Devices.  
But as to the former he showed him, That the Apostles, 
Considered.  for Peace-sake, commanded the Gentiles to abstain from Blood and Fornication; which were Aaronical Customs. And so are Tithes for the maintenance of the Clergy. Psalms and Hymns can scarce be shown to be commanded in the New Testament, to be sung in public Assemblies, which are very manifest to be used in the Old. That there are not a few things that our Church hath borrowed from the Mosaical Decrees; and that even from the very first Times. The Festivals of the Resurrection, of the Nativity, of Pentecost, and of the Death of Christ, are all Footsteps of the Old Law. And are they to be therefore abolished? He wished with all his Heart, that the Churches in Germany by this one Loss might obtain their former Liberty.  
As to the second Argument, He could not see how it could be asserted upon good Grounds, that nothing is to be used by us, that is observed in the Popish Religion. We must take heed, that the Church of God be not pressed with too much Servitude, that it may not have liberty to use any thing that belonged to the Pope. Our Ancestors took the Idol-Temples, and used them for Sacred Houses to worship Christ. And the Revenues that were Consecrated to the Gentile Gods, and to the Games of the Theatre, and of the Vestal Virgins, were made use of for the maintenance of the Ministers of the Church; when these before had served not only to Antichrist, but to the Devil. Nor could he presently grant, that these Differences of Garments had their Original from the Pope. For we read in Ecclesiastical History, that john at Ephesus wore a Petalum [a Mitre]. And Pontius Diaconus saith of Cyprian, that when he went to be Executed, he gave his 
† Episcopal Garments.  Birrus to the Executioner, his 
* Episcopal Garments.  Dalmatica to the Deacons, and stood in Linen. And Chrysostom makes mention of the white Garments of Ministers. And the Ancients witness, that when the Christians came to Christ, they changed their Garments, and for a Gown put on a Cloak; for which when they were mocked by the Heathens, Tertullian wrote a Learned Book De Pallio. And he knew Hoper was not ignorant, that to those that were initiated in Baptism, was delivered a white Garment. Therefore before the Tyranny of the Pope, there was a Distinction of Garments in the Church.  
Nor did he think, that in case it were granted, that it was invented by the Pope, that the iniquity of Popery was so great, that whatsoever it touched was so died and polluted thereby, that good and godly Men might not use it to any holy purpose. Hoper himself granted, that every humane Invention was not therefore presently to be Condemned. It was an humane Invention to communicate before Dinner: it was an humane Invention, that the things sold in the Primitive Church were brought and laid at the Apostles Feet. That he was ready to confess with him that these Garments were an humane Invention, and of themselves edified not; but it was thought by some conducive, to be born with for a time: For that it might be a cause of avoiding those Contentions, whereby greater Benefits might be in danger to be obstructed. But that if hence an occasion of Erring might be given to the Weak, they were to be admonished, that they should hold these things indifferent: and they were to be taught in Sermons, that they should judge not God's Worship to be placed in them.  
Hoper had writ, that the Eyes of the Standers-by, by reason of these Garments, 
Another Objection of Hoper considered.  would be turned away from thinking of serious things, and detained in gazing upon them. But this would not happen when the Garments were simple and plain, without Bravery, and such as hitherto were used in the Service of God. But Martyr answered, That Use and Custom would take away Admiration. And perhaps when the People were moved with Admiration, they would the more attentively think of those things that are serious. For which end, he said, the Sacraments seemed to be invented, that from the Sight and Sense of them we might be carried to think of Divine Things.  
Hoper urged moreover, That whatsoever was not of Faith, was Sin. But said Martyr, That we may enjoy a quiet Conscience in our Doings, that of the Apostle seems much to tend, 
Other things urged by him.  and that to the Clean all things are clean, saith the same Apostle to Titus; and to Timothy, that every Creature of God is good.  
He urged also, That we ought to have express Scripture for what we do in holy things. But Martyr was not of that Mind, But that that was enough in general, to know by Faith, that indifferent things cannot defile those who act with a pure and sincere Mind and Conscience. And this was the substance of P. Martyr's Judgement of these things. Which might give much light to that Reverend Man in this Controversy, though he was not yet convinced, nor could comply.  
As Hoper all this while refused the Habits, 
Hoper Confined to his House, and silenced.  so we may conjecture by a Passage in the former Letter, that he liberally declamed against them in the London Pulpits. For Martyr takes notice to him of his unseasonable, and too bitter Sermons. Whether it were for this, or his incompliance, or both together, I know not, but at length he was, by the Privy-Counsel commanded to keep his House; 
Council-Book.  unless it were to go to the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Bishops of Ely, London or Lincoln, for Counsel and Satisfaction of his Conscience; and neither to Preach nor Read, till he had further Licence from the Council. But notwithstanding this Command, he kept not his House, and writ a Book and Printed it, entitled, A Confession of his Faith: Written in such a manner, that it gave more distaste, and wherein was contained Matter he should not have written. He went about also complaining of the King's Councillors; as Martyr wrote in a private Letter to Bucer.  
On january the 13 th'. The Court then at Greenwich, 
Committed to the ABp's Custody.  he appeared there before the Council, (the Archbishop being then present,) touching the matter of not wearing the Apparel, and for disobeying the Council. Who for this Disobedience, and for that he continued in his former Opinion of not wearing the Apparel prescribed for Bishops to wear, committed him to the Archbishop of Canterbury's Custody, either there to be reform, or further punished, as the obstinacy of his Cause required.  
Being with the Archbishop he did his endeavour to satisfy him. 
Sent to the Fleet.  But Hoper was as immovable to whatsoever the said ABp could propound and offer, as he was before with Ridley. So the Archbishop signified to the Council, that he could bring him to no Conformity, 
Council-Book.  but that he declared himself for another way of Ordination, than was established. The Effect of this was, that on january 27, Upon this Letter of the Archbishop, That Hoper could not be brought to any Conformity, but rather persevering in his Obstinacy (they are the words of the Council-Book) coveted to prescribe Orders and necessary Laws of his Head, it was agreed that he should be committed to the Fleet. And a Letter was drawn for the Archbishop to send Mr. Hoper to the Fleet upon the occasion aforesaid: and another Letter to the Warden of the Fleet to receive him, and to keep him from the Conference with any Person, saving the Ministers of that House. This Disobedience of Hoper to the Council's Orders will make the severity of the Council less liable to censure. Neither was Cranmer any other ways instrumental to Hoper's Imprisonment, than by doing that which was expected from him, viz. giving a true Account of his unsuccessful dealing with him. But at last he complied, 
Hoper conforms.  and received Consecration after the usual Form: and the Church enjoyed a most excellent Instrument in him at this time, for his Learning, Zeal, Courage and Activity.  

Martyr to Gualther concerning Hoper's Conformity.  This News Peter Martyr signified in a Letter to Gualther. For he and Bullinger, and the rest of his Friends at Zurick, had heard of this Contention, and were much concerned for this their Acquaintance. But as he was Consecrated in March, so in April following Martyr wrote to the said Gualther, That he had never been wanting to Hoper [whether in his Counsel for satisfying his Conscience, or in respect of his Interest with the Archbishop or other chief Men,] and that he always hoped well of his Cause. That he now was freed of all his troubles, and that he was actually in his Bishopric, and did discharge his Office piously and strenuously. This was the more acceptable News to the Foreigners, because some of the Bishops took occasion, upon this Disobedience of Hoper, liberally to blame the Churches abroad, among which Hoper had been, as though they had infused these principles into him: and then fell foul upon Bucer and Martyr, that were set the one Professor in Cambridg, and the other in Oxon; as though they would corrupt all the Youth in both Universities: who would suck in from them such Principles, as Hoper had done. This Bucer heard of, and writ it with a concern to Mar●●r. Who writ again, how amazed and almost stupefied he was to hear this. But that it was well, that the Bishops saw his Letter to Hoper, which would vindicate him from such Imputations. And indeed both his and Bucer's Letter, concerning this point, did or might seasonably stop this Clamour.   

CHAP. XVIII. Bishop Hoper Visits his Diocese.  

Hoper Visits his Diocese.  THE Summer next after his Consecration, he went down and made a strict Visitation of his Diocese, fortified with Letters from the Privy-Council; that so his Authority might be the greater, and do the more good among an ignorant, superstitious, stubborn Clergy and Laity. I have seen a Manuscript in Folio, giving an Account of the whole Visitation, of the Method thereof, and of the Condition he found the Clergy of the Diocese in, as to their Learning and Abilities. First, He sent a general Monitory Letter to his Clergy, signifying his Intention of coming among them; gravely advising them of their Office, and what was required of them who were entered into this Holy Vocation. This Letter may be found in the Appendix. 
No. XLVII.  When he visited them, he gave them Articles concerning Christian Religion, to the number of Fifty; which bore this Title, Articles concerning Christian Religion, given by the Reverend Father in Christ, John Hoper Bishop of Gloucester, unto all and singular Deans, Parsons, Prebendaries, Vicars, Curates, and other Ecclesiastical Ministers within the Diocese of Gloucester, to be had and retained of them, for the Unity and Agreement, as well as the Doctrine of God's Word, as also for the Conformation of the Ceremonies agreeing with God's Word. Let me give the Reader but a taste of them.  
I. That none do teach any manner of thing to be necessary for the Salvation of Man, 
His Articles of Religion.  other than what is contained in the Books of God's Holy Word.  
II. That they faithfully teach and instruct the People committed unto their Charge, that there is but one God, Everlasting, Incorporate, Almighty, Wise and Good, the Maker of Heaven and Earth, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ; by whom also he will be called upon by us. And though one God in Essence and Unity in the Godhead, yet in the same Unity three distinct Persons.  
III. That they teach all the Doctrines contained in the three Creeds.  
IV. That they teach, that the Church of God is the Congregation of the Faithful, wherein the Word of God is truly preached, and the Sacraments justly ministered, according to the Institution of Christ. And that the Church of God is not by God's Word taken for the Multitude or Company of Men, as of Bishops, Priests, and such other; but that it is the company of all Men hearing God's Word, and obeying to the same; lest that any Man should be seduced, believing himself to be bound unto an ordinary Succession of Bishops and Priests, but only unto the Word of God, and the right use of his Sacraments.  
V. That though the true Church cannot err from the Faith; yet nevertheless, forasmuch as no Man is free from Sin, and Lies, there is, nor can be any Church known, be it never so perfect or holy, but it may err. These are the five first.  
Then he gave them Injunctions to the number of one and thirty; Seven and twenty Interrogatories and Demands of the People and Parishioners, and of their Conversation, 
His Injunctions and Interrogatories.  to be required and known by the Parsons, Vicars and Curates. Sixty one Interrogatories and Examinations of the Ministers, and of their Conversation, to be required and known by the Parishioners. There were also Articles, whereupon all Ministers were examined concerning the Ten Commandments, the Articles of Faith, and the Petitions of the Lord's Prayer, viz. to each Minister were these Questions put; 

1. Concerning the Commandments, 

1. How many Commandments.  
2. Where they are written.  
3. Whether they can recite them by Heart.    
2. Concerning the Christian Faith, 

1. What are the Articles of the Christian Faith.  
2. Whether they can recite them by Heart.  
3. That they corroborate them by Authority of Script.    
3. Concerning the Lord's Prayer, 

1. Whether they can say the Petitions by Heart.  
2. How they know it to be the Lord's Prayer.  
3. Where it is written.      
Which Demands, how easy soever they were, many Curates and Priests (such was the Ignorance of those Days) could say but little to. Some could say the Pater Noster in Latin, but not in English. Few could say the Ten Commandments. Few could prove the Articles of Faith by Scripture. That was out of their way.  
The Memory of such as have been greatly useful in the Church or State, ought religiously to be preserved. Of this Number was this Bishop, who as he was naturally an active Man, put forth all his Strength and Vigour of Body and Mind, to set forward a good Reformation in Religion, and afterwards as courageously shed his Blood for it.  

Holds Worcester in Commendam.  Therefore I cannot part with this good Prelate till I have gathered up and reposited here some farther Memorials of him. The Diocese of Worcester becoming void by the Deprivation of Hethe in Octob. 1551. and requiring an industrious Man to be set over that See, it was given to Hoper to hold in Commendam. In the Year 1552, in july, he visited that Diocese, which he found much out of Order. But before he had finished, he was fain to go back to Gloucester, hearing of the ungodly Behaviour of the Ministers there. He left them the last Year seemingly very compliant to be reform, and took their Subscription to his Articles of Religion. But in his absence, when his Back was turned, they became as bad altogether as they were before. Yet he conceived good hopes of the Lay-people, if they had but good Justices and faithful Ministers placed among them, as he wrote to Secretary Cecyl. To whom he signified his Desire, that the Articles of Religion, which the King had mentioned to him when last at London, were set forth. Them he intended to make the Clergy, not only subscribe, (which being privately done, he saw they regarded not) but to read and confess them openly before their Parishioners. At his Visitation he constituted certain of his Clergy Superintendants, who in his absence were to have a constant Eye over the Inferior Clergy.  

And visits that Church and Sec.  After this Visit to Gloucester, he returned back again to Worcester in October, and then proceeded in his Visitation there. Here johnson and jollisf, two Canons of this Church, disallowing some Doctrines, recommended to them by the Bishop, (in his Articles abovesaid) held a Dispute thereupon with him, and Mr. Harley, (who was afterward Bishop of Hereford.) And one of these, behaved himself most insolently and disrespectfully to both. The Bishop sent up by Harley, a large Relation of his Visitation in writing, and the Matter these Canons misliked, and recommended Harley to the Secretary to give Account of the Disputation. This caused him to break out into a Complaint, for want of good Men in the Cathedrals. Ah! Mr. Secretary, that there were good Men in the Cathedral Churches! God then should have much more Honour than he hath, the King's Majesty more Obedience, and the poor People better Knowledge. But the Realm wanteth Light in such Churches, whereas of right it ought most to be. In Worcester Church he now put in execution the King's Injunctions for the removal of Superstition. For which there arose a great Clamour against him, as though he had spoiled the Church, and yet he did no more than the express Words of the Injunctions commanded to be done.  
After his Visitation was over, he accounted not his Work done; 
Goes over both his Dioceses again.  but soon went over both his Dioceses again, to take account of his Clergy, how they profited since his last examining them; and to oversee even his Superintendents themselves, to commend their Well-doing, and to see what was ill done. So great was his Pains and Zeal; which made him most truly and experimentally write as he did to the Secretary: There is none that eat their Bread in the sweat of their Face, but such as serve in Public Vocation. Yours is wonderful, but mine passeth. Now I perceive that private Labours be but Plays, nor private Troubles but Ease and Quietness. These Matters I extract from two Original Letters of this Bishop to Secretary Cecyl; which I have thought well worthy of preserving in the Appendix; and there they may be met with. 
No. XLVIII.   
Whereas it was mentioned before, 
The Council's Order concerning the two Canons. MS. Council-Book.  how the Bishop had sent up a Writing of the Matters in Controversy, between the two Canons and himself, we may see what Care the Council took hereof, and what Countenance they gave the Bishop, by an Order they made Novemb. 6. 1552. Which was, that a Letter should be wrote to Mr. Cheke and Mr. Harley, to consider certain Books sent unto them touching Matters of Religion in Controversy, between the Bishop of Worcester, and two of the Canons of Worcester, and to certify their Opinion hither, that further Order may be therein taken.  
jan. 29. 1551. 
Licence for the Bp of Gloucester to attend upon the Duchess of Somerset in the Tower.  Upon suit made by the Duchess of Somerset to Sir Philip Hobby, and Mr. Darcy Lieutenant of the Tower, to be a Mean unto the King's Majesty, and my Lords, that the Bishop of Gloucester, (who had been Chaplain unto the Duke) might be suffered to have access unto her for the settling of her Conscience; Order was by their Lordships taken for the same, and a Letter written to the Lieutenant of the Tower in that behalf, as followeth; To the Lieutenant of the Tower, to permit the Bishop of Gloucester, from time to time, to speak with the Duchess of Somerset, in the presence of Sir Philip Hobby, and of the said Lieutenant: And in case the said Lady of Somerset desire to speak with the said Bishop apart, that in that case they licence her so to do.  
May 29, 1552. 
Other Matters relating to this Bishop.  A Warrant to make a Book to the Elect Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, of discharge of the first Fruits and Tenths to be paid for the same, in consideration, that he hath departed with certain Lands to the King's Majesty. Which probably he seeing would, whether he would or no, be pulled away from him, to be conferred upon some of the Mighty of the Court, made the best of a bad Market, and got himself freed from that Charge payable to the King.  
April 12, 1553. A Letter was wrote to the Chancellor of the Augmentations, to cause a Book to be made from the Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, of a Surrender to the King's Majesty of his Jurisdiction in the Forest of Dean, with a certain Deanery, which of right belongeth to the Bishopric of Hereford. And thereupon to make another Book of the Grant thereof from his Highness to Mr. Harley Elect Bishop of Hereford.  
April 16, 1553. A Letter to the Chancellor of the Agumentations, to cause a Book to be devised in form of Law, Licensing the Bp of Worcester and Gloucester, to give to three poor Vicarages in his Diocese, the Parsonages whereof are impropriated to his Bishopric, such Augmentation of Living towards their better Maintenance, as he shall think convenient, out of the Lands of the said See.  
April 25, 1553. A Warrant to the Receiver of the Wards, to deliver to the Bishop of Worcester, by way of Reward, twenty Pounds for his Attendance here ever since the Parliament by his Majesty's Commandment. These are Transcriptions out of a Council-Book.   

CHAP. XIX. Troubles of Bishop Gardiner.  
IN this Year 1550, the Council and our Archbishop had much trouble, with some other Bishops also, of a quite different Judgement from the above-spoken of; I mean Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, Nicolas Bishop of Worcester, and Day Bishop of Chichester. Of whom what I shall here briefly set down, are for the most part Extractions out of an old Council-Book, and K. Edward's Journal.  
At Greenwich, June 8. was this Order of Council concerning Bishop Gardiner, 
Divers great Lords repair to Gardiner.  Considering the long Imprisonment that the Bishop of Winchester hath sustained, it was now thought time he should be spoken withal; and agreed, that if he repented his former Obstinacy, and would henceforth apply himself to advance the King's Majesty's Proceedings, His Highness in this Case would be his good Lord, and remit all his Errors passed. Otherwise his Majesty was resolved to proceed against him as his Obstinacy and Contempt required. For the Declaration whereof, the Duke of Somerset, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy-Seal, the Lord great Chamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Petre, were appointed the next Day [i. e. june 9] to repair unto him. Signed by E. Somerset. T. Cant. W. Wilts. I. Bedford. E. Clinton. T. Ely. A. Wyngfeld. W. Herbert. W. Petre. Edw. North. Accordingly, june 9 The Duke of Somerset, the Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Bedford, and Secretary Petre, went to the Bishop of Winchester, to know what he would stick to; Whether to conform to, and promote the King's Laws, or no? He answered, That he would obey and set forth all things set forth by the King and Parliament. And if he were troubled in Conscience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reason openly against it. And then he desired to see the King's Book of Proceedings. At Greenwich, june 10. Report was made by the Duke of Somerset and the rest, sent to the Bishop of Winchester, that he desired to see the said Book. The next day were the Books sent to him, and delivered to him by the Lieutenant of the Tower, as the Council appointed, to see if he would set his Hand to them, and promise to set them forth to the People. At Greenwich, june 13. the Lieutenant of the Tower, declared unto the Council, that the Bishop, having perused the Books of the Proceedings, said unto him. He could make no direct answer, unless he were at Liberty, and so being, he would say his Conscience. On the 14 th' Day, the Duke of Somerset, and five more of the Council again repaired to the Bishop, to whom he made this Answer; I have deliberately seen the Book of Common-Prayer. Although I would not have made it so myself, yet I find such things in it, as satisfy my Conscience. And therefore I will both execute it myself, and also see others my Parishioners to do it. And this the Councillors testified under their Hands, as his Saying.  
july the 9 th'. There were certain Articles drawn up, 
The Council's proceedings with him.  signed by King and Council, for the Bishop to subscribe; which contained the Confession of his Fault, the Supremacy of the King and his Successors; the establishing of Holy Days, or dispensing with them to be in the King; the Service-Book to be Godly and Christian; the acknowledgement of the King to be Supreme Head, and to submit to him and his Laws under Age; the abolishing the Six Articles; and the King's Power of correcting and reforming the Church. These Articles, together with a Letter from the King, the Earl of Warwick Lord great Master, the Lord S. john Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert Master of the Horse, and Secretary Petre, carried to the Bishop, requiring him to sign them. Which he did, only making exception to the first.  
july 10. The said Lords made report unto the Council, that they had delivered the King's Letter unto the Bishop, together with the Articles. Unto all which Articles he subscribed thus with his own Hand, Stev. Winton, saving the first. Against which he wrote in the Margin these words, I cannot in my Conscience confess the Preface, knowing myself to be of that sort I am indeed, and ever have been. To which Articles, thus subscribed by the Bishop, these of the Council wrote their Names, E. Somers. W. Wilts, I. Warwick, I. Bedford, W. Northampton, E. Clinton, G. Cobham, William Paget, W. Herbert, W. Petre, Edw. North.  
july 11. at Westminster, This was brought to the Council. And his boggling in this manner at the Confession displeased the King, that being the principal Point. But to the intent he should have no just cause to say he was not mercifully handled, it was agreed, that Sir William Herbert and the Secretary should go the next day to him to tell him, that the King marvelled he refused to put his Hand to the Confession. And that if the words thereof seemed too sore, then to refer it to himself, in what sort, and with what words he should devise to submit himself; That upon the acknowledgement of his Fault, the King might extend his Mercy towards him, as was determined.  
july 13. Sir William Herbert and the Secretary reported, that the Bishop stood precisely in his own Justification. He said, 
Articles propounded to him to subscribe.  That he could not subscribe to the Confession, because he was Innocent, and also because the Confession was but the preface to the Articles. Upon this it was agreed by the Council, that a new Book of Articles, and a new Submission should be devised for the Bishop to subscribe. And the Bishop of London, Secretary Petre, Mr. Cecyl, and Goodrick, a Common Lawyer, were commanded to make these Articles according to Law. And then for the more authentic proceeding with the Bishop, the two former Persons were again to resort to him with the new Draught, and to take with them a Divine, which was the Bishop of London, and a Lawyer which was Goodrick. These Articles were 22 in Number, and to this Tenor, That King Henry VIII. had justly suppressed Monasteries; That persons may Marry, who are not prohibited to contract Matrimony by the Levitical Law, without the Bishop of Rome's Dispensation. That vowing or going Pilgrimages were justly abolished; the Conterfeyting S. Nicholas, St. Clement, etc. was mere Mockery. That it is convenient that the Scriptures should be in English. That the Late King, and the present, did upon just ground, take into their Hands Chauntries, which were for maintenance of private Masses. That private Masses were justly taken away by the Statutes of the Realm, and the Communion placed instead thereof, is very Godly. That it is convenient, that the Sacrament should be received in both Kind's. That the Mass, where the Priest doth only receive, and others look on, is but the Invention of Man. That it was upon good and Godly Consideration ordered in the Book, that the Sacrament should not be lifted up, and showed to the People to be adored. That it is politicly and godly done, that Images in Churches, and Mass-Books were enacted to be abolished. That Bishops, Priests and Deacons have no Commandment in the Law of God to vow Chastity, or abstain from Marriage. And that all Canons and Constitutions which do prohibit Marriage to the Clergy, be justly taken away by Parliament. That the Homilies and the Forms set forth of making Archbishops, Bishops, Priests and Deacons, are Godly and wholesome, and aught to be received. That the Orders of Subdeacon, Benet and Colet, etc. be not necessary, and justly left out in the Book of Orders. That the Holy Scriptures contain sufficiently all Doctrines necessary to Salvation. That upon good and godly Consideration it was enjoined that Erasmus' Paraphrases should be set up in Churches. And that it was the King's Pleasure, that the Bishop should affirm these Articles by Subscription of his Hand, and declare himself willing to publish and preach the same. These Articles were brought to the Bishop by the Master of the Horse, and Secretary Petre, with the Bishop of London and Goodrick. To whom the Bishop answered, That he would not consent to the Article of Submission; Praying to be brought to his Trial, and desired nothing but Justice. And for the rest of the Articles, when he was at Liberty, than it should appear what he would do in them, it not being reasonable he should subscribe them in Prison.  
This being reported to the Council, july 15, it was agreed, that he should be sent for before the whole Council, and examined, Whether he would stand at this Point? Which if he did, then to denounce the Sequestration of his Benefice for three Months, with intimation, if he reform not in that space, to deprive him. This Order was Signed by Somerset, Wilts, Bedford, Clinton, Paget, Wyngfield, Herbert.  
july 19 The Bishop of Wynton was brought before the Council; and there the Articles before mentioned were read unto him distinctly. Whereunto he refused either to subscribe or consent: 
Winchester Sequestered for three Months.  Answering in these words, That in all things his Majesty would command him, he was willing and most ready to obey; but forasmuch as there were divers things required of him, which his Conscience would not bear, therefore he prayed them to have him excused. And thereupon Secretary Petre, by the Council's Order proceeded to read the Sequestration. Thus fairly and calmly was this Bishop dealt with by the King and his Council, from june 8. to july 19 And notwithstanding this Sentence, the Council favourably ordered, that the Bishop's House and Servants should be maintained in their present State, until the expiration of the three Months; and that the Matter in the mean time should be kept secret.  
The three Months expired Octob. 19 but with such Clemency was he used, that it was November 23, 
The Sequestration expires.  before his Business was renewed. And then, 
Council-Book.  considering the time of his Intimation was long sithence expired, it was agreed, that the Bishop of Ely, Mr. Secretary Petre, Dr. May and Dr. Glynne, all Learned in the Civil Law, should substantially confer upon the Matter: and upon Tuesday next, the 26 th' day of this present, to certify unto the Council, what was to be done duly by order of the Law in this Case. And now the Archbishop of Canterbury began to be concerned in this troublesome Business. A Commission, dated Decemb. 12, was issued out from the King, to the said Archbishop, and to the Bishops of London, Ely, Lincoln, to Sir William Petre, Sir james Hales, and some other Lawyers, to call the said Bishop of Winchester before them, and, continuing in his Contempt, to proceed to deprive him.  
December 14. The Lieutenant of the Tower was ordered to bring the Bishop on Monday next to Lambeth before my Lord of Canterbury, and other Commissioners, upon his Cause: and likewise upon their Appointment to bring him thither from day to day, at times by them prefixed.  
December 15, was the day of Winchester's first Appearance. 
The Commissioners sit to examine him.  The Business done this Session, was the opening and reading the Commission, and after that, divers Articles against the Bishop. Who then made a Speech. Wherein first, He protested against these his Judges, and excepted against their Commission; and required this his Protestation to be entered into the Acts of the Court. Then desiring a Copy of the Commission, it was granted him, together with that of the Articles too, to make his Answers to. Next, the Archbishop gave him his Oath to make true Answer. Which he took still with his Protestation. Then the Bishop desiring Counsel, the Archbishop and the rest not only granted his Request, but allowed him whomsoever he should name. Which was the next Day allowed also by an Order of Council. Certain honourable Persons were deposed, and sworn for Witnesses, as Sir Anthony Wingfield Controller of the Household, Sir William Cecyl Secretary, Sir Rafe Sadleir, Sir Edward North, Dr. Cox Almoner, and others. The Bishop also protested against them, and the Swearing of them. At this first Sessions he had also said, in the hearing of a great Multitude present, concerning the Duke of Somerset and some other Privy-Counsellors, sent to him in the Tower, That they had made an end with him before, for all the matters for which he was committed. In so much that he verily thought he should never have heard any more of it.  

A Letter of some Noblemen, whom he had belied.  This, coming soon to the Ears of these Nobles, highly offended them, as reporting falsely of them. So that to justify themselves in as public a manner, the next Sessions they sent their Letter, dated December 17, signed by the Duke of Somerset, the Earls of Wiltshire and Bedford, and Sir Edward North: wherein they denied any such Matter; saying, That the Bishop defended his Cause with Untruths, and that upon their Fidelities and Honours, his Tale was false and untrue; For that their coming to him in the Tower was to do their endeavour to reclaim him. And they prayed the Commissioners, that for their Vindication, they would cause this their Letter to be publicly read. Which was accordingly done; though the Bishop, thinking how this would reflect upon him, under his former Protestation, laboured hard that he might first be heard, and that he had something to propose, why it should not be read. Which notwithstanding they would not grant.  
january 19 The Council sitting at Greenwich, the Bishop's Servants came and desired, that certain of them might be sworn upon certain Articles for Witness on his behalf. And if they might not be sworn, that upon their Honours, as they would answer before God, they would witness truly according to their Conscience, and as effectually as if they were sworn upon a Book. And they were allowed.  

Gardiner offers his Book against Cranmer to the Commissioners.  The Bishop to make his Cause the more plausible, as though he were the public Defender of the Roman Catholick-Church in England at this time, laboured to make it believed, that he fell into all this Trouble for the Defence of the Real Presence in the Sacrament, and for maintaining the Catholic Doctrine in a Sermon before the King; and that he made his Book to vindicate himself therein. And therefore in one of his Appearances before the Commissioners, openly in the Court delivered them his Book against Archbishop Cranmer, printed in France: and to make it suit the better, he had altered some lines in the beginning of his Book, so as to make it to relate to his present Case. But in truth Gardiner had wrote, and finished his Book before. This Cranmer unvailed in his Answer to this Book of Gardiner's: 
Page 2.  Saying there, That he made his Book, before he was called before the Commissioners, as he could prove by a Book under his own Handwriting; and that he was called before the Commissioners by his own Suit and Procurement, and as it were enforcing the Matter. But indeed the true Cause was, That he was called to Justice for his manifest Contempt and continual Disobedience from time to time, or rather Rebellion against the King's Majesty; and was deprived of his State for the same.  
In short, after a greal deal of Pains and Patience, the Bishop was by the Archbishop and the rest of the Commissioners deprived, after no less than two and twenty Sessions, held at divers places, 
He is deprived.  that is, from the 15 th' of December to the 14 th' of February: though Stow falsely nameth but seven. The Bishop when he saw the Sentence Definitive ready to be pronounced, made an Appeal from them to the King. For his doing which he produced these Reasons. For that these his pretended Judges were not indifferent, but prejudiced against him. That my Lord of Canterbury had caused him to be sent to Prison, (whereas the Archbishop was only present at the Council when he was by them ordered to the Tower). And so had Hales, Goodrick and Gosnold counselled to send him thither. Also, that the Archbishop and the Bishops of London and Lincoln, did contrary to the Laws Ecclesiastical, and taught and set forth manifest condemned Errors against the Presence in the Sacrament. And because the Bishop, as well in his Writings, as otherwise, did set forth the Catholic Faith of the very Presence of Christ's Body and Blood: therefore they showed themselves unduly affected towards him. That Sir William Petre decreed the Fruits of his Bishopric to be sequestered de facto, sed non de jure, and now was Judge in his own Cause. But notwithstanding this Appeal, the Archbishop with the rest of the Commissioners pronounced him Deprived, and his Bishopric void. After this was done, the Bishop appealed again to the King, instantly, more instantly, most instantly, from their Sentence as Injust, and of no effect in Law; and asked of them Letters Dimissory to be granted to him, and a Copy of the Judgement. But the Judges declared they would first know the pleasure of the King and his Council therein. And so this last Session broke up.  
The day after, being the 15 th' of February, 
The Council's order for his straight Confinement.  the Council sitting at Westminster, upon debating the Bishop of Winton's Case; Forasmuch as it appeared, he had at all times, before the Judges of his Cause, used himself unreverently to the King's Majesty, and slanderfully towards his Council; and especially Yesterday, 
Council-Book.  being the Day of his Judgement given against him, he called his Judge's Heretics and Sacramentaries, they being there the King's Commissioners, and of his Highness' Council; it was therefore concluded, by the whole Board, that he should be removed from the Lodging he hath now in the Tower, to a meaner Lodging, and none to wait upon him but one, by the Lieutenant's Appointment, in such sort as by the resort of any Man to him, he have not the liberty to send out to any Man, or to hear from any Man. And likewise that his Books and Papers be taken from him, and seen; and that from henceforth he have neither Pen, Ink, nor Paper, to write his detestable Purposes, but be sequestered from all Conferences, and from all means that may serve him to practise any way.  
March 8. at Westminster. This day, by the King's Majesty's own Appointment, Dr. Poynet Bishop of Rochester, 
Poynet made Bp of Winton.  was chosen Bishop of Winchester. And the Archbishop of Canterbury had given him 266 l. 13 s. 4 d. (i. e. 400 Marks) for his Pains and Charges about the Bishop of Winchester. And thus I have, from very Authentic Authority, gathered together these Memorials of this turbulent haughty Man; who was now so seasonably laid aside in this King's Reign, till we hear of him loudly in the next; when he sufficiently wracked his Revenge against our good Archbishop and the true Religion.   

CHAP. XX. Bishop Hethe and Bishop Day, their Deprivations.  

Other Popish Bps dealt with.  WHile the aforesaid Bp lay under Sequestrationin the Tower, two other Bps that were wayward to the King's Proceedings in the Reformation of the Church, (viz. of Worcester and Chichester) came under the Hands of the Privy-Council, resolving to make them comply, or deprive them. That others more willing and better affected to Reformation, might succeed and do service in the Church; and that the Archbishop might go forward with less Stop and Impediment in the good Work he had dedicated himself unto. Both of them were of the Archbishop's raising, and seemed very compliant with the Archbishop during K. Henry's Reign. But now both hung off from him, seeming much offended with him for his relinquishing the Doctrine of the Corporeal Presence, and for writing a Book against it. Whereof they made mention, with dislike, in their Depositions in the Bishop of Winchester's Trial before the Commissioners.  

Bp Hethe's Troubles.  In the last Year, the Year 1549, Twelve Learned Divines, Bishops and others, were appointed by the Council to prepare a new Book for the Ordination of Ministers, purged of the Superstitions of the old Ordinal. Hethe Bishop of Worcester was nominated for one of these. But he not liking the thing, would not agree to what the others did, nor subscribe the Book when made. For which, in March, he was committed to the Fleet; where he lay under easy Confinement all the next Year, the Year 1550; during which time I find him once produced as a Witness on Bishop Gardiner's behalf.  

Sent for before the Council. Council-Book.  But in the Year 1551, the Court being at Chelsey, and the Council sitting September 22. by virtue of the King's express Commandment, Nicol●s Bishop of Worcester was sent for, and came before the Lords and others. To whom was repeated the Cause of his Imprisonment to be, For that he refused to subscribe the Book devised for the Form of making Archbishops, Bishops, Priests and Deacons, being authorized by Parliament. At the time of which refusal, being not only gently and reasonably required to subscribe it, but also being manifestly taught by divers other Learned Men, that all Things contained in the Book were Good and True, and that the Book was expedient and allowable, the said Bishop declared himself to be a v●ry obstinate Man. And for this his doing, it was now showed unto him, that he deserved longer Imprisonment. Nevertheless the King's Majesty's Clemency was such, that now if he had, or would reconcile himself to obey his Majesty in this former Commandment, he should recover the King's Majesty's Favour. For which Cause it was told him, That he was then presently sent for, and willed now to subscribe the same. Whereunto he answered, That he took the Cause of his Imprisonment to be as was alleged, and that also he was very gently used, rather like a Son than a Subject. Nevertheless (he said) he remained still in the same mind, not willing to subscribe it, although he would not disobey it. And although he was reasoned withal by every of the said Council in disproving his manner of answer, that he would not subscribe it, being every thing in the said Book, True and Good; and being devised by eleven other Learned Men, to which he was joined as the twelfth, and received of all the whole Estate of the Realm; agreeing also that he would obey it, not subscribe it, which contained a Contradiction in Reason: Yet he still, as a Man not removable from his own Conceit, refused to subscribe it. Whereupon to prove all manner of Ways for the winning of him to his Duty, he was offered to have Conference with Learned Men, and to have time to consider the Matter better. Whereunto he said, That he could not have better Conference than he had heretofore: and well might he have time, but of other Mind he thought never to be: Adding, that there were many other things whereunto he would never consent, if he were demanded, as to take down the Altars and set up Tables. And in this sort seeing him obstinately settled in Mind not to be conformable, he was in the King's Majesty's Name expressly commanded and charged to subscribe the same Book before Thursday next following, being the 24 th' hereof, upon pain of Deprivation of his Bishopric, to all and singular Effects which might follow thereof. And hearing the Commandment, he resolutely answered, He could not find in his Conscience to do it, and should be well content to abide such End, either by Deprivation or otherwise, as pleased the King's Majesty. And so as a Man incorrigible, he was returned to the Fleet. This Order was subscribed by these of the Privy-Council, W. Wilts. I. Warwyck. W. Herbert. W. Cecyl. Io. Mason.  
That which gave the Council the first Occasion against Day Bishop of Chichester, 
Bp of Chichester his Troubles.  was partly his refusal of complying with the Order of changing the Altars in his Diocese into Tables; and partly going down into his Diocese, and there preaching against it, 
Council-Book.  and other Matters of that nature then in agitation, to the raising of dangerous Tumults and Discontents among the People. This came to the Council's Ears; and Octob. 7. this Year, Dr. Cox, the King's Almoner, was ordered to repair into Sussex, to appease the People by his good Doctrine, which were now troubled through the seditious preaching of the Bishop of Chichester and others.  
Novemb. 8. The said Bishop appeared before the Council to answer such things as should be objected against him for preaching. And because he denied the words of his Accusation, therefore he was commanded within two days to bring in writing what he preached.  
Novemb. 30. This day the Duke of Somerset declared to the Council, That the Bishop of Chichester came within two days past, 
Bp Day will not pull down Altars.  and showed to him, that he received Letters from the King's Majesty, signed with his Majesty's Hand, and subscribed with the Hands of divers Lords of the Council. The Tenor of which Letter here ensueth; Right Reverend Father in God, etc. [It is the same Letter as is printed in Fox's Acts, about pulling down Altars]; According to this Letter the said Bishop said, He could not conform his Conscience to do that he was by the said Letter commanded; and therefore prayed the said Duke he might be excused. Whereunto the said Duke, for Answer, used divers Reasons moving the said Bishop to do his Duty, and in such things to make no Conscience, where no need is. Nevertheless the said Bishop would not be removed from his former Opinion. Therefore the said Duke said, He would make report to the rest of the Council. And so in the end he prayed the Lords of the Council this Day, that the Bishop might be sent for, and show his Mind touching this Case. Which was agreed, and Commandment given for the Bishop to be at the Council the next Day.  

Appears before the Council.  Decemb. 1. The Bishop came before the Council; and being asked what he said to the Letters sent to him from the King's Majesty? He answered, That he could not conform his Conscience to take down the Altars in the Churches, and in lieu of them to set up Tables, as the Letter appointed. For that he seemed for his Opinion to have the Scripture, and Consent of the Doctors and Fathers of the Church; and chose did not perceive any strength in the six Reasons, which were set forth by the Bishop of London to persuade the taking down Altars and erection of Tables. And then being demanded what Scripture he had? he alleged a saying in Esay. 
Es. nineteen. 19.  Which place, being considered by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and other Lords of the Council, was found of no purpose to maintain his Opinion.  

The ABp and Bp of Ely reason with him.  And thereupon by the said Archbishop and Bishop of Ely divers good Reasons were given to prove, that it was convenient to take down the Altars, as things abused; and in lieu of them to set up Tables, as things most meet for the Supper of the Lord, and most agreeable to the first Constitution. And besides that, his other Reasons were then fully answered.  

The Council give him time to confer.  Wherefore the Council commanded him expressly, in the King's Name, to proceed to the execution of his Majesty's Commandment in the said Letter expressed. Whereunto he made request, That he might not be commanded to offend his Conscience: saying, If his Conscience might be instructed to the contrary, he would not thus molest the Council with his refusal. Which his Saying considered by the Council, moved them to show thus much Favour unto him; that they willed him to resort unto the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely or London, and confer with them in the Matter, so as he might be instructed by them to accept the just Command of the King's Majesty with a safe Conscience. And for his second Answer, Day was given him until the 4 th' of this Month. At which day he was commanded to return again.  

Before the Council again.  Decemb. 4. This day, the Bishop of Chichester came before the Council; and was demanded, Whether he had been with the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops, according to former Order given him; Who answered, That he was one Afternoon at Lambeth, to have waited on the Archbishop, but he was answered, that he was at the Court. And upon a demand what time his Grace would come home, one of the Chamberlains, as he saith, answered, That he doubted it would be late ere his Grace come home, because he so used. Therefore he tarried not. And to any other Bishops he made no repair: saying further, He had not been well in Health. For the which cause he took some Physic yesterday. The Archbishop thereunto said, that the same Afternoon that the Bishop of Chichester had been there, he came home very early on purpose to have conferred with the said Bishop. For the which cause he had leave of the King's Majesty to depart the same day home sooner than for other Business he might conveniently. To the Matter, he was asked, what mind he was of, touching the executing the King's Command; and what he could say▪ why the same should not be obeyed? Who answered as he did before, That his Conscience would not permit him to do the same; for that the same was against the Scripture and the Doctors. And being asked of the first, he alleged a place in the last to the Hebrews, mentioning the word ALTAR. Which place, 
Heb. xiii. 10▪  being considered, was manifestly by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely, declared to be meant of Christ: as by the very Context of the same most manifestly appeared to every Reader. Next to this he alleged the former place of Esay, which also was most evident to be meant otherwise than he alleged, and so proved. As to the use of the Primitive Church, besides the Texts of the New Testament, it was most clearly by Origen contra Celsum, proved, That in his time, Christian Men had no Altars, by direct negative Propositions. Besides this, the abuse of the Altars was showed unto him, and Reasons declared how necessary it was to reform the same. Touching the naming the Table an Altar, it was left indifferent to him, because Ancient Writers sometimes call the Table an Altar. But yet, notwithstanding that his own Reasons were fully solved, and divers good and weighty Reasons made, he persevered in the pertinacy of his own singular Opinion. Whereupon the Council, rehearsing to him the evil that should come of this his Disobedience, if he should be suffered, commanded him, in the King's Majesty's Name, upon his Allegiance expressly to become an obedient Subject, and so to execute the King's Commandment. And for that it should appear to him, that there was as much Favour meant as might be, not offending the King's Majesty, in his Majesty's behalf they would be so bold as to appoint him Sunday next to make his final Answer; And in the mean time he might advise himself, and weigh the Cause as it ought to be. And so the day was given him.  
Decemb. 7. 
Before the Council the third Time.  The Bishop of Chichester again appeared before the Council; and being asked touching the execution of his Majesty's Commandment in the Letter, he answered plainly, He could not do it, saving his Conscience: For the Altars seemed to him a thing anciently established by the agreement of the Holy Fathers, and confirmed by Ancient Doctors, with the Custom also of a number of Years, and as he thought, according to the Scriptures▪ Wherefore he could not in Conscience consent to the abolishing of them, and determined rather to lose all that ever he had, than to condemn his own Conscience, with many other Circumstances to that effect. Finally, the Matter being well debated, it was thought good yet to give him two Days respite further to be advised, in hope he might reconcile himself: which if he did not upon his next Answer, appointed to be upon Tuesday next, the Council agreed to proceed ordinarily against him, as against a contemptuous Person, by way of Sequestration.  

And the fourth Time, when he was sent to the Fleet.  December 9 This day the Bishop of Chichester appeared before the Council: and being demanded whether he would obey the King's Commandment in pulling down the Altars, as is before rehearsed? he answered, That he thanked both the King's Highness, and his Council, of their great Clemency used towards him: but he said he could not by any means persuade himself to do that thing, that was against his Conscience. Wherefore he prayed them to do with him what they thought requisite; for he would never obey to do the thing, that his Conscience would not bear. Whereupon for his Contempt he was, by the Order of the whole Council, committed to Ward in the Fleet, till further Order should be taken for him.  

Commissioners appointed for Worcester and Chichester.  We hear no more of him and his Fellow, the Bishop of Worcester, till nine Months hence. And so we leave them both in the Fleet, till September 27, 1551. When we find Sir Roger Cholmely, Kt. Lord chief Baron of the Exchequer, Sir Richard Read, Richard Goodrick, john Gosnold, john Oliver and Richard Ryel, being Commissioners appointed by the King's Majesty for the Proceedings in the Causes laid against these two Bishops, were commanded by Letter from the Council, to call the said Bishops before them at Whitehall; and beginning with the Bishop of Worcester's Cause, to proceed also with Chichester. So as the Judgement of the one might succeed the other, without any delay of time more than needed. And when the Acts of the Council proceeded in those Causes should be requisite, the same, upon knowledge given thither, should be sent them. And in the mean time to use for their Instruction the Acts that were passed upon Worcester's Cause, and those that Mr. Read had already concerning Chichester; with Admonition, seeing their Contempts so evident, not to give them any long delay, by granting any Learned Counsel, or otherwise by such Pretexts.  

They are deprived.  Septemb. 28. The Council sent a Letter to the Lord-Chancellor, with the Commission directed to the abovenamed Persons, for the examination and determining of the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester's Causes: Praying him to send the same to such of the Council as are at or near London, whose Hands be not thereto, that they might sign it; and then to seal it, and send it with a Letter from the said Lords, enclosed within his, to the said Commissioners. According to these Orders, within less than a Month, these two Bishops were at last Deprived, after the expectation of their Compliances a long while.  
And October 24, 1551. The Council sent a Letter to the Chancellor of the Augmentations, to take immediate Order for seizure in the King's Majesty's Hands of the Temporalties of their Bishoprics, lately given to his Highness by the Judgement passed by the Commissioners, appointed for the hearing of those Bishop's Causes.  
These Bishops remained Prisoners in the Fleet after their Deprivation, till the next Summer. When, 
Placed the one with the Lord Chancellor, the other with the Bp of London.  as it seems for their Health's sake, they desired to be removed to some place of better Air, and more Liberty. Whereupon june 15, 1552. Dr. Day was sent to the Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor, and Dr. Hethe to the Bishop of London, by the appointment of his Majesty. And they were directed to use them as to Christian Charity should be most seemly. At whose Hands the King doubted not but they should receive such Christian Advice, as would tend to the Glory of God. july 17. Upon the motion of the Bishop of London, the Lords of the Council were content, that he should send Dr. Hethe unto the Bishop's own House at London [from Fulham] to recover his Health, and then to have him again. So far more kindly were these Popish Bishops dealt withal in this Reign, than the Protestant Bishops were in the next. Hoper Bishop of Gloucester succeeded in the See of Worcester, and Scory Bishop of Rochester in that of Chichester.  
I will here crave the Reader's leave to insert two or three words concerning Bishop Day; thereby to judge the better of him.  
About the Year 1547. 
Day writes to King's College for leaving off Masses.  Saying of Masses was laid aside in King's College in Cambridg, the Members of which College generally favoured the Gospel. Day, the Provost thereof (which Place he held in Commendam with his Bishopric) hearing of this, wrote an angry Letter to the Vice-provost, and in him to the whole College, for divers things which they had done, relating to Reformation; and particularly for leaving off saying Masses. In which he said, They departed from the Institution of the House, and that they did it rashly, and besides the Law: There being as yet no Law for so doing. He charged them with the Breach of Statute; and so would involve them in the Sin of Perjury. And whereas in their public Disputations they gave Questions against Popish Doctrines, he charged them with disputing wickedly and turbulently, to the wounding of tender Consciences, and the Infamy of the House. And finally, required, that things should be put in the same posture they were before. To which the College, by Dr. Haddon's elegant Pen, wrote an Answer: 
Haddoni Ep. p. 169.  That as to their abolishing Masses, they said, they were private Masses; and the Statutes of the College did seem to enjoin only Masses, wherein was a Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. That that was not Perjury, when by the common Consent of the College some minuter Matters of the Statutes were changed. That had he himself been there, he would have done as they did, considering the Reports that came from the Court, brought by Witnesses worthy of Credit. And that as for their Disputations they urged, that it was free for them to dispute Matters controverted, for better Inquiry into the Truth. And that it was done with Lenity, without any perverseness of Speech.  
He had a younger Brother named William (who was above forty Years after Bishop of Winton). 
His unnatural Carriage towards his Brother.  This Man was a Scholar of the College, while his Brother was Provost and Bishop. To whom he sent once a Request, to supply him with a little Money to buy him some Books and other Necessaries he stood in need of at that time. 
Hatcher's MS. Catal. of Provosts, etc. of King's Coll.  His Brother answered him, knowing him to be well affected to the Gospel, That for his part he held it not fit to relieve those that were not of the True Church, and therefore he would not in any wise relieve him. Thus had his Religion destroyed in him the very Principles of Nature.  

Preaches against Transubstantiation.  This Bishop had been a vehement Asserter of Transubstantiation: yet in April 1550. he preached against it at Westminster; which King Edward thought fit to take notice of in his Journal; and he complied, and went along with all the Steps of the Reformation till the declining of this Year 1550; when the Matter of taking down Altars was set on Foot. For then it seems either there was a Prospect that the Reformation, carring on, would have a Stop, or it was secretly agreed, among the Popishly affected, now to fall off.  

His Change charged on him.  In Queen Mary's Days he was a mighty busy Man, and one of the Commissioners for the examination and condemning to Death the Professors of Religion. When in Conference with Bradford, that Holy Man had charged him for departing from the Reformed Church, as it was in King Edward's Days; he told him, That he was but a young Man, (and yet in the first Year of that King he was five or six and forty Years of Age;) and that coming from the University, he went with the World. But it was always against his Conscience. He could it seems dispense with his Conscience upon Occasion: and yet what a Man of Conscience was he when Altars were to be pulled down? He sat a Commissioner upon Hoper, together with Winchester, London, Durham and Landaff: and however gently he had been used in his Trouble, that was forgot, and he treated that Reverend Man most rudely, undecently falling upon him with foul Words, and with a scornful Countenance calling him Hypocrite.   

CHAP. XXI. Papists grow bold. Loose Professors restrained.  

The Papists write Libels.  THUS indeed when the Papists found they could not prevail by outward Force, which they had tried to the utmost the last Year, they now used other Arts. One among the rest was to libel the Government, and disperse scurrilous Rhimes and Ballads upon the Preachers. One of these was this Year fastened upon the Pulpit of some eminent Church; probably of S. Paul's. Which nevertheless soon had an Answer to it. And not long after a more witty Ballad was put abroad, glancing, as it seems, at the Archbishop, upon occasion of the Liberty of reading the Bible, and of the English Service, and the publishing the Homily-Book, and other good Books: Whipping the Government under the Person of one john Nobody, because that notwithstanding all these religious Pretences, there was so much Sin, Lechery, Adultery, Bribery and want of Charity. A taste of this their Poetry, I have put into the Appendix: because some probably may be so Curious as to peruse the Fancy of that Age. 
No. XLIX.   
The Papists were at this Juncture very bold, 
Several Papists now taken up.  whether it were that they had taken up a Conceit that the old Religion would be again restored upon the Disgrace of the Duke of Somerset, or upon some other Reasons. To stay these Men, the Council as they had proceeded before against some Popish Bishops, so they thought fit to use some Rigours towards others noted to be the forwardest Men. One of these was Dr. Chedsey, 
Council-Book. Chedsey.  who was one of the Disputants against P. Martyr, the King's Professor. He took now upon him to preach openly at Oxford against the Steps of the Reformation that were made, and making. Wherefore, March 16, he was committed to the Marshalsea for seditious Preaching. Where he lay till November the 11 th' 1551. And then he was ordered to be brought to the Bishop of Ely's, where he enjoyed his Table, and an easier Restraint. March 19 
Morgan.  Sergeant Morgan was committed to the Fleet for hearing Mass in the Lady Mary's Chapel. March 22, Sir Anthony Brown was committed to the Fleet for the same Offence. 
Brown.  And three days after, viz. March 25. Mr. White Warden of Winchester, 
White.  appeared before the Council, and confessed, that he had divers Books and Letters from beyond Sea, and namely, from one Martin, a Scholar there, who opposed the King's Majesty's Proceedings utterly. And it being manifest that he had consented to things of that sort in such wise, that greater Practices were thought to be in him that ways, he was committed to the Tower: where lying for some months, he showed better Conformity in Matters of Religion. So that in june 14, 1551. The Council wrote a Letter to the Archbishop that he should send to the Lieutenant of the Tower for Mr. White to be brought to him, and with him to remain, till such time as he should reclaim him. Which being done, he was to be sent back again to the Tower, until the King's Majesty's further Pleasure upon his Lordship's Certificate of his Proceedings with him. This White, however he complied now, was in Queen Mary's Reign made Bishop successively of Lincoln and Winchester, and preached that Queen's Funeral Sermon: and was deprived by the next Queen, for refusing Conformity to the Religion then established.  
And while the Papists on one hand were so busy in promoting their Ends, 
Other Professors restrained.  there were a loser sort of Professors of Religion disgraced the Reformation on the other. For some there were that took the liberty of meeting together in certain Places, and there to propound odd Questions, and vent dangerous Doctrines and Opinions. Of these also the Council having notice, they thought it very fit to discountenance and restrain them. january 27. A number of Persons, a sort of Anabaptists, about sixty, met in a House on a Sunday, in the Parish of Bocking in Essex; where arose among them a great Dispute, Whether it were necessary to stand or kneel, barehead, or covered, at Prayers: and they concluded the Ceremony not to be material; but that the Heart before God was required, and nothing else. Such other like warm Disputes there were about Scripture. There were likewise such Assemblies now in Kent. These were looked upon as dangerous to Church and State. And two of the Company were therefore taken and Committed to the Marshalsea; and Orders were sent to apprehend the rest, viz. to Sir George Norton Sheriff of Essex, to apprehend and send up to the Council those Persons that were assembled for Scripture Matters in Bocking: Nine of them were named, being Cowherds, Clothiers, and such like mean People. The like Order was sent to Sir Edward Wotton and to Sir Thomas Wyatt, to apprehend others of them, seven whereof are named, living in Kent. February 3. Those that were apprehended for the meeting at Bocking, appeared before the Council, and confessed the Cause of their Assembly to be, For to talk of the Scriptures; that they had refused the Communion for above two Years, and that, as was judged, upon very superstitious and erroneous Purposes: with divers other evil Opinions, worthy of great Punishment. Whereupon five of them were committed: and seven of them were bound in Recognizance to the King in forty pound each Man. The Condition, to appear when they should be called upon, and to resort to their Ordinaries for resolution of their Opinions, in case they had any Doubt in Religion.   

CHAP. XXII. Foreigners allowed Churches. A Lasco.  

The ABp's Care of the Souls of Strangers residing here.  WE shall now show a remarkable Instance of the ABp's Episcopal Piety, in the care he took of the Souls of Foreigners, as well as of the Native English. For in King Edward's Reign there were great numbers of Strangers in the Realm; French, Dutch, Italians, Spaniards, who abode here upon divers Occasions: some for Trade and Commerce, and some no doubt to be secret Spies, and Promoters of the Pope's Affairs, and to hinder the Propagation of the Religion: But the most were such as fled over hither, to escape the Persecutions that were in those Times very violently set on foot in their respective Countries, and to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences, and the free Profession of their Religion. Our Prelate had a chief hand in forming these Strangers into distinct Congregations for the Worship of God, and in procuring them convenient Churches to meet in, and setting Preachers of their own over them, to instruct them in the true Religion: Cecyl and Cheke joining with him in this pious Design, and furthering it at Court with the King and Duke of Somerset. And this they did both out of Christian Charity, and Christian Policy too: this being a probable means to disperse the Reformed Religion into Foreign Parts. That when any of these Strangers, or their Children, should return into their own Country, they might carry the tincture of Religion along with them, and sow the Seeds of it in the Hearts of their Countrymen. 
The Dutch Congregation, begun under john a Lasco.   
JOHN A-LASCO POLANDER First Pastor of the DUTCH Church in ENGLAND. Regn. Edw. 6.  
Being arrived at Embden, he writ to the Archbishop, 
From Embden he wrote to the ABp;  relating all Passages that he knew concerning the State of Affairs, and particularly of Religion in those Parts: desiring him to impart them to the Protector. He write also unto Cecyl, 
And to Cecyl.  his Letter bearing date in April 1549, referring him to the Protector's Letters: and withal acquainting him in what a ticklish and dangerous Condition they were. That they certainly expected the Cross: 
The sad Condition of the Protestants there.  that they did mutually exhort one another to bear it, with invocation upon God's Holy Name; that by Patience and Faith they might overcome all whatsoever God should permit to be done against them, to the Glory of his Name, or for their Trial. They were sure he had a care of them, and that he was so powerful, that he could in a moment, by a Word of his Mouth, dash in pieces all the Forces of their Enemies, whatsoever they were. And that he was so good, that he would not suffer so much as an Hair, without cause, to fall from their Head, although the whole World should make an Assault upon them. And that he could no more wish them Harm, than a Mother could her own Infant, or any one the Apple of his own Eye; yea, no more than he himself could not be God. Who was to be praised in all things whatsoever happened to them, since he permitted nothing to fall out to them, but for their Good; and so, for their Welfare. And that therefore they committed themselves wholly to him, and did expect with all Toleration whatsoever he should allow to be done to them. In this pious manner did A Lasco write to Cecyl; and no doubt in the same Tenor to the Archbishop. This made a very great Impression upon the Godly Hearts of them both, and caused them vigorously to use their Interest with the Protector, to provide a safe Retreat for him and his Congregation. Which was obtained for them soon after. His whole Letter in a handsome Latin Style, as some Memorial of him, 
No. L.  I have reposited in the Appendix.  

Latimer mentions A Lasco to the King.  Latimer also made way for his Reception: who in one of his Sermons before K. Edward made honourable mention of him; using an Argument proper for that Audience, namely, How much it would tend to the bringing down God's Blessing on the Realm, to receive him, and such pious Exiles as he. john a Lasco was here a great Learned Man, and, as they say, a Nobleman in his Country; and is gone his way again. If it be for lack of Entertainment, the more pity. I could wish such Men as he to be in the Realm. For the Realm should prosper in receiving them. 
Third Sermon before the King, Anno 1549.  He that receiveth you, receiveth me, said Christ. And it should be for the King's Honour to receive them, and keep them.  
It was but a little after the King had received this Congregation of Foreigners into England, and had granted them a Church, viz. St. Augustins, 
Contest amongst A Lasco's People. MSS. of Benet College.  but great Contest happened among them about their Church, yielded them for their religious Worship. This P. Martyr took notice of with grief to Bucer: and addeth, That their Minds were so implacable to one another, that the Difference was fain to be referred to the Privy-Council to make an end of. But not to leave our Superintendent yet.  

The Care of A Lasco over his Church, and its Privileges.  A Lasco with his Strangers being settled at London, and incorporated by the King's Patents, being their chief Pastor and a stirring Man, was very industrious to procure and maintain the Liberties and Benefits of his Church. The Members thereof had planted themselves chiefly in S. Katherine's, and in great and little Southwark. Here they were now and then called upon, by the Churchwardens of their respective Parishes, to resort to their Parish Churches: though the Ministers themselves did not appear in it. In the Month of November, Anno 1552, some of these Strangers, inhabiting the parts of Southwark, were again troubled by their Churchwardens, and threatened with Imprisonment, unless they would come to Church. Whereupon their Superintendent A Lasco applied himself to the Lord Chancellor, who then was Goodrig, Bishop of Ely. By the way one might inquire, why he resorted not rather to his Friend and Patron, the Archbishop of Canterbury. But the reason may soon be guessed: namely, That after the Fall of Somerset, the Archbishop's good Friend, he came not so often to Court, or transacted Business there, unless sent for: knowing his Interest likewise to be but little with the Duke of Northùmberland, who now bore all the Sway, and who had a jealous Eye of him, as he had of all Somerset's Friends. And so the Archbishop might have rather hindered than forwarded A Lasco's Business if he had appeared in it. But this en passent. 
Favourably received by the Lord Chancellor Goodrig.  The Chancellor gently received A Lasco, and dismissing him, sent him to Secretary Cecyl with this Message, to get him to propound the Business the next Day in the Afternoon at the Council-Board, when himself should be there: promising him likewise, that he would be assistant to him, in procuring him a Warrant in Writing to be directed to all Ministers and Churchwardens of the Parishes of Southwark and S. Katherine's, that for the time to come the Strangers of this Congregation should receive no Molestation in that regard any more. 
Labours with the Secretary to procure Letters from the Council in behalf of his Church.  Accordingly A Lasco, the next Morning sent one of the Elders of his Church to Cecyl with his Letter, excusing himself that he came not, being grievously afflicted with a Pain in his Head. Therein he acquainted him with the Sum of his Conference with the Lord Chancellor: adding, that the obtaining such a Warrant would be necessary for them to produce and show to such as at that present did annoy them, and to be hereafter kept by the Church. That they might not be forced at other times, upon the like Occasions, to create new trouble to the King's Council, or himself, in suing for new Warrants of that Nature. Meaning hereby to put the Secretary upon drawing this up the more formally and substantially. And so entreating him to hear what the Elder had to say, and to dispatch him, he took his leave. 
No. LI.  This Letter also is inserted in the Appendix.  
The Superintendency of A Lasco seemed to extend not only to this particular Congregation of Germans, 
The extant of his Superintendency.  but over all the other Churches of Foreigners set up in London, as also over their Schools of Learning and Education. They were all subject to his Inspection, and within his Jurisdiction. 
Melancthon's Epistles, printed at Leyden, 1647.  And Melancthon in an Epistle to him in the Month of Septemb. 1551. speaks of the Purity of Doctrine in his Churches. His Condition now, as to worldly Circumstances, began to be so good, that he was able to relieve and succour such Learned Foreigners as should retire hither. For when one Nicolas Forced, a Learned and grave Man, who had lived long in the University of Louvain, and had spent some time with Melancthon, was minded, for the sake of Religion, to convey himself into England; he recommended him earnestly to the Superintendent, as a Person fit to teach in his Churches and Schools: and that he would friendly entertain him as an Exile for the same Cause himself was, and find him some little Nest to remain in. Nay, 
Melancthon thought to shelter himself under him.  and the said Melancthon himself had some thoughts of sheltering himself under A Lasco here, as appears by the forementioned Letter, wherein he styles him his Patron. For the Superscription of his Letter is thus, Illustri, Magnifico, ac Reverendo Viro, Nobilitate generis, Virtute & Sapientia praestanti Dn. johanni a Lasco, Patrono suo colendo. So much of Deference and Honour did Learned and Pious Men than use to give him. In this Letter Melancthon told him, that the Calamities of the Churches were great, and that he himself expected Banishment, and might probably in a short time arrive where he was. And in respect of his hospitable reception of Strangers, he told him, that he believed he did often remember that saying of the exiled Queen, Non ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco.  


His great Abilities for Government.  
Erasmus' Praise of him.  
Ep. 3. Lib. 28.   Nor was A Lasco any ways unfurnished for this Spiritual Government, being a Man of good Learning, and of great Piety, Strictness and Gravity from his younger Age: and of whom the great Erasmus himself acknowledged, that he learned much. For in his Epistle to johannes a Lasco, the Archbishop of Gnesne, who was Namesake and Uncle to our Superintendent, he speaks thus of his Nephew, That he was but Young, yet Grave beyond his Years; and that he himself accounted it none of the least parts of his Happiness, that he happened to have his Converse and Society for some Months: praising the Endowments that God had given him; And particularly, concerning the Benefits he received by him, he could not but confess, Senex juvenis convictu factus sum melior, ac sobrietatem, temperantiam, verecundiam, linguae moderationem, modestiam, pudicitiam, integritatem, quam juvenis a seen discere debuerat, a juvene senex didici. That by the Conversation of that young Man, he an old Man became better: and that Sobriety, Temperance, Awfulness, government of the Tongue, Modesty, Chastity, Integrity, which the Young aught to learn of the Old, he an old Man had learned of a Young. This he wrote in August 1527, soon after A Lasco was gone from him. 
Lib. 19 Ep. 15.  And in june the same Year, while he resided with him, in another Letter to Leonard Cox, a Learned English Man, he signified the great complacency he took in his Company. johannis a Lasco tale sum expertus ingenium, ut vel hoc uno amico mihi videar satis beatus. That he had found A Lasco's Parts to be such, that he seemed happy enough in his single Friendship.  
And this good Understanding continued between them, as long as Erasmus lived. 
Purchased Erasmus' Library.  For A Lasco seems to have been with him in his last Sickness; when as the last Token of Erasmus' esteem of him, he made a purchase to him of his own Library, 
Abel Rediviv.  (that incomparable Treasure,) if we may believe the Author of his Life in English.  

A Lasco a married Man.  A Lasco thought not the Clergy obliged to Celibacy, or single Life: for he himself was a married Man. Who his Wife was, I know not; but as for her Qualities, she was in all probability a pious and discreet Woman, whereby she gained a great share in his Affections. He styled her, The other part of himself. But in August 1552. God deprived him of her. Which Struck put him for some time under much sadness, and indisposition both of Mind and Body, as appears by one of his Letters.  

His influence in the Reformation under Q. Elizabeth.  He was alive at the Accession of Q. Elizabeth to the English Throne. And though he came not back then to England again, whence he departed upon K. Edward's Death, yet, according to that great Interest he had here with the most eminent Persons, and even the Queen herself, he neglected not by his Letters to promote the Reformation, and to give his grave Counsel in order thereunto. And Zanchy, Public Professor at Stratsburgh, knowing the sway he bore here, in a Letter to him in the Year 1558, or 59, excited him in these words; Non dubito, quin T. P. jamdudum scripserit ad reginam, eique consuluerit, quae pro illius regni conservatione, & regni Christi instauratione facienda judicarit, etc. That he doubted not, he had before now written to the Queen, and given her his Advice, what he judged fit to be done for the preservation of her Kingdom, and for the restoring of the Kingdom of Christ. Yet he would not omit to pray him, to do it again and again by his repeated Letters. For I know, said he, how great your Authority is with the English, and with the Queen herself. Now certainly is the time that you, and such as you be, should by your Counsels help so pious a Queen, and consult for the Safety of so great a Kingdom, yea, and succour the whole Christian Church every where afflicted and vexed. For we know that if Christ's Kingdom be happily introduced into the Kingdom of England, no small Aid will thence come to all the other Churches dispersed through Germany, Poland, and other Countries.  
There is one thing that is wont to be urged against him, 
Blamed for meddling in our Controversies.  and which makes him to this Day to be somewhat ill thought of; which was, that he opposed himself so openly, by writing against the Habits prescribed the Clergy, and the posture of Kneeling at the Reception of the Holy Sacrament. Whereby he incurred the Censure of a meddling Temper, and of Ingratitude to that Nation that so kindly had entertained him. Concerning the Habits, Bucer and he had some Controversy. The sum of which on both parts Archbishop Parker drew up, (upon the desire, I suppose, of Sir William Cecyl) about the Year 1565, when that Controversy was hotly renewed again by Humphrey and Samson. This Sum whosoever is minded to see, may probably hereafter find it in the Memorials of that Archbishop, if God grant Life, and Opportunity to me, to write them.  
About this time, viz. in the Year 1550, or 1551, 
A Church of Italians constituted in London.  there was also a Church of Italians constituted in London, by the influence and care of our Archbishop and Sir William Cecyl, under A Lasco's Superintendency. This Church consisted of divers Italian Nations, as Florentines, Genoezes, Milanois, Venetians and others: though several of them joined themselves with this Congregation, more out of worldly Ends, than Conscience, as will appear afterward. For they had a kindness for the Mass, and could not endure to hear the Pope's Supremacy called in question, and inveighed against. 
Michael Angelo their Minister.  One Michael Angelo Florio, a Florentine by birth, was appointed their Preacher: probably Brother, or Kinsman, unto Simon Florio, Preacher at the City of Clavenna among the Rhaetii, an eminent Professor of the Gospel in those parts: who wrote a Letter to Gratalorius an Italian Physician, concerning two whole Towns in Calabria, utterly destroyed by reason of the rigour of Persecution exercised there: and about eight hundred, or a thousand of the Inhabitants put to Death, because they professed the Gospel. Which Letter is extant in Fox, in his Table of the Italian Martyrs.  
For the encouragement of this Congregation the Archbishop procured the Members of it to be free Denizens, 
The Service the ABp did for this Church;  to live and traffic here with as much Freedom, as natural English Subjects. Which they were admitted to by swearing Fidelity and Allegiance. For their more easy and convenient dwelling here, they often petitioned th● King for new Privileges and Immunities, as they saw they needed them. And such Favour and Countenance was shown them, that they seldom failed of their Suits. 
And for the Minister.  The Archbishop also, that their Preacher might be provided for, dealt with the Congregation, and made them oblige themselves to provide him with all Necessaries, as a Dwelling, and a competent yearly Salary. In the Year 1552, 
Anno 1552.  Michael Angelo sued again to our Archbishop for some favour to be obtained from the King, whether it were for the better establishment of his Church, or for some further Immunities to be granted to the Members thereof, it doth not appear. But this the most Reverend Man readily furthered, by writing in that behalf to the Duke of Northumberland from his House at Ford near Canterbury, the Duke being, I suppose, with the King in Progress at this time. He likewise dispatched another, dated Novemb. 20. the Year abovesaid, to the Secretary, entreating him to forward that Cause as much as lay in him.  

Divers of this Church fall out with their Minister, and go to Mass again.  But however serviceable this their Minister had been unto these Italians, in preaching the Gospel to them, and soliciting the Archbishop for their Benefit; yet many of them carried themselves but little obliging to him. Whether it were some Misbehaviour, or Imprudences in him, which he was not altogether void of, or his too violent declaiming against the Pope and Popish Doctrines, which they were not yet enough ripened in Evangelical Knowledge to receive, or that he too roughly charged them with the hardness of their Hearts, and backwardness to receive Gospel-truths', as he did use to do: but many of them wholly withdrew from him, and went to Mass again. His Contribution also fell very low, not having received above five Pounds in a considerable time from them. Hereupon he resorted to the Secretary, Making heavy Complaints of his own Poverty, that many of his People had forsaken his Assembly, spoke very slanderously against him and his Ministry, and the Gospel which he preached, after they saw and heard him in an open manner preaching against the Pope's Doctrines, his Tyranny and Hypocrisy, and reproving them for their Unbelief, and the hardness of their Hearts. The too much Vehemency and Passion of this Man, 
A Conjecture at the Cause thereof.  and his neglect of informing the Judgements of these Italians in milder and more leisurely Methods, I suspect to have been a great cause of this Apostasy.  
But upon this Complaint, the Secretary bade the Pastor send him a List of the Names of those that had thus behaved themselves, 
Their Minister sends their Names to the Secretary, and accuses them.  and that he himself would call them before him, and discourse with them. Accordingly he sent the Names of fourteen in a Letter to the said Secretary, withal aggravating to him their Misbehaviour, and informing of their daily going to Mass: and adding, that therefore, they, being free Denizens, and so Subjects to the English Laws, aught to be punished as any English-Man would be, if he heard Mass. He quoted a place or two in Deuteronomy, where those, that rebelled against God, the Laws and the Judges, should be slain without Mercy. He subjoined, that Elisha by God's Command anointed jehu to be King for this very purpose, that he should wholly root out the House of Ahab, and kill all the Priests of Baal. And thence makes his uncharitable Conclusion, (more agreeable to the Religion, that he was so hot against) that therefore these Italians should be so served, since they opposed the Gospel, and the King's Pious Proceedings. But it might make one apt not to think over-favourably of this Man; a Pastor, thus to turn Accuser of his Flock; a Professor of the Reformed Religion, to require the utmost Rigour of Punishment for differing in Religion.  
I also find the Morals of this Man tainted, 
The Morals of this Man tainted.  having once made a very foul Slip, being guilty of an Act of Uncleanness. For which Sir William Cecyl, Secretary of State, who had been his good Friend, was exceedingly displeased with him, and withdrew all Favour and Countenance from him, calling him Wicked Man, and intending to inflict some severe Punishment upon him: which seemed to be Banishment out of the Nation, or at least turning him out of his Family, where he seems to have been entertained. 
Writes a penitent Letter to the Secretary.  Angelo wrote him a very penitent Letter, minding him of the frailty of Human Nature, and of the Mercy of God to Moses, Aaron, David, jonas, Peter after their Falls. And that if he were forced to depart the Kingdom, he must either be compelled to renounce the Truth of the Gospel, or have his Blood shed by the Enemies thereof. This was as I suppose, in the Year 1551. In fine, he got over this Brunt, and recovered mild Cecyl's Favour. For I find a Year after, our Archbishop wrote to him to further a certain Business of Michael Angelo at Court, as much as he could.  
This is all I have to say of that Italian Congregation, and the Minister thereof. For further memory of which, I have added in the Appendix two Letters of this Michael Angelo to Secretary Cecyl, 
No. LII. LIII.  whence many of the Matters, next above mentioned, were collected.  
As there was thus a Germane and Italian Church in London, 
A French Church also in London.  so also there was a third of French Men, under A Lasco's Superintendency. One Member of which, a very honest Man, and of sound Religion, by the general Testimony of that Church, had desired to set up a Printing-house for his Livelihood, chiefly for printing the Liturgy, and other Books of the Church of England, in French, for the use of the French Islands under the English Subjection. In whose behalf the Superintendent readily interceded by a Letter with the Secretary to procure the King's Letters Patents▪ for his Licence and Authority so to do. The issue of which will be seen in the progress of this History. The Letter I have transcribed to accompany two others of A Las●o in the Appendix. 
No. LIV.    

CHAP. XXIII. The Church at Glastenbury.  

Another Church of Strangers at Glastenbury. Their Trade Weaving.  IN the same Year, viz. 1550. another Church of Strangers, and they most what French, and Walloons, began to settle at Glastenbury in Somersetshire. They were Weavers, and followed the Manufacture of Kerseys, and Cloth of that Nature, as I conjecture. Their great Patrons were the Duke of Somerset, and Sir William Cecyl, I add, and our Archbishop, though I do not find his Name mentioned in the Papers I make use of, relating to this Church: For there is no question, but that his Counsel and Aid concurred in the settlement of this Church, as well as those in London: and particularly as to the Preacher; whom I suspect to have been one of those Learned Foreign Divines, whom he harboured in his own House. 
Valerandus Pollanus their Preacher and Superintendent.  His Name was Valerandus Pollanus, a Man of great worth both for Learning and Integrity, who had the Title of Superintendent of the Stranger's Church at Glastenbury, as john a Lasco had of that at London; given to each, to fix a Character of Honour and Esteem upon their Persons, and perhaps to exempt them and their Churches from the Jurisdiction of the Bishops of those respective Dioceses. This Pollanus turned into Latin, and printed, the Disputations held in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, between the Protestants and Papists at the Convocation, Anno 1553. If any desire to know the particular State and Condition of the establishment of these Strangers, as to their Trade, it stood thus.  

How they came to fix here.  Pollanus in behalf of the rest, had preferred a Petition to the Duke of Somerset, and the rest of the Lords of the Council, to this Effect; That they might be permitted to form themselves into a Church for the free Exercise of Religion, and to follow peaceably their Calling of Weaving; declaring, as an Argument to persuade them to allow the same, the considerable Benefit that would accrue thence to the Realm. And that for Shops and Working-houses, and for reception of them and their Families, they might enjoy some old dissolved Religious House. Their Petition was condescended to. And the Duke, being a great Cherisher of those of the Religion, resolved to be their Patron, and to take the managing of this whole Cause upon himself. The Duke in the Month of june this Year, had made an exchange of certain Lands with the King, and that probably for the better accommodating of these Strangers. He had parted with the Castle and Lordship of Sleford, and other Lands and Tenements in the County of Lincoln, to the King: and the King had granted him, in lieu thereof, all and singular his Messages, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, with their Appurtenances, in the Town of Glastenbury, (namely what had belonged to the Abbey) and other Lands and Tenements in Kingston upon Hull, to the value of 214 l. 14 s. 5 d. obq. as I find in a Manuscript Book, mentioning the several Sales that King made. Having obtained such Conveniences in Glastenbury, he resolved to plant this Manufacture here; which he thought would tend so much to the Benefit of the Country, himself, and these poor Strangers too. Conditions were mutually entered into.  
The Conditions on Somerset's part were, That he should provide them Houses convenient for their Occupations, 
Conditions of Trade between Somerset and them.  and to contain themselves and Families: that five Acres of Pasture Land, or as much as would serve for the feeding of two Cows throughout the Year, should be allotted to each of them: and until Land were so allotted, they should enjoy the Park in common for the said use, with some part also of the Gardens. They were also to be supplied with moneys from the Duke to buy Wool, and defray other Charges necessary to set them on Work. They were also empowered to employ both English Men and Women, as they should have occasion, in Spinning, and other Works belonging to their Trade. And so accordingly they went down to Gastenbury, and fell to work.  
But upon the Troubles and Fall of Somerset, 
Their Trade obstructed by the Troubles of Somerset.  which happened about fourteen or fifteen Months after, their Affairs were much obstructed. His Servants neglected to furnish them with Money according to Contract. Nor was he at leisure now to regard them. The People, among whom they lived, took this opportunity to express what little kindness they had for them: it being the Temper of the Common-sort to be jealous of Strangers, and rude to them. So that they were not without their Discontents and Discouragements: For they wanted those Conveniences of room for Work-houses and Habitations, that were promised them. They ran in Debt, and were forced to lay to pawn the Clothes they had wove, to supply their Wants. Cornish, one of the chief of their Procurators, appointed to oversee them, and further their Trade, proved very deceitful and false to them. Who came to them, pretending Letters from the Council, and treating them at first with fair Words, and after with threatenings: and so compelled them to deliver the Clothes, that they had made, to him, though they had by mere Necessity been forced before to pawn them. He had also by his Importunity and Fraud, got the Grant of the Park from them, though he knew the Duke had fully purposed and intended it for their Use, for the necessary Maintenance of themselves and Families.  
Things being in this ill Condition with them, 
Apply themselves again to the Council,  and Somerset no longer able to befriend them, they were glad to apply again to those above. Pollanus therefore in their behalf petitioned the Lords of the Council to take their declining State into their consideration, and to carry on that good Work the Duke of Somerset had begun. He did also ply the Secretary to further their Petition, 
And to the Secretary Cecyl:  (who was indeed of his own accord their most hearty Friend;) and laboured particularly with all earnestness imaginable, both by Word of Mouth, and by divers Letters, to get the Factory discharged of Cornish, urging that the Weavers had never found the least grain of Integrity, Justice or Candour in him. This Man was now very industrious and busy at Court to get himself continued in his Office: which the Stranger's understanding, were as diligent to get themselves delivered of him. The Superintendent had but a little before dispatched to the Secretary one Peter Wolf, a good Man, and a great Sufferer, a Brabanter by Nation, to relate the evil Deeds of this Man: and now again he dispatched Stephen Le Provost, a Deacon of his Church, with another Message to the same import to the said Secretary. Telling him, That those who were to be set over others, ought themselves in the first place to be Honest and Just; but especially they ought to be so in the highest degree, that were to be placed over such Good Men, and who were Exiles only for the sake of Christ: Unless any could be willing that such upright Men should be undone, and that those very considerable Advantages that were likely to accrue to the Commonwealth by them, should be diverted to some other Place or Country. That they could not enough wonder with what forehead this Man should attempt this thing, after he had so plainly betrayed his base Treachery and Ill-will towards them: and could not but know, how very hardly they could away with him, and who were going to sue to the Duke for that which they now desired. That himself was solicited by the Prayers of those Good Men, to write this to him, that he would be their Advocate with the Lords in this behalf.  

The Council become their Patrons, and assist them.  The Result was, That the Lords consented to uphold and encourage them. And sent down their Letters to the Overseers of this Manufacture, and to the chief Officers of the Town, Powis, one of the King's Servants, and Hyet the chief Magistrate and others, to examine into the present State of these Strangers, and to give them in writing an Account thereof. These Letters the Superintendent delivered to them; and one Clerk a Justice of Peace was then present. Who being a Gentleman and a Scholar, that understood both French and Latin, did, out of his good Will to them, interpret to the rest Pollanus' Petition to the Lords of the Council, and the Contents of their Contract with the Duke of Somerset, and other Matters relating to this Business; that so they might be the better acquainted with their Affairs, and it might appear there were no Neglects or Breaches of Covenants on the Strangers parts. And so Letters were dispatched back to the Lords from the Overseers, signifying how they had examined the Affairs of these Strangers, and had found all things Fair and Just on their side; mentioning likewise what considerable Commodity they hoped for by them: and likewise from the chief of the Town to the same import.  

Orders from the Lords to set this Manufacture forwards.  Speedily upon this, Orders came down from the Lords to certain Gentlemen of the Town and Neighbourhood, whereof one Dyer was one, a Person of good Religion, and their cordial Friend, commissionating them to set this Manufacture forward, and to take care the Undertakers might be relieved in what they needed, according to their former Contract with the Duke. So they obtained the use of the Park for the running of threescore Head of Kine, till other Pasture were provided them. Thirty Houses were ordered to be forthwith repaired and fitted up for them. And Money was paid sufficient for the clearing them of their Debts. These Gentlemen had also assigned them a stated Provision of Money for the future, but it was too scanty; the Allowance that they had proportioned them for two Months, would scarcely hold out for five Weeks. Nor was any Wool at all bought for their use, though their Stock was almost at an end; and then their Work must stand still for want thereof, having no Money themselves to purchase more: and to take it up upon Credit, would enhance the price thereof. For one Crouch had demanded of them thirty two Shillings for Wool, when they could buy it of their Neighbours for four and twenty, had they Money. Their only hope was in Dyer, who promised them Wool at a far more reasonable rate, and kindly offered them a long Day of payment for it, without consideration for forbearance: their Doubt only was, whether his Wool was proper for their Use. But the Interest of Cornish was such, that he was continued by the Lords in his Office over these Tradesmen, and enjoyed a part of the Park to himself. These things were transacted in the Month of November, Anno 1551, which was the Month after the Duke's Commitment.  
In all this Affair Pollanus was very much employed, 
Pollanus very serviceable to them.  taking a great deal of Pains in settling this Trade. For he took many Journeys between Glastenbury and the Court, and was, as himself wrote, at incredible Expenses; and in fifteen months' space received not an Halfpenny, though he had a large Family to maintain. The Office also of surveying the Reparation of the Houses lay upon him. And fearing the Lords of the Council might be displeased at the greatness of the Charge they had been at already in the Repairs, and the little Profit that as yet arose to quit the Cost, he entreated the Secretary, that he would bear up their Reputation with the Lords; telling him, That he doubted not, that the Project would hereafter redound much to their own Praise, by reason of the very great Emolument, that all Men should perceive would come to the Realm thereby within three Years, God prospering them, as he had begun ●o do. And for himself, all he desired was, that for all his Charge and Trouble, he might obtain a Stipend of fifty Pounds, to be settled upon him. The Letters of Valerandus Pollanus, being three in number, I have inserted in the Appendix. 

No. LV. LVI.LVII.  
An Apology for the largeness of the former Relation.    
I acknowledge, that many of these things I have related concerning this Business, may seem too little and minute for an Historian to take notice of. But I was loath any Particulars of so remarkable a Design should be lost, which in probability would have turned so much to the Benefit of our Nation. It being also an Instance of the pious Care, and good Policy, that was then taken by the Court for the Relief and Sustentation of poor Fugitives, flying hither from their Native Country, Friends and Livelihood, for Christ's Sake, and yet that the Public might be as little burdened by them as might be.  
Queen Mary's access to the Crown spoiled this good Design. 
After the King's Death they remove to Frankford▪  For all Strangers being then commanded suddenly to depart the Realm, this Congregation accordingly broke up, and removed themselves to Frankford in Germany. Where the Magistrates kindly entertained them, and allowed them a Church. And when afterwards, 
Troubles at Frankford▪  viz. 1554. divers of the English Nation fled thither for their Religion, the Governors of the Town, upon their Petition received them also, and all other such English as should resort thither upon the same Account, as many did. And two Members of this French Congregation, 
Prove Friends to the English Exiles there.  mindful undoubtedly of the former Kindness themselves or their Countrymen had received in England, assisted them much; namely, Morellio a Minister, and Castalio an Elder. The English here made use of the same Church the French did; these one Day, and the English another: and upon Sundays the use of it respectively, as themselves could agree.  
And as there were settled here Congregations of French, Italians and Dutch Strangers, so I am very apt to believe, there was also a Church of Spaniards too. 
A Spanish Church.  Indeed I do not find express mention of any such till the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign; when Cassiodorus and Antonius Corranus Hispalensis [of Sevil] (a Member of the Italian Congregation) were their Preachers, 
Cassiodorus, and Corra●us their Preachers.  of whom I shall have occasion to say something in my Memorials of Archbishop Grindal. It is certain, 
Many of King Philip's Spaniards become Protestants.  that in Queen Mary's Days many of those Spaniards, who came over in the Retinue of Philip, the Spanish Prince, or after, forsook Popery, and became Professors of the Reformed Religion. Which one cannot well tell how it should come to pass, unless it were by the hearing of the Gospel preached in their own Language here. And it is observable, that among these, many had been sent for over, in that Queen's Time, to convert our Nation from Heresy, as they termed it, and to reduce it to the Roman Church. This notable Success and Power, which the clear Evidence of Truth had upon these Men, was in those Times taken much notice of, as it might well be. james Pilkington, the Master of S. John's College in Cambridg, and who was afterwards Bishop of Durham, makes a Note of it to the University, in the Sermon which he preached at the Restitution of Bucer and Fagius, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, after the barbarous Indignities that had been offered them in the former Queen's Reign, in raking their dead Bodies out of their Graves, and burning them. It is much more notable, said he, that we have seen to come to pass in our Days, that the Spaniards, sent for into the Realm on purpose to suppress the Gospel, as soon as they were returned Home, replenished many parts of their Country with the same Truth of Religion, to the which before they were utter Enemies.  

Great numbers of Protestants in Spain and Italy.  Nay, and not long after this, such earnest Professors of the True Religion were found in Spain, that many of them endured the fiery Trial, and offered up their Bodies to the Flames, for Christ's Sake, and more were cast into Prisons. And yet the Gospel got ground there to admiration: as Zanchy gave a Relation thereof to A Lasco in one of his Letters. Wherein he spoke of the great numbers of true Professors in Italy also. The Place being so much to our present purpose, I will take leave to lay before the Reader. In Calabriae duobus Castellis, 
Zanchii Ep. Lib. 2.  etc. In two Castles of Calabria, one belonging to the Duke of Montalto, the other to a Nobleman of Naples, were found 4000 Brethren, being the remainders of those Brethren, called Waldenses. They were for many Years unknown, and lived safely in their Ancestors Possessions. For though they approved not of Masses, yet they thought the Faithful might go to them with a safe Conscience. But being untaught this bad Doctrine, they did wholly and universally abstain going any more. And so it came to pass, that they could not be concealed any longer. Therefore a Persecution was raised up against them. They writ to the Brethren at Geneva, to assist them by their Prayers, their Counsel, and also by humane Aid. We see also in Italy, where the Seat of Antichrist is, there is a great Harvest; but very few to gather it. O God, have Mercy upon Italy. In Spain very many were burnt, more cast into Prison. Nevertheless in the mean time, the Gospel goes forward, as we hear, wonderfully. And in another Letter he writes thus; There is a very great Persecution in Italy, nor a less in Spain: A sign there be many Faithful there that dare confess Christ.   

CHAP. XXIV. The Archbishop's Care of the Revenues of the Church. Bucer dies.  
I Return now to our Prelate again, to take a further view of him, 
The ABp labour's 〈◊〉 preserve the Revenues of the Church.  acting in his high Function in the English Church. It must not be omitted to be ranked among his good Services towards it, that he did what in him lay to preserve the Revenues of it in his Time, when there were so many hungry Courtiers gaping after them. These were again in a new Danger after the Duke of Northumberland and his Party had removed Somerset, and made themselves the great Controllers of Public Affairs.  
It was indeed the Scandal of the Reformation, 
The detaining the Church-Revenues a Scandal to the Reformation.  that the Demeans that had been settled long before by our pious Ancestors, for the maintenance of God's Ministers, as they had been formerly wrongfully appropriated to Monasteries, and swallowed up by Lazy Monks, so they had not now recurred and been restored to their true Owners; but became possessed by Laymen. So that in many scores of Parishes there remained not sufficient to buy Bread for the Incumbents and their Families. And it was more than suspicious, that many Patrons did render the Condition of the Church still worse in these Days, by retaining and reserving to themselves, whether by Contract or Power, the Tithes of the Benefices they presented to. And by these means Pluralities and Nonresidences, the old Mischief of the Church, were not redressed, but rather made necessary. This Abuse grieved good Men, and Lovers of the Reformation, both at Home and Abroad, because they saw how the preaching of the Gospel was obstructed hereby.  
Concerning this, 
Calvin to the ABp upon this matter.  Bucer from Cambridg wrote privately to Calvin in the Year 1550. And this made Calvin address a Letter to our Archbishop, telling him, That for the flourishing State of Religion he thought it highly needful to have fit Pastors that might seriously set themselves to perform the Office of Preaching. One great obstacle whereof he makes very truly to be, Quod praedae expositi sunt Ecclesiae reditus; That the Rents of the Church were exposed to be a Prey. 
Ep. 127.  Which he calls Malum sanè intolerabile. And of the same thing, and not long after, viz. july 1551. he admonished the Duke of Somerset, in a French Letter all of his own hand-writing: which because of the Antiquity of it, 

And to the Duke of Somerset.  
No. LVIII.   and the Matter it treats of, referring to our Church, and not being among his printed Epistles, I have added in the Appendix. In which Letter he excites the Duke to take care, that there might be fit and able Ministers, fixed in Parishes, to teach the People. The want whereof he attributed to two Causes. The one whereof he made to lie in the Universities; and the other in the Matter that we are speaking of. That the Revenue of the Cures was withdrawn and dispersed away: So that there was nothing to maintain good Men, who were fit to perform the Office of true Pastors. And hence it came to pass, that ignorant Priests were put in; which made great Confusion. For the Quality of the Persons begat great Contempt of God's Word. Advising the Duke to endeavour to bring those that had these Spiritual Possessions, to be willing to part with them: in as much as they could not prosper in defrauding God's People of their Spiritual Food, which they did by hindering the Churches of good Pastors.  
Bucer, the King's Divinity-Professor at Cambridg, was this Year engaged in a public Disputation, 
Bucer publicly disputeth at Cambridg.  as his Colleague, Peter Martyr, the King's Professor at Oxon, had been there the last. Before this Disputation happened, Bucer communicated his Purpose to his said Colleague and Friend. Who having sufficient experience of the vainglorious Ends of the Papists in these kinds of Disputations, and of their unfair Dealings, advised him in a Letter, not to engage in it, but to decline it. On which Letter Archbishop Parker, into whose Hands it fell, 
MSS. C.C.C.C.  wrote this Inscription, Ad Bucerum, prudens Martyris consilium, ut non det se in disputatione cum gloriosulis Thrasonibus. But it seems he was too far engaged to avoid it with Reputation, nor thought he fit to do it for the vindication and sake of Truth. The Questions disputed of, and his Antagonists were before mentioned. It seems he came off with great Credit; for his Friend Martyr in a Letter to him, soon after it was over, professed a great deal of gladness, that his Disputations had that good Success: and that it so well happened was by God's Providence: Which he said, he could scarce have believed to have been a thing possible, without Visitors, or other grave Judges; since the Papists reckoned it enough for their Business only to dispute, afterwards studiously dispersing their Lies, to their own Advantage, and the disparagement of those that disputed against them. And therefore Martyr said, he wondered not, that Christ in the beginning confirmed the Disputations of his Apostles with Miracles.  
MARTINUS BUCERUS S.S. Theologiae paid Cantabrigienyes Profefsor Regius. Natus Selestadij Anno MCCCCXCI. Denatus MDLI  
Bucer's Friends, 
The University wrote up concerning his Death.  after they had taken care for giving him an honourable Funeral, consulted the Supply of his Widow, Wibrand Bucerin; that she might be well gratified, and presented with some Gratuities that might show the Respect the Nation had for her learned Husband. So the University wrote a Letter to the King and Council concerning Bucer's Death, and their respectful Interment of him, with the signification of their Desire, that his Majesty would send them another able Professor in his room. With this University-Letter, Dr. Parker wrote another to Sir john Cheke; entreating him to present their Letter, and that he would particularly speak to the Council, and to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to remember the Widow. Sir john Cheke, March 9 wrote a Letter in answer to Dr. Parker's; which I have placed in the Appendix. 
No. LIX.  He therein lamented the loss of this Man: commended him for his Depth of Knowledge, Earnestness in Religion, Fartherliness in Life, and Authority in Knowledge. He added, that the King would provide some grave Learned Man to maintain God's true Learning in that University: though he thought in all Points they would not meet with Bucer's like. He desired Parker, that all Bucer's Books and Writings might be sent up and saved for the King's Majesty, except Mrs. Bucer might turn them to better Account some other way.  
These Books and Papers were apprized at one hundred Pounds. 
Bucer's Library.  But she received but fourscore Pounds of those that bought them. Which she desired Parker and Haddon, the Executors here in England, to testify under their Hands: that she might show it, to vindicate her Truth and Honesty, not to have wronged the Heirs. The Library was divided into three parts. The King had the Manuscripts, which was one part; The Duchess [of Somerset, I suppose] had the greater part of the Books, and the Archbishop of Canterbury had the remainder: for which he for his share, paid her forty Pounds. The University gave her an hundred Crowns: the King an hundred Marks more, besides her Husband's half-year's Pension, though he died before Lady-day when it came due. He also allowed for such reasonable Repairs as Bucer had bestowed about the House wherein he lived. 
His Widow retires to Germany.  And, March 31. 1551. She had a Passage by Sea granted her with eight Persons in her Company. She returned unto Strasburgh, whither She retired, by Mr. Rich. Hills Merchant, the Sum of two hundred twenty six Pounds, two Shillings. From Strasburgh, in February the next Year, She wrote a Letter to the Executors, wherein She acknowledged their Kindness to her, praying God for them, in respect of their singular Humanity and Benefits which they had showed to her Husband and herself, and especially when he was dead. Miseram me, said She in that Letter, omnique solatio destitutam non deseruistis, sed in vestram me tutelam benigne suscepistis; omnia denique Christianae charitatis officia demonstrastis. Bucer left a Son named Nathaniel, and a Daughter named Elizabeth, behind him, at Strasburgh, when he came into England: Which, I suppose, were all the Children he left surviving him, whom he had by a former Wife that died of the Plague there. By her he had many more, but they died before him.  

The Correspondence between him and Martyr. MSS. C.C.C.C.  As long as Bucer lived, there was a dear Correspondence between him and P. Martyr, while they were the one at Cambridg, and the other at Oxford. In the private Library at Benet-College, there be still remaining divers Letters from Martyr to him. One whereof was writ upon occasion of Bucer's communicating to him his Judgement of the Habits; which he had composed for the use of Hoper. Which Letter began thus, S. P. Perlegi, Vir Dei, quae de Vestium discrimine doctè piéque scripsisti, ac ex illis non mediocrem voluptatem cepi, tum quia vera quae praedicas intelligebam, tum quod per omnia consentiebant cum his, quae ego Londinum ad Hopperum ipsum, pridie ejus diei, qua tuae mihi redderentur miseram. So that hence it appears they were both unanimous for wearing of the Habits enjoined: and so had given their Judgements to Hoper. In the same Letter he answered a Case put to him by Bucer, Quamdiu fidem in Christo generalem, confusam aut implicitam satisfuisse ad hominum salutem. And the resolution of this Question being the chief Matter of this Letter, Archbishop Parker (into whose Hands it fell) entitled it thus, Quamdiu Fides implicita licuerit. And on the Margin of the same Letter, where he entered upon another Argument, is written by the same Hand, De concordi confession in re Sacramentaria. For A Lasco had lately wrote to Martyr his Desire, that some Confession about the Sacrament might be drawn up; to which he and Bucer, and Bernardin, and Martyr, might set their Hands, to testify the Foreign Protestants Consent.  
Another Letter wrote by Martyr to Bucer, bore this Title, set to it by the same Hand with the former, Quibus artibus instituerint Disputationem Theologicam in Comitiis Oxoniensibus. And on the side of this Letter, Gaudet Disputationem non esse factam & Astutia Papistica in Disputatione.  
In a third Letter he gave Bucer advice, that he should not engage in any Disputation with the vainglorious Papists.  
There is yet a fourth Letter: Wherein Martyr communicated to him, how he had been employed by the Archbishop of Canterbury in taking into examination the English Book of Common-Prayer, with his Judgement thereon. This Letter hath this Title put to it by Parker, Censura libri communium precum.  
The Contents of the second and fourth Letter, 
A Plot of the Papists at Oxo●, against Martyr, at an Act.  having some things very remarkable for the Illustration of our History, I shall here set down more largely. In the former, having congratulated Bucer's coming off so well in his Disputation with Young the Papist, he took notice of the unfair Ways the Papists used in their Disputes: and then proceeded to tell what happened to himself the last Act at Oxford this Year, by a Party there, that did what they could to affront him, and the Evangelical Truth which he taught. Certain that then went out Bachelors of Divinity, made this Combination among themselves. One of them they set up to be Respondent. The Opponents, who were of the same Strain, and the Question to be disputed, they suppressed, and kept under great silence; on purpose; that Peter Martyr, the King's Professor, should not know: And when some had urged to them, that it belonged to the Professor to know the Question, they answered, That it did not; and that it was enough for them to know it, that were to dispute on it. The Day before the Disputation was to be undertaken, about two of the Clock in the Afternoon, they set up the Question upon the Church-Doors: and then it appeared to be in behalf of Transubstantiation. And to exclude the Professor, they chose to themselves a great Papist, Dr. Chedsey, for their Father. And here the Opponents were to have taken and managed all Martyr's Arguments; and the Respondent was to have assoiled them as he thought good. And then the Opponents were to acknowledge, they were satisfied with the Answers given thereunto. And their Father, who was to occupy the Professor's Place, was by a Speech highly to approve and applaud all that had been done. And things were so to be ordered that Day, that the Professor should not have any opportunity of speaking. For these Disputations were to have been performed but a little before Night, after the Civilians had finished their parts; which used to be the last Exercises. Or if after this Divinity-Disputation were done, the Professor had been minded to say any thing, he must do it when it was Night, and when the tired Auditors would be all going Home. And then these Disputants and their Party were every where to cry Victory, and carry away the Glory. There was now observed a greater confluence of People at this Act, than could have been believed: For they had sent about their Letters to invite such hither, as were for their own Turn: and all to increase the Triumph. Among the rest there were present the Chaplains of Winchester and Durham. But all this elaborate and finespun Plot was by a Providence broken on a sudden; the Vicechancellor, whether he feared any Riot, or for what other Cause, it was uncertain, forbidding the Divinity-Disputations that Day, without the privity of the Professor.  
The Matter of Martyr's other Letter, wrote to Bucer in january, (as the former was in September before) related to the Book of Common-Prayer. For the Correction of which the Archbishop, 
Martyr's Judgement of the Communion-Book  the Bishop of Ely, and the other Bishops were, by the King's Command, met together in Consultation. And that this Work might be the more effectually performed, the Archbishop thought good to have the Judgement herein of both the Public Professors, Bucer and Martyr. Accordingly Bucer wrote his Censure, and Martyr his Annotations, 
Pag. 210.  as was said before. A Copy of which Censure Bucer had communicated to Martyr. Who in this Letter declared his Consent and Approbation thereunto. As to his own Annotations, Cheke's Latin Version which he used, was so brief and defective, that for that reason many things were omitted by him, which he would have noted, had he seen the Book complete. But after he had sent in those his Annotations to the Archbishop who earnestly required them, he saw Bucer's Censure, whereby he perceived divers other things called for Correction, than he had taken notice of. So he reduced whatsoever was wanting in his Annotations, into certain brief Articles, and acquainted the Archbishop therewith; and that in them all he did freely agree with Bucer, that it were fit they should be altered. But Martyr's Annotations did fully accord with Bucer's Animadversions, though they were at a distance, and consulted not at all with one another before they wrote their Judgements. But one thing was passed over by Bucer, which Martyr wondered at: it was in the Office for the Communion of the Sick. Where it was ordered, That if this private Communion happened to be on the same Sunday, when there should be a public One, than the Priest was to take along with him some of the Consecrated Elements, and with them to administer the Sacrament in the House of the Sick. Wherein this offended Martyr, as he said, that the Office that belonged to the Communion should not be repeated before the sick Man, and the rest that communicated with him, since the words of the Supper do rather belong to the Men, than to the Bread and Wine. And his advice was, that all that was necessarily required to the Lord's Supper, should be said and done, whensoever it was privately as well as publicly celebrated. He subscribed to Bucer's Censure in every thing; and he thanked God, that had administered an Occasion, that the Bishops should by them be admonished of those Matters. So that it was concluded by the Bishops at their Conference about the Communion-Book, that much should be changed therein, as the Archbishop told Martyr, then at his House. And if they would not do it, the King was resolved to do it by himself and his Parliament, without them. In this Letter he speaks something concerning Hoper, whose Behaviour he disliked; and concerning Dr. Smith, who had lately written against the Archbishop's Book of the Sacrament, and against himself concerning Monastic Vows. Both these Letters, as well worthy the sight and perusal of the Reader, I have reposited in the Appendix. 
No. LX. LXI.   
Thus this Reverend and Learned Foreigner, after many great Difficulties passed through, for the Cause of Religion, flying from one place to another, came at last to a natural Death and a quiet End in this Land. For his Fame and Wisdom, 
Bucer's great Dangers.  he was called by the Electors, Palatine, and of Brandenburg, with the Emperor's Permission, to temper the Emperor's Rescript about Religion, which was to be published, that so it might please both Parties. But he thought he could not do it with any Honesty; and rather than meddle with it, he fled to Strasburgh with his Wife and Children: hereby he fell under the Displeasure of those Princes, as well as before he had done under that of the Emperor for the Reformation of Colen; the Envy of which Melancthon escaped, but it fell on poor Bucer. Being at Strasburgh, he also contracted much Ill-will by means of the Anabaptists and others whom he opposed, and who by their pretended Sanctimony had a great Party there. His Friends apprehended him on these Accounts in great Danger; but he thought of no removal to any other Place, Patron or Church, trusting himself in God's Hands, till Sturmius and some others advised him by all means to depart into England. Which he at length yielding to, the said Sturmius admonished him, for his safer Travel, to take a more uncommon Way, through Lorain and Rheims, and some other parts of France, to Calais, and there to cross over the Sea. Which he did, and was very hospitably here entertained, as was said before.  

Bishop's Consecrated.  
june 29. john Ponet, or Poynet, D.D. Chaplain to the Archbishop, 
Ponet▪  was Consecrated Bishop of Rochester at Lambeth-Chappel, by the Archbishop of Canterbury; assisted by Nicolas Bishop of London, an● Arthur Bishop of Bangor. This Consecration was performed with all the usual Ceremonies and Habits, probably for this Reason, to give as little occasion of Offence to Papists as might be, and to keep close to the old Usages, avoiding Superstition: Therefore it was set down in the Register at large in what Formalities all was now done. 
Cranm. Reg.  The Archbishop is described, Vsitatis insigniis redimitus, & uno Epitogio, sive Capa, indutus, Oratorium suum praedictum honestè & decenter ornatum ingressus, etc. Having on his Mitre and Cope, usual in such Cases, went into his Chapel, handsomely and decently adorned, to celebrate the Lord's Supper according to the Custom, and by Prescript of the Book, entitled, The Book of Common-Service. Before the People there assembled, the Holy Suffrages first began, and were publicly recited, and the Epistle and Gospel read in the Vulgar Tongue, Nicolas Bishop of London, and Arthur Bishop of Bangor, assisting; and having their Surplices and Copes on, and their Pastoral Staves in their Hands, led Dr. john Ponet, endued with the like Habits, in the middle of them, unto the most Reverend Father; and presented him unto him, sitting in a decent Chair; and used these words, Most Reverend Father in God, we present unto you this godly and well-learned Man to be consecrated Bishop. The Bishop Elect forthwith produced the King's Letters Patents before the Archbishop. Which by command of the said ABp, being read by Dr. Glyn, the said Ponet took the Oath of renouncing the Bishop of Rome, and then the Oath of Canonical Obedience to the Archbishop. These things being thus dispatched, the Archbishop exhorted the People to Prayer and Supplication to the Most High, according to the Order prescribed in the Book of Ordination set forth in the Month of March 1549. According to which Order he was Elected and Consecrated, and endued with the Episcopal Ornaments, the Bishop of London first having read the third Chapter of the first Epistle of Paul to Timothy, in manner of a Sermon. These things being done, and the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper celebrated upon a Table, covered with a white Linen Cloth, by the Archbishop and the two assisting Bishops, the same Archbishop decreed to write to the archdeacon of Canterbury for the Investiture, Installation and Inthronization of the said Bishop of Rochester, as it was customary. Present Anthony Huse, principal Register of the Archbishop; Peter Lily, john Lewis, john Incent, public Notaries; and many others, as well Clerks as Laics.  

Hoper.  March 8. john Hoper was consecrated Bishop of Gloucester, just after the same manner, by the Archbishop, Nicholas Bishop of London, and john Bishop of Rochester, assisting, clothed (say the Words of the Register) in Linen Surplices and Copes, and john Elect of Gloucester in the like Habit.    

CHAP. XXV. The Archbishop publisheth his Book against Gardiner.  

An. 1551.  
Cranmer publisheth his Book of the Sacrament.  THIS Year our Archbishop published his Elaborate Book of the Sacrament, confuting the gross and carnal Presence of Christ there, in vindication of a former Book of his, wrote against by Bishop Gardiner and Dr. Smith. For, to give the Reader some distinct Account of this Matter, in the Year 1550, Cranmer printed a Book in English in Quarto with this Title, 
His first Book.  A Defence of the True and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ; with a Confutation of sundry Errors concerning the same: Grounded and established upon God's Holy Word, and approved by the Consent of the most ancient Doctors of the Church. The great Reason that moved him to write this Book was, that he might the more effectually purge the Church of Popery, esteeming Transubstantiation and the Mass, to be the very Roots of it. The taking away of Beads, Pilgrimages, Pardons, and suchlike Popery, was, (as he wrote in his Preface) but the lopping off a few Branches; which would soon spring up again, unless the Roots of the Tree, which were Transubstantiation, and the Sacrifice of the Mass, were pulled up. Therefore out of a sincere Zeal to the Honour of God, he would labour, he said, in his Vineyard, to cut down that Tree of Error, Root and Branch. By this Book very many were enlightened to perceive the Errors of the Popish Doctrines of the Sacrament. This Treatise he divided into five Books or Points. I. Of the True and Catholic Doctrine and Use of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ. 
An. 1551.  II. Against the Error of Transubstantiation. III. The manner how Christ is present in the Sacrament. IV. Of the eating and drinking of the Body and Blood of Christ. V. Of the Oblation and Sacrifice of our Saviour Christ. In the third Part he made mention of the Bishop of Winchester, in these words: As many of them [i. e. of the Papist Writers] as I have read, (the Bishop of Winchester only excepted) do say, That Christ called not the Bread his Body. This Bishop was much offended that he was named in the Book, and pretended this to be one Reason why he did write against it, to vindicate himself, as well as the Papal Church, hereby so dangerously struck at. This Book of Cranmers was turned into Latin by john Young; who complied afterwards with the old Religion under Queen Mary, and was Master of Pembroke-Hall, Cambridg.  
At this Book the Defenders of Popery were so nettled, 
Wrote against by Gardener and Smith.  that in the same Year 1550, Winchester then in the Tower, and fickle Dr. Smith then at Louvain, printed Answers. Of Smith's Book I shall only note by the way, that March 8. 1550. there was an Order of Council to examine the bringer over of his Book against Cranmer. Such a Countenance did the State give to the Archbishop and his Book. Gardiner's Book made the greatest noise: Which was printed in France, and entitled. An Explication and Assertion of the true Catholic Faith touching the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, with the Confutation of a Book written against the same. In the Beginning of his Book he wrote, That his Sermon before the King, [on St. Peter's Day] touching the Sacrament of the Altar, gave occasion to the Archbishop's Book against it; and that he was called before the King's Commissioners at Lambeth for his Catholic Faith in the Sacrament. Whereas indeed this was not the Cause of his Troubles; nor had some former Copies of his Book these words: But after the Commission was issued forth against him, to make his Cause appear the more specious, as if it were the Cause of the Church, he thought fit to make an Alteration in the beginning of his Book in the manner abovesaid. And to carry on the Scene, he in open Court offered his Book before the King's Commissioners.  
To this Book of gardiner's, 
Vindicated in another Book by the ABp.  our Archbishop studied and composed an Answer; holding himself bound, for the Vindication of the Evangelical Truth, as well as of his own Writing, and for the Satisfaction of the People, not to suffer it to lie untaken notice of. When it was known the Archbishop was preparing an Answer against Gardiner, the People were in very great expectation, and conceived an earnest desire to see and read it: Having therefore dispatched his Copy, and sent it to Rainold Wolf his Printer, it was printed off in the Month of September 1551. But there was some stop put to the publishing of it, occasioned by a Proclamation issued out from the King; whereby, for some political Ends, both the printing and selling of English Books, without the Allowance of the King's Majesty, or six of his Privy-Council, was forbidden. The Archbishop being desirous, that his Book might come abroad the next Term, for the Contentation of many who had long expected the same, sent to Secretary Cecyl and Sir john Cheke, to procure, either from the King or Council, a Licence to the said Wolf for printing and selling his Book. Which was obtained, and the Book published accordingly. This Letter of the ABp's, dated Sept. 29. I have thought not amiss to reposit in the Appendix. 
No. LXII.  Octob. 1. A Licence was granted to Wolf to publish the Book, under the King's Privilege, the Court then being at Hampton-Court, and the Archbishop himself present. The Title this second Book of the Archbishop's bore was, An Answer by the Reverend Father in God, Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Metropolitan, unto a crafty and sophistical Cavillation, devised by Stephen Gardiner, Doctor of Law, late Bishop of Winchester, against the true and godly Doctrine of the most Holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ. Wherein is also, as occasion serveth, answered such Places of the Book of Dr. Richard Smith, as may seem any thing worthy the answering. Also a true Copy of the Book written, and in open Court delivered by Dr. Stephen Gardiner, not one Word added or diminished, but faithfully in all Points agreeing with the Original. This Book of Archbishop Cranmers, was printed again at London, 1580, with his Life, and some other things.  

The Method of the ABp's Reply.  His Reply to Gardiner was in the most fair and candid Method that could be devised. For he first set down his own Treatise, Piece by Piece; then Gardiner's Reply thereunto Word for Word, leaving not one Paragraph without a full Answer. His Reply to Smith was only of some things most worthy to be taken notice of, the rest of Smith's Book being mere Trifles. This Reply to Smith he inserted in the Body of his Answer to Gardiner, as occasion served. Only at the end he made a particular Reply to Smith's Preface.  

The Judgements made of this Book. In Antiq. Brit.  It seemed to be a very complete Exercitation upon that Subject. The Book was stored with so great Learning and Plenty of Arguments, Vt ea Controversia, saith one of his Successors, a nemine unquam contra Pontificios accuratius tractata esse videatur; That no one Controversy was by any ever handled against the Papists more accurately. It may not be amiss to mention here the Opinion that Cranmer himself had of his Book, in that famous and renowned Confession he made of his Faith in S. Mary's Church, Oxon, immediately before he was led away to his Burning. Where he expressed his full Approbation and great Confidence of the Doctrine contained therein: saying, That as for the Sacrament, 
Fox's Acts.  he believed as he had taught in his Book against the Bishop of Winchester. The which Book, he said, taught so true a Doctrine of the Sacrament, that it should stand at the last Day before the Judgement of God, where the Papistical Doctrine contrary thereto should be ashamed to show her Face. The Papists spoke as much against this Book, being much galled by it. Dr. Tresham, in his Disputation with Latimer, said, There were six hundred Errors in the Book. Weston, thinking to invalidate the Book by the pretended Novelty of the Doctrine, asked the same Father, How long he had been of that Opinion? He said, Not past seven Years; that is, about the Year 1547; and that Archbishop Cranmers Book confirmed his Judgement therein: and added, That if he could but remember all therein contained, he would not fear to answer any Man in this Matter.  
The Archbishop had acknowledged to the Queen's Commissioners at Oxford, that Ridley had first begun to enlighten him, as to the true Notion of the Presence, as he had maintained it in his Book. 
How the ABp came off from the Opinion of the Corporal Presence.  Hereupon one of them took occasion to try to baffle the true Doctrine, by making the whole stress of it to depend upon the Authority of single Ridley. Latimer, said he, leaned upon Cranmer, and Cranmer leaned upon Ridley. Whereas the truth of this was no more, but that Ridley reading Bertrams Book of the Body and Blood of Christ, was sharpened to examine the old Opinion more accurately, of the Presence of Christ's Flesh and Blood; and looking into Ecclesiastical Authors, he found it greatly controverted in the ninth Century, and learnedly writ against. Which made him begin to conclude it none of the ancient Doctrines of the Church, but more lately brought into it. These his Thoughts he communicated to Archbishop Cranmer, which was about the Year 1546. Whereupon they both set to examine it with more than ordinary Care. And all the Arguments that Cranmer gathered about it, he digested into his Book. Nor was the good Archbishop ashamed to make a public Acknowledgement in print of this as well as of his other Popish Errors, in his Answer to Smith's Preface, who it seems had charged him with Inconstancy. This I confess of myself, that not long before I wrote the said Catechism, I was in that Error of the Real Presence, as I was many Years passed in many other Errors, as of Transubstantiation, of the Sacrifice propitiatory of the Priests in the Mass, of Pilgrimages, of Purgatory, etc. being brought up from my Youth in them. For the which, and other the Offences of my Youth, I do daily pray unto God for Pardon and Mercy. After it pleased God to show me, by his Holy Word, a more perfect knowledge of his Son Jesus Christ, I put away my former Ignorance. As God gave me Light, so through his Grace I opened my Eyes to receive it. And I trust in God's Mercy for pardon of my former Errors. I set this down the more at large, to show the great Ingenuity as well as Piety of this good Man.  
Peter Martyr in the Year following this, 
The ABp's great Skill in this Controversy.  printed a Book of the Sacrament, which was the Sum of what he had read before upon that Point in the University of Oxford. Which Book he dedicated to his Patron, the Archbishop of Canterbury: And giving the Reason why he made the Dedication to him, said, That he knew certainly, that Cranmer had so great Skill in this Controversy, as one could hardly find in any one besides. That there was none of the Fathers, which he had not diligently noted; no ancient or modern Book extant, that he [Martyr] had not with his own Eyes seen noted by the Archbishop's Hand. Whatsoever belonged to the whole Controversy, he said, that the Archbishop had digested into particular Chapters; Councils, Canons, Pope's Decrees pertaining hereunto: and that with so great labour, that unless he had been an Eye-Witness of it and seen it, he could not easily have believed others, if they had told him, in regard of the infinite Toil, Diligence and Exactness, wherewith the Archbishop had done it. He added, that the Archbishop had not bestowed such kind of Pains and Study in the Matter of the Sacrament only, but that he had done the same thing, as to all other Doctrines, in effect, which in that Age were especially under Controversy. And this that Learned Man said, he had made good Observation of. Nor, as he went on, that he wanted Skill, a Method, and Industry in defending what he held. Which might, he said, be known by this, because he had so often conflicted with his Adversaries, both publicly and privately, and by a marvellous strength of Learning, quickness of Wit, and dexterity of Management, had asserted what he held to be true, from the thorny and intricate Cavils of Sophisters [glancing at his Controversies with Winchester, who was commonly then called the Sophister] and that he wanted not a Will, yea, a Mind ready to defend Sound and Christian Doctrines. That all Men did sufficiently understand, who saw him burn with so great an endeavour of restoring Religion, that for this Cause only he had great and heavy Enemies, and neglected many Commodities of this Life, and underwent horrible Dangers. The great and intimate Converse that P. Martyr had with Cranmer, gave him opportunity to know him very well: and therefore I have chosen to set down this Character that he gave of him, and particularly of his Ability in this Controversy of th● Eucharist.  

P. Martyr enlightened by Cranmer.  And I am apt to think that the careful perusal of these Authorities, collected by the Archbishop, and his Conversation with this Learned Prelate, being much with him at Lambeth, was a cause of bringing Martyr to the True Doctrine. For at his first coming to Oxon, he was a Papist, or a Lutheran, as to the belief of the Presence. And so Feckenham, 
Fox's Acts.  Dean of S. Paul's, told Bartlet Green at his Examination; and that Martyr perceiving the King's Council, as he uncharitably suggested, to be of another Opinion, he, to please them, forsook the true Catholic Faith. But Mr. Green, who had been a hearer of him at Oxon, replied, That he had heard Martyr say, That he had not, while he was a Papist, read S. Chrysostom upon the tenth to the Corinthians, nor many other places of the Doctors. But when he had read them, and well considered them, he was content to yield to them, having first humbled himself in Prayer, desiring God to illuminate him, and bring him to the true understanding of Scripture.  

Fox's Conjecture of the ABp.  As to the Authorities the Archbishop allegeth in his Book, it was the Conjecture of john Fox, that he made use of Frith's Book, which he wrote of the Sacrament against More divers Years before: and that from the said Author the Archbishop seemed to have collected the Testimonies of the Doctors, which he produced in his Apology against the Bishop of Winchester: and that he gathered the principal and chiefest Helps thence, that he leaned to. But although he might peruse Frith, as he did almost all other Authors that wrote of this Controversy, yet he was too well versed in the Ecclesiastical Writers, that he needed to go a borrowing to the readings of any others for Sentences and Allegations out of them.  

A second Book of Gardener against the ABp.  Cranmer lived to see his Book replied again unto by his Adversary Gardiner, in Latin, under the feigned Name of Marcus Antonius Constantius a Divine of Louvain. His Book went under this Title, Confutatio cavillationum, quibus sacrosanctum Eucharistiae Sacramentum ab impiis Capernaitis impeti solet. Printed at Paris, 1552. In this Book he spared the Name of the Archbishop, but reduceth all the Archbishop's Book into no less than 255 Objections. To each of which, one by one, the Catholic is brought in making answer. Next, whereas Cranmer had laid down twelve Rules for the finding out the true Sense of the Fathers in their Writings, the Catholic examines them, and enervates them. Then follows a Confutation of the Solutions, whereby the Sectary, as he is called, (that is, Cranmer) endeavoured to take off the Arguments of the Catholics. And, which is the fourth and last part of the Book, he defends Catholic Mens Sense of the Allegations out of the Fathers against the Sectaries. Gardiner, when he compiled this Book, was in the Tower a Prisoner; but yet he was under so easy restraint, that he was furnished there with Workmen, and amanuensis. 
Preface to P. Martyr's Book, in Def. of Cranmer.  As they of old to the building of the Tabernacle, so he to the preparing of his Book, a kind of Papistical Tabernacle, [to use the words of Martyr] all sorts contributed something. For his Book was Pandora's Box, to which all the lesser Gods brought their Presents. For every Man, were his Learning less or more, that had any Arguments for the Popish Doctrine, brought them all to him, (many whereof were windy and trivial enough) and he out of the heap made his Collections as he thought good. But Watson and Smith were his chief Assistants.  
The Archbishop, though the Times now soon after turned, 
The ABp begins a third Book; but, lives not to ●●nish it.  and he cast into Prison, was very desirous to prepare another Book in Confutation of Marcus Antonius, and in Vindication of his own Writing. He lived long enough to finish three Parts: whereof, two unhappily perished in Oxford, and the third fell into john Fox's Hands, and for aught I know, that by this time is perished also. But the great desire he had to finish his Answer to that Book, was the chief cause, that at his last Appearance before the Queen's Commissioners, he made his Appeal to a General Council. That thereby he might gain some time and leisure to accomplish what he had begun, before his Life were taken away, which he saw was likely to be within a very short space. Otherwise, [as he writ to his Lawyer, who was to draw up his Appeal] it was much better for him to die in Christ's Quarrel, and to reign with him, than to be shut up and kept in that Body. Unless it were to continue yet still a while in this Warfare, for the Commodity and Profit of his Brethren, and to the further advancing of God's Glory.  
Peter Martyr, his surviving and learned Friend, 
Martyr takes up the Quarrel.  being solicited by many English-Men by Letter and word of Mouth, undertook the answering this Book. But before he had finished it, an English Divine and Friend of Martyr's, with whom he held Correspondence in Q. Mary's Reign, wrote him word, in the Year 1557. that an Answer to Antonius, by some other hand, was then in the Press, naming the Author. Martyr replied, That he was rather glad of it, 
Ma●t. Epist.  than any ways moved or disturbed at it, as a disappointment of what he was doing: and added, that he expected nothing from that Man, but what was very exquisite, acute and elaborate. But that he feared the noise thereof would not hold true. And so it proved. Whether this Learned Man withdrew his Book, that he might give way to that which P. Martyr was writing, or whether it were a Flame given out to stop Martyr in his Design, it is uncertain. But not long after this Learned Italian put forth his Answer. He had it under the Press at Zurick in December 1558; and it came out the next Year. 
P. Martyr Ep.  Wherein, as he wrote to Calvin, he did unravel and confute all the Sophisms and Tricks of the Bishop of Winchester. And it came forth very seasonably, as Martyr hoped. For hereby the English Papalins might see, at this time especially, that that Book was not, as they boasted hitherto, invincible. He gave this Title to his Book, Defensio Doctrina veteris & Apostolicae de S.S. Eucharistiae Sacramento. In the Preface to which he showed, How this Work fell to his Lot: Not that that most Reverend Father wanted an Assistant, for he could easily have managed Gardiner himself. For he knew how Cranmer, in many and various Disputes, formerly had with him, came off with Victory and great Praise; but because the ABp when in Prison, was forced to leave his Answer, which he had begun, unfinished, by reason of his straight keeping, having scarce Paper and Ink allowed him, and no Books to make use of; and being cut off so soon by Death, before he could bring to perfection what he had writ. Wherein, as Martyr said, he had harder measure by far from the Papists, than Gardiner had from the Protestants in K. Edward's Days, when he wrote his Book.  
Gardiner in that Book of his, under the Name of M. Constantius, had shown such foul play with Cranmers Book, 
Cranmer puts out his Book of the Sacrament in Latin.  mangling it, and taking Pieces and Scraps of it here and there, and confounding the Method of it, to supply himself with Objections to give his own Answers to with the most advantage; that the Archbishop thought, that if Learned Foreigners saw but his first Book of the Sacrament, as he wrote it, it would be vindication enough against Gardiner's new Book against it: And therefore he took order to have it translated into the same Language in which Gardener wrote, that is, Latin, that impartial Strangers might be able to read and judge: and Sir john Cheke elegantly performed it for his Friend the Archbishop. This Book of Cranmers thus put into Latin, with some Additions, came forth 1553. Before it he prefixed an Epistle to King Edward VI dated at Lambeth, Idib. Mart. the same Year. Wherein he said, It was his Care of the Lord's Flock committed to him, that put him upon renewing and restoring the Lord's Supper according to the Institution of Christ. And that that was the Reason, that about three Years ago he set forth a Book in English against the principal Abuses of the Papistical Mass. Which Book had great Success upon the People's Minds, in bringing them to embrace the Truth. Whereby, he said, he perceived how great the Force of Truth was, and understood the Benefits of the Grace of Christ, that even the Blind should have their Eyes opened, and partake of the Light of Truth, as soon as it was revealed, and showed itself clearly to them. But that this gave great Offence unto Gardiner, then Bishop of Winchester, so that he thought nothing was to be done till he had answered the Book, supposing that there would be no helper of so declining & forsaken a Cause, unless he put to his Hand. And so the Archbishop proceeded to show how that Bishop first put forth his English Book, endeavouring to overthrow the true Doctrine, 
Constantius libro latinè scripto, ita argumenta mea persequitur▪ ut sibi optimum videtur, & ut causam juvet; saepe truncata, saepe inversa, saepe disjecta, sic introducit; ut non magis a me agnosci potuerint, quam Medeae liberi in multa membra dissecti & desormati, etc.  and to restore and bring again into Repute the Mass, with all its Superstitions; and afterwards his Latin Book, under a feigned Name. In which Gardener had so unfairly dealt with the Archbishop's Arguments, chopping and changing, defacing and disfiguring them, that he could not know them for his own; and all that he might make it serve his own turn the better: Insomuch that he resolved to have his own Book translated out of English into Latin, that his true Opinion and Mind in this Controversy might the better be apprehended. The whole Epistle is writ in a pure elegant Latin Style, with a good sharpness of Wit.  
The publication of this his Latin Book, he thought sufficient for the present to entertain the World, till he should put forth, in Latin also, a full Answer to Gardiner, which he intended shortly to do. To this Latin Book, the Archbishop occasionally reviewing it, while he was in Prison, made sundry Annotations and Additions; not of any new Arguments, but only of more Authorities out of the Fathers and Ancient Writers. This valuable Autograph fell into the Hands of some of the English Exiles at Embden, it may be by the Means of Bp Scory, who was Superintendent of the English Church there, 
Printed again at Embden.  or Sir john Cheke, who also for some time was in this Place, both great Friends of the Archbishop. In the Year 1557, the Exiles here printed it with this Title, Defensio, etc. a Thoma Cranmero Martyr scripta. Ab Authore in Vinculis recognita & aucta. Before it, is a new Preface to the Reader, made as it is thought by Sir john Cheke, relating to the Archbishop and this his Book, showing how wellweighed, and well-thought on this Doctrine of the Sacrament was, before he published it, and that he let it not go abroad, till he had diligently compared and pondered all Scriptures and Ancient Authors, and confirmed it at last by his Blood. In the body of the Book, the places where any Enlargements are, 
Autographon ●jus in nostra apud Aembdanos Ecclesia pro Thesauro quodam, & clariss. viri, sanctique Christi Martyris Mnemosyno servamus. In Epist.  are signified by an Hand pointing thereunto. In the Margin is often to be found this word Object. with certain Numbers added: Which Numbers show those Places which Gardener, under the Name of Marcus Antonius, did endeavour to confute. The very Original these English Exiles here at Embden kept, as a great Treasure, among them, and as a Memorial of the Holy Martyr.  
Besides this, the Archbishop fully intended to have his Vindication of his Book, impugned by Gardiner, put into Latin also; but he lived not to see that done. 
Cranmers second Book intended to be put into Latin. Fox. Epp. MSS.  But care was taken of this Business among the Exiles. Insomuch that both Sir john Choke and john Fox were busied about it at the same time. But the former surceased, and left the whole Work to Fox then at Frankford, after he had finished the first part. In this Piece done by Cheke, john a Lasco had an hand; for he put in the Latin School-Terms, instead of more pure good Latin which Cheke had used. And it was judged fit that such Words should be used,. where the ABp in his English had used them. And this Cheke and A Lasco themselves wrote to Fox. Fox undertook the rest, by the Incitation and Encouragement of P. Martyr, and of Grindal and Pilkington, both Bishops afterwards. Who gave him Directions for the translating; and as Doubts occurred concerning the Sense of certain Matters in the Book, as he met with them, he consulted with these Men for their Judgements therein. Grindal in one Letter, bade him write a Catalogue of all Passages by him doubted of, and send it to him. Fox finished his Translation in the Year 1557, before june. For which he had a Congratulatory Letter from Grindal, who was his chief Assistant and Counsellor herein. The Work was dispatched to the Press, at Basil I suppose; and when one Part was printed, the Censors of the Press thought it would be better to defer an Argument of that Nature to better Times, the Controversy having been bandied up and down so much already. But Froscover undertaken the printing of the whole Book. Fox would do nothing of himself; but leaving himself to the Judgement of his Learned Brethren, to commit the Work now to Froscover, or no, Queen Mary's Death, and the return of the Exiles, I suppose, stopped further progress in this Matter. The Original Manuscript, under Fox's own Hand, in very cleanly elegant Latin, I have lying by me: It bears this Title, De totâ Sacramenti Eucharistiae causa Institutionum Libri V. Autore D. THOMA CRANMERO Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi. Quibus & Stephani Garneri Episcopi Wintoniensi, & SMYTHI Doctoris Theologi, impugnationibus, respondetur.  

Some Notes of Cranmer concerning the Sacrament. Miscellan. A.  And that I may bring here together all that relates to Cranmer, as to this Matter of the Sacrament, I must not omit what I saw in the Benet-Library. There is a thin Notebook of this Archbishop's with this Title, wrote by his own Hand, De re Sacramentaria; which I verily believe are his Meditations and Conclusions, when he set himself accurately to examine the Sacramental Controversy, and fell off from the Opinion of the Carnal Presence. The Notes consist of nothing but Quotations out of ancient Ecclesiastical Authors about the Lord's Supper; interlined in many Places by the Archbishop's Pen. On the top of some of the Pages are these Sentences writ by himself, being Doctrines provable out of the Sentences there produced, and transcribed.  
Panis vocatur Corpus Christi, & Vinum Sanguis.  
Panis est Corpus meum, & Vinum est Sanguis meus; figurativae sunt locutiones.  
Quid significet haec figura, Edere carnem, & bibere sanguinem.  
Mali non edunt & bibunt corpus & sanguinem Domini.  
Patres Vet. Testamenti, edebant & bibebant Christum, sicut & Nos.  
Sicut in Eucharistia, ita in Baptismo, presence est Christus. Contra Transubstantiationem.  
After this, follow these Writings of the Archbishop's own Hand (which Archbishop Parker elsewhere transcribed for his own Satisfaction).  
Multa affirmant crassi Papistae, seu Capernaitae, quae neque Scriptura neque ullus Veterum unquam dixerat. Viz.  
Quod Accidentia maneant sine subjecto.  
Quod Accidentia panis & vini sunt Sacramenta: non panis & vinum.  
Quod Panis non est figura, sed accidentia panis.  
Quod Christus non appellavit panem corpus suum.  
Quod cum Christus dixit; Hoc est corpus meum, pronomen Hoc non refertur ad panem, sed ad corpus Christi.  
Quod tot corpora Christi accipimus, aut toties corpus ejus accipimus, quoties, aut in quot parts, dentibus secamus panem.  
Thus having set down divers Assertions of Papists, or Capernaites, as he styled them, which neither Scripture nor Ancient Fathers knew any thing of; his Notes proceed to state wherein Papists and Protestants disagree.  

Praecipua Capita in quibus a Papisticis dissentimus.  
Christum Papistae statuunt in pane, nos in homine comedente.  
Illi in comedentis ore, nos in toto homine.  
Illi Corpus Christi aiunt evolare, masticato vel consumpto pane: Nos manere in homine dicimus, quamdiu membrum est Christi.  
Illi in pane statuunt per annum integrum, & diutius, si duret panis: Nos in homine statuimus inhabitare, quamdiu Templum Dei fuerit.  
Illorum Sententiâ, quod ad realem praesentiam attinet, non amplius edit homo quam bellua, neque magis ei prodest, quam cuivis animanti.   
Thus God made use of this Archbishop, 
Martyr succeeds Cranmer in this Province.  who was once of the most violent Asserters of the Corporal Presence, to be the chiefest Instrument of overthrowing it. But this good Work required to be carried on after Cranmers Death. For great Brags were made of Gardiner's second Book; and it was boasted, that none dared to encounter this their Goliath. P. Martyr was thought the fittest Man to succeed Cranmer in this Province, to maintain the Truth that began now to shine forth. He, overcome by the Solicitation of Friends, 
Writes against Gardiner,  composed a Book against Gardiner, as was said before, and printed it at Zurick. Wherein, I. He defended the Arguments of our Men; which had been collected together, and pretended to be confuted by Gardiner's Book. II. He defended those Rules which Cranmer had put forth in his Tract of the Sacrament. III. He maintained those Answers, whereby the Arguments of the Adversaries were wont to be refuted. And, IV. He asserted the just and true Interpretation of certain Places out of the Fathers, which Gardener and his Companions brought for themselves and their Errors.  
After this Defence followed another by the same Author, printed in the same Town of Zurick, against two Books of Dr. Rich. Smith, 
And Smith.  concerning the single Life of Priests, and Monastic Vows: which he wrote at Louvain against Martyr. For when Martyr had read at Oxford upon 1 Corinthians Chap. seven. where the Apostle speaks much of Virginity and Matrimony; (the Notes of which Readins Smith had very diligently taken, being constantly present at them) from thence he composed two Books, not so strong as malicious, Of the Celibacy of Priests, and of Vows: designing thereby to confute Martyr's Arguments: Which he therefore thought fit to vindicate. In this Book he not only answered Smith's Arguments, but whatever else he could meet with upon that Subject. But it was thought to be a very improper Undertaking, and proved cause of Mirth, that so filthy a Fellow as Smith was known to be, and once taken in the Act of Adultery, should write a Book of Priestly Chastity. Which occasioned these Verses made by Laur. Humphrey, 
Haud satis affabrè tractans fabrilia Smithus,  
Librum de vita caelibe composuit, etc.  
Dúmque pudicitiam, dum vota monastica laudat,  
Stuprat, sacra notans foedera conjugii,    

CHAP. XXVI. The Duke of Somerset's Death. New Bishops.  

The Duke of Somerset's Death.  THE Archbishop of Canterbury this Year lost the Duke of Somerset, whom he much valued, and who had been a great Assistant to him in the Reformation of the Church, and a true Friend to it. His violent Death exceedingly grieved the good Archbishop, both because he knew it would prove a great Let to Religion, and was brought about by evil Men, to the shedding of Innocent Blood, for the furthering the Ends of Ambition: and begat in him Fears and Jealousies of the King's Life. It is very remarkable what I meet with in one of my Manuscripts. 
Inter Foxii MSS.  There was a Woman, somewhat before the last apprehension of the Duke, Wife of one Woocock of Pool in Dorsetshire, that gave out, that there was a Voice that followed her, which sounded these words always in her Ears, He whom the King did best trust, should deceive him, and work Treason against him. After she had a good while reported this, Sir William Barkley, who married the Lord Treasurer Winchester's Daughter, sent her up to London to the Council, with two of his Servants. She was not long there, but, without acquainting the Duke of Somerset, whom it seemed most to concern, (he being the Person whom the King most trusted) was sent home again with her Purse full of Money. And after her coming home, She was more busy in that talk than before. So that She came to a Market-Town, called Wimborn, four Miles from Pool, where she reported, that the Voice continued following her as before. This looked, by the Circumstances, like a practice of some Popish Priests accustomed to dealing in such Frauds, to make the World the more inclinable to believe the Gild of the good Duke, which Somerset's Enemies were now framing against him. And so some of the Wiser Sort thereabouts did seem to think; For there were two Merchants of Pool that heard her, and took a Note of her Words, and came to the House of Hancock, Minister of Pool, who was known to the Duke, counselling him to certify my Lord of her. Which Hancock accordingly did, and came to Zion, where the Duke then was, and told him of the Words. He added, Whom the King doth best trust we do not know, but that all the King's loving Subjects did think that his Grace was most worthy to be best trusted; and that his Grace had been in Trouble: and that all the King's Loving Subjects did pray for his Grace to the Almighty to preserve him, that he might never come in the like trouble again.  
Then the Duke asked him whether he had a Note of the Words. Which when he had received from Hancock, he said, to him, suspecting the Plot, Ah! Sirrah, this is strange, that these things should come before the Councillors, and I not hear of it. I am of the Council also. He asked Hancock, Before whom of the Council this matter was brought? Who replied, He knew not certain, but as he supposed. The Duke asked him, Whom he supposed? He answered, Before the Lord Treasurer, because his Son-in-Law, Sir W. Barkley sent her up. The Duke subjoined, It was like to be so. This was three weeks before his last Apprehension. This I extract out of Mr. Hancock's own Narration of himself and and his Troubles: to which he added, That at his first apprehension, the report was, that the Duke, what time as he was fetched out of Windsor-Castle, having the King by the Hand, should say, It is not I that they shoot at; This is the Mark that they shoot at, meaning the King. Which by the Sequel proved too true. For that good, Godly and virtuous Prince lived not long after the Death of that good Duke.  
Indeed it seemed to have been a Plot of the Papists, 
Winchester supposed to be in the Plot.  and the Bishop of Winchester at the Bottom of it. This is certain, when in October 1549. the Duke was brought to the Tower, the Bishop was then born in hand, he should be set at Liberty. Of which he had such Confidence that he prepared himself new Apparel against the Time he should come out; thinking verily to have come abroad within eight or ten Days. But finding himself disappointed, he wrote an expostulatory Letter to the Lords within a Month after, to put them in remembrance, as Stow writes.  
The Articles that were drawn up against the Duke, 
Articles against the Duke.  upon his second Apprehension and Trial, were in number Twenty, which I shall not repeat here, as I might out of a Manuscript thereof, because they may be seen in Fox. But I do observe one of the Articles is not printed in his Book, namely the Tenth: which ran thus. Also, you are charged, that you have divers and many times, both openly and privately said and affirmed, That the Nobles and Gentlemen were the only Causes of the Dearth of things, whereby the People rose, and did reform things themselves. Whence it appears, that one Cause of the hatred of the Nobility and Gentry against him, was, because he spoke against their Debauches and Excesses, Covetousness and Oppressions. But that which I chiefly observe here is, that the draught of these Articles, which I have seen, were made by Bp Gardiner, being his very Hand, unless I am much mistaken. So that he, I suppose, was privately dealt with and consulted, (being then a Prisoner in the Tower) to be a Party in assisting and carrying on this direful Plot against the Duke, to take away his Life: Notwithstanding his outward Friendship and fair Correspondence in Letters with the said Duke. But Gardiner was looked upon to be a good Manager of Accusations; and he was ready enough to be employed here, that he might put to his Hand in taking off one that was such a great Instrument of promoting the Reformation.  
He is generally charged for the great Spoil of Churches and Chapels; 
What he is blamed for.  defacing ancient Tombs and Monuments, and pulling down the Bells in Parish-Churches, and ordering only one Bell in a Steeple, as sufficient to call the People together. Which set the Commonalty almost into a Rebellion.  

The new Book of Common-Prayer established.  As the Archbishop the last Year had procured Amendments and Alterations in the Book of Public Prayers, and had consulted therein with the two Learned Foreign Divines, Bucer and Martyr; so this Year, in january, an Act was made by the Parliament for authorising the new Book, and obliging the Subjects to be present at the reading of it. In this Book the general Confession was added, and the Absolution. At the beginning of the second Service was added the Recital of the Ten Commandments, with the short Ejaculation to be said between each Commandment. Something was left out in the Consecration of the Sacrament, that seemed to favour a Corporal presence. Several Rites were laid aside, as that of Oil in Confirmation, and Extreme Unction, and Prayer for the Dead, which was before used in the Communion-Office, and that of Burial: together with the change and abolishing of some other things that were offensive or Superstitions: as may be seen by those that will take the pains to compare the two Books, the one printed in the Year 1549, and the other 1552. And this was brought about by the great and long Diligence and Care of our pious Archbishop, and no question to his great Joy and Satisfaction. So that I look upon that, but as an improbable report, that was carried about in Frankford in those unseemly Branglings among the English Exiles there, that Bullinger should say, 
Troubles at Frankford.  That Cranmer had drawn up a Book of Prayers an hundred times more perfect, then that which was then in being, but the same could not take place, for that he was matched with such a wicked Clergy and Convocation, with other Enemies. But as his Authority was now very great, so there was undoubtedly a great Deference paid to it, as also to his Wisdom and Learning, by the rest of the Divines appointed to that Work: so that as nothing was by them inserted into the Liturgy, but by his good Allowance and Approbation, so neither would they reject or oppose what he thought fit should be put in or Altered.  

Coverdale made Bp of Exon.  The Learning, Piety, and good Deserts of Miles Coverdale, in translating the Holy Scriptures into the English Tongue, and in a constant preaching of the Gospel, and sticking to the true Profession for many a Year; and withal, very probably, their ancient acquaintance in Cambridg, were reasons that made our Archbishop a particular Friend to him. When the Lord Russel was sent down against the Rebels in the West, he was attended by Coverdale to preach among them. Coverdale afterwards became Coadjutor to Veyzy the Bishop of Exeter, who seldom resided, and took little care of his Diocese. But this Year, whether voluntarily, or by some Order, he resigned up his Bishopric, having first greatly spoiled it of its Revenues. And when some wise and bold Person, and excellent Preacher, was found extremely needful to be sent thither, to inspect the Clergy and Ecclesiastic Matters in those Parts, the late Rebellion having been raised chiefly by Priests in hatred to the Religion, heating, and disaffecting the Minds of the common People, Coverdale was judged a very fit Person to succeed in that Charge. Being now Bishop Elect of Exon, he had long attended at Court to get his Matters dispatched; namely, The doing of his Homage, and the obtaining a Suit to be excused the payment of his first Fruits, being but a poor Man. But such at that Time were the great and urgent Affairs of the State, or the secret Hinderers of the Gospel, that he found nothing but Delays. So that he was forced to apply himself unto his Friend, the Archbishop, to forward his Business. Who forthwith sent his Letters to Secretary Cecyl, making Coverdale himself the Bearer, Entreating him to use his Interest to get this Bishop dispatched, and that with speed: Urging this for his Reason, (becoming his paternal Care over his Province) That so he might without further delay go down into the Western Parts, which had great need of him. And also because he was minded on the 30 th' of August, to consecrate him and the Bishop of Rochester [Scory] according to the King's Mandate.  
This Scory was at first preferred by the Archbishop to be one of the six Preachers at Canterbury: 
Scory Bp Elect of Rochester.  and always continued firm to the Purity of Religion, and endured Trouble for the good and wholesome Doctrine that he preached; having been presented and complained of, both in the Spiritual Courts, and to the Justices at their Sessions, when the Six Articles were in Force. He was a Married Man, and so deprived at the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, fled beyond Sea, and was Superintendent of the English Congregation at Embden in Friezland. There, in the Year 1555, he wrote and printed A Comfortable Epistle unto all the Faithful that be in Prison, or in any other Trouble for the defence of God's Truth. Wherein he doth as well by the promises of Mercy, as also by the Examples of divers holy Martyrs, comfort, encourage and strengthen them patiently, for Christ's Sake, to suffer the manifold cruel and most tyrannous Persecutions of Antichristian Tormentors. As the Book bears title.  
There were divers Bishoprics vacant this Year. 
The ABp appoints a Guardian of the Spiritualties of Lincoln.  As that of Lincoln by the Death of Holbech. The Archbishop deputed the Spiritualties to john Pope, LL. B. and Chancellor of that Church. The Church commending unto the Archbishop this Pope, and two more, viz. john Prin, LL. D. Subdean of the Church, and Christopher Massingberde, LL. B. archdeacon of Stow. So he chose the first: But yet he committed a special trust to Tailor, the Dean of Lincoln, 
Cranm. Reg▪  (whom he knew to be tied to Religion) sending a Commission fiduciary to him, before Pope entered upon his Office, to give the said Pope his Oath, Legally and faithfully to perform his Office committed to him by the Archbishop, and to answer to the said Archbishop for all Obventions coming to him by virtue of his Jurisdiction and Office; and that he should not, by Malice or Wrong, squeeze the Subjects of the King, and of that Diocese, whether Clerks or Laics; that he should not knowingly grieve them in their Estates or Persons: and that he shall abstain from Oppressions, Extortions and unlawful Exactions: and that he shall renounce the Bishop of Rome his usurped Jurisdiction and Authority, according to the Statutes of Parliament. And of all this he wrote a Letter to the said Pope, signifying that he required such an Oath of him to be taken before the Dean. The Tenor of the Archbishop's Letter to the Dean went on further, requiring him by his sound Council, singular Prudence, and by the assistance of his sincere Judgement, to be present with him in any hard Cases and of great Moment, and that he would not be wanting to him in any Matters of that sort, being a Person of that Knowledge in Sacred & Profane Learning, of that Prudence, Circumspection and Dexterity in managing Business. And so finally joined him with Pope to perform all this piously and catholickly, according to the Rule of Evangelick Religion, and the Exigency of the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom. And deputed him his Vicegerent. This Letter was dated at Croyden, the 20 th' of August. This Commission seemed to be somewhat extraordinary: The occasion whereof might be, because the Archbishop did not confide in this Chancellor of the Church, suspecting his Religion, and Compliance with the King's Proceedings, therefore he thought good to associate him with Tailor the Dean, of whom he was well assured.  

And of Wigorn.  The Church of Worcester became also Vacant by the Deprivation of Hethe the Bishop. The Archbishop committed the Spiritualties thereof to john Barlo Dean of the said Church, and Roland Taylor LL. D. his Domestic Chaplain. 
Cranm. Regist.  These he constituted his Officials to exercise all Episcopal Jurisdiction. This Commission was dated at Lambeth, jan. 10. 1554, by an Error of the Scribe for 1551. as appears by a Certificate sent from the Church to that Archbishop signifying the Vacation of it.  

And of Chichester.  Upon the Vacancy of the Church of Chichester, by the Deprivation of Day, the Archbishop made john Worthial archdeacon of Chichester, and Robert Taylor LL. B. Dean of the Deanery of South-Malling, his Officials. This Commission to them, dated Novemb. 3, 1551, was to Visit, etc.  

And of Hereford.  Upon the Vacancy of the Church of Hereford, by the Death of Skip late Bishop there, the Spiritualties were committed to Hugh Coren, LL. D. Dean of that Church, and Rich. Cheny, D.D. archdeacon of Hereford. Their Commission was to Visit, etc.  

And of Bangor.  Upon the Vacancy of the Bishopric of Bangor, either by the Death of Bulkly the Bishop, or his Resignation upon his blindness, the Archbishop made his Commissaries, Griffin Leyson his principal Chancellor and Official, Rowland Merick a Canon of S. David's, and Geoffrey Glynn, L L. D D. The Church of Rochester also became this Year Vacant by the Translation of Scory to Chichester. In these Vacancies the Bishoprics were lamentably peeled, by hungry Courtiers, of the Revenues belonging to them.  

Hoper visits his Diocese.  This Year Bishop Hoper was by the Council dispatched down (as was said before) into his Diocese: where things were much out of order, and Popery had great footing; and therefore it wanted such a stirring Man as he was. That he might do the more Good, he had the Authority of the Lords of the Council to back him, by a Commission granted to him and others. He brought most of the Parish-Priests and Curates from their old Superstitions and Errors concerning the Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The Recantation of one of them of more note named Phelps, the Incumbent of Ciciter, which he made publicly and subscribed, may be seen in the Appendix. 
No. LXIII.   
This Year there happened two learned Conferences in Latin, 
Two Disputations concerning the Sacrament.  privately managed, about the Corporeal Presence in the Sacrament. The one on the 25 th' of November, in the House of Sir William Cecyl Secretary of State, performed by the said Cecyl, Sir john Cheke, Horn Dean of Durham, Whitehead and Grindal, on the Protestant side: and Feckenham and Young on the Popish. But first before they began, Cecyl under his solemn Protestation assured them, that every Man should have free Liberty to speak his Mind, and that none should receive any Damage or incur any Danger. Cheke began by propounding this question, Quis esset verus & germanus sensus verborum Coenae, Hoc est corpus meum; Num quem verba sensu grammatico accepta prae se ferebant, an aliud quiddam. To whom Feckenham answered. There were present besides those that disputed, these noble and learned Persons, The Lord Russel, Sir Anthony Coke, Mr. Hales, Mr. Wroth, Mr. Frogmartin, Mr. Knolles, Mr. Harrington. The second Disputation was Decemb. 3. following, in Mr. Morisin's House: where were present the Marq. of Northampton, the Earl of Rutland, the Lord Russel, and those above named, and Watson added on the Papists side. Then Cheke again propounded the Question, Whether the words of the Supper are to be understood in a grammatical, or in a figurative Sense? To which Watson Responded. Both these Disputations are too large for this place, but they are set down in one of the Manuscript Volumes of the Benet-Library. 
Miscellan. C.   
In November died Dr. john Redman, 
Dr. Redman dies.  Master of Trinity-College in Cambridg, and one of the great Lights of that University, for the bringing in solid Learning among the Students: a Prebendary of the Church of Westminster; 
B●con's Reports. Fox's Acts.  and who in the Year 1549 assisted in the compiling the English Book of Common-Prayer, and preached a Sermon upon the Learned Bucer's Death the day following his Funeral. He was a Person of extraordinary Reputation among all for his great Learning and Reading, and profound Knowledge in Divinity. So that the greatest Divines gave a mighty Deference to his Judgement. And therefore when he lay sick at Westminster, many learned Men repaired to him, desiring to know his last Judgement of several Points, than so much controverted. And he was very ready to give them Satisfaction. Among the rest, that came, were Richard Wilks Master of Christ's College Cambridg, Alexander Noel, afterwards Dean of Paul's, and Young, a Man of Fame in Cambridg for his disputing against Bucer about Justification. In these Conferences with these learned Man, he called the See of Rome, Sentina Malorum, A Sink of Evils; he said, That Purgatory, as the Schoolmen taught it, was ungodly, and that there was no such kind of Purgatory as they fancied. That the offering up the Sacrament in Masses and Trentals for the Sins of the Dead, was ungodly. That the Wicked are not partakers of the Body of Christ, but receive the outward Sacrament only. That it ought not to be carried about in Procession. That nothing that is seen in the Sacrament, or perceived with the outward Sense, is to be worshipped. That we receive not Christ's Body Corporaliter, grossly, like other Meats, but so Spiritualiter, that nevertheless Verè, truly. That there was not any good ground in the old Doctors for Transubstantiation, as ever he could perceive; nor could he see what could be answered to the Objections against it. That Priests might by the Law of God marry Wives. That this Proposition, Faith only justifies, so that this Faith signify a true lively Faith, resting in Christ, and embracing him, is a true, godly, sweet and comfortable Doctrine. That our Works cannot deserve the Kingdom of God. And, he said, that it troubled him that he had so much striven against Justification by Faith only. A Treatise whereof he composed, which was printed at Antwerp after his Death, in the Year 1555. He said also to Young, That Consensus Ecclesiae was but a weak Staff to lean to; and exhorted him to read the Scriptures, for there was that which would comfort him, when he should be in such a case as he was then in. One asked him concerning the Doctrine of the School-Doctors, that Bread remained not after Consecration. He replied, There was none of the School-Doctors knew what Consecratio did mean. And pausing a while, said, It was Tota actio, The whole Action in ministering the Sacrament, as Christ did institute it. After the Conference with him was ended, Young retiring into another Chamber, said to Wilks, that Dr. Redman so moved him, that whereas he was before in such Opinion of certain things, that he would have burned and lost his Life for them, now he doubted of them. But I see, said he, a Man shall know more and more by process of time, and by reading and hearing others. And Mr. Dr. Redman's saying shall cause me to look more diligently for them. Ellis Lomas, Redman's Servant, said, he knew his Master had declared to King Henry, that Faith only justifieth, but that he thought that Doctrine was not to be taught the People, lest they should be negligent to do good Works. All this I have related of this Divine, that I may in some measure preserve the Memory of one of the Learnedest Men of his Time; and lay up the dying Words of a Papist, signifying so plainly his dislike and disallowance of many of their Doctrines.  
The Sweating-sickness breaking out this Year in great violence, (whereby the two Sons of the Duke of Suffolk were taken off) Letters from the Council dated july 18, were sent to all the Bishops, to persuade the People to Prayer, and to see God better served.  

The ABp and others appointed to Reform the Ecclesiastical Laws.  It being enacted 1549, That the King might, during three Years, appoint sixteen Spiritual Men, and sixteen Temporal, to examine the old Ecclesiastical Laws, and to compile a Body of Ecclesiastical Laws, to be in force in the room of the old: this third Year, Octob. 6. a Commission was issued out to the same number of Persons, authorising them to reform the Canon Laws; that is to say, to eight Bishops, eight Divines, eight Civil Lawyers, and eight Common. Whose Names, as they occur in an Original, are as follow:  

BISHOPS.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury,  
the Bishops of 

London,  
Winchester,  
Ely,  
Exeter,  
Gloucester,  
Bath,  
Rochestre.     

DIVINES.  
Mr. Tailor of Lincoln,  
Cox, Almoner,  
Parker of Cambridg,  
Latimer,  
Cook, [Sir Anthony I suppose]  
Peter Martyr,  
Cheke,  
joannes a Laseo.   

CIVILIANS.  
Mr. Peter,  
Cecyl,  
Sir Tho. Smith,  
Taylor of Hadeligh,  
Dr. May,  
Mr. Traheron,  
Dr. Lyel,  
Mr. Skinner.   

LAWYERS.  
Justice Hales,  
Justice Bromly,  
Goodrick,  
Gosnal,  
Stamford,  
Carel,  
Lucas,  
Brook  
Recorder of London.   
It was so ordered, 
The Method they observed.  that this number should be divided into four distinct Classes, or Companies; each to consist of two Bishops, two Divines, to Civilians, and two Common-Lawyers. And to each Company were assigned their set parts: Which when one Company had finished, it was transmitted to the other Companies to be by them all, well considered and inspected. But out of all the number of two and thirty, eight especially were selected, from each rank two, viz. out of the Bishops, the Archbishop and the Bishop of Ely; out of the Divines, Cox and Martyr; out of the Civilians, Tailor and May; out of the Common-Lawyers, Lucas and Goodrick: To whom a new Commission was made Novemb. 9, for the first forming of the Work, and preparation of the Matter. And the Archbishop supervised the whole Work. This Work they plied close this Winter. But lest they should be straitened for time, the Parliament gave the King three Years longer for accomplishing this Affair. So, Feb. 2. A Letter was sent from the Council to make a new Commission to the Archbishop, and to the other Bishops and Learned Men, Civilians and Lawyers, for the establishment of the Ecclesiastical Laws, according to the Act of Parliament made in the last Session. This was a very noble Enterprise, and well worthy the Thoughts of our excellent Archbishop. Who with indefatigable Pains had been, both in this and the last King's Reign, labouring to bring this Matter about, and he did his part, for he brought the Work to perfection. But it wanted the King's Ratification, which was delayed, partly by Business, and partly by Enemies.  

Bishop's Consecrated.  
August the 30 th'. john Scory, Ponet being translated to Winchester, 
Scory. Cranm. Regist▪  was consecrated Bishop of Rochester, at Croyden, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by Nicolas Bishop of London, and john Suffragan of Bedford.  
Miles Coverdale was at the same time and place Consecrated Bishop of Exon, all with their Surplices and Copes, 
Coverdal●.  and Coverdale so habited also.    


An. 1552.  CHAP. XXVII. The Articles of Religion.  

The Articles of Religion framed and published.  OUR Archbishop, and certain of the Bishops and other Divines, but whom by Name I find not, were this Year chiefly busied in composing and preparing a Book of Articles of Religion; which was to contain what should be publicly owned as the Sum of the Doctrine of the Church of England. This the Archbishop had long before this bore in his Mind, as excellently serviceable for the creating of a Concord and Quietness among Men, and for the putting an End to Contentions and Disputes in Matters of Religion. These Articles the Archbishop was the Penner, or at least the great Director of, with the assistance, as is very probable, of Bishop Ridley. And so he publicly owned afterwards, in his Answer to certain Interrogatories put to him by Queen Mary's Commissioners; 
Fox.  viz. That the Catechism, the Book of Articles, and the Book against Winchester, were his Doings. These Articles were in number Forty two, and were agreed to in the Convocation 1552. And in the Year 1553, they were published by the King's Authority both in Latin and English. After they were finished, he laboured to have the Clergy subscribe them: but against their Wills he compelled none; though afterwards some charged him falsely to do so: Which he utterly denied, as he declared before the said Queen's Commissioners. But to enter into some Particulars concerning so eminent a Matter Ecclesiastical as this was.  

The ABp's diligence in them.  In the Year 1551, the King and his Privy-Council ordered the Archbishop to frame a Book of Articles of Religion for the preserving and maintaining Peace and Unity of Doctrine in this Church, that being finished, they might be set forth by Public Authority. The Archbishop, in obedience hereunto, drew up a set of Articles, which were delivered to certain other Bishops to be inspected and subscribed, I suppose, by them. Before them they lay until this Year 1552. Then, May 2. a Letter was sent from the Council to our Archbishop, to send the Articles that were delivered the last Year to the Bishops, and to signify whether the same were set forth by any Public Authority according to the Minutes. The Archbishop accordingly sent the Articles, and his Answer, unto the Lords of the Council. In September I find the Articles were again in his Hands. Then he set the Book in a better Order, and put Titles upon each of the Articles, and some Additions for the better perfecting of the Work, and supply of that which lacked. And so transmitted the Book again from Croyden, Septemb. 19 to Sir William Cecyl and Sir john Cheke, the one the King's Principal Secretary, and the other his Tutor, being the two great Patrons of the Reformation at the Court: Desiring them together to take these Articles into their serious Considerations; for he well knew them to be both wise and good Men, and very well seen in Divine Learning. And he referred it to their Wisdoms, whether they thought best to move the King's Majesty therein before his coming to Court; as though he conceived the King might make some demur in so weighty an Affair, till he should consult with the Metropolitan, in order to the coming to a Resolution; or that there were some great Persons about the King, that might cast some Scruples and Objections in his Mind concerning it, which he by his Presence might prevent, or be ready at hand to resolve. Cecyl and Cheke thought it more convenient the Archbishop should offer them to the King himself. So coming to Court soon after, he delivered the Book to the King, and moved him for their publishing and due observation. And so leaving them before the King and Council, they were then again delivered unto certain of the King's Chaplains, who made some Alterations. For I find, 
Council-Book.  that Octob. 2. a Letter was directed to Mr. Harley, Bill, Horn, Grindal, Pern and Knox, to consider certain Articles (which must be these Articles of Religion) exhibited to the King's Majesty, to be subscribed by all such as shall be admitted to be Preachers or Ministers in any part of the Realm; and to make report of their Opinions touching the same.  
The Time of the Year declined now towards the latter end of November; and the Archbishop being retired down from Croyden to his House at Ford near Canterbury, the Privy-Council, Novemb. 20. dispatched, by a Messenger, the Articles unto him to be reviewed, and for his last Hand, that they might be presented before the Convocation, and allowed there; and so be published by the Royal Authority. The Archbishop received the Book and Letter from the Council, Novemb. 23. And making some Notes upon it, enclosed them in a Letter to the Lords, and sent them, together with the Book, the next day; beseeching them to prevail with the King, that all Bishops should have Authority to cause their respective Clergy to subscribe it: And then he trusted, (as he wrote) that such a Concord and Quietness in Religion would soon follow, as otherwise would not be in many Years. And thereby God would be glorified, the Truth advanced, and their Lordships rewarded by him, as the setters forth of his true Word and Gospel. 
No. LXIV.  This pious Letter may be read in the Appendix.  
The King went a Progress this Summer; 
The ABp retires to Ford.  and the Archbishop retired to Croyden; where I find him in july, August and September. And thence, Octob. 11. he went to Ford, to spend some time in his Diocese. Now he was absent from the Court, and the King abroad at that distance, that he could not frequently wait upon him, and be present at the Council; his Enemies were at work to bring him into trouble, as we shall see by and by.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Persons nominated for Irish Bishoprics.  
THERE were certain Bishoprics in Ireland about this time vacant; one whereof was that of Armagh. 
Consulted with for fit Persons to fill the Irish See●.  And it was thought convenient to have them filled by Divines out of England. In the Month of August the Archbishop was consulted with for this; that so by the Influence of very wise and learned Men, and good Preachers, the Gospel might be the better propagated in that dark Region. But because it was foreseen to be difficult to procure any English Men, so endowed, to go over thither, therefore Secretary Cecyl, being then with the King in his Progress, sent a Letter to the Archbishop at Croyden, to nominate some worthy Persons for those Preferments, and whom he thought would be willing to undertake them. He returned him the Names of Four, viz. Mr. Whitehead of Hadley, Mr. Turner of Canterbury, Sir Thomas Rosse and Sir Robert Wisdom. He said, He knew many others in England that would be meet Persons for those Places, but very few that would gladly be persuaded to go thither. For it seems the English were never very fond of living in Ireland. But he added concerning these four which he had named, That he thought, they being ordinarily called, for Conscience-sake would not refuse to bestow the Talon committed unto them, wheresoever it should please the King's Majesty to appoint them. He recommended likewise a fifth Person for this Promotion, one Mr. 
* I suppose this might be a slip of the ABp's Pen or Memory, writing Whitacre for Goodacre, who afterwards was placed in that Irish See, and ha● been Poynet is Chaplain.  Whitacre, a wise and well-learned Man, (as he characters him) who was Chaplain to the Bishop of Winchester [Poynet]. But he doubted whether he would be persuaded to take it upon him.  


Some Account of the four Divines nominated by him for the Archbishopric of Armagh.  
Mr. W●ithead.   It may not be amiss to make some enquiry who and what those Four beforementioned Persons were.  
Mr. Whithead was an Exile in Queen Mary's Reign, and Pastor of the English Congregation at Frankford. And at the Conference in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Government, he was one of the Nine Disputants on the Protestant side, and one of the appointed Eight to revise the Service-Book. The Writer of the Troubles at Frankford mentions three, viz. Coverdale, Turner, and this Whitehead; of whom he saith, That they were the most ancient Preachers of the Gospel, and the most ancient Fathers of this our Country; and that from their Pens, as well as their Mouths, most of Queen Elizabeth's Divines and Bishops first received the Light of the Gospel. Why Cranmer should style him Whithead of Hadley, I do not apprehend, seeing Dr. Rowland Taylor, his Chaplain, was now Par●on of Hadley, who not long after was there burnt: And one yeoman's was Tailor's Curate there, who also was afterwards burnt at Norwich. But I suppose this was some other Hadley.  

Mr. Turner.  I find two about this Time bearing the Name of Turner; both eminent Men, and Preachers: The one was named William Turner, a Doctor in Physic, and greatly befriended by Sir john Cheke and Sir William Cecyl. This Man, a Native of Northumberland, was the first English Man that compiled an Herbal; which was the Groundwork of that which Gerard laid the last Hand unto. He was a Retainer to the Duke of Somerset in Edward the Sixth's Time, and was Physician in ordinary to his Family. And the Year before this, viz. 1551, I find him Dean of Wells. The other was Richard Turner, a Staffordshire-Man, in former time Curate of Chartam in Kent, and commonly called Turner of Canterbury, living in the family of Mr. Morice, the Archbishop's Secretary, (of whom afterwards) who held the Impropriation of that Parsonage, and had presented this Man to the Vicarage. For his free and bold preaching against Popish Errors, and asserting the King's Supremacy, and for the extraordinary Success of his Ministry in bringing Multitudes of People in those Parts, out of Ignorance and Superstition, he was put to much Trouble and Danger. He was first complained of to the King: And being brought up, the Archbishop, and other Ecclesiastical Commissioners, were commanded to examine him upon certain Articles. But by the secret Favour of the Archbishop, and his own prudent Answers, he was then discharged. Soon after, upon some false Reports told of him, King Henry was so offended, that he sent for the Archbishop, willing him to have him whipped out of the Country. But the Archbishop pacified the King, and sent him Home the second time. Afterwards, a third time, his old Enemies, the Popish Clergy, got him convented before the Privy-Council, and committed for Doctrines preached by him, before he came into Kent. The Archbishop being then down in his Diocese, Turner was sent back to him with an Order to recant. To whom when his fast Friend and Patron, Mr. Morice, had applied himself in his behalf, the Archbishop himself, being now under some Cloud, dared not to interpose, because, as he then said, it had been put into the King's Head, that he was the great Favourer and Maintainer of all the Heretics in the Kingdom. Morice then, that he might prevent this Recantation, if possible, which would have been such a Reflection to the Doctrine he before had preached, addressed his Letters to Sir Anthony Denny, Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber, and Sir William Butts, his Physician, relating at large Turner's Cas●. And by their means the King became better informed of the Man, and in fine commanded him to be retained as a faithful Subject. This Story is at large related by Fox. And this, I judge, to be that Turner, whom the Archbishop nominated for Ireland▪ having lived long in his Diocese, and so well known to him; and whom he had, I suppose, removed to Canterbury, to a Prebend, or some other Preferment there. Here he did this remarkable and bold piece of Service▪ that when about three Years past the Rebels were up in Kent, he then preached twice in the Camp near Canterbury: for which the Rebels were going to hang him. But God preserved him. In Queen Mary's time he fled to Basil; 
Bale's Cent.  where he expounded upon S. james, the Hebrews and the Ephesians, to the Exiles there: when james Pilkington expounded Ecclesiastes, and both Epistles of of Peter, and the Galatians; And Bentham, the Acts of the Apostles.  
Thomas Rosse, or Rose, was also as memorable a Man; 
Thomas Rosse, or Rose.  very eminent both for his Preachings and Sufferings. He was a West-country Man, but by Providence was removed into Suffolk. And at Hadley had preached against Purgatory, and worshipping Images, about the time that Bilney and Latimer did the like in Cambridg, (which was five and twenty or thirty Years past:) whereby he had brought many to the knowledge of the Truth in that Town. About the Year 1532, when certain Persons out of their Zeal against Idolatry, had stolen by Night the Rood out of the Church at Dover-court in Essex, for which being found guilty of Felony, they were hanged; Rose seemed to have been privy hereunto; For with the Rood they conveyed away the Slippers, the Coat and the Tapers belonging to it: which Coat Rose burnt. Whether for this, or some other thing, he was complained of to the Council, and brought before them, and by the Bishop of Lincoln was committed to Prison. Where he lay for some Days and Nights with both his Legs in an high pair of Stocks, his Body lying along on the Ground. Thence he was removed to Lambeth, in the Year that Cranmer was Consecrated, (which was 1533) who set him at liberty. Afterward he was admitted by Crumwel to be his Chaplain, that thereby he might get a Licence to preach. After various toss from Place to Place, for safety of his Life, he fled into Flanders and Germany, and came to Zurick, and remained with Bullinger, and to Basil, where he was entertained by Grineus. After some time he returned back into England. But was glad to fly beyond Sea again. Three Years after in his Voyage back to his own Country again, he was taken Prisoner by some French, and carried into Diep, where he was spoiled of all he had. His Ransom was soon after paid by a well-disposed Person, who also brought him over into England. Then the Earl of Sussex received him, and his Wife and Child privately into his House. But when this was known, the Earl sent him a secret Letter to be gone. And so he lurked in London till the Death of King Henry VIII. King Edward gave him the Living of West-ham near London, in Essex. Being deprived upon Queen Mary's coming to the Crown, he was sometime Preacher to a Congregation in London. But was taken at one of their Meetings in Bow-Church-yard. Which I suppose was in the Year 1555. For than he was in the Tower: and thence in the Month of May, by the Council's Letters, he was delivered to the Sheriff of Norfolk, to be conveyed and delivered to the Bishop of Norwich, and he either to reduce him to recant, or to proceed against him according to Law. Much Imprisonment and many Examinations he underwent, both from the Bishops of Winchester and Norwich, but escaped at last, by a great Providence, beyond Sea, where he tarried till the Death of Queen Mary. And after these his Harassing up and down in the World, he was at last, in Queen Elizabeth's happy Reign, quietly settled at Luton in Bedfordshire, where he was Preacher, and lived to a very great Age.  

Robert Wisdom.  The fourth was Robert Wisdom, a Man eminent, as the rest, both for his exemplary Conversation, and for his Preaching, together with his Sufferings attending thereon. In Henry the Eighth his Reign he was a Person of Fame among the Professors of the Gospel in the South Parts of the Nation: whence, after many painful Labours and Persecutions, he fled into the North: as did divers other Preachers of the pure Religion in those Times. There in Staffordshire he was one of those, that were entertained by john Old, a pious Professor, and Harbourer of good Men: and Thomas Becon was another, who was taken up with Bradford in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, and committed to the Tower. Of this Old the said Becon, in a 
* The jewel of joy..  Treatise of his, printed in Edward the sixth his Reign, gives this Character. That he was to him and Wisdom, as jason was to Paul and Silas: He received us joyfully into his House, and liberally for the Lord's Sake ministered to our Necessities. And as he begun, so did he continue a right hearty Friend, and dearly loving Brother, so long as we remained in the Country. 
† They were both forced to recant openly at St. Paul's Cross, in the Year 1544, together with one Shingleton, And hereupon, I suppose, they conveyed themselves into the North parts for Security.  While Wisdom was here, he was ever virtuously occupied, and suffered no Hour to pass without some good Fruit: employing himself now in Writing, as he had before in Preaching. Besides other Books formerly writ by him, he penned here a very godly and fruitful Exposition upon certain Psalms of David. Of the which he translated some into English Metre. There is one of them, and I think no more, still remaining in our ordinary singing Psalms, namely, the hundred twenty fifth. Which in the Title is said to be composed by R. W. There is also a Hymn of his preserved and set usually at the end of our English singing Psalms, in our Bibles, beginning, Preserve us Lord by thy dear Word. He writ here also many godly and learned Sermons upon the Epistles and Gospels, read on Sundays. He translated a Postil of Antonius Corvinus, a Lutheran Divine, and divers other Learned men's Works. And some of his Adversaries, having laid certain Errors to his Charge very unjustly, he writ a Confutation thereof; a Book, it seems, replenished with all kind of godly Learning. These, and several other things, he writ, while he was here, but they were not published. After his abode in this Place some time, he was by Letters called away again among his former Friends and Acquaintance. And what became of him afterwards, I find not, until here in Edward the Sixth's Reign, he was nominated by our Archbishop, to be made Archbishop of Armagh. But in Queen Mary's Reign he fled to Frankford, where he remained one of the Members of the English Congregation there. And when an unhappy Breach was made there among them, some being for the use of the Geneva Discipline and Form, and others for the continuance of that Form of Prayers that had been used in England in K. Edward's Days; and the Faction grew to that Head, that the former separated themselves from the rest, and departed to Geneva: this Wisdom did, in a Sermon preached at Frankford, vindicate the English Book, and somewhat sharply blamed them that went away, call them Mad-heads. As one Tho. Cole wrote from thence to a Friend, with this Censure on him, That he so called them, he would not say, Unwisely, [alluding to his name Wisdom] but he might well say, Uncharitably.  
I have thought good to give this Account of these Men, that we may perceive hence the good Judgement of our Archbishop in propounding them for those Irish Preferments; so fit and well qualified for them, as in other Respects of Prudence and Learning, so especially for their tried Zeal and Boldness in preaching the Gospel, and their Constancy in suffering for it; which were Virtues that there would be great occasion for in Ireland.  
Of all these Four, 
The Character the ABp gave of the two former.  our Archbishop judged Mr. Whithead the fittest; giving this Character of him, That he was endued with good Knowledge, special Honesty, fervent Zeal, and politic Wisdom. And the next to him in fitness he judged Turner; of whom he gives this Relation, That he was Merry and Witty withal, Nihil appetit, nihil ardet, nihil somniat, nisi jesum Christum. And in the lively preaching of Him and his Word, declared such Diligence, Faithfulness and Wisdom, as for the same deserveth much Commendation.  

Turner designed for Armagh▪  In fine, Turner was the Man concluded upon by the King, for the Archbishopric of Armagh; Whithead either being not overcome to accept it, or otherwise designed. And the Archbishop had Order from Court to send to Canterbury for him to come up. Which accordingly he did. And now, about the middle of September, much against his Will, as not liking his designed Preferment, Turner waited upon the Archbishop. Who urging to him the King's Will and Pleasure, and his ordinary Call unto this Place, and suchlike Arguments, after a great Unwillingness, prevailed with him to accept it. But the Archbishop told the Secretary, that Turner seemed more glad to go to hanging, (which the Rebels three Years before were just going to do with him, for his preaching against them in their Camp) than he was now to go to Armagh. He urged to the Archbishop, That if he went thither, he should have no Auditors, but must preach to the Walls and Stalls; for the People understood no English. The Archbishop on the other hand endeavoured to answer all his Objections. He told him, They did understand English in Ireland; though whether they did in the Diocese of Armagh, he did indeed doubt. But to remedy that, he advised him to learn the Irish Tongue; which with diligence he told him he might do in a Year or two. And that there would this Advantage arise thereby, that both his Person and Doctrine would be more acceptable, not only unto his Diocese, but also throughout all Ireland. And so by a Letter to Secretary Cecyl, recommended him to his Care; entreating, That he might have as ready a Dispatch as might be, because he had but little Money.  

But declines it.  This Letter of the Archbishop is dated Sept. 29, 1552. So that it must be a Mistake in the late excellent Historian, when he writes, That Bale and Goodacre were sent over into Ireland to be Bishops, in the Month of August. 
Hist. Ref. Vol. 1. p. 205.  Which cannot agree with this Letter of Cranmer, which makes Turner to be in nomination only for that See a Month after. And by certain Memorials of King Edward's own Hand, which I have, it appears, that as Turner at last got himself off from accepting that Bishopric, so by the Date thereof it is evident, it was vacant in October following. For the King under that Month put the providing for that Place, which Turner refused, among his Matters to be remembered. The Archbishop's Letters concerning this Irish Affair are in the Appendix. 
N. LXV, LXVI.   
So that at last this Charge fell upon Hugh Goodacre, the last Man, as it seems, 
Goodacre made ABpof Armagh.  nominated by the Archbishop; whom he termed A Wise and Learned Man. He and Bale, as they came together out of Bishop Poynet's Family unto their Preferments, so they were consecrated together by Brown Archbishop of Dublin, Febr. 2. assisted by Thomas Bishop of Kildare, and Eugenius Bishop of Down and Connor. Which makes me think they were not come over long before. Goodacre died about a quarter of a Year after at Dublin, and there buried, not without suspicion of Poison, by procurement of certain Priests of his Diocese, for preaching God's Verity, and rebuking their common Vices, as Bale writes. He left many Writings of great Value behind him, as the said Bale his dear Friend relates; but none, as ever I heard of, published. As he was a sober and virtuous Man, 
Vocation of john Bale. Beatae memoriae in Hibernià concionatorem vigilantissimum, ac Theologica eloquentia non immerito commendatum. Balaei Centur.  so he was particularly famed for his Preaching. He was at first, I suppose, Chaplain to the Lady Elizabeth; at least to her he had been long known. And for him, about the Year 1548, or 1549, she procured a Licence to preach from the Protector; as appears by a Letter she wrote from Enfield to Mr. Cecyl, who then attended on him. Of which Goodacre himself was the Bearer. Wherein she gave this Testimony of him; That he had been of long time known unto her to be as well of honest Conversation, and sober Living, as of sufficient Learning and Judgement in the Scriptures, to preach the Word of God. The advancement whereof, as she said, she so desired, that she wished there were many such to set forth God's Glory. She desired him therefore, that as heretofore at her Request, he had obtained Licence to preach for divers other honest Men, so he would recommend this Man's Case unto my Lord, and therewith procure for him the like Licence as to the other had been granted.  
And lastly, 
Letters from the Council to Ireland, recommending the Irish Bishops.  that Goodacre and his Colleague Bale might find the better Countenance and Authority, when they should exercise their Functions in that Country, the Privy-Council wrote two Letters to the Lord-Deputy and Council of Ireland; the one dated Octob. 27. in commendation of Bale Bishop Elect of Ossory; 
Council-Book.  and the other dated Novemb. 4. in commendation of Goodacre Bishop Elect of Armachan.   

CHAP. XXIX. The Archbishop charged with Covetousness.  
TO divert the King, after the loss of his Uncle, 
A Rumour gigen out, of the ABp's Covetousness and Wealth.  whom he dearly loved, Northumberland took him in Progress in the Summer of this Year. While he was in this Progress, some about his Person, that they might the better make way for their Sacrilegious Designs, and to make the King the more inclinable to lay Hands on the Episcopal Demeans, or at least to clip and pair them, buzzed about the Court Rumours, how Rich the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops were; and withal, how niggardly and unsutably they lived to their great Incomes, laying up, and scraping together to enrich themselves and their Posterities; whereby Hospitality was neglected, which was especially required of them. Hereupon Sir William Cecyl the Secretary, who was now with the King, 
Which Cecyl sends him word of.  and took notice of these Discourses, and saw well the malicious Tendency thereof; (and moreover thought them perhaps in some measure to be true) laboured to hinder the ill Consequence: For he was ever a very great Favourer, as of the Reformed Clergy, so of their Estate and Honours. This put him upon writing a private Letter from Court to the Archbishop, desiring him favourably to take a piece of good Counsel at his Hands, as he intended it innocently and out of a good Mind, acquainting him with the Reports at the Court of his Riches, and of his Covetousness; reminding him withal of that Passage of St. Paul, They that will be Rich, fall into Temptation and a Snare; meaning probably thereby, the Danger that he and the rest of his Brethren might expose their Revenues to thereby. 
The ABp's Answer, for himself and the other Bishops.  The Archbishop seemed somewhat nettled, and perceiving the ill Designs, dispatched an Answer hereunto, giving a true Account of his own Condition, and of the other Bishops as to temporal Things, and letting him understand, how much the World was mistaken in him and the rest▪ That for himself he feared not that Saying of St. Paul half so much as he did stark Beggary. That he took not half so much Care for his Living, when he was a Scholar of Cambridg, as he did at that present. For although he had now much more Revenue, yet, he said, he had much more to do withal. That he had more Care now to live as an Archbishop, than he had at that Time to live like a Scholar. That he had not now so much as he had within ten Years passed by an hundred and fifty Pounds of certain Rent, besides Casualties. That he paid double for every thing he bought. And that if a good Auditor had this Account, he should find no great Surplusage to grow rich upon. And then as for the rest of the Bishops, he told him, That they were all Beggars, but only one single 
† He probably was Holgate ABp of York.  Man of them: and yet he dared well say, that he was not very Rich. And that if he knew any Bishop that were Covetous, he would surely admonish him. Entreating the Secretary, that if he could inform him of any such, he would signify him, and himself would advertise him, thinking he could do it better than the other. Who seemed to have hinted his Mind to the Archbishop, that he intended to do it. This Letter will be found among the rest in the Appendix. 
No. LXVII.   
No doubt the Archbishop was thus large and earnest on this Subject to supply the Secretary with Arguments to confute that malicious Talk at Court concerning the Bishops, and to prevent the Mischiefs hatching against them.  

This very Slander raised upon him to K. Henry.  Nor indeed was this the first time this Archbishop was thus slandered. For some of his Enemies, divers Years before, had charged him to his loving Master, King Henry VIII. with Covetousness and ill House-keeping. And the chief of these, that raised this Report, was Sir Thomas Seimour. But the King made him to convince himself, by sending him to Lambeth about Dinnertime upon some pretended Message. Where his own Eyes saw, how the Archbishop lived in far other sort than he had told the King, keeping great and noble Hospitality. So that when he returned, he acknowledged to his Majesty, that he never saw so honourable a Hall set in this Realm, besides his Majesty's, in all his Life, with better Order, and so well furnished in each Degree. And the King then gave this Testimony of him, 
Fox.  Ah good Man! all that he hath, he spendeth in House-keeping.  

K. Henry promised him Lands.  For this Reason probably it was, as well as upon the account of his good Service, and also of the Exchanges he was forced to make, that the said King gave him a promise of a Grant of some Lands, and by a general Clause in his Will signified as much; which was, That certain Persons should be considered. Accordingly I find in the forementioned Manuscript-Book of Sales of King's Lands, that Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury did, in the first Year of King Edward VI partly by Purchase, 
This promise performed by King Edward.  and partly by Exchange of other Lands, procure divers Lands of the King. He obtained the Rectory of Whalley, Blackbourn and Rachdale in the County of Lancaster, lately belonging to the Monastery or Abbey of Whalley in the same County; and divers other Lands and Tenaments in the Counties of Lancaster, Kent, Surrey, London, Bangor. And this partly in Consideration of King Henry VIII. his Promise, and in performance of his Will; and partly in exchange for the Manor and Park of Mayfield in the County of Sussex; and divers other Lands and Tenements in the Counties of Middlesex, Hertford, Kent, Buckingham and York. This Purchase he made, I suppose, not for himself, but for his See. About the same time he also bought of the King, 
His Purchases.  for the sum of five hundred and eighty Pounds eight Shillings and four Pence, the Manor of Sleford in the County of Lincoln, and of Middleton-Cheny in the County of Northampton, and divers other Lands and Tenements in the said Counties. He made another Purchase of the King the same Year, that is the first of his Reign, for four hundred twenty nine Pounds, fourteen shillings and two Pence, and for the fulfilling the last Will of the late King, and in consideration of Services, as it is expressed in the said Book of Sales. This Purchase was the Priory of Arthington in the County of York, and divers other Lands and Tenements in York, Nottingham and Kent. An Extract of which three Purchases, exactly taken out of the said Book, with the Value of the Lands, and the Rent reserved, and the Time of the Issues, and the Test of the Patent, I have thought fit to insert in the Appendix: 
No. LXVIII.  which probably may not be unacceptable to curious Persons.  
Which Purchases, when we consider, 
The Archbishopric fleeced by K. Henry.  we might be ready to make a stand, to resolve ourselves, how the Archbishop could represent his Condition so mean as he did in the Letter beforementioned, as though he feared he should die a Beggar. But it will unriddle this, if we think how the Archbishopric had been fleeced by King Henry VIII. in ten Years before: insomuch that the Rents were less by an hundred and fifty Pounds per Annum, than they were before; besides the loss of Fines, and other accidental Benefits, as it is mentioned by the Archbishop in his Letter. Add those extraordinary Expenses he was at in the maintenance of Divines and Scholars Strangers, that were Exiles for Religion, and the Salaries, and Pensions, and Gratuities sent to Learned Men abroad: besides his great and liberal House-keeping, and constant Table, and large Retinue.  
But to make appear more particularly in this place, 
Lands passed away to the Crown by Exchange.  how K. Henry pared his Revenue, I will give one Instance of what was passed away at one clap by Exchange: which was indeed so considerable, that it was commonly called The great Exchange. This way of exchanging Lands was much used in those Times; wherein the Princes commonly made good Bargains for themselves, and ill Ones for the Bishoprics. This Exchange made by Cranmer with the King, was on the first day of December, in the twenty ninth Year of his Reign, being the very Year of the Suppression of the greater Abbeys and Religious Convents. They were the ancient Demeans belonging to the Archbishopric, consisting of many noble Manors, whereof some had Palaces annexed to them. I shall name only those that lay in the County of Kent, 
Villar● Cantian.  as I find them dispersed in Philpot's Book of Kent.  
I. The Manor and Palace of Maidstone: Which Palace L●land saith, was once a Castle.  
II. The Manor and Palace of Charing.  
III. Wingham.  
IU. Wingham-B●rton, in the 〈◊〉 of Alresford. But in this Philpot is mistaken; for th●s was 〈…〉 Edward Bainton for ninety nine Years, by means of the King'● own Solicitation to the Archbishop.  
V. Wrotham.  
VI Saltwood; that had in times past a magnificent Castle and Park; and many Manors held of it by Knight's Service; which made it called an Honour.  
VII. Tenham.  
VIII. Bexley.  
IX. Aldington. Where was a Seat for the Archbishop, a Park, and a Chase for Deer, called Aldington-Frith. Besides Clive or Cliff; and Malingden, a Manor appendent thereunto: which King Henry took away from this See and Bishop, without any Satisfaction, as far as I can find. Also Pynner, Heyes, Harrow, Mortlake, etc. were part of this great Exchange. 
Lands made over to the Archbishop.  In lieu of these Demeans passed over to the Crown by way of Exchange, the King conveyed several Manors to the Archbishop, all which had appertained to the lately dissolved Religious Houses. Namely these among others: 

I. Pising; a parcel of the Abbey of S. Radigunds.  
II. Brandred; another Manor belonging to the said Abbey.  
III. The College of Bredgar.  
IV. Raculver; another Abbey suppressed.  
V. Dudmanscomb; belonging to the Priory of S. Martin's in Dover.    

The Archbishop parted also with Knoll and Otford to the King.  One Author, viz. Kilburn, that hath wrote of Kent, maketh Cranmer also to have made over to the King the sumptuous Palace of Otford, built by Archbishop Warham, which cost him thirty three thousand Pounds (a vast Sum in those Days) as Lambard tells us. Philpot, another Writer of that County, saith, That this was incorporated into the Revenue of the Crown by the Builder himself, Archbishop Warham, about the twelfth Year of that King's Reign; together with the Magnificent Seat of Knoll near Sevenoke; exchanging both with the King for other Lands, to extinguish the Passions of such as looked with regret and desire upon the Patrimony of the Church. 
MSS. C.C.C.C.  But it appears by a Writing of Cranmers own Secretary, that this Archbishop parted with both Otford and Knoll at once to the King, after he had possessed them some Years, and not Warham, as Philpot mistakes.  

What moved him to make these Exchanges.  The World is apt to blame Cranmer for parting with these Revenues of the See. But surely it was a true Apology that the Author beforenamed, made for the Archbishop's great Exchange, namely, Because he finding that the spreading Demeans of the Church were in danger to be torn off by the Talons of Avarice and Rapine, to mortify the growing Appetites of Sacrilegious Cormorants, exchanged them with the Crown. Which may be enough to stop any Clamours against this most Reverend Prelate for this his doing: Especially considering what I shall add upon this Argument hereafter, from his own Secretary.  
His Care and Concern for the Welfare of the English Church, 
His Cares and Fears for the King.  made him ever most earnestly to love the King, and to have a very tender Regard for the Safety of his Person. Who in the Summer of this Year, as was hinted before, went a Progress, accompanied by the Duke of Northumberland; brought about probably by him to get more into the King's Affections, and to have his own Designs the better to take effect, and with the less Opposition and control: and possibly, that the King might be the further off from the Archbishop to consult withal. But he had now a more especial Concern upon him for his Majesty at this Time, as though his Mind had prophetically presaged some Evil to befall the King in that Progress, (and indeed it was the last Progress that ever he made). And so methinks do these Expressions of the Archbishop sound, in a Letter dated in july, to Cecyl, then attending the Court; Beseeching Almighty God to preserve the King's Majesty, with all his Council and Family, and send him well to return from his Progress. And in a Letter the next Month, He thanked Cecyl for his News; but especially, said he, for that ye advertise me, that the King's Majesty is in good Health: Wherein I beseech God long to continue his Highness. And when in the latter end of the following Month, the Gests (that is, the Stages of his Majesty's Progress) were altered, which looked like some ill Design, the Archbishop entreated Cecyl to send him the new resolved-upon Gests from that time to the end, that he might from time to time know where his Majesty was; adding his Prayer again for him, That God would preserve and prosper him.   

CHAP. XXX. His Care for the Vacancies. Falls Sick.  
WHILE the King was thus abroad, 
His care for filling the Vacancies of the Church.  and the Archbishop absent, unworthy or disaffected Men were in a fairer probability of getting Promotions in the Church, while he was not at hand for to nominate fit Men to the King, and to advise him in the bestowing the vacant Dignities and Benefices. The Archbishop knew very well, how much Learning and Sobriety contributed towards the bringing the Nation out of Popery, and that nothing tended so effectually to continue it as the contrary. This Matter the Archbishop seemed to have discoursed at large with Secretary Cecyl at parting. Who therefore, by a Letter sent to the said Archbishop, then at his House at Ford, desired him to send him up a Catalogue of Learned Men, and such as he esteemed fit for Places of Preferment in the Church and University: that so as any Place fell in the King's Gift, the said Secretary might be ready at the least Warning to recommend fitting and worthy Men to supply such Vacancies, and to prevent any Motion that might be made by any Courtiers or Simonists, for ignorant Persons, or corrupt in Religion. In answer to which Letter, the Archbishop writ him word, That he would send him his Mind in that Matter with as much Expedition as he could. And undoubtedly we should have seen the good Fruits of this afterwards in the Church, had not the untimely Death of that admirable Prince, that followed not long after, prevented this good Design.  

Laboured under an Ague this Autumn.  This Year the Archbishop laboured under two Fits of Sickness at Croyden. The latter was caused by a severe Ague; of which his Physicians doubted whether it were a Quotidian, or a double- Tertian; and seizing him in the declining of the Year, was in danger to stick by him all the Winter. But by the Care of his Physicians, in the latter end of August, it had left him two Days, which made him hope he was quit thereof; yet his Water kept of an high Colour. That second Day he wrote to Cecyl, and desired him to acquaint Cheke how it was with him. And now the most Danger was, as he said, that if it came again that Night, it was like to turn to a Quartan, a most stubborn Ague, and likelier to continue and wear him out. A Disease indeed, that carried off his Successor, Cardinal Pole, and was, as Godwin observed, a Disease deadly and mortal unto elder Folk.  

The great Mortality of Agues about this Time.  The Archbishop's Friends had reason to fear his Distemper, if we think of the Severity of Agues in that Age, greater, as it seems, than in this. Roger Ascham complaineth to his Friend john Sturmius, Anno 1562; That for four Years past, he was afflicted with continual Agues; that no sooner had one left him, but another presently followed; and that the State of his Health was so impaired and broke by them, that an Hectic Fever seized his whole Body: And the Physicians promised him some Ease, but no solid Remedy. 
Stow's Chron.  And I find, six or seven Years before that, mention made of hot burning Fevers, whereof died many old Persons; and that there died in the Year, 1556, seven Aldermen within the space of ten Months. And the next Year, about Harvest-time, the Quartan Agues continued in like manner, or more vehemently than they had done the Year before; and they were chiefly mortal to old People, and especially Priests: So that a great number of Parishes became destitute of Curates, and none to be gotten; and much Corn was spoiled for lack of Harvest-men. Such was the Nature of this Disease in these Days.  

That which most concerned him in his Sickness.  But the Severity or Danger of the Archbishop's Distemper, did not so much trouble him as certain Inconveniences that attended it, viz. That it put him off from ●hose pious and holy Designs that he was in hand with, for God's Glory, and the Good of the Church. For so he expressed his Mind to his Friend the Secretary; However the Matter chance, the most Grief to me is, that I cannot proceed in such Matters as I have in hand, according to my Will and Desire. This Terrenum Domicilium is such an Obstacle to all good Purposes. So strongly bend was the Heart of this excellent Prelate to the serving of God and his Church. But out of this Sickness he escaped; for God had reserved him for another kind of Death to glorify him by.  
A little before this Sickness befell him, 
The Secretary sends the Archbishop the Copy of the Emperor's Pacification.  something fell out which gave him great Joy. Cecyl knew how welcome good News out of Germany would be to him, and therefore in july sent him a Copy of the Pacification; that is, the Emperor's Declaration of Peace throughout the Empire, after long and bloody Wars; which consisted of such Articles as were favourable unto the Protestants, after much persecution of them: As, that a Diet of the Empire should shortly be summoned, to deliberate about composing the Differences of Religion, and that the Dissensions about Religion should be composed by placid and pious and easy Methods. And that in the mean time all should live in Peace together, and none should be molested for Religion; with divers other Matters. And in another Letter soon after, 
Vid. Sl●id. Lib. 24.  the said Cecyl advised him of a Peace concluded between the Emperor and Maurice Elector of Saxony, a warlike Prince, and who headed the Protestant Army. Which being News of Peace among Christians, was highly acceptable to the good Father. But he wanted much to know upon what Terms, out of the Concern he had that it might go well with the Protestant Interest. And therefore Cecyl having not mentioned them, the Archbishop earnestly, in a Letter to him, desired to know whether the Peace were according to the Articles, meaning those of the Pacification, or otherwise. Which when he understood, (for upon the same Articles that Peace between the Emperor and Duke Maurice stood) it created a great Tranquillity to his pious Mind. Thus were his Thoughts employed about the Matters of Germany, and the Cause of Religion there: Which he rejoiced not a little to see in so fair a way to a good Conclusion.   

CHAP. XXXI. His Kindness for Germany.  
TO this Country he had a particular Kindness; 
His Kindness for Germany.  not only because he had been formerly there in quality of Ambassador from his Master King Henry, and had contracted a great Friendship with many eminent Learned Men there, and a near Relation to some of them by marrying Osiander's Niece at Norinberg; but chiefly and above all, because here the Light of the Gospel began first to break forth and display itself, to the spiritual Comfort and Benefit of other Nations. He had many Exhibitioners in those Parts, to whom he allowed Annual Salaries: Insomuch that some of his Officers grumbled at it, as though his House-keeping were abridged by it. For when once in King Henry's Reign, one in discourse with an Officer of his Grace, had said, He wondered his Lordship kept no better an House, (though he kept a very good one): He answered, It was no wonder, for my Lord, said he, hath so many Exhibitions in Germany, that all is too little to scrape and get to send thither.  

His Correspondence with Germany,  He held at least a monthly Correspondence to, and from Learned Germans: and there was one in Canterbury, appointed by him on purpose to receive and convey the Letters. Which his Enemies once, in his Troubles, made use of as an Article against him. And Gardiner, a Prebend of Canterbury, and preferred by the Archbishop, of this very thing treacherously, in a secret Letter, informed his grand Enemy and Competitor, Gardiner the Bishop of Winton.  

And with Herman Archbishop of Colen.  Among the rest of his Correspondents in Germany, Herman, the memorable and ever-famous Archbishop and Elector of Colen, was one; who by the Counsel and Direction of Bucer and Melancthon, did vigorously labour a Reformation of corrupt Religion within his Province and Territories. But finding the Opposition against him so great, and lying under the Excommunication of the Pope for what he had done; and being deprived thereupon by the Emperor of his Lands and Function, he resigned his Ecclesiastical Honour, and betook himself to a retired Life: which was done about the Year 1547. But no question, in this private Capacity, he was not idle in doing what Service he could for the good of that Cause which he had so generously and publicly espoused, and for which he had suffered so much. I find, that in this Year 1552, our Archbishop had sent a Message to Secretary Cecyl, who accompanied the King in this Summer's Progress, desiring him to be mindful of the Bishop of Colen's Letters. And in another Letter, dated july 21, he thanked the Secretary for the good remembrance he had thereof. What the Contents of these Letters of the Archbishop of Colen were, it appeareth not: But I am very apt to think the Purport of them was, that Cranmer would solicit some certain Business in the English Court, relating to the Affairs of Religion in Germany, and for the obtaining some Favour from the King in that Cause. But the King being now abroad, and the Archbishop at a distance from him, he procured the Secretary, who was ever cordial to the State of Religion, to solicit that Archbishop's Business for him; sending him withal that Archbishop's Letters for his better Instruction.  
And this, whatever it was, seems to have been the last good Office that Archbishop Herman did to the Cause of Religion; for he died, according to Sleidan, in the Month of August; and our Archbishop's Letter, wherein that Elector's Letters are mentioned, were writ but the Month before.  

The Sutableness of both these Archbishops Dispositions.  And if one may judge of men's commencing Friendship and Love, according to the sutableness of their Tempers and Dispositions, our Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Archbishop of Colen, must have been very intimate Friends. It was said of this Man, that he often wished, That either he might be instrumental to the propagating the Evangelical Doctrine and Reformation of the Churches under his jurisdiction, or to live a private Life. And when his Friends had often told him, what Envy he would draw upon himself by the changing of Religion, he would answer, like a true Christian Philosopher, That nothing could happen to him unexpectedly, and that he had long since fortified his Mind against every Event. These two Passages spoke the very Spirit and Soul of Cranmer. Which they may see that are minded to read what Fox saith of him, as to his Undauntedness and Constancy in the maintaining of the Truth, against the many Temptations and Dangers that he met with during these three Reigns successively.  
And lastly, 
Their diligence in Reforming.  as our Archbishop devoted himself wholly to the reforming of his Church; so admirable was the Diligence, Pains and Study this Archbishop took in contriving the Reformation of his. He procured a Book to be writ concerning it, called Instauratio Ecclesiarum, which contained the Form and Way to be used for the redressing the Errors and Corruptions of his Church. It was composed by those great Germane Divines, Bucer and Melancthon; which Book was put into English, and published here as a good Pattern, in the Year 1547. This Book he intended to issue forth through his Jurisdiction, by his Authority to be observed. But first he thought fit well and seriously to examine it: and spent five Hours in the Morning for five Days, to deliberate and consult thereupon: Calling to him to advise withal in this great Affair, his Coadjutor Count Stolberg, Husman, jenep, Bucer and Melancthon. He caused the whole Work to be read before him; and as many Places occurred, wherein he seemed less satisfied, he caused the Matter to be disputed and argued, and then spoke his own Mind accurately. He would patiently hear the Opinions of others, for the information of his own Judgement; and so ordered things to be either changed or illustrated. And so dextrously would he decide many Controversies arising, that Melancthon thought that those great Points of Religion had been long weighed and considered by him, and that he rightly understood the whole Doctrine of the Church. He had always lying by him the Bible of Luther's Version; and as Testimonies chanced to be alleged thence, he commanded that they should be turned to, that he might consider that which is the Fountain of all Truth. Insomuch that the said Melancthon could not but admire, and talk of his Learning, Prudence, Piety and Dexterity, to such as he conversed with; and particularly to john Caesar, 
Mel. Epist. Printed at Leyden, 1647. Pag. 34.  to whom in a Letter he gave a particular Account of this Affair. And it is to be noted by the way, that the said Book, according to which the Reformation was to be modelled, contained only, as Melancthon in his Letter suggested, a necessary Instruction for all Children, and the Sum of the Christian Doctrine; and the Appointments for the Colleges and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy were very moderate; the Form of the Ecclesiastical Polity being to remain as it was, and so were the Colleges, with their Dignities, Wealth, Degrees, Ornaments thereunto belonging; only great Superstitions should be taken away. 
Nec aliam video, nisi hanc unam, ut retineant Episcopi & Collegia s●a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & suas opes, & recipiant doctrinam piam. Ubi supra.  Which the wise Melancthon aforesaid did so approve of, that he professed he had often propounded it in Diets of the Germane Nation, as the best way to Peace. And this I add, that it might be observed how Archbishop Cranmer went by the same Measures in the Reformation of the Church of England; maintaining the Hierarchy, and the Revenues, Dignities and Customs of it, against many in those Times that were for the utter abolishing them, as Relics of Popery. Such a Correspondence there was between our Archbishop, and the wisest, moderatest and most learned Divines of Germany. But let us look nearer Home.   

CHAP. XXXII. Troubles of Bishop Tonstal.  
AS the last Year we heard of the Deprivation of two Popish Bishops, 
The Troubles of Bp Tonstol.  so this Year another underwent the like Censure, I mean Tonstal Bishop of Durham; whose Business I shall the rather relate, because our Archbishop had some Concern in it. Septemb. 21. A Commission was issued out to the Lord Chief Justice and his Colleagues, 
MS. of an old Council-Book.  to examine and determine the Cause of Tonstal Bishop of Durham, and eight Writings touching the same; which he is willed to consider, and to proceed to the hearing and ordering of the Matter, as soon as he may get the rest of his Colleagues to him. It was not long after, viz. about the midst of October, that this Bishop by these Commissioners (whose Names, besides the Chief Justice, do not occur) was deprived, and his Estate confiscated. Octob. ult. Sir john Mason was ordered by the Council to deliver, to the use of Dr. Tonstal, (so he is now styled) remaining Prisoner in the Tower, such Money as should serve for his Necessities, until such time as further Order shall be taken touching his Goods and Money lately appertaining to him. Decemb. 6. It was agreed by the Council, that Dr. Tonstal, late Bishop of Durham, should have the Liberty of the Tower: where he continued till the Time of Queen Mary.  

The Cause of this Bp's Punishment.  But we will look back to learn for what Cause this severe Punishment was inflicted upon this Reverend grave Bishop, and the rather, because the Bp of Sarum could not find, as he writes, what the Particulars were. In the Year 1550, a Conspiracy was hatching in the North, to which the Bishop was privy at least, if not an Abetter. And he wrote to one Menvile in those Parts relating to the same. This Menvile himself related unto the Council, and produced the Bishop's Letter. Which was afterwards, by the Duke of Somerset, withdrawn and concealed, as it seems, out of kindness to Tonstal. But upon the Duke's Troubles, when his Cabinet was searched, this Letter was found: Upon which they proceeded against Tonstal. This is the sum of what is found in the Council-Book. Viz. May 20. 1551. The Bishop of Durham is commanded to keep his House. Aug. 2. He had licence to walk in the Fields. Decemb. 20. Whereas the Bishop of Durham, about july 1550, was charged by Vivian Menvile, to have consented to a Conspiracy in the North, for the making a Rebellion; and whereas, for want of a Letter written by the said Bishop to the said Menvile, (whereupon great trial of this Matter depended) the final Determination of the Matter could not be proceeded unto, and the Bishop only commanded to keep his House; the same Letter hath of late been found in a Casket of the Duke of Somerset's after his last Apprehension. The said Bishop was sent for, and this Day appeared before the Council, and was charged with the Letter, which he could not deny but to be his own Handwriting: and having little to say for himself, he was then sent to the Tower, there to abide till he should be delivered by Process of Law▪ Agreeable to this is that King Edward writes in his Journal. Decemb. 20. The Bishop of Durham was, for concealment of Treason written to him, and not disclosed, sent to the Tower.  
In the latter end of the Year 1551, a Parliament sitting, 
A Bill in Parliament to attaint Tonstal.  it was thought convenient to bring in a Bill into the House of Lords, attainting him for Misprision of Treason. But Archbishop Cranmer spoke freely against it, not satisfied it seems with the Charge laid against him. But it past, and the Archbishop protested. But when it was carried down to the Commons, they would not proceed upon it, not satisfied with the bare Depositions of Evidences, but required that the Accusers might be brought Face to Face: And so it went no further. But when the Parliament would not do Tonstal's Business, a Commission was issued out to do it, as is above spoken.  
In the mean time, 
The Care of the Diocese committed to the Dean.  that the Bishopric might not want a due Care taken of it, during the Bishop's Restraint, Feb. 18. 1551, a Letter was sent from the Council to the Prebendaries of Durham, to conform themselves to such Orders in Religion and Divine Service, standing with the King's Proceedings, as their Dean, Mr. Horn, shall set forth, whom the Lords required them to receive and use well, as being sent to them for the Weal of the Country by his Majesty.   

CHAP. XXXIII. The new Common-Prayer. The Archbishop in Kent.  
THE Book of Common-Prayer having the last Year been carefully Revised and Corrected by the Archbishop and others, 
The new Common-Prayer began to be used.  the Parliament in April this Year enacted, that it should begin to be used every where at All-Saints Day next. And accordingly the Book was printed against the Time, and began to be read in S. Paul's Church, and the like throughout the whole City. But because the Posture of Kneeling was excepted against by some, and the words used by the Priest to the Communicant, at the reception of the Bread, gave Scruple, as though the Adoration of the Host were intended: therefore to take off this, and to declare the contrary to be the Doctrine of this Church, Octob. 27. a Letter was sent from the Council to the Lord-Chancellor, to cause to be joined to the Book of Common-Prayer lately set forth, a Declaration signed by the King, touching the Kneeling at the receiving of the Communion. Which in all probability was done by the Motion of the Archbishop, who in his late Book had taken such pains to confute the Adoration; and now thought it necessary, that some public Declaration should be made in the Church-Service against it. So now the first of November being come, Dr. Ridley, the Bishop of London, was the first that celebrated the new Service in S. Paul's Church; 
Stow's Chron.  which he did in the Forenoon: And then in his Rochet only, without Cope or Vestment, preached in the Choir. And in the Afternoon he preached at Pauls-Cross, the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen, and Citizens present. His Sermon tended to the setting forth this new Edition of the Common-Prayer. He continued preaching till almost five a Clock; so that the Mayor and the rest went home by Torchlight. By this Book of Common-Prayer, all Copes and Vestments were forbidden throughout England. The Prebendaries of St. Paul's left off their Hoods, and the Bishops their Crosses, etc. as by Act of Parliament is more at large set forth.  
Provision also was made for the King's French Dominions, that this Book, 
This Book put into French for the King's French Subjects.  with the Amendments, should be used there. And the Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor (a great forwarder of good Reformation) procured a learned Frenchman, who was a Doctor of Divinity, carefully to correct the former French Book by this English new One, in all the Alterations, Additions and Omissions thereof. For the first Common-Prayer Book also was in French, for the use of the King's French Subjects: Being translated by Commandment of Sir Hugh Paulet, Governor of Calais: And that Translation, overseen by the Lord Chancellor, and others at his Appointment. The Benefit of this last Book was such, that one of the French Congregation in London sought, by the Means of A Lasco's Interest with Secretary Cecyl, for a Licence under the King's Letters Patents, to translate this Common-Prayer, and the Administration of Sacraments, and to print it, for the use of the French Islands of jersey and Guernsey. But Cecyl, after a Letter received from A Lasco in August to that effect, not willing to do this of his own Head, and reckoning it a proper Matter to be considered by the Archbishop, who were to be entrusted with the translating of such a Book, desired him, being now at Ford, to give him his Advice and Judgement herein, both as to the Work and as to the Benefit. To whom the Archbishop gave this Answer; That the Commodity that might arise by printing of the Book, was meet to come to them who had already taken the Pains in translating the same. Informing the Secretary who they were; namely those formerly, and now of late employed by Sir Hugh Paulet, and the Lord-Chancellor. But I find this Book was not presently finished, being not printed till the Year 1553, for the Use of jersey and Guernsey.  

The Age still vicious.  Notwithstanding this cleansing of the Church from Superstition and Idolatry, and bringing in the Knowledge of the Gospel, by the Archbishop's constant Pains and Study, the People generally, even the Professors themselves, were bad enough as to their Morals; and Religion had yet got but little hold of them. A clear sight of the Behaviour of these Times may be seen by what Tho. Becon, 
jewel of joy..  a Chaplain of Cranmers, writ in his Preface to a Book put forth in those Days: What a number of falls Christians live there at this present day, unto the exceeding dishonour of the Christian Profession, which with their Mouth confess that they know God, but with their deeds they utterly deny him, and are abominable, disobedient to the Word of God, and utterlye estranged from all good Works? What a swarm of gross Gospelers have we also among us, which can prattle of the Gospel very finely, talk much of the Justification of Faith, crack very stoutly of the free remission of all their Sins by Christ's Blood, advance themselves to be of the Number of those, which are predestinate unto Eternal Glory? But how far do their Life differ from all true Christianity? They are puffed up with all kind of Pride: they swell with all kind of Envy, Malice, Hatred and Enmity against their neighbour, they burn with unquencheable Lusts of Carnal Concupiscence, they wallow and tumble in all kind of beastly Pleasures: their greedy covetous Affects are insatiable: thenlarging of their Lordships, th'increasing of their Substance, the scraping together of their Worldly Possessions infinite, and knoweth no End. In fine, all their Endeavours tend unto this End, to show themselves very Ethnycks, and utterly estranged from God in their Conversation, although in Words they otherwise pretend. As for their Almes-Dedes, their Praying, their Watching, their Fasting, and such other Godly Exercises of the Spirit, they are utterly banished from these rude and gross Gospelers. All their Religion consisteth in Words and Disputations, in Christian Acts and Godly deeds nothing at all. These evil Manners of the Professors themselves, looked with so sad a Face, that it made the best Men assuredly expect a Change and woeful Times to follow.  
Septemb. 27. 
A new Sect in Kent.  A Letter was sent from the Council to the Archbishop, to examine a Sect newly sprung up in Kent. Whereof there was now a Book of Examinations sent him: 
Council-Book.  and to commune with a Man and a Woman (the Informers) bearers of the Letter, who could inform him somewhat of the Matter. And to take such order in the same according to the Commission, that these Errors might not be suffered thus to overspread the King's Faithful Subjects. What this Sect was appeareth not. The Anabaptists were taken notice of, and a Commission issued out against them some Years before. These were Sectaries more new, and whereof the Council very lately was informed. It may be they were of the Family of Love, or David George his Sect, who made himself sometime Christ, and sometime the Holy Ghost. For a little before these Times, divers Sects sprang up under the Profession of the Gospel, in High and Low- Germany; some whereof dispersed themselves into England. Which Sects began to do so much hurt to the Reformation among us, that the Author beforementioned, laments it in these words: What wicked and ungodly Opinions are there sown nowadays of the Anabaptists, Davidians, Libertines, and such other pestilent Sects, in the Hearts of the People, unto the great Disquietness of Christ's Church, moving rather unto Sedition, than unto pure Religion; unto Heresy, than unto things Godly?  
The examination of this new Sect, was one of the Businesses the Archbishop was employed in, 
The ABp's Business in Kent.  while he was in his Retirement at his House near Canterbury. Another was, the sitting upon a Commission to him and other Gentlemen of Kent, for enquiry after such as had embezzled the Plate and Goods belonging to Chauntries, etc. given by the Parliament to the King, and converting them to their own uses. But this being somewhat an odious Work, he was not very forward to enter upon, especially because he thought, whatsoever he and the other Commissioners should recover, would be but swallowed up by the Duke of Northumberland and his Friends, and the King be little the better. But because he did not make more haste, he was charged by his Enemies at Court as a neglecter of the King's Business. Which cost him a Letter in excuse of himself to the said Duke: signifying, that he omitted this Business a while till the Gentlemen and Justices of Peace of Kent, who where then mostly at London, were come home.  

A Letter for Installing Bishop Hoper. Council-Book.  Decemb. 2. A Letter was sent from the Council to the Archbishop, to grant out a Warrant. Ad Installandum, for the Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, without paying any Fees for the same, because he paid Fees for another Mandate, which served to no purpose.  

The Vicar of Beden.  Febr. 20. An Order was sent to the Archbishop from the Council to examine the Vicar of Beden in the County of Berks, according to an Information enclosed, 
Council-Book.  and to advertise the Lords of his Proceedings therein. What this Vicar's Crime was I know not; but I observe about these Times the Priests and Curates were very busy Men, and would take liberty, sometimes to speak against the King's Proceedings, or his Archbishop, with bitterness enough, and sometimes to vent fond Opinions, so that oftentimes they were fetched up to the Council-board; and after an Appearance or two, referred to the Archbishop to examine and punish: as being Matters relating to Religion; and so proper for his Cognizance.  

Samson and Knox.  About the latter end of this Year, Thomas Samson was preferred to the Deanery of Chichester, having been Parson of Alhallowes-Bredstreet, London. February the 2 d, A Letter was sent from the Privy-Council to the Archbishop, to bestow the said Living upon Mr. Knox, who was one of the King's Chaplains, and in good esteem in the Court for his Gift of Preaching.  

The Council favour Knox. Collect. Vol. 2. p. 42.  This Knox was the Man, whose Name was so dashed in the King's Journal, where the Names of the King's six Chaplains were inserted, that Bishop Burnet could not read it. The Council bore a great favour to him, as appears by those several Letters they wrote in his behalf. One was mentioned before, sent to the Archbishop for a Living in London; but in that Knox succeeded not, the Archbishop preferring Laurence Saunders (afterwards a Martyr) thereunto. Knox, being sent this Year into the North, one of the King's Itinerary Preachers, 
Council-Book.  a Warrant, dated Octob. 27, was granted from the Council to four Gentlemen, to pay to him his Majesty's Preacher in the North (so he is styled) forty Pounds, as his Majesty's Reward. And again Decemb. 9, a Letter was sent from the Council to the Lord Wharton (who was Lord Warden in the Northern Borders) in commendation of Mr. Knox. And the next Year, viz. 1553, being returned out of the North, and being then in Buckinghamshire, that he might find the more acceptance and respect there, the Council wrote a Letter to the great Men in those Parts, viz. the Lord Russel, Lord Windsor, to the Justices of the Peace, and the rest of the Gentlemen within that County, in favour of the said Knox the Preacher.  

A Bishop Consecrated.  
June 26. john Taylor, S. Th. P. Dean of Lincoln, 
john Taylor.  a Learned and Pious Man, was Consecrated Bishop of Lincoln at Croyden-Chappel, by the Archbishop, assisted by Nicolas Bishop of London, and john Bishop of Rochester.    

CHAP. XXXIV. A Catechism. The Archbishop opposeth the Exclusion of the Lady Mary.  
WE are now come to the last Year of good K. Edward's Reign: 
An. 1553.  when the Archbishop was as commonly at the Council, as he used to be before. For the Counsellors made great use of him, 
Great use made of the ABp at Council.  and did not use to conclude any thing in matters relating to the Church without him. And if he came not, they often sent for him: and once the last Year, in October, when he had fixed his Day of going into Kent, they stayed him for some Days, that they might confer with him about some certain Matter; I suppose, relating to the Articles of Religion, that were then under their Hands. To look no further than the latter end of the last Year; He was at Council at Westminster in February, and this Year, in March and April. And the Court being at Greenwich, where the King lay sick, and died, the Archbishop was there at Council in june: but not after the eighth Day. The reason he came no more, we may well conjecture to be, because he did no ways like the Methods that were now taking by Northumberland, to bring the Crown into his own Family, and disenherit the King's Sisters. For soon after, viz. june 11. The Lord Chief Justice Mountagne, and some other Judges, with the King's Attorney and Solicitor, were sent for to the Council to consult about drawing up the Instrument.  
On one of these Council-Days, 
The Articles of Religion enjoined by the King's Authority.  he procured the King's Letters in behalf of the Book of Articles, which he had taken such Pains about the two last Years, both in composing and in bringing to effect. The King had before given order to the Archbishop by his Letters, to put forth these Articles. And now they were put forth, he procured the King's Letters also to his own Officers, for to see the Clergy of his Diocese to subscribe thereunto. So the King's Letters were directed to the Official of the Court of Canterbury, and the Dean of the Deanery of the Arches, and to their Surrogates, Deputies, 
Cran. Regist.  etc. Setting forth, That whereas he had given order unto Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, in Letters sealed with his Signet, for the Honour of God, and to take away Dissension of Opinion, and confirm Consent of true Religion, that he should expound, publish, denounce, and signify some Articles and other things, breathing the right Faith of Christ, for the Clergy and People within his Jurisdiction, the King therefore enjoined them, the Archbishop's Officers, 
An. 1553.  that they should cause all Rectors, Vicars, Priests, Stipendiaries, Schoolmasters, and all that had any Ecclesiastical Employment, to appear in Person before the Archbishop in his Hall at Lambeth, there further to obey and do on the King's part, according as it shall be signified, and to receive according to Reason, and the Office owing to the King's Royal Dignity. And in obedience hereunto, the Official, john Gibbon, LL. D. Commissary of the Deanery of the Blessed Virgin of the Arches, signified by an Instrument, dated june 2, to the Archbishop, that he had cited the Clergy. I do not find the success of this; only that the City-Clergy made their appearance before the Archbishop at Lambeth: and that he did his endeavour by Persuasion and Argument to bring them to subscribe: Which no question very few refused. But this Matter afterwards served Q. Mary's Commissioners, for one of their Interrogatories to be put to the Archbishop, as though he had compelled many against their Wills to subscribe. Which he denied, saying, He compelled none, but exhorted such to subscribe as were willing first to do it, before they did it.  
In the Month of May, the King by his Letters Patents commanded a Latin Catechism to be taught by Schoolmasters to their Scholars. It was entitled, 
The Catechism for Schools.  Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplinae summam continens. The King in his Letters, dated May 20. said, It was made by a certain Pious and Learned Man, and presented to him; and that he committed the diligent examination of it to certain Bishops and other Learned Men, whose Judgement was of great Authority with him. The same Bishops and Learned Men, I suppose, that were framing and preparing the Articles of Religion the last Year. The Author of this Catechism is not certainly known. Some conjecture him to be Ponet, the Bishop of Winchester. The Learned Dr. Ward, one of the English Divines sent to the Synod of Dort, having this Catechism in his Library, (now in the possession of a Friend of mine) wrote therein these words, A ro N llo autore, siquid ego divinare possum. Meaning probably Alexander Nowell, who was now, if I mistake not, Schoolmaster of Westminster, and afterwards Dean of S. Paul's. But whosoever was the Author, the Archbishop we may conclude to be the furtherer and recommender of it unto the King: it being that Prelate's great Design, by Catechisms, and Articles of Religion, and plain Expositions of the Fundamentals, to instil right Principles into the Minds of the Youth and common People, for the more effectual rooting out Popery, that had been so long entertained by the industrious nurselling up the Nation in Ignorance.  

A Catechism set forth by the Synod.  There was a Catechism that came forth about this time, (whether it were this or another, I cannot say) allowed by the Synod, or Convocation. In the beginning of Q. Marry, the Popish Divines made a great stir about this Catechism, and thought they had a great Advantage against it, because it was put forth as from the Synod, whereas that Synod knew nothing of it. Whereupon Wes●on the Prolocutor in Q. Mary's first Convocation, brought a Bill into the House, declaring that Catechism, being Pestiferous and full of Heresies, to be foisted upon the last Synod fraudulently, and therefore that the present Synod disowned it. To which he set his own hand, and propounded that all the House should do the like: Which all but six consented to. One whereof was Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, who stood up, and told them in justification of those that published the said Catechism, that the Synod, under K. Edward, had granted to certain Persons, to be appointed by the King, to make Ecclesiastical Laws. And whatsoever Ecclesiastical Laws they or the most part of them did set forth, according to a Statute in that behalf provided, might well be said to be done by the Synod of London; although such as were of the House then had no notice thereof before the Promulgation. And therefore in this Point he thought the setters forth of the Catechism had nothing slandered the House, since they had that Synodal Authority unto them committed. And moreover he desired the Prolocutor would be a Means unto the Lords, that some of those that were Learned, and the publishers of this Book, might be brought into the House, to show their Learning that moved them to set forth the same; and that Dr. Ridley and Rogers, 
Fox.  and two or three more might be Licenced to be present at this Disputation, and be associate with them. But this would not be allowed.  
The last thing we hear of concerning our Archbishop in this King's Reign, 
The ABp opposeth the new Settlement of the Crown.  was his denial to comply with the new Settlement of the Crown, devised and carried on by the domineering Duke of Northumberland, for the Succession of jane, Daughter to Grace, Duke of Suffolk, whom he had married to one of his Sons. This he did both oppose, and when he could not hinder, refused to have any hand in it. First, he did his endeavour to stop this Act of the King. He took the boldness to argue much with the King about it once, when the Marquis of Northampton, and the Lord Darcy, Lord Chamberlain, were present. And moreover, he signified his desire to speak with the King alone, that so he might be more free and large with him. But that would not be suffered: But if it had, he thought he should have brought off the King from his Purpose, as he said afterward. But for what he had said to the King, the Duke of Northumberland soon after told him at the Council-Table, That it became him not to speak to the King, as he had done, when he went about to dissuade him from his Will. To the Council the Archbishop urged the entailing of the Crown by K. Henry upon his two Daughters, and used many grave and pithy Reasons to them for the Lady Mary's Legitimation, when they argued against it. But the Council, replied, That it was the Opinion of the Judges, and the King's Learned Counsel in the Law, that that Entailing could not be prejudicial unto the King; and that he being in possession of the Crown, might dispose of it as he would. This seemed strange unto the Archbishop. Yet considering it was the Judgement of the Lawyers, and he himself unlearned in the Law, he thought it not seemly to oppose this Matter further. But he refused to sign: Till the King himself required him to set his Hand to his Will, and saying, That he hoped, he alone would not stand out, and be more repugnant to his Will than all the rest of the Council were. Which words made a great Impression upon the Archbishop's tender Heart, and grieved him very sore, out of the dear Love he had to that King, and so he subscribed. And when he did it, he did it unfeignedly. All this he wrote unto Queen Mary.  

Denieth before the Council to subscribe to the Exclusion of the Lady Mary. Foxii MSS.  To which I will add what I meet with in one of my Manuscripts. When the Council and the chief Judges had set their Hands to the King's Will, last of all they sent for the Archbishop [who had all this while stood off;] requiring him also to subscribe the same Will, as they had done. Who answered, That he might not without Perjury. For so much as he was before sworn to my Lady Mary by King Henry's Will. To whom the Council answered, That they had Consciences as well as he; and were also as well sworn to the King's Will as he was. The Archbishop answered, I am not judge over any Man's Conscience, but mine own only. For as I will not condemn their Fact, no more will I stay my Fact upon your Conscience, seeing that every Man shall answer to God for his own Deeds, and not for other men's. And so he refused to subscribe, till he had spoken with the King herein. And being with the King, he told the Abp, that the Judges had informed him, that he might lawfully bequeath his Crown to the Lady jane, and his Subjects receive her as Queen, notwithstanding their former Oath to King Henry's Will. Than the Archbishop desired the King, that he might first speak with the Judges: Which the King gently granted. And he spoke with so many of them, as were at that time at the Court, and with the King's Attorney also: Who all agreed in one, that he might lawfully subscribe to the King's Will by the Laws of the Realm. Whereupon he returning to the King, by his Commandment granted at last to set his Hand. 
Sets his Hand.   

The ABp ingratefully dealt with.  From the whole Relation of this Affair we may note as the Honesty, so the Stoutness and Courage of the Archbishop, in the management of himself in this Cause against Northumberland, who hated him, and had of a long time sought his Ruin: and the Ingratitude of Q. Marry, or at least the Implacableness of Cranmers Enemies; that the Queen soon yielded her Pardon to so many of the former King's Council, that were so deep and so forward in this Business, but would not grant it him, (who could not obtain it, till after much and long suit:) And that it should be put into two Acts of her Parliament (to make him infamous for a Traitor to Posterity) that he and the Duke of Northumberland were the Devisers of this Succession, to deprive Q. Mary of her Right: Which was so palpably false and untrue on the Archbishop's part. But this was, no question, Winchester's doing; through whose Hands, being now Lord Chancellor, all these Acts of Parliament past, and the wording of them.  


The Council subscribe and swear to the limited Succession.  
Vol. II. p. 223.   Finally, I have only one thing more to add concerning this matter: Which is, that besides the Instrument of Succession, drawn up by the King's Council Learned in the Law, signed by himself, and 32 Counsellors, and dated june 21, according to the History of the Reformation, there was another Writing, which was also signed by 24 of the Council. And to this I find our Archbishop's Name. Herein they promised by their Oaths and Honours (being commanded so to do by the King) to observe all and every Article contained in a Writing of the King's own Hand, touching the said Succession, and after copied out and delivered to certain Judges and Learned Men to be written in Order. This Writing thus signed, with the other Writing of the King, being his Devise for the Succession, may be seen in the Appendix, as I drew them out of an Original. 
[No. LXVIII.]    

CHAP. XXXV. The King dies.  
THE good King made his most Christian departure july the 6 th', to the ineffable loss of Religion and the Kingdom, 
The King dies.  being in a●● likelihood, by his early Beginnings, to prove an incomparable Prince to the English Nation. It was more than whispered that he died by Poison. And however secretly this was managed, it was very remarkable, that this Rumour ran not only after his Death, but even a Month or two before it, Reports spread that he was dead. For which, as being rash Speeches against the King, 
Cooper's Chron.  they studiously took up many People, and punished them. Before his Father K. Henry had him, his only Son lawfully begotten, it was 28 Years from his first entrance upon his Kingdom. And this Heir made amends for the Nation's so long expectation of a Prince: 
His Character.  His singular Excellency in all kind of Princely Towardliness (to use the words of one who lived in those Times) was such, 
Nic. udal his Pres. to Erasm. Paraphrase.  that no Place, no Time, no Cause, no Book, no Person, either in public Audience, or else in private Company, made any mention of him, but thought himself even of very Conscience bound to powder the same with manifold Praises of his incomparable Virtues and Gifts of Grace. And again; How happy are we Englishmen of such a King, in whose Childhood appeareth as perfect Grace, Virtue, godly Zeal, desire of Literature, Gravity, Prudence, Justice and Magnanimity, as hath heretofore been found in Kings of most mature Age, of full Discretion, of ancient Fame, and of passing high Estimation. And again, That God hath of singular Favour and Mercy towards this Realm of England, sent your Grace to reign over us, the thing itself, by the whole Process, doth declare.  
The Archbishop his Godfather took exceeding complacency in a Prince of such Hopes, 
The ABp delights in this Prince's Proficiency.  and would often congratulate Sir john Cheke his Schoolmaster having such a Scholar, even with Tears. His Instructors would sometimes give Account to the Archbishop of his Proficiency in his Studies, a thing that they knew would be acceptable to him. Thus did Dr. Cox his Tutor in a Letter acquaint the ABp of the Prince's Towardliness, Godliness, Gentleness, and all honest Qualities: and that both the Archbishop, and all the Realm ought to take him for a singular Gift sent of God. That he read Cato, Vives his Satellitium, Esop's Fables, and made Latin, besides things of the Bible; and that he conned pleasantly and perfectly. The Archbishop out of his dear Love to him, and to encourage him, would sometimes himself write in Latin to him. And one of his Letters to him is yet extant in Fox.  
His great Parts might be seen by his Letters, Journals, Memorials, 
K. Edward's Writings.  Discourses, and Writings; which were many: divers lost, but of those that are yet extant, these are the most:  

Fox.  A Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury his Godfather, from Ampthil, in Latin, being then but about seven Years old.  

Fox.  Another in Latin to the Archbishop from Hartford: which was an Answer to one from the Archbishop.  

Mr. Petyt's MSS.  A Letter in French to his Sister, the Lady Elizabeth, writ Decemb. 18▪ 1546.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  A Letter to his Uncle, the Duke of Somerset, after his Success against the Scots, 1547.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  To Q. Katherine Par, after her Marriage with the Lord Admiral his Uncle.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  Another Letter to her.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  A Letter to the Earl of Hartford, his Cousin, in Latin.  

Full. Ch. Hist.  A Letter to Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, concerning the Duke of Somerset's Arraignment.  

Full. Ch. Hist.  Another to B. Fitz-Patrick; consisting of Instructions to him, when he went into France.  

Ibid.  Another to Fitz-Patrick, giving him an Account of his Progress, in August 1552.  

Mr. Petyt's MSS.  Orders concerning the Habits and Apparel of his Subjects, according to their Degrees and Qualities.  
Mention is also made in the History of the Reformation of Letters in Latin to K. Henry his Father, at eight Years old, and to Queen Katherine Par.  

Cotton Libr. and Hist. Ref.  His Journal, writ all with his own Hand, from the beginning of his Reign 1547, until the 28 th' of Novemb. 1552.  

Trinity-Col. Libr.  A Collection of Passages of Scripture against Idolatry in French; Dedicated to the Protector.  

Cott. Librar.  A Discourse about the Reformation of many Abuses both Ecclesiastical and Temporal.  

Cott. Libr.  A Reformation of the Order of the Garter; Translated out of English into Latin by K. Edward. These four last are published in the History of the Reformation, Volume II. among the Collections.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  A Book written in French by him at twelve Years of Age, against the Pope, entitled, A L'encontre les abus du Monde.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  A Memorial, February 1551.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  Another Memorial, dated Octob. 13. 1552.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  Another Memorial.  

Fox.  His Prayer a little before his Death.  
I shall rehearse none of these Writings, but only one of the Memorials; because it bordereth so near upon our present History, and shows so much this Young Prince's Care of Religion, and for the good Estate of the Church, animated, admonished, counselled and directed in these Matters by the Archbishop.  

For Religion. Octob. 13. 1552.  
I. A Catechism to be set forth, 
The King's Memorial for Religion.  for to be taught in all Grammar-Schools.  
II. An Uniformity of Doctrine; to which all Preachers should set their Hands.  
III. Commissions to be granted to those Bishops, that be Grave, Learned, Wise, Sober, and of good Religion, for the executing of Discipline.  
IV. To find fault with the slightfulness of the Pastors, and to deliver them Articles of Visitation, willing and commanding them to be more diligent in their Office, and to keep more Preachers.  
V. The abrogating of the old Canon-Law, and establishment of a New.  
VI The dividing of the Bishopric of Durham into two; and placing of Men in them.  
VII. The placing of Harley into the Bishopric of Hereford.  
VIII. The making of more Homilies.  
IX. The making of more Injunctions.  
X. The placing of one in a Bishopric in Ireland, which Turner of Canterbury hath refused.  
Some of these things were already done, and some in Hand. Hereby we may see what further Steps in the Reformation would have been made, had the good King lived. So that in this King's Reign, Religion made a good Progress, and Superstition and Idolatry was in a good manner purged out of the Church. Which was the more to be wondered at, considering the Minority of the King, the grievous Factions at Court, and the too common Practice then of scoffing and buffooning Religion, and the more conscientious Professors of it. For of this sort of Men, Russians and dissolute Livers, there were many followed the Court, and were Favourites to the Leading-Men there, I mean, the two Dukes; and proved after, base Time-servers and Flatterers in the Reign of Queen Mary.  
During this Reign, Archbishop Cranmer was a very active Man, 
The Ab● 〈◊〉 at Council.  and great Deference seemed to be given to his Judgement, by the King and Council, in the Matters that were then transacting; especially as concerning the Reformation of Religion. For I find him very frequently at the Council-Board, and often sent for thither, or sent unto when absent. And here I will not think much to set down all the particular Days when, and Places where, he was present in Person with the Privy-Counsellors; from the Year 1550, beginning, unto the middle of the Year 1553, near the the Time of the King's Death; as it was extracted carefully out of a Council-Book, that commenceth at the abovesaid Year.  
Anno 1550, April 19 
His Presence in Council in the Year 1550.  He was present at the Council then at Greenwich. This Month one Putto, who had been put to silence for his lend Preaching, [that is against the Steps made in the Reformation] and did now nevertheless, of his own Head, preach as lendly as he had done before, was referred to the Archbishop, and the Bishop of Ely, to be corrected, April 28. The Archbishop present at Council, May 2, 4, 7, 11, (On this day the Duke of Somerset was called again to Council) and 15. At the Star-Chamber, May 16. At Westminster May 28, june 5. At Greenwich, June 8, 11, 13, 20, 22. At Westminster, june 28, 29, 30. and july 1. About which time the Archbishop seemed to depart into his Diocese, and there to remain that Summer. Octob. 11. There was an Order of Council for a Letter to be writ to him, in answer to his of complaint against the Vicar of Dertford, to imprison him for his Disobedience unto him; and in Prison to endure, until the said Archbishop should come to Court. Octob. 18. Was another Order of Council for three Letters to be writ: The One to the Archbishop of Canterbury, another to the Bishop of Ely, and another to th● Bishop of Lincoln. Because (as the Words run) the Parliament draweth near: Before which time his Majesty thinketh it expedient to have some Matters there to be consulted. Their Lordships were required immediately to repair to the Court, where they shall understand his Majesty's further Pleasure. And that Day his Grace was sent for. November 11. He was present at Council. At Westminster, November 16, 17, 18, 26. December 4. When the Archbishop and Bishop of Ely answered the Bishop of Chichester, then before the Council, as to the Texts by him produced in behalf of Altars. Decemb. 5, 9, 11, 13. On which Day a Letter was sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower to bring the Bishop of Winchester to Lambeth before the Archbishop. january 13. He was present at the Council at Greenwich, when Hoper was ordered to be committed to the Archbishop's Custody. Present again at Council at Greenwich, Febr. 8. At Westminster the 16, 18. Then upon the Report of the Archbishop made of one Young, a Learned Man, [I suppose he of Cambridg, that was Bucer's Antagonist] viz. That he had preached seditiously, [against the King's Proceedings in Religion] it was ordered that the Archbishop, and the Bishop of Ely should examine him, and thereupon order him, as they should think good. He was present at Council, still at Westminster, March 4, 8. (When he was appointed to receive a Sum of Money in respect of his Charges and Pains in his Process against the late Bishop of Winchester, now deprived) 9, 11, 12, 22, 24.  

In the Year 1551.  Anno 1551. March 26, 31. At Greenwich, April the 8, 9, 11, 26. May 4, 10, 24, 25. june 4, 14. (when a Letter was given to the Archbishop to send to the Lieutenant of the Tower, for the bringing White Warden of New-College in Winchester, and delivering him to the Archbishop, to remain with him, till he might reclaim him) 15, 21, 22. At Richmond, August 9 At Hampton-Court, Octob. 1. When a Licence was granted to Wolf, under the King's Privilege, to print the Archbishop's Book. At Westminster, Octob. 17, 19, 22, 28. Novemb. 2, 5, 9, 10, 15, 17, 21, 26. Decemb. 11, 12. (13. A Letter was sent from the Council to the Archbishop to send them a Book touching Religion, sent out of Ireland) 17, 18, 19 jan. 24, 31. Febr. 8, 16, 22, 28. March 22.  

In the Year 1552.  Anno 1552. He was present at the Council now sitting at Westminster, March 30. April 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 18, 19, 24. From which time, till the Month of Octob. he was not at the Council, and yet seems to have been at Home. Octob. 7. The Council sent to him to stay his going into Kent, till Tuesday, because the Lords would confer with him; that is till Octob. 11. when he was again present at Council. The Archbishop now retired into his Diocese, and was at his House at Ford. Whither several Messages and Letters were sent to him from the Council: as Nou. 20. They sent him the Articles of Religion, (framed chiefly by him, and reviewed by the King's Chaplains) for his last Review, in order to the putting them into due Execution. Nou. 24. Another sent him according to the Minute, of some Business unknown. Decemb. 2. Another Letter to him for the installing of Hoper, without paying any Fees. And another Feb. 2. in favour of Mr. Knox, to be by him collated to the Living of Alhallows. This Month he returned, and was at the Council at Westminster. Likewise Febr. 21, 22, 2●, 27, 28.  
Anno 1553. March 25. April 1, 7. At Greenwich, june 2, 3, 6, 8. 
An. 1553.  And that was the last time mentioned in the Council-Book ending at june 17. Nor cared he to come afterwards, the Business then in transaction not pleasing him.   

A Bishop Consecrated.  
May 26. john Harley, S. T. P. was Consecrated, 
john Harley.  (and was the last that was Consecrated in this King's Reign) Bishop of Hereford, upon the Death of Skip, by the Archbishop, at Croyden Chappel, Nicolas Bishop of London, and Robert Bishop of Carlisle, assisting. This Harley was one of the King's Six Chaplains, Bill, Bradford, Grindal, Pern and Knox, being the other five, that were appointed to be Itineraries, to preach sound Doctrine in all the remotest Parts of the Kingdom, for the Instruction of the Ignorant in right Religion to God, and Obedience to the King.    
The End of the Second Book.   

MEMORIALS OF Archbishop CRANMER. BOOK III.  

CHAPTER I. Queen Mary soon recognized. The Archbishop Slandered and Imprisoned.  
I Find the Archbishop present among Queen Iane's Counsellors. Whose Party seemed to be resolute for her until the 19 th' of july. 
The ABp's and Counsellors concern with the Lady jane.  All these Persons of Quality were with her in the Tower, consulting of Affairs for her Service: Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Winchester Lord Treasurer; the Dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland; the Earls of Bedford, Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke; the Lords Darcy and Paget; Sir Thomas Cheiney, Sir Richard Cotton, Sir William Petre, Sir john Cheke, Sir john Baker, Sir Robert Bowes, being all of her Council. All which (excepting Northumberland) signed a Letter dated july 19 to the Lord Rich, Lord Lieutenant of the County of Essex, who had signified to them, that the Earl of Oxford was fled to the Lady Mary. In their Letter they exhorted him to stand true and tied to Q. jane, as they said they did, and would do. It was penned by Cheke; for Secretary Cecyl was absent, and Petre the other Secretary, though present, did it not, though he signed it. 
No. LXIX.  The Letter is in the Appendix. The Day before this Letter was sent, viz, july 18, there being a Rising in Buckinghamshire, and the Parts thereabouts, Queen jane herself, thinking herself sure of Sir john Bridges and Sir Nicolas Poyntz, signed a Letter to them, therein ordering them to raise with speed all the Power they could of their Servants, Tenants, Officers and Friends, to allay that Tumult: And so She had written to other Gentlemen in those Parts to do. This Letter also I have put in the Appendix. 
No. LXX.   
And yet, (to see the vicissitude of men's Minds, and uncertainty of human Affairs) july 20. 
They declare for Q. Mary.  Divers of those very Counsellors that but the Day before set their Hands resolvedly to stand by Q. jane, proclaimed Q. Marry in the City of London, and immediately dispatched the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget unto her with a Letter, writ from Baynard's-Castle, (where they now were removed from the Tower). In which Letter they beg her Pardon, and to remit their former Infirmities, and assure her, calling God to witness to the same, that they were ever in their Hearts her true Subjects since the King's Death: but could not utter their Minds before that time without great Destruction and Bloodshed of themselves and others. 
No. LXXI.  The Copy of this Letter may be read in the Appendix.  
The same day the Council wrote to the Duke of Northumberland their Letters dated from Westminster, 
And write to Northumberland to lay down his Arms.  sent by an Herald. Wherein the Duke was commanded and charged in Q. Mary's Name to disarm, and discharge his Soldiers, and to forbear his return to the City, until the Queen's Pleasure. And the same was to be declared to the Marquis of Northampton, and all other Gentlemen that were with him. The Herald was also, by virtue of his Letters from the Council, to notify in all Places where he came, That if the Duke did not submit himself to the Queen's Highness, 
Stow.  he should be taken as a Traitor, and they of the late King's Council would persecute him to his utter Confusion. And thus far our Archbishop went. For this was signed by him, and the Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Winchester, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earls of Bedford, Shrewsbury, Pembroke; the Lord Darcy, Sir Richard Cotton; Petre and Cecyl, Secretaries; Sir john Baker, Sir john Mason, Sir Robert Bowes. The Duke saw it in vain to oppose, and so submitted to this Order. And the Plot that his ambition had been framing so long and with so much Art, fell on a sudden.  

The Queen owned by the Ambassadors.  Very speedily Queen Mary was owned Abroad, as well as at Home: Dr. Wotton Dean of Canterbury, Sir William Pickering, Sir Thomas Chaloner, Ambassadors in France, writ their Letters to her and the Council, acknowledging her, and ceasing any further to act as Ambassadors. She continued Dr. Wotton, and sent for Pickering and Chaloner Home; and sent Sir Anthony St. Leger, the beginning of August, Ambassador thither joined with Wotton. This Determination the Council August 12, signified to the said three Ambassadors.  

The ABp misreported to have said Mass.  But now to cast our Eyes upon the State of Religion at this Time. Upon this Access of Queen Mary to the Crown, whose Interest as well as Education made her a Zealous Papist, the good Progress of Religion was quite overthrown; and the pious Archbishop's Pains and long Endeavours in a great measure frustrated; and he himself soon after exercised with great Afflictions. The first pretended Occasion of which was this. It was reported Abroad, soon after King Edward's Death, that the Archbishop had offered to sing the Mass and Requiem at the Burial of that King, either before the Queen, or at S. Paul's Church, or any where else; and that he had said, or restored Mass already in Canterbury. This indeed had the Suffragan of Dover, Dr. Thornton, done, but without the Archbishop's Consent or knowledge.  

Mass at Canterbury.  But however such good Impressions of Religion had the Archbishop left at Canterbury, that though Mass was set up there, and Priests were through fear forced to say it, yet it was utterly contrary to their Wills. And about New-years-tide, there was a Priest said Mass there one Day, and the next came into the Pulpit, and desired all the People to forgive him. For he said, he had betrayed Christ; but not as Judas did, but Peter. And then he made a long Sermon against the Mass.  
But the aforesaid slanderous report so troubled the Archbishop, 
Which he makes a public Declaration against.  that to stay it, he wrote a Letter to a Friend of his, that he never made any promise of saying Mass, nor that he did set up the Mass in Canterbury: but that it was done by a false, flattering lying Monk, Dr. Thornden (such a Character in his just Anger he gave him) who was Suffragan of Dover, and Vice-dean of that Church, in the absence of Dr. Wotton, who was then abroad in Embassy. 
Foxii MSS.  This Thornden, saith my Manuscript (writ but a few Years after by Scory, or Becon, as I conjecture) was, A Man, having neither Wit, Learning, nor Honesty. And yet his Wit is very ready. For he preacheth as well extempore, as at a Years warning: so learnedly, that no Man can tell what he chiefly intendeth or goeth about to prove: so aptly, that a gross of Points is not sufficient to tie his Sermon together: Not unlike to jodocus a Monk, of whom Erasmus maketh mention in his Colloquies, who, if he were not garnished with these glorious Titles, Monk, Doctor, Vice-dean, and Suffragan, were worthy to walk openly in the Streets with a Bell and Coxcomb. Besides this Letter, the Archbishop resolved to do something in a more public manner, in vindication of the Reformation, as well as of himself. So he devised a Declaration: Wherein he both apologized for himself against this false Report, and made a brave Challenge, with the assistance of Peter Martyr, and a few more, to maintain, by Disputation with any Man, the Reformation made under K. Edward. This Declaration, after a first draught of it, he intended to enlarge, and then, being sealed with his own Seal, to set it upon the Doors of S. Paul's Church, and other Churches in London. This Writing, wherein the good Religion and Doctrine practised and taught in the former Reign, was so nobly owned, and offered to be defended in such a public manner, was not only read by some Body boldly in Cheapside, but many Copies thereof were taken; and so became dispersed. It was also soon after printed in Latin, and I suppose in English too. Sure I am, in the Year 1557, it was printed beyond Sea by the Exiles. From which Print I shall here transcribe it, being sent from Grindal to john Fox, for his use in the writing his History.  

A Declaration of the Reverend Father in God Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, condemning the untrue and slanderous Report of some, which have reported, That he should set up the Mass at Canterbury, at the first coming of the Queen to her Reign 1553.  
AS the Devil, Christ's ancient Adversary, is a Liar, 
The Declaration.  and the Father of Lying; even so hath he stirred his Servants and Members to persecute Christ, and his true Word and Religion. Which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present. For whereas the most noble Prince of famous Memory, King Henry VIII, seeing the great Abuses of the Latin Masses, reform something herein in his Time; and also our late Sovereign Lord K. Edward VI, took the same whole away, for the manifold Errors and Abuses thereof, and restored in the place thereof Christ's Holy Supper, according to Christ's own Institution, and as the Apostles in the Primitive Church used the same in the beginning. The Devil goeth about by lying to overthrow the Lord's Holy Supper, and to restore the Latin Satisfactory Masses, a thing of his own Invention and Device. And to bring the same more easily to pass, some have abused the Name of Me, Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, bruting abroad, that I have set up the Mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say Mass before the Queen's Highness, and at Paul's Church, and I wot not where. I have been well exercised these twenty Years, to suffer and bear evil Reports and Lies; and have not been much grieved thereat, and have born all things quietly. Yet when untrue Reports and Lies turn to the hindrance of God's Truth, they be in no wise to be tolerate and suffered. Wherefore these be to signify to the World, that it was not I that did set up the Mass at Canterbury, but it was a false, flattering, lying and dissembling Monk, which caused the Mass to be set up there, without my Advice or Counsel.  
And as for offering myself to say Mass before the Queen's Highness, or in any othea Place, I never did, as her Grace knoweth well. But if h●r Grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove, against all that will say the contrary; and that the Communion-Book, set forth by the most innocent and godly Prince, K. Edward VI, in his High Court of Parliament, is conformable to the Order, which our Saviour Christ did both observe and command to be observed, and which his Apostles and Primitive Church used many Years. Whereas the Mass, in many things, not only hath no Foundation of Christ, his Apostles, nor the Primitive Church, but also is manifest contrary to the same: and containeth many horrible Blasphemies in it. And although many, either unlearned, or maliciously do report, that Mr. Peter Martyr is unlearned; yet if the Queen's Highness will grant thereunto, I with the said Mr. Peter Martyr, and other four or five which I shall choose, will by God's Grace, take upon us to defend, that not only our Common-Prayers of the Churches, Ministration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and Ceremonies, but also that all the Doctrine and Religion, by our said Sovereign Lord K. Edward VI, is more pure, and according to God's Word, than any that hath been used in England these thousand Years: so that God's Word may be the Judge, and that the Reason and Profess may be set out in writing. To th'intent as well all the World may examine and Judge them, as that no Man shall start back from their Writing; and what Faith hath been in the Church these fifteen hundred Years, we will join with them in this Point: and that the Doctrine and Usage is to be followed, which was in the Church fifteen hundred Years past. And we shall prove, that the Order of the Church, set out at this present in this Church of England by Act of Parliament, is the same that was used in the Church fifteen hundred Years past. And so shall they never be able to prove theirs.   
Some Copies of this Declaration soon fell into the Hands of certain Bishops, who brought them to the Council. The Council sent a Copy to the Queen's Commissioners. 
Appears before the Commissioners at Paul's,  Who soon after ordered him to appear before them, and to bring in an Inventory of his Goods. The reason, as is alleged, of his being ordered to bring in this Inventory, was, because it was then intended, that he should have a sufficient Living assigned him, and to keep his House, and not meddle with Religion. So on the Day appointed, which was August 27, the Archbishop, together with Sir Thomas Smith, Secretary of State to K. Edward, and May Dean of S. Paul's, came before the Queen's Commissioners in the Consistory of Paul's: and the Archbishop brought in his Inventory. We are left to guests what he was now cited for. I suppose, it was to lay to his charge Heresy, and his Marriage; What more was done with him at this time I find not. He retired to his House at Lambeth, where he seemed to be confined.  
For about the beginning of August, 
And before the Council.  as may be collected from a Letter of the Archbishop's to Cecyl, he was before the Council, about the Lady Iane's Business, without all question. And then with the severe Reprimands he received, was charged to keep his House, and be forthcoming. At that time he espied Cecyl who was in the same Condemnation; and would fain have spoken with him, but durst not, as he told him in a Letter dated August 14; as it seems, out of his Love and Care of him, lest his very talking with Cecyl might have been prejudicial to that Pardon which he now lay fair for. But by Letter he desired him to come over to him to Lambeth, because he would gladly commune with him, to hear how Matters went, and for some other private Causes, Cecyl being now at Liberty. September 13 following, the Archbishop was again summoned to appear that Day before the Queen's Council. Then he appeared, and was dismissed; but commanded to be the next Day in the Star-Chamber. And so he was. The effect of which appearance was, that he was committed to the Tower, partly for setting his Hrnd to the Instrument of the Lady Iane's Succession, and partly for the public Offer he made a little before of justifying openly the Religious Proceedings of the deceased King. But the chief Reason was the inveterate Malice his Enemies conceived against him for the Divorce of K. Henry from the Queen's Mother: the blame of which they laid wholly upon him, though Bishop Gardiner and other Bishops were concerned in it as deep as he. In the Tower we leave the good Archbishop a while, after we have told you, that soon after the Queen coming to the Tower, some of the Archbishop's Friends made humble suit for his Pardon, and that he might have access to her: but She would neither hear him, nor see him.  
Holgate also, 
The ABp of York committed to the Tower; and his Goods seized▪ C.C.C.C. Librar. Miscell. B●  the other Archbishop, about the beginning of October, was committed to the Tower, upon pretence of Treason, or great Crimes: but chiefly, I suppose, because he was Rich. And while he was there, they rifled his Houses at Battersea and Cawood. At his former House they seized in Gold coined three hundred Pounds; in Specialties and good Debts, four hundred Pounds more; in Plate gilt and Parcel gilded, sixteen hundred Ounces: A Mitre of fine Gold with two Pendants, set round about the sides and midst with very fine pointed Diamonds, 
At Battersea.  Saphires and Balists, and all the Plain with other good Stones and Pearls, and the Pendants in like manner, weighing one hundred twenty five Ounces. Six or seven great Rings of fine Gold, with Stones in them; whereof were three fine blue Saphires of the best; an Emerald very fine; a good Turkeys, and a Diamond; a Serpent's Tongue set in a Standard of Silver, gilt and graven; the Archbishop's seal in silver, his Signet, an old Antic in Gold: The Counterpane of his Lease of Wotton, betwixt the late Duke of Northumberland and him, with Letters Patents of his Purchase of Scrowby.  

At Cawood.  Taken from Cawood, and other Places appertaining to the Archbishop, by one Ellis Markham; First, in ready Money, nine hundred Pounds: Two Mitres; in Plate, parcel gilt, seven hundred and seventy Ounces; and gilt Plate, eleven hundred fifty seven Ounces; One broken Cross of Silver gilt, with one Image broken, weighing forty six Ounces; three Obligations, one 37 l. 5 s. 10 d; another for 15 l; another for 10 l. Sold by the said Markham fivescore Beasts, and four hundred Muttons. Sold all the Sheep belonging to the Archbishop, supposed to be two thousand five hundred. Moreover, he took away two Turky-carpets of Wool, as big and as good as any Subject had: Also a Chest, full of Copes and Vestments of Cloth of Tissue: Two very good Beds of Down, and six of the best young Horses that were at Cawood. Proffered to make Sale of all his House-hold-stuff in five Houses; three very well furnished, and two meetly well. Sold all his Stores of Household: Wheat, two hundred Quarters; Malt, five hundred Quarters; Oats, sixty Quarters; Wine, five or six Tun. Fish and Ling, six or seven hundred, with very much Household Store; as Fuel, Hay, with many other things necessary for Household. Horses at Cawood, young and old, four or five scorce: They received Rend of his own Land, five hundred Pounds yearly at the least. This was done by this Markham upon pretence, that he was guilty of Treason, or great Crimes. He gave to many Persons Money to the value of an hundred Pounds and above, that they should give Information against him. Besides, they took away good Harness and Artillery sufficient for seven score Men. All this Spoil was committed, when he was cast in the Tower. Of all this Injury he made a Schedule afterwards, and complained thereof to the Lords. By this one Instance, which I have set down at large, as I extracted it from a Paper in the Benet-College Library, we may judge what Havoc was made of the Professors of Religion, in their Estates as well as their Persons; as this Bishop was served, before any Crime was proved against him.  
Thus the other Archbishop (of York) was not to go without Animadversion, any more than he of Canterbury. The former lay eighteen Months in the Tower, and was deposed at last for being Married, 
Gardiner's Passage of the two ABps.  as well as Cranmer. Of this, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, in his Sermon at Paul's Cross, (at which were present King Philip and Cardinal Pole) gave, as he thought this nipping Gird: Thus while we desired to have a Supreme Head among us, it came to pass, that we had no Head at all; No, not so much as our two Archbishops. For that on one side, the Queen, being a Woman, could not be Head of the Church; and on the other side, they were both convicted of one Crime, and so deposed. This Archbishop of York continued in Prison till 1554, when the Queen granted the Request of the new King, for the Liberty of a great many Prisoners, whereof this Prelate was one. He died the next Year through Grief (as it is probable) and Suffering.   

CHAP. II. Protestant Bishops and Clergy cast into Prisons, and deprived.  
INdeed in this first Entrance of Q. Mary's Reign, 
This Reign begins with Rigour.  it was a wonder to see that fierceness that it was ushered in with; the Papists thinking that this Rigour at first would terrify all out of their former Principles of true Religion, and bring them to the Devotion of the Church of Rome again. And it was as marvellous to observe the steadfastness of the generality of the Professors. This Queen began her Reign after that manner, 
Halts Oration.  (I use the words of one that lived in that Time) that it might be conjectured, what She was like after to prove. Sending up for abundance of People to appear before the Council, either upon the Lady Iane's Business, or the Business of Religion; and committing great numbers into Prisons. And indeed She boasted herself a Virgin sent of God to ride and tame the People of England.  
To explain somewhat these Austerities. They thought fit to begin with the Protestant Clergy, Bishops and others. 
The Protestant Bishops deprived.  For this purpose a Commission was directed to the Bishops of London, Winchester, Chichester and Durham, Men sufficiently soured in their Tempers by what befell them in the last Reign. These were to discharge the Protestant Bishops and Ministers of their Offices and Places, upon pretence, either of Treason, Heresy or Marriage, or the like, to make way for their own Men. 
Registr. Eccl. Cant.  Thus john Tailor Bishop of Lincoln was deprived, because he had a bad Title, there being this clause in the Letters Patents, whereby he was made Bishop, Quamdiu bene se gesserit, and because he thought amiss concerning the Eucharist. john Hoper was deprived of the Bishopric of Worcester by the restitution of Nicolas Hethe, formerly deprived: and removed from the See of Gloucester, for his Marriage and other Demerits. john Harley Bishop of Hereford deprived for Wedlock and Heresy. Robert Farrar, Bp of S. David's, deprived for Wedlock and Heresy. William Barlow, Bishop of Bath, made a voluntary Resignation. The Bishopric of Rochester was void three Years, since Scory was translated to Chichester. john Bird, an old Man, Married, was deprived of the Bishopric of Chester. Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury (for I do but transcribe now out of the Register of the Church of Canterbury) being called into question for high Treason, by his own Confession was judged guilty thereof. Whence in the Month of December the See of Canterbury became Vacant. Robert Holgate Archbishop of York was deprived for Wedlock, and was cast into the Tower, and led a private Life. The like happened to Miles Coverdale of Exeter, by the restoring john Vayse, who out of fear had formerly resigned. Cuthbert Bishop of Durham, formerly deprived, was restored. Edmund Bonner Bishop of London restored: Nicolas Ridley being removed from the said See, and cast into Prison for making an ill Sermon, and being noted for heretical Pravity. Stephen Gardiner Bp of Winchester restored: john Poinet being ejected and Imprisoned, and deprived of Episcopacy for being Married. To which I must add, the See of Bristol, resigned by Paul Bush the Bishop thereof.  

The hard Usage of the inferior Clergy.  How they proceeded with the inferior Clergy in general for being Married, may be measured by their proceedings with the Clergy of London and Canterbury, which we shall see by and by. So that K. Edward's Clergy were now in the very beginning of this Queen very hardly used. Some were deprived, never convict, no ●or never called 
* Mr. Rich. Wilks.  (I use the words of an 
‖ Dr. Parker.  Author that Lived in that Queen's Reign, and felt her Severity) Some called, that were fast locked in Prison, and yet nevertheless deprived immediately 
† Mr. Bradford, Bullingham, and May. . Some deprived without the cause of Marriage after their Orders 
‖ A great Number. . Some induced to resign upon promise of Pension, and the Promise, as yet never performed 
* Dr. Ponet, Tayl●r, Parker. . Some so deprived, that they were spoiled of their Wages, for the which they served the half Year before; and not ten days before the Receipt sequestered from it. Some prevented from his half Years Receipt, after Charges of Tenths and Subsidy paid, and yet not deprived six weeks after. Some deprived of their Receipts somewhat after the day, 
Preface to the Defence of Priest's Marriage.  with the which their Fruits to the Queen's Majesty should be contented. And in general the Deprivations were so speedy, so hastily, so without warning, etc. The Bishops (saith another 
* Mr. Aylmer.  Writer and Sufferer in these Days) that were Married, were thrust out of the Parliament-House, and all Married Deans and Arch-deacons out of the Convocation: many put out of their Livings, and others restored, without Form of Law. Yea some Noblemen and Gentlemen were deprived of those Lands which the King had given them, without tarrying for any Law, lest my Lord of Winchester should have lost his Quarter's Rent. 
Harbour for Faithful Subjects.  Many Churches were changed, many Altars set up, many Masses said, many Dirges sung, before the Law was repealed. All was done in post haste.  

Professors cast into the Marshalsea.  Nor was their Deprivation all they endured, but they, together with many other Professors of the Religion, were taken up very fast: For Winchester did resolve to make quick Work, to reduce, if he could, the Realm to the old Religion. So that they came into the Marshalsea thick and threefold for Religion, sent by him thither. And that they might be sure to suffer Hardship enough, when the Bishop's Almoner, Mr. Brooks (he, who was I suppose after Bishop of Gloucester) came to this Prison with his Master's Almsbasket, he told the Porter, 
Winchester's Alms.  named Britain, that it was his Lord's Pleasure that none of the Heretics that lay there, should have any part of his Alms. And that if he knew any of them had any part thereof, that House should never have it again so long as he lived. To which the Porter replied, That he would have a care of that he would warrant him; and that if they had no Meat till they had some of his Lordship's, they should be like to starve. And so he bade him tell his Lord: and added, That they should get no favour at his Hand.  
These Sufferings P. Martyr, now gotten out of England, 
Pet. Martyr writes of this to Calvin.  took notice of in a Letter to Calvin, dated Novemb. 3. Where having related to him, how the two Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of Worcester and Exon, and many other Learned and Pious Preachers, were in Bonds for the Gospel, and together with them many other godly Persons were in extreme Danger, he proceeded to mention two things to Calvin, to mitigate the Trouble he knew he conceived for this ill News. The own was, That although the Infirmity of some betrayed them, yet great was the constancy of far more than he could have thought. So that he doubted not England would have many famous Martyrs, if Winchester, who then did all, should begin to Rage according to his Will. The other was, That it was the Judgement of all, that this Calamity would not be long. And therefore, said Martyr, 
P. Martyr's Epist.  let us pray to God, that he would quickly tread down Satan under the Feet of his Church.  
The same Learned Man, 
The State of the Church now.  speaking in another Letter concerning the good Forwardness of Religion at the first coming of Queen Mary to the Crown, said, That he had many Scholars in England Students in Divinity, not to be repent of, whose Harvest was almost ripe. Whom he was forced to see, either wand'ring about in uncertain Stations, or remaining at home unhappily subverted. And that there was in this Kingdom many Holy as well as Learned Bishops, that were then in hard Confinement, and soon to be dragged to the extremest Punishments, as if they were Robbers. And that here was the foundation of the Gospel, and of a Noble Church laid: and by the Labours of some Years the holy Building had well gone forward, and daily better things were hoped for. But that unless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, God from above, 
P. Martyr Amico cuidam.  came to the succour of it, he thought there would not be a Footstep of Godliness left at last, as to the external Profession.  
All the Matters of the Church the Queen left wholly to the management of the Bishop of Winchester, 
The Queen leaves all Matters to Winchester.  whom She now advanced from a Prisoner in the Tower, to be Lord High Chancellor of England. And indeed the Governance of the whole Realm was committed to him with a few other. He ruled Matters as he would, and that all England knew and saw plainly. Nay, the Consent of the whole Parliament followed his Head and his Will. So that against their Wills, and against the Wills of many thousand true Hearts in the Realm, as they of the Parliament well knew, they condescended unto him: and what he could not do in one Parliament, that he did in another. So that in a Year and an half he had three Parliaments. During which time, many things the Parliament condescended unto against their Wills. As that the Queen should Marry with a Foreign Prince; that the Service in the English Tongue should be taken away: that the Bishop of Rome should have his old ejected Authority here again: as one of the Divines in those Times had intended to have told Winchester to his Face, 
I. Rogers.  had he been permitted Speech.  
October 1. The Queen was Crowned at the Abby-Church at Westminster. 
The Queen crowned.  And then was proclaimed a Pardon; but not over-gracious. For all the Prisoners in the Tower and Fleet were excepted, and sixty two besides; whereof the Printers of the Bible, Grafton and Whitchurch, were two. Most of these excepted were of the chief Professors of the Gospel: No Pardon for them. At the Coronation, among other triumphal Shows, Paul's Steeple bare top and top Gallant, like a Ship with many Flags and Banners, and a Man stood triumphing and danceing on the top. Whereat one Vnderhill, a Gentleman, that sat on Horseback there to see the Show, said to those about him, At the Coronation of King Edward I saw Paul's Steeple lay at Anchor, and now She wears top and top Gallant: Surely the next will be Shipwreck or it be long. And indeed there followed a Shipwreck of the Church.  

The Service still said.  The Service established in K. Edward's Days did not cease upon Queen Mary's grasping the Sceptre. But the Ministers performed the Worship of God, and celebrated the Holy Sacrament, and used the Common-Prayer diligently and constantly. And the People frequented the same with more seriousness than before. They foresaw what Times were coming; which made them meet often together, while they might: Lamenting bitterly the Death of K. Edward, and partaking of the Sacrament with much Devotion. It was the Bishop of Winchester's Resolution, to redress this in London: For he was purposed to stifle the Religion as speedily and as vigorously as he could. And one way he had to do this, was to send his Spies into all the Churches in London. And these would come into the Churches, and disturb the Ministers with rude Words and Actions in their very Ministration; and then go to the Bishop and make their Informations. And so the Ministers were fetched up by the Officers before him, and then committed, unless they would comply. And this in the very beginning of the Queen's Reign, when the Preachers did but according to the Laws then in Force, before the Parliament had repealed the Book of Common-Prayer, and the rest of K. Edward's Reformation. And there were forward Men in most Parishes, that were very active and violent for the restoring the old Superstitions. 
The Queen's Proclamation of her Religion.  For the Queen had set forth a Proclamation, which did declare what Religion She did profess in her Youth, That She did continue in the same, and that She minded therein to end her Life: Willing all her Loving Subjects to embrace the same. And this they reckoned to be sufficient Warrant to set up Mass, and introduce Popish Priests and Popish Usages everywhere, without staying for Orders and Acts of Parliament.  

Signs of a Change of Religion.  Nor was this Change of Religion, and these Miseries following it, unexpected. The Learned and pious Sort in King Edward's Time did reckon upon a great Calamity impending over their Heads: Concluding thereupon, from two Causes, among others. One was, the corrupt Manners that generally overspred the Nation, notwithstanding the Light of the Gospel, and the much and earnest preaching up of Sobriety and Virtue. The other was, the taking off by Death divers most eminent Men, the great Stays of Religion. So that the Preachers did commonly in their Sermons declare and foretell, what afterwards indeed fell out. This Becon, an Exile, in his Epistle to those in England, that suffered Persecution for the Testimony of Christ's Gospel, spoke of in these words. Divers Signs had we long before, besides the Godly Admonitions of the faithful Preachers, which plainly declared unto us an utter subversion of the true Christian Religion to be at Hand, except it were prevented by hasty and hearty Repentance. What shall I speak of that good and mighty Prince Edward, Duke of Summersault, which in the Time of his Protectorship, did so banish Idolatry out of this our Realm, and bring in again God's true Religion, that it was a wonder so weighty a Matter to be brought to pass in so short a Time. Was not the ungentle handling of him, and the unrighteous thrusting him out of Office, and afterwards the cruel Murdering of him, a Man, yea, a Mirror of true Innocency, and Christian Patience, an evident token of God's Anger against us? The sudden taking away of those most goodly and virtuous young Imps, the Duke of Suffolk and his Brother, by the sweeting Sickness, was it not also a manifest Token of God's heavy displeasure against us? The Death of those two most worthy, and godly Learned Men, M. Paulus Fagius, and D. Martin Bucer, was it not a sure Prognostication, some great Mishap concerning Christian Religion to be at Hand? But passing over many other, to come to that which is most lamentable, and can never be remembered of any true English Heart without large Tears, I mean the Death of our most Godly Prince and Christian King, Edward VI that true josias, that earnest destroyer of false Religion, that fervent setter up of God's true Honour, that most bounteous Patron of the godly Learned, that most worthy Maintainer of good Letters and Virtue, and that perfect and lovely Mirror of true Nobility, and sincere Godliness: Was not the taking away of him, (alas! for Sorrow) a sure Sign and an evident Token, that some great Evil hanged over this Realm of England? Who, considering these things, perceived not a Shipwreck of the Christian Religion to be at Hand?   

CHAP. III. The Archbishop adviseth Professors to fly.  
THE Favourers of Religion, 
The ABp adviseth to flight.  seeing it was now determined to proceed in all manner of Severity against them, began to flee into other Countries for their Safety as fast as they could. Indeed there were some, that made a Case of Conscience of it: Among the rest one Mrs. Wilkinson, a Woman of good Quality, and a great Reliever of good Men. Her the Archbishop out of Prison advised to escape and avoid a Place where She could not truly and rightly serve God. He took off with spiritual Arguments the Objections, which She or others might make for their stay; As their lothness to leave their Friends and Relations, and that it might look like a slandering of God's Word, if they should thus run away, and decline the open and bold Defence of it. The Letter of the Archbishop deserves to be read, as it fell from that Venerable Prelate's own Pen. Which I have therefore put in the Appendix. 
No. LXXII.   
Though Cranmer himself refused to flee, being advised by his Friends so to do, 
Cranmer will not flee.  because of the Reports that were abroad, that he should be speedily carried to the Tower. For he said, It would be no ways fitting for him to go away, considering the Post in which he was; and to show that he was not afraid to own all the Changes that were by his means made in Religion in the last Reign.  

Whither the Prosessors fly.  But great numbers fled, some to Strasburgh, some to Wesel, some to Embden, some to Antwerp, some to Duisburgh, some to Worms, some to Frankford, some to Basil, Zuric, and Arrow in Switzerland, and some to Geneva, to the number of eight hundred, and upwards. And these are the Names of some of these Refugees.  

BISHOPS.  

And who?  Poynet of Winchester, Barlow of Bath and Wells, Scory of Chichester, Coverdale of Exon; And Bale of Ossory.   

DEANS.  
Richard Cox, Dean of Christ's- Church Oxon, and of Westminster; james Haddon, Dean of Exeter, Robert Horn of Durham, William Turner of Wells, Thomas Samson of Chichester.   

ARCH-DEACONS.  
Edmund Cranmer, the Archbishop's Brother, archdeacon of Cant. john Aelmer of Stow, Bullingham of Lincoln, Thomas Young Precenter of S. David's.   

DOCTORS of Divinity and Preachers.  
Edmund Grindal, Robert King, Edwin Sands, jos. jewel, Reinolds, Pilkingtons', two Brothers; john joseph, David Whitehead, john Alvey, john Pedder, john Biddil, Thomas Becon, Robert and Richard Turner, Edmund Allein, Levers, three Brothers, john Pekins, Tho. Cottisford, Tho. Donel, Alex. Nowell with hi● Brother, Barthol. Traheron, john Wollock, john Old, john Medwel, joh. Rough, john Knocks, john Appleby, john Perkhurst, Edward Large, Galf. jones, Robert Crowley, Robert Wisdom, Robert Watson, William Goodman, Ant. Gilby, William. Whittingham, john Makebrey, Hen. Reynolds, james Perseus, jugg, Edmunds, Cole, Mounteyn; two Fisher's, Da. Simson, john Bendal, Beaumond, Humphrey Bentham; Reymiger, Bradbridg, Saul, etc.  
Besides, of Noblemen, Merchants, Tradesmen, Artificers and Plebeians, 
‖ Chiliades. Pref. to Cranmers Book of the Sacrament, in Latin.  many hundreds. And God provided graciously for them, and raised them up Friends in England, that made large Contributions from time to time for their Relief, and for the maintenance of such as were Scholars and Students in Divinity especially. And great was the Favour that the Strangers showed to their Fugitive Guests.  
Here at home Vengeance was taken upon those that set up the Lady jane. And the Chief of all, the Duke of Northumberland, 
Duke of Northumberland put to death.  was brought to Tower-hill to lose his Head. Who indeed was cared for by no Body, and was the only Instrument of putting the King upon altering the Succession; and who was broadly talked of to have been the shortner of that excellent Prince's Life by Poison, to make Room the sooner for his Son's Advancement, who had Married the said jane. In Prison he was Visited by Bishop Hethe, and afterwards pretended to be brought off by him to the acknowledgement of the Roman Catholick-Religion. After his Condemnation he, with the Marquis of Northampton, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir john Gates, Sir Thomas Palmer, heard a Mass within the Tower, and received the Sacrament in one kind, after the Popish fashion. The Duke of Northumberland was drawn hereunto by a Promise that was made him, That if he would Recant and hear Mass, he should have his Pardon, yea, though his Head were upon the Block.  
In his Speech August 22, when he was Executed▪ he acknowledged, 
His Speech.  How he had been misled by others; and called the Preachers Seditious, and Lewd, and advised the People to return home to the old Religion. And that since the new Religion came among them, God had plagued them by Wars and Tumults, Famine and Pestilence. He propounded the example of the Germans, how their new Doctrine had brought Ruin upon them. And quoted that Article in the Creed to them, I believe the Catholic Church, to convince them of the Roman Catholic Faith. If this Speech were not of Hethe's inditing to be used by the Duke, yet this Argument from the Creed, I am apt to think was his, it being his Custom to make use of it. For I find in a Conference betwixt this Bishop, and Rogers, he asked him, if he did not know his Creed, and urged Credo sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam. But Rogers could tell him, that he did not find the Bishop of Rome there. If any be minded to see the Duke's Speech at length, he may have recourse to the Appendix, where I have set it down, 
No. LXXIII.  as I found it in one of the Cottonian Volumes.  
But Gates and Palmer, notwithstanding their hearing Mass, 
Sir john Gates his Speech;  at their Execution the same Day and Place, confessed the Faith they had learned in the Gospel. The former confessed, That he had lived as viciously and wickedly all his Life, as any in the World. And yet, that he was a great reader of the Scripture; but a worse follower there was not living. For he read it, not to edify, but to dispute, and to make Interpretations after his own Fancy. Exhorting the People to take heed how they read God's Word, and played and gamed with God's Holy Mysteries. For he told them, that except they humbly submitted themselves to God, and read his Word charitably, and to the intent to be edified thereby; it would be but Poison to them, and worse. And so asked the Queen, and all the World Forgiveness.  
Palmer thanked God for his affliction. For, 
And Palmer's.  That he had learned more in one little dark Corner of the Tower, than ever he learned by any Travails, in as many Places as he had been. There he had seen God, what he was, and his numerous Works, and his Mercies. And seen himself thoroughly what himself was; a Lump of Sin and Earth, and of all Vileness the vilest. And so concluding, that he feared not Death; That neither the sprinkling of the Blood of two shed before his Eyes, nor the shedding thereof, nor the bloody Axe itself, should make him afraid. And so praying all to pray for him, he said some Prayers, and without any daunting laid down his Head upon the Block.  

The Duke's labours to get hi● Life.  But the Duke of Northumberland submitted himself to base and mean Practices to save his Life. He renounced his Religion: nay, disavowed, That he ever was of the Religion professed in K. Edward's Days (if we may believe Parsons) but only hypocritically for worldly Ends complied with it. 
Wardword, p. 43.  And if he might but have lived, he could have been contented to spend his Days in a Mousehole. For from a Priest I have this Relation, and the Papists best knew the Intrigues of Queen Mary's Reign. After Sentence pronounced upon him, he made Means to speak with Bishop Gardiner, who he knew could do most of any with the Queen. When the Bishop came to him in Company with another Councillor, to be Witness of their Discourse, (who himself told my Author these Passages) the Duke asked the Bishop, If there were no hope at all for him to live, and to do some Penance the rest of his Days for his sins past. Alas! said he, let me live a little longer, though it be but in a Mousehole. The Bishop replied, That he wished to God any thing could have contented his Grace, but a Kingdom, when he was at liberty, and in prosperity. And even at that present he wished it lay in his Power to give him that Mousehole: For he would allow him the best Palace he had in the World for that Mousehole. And did moreover then offer to do for him what he could possible. But because his offence, he said, was great, and Sentence passed against him, and his Adversaries many, it would be best for him to provide for the worst: and especially, that he stood well with God, in matter of Conscience and Religion. For to speak plainly, as he went on, it was most likely he must Die. The Duke answered, He would dispose himself, and desired he might have a learned Priest sent him for his Confession, and spiritual Comfort. And as for Religion, said he, you know, my Lord Bishop, that I can be of no other but of Yours, which is the Catholic. For I never was of any other indeed, nor ever so foolish as to believe any of that which we had set up in K. Edward's Days: but only to use the same for my own purpose of Ambition. For which God forgive me. And so I mean to testify publicly at my Death. For it is true. The Bishop, saith my Author, went away with an afflicted Heart, and shed many Tears, as he returned: and went to the Queen, and entreated so earnestly for him, as he had half gained her Consent for his Life. Which so much terrified the Duke's Adversaries, as presently they got the Emperor Charles, that was in Flanders, to write to the Queen a very resolute and earnest Letter, that it was not safe for her, nor his Estate, to Pardon his Life. And with that he was Executed.  
Whatever credit is to be given to the rest of this Relation, I can hardly believe that Passage that he is reported to say to the Bishop, That he was never otherwise than a Roman-Catholick, and that he did all along dissemble his Religion for worldly Ends: 
Whether he was always ● Papist.  and that he would testify as much at his Death. Because this doth no ways comport with his Speech upon the Scaffold; wherein he mentioneth no such thing, but rather the contrary. Nor did he declare any such thing when he came to Die. He said indeed, that he was deceived and misled, but no where, that he dissembled. And if he were deceived, he dissembled not.    

CHAP. IU. Peter Martyr departs. A Parliament.  
THE Strangers had this piece of Mercy shown them, 
P. Martyr departs.  that they were suffered to depart the Kingdom. Among the rest that went away this Year was Peter Martyr, the famous and learned Professor of Divinity in Oxford. But with much ado; For at first he was not only forbid to read his Lectures, but not to stir a Foot out of the City of Oxon, nor to convey any of his Goods away. He obeyed, and afterwards was permitted by the Council to depart. He came first to Lambeth to the Archbishop; but when he was committed to Prison, Martyr went to London, where he remained in great Danger, both for his Religion, and for his great Familiarity with the Archbishop, and other pious Protestant Bishops. However he thought not fit to transport himself without leave from the Government. He signified to them, that he came not hither on his own Head, but that he was sent for by K. Edward, and sent from the Town of Strasburgh. And produced his Broad-seals from both. And so since there was no further need of him, he desired leave to depart. Which he obtained by Letters from the Queen herself. But the Papists, his fatal Enemies, cried out, That such an Enemy of the Popish Religion ought not to be dismissed, but to be fetched out of the Ship, and carried to Prison, and punished. He understood also by his Friends, that when he was got over the Sea, the Danger was not past. For there were Snares for him in Flanders and Brabant; whereby they made no doubt to take him. But he used his Wits to save himself. For when other Congregations of Protestant Strangers went strait, some for Freezland, and some for Denmark, by Vessels they had hired, (among which was Iohn a Lasco's Congregation) he procured an honest and godly Shipmaster, who kept him fourteen Days in his own House, that so all might think he was gone with the other Strangers, and his Enemies cease making search for him in the Vessels that were bound for Foreign Parts. And then the Master sailed away with P. Martyr to Antwerp, going into that Place by Night for the more privacy. And by him he was brought to his Friends; and by them, before Day, conveyed in a Wagon out of Town, and so traveled safely through Countries that hated him, unto Strasburgh. And by God's Goodness, and his own Celerity, he arrived safe among his Friends, who received him with the greatest Joy. And the Senate conferred upon him his old Place which he enjoyed before he went for England. 
Vit. P. Mart. per Simler.   
And Martyr needed not to be discontented that he was gotten out of England, 
Malice towards him.  considering how insufferably he was affronted, undermined, belied by the Popish Party in Oxon: Who, one would think might have better entreated a Man of Quality by Birth; a Man besides, of great Learning, Integrity and Reverence, and whom the King had thought good for his great Parts to place for his Professor of Divinity in that University; and a Man who also had always carried himself inoffensively unto all. The blame of this inhospitable Usage might lie upon the English Nation, and be a Reflection upon the Natives; were it not more truly to be laid to the furious Spirit that Popish Principles inspire Men with. This Peter Martyr did resent, and took notice of to the Archbishop of Canterbury in his Epistle Dedicatory, before his Book of the Eucharist. There he writes, That he could not have thought there were any in the World, unless he had found it, that with such crafty Wiles, deceitful Tricks, and bitter Slanders, would rage so against a Man that deserved no manner of Evil of them, nor ever hurt any one of them either in Word or Deed. And yet they tore his Name with most shameless Lies; and would never make an end. And if they did thus rudely carry themselves towards him in K. Edward's Time, what then may we conclude they would do, when the Government favoured them?  

A Scandal of the Queen.  In this first Year of Q. Marry, a very foul Scandal was blown about of her, that She was with Child by her Chancellor, Bishop Gardiner; however it was raised, whether of her Enemies to render her odious, or of some Zealots of Popish Religion, to show the desire they had of her Matching with him, or some other round Roman Catholic, as he was, and for whom She carried a very great Reverence. A great Reflection upon her Chastity, and might have spoiled her Marriage. It fled as far as Norfolk, and there spread itself. But such an infamous Report, not being fit to be put up, Henry Earl of Sussex, being Lord Lieutenant of that County, took upon him to examine this Scandal, and to search it to the very first Reporter. 
Titus B. 2.  And so I find a Bill drawn, in the Cotton-Library, subscribed by that Earl's own Hand, which set forth, that Laurence Hunt of Disse in Norfolk, came to Robert Lowdal, Chief Constable, and told him, That he did hear say, that the Queen's Majesty was with Child by the said Bishop, and that his Wife did tell him so. And when his Wife was examined, She said, She had it of one Sheldrake's Wife. And when Sheldrake's Wife was examined She said, She had it of her Husband. And when he was examined, he said he had it of one Wilby of Diss. And Wilby examined, said, he had it of one john Smith, of Cockstreet. And john Smith said, he heard it of one Widow Miles. And She being examined, said, she had it of two Men, but what they were she could not tell, nor where they dwelled. And then after this Bill follow all their Examinations distinctly. Which I suppose was drawn up for the Council, signed with Sussex's Hand. And what followed of this I know not. Only in another Manuscript there is a Memorial of one john Albone of Trunch in Norfolk, who in the first of the Queen was indicted for saying, that the Queen was with Child by Winchester.  
A Parliament met this Year in the Month of October. The Queen knew how difficult it would be to obtain her Purpose, 
A Parliament.  to overthrow all that had been established concerning Religion in her Brother's Days; And therefore when this Parliament was to be summoned, She impeached the free Election of Members, by dispatching abroad into the several Counties her Letters directing the choice. 
Hales Oration▪  And such Knights and Burgesses were chosen by Force and Threatening for many Places, as were judged fit to serve her Turn. And divers that were duly chosen, and lawfully returned, were thrust out, and others without any Order or Law put in their Places. For the People were aware what the Queen intended this Parliament should do; and therefore did bestir themselves in most Places to return honest Men. In the Upper House Tailor Bishop of Lincoln was in his Robes violently thrust out of the House. In the House of Commons, Alexander Nowell, and two more, chosen Burgesses, lawfully chosen, returned and admitted, were so served. Which, according to the Judgement of some, made the Parliament actually void, as by a Precedent of the Parliament holden at Coventry in the 38ᵒ of H. VI. it appeareth. As also her third Parliament was reckoned by many to be void, because in the Writs, from Philip and Mary, part of the Title of the Kings of England, viz. Supreme Head of the Church of England, was left out. Which by a Statute made in the 35ᵒ of Henry VIII. was ordained to be united and annexed for ever to the Imperial Crown of this Realm. In which third Parliament of the Queen they repealed what was done by K. Henry VIII. for the restitution of the Liberty of the Realm, and extinguishing the usurped Authority of the Bishop of Rome. This Flaw Gardiner, the Lord Chancellor well seeing, thought craftily to excuse by saying, (as may be seen in a Piece of the Statute made in the same Parliament, Cap. 8.) That it lay in the free Choice, and free Liberty of the Kings of this Realm, whether they would express the same Title in their Style, or no. But it is replied to this, that though any Man may renounce his own private Right, yet he may not renounce his Right in that which toucheth the Commonwealth, or a third Person. And this Title and Style more touched the Commonwealth, and the Realm of England, than the King.  
In this first Parliament an Act was made for confirmation of the Marriage of the Queen's Mother to her Father K. Henry. 
The Parliament repeal Q. Katherine's Divorce; and Cranmer taxed for it.  Herein the leading Men showed their Malice against the good Archbishop by their wording of the Preamble: as That Thomas Cranmer, late Archbishop did, most ungodly and against Law, judge the Divorce upon his own unadvised Understanding of the Scriptures, and upon the Testimonies of the Universities, and some bare and most untrue Conjectures. And they declared the Sentence given by him to be unlawful. But I cannot let this pass, for the Reputation of the Archbishop, without taking notice of the Censure that the Bishop of Sarum doth worthily bestow upon Bishop Gardiner, 
Hist. Reform. Vol. 2. p. 254.  whom he concludes to be the drawer up of this Act: That he showed himself herein to be past all Shame, and that it was as high a pitch of Malice and Impudence, as could be devised. For Gardiner had been setting this on long before Cranmer was known to the King, and had joined with him in the Commission, and had given his Consent to the Sentence. Nor was the Divorce merely grounded upon Cranmers understanding the Scriptures, but upon the fullest and most studied Arguments, that had perhaps been in any Age brought together in one particular Case. And both Houses of Convocation had condemned the Marriage before his Sentence.   

CHAP. V. The Archbishop Attainted.  

The ABp attainted of Treason.  THIS Parliament Attainted Cranmer with the Lady jane and her Husband, and some others. And in November he was adjuged guilty of High Treason at Guildhall. And under this Judgement he lay for a good while: which was very uneasy to him, desiring to suffer under the imputation of Heresy under this Government, rather than Treason. He was now looked upon as devested of his Archbishopric, being a Person attainted: And the Fruits of his Bishopric were Sequestered.  

The Dean of Canterbury acts in the Vacancy.  Canterbury being now without an Archbishop, the Dean, Dr. Wotton, acted in that Station, according to his Office, in the Vacancy of the See. So he sent out many Commissions. There was a Commission from him to john Cotterel, and William Bowerman, to exercise Jurisdiction in the See of Wells, 
Ex Reg. Eccl. Cant.  by the Resignation of Barlow Bishop there. Another Commission to the See of Bristol, upon the Resignation of Bush. Another for the See of Litchfield, upon the Death of Richard Samson. Which Commission was directed to David Pool, LL. D. dated 1554. Septemb. ult. Another to exercise Jurisdiction in the See of Exon, Vacant by the Death of Veysy, February 9 1554. Another for the Consecration of Gilbert Bourn Bishop of Bath and Wells, john White Bishop of Lincoln, Morice Griffith of Rochester, john Cotes of Chester, Henry Morgan of S. David's, james Brook of Gloucester. Who were all Consecrated together in the Church of S. Saviour's Southwark, April 1. 1554. This Commission I suppose was to the Bishop of Winchester. Another Commission for the Consecration of Hopton Bishop of Norwich, dated Octob. 6. 1554. consecrated Octob. 28. following. Another Commission to Consecrate Holiman Bishop of Bristol, and Bayn Bishop of Litchfield, dated Novemb. 16, 1554. consecrated Novemb. 18. following. Another Commission to Consecrate james Turbervil Bishop of Exon, who was Consecrated September 8. 1555. And for William Glin Bishop of Bangor, the same Date. All these five last named were Consecrated in a Chapel of the Bishop of London in London.  

The ABp sues for Pardon of Treason.  The poor Archbishop most instantly sued to the Queen for his Pardon, acknowledging his Fault in the most submissive manner that could be. But though She had granted Pardons to divers others that had signed K. Edward's Will, and made no such boggle to do it as the Archbishop did, yet the Archbishop remained unpardoned. He sent divers humble petitionary Letters to the Queen and her Council for the obtaining this Favour. In one Letter to her, he called it his Heinous Folly and Offence: and said, That he never liked it; nor that any thing that the Queen's Brother ever did, grieved him so much: and that if it had been in his Power, he would have letted the doing of it: That divers of the Queen's Council knew what he had said to the King and the Council against proceeding in it: and that he endeavoured to talk to the King alone about it, but was not permitted: and that when he could not dissuade him from this Will, he was hardly brought to sign it, notwithstanding what the Judges told him, to satisfy him in Point of Law. And that at last it was the King's earnest Request to him, that he would not be the only Man that refused it. Which with the Judgement of the Lawyers, overcame him to set his Hand. But I refer the Reader to the Appendix to weigh this whole Letter, 
No. LXXIV.  as it is there transcribed. Another Petition the next Year, 1554, he sent up from Oxon, by Dr. Weston, to the Council. And therein he begged them to interceded with the Queen for his Pardon. But Weston carrying it halfway to London, and then opening it, and seeing the Contents of it, sent it back again to the Archbishop, and refused to be the Messenger.  
This at length was the Resolution that was taken concerning him in this Matter: (because for shame, 
Obtains it.  they could not deny him a Pardon, when others far more Guilty, and deeper in the Business, had it) That he should be pardoned the Treason as an Act of the Queen's Grace, and then he should be proceeded against for Heresy, for di● they were resolved he should. When this Pardon was at length obtained, he was right glad; being very gladly ready to undergo Afflictions for the Doctrine that he had taught, and the Reformation he had set on Foot, because this he reckoned to be suffering for God's Cause, and not as an Evildoer.  
The Archbishop looked now with weeping Eyes upon the present sad Condition of Religion, 
He desires to open his Mind to the Queen concerning Religion.  and the miserable Apostasy of the Church, lapsed into all the formerly rejected Superstitions. Nor could he now procure any Redress. Yet he felt a pressure upon his Spirit to do something towards it. So he attempted in a Letter to the Queen, to get Liberty from her freely to open to her his Mind about the State of Religion: Hoping that when She heard plainly and truly the Reasons that moved her Father and Brother to do what they did (a thing studiously concealed from her) She might be better inclined. He told her, That indeed it lay not in him▪ nor in any private Subject, to reform Things, but only in her Majesty, but quietly to suffer what they could not amend; yet he thought it his Duty, considering what Place he once bore, and knowing what he did, and bearing a great part in all the Alterations made in Religion, to show the Queen his Mind. And when he had done this, than he should think himself discharged. And therefore he earnestly sued to her for her leave. But I do not find that ever he obtained it.   

CHAP. VI A Convocation.  

A Convocation.  THERE was now a Convocation: which was so packed, or so compliant, that six only of the whole House publicly owned K. Edward's Reformation: Haddon Dean of Exon, Philip's Dean of Rochester, Young Chanter of S. David's, Philpot archdeacon of Winchester, Elmer archdeacon of Stow, and Cheiny archdeacon of Hereford, which last owned the Presence with the Papists, but denied the Transubstantiation. The Queen commanded this Convocation to hold a public Disputation at S. Paul's Church, concerning the Natural Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. Which how well it was opposed by four or five of the six (for Young went away) in the presence of abundance of Noblemen and others, recourse is to be had to Fox. There was a true Report of the Disputation of these Men at this Convocation, which Philpot, one of the Disputants, wrote, and had it printed. Which he owned at one of his Examinations before the Bishop of London and others; And perhaps may be the same we have extant in Fox's Monuments.  
But because both Fox and Bishop Burnet are brief concerning the opening of this Convocation, 
How it opened.  therein I shall be more large and particular. The Bishop of London's Chaplain, Harpsfield, began in a Sermon at Paul's to the Clergy then assembled. That finished, those of the Upper House advised those of the Lower to choose a Prolocutor. And they chose Weston Dean of Westminster. Who by P● Dean of Chichester, and Wymbesly archdeacon of London, was presented by Speeches to the Bishops. At which time Weston made his gratulatory Oration to the House, and the Bishop of London answered him. Which Sermon and four Orations were put together in a Book printed in December, 1553. by Cawood. Harpsfield's Text was, Attendite vobis, & universo gregi, etc. Act. 20. Whence he took occasion to treat of three Things. I. How well Paul took heed to himself and his Flock. II. How ill the Pastors of late regarded each. III. What way was to be used, that they might take heed to themselves and their Flocks. Under the first Head he showed how S. Paul took heed to himself by keeping under his Body, and bringing it into Subjection: by taking heed of three Pests of an Ecclesiastical Li●e, Flattery, Avarice, and Vainglory: and that he might in all things propound himself a Pattern to Believers. And Secondly, as he thus took heed to himself, so he took heed to the Flock in three particulars: In the Doctrine, which he preached; In his diligence to preserve his Flock from Wolves; and in his Imposition of Hands, whereby he provided ●it Ministers for the Church. And then, when he came unto the Second Head in the Division of his Discourse, he took occasion at large to vent his Malice against the Reformed Ministers in K. Edward's Days; showing how they failed in all the Particulars before-said. That they were Belly-Gods; gave themselves over to Junketings and pampering of their Carcases: that they were unchaste, taking to themselves Wives, some that had lived threescore Years single. That they were Flatterers, Insinuating themselves into the Favour of the Courtiers: Covetous also, keeping no Hospitality; Vainglorious, vaunting themselves to understand the Holy Scripture, as well as any of the Ancients, daring to compare themselves with Hierom, Augustin, Ambrose, etc. And some of them from a Shop, endued with no liberal Discipline, not so much as Grammar, would mount the Pulpit, and there give out themselves for Learned Men, if they did but rail against whatsoever was Holy, and boast that they had the Spirit. No Vice of the Laity, but they were guilty of it. And then as to their neglect of the Flock, their Doctrine was such, as they might well repent and be ashamed of. How did they tear the Lord's Flock, and how many Souls send to Hell, and what pernicious Doctrines bring into the Kingdom? That they brought into the Ministry, and to preach God's Word, Cobblers, Dyers, Weavers, Fuller's, Barbers, Apothecaries, Beggars, Jesters, fitter for the Plow-tail than the Ministry of the Word. And with a great deal more of such railing Stuff were the Minds of the Clergy to be prepared, vigorously to overthrow all the Reformation, and to bring back Popery again.  
The Tower, as well as the Fleet and Marshalsea, 
The ABp and three more crowded together in the Tower.  was crowded with Prisoners. All that were supposed to favour Religion, or that made any whisper against the Popish Religion, or that had any the least Hand in Q. Iane's Business, being taken up and committed. The Tower being so full, our Archbishop Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and Bradford, were all thrust together into one Chamber. Which however inconvenient it were, yet they were very glad to be together; that they might have the opportunity of conferring with one another, and establishing one another. There they read over the New Testament together with great deliberation and study; on purpose to see if there were any thing that might favour that Popish Doctrine of a Corporal Presence. But after all, they could find no Presence, but a Spiritual. Nor that the Mass was any Sacrifice for Sin. But they found in that Holy Book, that the Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross was perfect, holy and good; and that God did require none other, nor that it should be ever done again: as Latimer, one of the four, related in his Protestation given to Weston.   

CHAP. VII. The Queen sends to Cardinal Pole.  
THE Queen out of that great Opinion She had of Cardinal Pole, 
The Queen sends to Pole.  either to make him her Husband, or her Archbishop in Cranmers Room, sent Letters to him, one dated from London, October 28. written in Latin, conveyed to him from the Emperor's Court: probably brought thither by Commendone, who had been sent by the Pope's Legate in that Court, a private Agent unto her: and another Dated january 28. The Cardinal was coming now from the Pope, as his Legate, and in his Journey stayed, for some Reason of State, in the Emperor's Dominions. In this stay he thought fit in answer to both her Letters, to send his Mind at large by his Messenger Thomas Goldwel; who was once, if I mistake not, Prior of the Church of Canterbury; but long since fled out of England, and lived with Pole; and by the Queen afterwards preferred to the Bishopric of S. Asaph.  

The Contents of her Letters.  The Contents of the Queen's former Letter consisted in two Points: The one concerning the difficulty She feared in renouncing the Title of the Supremacy. 
Concerning theSupremacy.  For She writ him, that when the Parliament yielded to the abolishing of the Laws, wherein her Mother's Matrimony was made Illegitimate, the lower House willingly agreed to the establishment of her Right of succeeding to the Crown, but made a great boggle of abolishing the Title of the Supremacy: thinking that might be a way to the introducing the Pope's Authority again, which they could not gladly hear of: And therefore neither did they like to hear of a Legate from the Pope. Hence the Queen, who knew Pole was now commissioned by the Pope for his Legate in this Kingdom, and ready to come, did entreat him to stop for a while. And She desired his Advice, in case the Parliament would not be brought to let go the Law, wherein the Supremacy was placed in the Crown Imperial of this Land. The other Point, wherein the Queen desired information of the Cardinal, was, how the Commission She had privately given to Commendone, was published in the Consistory of Rome, as her Ambassador resident at Venice had certified her.  

Concerning the new Bishops.  The Sum of her other Letter to the Cardinal, was, concerning certain Persons, that She had in her intentions to make Bishops in the void Sees: They were Morgan, White, Parfew, Coats, Brooks, Holiman and Bayn: How they might be put into those Sees without derogation to the Authority of the See Apostolic. For She intended not to extend the Power of the Crown further than it was in use before the Schism. She sent him also the two Acts that had passed in the Parliament, the one of the Legitimation of the Matrimony of Q. Katherine with K. Henry, and the other of the Sacraments to be used in that manner as they were used the last Year of K. Henry VIII. which She sent to him, because She knew they would be Matter of Comfort and Satisfaction to him.  

Pole's Advice to the Queen.  As to both these Letters of the Queen, he gave Instructions to Goldwel to signify to her Majesty what his Thoughts were. As to the first his Advice was, That the Authority and Acceptableness of the Person goes a great way, to make any Proposition well entertained and received by the People. 
Instructions to Goldwel. Titus B. 2.  And that seeing there were none, neither of the Temporalty nor Spiritualty, but that had either spoke or writ against the Pope's Supremacy; therefore he thought that her Majesty herself would be the fittest Person to propound it with her own Mouth. Which was the course the Emperor took to justify his War with the French King. He did it by his own Mouth before the Pope and Cardinals. He would have her at the same time to let the Parliament know plainly, that he (Cardinal Pole) being the Pope's Legate, was to be admitted and sent for. And therefore that in order to this the Law of his Banishment might be repealed, and he restored in Blood. As to the second Point, which seemed to offend the Queen, that Commendone had revealed that in the Consistory, which She told him in much Secrecy, Pole said, That he kept her Counsel, and told nothing that he heard from her Mouth, but only what he had heard of certain devout Catholics that knew the Queen's mind. Which was in general concerning the devout Mind her Majesty bare to God and the Church: But that nothing was spoken of that particular Matter, that She would have none but the Pope made acquainted with. Which private matter it seems was, that She desired the Pope to make Pole his Legate to England.  
But that he should be thus stopped in his Journey, 
Disgusts his stop.  when the Pope had sent him upon such a weighty Errand, the Cardinal signified in the same Letter his disgust of. And, He feared it might be so ill taken by the Pope and Cardinals, that they might send for him back again to Rome, and not permit him to go on that intended charitable Design. And that it was contrary to her first Commission; when She showed, more fervency to receive the Obedience of the Church, (as he took the confidence to tell her). And that therefore he was in some suspicion, that the next Commission he should receive from the Pope, should be to return back into Italy again: Because the Pope might think, that he had done his part touching his Demonstration of his Care of the Queen, and her Realms, when he offered both so readily all Graces that tended to make a Reconciliation of both to the Church. In which perhaps, (said he) the Cardinals would think his Holiness had been too Liberal. And that they might take his Stop, without their Consent, for a great Indignity. And this Revocation he still more feared, if his stay should be deferred any longer space.  
The Cardinal upon this his Stay sent a Servant of his by Post to Rome to make a fair Excuse for this Stop; namely, 
Sends to Rome about this his stop,  that the Queen shortly trusted that the Matters of the Parliament should have that Satisfaction that the Cardinal desired. Which was the effect of a Letter the Queen writ to one Henry Pining his Servant. He also let the Pope know by the aforesaid Messenger, that it was the Empeperor's Advice, that the Queen should proceed in Matters of Religion warily and slowly, and not to be too hasty, until temporal Matters were better settled.  
He also wrote Letters to the Emperor, 
And to the Emperor.  which he sent by his Servant Pining, to persuade him to remove this Stop: and bade his said Servant to repair to the Emperor's Confessor, that he should personally resort unto him, and by all means possible, move the Emperor to let the Cardinal go forward.  
As to the two Acts of Parliament, which the Queen sent him, 
His Judgement of two late Acts of Parliament.  he wrote her, That they were partly to his Satisfaction, and partly not. For the Act of Ratification of the Matrimony was defective, in that the Parliament mentioning the Wisdom of the Parents in making the Match, did make no mention of their Wisdom; in that, besides their own Consent, they procured the Pope's Dispensation, and the Authority of the See Apostolic; whereby the impediments of Conjunction by the Laws of the Church were taken away: Which, (he added) ought by all means to have been mentioned. As to the other Act for Confirmation of the Sacraments, the defect of that, (he said) lay, in that this Act made those capable of partaking of the Sacraments, that were not yet entered into the Unity of the Church, and remained still in Schism. But to receive more full Satisfaction in these matters I refer the Reader to the Instructions given by the Cardinal to Goldwel, as they may be read in the Appendix. 
No. LXXV.    

CHAP. VIII. The Dealings with the Married Clergy.  

The married Clergy deprived, and divorced.  THE Marriage of the Clergy gave great Offence to those that were now uppermost. For many of both Persuasions, Papists as well as Protestants, had taken Wives; it being allowed by a Law in K. Edward's Days; but would now no longer be endured, and was pretended to be against an Oath they had taken, when they received Holy Orders. For the Queen sent a Letter and Instructions, dated March 4, to all the Bishops; some of the Contents whereof were, To deprive all the Married Clergy, and to amove them from their Benefices and Promotions Ecclesiastical; and besides this, not to suffer them to abide with their Wives, or Women, (as the Papists now chose rather to style them) but to divorce and punish them. But that such Priests should be somewhat more favourably dealt withal, that with the Consent of their Wives, did openly promise to abstain. These nevertheless were to be enjoined Penance by the Bishop, and then it lay in him to admit them again to their former Ministration; but not in the same Place they were in before. Of which they were to be deprived; and a part of that Benefice they were outed of, was to be allowed them, according to the Bishop's Discretion. According to these Instructions of the Queen, a sad Havoc was made among the Clergy, some thousands being computed to be put out of their Livings upon this Account. And a good Expedient it proved to get rid of the soberer Clergy, that were not for the present Turn.  
That the Reader may take some prospect of these Transactions with the Married Clergy, I will here set down what was done with some of them under the Jurisdiction of Canterbury by the Dean and Chapter, our Archbishop being now laid aside.  

Married Priests in London cited to appear.  Of those Priests, beneficed in London, that pertained to the Archbishop of Canterbury's Jurisdiction there, nine were cited, by a Citation March 7, (that is but three Days after the Queen's Letter) from the Dean and Chapter, Sede Cant. tunc vacant, (as it is said in the said Citation) to appear in Bow-Church London, before Henry Harvey, LL. D. Vicar-general, for being Married Men. These Persons thus cited were these: john joseph Rector of the Church of S. Marry Le Bow, Stephen Green Rector of S. Dionys Back-Church, Laurence Saunders Rector of the Church of All-hallows in Bredstreet. Peter Alexander Rector of All-hallows Lumbard-street, Christopher Ashburn Rector of S. Michael's Crooked-Lane, Thomas Mountain Rector of S. Michael's in Riolane, john Turnor Rector of S. leonard's in East-cheap, Richard Marsh Rector of S. Pancras, john Eliot Schoolmaster in the Parish of S. Leonard East-cheap. It may not be amiss to set down the Tenor, wherein the Citation ran, viz.  
That since it was (alas!) notoriously manifest, 
Ex Regist. ●ccl. Cant.  Quod Rectores & Presbyteri, quorum nomina in pede hujus Edicti specificantur, contra jura Ecclesiae, sanctorum patrum Decreta, & laudabiles Ecclesiae Catholicae generatim observatas & usitatas consuetudines, sese praetextu foederis conjugalis cum nonnullis foeminis illicitè conjunxerint, sub falsa Matrimonii appellatione, cum iisdem publicè cohabitaverint, & impudicè vixerint, in voti sui aliàs emissi violationem, animarum suarum detrimentum, ac aliorum Christi fidelium exemplum longè perniciosum, in Christi Ecclesia non ferendum, unde pro officii nostri debito, & tantorum scelerum ab Ecclesiae Christi eliminatione penitus eradicandum, etc. juxta illustrissimae Dominae nostrae Reginae monitionis in hac parte continentiam procedere volentes, etc. The Citation was returned by the Apparitor: who declared, That he found and personally cited Richard Marsh and john Turnor, and that he affixed the Citation of the rest on the Church Doors, belonging to the respective Rectors, on March 8. And no wonder the Apparitor met with no more of them, some being fled, and some in Prison, and some already violently turned out of their Churches and gone. On March 16. according to the Citation, Marsh and Turnor made their personal appearance, and were sworn to make true answer to such Interrogatories as should be put to them. What those Interrogatories were, I shall set down by and by. These Persons confessed, that they made profession of Religious Vows, and after holy Orders, were married, and lived with their Wives. Hereupon Sentence was denounced against them, to prohibit them to officiate, and to suspend them from the Profits of their Benefices. And on Monday following, to appear again to receive further Sentence of Deprivation, Divorce, etc. john Eliot, Schoolmaster, it seems submitted to Penance: for he was not presently thrust out of his School, but enjoined not to teach his Scholars Matins, Psalter, or the like, in English, but in Latin, so as they might be able to answer the Priest that officiated. The rest, that appeared not, were declared contumacious, and to be proceeded against on Monday following, by Deprivation, etc.  
The Interrogatories ministered unto these Men, 
Interrogatories for the married Clergy.  and to be ministered to all other Married Priests, were these.  
I. An fuit Religiosus: Cujus ordinis; & in quo Monasterio sive Domo.  
II. An fuit promotus ad sacros Ordines, dum fuit in Monasterio.  
III. In quo & quibus sacris: & an ministravit in Altaris ministerio; & quot annis.  
IV. An citra professionem regularem conjunxit se mulieri sub appellatione Matrimonii.  
V. Cum qua: & in qua Ecclesia fuit solemnizatio Matrimonii; & per quem.  
VI Quam duxit, eratne soluta, an vidua.  
VII. An cohabitavit cum ea in una & eadem domo, ut vir cum uxore.  
VIII. An prolem, vel proles ex ea sustentaverit, necne.  
IX. An post & citra Matrimonii hujusmodi solemnizationem, assecutus fuit, & est, beneficium ecclesiasticum, habens Curam animarum, & quot annis illud obtinuit.  
X. An officium Sacerdotis post & citra assertum matrimonium hujusmodi contractum, in altaris ministerio se immiscuit, & Sacramentis & Sacramentalibus ministrandis se ingessit.  
XI. An praemissa omnia & singula fuerunt & sunt vera.  
According to these Articles, the Confessions of Marsh, Turnor and Eliot, are registered at large. On Monday March 19, Sentence was pronounced against Marsh and Turnor, 1. Of Deprivation from their Benefices. 2. Of Suspension from their Priestly Function. 3. Of Inhibition to cohabit with their Wives. 4. Of nulling and voiding the pretended Bond of Matrimony; And, 5. of declaration of further Punishments, according to the Canons of the Church. And▪ March 20, the like Sentence was pronounced against the rest that did not appear. Next, the Sentence of Divorce against john Turnor and his Wife was pronounced: and he was ordered to do penance on May 14, 1554, in his late Parish-Church of East-cheap, by holding a burning wax Taper, and making a Solemn Confession openly and distinctly, with a loud Voice, standing in the Body of the Church before the face of the People, in these words following:  

Turnor's Confession.  GOod People, I am come hither, at this present time, to declare unto you my sorrowful and penitent Heart, for that being a Priest, 
Ex Regist. Eccl. Cant.  I have presumed to marry one Amy German, Widow; and under pretence of that Matrimony, contrary to the Canons and Custom of the Universal Church, have kept her as my Wife, and lived contrary to the Canons and Ordinances of the Church, and to the evil Example of good Christian People: Whereby now being ashamed of my former wicked living here, I ask Almighty God Mercy and Forgiveness, and the whole Church; and am sorry and penitent even from the bottom of my Heart therefore. And in token hereof, I am here, as you see, to declare and show unto you this my Repentance, that before God on the latter Day you may testify with me of the same. And I most heartily and humbly pray, and desire you all, whom by this evil Example doing I have greatly offended, that for your part you will forgive me, and remember me in your Prayers, that God may give me Grace, that hereafter I may live a continent Life, according to his Laws, and the godly Ordinances of our Mother the holy Catholic Church, through and by his Grace. And do here before you all openly promise for to do, during my Life. The manner of the Restitution of these Priests, thus performing their Penance, may be seen in the Appendix. 
No. LXXV.   
And this is some Account of the Church of Canterbury's Doings, in pursuance of the Queen's Instructions beforementioned. 
Boner deprives the married Clergy in London, without order.  But Bishop Boner, with his Zeal, was beforehand with the Queen; not staying for any Orders from Above in dealing with his Clergy; but of his own Power, in the latter end of February, deprived all married Priests, in his Diocese in London, from their Livings. And after this done, commanded them all to bring their Wives within a fortnight, that they might be divorced from them.  
These were some of the Doings with the Married Priests in London. And in the same manner did they proceed about this time in Canterbury with Edmund Cranmer, the Archbishop's Brother, 
Married Prebendaries in Canterbury, proceeded against.  archdeacon and Prebendary of that Church; together with William Willoughby, William Devenish and Robert Goldson, Prebendaries, and divers others. For March 15. At the Chapterhouse in Canterbury, before Henry Harvey LL. D. Vicar-general, Richard Bishop of Dover, Subdean, Richard Parkhurst and john Mills, Prebendaries of the said Church, personally appeared the said archdeacon and Prebendaries, Thomas Brook and Tho. Stevens, Preachers, and Sherland and Goodrick Petty Canons of the said Church: Who all subscribed with their own Hands to a Confession of certain Articles exhibited against them, touching their being Married. And being asked, what they could say, why they should not be suspended, and deprived for the said pretended Marriages, They gave this Answer, as it is set down in the Register of that Church; Se nihil habere dicendum, etc. That they had nothing to say that might be profitable for them, the Ecclesiastical Law, and the Decrees of the Holy Fathers standing in their full Force: But by the Law of God, they thought they had lawfully married their Wives; and being married, might not forsake them with a safe Conscience. Then Sentence of Suspension from Priestly Function, Sequestration, Deprivation, and Prohibition to live with their Wives, was pronounced. It is registered, that they acquiesced in these Sentences against them, no one of them appealing, but all remaining silent. This is the Account of the good Archbishop's Brother, his manner of Deprivation, and his peaceable Behaviour under it.  
Thus he was deprived of his Prebend, 
Edmund Cranmer deprived of all.  and one Robert Collins was admitted into the same: Of his Rectory of Ickham, and Robert Marsh succeeded him there, April 12. 1554. and of his Arch-deaconry, and Nicolas Harpsfield was admitted thereunto. 
Reg. Eccl. Cant.  Who at the same time entered into Obligation to pay, out of the Profits of the said Arch-deaconry, unto William Warham late archdeacon, during his Life, a yearly Pension of forty Pounds Sterling, March 31. 1554. But some of the Church then appeared not, being either fled, or in Prison; and those were pronounced Contumacious, viz. john joseph, Peter Alexander, and Bernard Ochin, Prebendaries; Lancelot Ridley, Richard Turner, Thomas Becon and Richard Besely, Preachers.  
These Doings in all Quarters of the Realm raised great Admiration among the People, upon divers and sundry Considerations, 
The Injustice of these Proceedings.  incident and depending upon such Proceedings: Since these Marriages were no more than what were agreeable to the Laws of the Land. So that these married Preachers, in Marrying themselves, were no Transgressor's of the Law: and yet underwent as great Punishments, as though they were so in some high Degree. And the Proceedings seemed contrary even to the Queen's Commission, comprised in certain Articles (beforementioned) to her Bishops: Which was, That they should proceed, according to Learning and Discretion, in these weighty Matters, and that they should not put any other Canons and Constitutions of the Church in exercise, than such as might stand with the Law of the Realm. Yet they went in most Places both against Learning and Discretion, and the Laws of the Land.  

Martin's Book against Priest's Marriage.  For the bringing this to pass, they first possessed the Queen with great Prejudices against these Marriages. They cried in her Ears, how uncomely these Copulations were; how against God and his Honour; how against the Church's Decrees and Discipline; and how worthy to be dissolved again. And when they had obtained their Ends with the Queen, and gotten out her Letter and Instructions for that purpose, and by Warrant thereof executed their Purposes; then for the giving a better Countenance to a thing that looked so odious, and had so much Severity in it, to the ruining of so many thousand Families, Books were thought fit to be published; the purpose of which was to make Married Priests contemptible, and to show how unlawful and wicked Marriage was in Men of Holy Orders. Dr. Thomas Martin's Book made the greatest Noise; a Book writ with a Brow of Brass, so did it abound with confident Untruths and Falsehoods. And to the further accumulation of the heavy State of the Ministers deprived, were added in this Book most slanderous Accusations, and untrue Matters surmised against them to the Queen and Realm. The Author greatly pretended Antiquity and Authority all along for his Doctrine: Whereas indeed it was nothing but counterfeited Imitation of Authority, and belying Antiquity. And in short, (to give you the sense of one 
* Supposed to be Bp Ponet.  who wrote against the Book, and did sufficiently expose it) It was mere Subtlety without Substance, Wit without Wisdom, Zeal without Knowledge, and Heat without Charity. To give but one Instance of the unfair and false dealing of the Author, he saith, in his Book, That the Heretics affirmed, that all Priests and Bishops must of necessity Marry, whether they have the Gift of sole Life, or no; and that they were so beastly and ignorant, that they should teach that the Fellowship and Company of a Woman in a Spiritual Man, is a means to perfect Religion, and that single Life was an hindrance to the same, and that they should despise all manner of Virginity and single Life in them that had the Gift of God; and that they pronounced it wicked and abominable, and termed it a Doctrine of Devils, and the Invention of Antichrist. All which Bishop Ponet, in the Name of all the Protestants, in his Book did utterly deny, that ever they said, writ, or thought so.  

Wherein Winchester had the greatest Hand.  This Book was indeed made by the Bishop of Winchester, when he was in the Tower, (and he borrowed much of it from Albertus Pighius) and published about that time: Martin being then a Student at the University of Bourges in France; it once happened in some Conversation there, that Edward the King of England was commended, whether it were for his Virtue, or Learning, or Abilities beyond his Years; whereat Martin began, as it seemed, to eclipse the King's Honour by mentioning the Imprisonment of Winchester, saying, That there was a Head-Papist Prisoner in England, meaning him. Upon which several asked him, Whether it was not the same Winchester, that had set out an Hodgpodg concerning Marriage of Priests? He laughing, answered, It was even he. But that no Man ought to marvel; for that Winchester was more meet for Warlike, 
Declaration of Boner's Articles, 1554.  than for Ecclesiastical Disputations. Which Passage I have from Bale; who was acquainted at that University with Franciscus Baldwin, the Learned Professor of Law there. 
Thomas Martin, or Winchester under that Name Fol. 15. Mr. Martin, Winchester's own Voice. Fol. 40. Gardiner in his Book lately spread under the Name of Tho. Martin. Fol. 77. Bale's Declar.  Out of this Book Martin framed that which went under his Name, with Winchester's Privity. And this was well enough known to Bale and others in those Times. Ponet said, that Martin was abused by others, who set him awork to bear the Name, and to desire the Fame of so gay a Book, rather than he was the Author of it indeed.  
The said Ponet, or Poinet, late Bishop of Winchester, but now an Exile, very learnedly answered this Book, in two several Treatises. The first was entitled, An Apology against Tho. Martin's Blasphemies. In this Treatise, upon occasion of the Papists prohibition of Marriage to Priests, he proved, that the said Papists were Heretics, and had taken part in the most principal Parts with all the Heretics, 
Answered by Ponet.  that had corrupted the true Church of Christ. The Second Treatise, replenished with great Learning, he lived not to finish, (though some doubt whether he were the Author of this Book) but the Copy falling into the Hands of Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, he published it in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign, with very large and excellent Additions of his own. Ponet had thoroughly studied this Point, and I believe was put upon the Study of it by Archbishop Cranmer, whose Chaplain he was. For before this, he put forth two Books upon this Argument, viz. Of the Marriage of Ministers; And a Defence of that Marriage.  
The last thing I have to say concerning these Orders taken with the Married Clergy, is, That there were two things thought very Hard, 
The Confessions of the Married Priests.  which were put upon those that were willing to comply, and put away their Wives. The one was in relation to the public Confessions they were to make. Which were put into their Mouths by others, and drawn up for them in that manner, as made them tell horrible Lies. They must speak their own Shame in Bills of their Penance: lying against themselves most vilely, and most shamefully; disabling their Credit and Estimation for ever. And to give an Instance: One such Confession, which was much cried out against, was made by one Sir john Busbie of Windsor, june 29. in the Year 1555. Which Ponet calleth a goodly Confession of his hearty and earnest Repentance. Which, saith he, was so finely penned, 
Def. of Pr. Marr. p. 269.  and so Catholickly tracted, that I warrant you it was none of the smallest Fools that forged it.  
The other thing was, 
Married Priests that did their Penance, hardly dealt with.  that after these poor Men had thus done their Penances, and spoke their Confessions, the Imposers of these Penalties upon them were not so good as they pretended they would be, and as the Queen's Instructions required them to be, towards them: Not restoring them to their Ministration. Some that had been two or three Years parted from their Wives, could not be admitted again to Ministration: yet they must do open Penance, and go by the Cross, without any Redemption or Entreaty, that could be made.   

CHAP. IX. Evils in this Change. A Parliament.  

A twofold Evil upon this turn of Religion.  BY this time the face of the Church was perfectly changed: and all the Reformation that was made for twenty Years before, namely, from Cranmers first ascent to the Archiepiscopal Chair to this time, was unravelled in less than a Year, and abolished. But the Favourers of the Gospel lamented it exceedingly: And Bishop Ridley writ a Treatise, wherein he showed what a deplorable Change in Religion this was, by setting down at large what Religion was in K. Edward's Days, and what it was at that present, laying the Cause of this sore Judgement upon the vile and naughty Lives of the People, so unsuitable to the good Religion professed. The Professors lamented two great Evils, lighting upon the People upon this turn of Religion: Not only that it brought the People into error and Superstition, but involved them universally in the Crime of Perjury. The blame of which they laid upon the Popish Clergy. For they not only had connived at, but allowed and encouraged the casting off the Pope's Supremacy, and made both Priests and Laity swear to the King. And now they set up the Pope's Authority again in England, and required all to swear to that. For they compelled not only such as were Priests to perjure themselves, but all the Laity, Nobility, Gentry, Magistrates, Merchants and others; for hardly any were exempted the Oath of Supremacy in the former Reigns. For in every Law-day, the Keepers of the same were sworn to call all the Young Men of their Hundred, even as they came to Years of Discretion, to swear never to receive the Bishop of Rome, nor no other Foreign Potentate, to be Head of the People of England, but only the King and his Successors. Which Oath, if it were unlawful, as the Clergymen now said, than all the Realm had reason of high Displeasure against them, that so led them and knew it. 
The Dissimulation of the Priests.  Such gross Dissembling were the Bishop's guilty of to the involving the People in Gild. And this dissembling Quality the Priests still retained in this Queen's Days. For when any came to some of them, showing them that his Conscience was not satisfied in the present way of Religion, the Priest would tell him, that he said the Truth; My Conscience, would he say, is as yours; but we must bear for a time; and that he himself looked for another Change. When another of a contrary Opinion came to the Priests, and talked about Religion, they would say to him, That they had been deceived; and thanks be to God, said they, that ye kept your Conscience all this while. And even so was mine, but I durst not do any otherwise, but trusted that this time would come, as is now, thanks be to God. Nay and sometimes in the same Town, they would minister the Service two ways to the People, to please both. In so much that the Bishops and Priests grew, for this Cause, as well as for their Cruelty, into great dislike with the People. This more at large is showed in a short Manuscript Treatise I have, made by a certain Person nameless, imprisoned for Religion, entitled thus, All sorts of People of England have just Cause of displeasure against the Bishops and Priests of the same. 
An. 1554.   
There was this Year, April 2, a new Parliament, 
A Parliament restore the Pope.  that the last Year being dissolved. Great was the Sadness that now possessed the Hearts of the English Nation, even of Papists themselves, the most considerate and wisest part of them, seeing the great Slavery the Kingdom was like to be ensnared in, by what the Parliament was now in doing; that is to say, restoring the Pope's Tyranny here in England, that had been so long and happily cast out, and allowing the Queen's matching with Prince Philip; whereby a Spaniard should become King of England: Which when P. Martyr had signified, in a Letter from Strasburgh, to Calvin, May 8, he told him, Tanta est rerum perturbatio, ut nullo pacto explicari queat: That it could not be told what a Disturbance there now was; and that all good Men that could, fled away from their own Country, from all Parts of the Land: Mentioning three noble Knights to be come lately to Strasburg, not less famous for Piety then Learning, Morisin, Cheke and Cook. At this Parliament, wherein the Mass was set up, and confirmed by an Act, all that were suspected to favour the Truth, were turned out of the House. Which made Hoper out of Prison in one of his Letters write, Doubtless there had not been seen before our Time such a Parliament as this, that as many as were suspected to be Favourers of God's Word, should be banished out of both Houses.  
In this Parliament a strong and certain Report went, 
A Design to revive the Six Articles.  that the bloody Act of the Six Articles should be revived, and put in execution. This created abundance of Terror in men's Hearts. There was nothing but Sighs and Lamentations every where: and a great many were already fled out of the Realm; unto whom this Rumour had reached. john Fox, a Learned and Pious Man, who had an excellent pathetic Style, was now set on work. Who took his Pen in his Hand, and in the Name of the Protestant Exiles, wrote a most earnest expostulatory Letter to the Parliament, to dissuade them from restoring this Law again. He told them they had a Queen, who as She was most Noble, so She was ready to listen to sound and wholesome Counsel. And that they had a Lord Chancellor, that as he was Learned, so of his own Nature he was not Bad, were it not for the Counsels of some. But that, as among Animals, some there were that were born to create Trouble and Destruction to the other: so there were among Mankind some by Nature cruel and destructive; some to the Church, and some to the State. The Letter is worthy the Reading. Which I have therefore placed in the Appendix, 
No. LXXVI.  as I transcribed it out of a Manuscript Collection of Fox's Letters. There was indeed such a Design in the House of Commons, of bringing again into force that Act of the Six Articles; but whether it were by the importunity of this and other Petitions, or that the Court thought it not convenient so much to countenance any of K. Henry's Acts, this Business fell. And this Parliament was short-lived, for in May it was dissolved; by reason of a Bill for confirming Abby-Lands to the present Possessors, which it seems gave offence to the Court.   

CHAP. X. Archbishop Cranmer disputes at Oxon.  

A Convocation appoint a Dispute with Cranmer at Oxford.  A Convocation of the Clergy now met in S. Paul's, but was adjourned, the Prolocutor Dr. Weston Dean of Westminster, and some other of the Members, being sent to Oxon (and it was generally thought the Parliament would remove thither too) to dispute certain Points of Religion in Controversy, with three of the Heads of the Protestant Party, Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, and old Father Latimer, now all Prisoners. Who for that purpose, in the Month of April, were removed from the Tower, by the Queen's Warrant to the Lieutenant, towards Windsor, and there taken into Custody of Sir john (afterwards Lord) Williams, who conveyed them to Oxford, there to remain in order to a Disputation. The Convocation, while they sat at London, agreed upon the Questions to be disputed; and they resolved, that these three pious Men should be baited by both the Universities; and therefore that they of Cambridg should be excited to repair to Oxford, and engage in this Disputation also. The Questions were these:  

The Questions.  I. In Sacramento Altaris virtute verbi divini a Sacerdote prolati, praesens est realiter, sub speciebus panis & vini, naturale corpus Christi, conceptum de virgine Maria: item naturalis ejus sanguis.  
II. Post consecrationem non remanet substantia panis & vini, neque alia ulla substantia, nisi substantia Christi, Dei & Hominis.  
III. In Missa est vivisicum Ecclesiae Sacrificium pro peccatis, tam vivorum, quam mortuorum, propitiabile.  

Sent to Cambridg.  These Questions the Convocation sent to the University of Cambridg, requiring them seriously to weigh and deliberate upon them, and if they contained true Doctrine, then to approve of them. Accordingly the Senate of that University met, and after due deliberation found them agreeable in all things to the Catholic Church, and the Scripture, and the ancient Doctrine taught by the Fathers: and so did confirm and ratify them in their said Senate. And because Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, the Heads of the Heretics, that held contrary to these Articles, were formerly Members of their University, and being to be disputed withal at Oxford concerning these Points, they decreed, in the Name of all the University, to send seven of their Learned Doctors to Oxford, to take their parts in disputing with them, and to use all ways possible to reclaim them to the Orthodox Doctrine again. And accordingly the said Senate, April 10. made a public Instrument to authorise them in their Names to go to Oxford and dispute: Which Instrument may be seen in the Appendix. 
No. LXXVII.  They also wrote a Letter the same Date to the University of Oxford, to signify, that they had appointed those Persons to repair unto them, not so much to dispute Points so professedly Orthodox, and agreeable to the Fathers and General Councils, and the Word of God, as to defend those Truths in their Names, and reduce those Patrons of false and corrupt Doctrine, if possible, unto a sound Mind. 
No. LXXVIII.  This Letter is also in the Appendix. So that this coming of the Cambridg-Divines to Oxford was to seem a voluntary thing, to show their Zeal for Popery, and vindication of their University against liking or approbation of Cranmer and his two Fellow-Prisoners. So roundly was the University already come about to the old forsaken Religion.  
This Oxford-Disputation was after this manner; 
The Disputants of Oxford and Cambridg.  Hugh Weston S.T.P. Prolocutor of the Lower House of Convocation, Owin Oglethorp, john Seton, W. Chedsey S. Th. P.P. Hen. Cole, Will. Geffrey LL.PP. William Pie, joh. Feckenham, joh. Harpsfield, S.T.B.B. representing the whole Lower House of Convocation, went down to Oxford. To them were joined by Commission, the Chancellor of the University, the Vicechancellor, the Professors and Doctors, etc. as namely, Holyman, Tresham, Ri. Marshal, Morwent, Smith, S. T. P. P. of Oxford: And john Young, William Glyn, Ri. Atkinson, Tho. Watson, Cuthbert Scot, Alban Langdale, Tho. Sedgwick, S. Th. P. P. of Cambridg, in the Name of the Whole University. All these being met at S. Mary's, there were read the Letters Commissional to them, sealed with the Bishop of London's Seal, and the Subscription besides of the Bishops of Winton, Durham, Wigorn, Chichester, Lincoln, Bath, Roff. Hereford, S. david's, Gloucester and Oxon. And with these Letters were conveyed certain Articles, which had been lately by the Upper House resolved upon; which Articles were, of the Sacrament of the Altar, of Transubstantiation, and of the Adoration of the Eucharist, and the Reservation of the Sacrament of the Church, and of its Institution, and by whom, and for whom, and to whom it is to be offered. The Contents of the Letter were to summon before them Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, and to propound those Articles to them to dispute on publicly. The Sum of which it seems were contracted into the three Questions abovesaid. Then they provided themselves three public Notaries. Next, they celebrated and sung the Mass of the Holy Ghost. Then they went a Procession according to the Custom of the University. This formal Pageantry being finished, and the Commissioners returned to S. Mary's, and being come into the Choir, to the number of three and thirty, seated themselves before the Altar. And then sent to the Mayor and Bailiffs to bring Dr. Cranmer before them, by virtue of the Queen's Letters to them. Who within a while was brought guarded with Billmen.  
Coming before them, he gave them great Reverence, 
Cranmer brought before them.  and stood with his Staff in his Hand. They offered him a Stool to sit, but he refused. Then Weston the Prolocutor, began a Speech, wherein he commended Unity in the Church of Christ: and withal turning to the Archbishop, told him, how he had been a Catholic Man once, and in the same Unity, but that he had separated himself from it by teaching and setting forth erroneous Doctrine, making every Year a new Faith. And therefore that it had pleased the Queen to send them to him to recover him again, if it might be, to that Unity. And then showed him the Articles to be disputed on, causing them to be read to him, and requiring his Answer and Opinion thereupon. Then the Archbishop answered extempore, That as for Unity, he was very glad of it, and said, that it was a Preserver of all Commonwealths, as well Heathen as Christian. And illustrated the Matter by some Stories out of the Roman History. And added, that he should be very glad to come to an Unity, so it were in Christ, and according to the Church of God. Then he read over the Articles three or four times. And being asked, whether he would subscribe to them, he answered, That in the form of words in which they were conceived, they were all false and against God's Word; and therefore that he would not agree in that Unity with them. Nevertheless, he said, if they would give him a Copy of the Articles, and time to consider of them, he would by to Morrow send them an Answer. Which was granted him, the Prolocutor bidding him write his Mind of them that Night. It was moreover agreed between them, that in whatsoever he dissented from them, they would proceed to public Disputation thereupon, in the public Schools, by Scholastical Arguments in Latin. And lastly, they told him, he should have what Books he would ask for. And so Weston gave the Mayor charge of him, to be had to Bocardo, where he was before.  

His Behaviour.  His Behaviour all this while was so grave and modest, that many Masters of Art, who were not of his Mind, could not forbear weeping. This was the Work of Saturday. On Sunday Cranmer sent in what he had writ upon the Articles to the Prolocutor to Lincoln-College, where he lay.  

Ridley brought,  After Cranmer was carried back, the Mayor and Bailiffs brought Bishop Ridley. And when the same Articles were read to him, he said, That they were not true. But desired a Copy of them, and he would draw up in writing his Answer, and soon transmit it to them. And did offer to dispute, as Cranmer had done before.  

And Latimer.  Lastly, Latimer was brought, to whom the Prolocutor said as he had to the two former. Latimer confessed, that in the Sacrament of the Altar there was a certain Presence, but not such an one as they would have. And he also promised to send them his Answer shortly to these Articles, requiring a Copy. But by reason of his old Age, his Infirmities, and the weakness of his Memory, he said, he could not bear a Dispute; but that he could and would declare his Mind of the said Articles. All this that I have above said concerning the managery of this Affair, I do for the most part extract out of a Letter of Weston's writ unto the Bishop of London, from Oxon. I cannot here omit old Father Latimer's Habit at this his appearing before the Commissioners, which was also his Habit, while he remained a Prisoner in Oxford. He held his Hat in his Hand; he had a Kerchief on his Head, and upon it a Nightcap or two, and a great Cap such as Townsmen used, with two broad Flaps, to button under his Chin: an old threadbare Bris●ow freeze Gown, girded to his Body with a penny leather Girdle, at which hanged, by a long string of Leather, his Testament, and his Spectacles without case hanging about his Neck upon his Breast. This was the Work of Saturday.  

Cranmer brought to his Disputation.  On Monday Cranmer was brought into the Respondents Place in the Divinity-Schools, the Mayor and Aldermen sitting by him. In the midst of the Disputation, because what he was to answer was more than he could well remember extempore, he gave in to Dr. Weston his Opinion written at large in answer to each Proposition; and desired Weston, who sat on high, to read it. These Writings are preserved in Fox's Monuments, and may there be seen. This Disputation began at eight in the Morning, and lasted till two. The Beadle had provided Drink, and offered the Archbishop thereof sometimes; but he refused; nor did he stir all the while out of his Place, though the Prolocutor had granted him leave to retire for a while, if he had any occasion. And after having learnedly and boldly maintained the Truth against a great many clamorous Opponents, he was carried back by the Mayor to Prison. And then the two next days Ridley and Latimer took their Courses.  
Cranmer had cautiously provided two Notaries to take Notes of what he said, lest he might be misrepresented. 
His Notary's▪  And they were jewel, afterward Bishop of Sarum, and one Gilbert Mounson. Who also at Ridley's request were granted him.  
Cranmer required at the Commissioners Hands, 
Cranmers Demands.  more time to have these weighty Matters more diligently scanned and examined: Urging, that he had so much to speak, that it would take up many Days, that he might fully answer to all that they could say. He required also, that he and his Fellows might Oppose, as well as Respond: that they might produce their Proofs before the Popish Doctors, and be answered fully to all that they could say. But neither of these Demands would be allowed him. Which he in a Letter complained of to the Council. For indeed, as Cranmer plainly apprehended, the Design now was not to look impartially into the Truth or Falsehood of these Doctrines, but to gain Glory to themselves, and to have a show for the Resolution that was before taken up of condemning them all three.  
The same Week, on Thursday, Harpsfield disputed for the degree of Bachelor of Divinity. And among other Opponents, 
Cranmer disputes again.  Cranmer was called forth for one by Dr. Weston. Where first taking notice of Weston's opposing Harpsfield out of the Scripture against a Corporal Presence (which was Harpsfield's Question) but whereas he left the sense of the Scripture to the Catholic Church, as Judge, Cranmer told him he was much mistaken, especially because, that under the Name of Church, he appointed such Judges, as had corruptly judged, and contrary to the sense of the Scriptures. He wondered also, he said, why Weston attributed so little to the reading of Scriptures, and conferring of Places, seeing Scripture doth so much commend the same, in those very Places which himself had alleged. And as to his Opinion of these Questions, he said, they had neither ground of the Word of God, nor the Primitive Church. Nay, and that the Schools have spoken diversely of them, and do not agree among themselves. And having prefaced all this, he began his Disputation with Harpsfield, by ask him some Questions: as how Christ's Body was in the Sacrament, according to his Mind and Determination? And whether he had the Quantity and Qualities, Form, Figure, and suchlike Properties of Bodies? And when there was great declining to answer this; and some affirmed one thing, and some another; Harpsfield said, they were vain Questions, and not fit to spend time about; and added, that Christ was there as it pleased him to be there. Cranmer to that, said, He would be best contented with that Answer if their appointing of the Carnal Presence, had not driven him of necessity to have inquired, for disputation-sake, how they placed him there, sithence they would have a natural Body. Then some denied it to be Quantum; some said, it was, Quantitativum; and some affirmed, that it had Modum quanti: and some denying it, Dr. Weston then stood up, and said, It was Corpus quantum, sed non per modum quanti. A very grave decision of the Point!  
Then Cranmer asked, Whether good and bad Men do eat the Body in the Sacrament; and then, how long Christ tarried in the Eater. Harpsfield said, They were curious Questions, unmeet to be asked. Cranmer replied, He took them out of their Schools, and Schoolmen, which they themselves did most use. Then he asked, how far he went into the Body, and how long he abode in the Body. With these Questions Cranmer puzzled them most heavily. For which way soever they answered, there would follow Absurdities, and Inextricable Difficulties. In conclusion, Dr. Weston gave him this Compliment, That his wonderful gentle Behaviour and Modesty was worthy much commendation: Giving him most hearty thanks in his own Name, and in the Name of all his Brethren. At which all the Doctors put off their Caps.  

The Papists undecent management of the Disputation.  On Wednesday, as soon as Latimer, who came up last, had ended his Disputation, the Papists cried Victoria, applauding themselves loudly, as though they had vindicated their Cause most strenuously and satisfactorily against Cranmer, and his two Fellows. And so Weston had the confidence to tell them to their Faces. Though to him that reads the whole Disputation, and considereth the Arguments on both sides impartially, there will appear no such matter: allowing for all the Hissing and Noises, confused Talk and Taunts, that were bestowed upon these very Reverend and good Men. Whereof Ridley said, 
In his Preface to his Account of his Dispute.  in reference to his Disputation, That he never in all his Life saw or heard any thing carried more vainly and tumultuously; and that he could not have thought, that there could have been found among English Men any Persons, honoured with Degrees in Learning, that willingly could allow of such Vanities, more fit for the Stage, than the Schools. He added, That when he studied at Paris, he remembered what Clamours were used in the Sorbon, where Popery chiefly reigned; but that that was a kind of Modesty in comparison of this Thrasonical Ostentation. Whence he concluded very truly, That they sought not for the sincere Truth in this Conference, and for nothing but vain Glory.  

The Protestants glad of this Disputation.  But the Professors of the Gospel on the other hand, were as glad of this Dispute, wherein these three chief Fathers of the Church had so boldly and gallantly stood in the defence of the Truth, and maintained the true Doctrine of the Sacrament so well. And Dr. Rowland Taylor, in Prison elsewhere at this time for Christ's sake, wrote them a Congratulatory Letter in the Name of the rest. Which is as followeth.  
RIght Reverend Fathers in the Lord, I wish you to enjoy continually God's Grace and Peace through Jesus Christ. And God be praised again for this your most excellent Promotion, 
Dr. Tailor to the three Fathers after their Disputations.  which ye are called unto at this present, that is, That ye are counted worthy to be allowed amongst the number of Christ's Records and Witnesses. England hath had but a few Learned Bishops, that would stick to Christ ad ignem inclusive. Once again I thank God heartily in Christ for your most happy Onset, most valiant Proceeding, most constant suffering of all such Infamies, Hissing, Clap, Taunts, open Rebukes, loss of Living and Liberty, for the Defence of God's Cause, Truth and Glory. I cannot utter with Pen how I rejoice in my Heart for you three such Captains in the Forward, under Christ's Cross, Banner, or Standard, in such a Cause and Skirmish: when not only one or two of our dear Redeemer's strong Holds are besieged, but all his chief Castles, ordained for our Safeguard, are traitorously impugned. This your Enterprise, in the sight of all that be in Heaven, and of all God's People in Earth, is most pleasant to behold. This is another manner of Nobility, than to be in the Forefront in worldly Warfares. For God's sake, pray for us, for we fail not daily to pray for you. We are stronger and stronger in the Lord, his Name be praised; and we doubt not, but ye be so in Christ's own sweet School. Heaven is all, and wholly of our side. Therefore Gaudete in Domino semper, & iterum gaudete, & exultate: Rejoice always in the Lord, and again rejoice and be glad.  
Your assured in Christ, Rowland Taylor.  
Ridley knowing their Tricks, 
Ridley pens the Relation of his Disputation.  and suspecting they would publish hi● 〈◊〉 unfairly, and to their own advantage, prudently took 〈…〉 gave an account of it with the greatest exactness, as he 〈…〉 it in his Memory. He was promised by the Prolocutor, ●hat he should have a view of the Dispute, as it was taken by the Notaries, that he might supply and amend, and alter, as he should see any Error or Mistake in the Notes. He promised him likewise, and that in the Face and hearing of the rest of the Commissioners, and the whole Schools, that he should have a Time and Place allowed him, wherein he might produce, what he had more to say, for the confirmation of his Answers. But nothing was performed. Ridley never found Language more ready to him, nor such a Presence of Mind in any Business he had to do, as he had in this Disputation. Which he took particular notice of, and thanked God for. Of this Relation, as he himself had penned it, he wrote to Grindal, then at Frankford, That except he had that he gathered himself after his Disputation done, he could not think that he had it truly; but if he had that, than he had therewithal the whole manner, after the which he was used in that Disputation.  
This whole Disputation between these three excellent Men, 
The University sends the Disputations up to the Convocation.  and the Oxford-Divines, was, under the Seal of the University, and the Subscription of Notaries, exhibited into the House of Convocation by Hugh Weston, and some Lawyers. This john Fox had found some Years after, writ in the Register of a certain Church in London. Whereupon, for the sight hereof, he applied himself to Dr. Incent, that had been Actuary: But he put him off, telling him the Writings were in Boner's Hand, or in the custody of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and that he had them not; probably not being minded they should come to light. Fox, when his Pains succeeded not, wrote to the ArchBp and the Bp of London, Parker and Grindal, about 1567., acquainting them with this; and desired their assistance: and the rather because perhaps there might have been other things met with there, not unworthy knowledge, under the same Seal. And so he left the Archbishop and Bishop to consult as they thought fit, for the finding out these Writings of the Disputations.  

Various Copies of these Disputations.  Fox by his diligence procured many and divers Copies of them. Which I have seen; and that which he printed in his Acts and Monuments, was I suppose from a Copy which he reckoned the largest and truest. Ridley apprehended, there would many Copies of these Disputations fly about, (as there were) whereby they might be wronged. Therefore to prevent Misrepresenting, as I said before, he wrote a brief Account of what he had said at his Disputation. This whether he writ it in English or Latin originally, I cannot tell; I suppose in Latin; as it was lately in the Year 1688 published at Oxon. Among Fox's Manuscripts I meet with a better Copy than that, which by comparing both, I find faulty in many things: besides Ridley's Epilogue to the Reader, which is there placed as a Preface before the Book, the true place being at the end of it.   

CHAP. XI. Cranmer condemned for an Heretic.  

Cranmer condemned for Heresy.  WIthin two days after these Disputations were ended, that is, on Friday April 20, Cranmer, with his two Fellows, were brought again to S. Mary's before the Commissioners. Weston dissuaded them from their Opinions; and asked them, Whether they would subscribe? and required them to answer directly and peremptorily: and told the Archbishop that he was overcome in Disputation, with more words to that purpose. To whom the Archbishop boldly replied, That whereas Weston said, that he had answered and opposed, and could neither maintain his own Error, nor impugn the Truth, he said, All that was false. For he was not suffered to oppose as he would, nor could answer as he was required, unless he would have brawled with them, and ever four or five interrupting him. Latimer and Ridley, being asked what they would do? said, They would stand to that which they had said. Then being called together, Sentence was read over them, That they were no Members of the Church; and therefore they were condemned as Heretics. And while this was reading, they were asked if they would turn? They bade them read on in the Name of God: for they were not minded to turn. And so the Sentence of Condemnation was awarded against them. Then the Archbishop said, From this your Judgement and Sentence, I appeal to the just Judgement of the Almighty: trusting to be present with him in Heaven. For whose Presence in the Altar I am thus condemned. And so Cranmer was returned to Bocardo, and the other two to other Places: as they were kept apart almost all the while they were in Oxon.  
Weston, after this ingrateful Business done, 
Cranmer writes to the Council.  went up the next week to London. And Cranmer wrote to the Lords of the Council a Letter, containing two Points: One was to desire the Queen's Pardon, as to his Treason, (for so little Favour could he find at Court, that he had not yet this absolutely granted him) And the other was an account of the Disputation: Weston being desired by the ABp to carry the Letter. But after he had carried it half way, reading the Contents, he liked them so ill, that he sent back the Letter most churlishly to Cranmer again. Indeed he cared not to carry Complaints of himself to the Court. But because it gives further light into these Matters, I have inserted it in the Appendix. 
No. ●XXIX.   
It was such an imaginary Victory, as they had now got at Oxford, 
Disputation intended at Cambridg.  that they intended also to obtain at Cambridg. And much talk at this time arose, that Hoper, Rogers, Crome and Bradford, whom they had in Prisons at London, were to be had to this University▪ to be baited, as Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer newly had been at Oxford: and several of the Doctors of Oxford should be sent in likewise to Cambridg for this purpose. But Hoper, Farrar, Taylor, Philpot, Bradford, and the others, having an inkling of it, consulted among themselves what to do; and resolved to decline it, unless they might have indifferent Judges. And for this purpose Bradford sent a private and trusty Messenger to Oxford to Ridley, to have his, and his two Fellows, their Judgements concerning this Matter. They were at this time all separated from one another: So, though Ridley signified this in a Letter to Cranmer, yet he could only give his own Sense. He misliked not, he said, what they were minded to do. 
In his Letter to Bradford.  For he looked for none other, but that if they answered before the same Commissioners that he and his Fellows had done, they should be served and handled as they were, though ye were as well Learned, said he, as ever was either Peter or Paul. Yet he thought occasion might afterward be given them; and the consideration of the profit of their Auditory might perchance move them to do otherwise. But determinately to say what was best he could not, but trusted, He whose Cause they had in hand, would put them in Mind to do that, which should be most for his Glory, the Profit of his Flock, and their own Salvation. It came at length to that forwardness, that Weston and his Complices had taken out the Commission. And it was easy to obtain such a Commission at such a Lord Chancellor's Hands. And they were likely speedily to put it in execution. Hoper, who seemed to have the first notice of it, sent the intelligence in a Letter to Farrar, Taylor, Bradford and Philpot, Prisoners in the King's Bench. He showed them what his Advice was, and desired them to consult among themselves what Course were best to be taken. His own Thoughts were, considering what foul Play the three Learned Men had at Oxford, and which they were like to have themselves at this Disputation; I. Because they did commonly make false Allegations of the Doctors, and took Pieces and Scraps of them, to prove their Tenets, against the real Mind and Sense of those Authors, they should therefore refuse wholly to dispute, unless they might have Books present before them. II. To have sworn Notaries, to take things spoken indifferently: which would be hard to have, the Adversaries having the oversight of all things: and so would make theirs better, and the Protestants worse. III. If they perceived, when they were disputing, that two or three, or more, spoke together, and used Taunts and Scoffs, as they did at Oxon, then to refuse to dispute any longer; but to appeal to be heard before the Queen, and the whole Council. Whereby this Benefit would happen, that they should be delivered from the Commissioners, appointed to hear and judge them, who meant nothing less, than to hear the Cause indifferently, being all Enemies already unto the Protestants, and their Cause, and at a point to give Sentence against them. And then many at the Court might be strengthened, who know the Truth already; and others better informed, who erred rather of Zeal than Malice; and a third sort, that be indurate, might be answered fully to their shame. He knew, he said, the Adversaries would deny their Appeal, but yet he advised to challenge it, and to take witness thereof, of such as should be present, and require, for indifferency of Hearing and Judgement, to be heard either before the Queen and Council, 
Hoper's Letter.  or else before all the Parliament, as it was used in K. Edward's Days. So wise and wary now were they. But I do not find, that this Project of the Papists went further.  
And let us return, and visit these three faithful Prisoners of jesus Christ. 
Their Condition after Condemnation.  After their Disputation and Condemnation, their Servants were discharged, that so they might not have any Conference, or Intelligence of any thing abroad. But God provided for every one of them, instead of their Servants, faithful Fellows, that would be content to hear and see, and do for them whatsoever they could, as Ridley wrote in a Letter to Bradford. To these Fathers also came supplies of Meat, Money and Shirts from London, not only from such as were of their Acquaintance, but from Strangers, with whom they had no acquaintance; doing it for God's Sake, and his Gospel's. The Bailiffs so watched them now, that they would not suffer them to have any Conferences among themselves. The Scholars of that University seemed universally against them. Which Ridley, in a Letter to his Friend Bradford, could not but take notice of, calling it, A wonderful thing, that among so many, never yet Scholar offered any of them, so far as he knew, any manner of Favour, either for, or in Christ's Cause. They had all things common among them, as Meat, Money, and whatever one had, that might do another good.  

Their Employment in Prison.  Neither of them now in Prison, were idle. Old Latimer read the New Testament through seven Times deliberately, while he was a Prisoner. Cranmer busied himself earnestly in vindication of his Writings of the Sacrament against Winchester, under the Name of Marcus Constantius. And so did Ridley: who in two Treatises, which he now made, showed how Winchester varied from other Papists in eighteen Articles, and from himself in eighteen more. And a third Paper he wrote, showing several things Winchester yielded unto, concerning the spiritual Use of the Sacrament. Fox hath set down these in his History, and preserved them to us, these Collections of Ridley falling into his Hands. Ridley also wrote, while he was a Prisoner in Oxford, De Abominationibus Sedis Romanae, & Pontificum Romanorum: and Annotations more large upon Tonstal's first Book, (of Transubstantiation, I suppose;) and more sparingly upon the Second. He was now also diligent to set others on work for the exposing false Religion: Desiring one Grimbold to translate Laurentius Valla his Book, which he made and wrote against the Fable of Constantine's Donation and glorious Exaltation of the See of Rome. And having done that, he would have had him to translate a Work of Aeneas Silvius, De Gestis Basiliensis Concilii. In which although, 
Letters of the Martyrs.  said he, there be many things, that savour of the Pan, yet I dare say the Papists would glory but a little to see such Books go forth in English. He directed Austin Bernher, Latimer's Servant, to recommend those Works unto Grimbold, who had been his Chaplain, and a Man, (as Ridley gave him the Character) of much Eloquence both in English and Latin; (but he complied and subscribed.) And he also bad Austin tell Grimbold, That if he would know where to have these Books, he might find them in a Work set forth by Ortwinus Gratius, entitled, Fasciculus rerum expetendarum. And added, That if such things had been set forth in our English Tongue heretofore, he supposed great Good might have come to Christ's Church thereby.  
But we have not yet mentioned all the Pieces that Ridley wrote in Prison. For besides those abovementioned, were these following. 
Other Works of Ridley in Prison.  I. A little Treatise, which was jointly composed by him and Latimer in the Tower (which is preserved in Fox) with the Letters N. R. before Ridley's Sayings, and H. L. before Latimer's. II. A Draught, which he drew out of the Evangelists and S. Paul, showing thence that the words of the Lord's Supper are figuratively to be understood, alleging out of the Doctors, three of the Greek Church, Origen, Chrysostom and Theodoret, and three of the Latin, Tertullian, Augustin and Gelasius. III. Three Positions to the third Question propounded in Oxford, concerning the Propitiatory Sacrifice of the Mass. IU. His Disputation in the Schools, as he wrote it, after it was over. V. A Letter, Ad Fratres in diversis Carceribus. All these fell into the Hands of the Papists, by this Mishap, or Treachery. Grimbold expressing a great desire to have every thing that Ridley had writ during his Imprisonment, Mr. Shipside, Ridley's Brother-in-Law, procured and sent him all those Writings before mentioned: but they were all seized, whether in Grimbold's Possession, or in the sending them to him, it was uncertain. Some suspected Grimbold himself, but others rather the Messenger, for it would not enter into Shipside's Head, that Grimbold should play such a Iudas' part.   

CHAP. XII. A Parliament. Pole reconciles the Realm.  

The Queen's Letters, directing the Elections of Parliament-men.  GREAT Care was now to be taken of getting Parliament-men, that might do what was to be laid before them, now the Pope's Legate was to be received, and the last Parliament failing Expectation. Therefore Letters were dispatched from the Queen, and Interests made all the Nation over, to procure such Persons to be elected, as should be named to them. In a Manuscript containing divers Orders that were sent into Norfolk in Q. Mary's Time, there is a Letter from that Queen, Anno 2o, dated Octob. 6, to the Earl of Sussex, directing him to assist in choosing such Men to sit in Parliament, As were of Wise, Grave and Catholic sort, such as indeed meant the true Honour of God, with the Prosperity of the Nation. The Advancement whereof We, (as the Letter runneth) and our dear Husband the King, do chiefly profess and intend, without alteration of any Man's particular Possession, as amongst other false Rumours, the hinderers of our good Purposes, and favourers of Heresies, do most utterly report. For to make the intent of restoring the Abby-Lands to be the less credited, it was thought convenient to be laid upon the Heretics. With these general Letters, there seemed to go private Instructions what particular Men were to be set up. For upon the aforesaid Letter, the Earl of Sussex sent a Letter, Octob. 14, to Sir Tho. Woodhouse, High Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, and to Sir William Woodhouse, about the Elections of Knights of those Shires, viz. That they should reserve their Interests and Voices for such as he should name, and that he would soon consult with them about the Matter. He then, in pursuit of the Queen's Letter, recommended to the Bailiff of Yarmouth, john Millicent, to be elected Burgess for that Town. This Parliament sat Novemb. 11.  
Cardinal Pole was this Summer brought to Flanders by the Emperor, 
Pole comes over.  who had stayed him before on the Way. The Queen sent over the Lord Paget, and the Lord Hastings to the Cardinal to conduct him over, in quality of the Pope's Legate. And the same day he landed at Dover, (which was Novemb. 21.) the Bill passed for the taking off his Attainder. Three days after he came to London, and so to Lambeth-house: Which was ready prepared for his coming. Cardinal Pole, before he came into England, and in the last Reign, had the reputation here ordinarily of a virtuous, sober and learned Man, and was much beloved by the English Nation as well for his Qualities, as his honourable Extraction. Latimer, in one of his Sermons before K. Edward, hath these words of him: I never remember that Man, (speaking of Pole) but I remember him with a heavy Heart; a Witty Man, a Learned Man, a Man of a Noble House: so in favour, that if he had tarried in the Realm, and would have conformed himself to the King's Proceedings, I heard say, and I believe it verily, he had been Bishop of York at this Day. And he would have done much good in that part of the Realm. For those Quarters have always had need of Learned Men, and a preaching Prelate. One great Author the Cardinal much conversed in, was S. Hierom. Latimer wished, That he would have followed S. Hierom in his Exposition of that Place, Come out of her, my People. Where that Father understood it of Rome, and called that City, The purple Whore of Babylon. Almighty God saith, Get you from it; get you from Rome, saith Hierom. It were, subjoined Latimer, more commendable to go from it, than to go to it, as Pole hath done.  
Soon after his return into England, 
The Cardinal absolves Parliament and Convocation.  he was mighty busy in reconciling the Realm to the Pope. He performed it in his own Person to the Parliament on the thirtieth of November, with much Solemnity; and to the Convocation on the sixth of December. On which day, the Parliament being dissolved, he, the Lord Legate, sent for the whole Convocation of Upper and Lower House to Lambeth: And there he absolved them all from their Perjuries, Schisms, and Heresies. Which Absolution they received upon their Knees. Then he gave them an Exhortation, and congratulated their Conversion: and so they departed.  
january 23. Upon the dismission of the Convocation, 
The Clergy again wait upon the Legate.  the Bishops and inferior Clergy waited again upon the Legate at Lambeth. Where he willed them all to repair to their Cures and Charges, and exhorted them to entreat their Flocks with all Mildness, and to endeavour to win them by Gentleness, rather than by Extremity and Rigour: and so let them depart.  
january 28. He granted a Commission to the Bp of Winchester, 
A Commission granted by him against Heretics.  and divers other Bishops, to sit upon, and judge according to the Laws lately revived against Heretics, all such Ministers and others that were in Prison for Heresy. Which was done undoubtedly to take off all the eminentest of the Protestant Clergy, then in hold. And the very same day (such haste they made) they sat in Commission in S. Mary Oueris Church, upon Rogers, Hoper and Card-maker. And the next to that, upon Hoper and Rogers again, upon Tailor also and Bradford; when the two former were formally excommunicated. The day following, they sat upon Tailor and Bradford again: to which were added Ferrar, Crome and Saunders. Then they excommunicated Bradford and Saunders.  
But that this Reconciliation to the Pope and Church of Rome might sound the louder in all Parts and Corners of the Nation, 
His Commissions to all the Bishops, to reconcile their Dioceses.  and all Persons every where might make their formal Submissions to the Pope, and thankfully take the mighty Benefit of his Yoke upon them again, the Legate was not contented to reconcile the Nation himself under their Representatives in the Parliament and Convocation; but upon pretence that he could not, in his own Person, pardon and reconcile all the People, therefore he granted out a Commission to each Bishop in his own Diocese, to do it to their respective Clergy and Laity, deputed in his Name, and by his Authority derived from the Pope.  
Such a Commission he granted February 8, 
The Commission to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury.  to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, that See being then held Vacant. Therein authorising them to absolve all manner of Persons, as well Lay as ecclesiastics, Religious as Secular, from their Schism, Heresies and Errors, and from all Censures due thereupon. And to dispense with the Clergy upon divers Irregularities: as with such who had received Orders from Schismatical Bishops, or had been collated into their Livings by them. To dispense also with the Religious and Regulars for departing from their Cloisters without the Pope's Licence, permitting them to wear the Habit of Priests, and to serve Cures, considering the scarcity of Priests, and to live out of their Cloisters. Also, to dispense with Priests that had married Wives, though they were Widows, or Women defiled, and with such who had been twice married, doing Penance and forsaking their Wives. Allowing them to minister at the Altar, and to serve Cures, provided it were out of the Dioceses, where they were married. The said Bishops, by this Commission, were also empowered to grant, to fit Rectors and Curates, a Power to reconcile and absolve their respective Parishes. This Commission I have placed in the Appendix, 
No. LXXX.  as it was transcribed out of the Register of the Church of Canterbury.  

The Legate's Instructions to the Bishops.  The Lord Legate also, for the better discharging of this his mighty Office, gave out his Instructions, how the Bishops and Officials of the Vacant Sees should perform this Work of the Reconciliation, deputed to them by the said Legate: together with the Form of Absolution to be pronounced. Which Instructions and Form, as they were extracted from the said Register, 
No. LXXXI.  may be found in the Appendix. Each Bishop was to call before him the Clergy of his respective City, and to instruct them in divers things: As concerning the Pope's fatherly Love and Charity towards the English Nation, in sending Cardinal Pole his Legate hither, as soon as he knew the Lady Mary was declared Queen, to bring this Kingdom, so long separated from the Catholic Church, into Union with it, and to comfort and restore them to the Grace of God: Concerning the joyful coming of the said Legate; concerning what was done the last Parliament, when the Lords and Commons were Reconciled; and concerning the repealing of all the Laws made against the Authority of the Roman See by the two last Kings, and restoring Obedience to the Pope and Church of Rome: Concerning the Authority restored likewise to the Bishops; especially, that they might proceed against Heretics and Schismatics. Then the Bishops were to acquaint their Clergy with the Faculties yielded to them by the Legate: which were to be read openly. Then all that were lapsed into Error and Schism, were to be invited humbly to crave Absolution and Reconciliation, and Dispensations as well for their Orders, as for their Benefices. Next, a Day was fixed, when the Clergy were to appear, and petition for the said Absolutions and Dispensations. On which day, after they had confessed their Errors, and sacramentally promised that they would make Confession of the same to the Bishop himself, or some other Catholic Priests, and to perform the Penance that should be enjoined them; then the Bishop was to reconcile them, and to dispense with their Irregularities: Always observing a distinction between those that only fell into Schism and Error, and those who were the Teachers of them, and Leaders of others into Sin. The same time was to be appointed another day for a Solemn Festival; wherein the Bishops and Curates in their Churches should signify to the People all that the Bishops before had spoken to their Clergy; and then should invite them all to confess their Errors, and to return into the Bosom of the Church; promising them, That all their past Crimes should be forgiven, if so be they repent of them, and renounced them. And a certain Term was to be fixed, namely the whole Octaves of Easter, within which Term all should come and be reconciled. But the Time to be reconciled in, being lapsed, all that remained unreconciled, as also all that returned to their Vomit after they had been reconciled, were to be most severely proceeded against.  
The said Bishops and Officials (where any Sees were Vacant) were to name and depute the Rectors of the Parish-Churches, and other fit Persons, who should absolve the Laity of their Parishes from Heresy and Schism, and Censures, according to a Form to be given them by the Bishops.  
The Bishops, and Officials, and Curates, were to have each a Book; in which were to be writ the Names and Parishes of all that were reconciled: That it might afterwards be known, who were reconciled, and who were not.  
After the Octave of Easter was past, the Bishops were to visit, first their Cities, and then their Dioceses; and to summon before them all such as had not been reconciled; and to know of them the Cause why they would not depart from their Errors: and remaining obstinate in them, they were to proceed against them.  
In this Visitation, all the Clergy were to be required to show the Titles of their Orders and Benefices; and notice was to be taken, if any Defect were therein. And now the Bishops were to take care to root out any Errors in their Dioceses, and to depute fit Persons to make Sermons, and hear Confessions. They were also to take care to have the Sacred Canons observed; and to have inserted into the Books of Service the Name of S. Thomas the Martyr, and of the Pope, formerly blotted out: and to pray for the Pope, according as it was used before the Schism.  
They were advised to insist much upon the great Miseries we were in before, and the great Grace that God now had showed to this People: Exhorting them to acknowledge these Mercies, and devoutly to pray for the King and Queen, that had deserved so exceedingly well of this Kingdom; and especially to pray for a happy Offspring from the Queen.  
In these Instructions there are several Strictures, 
Pole a severe Persecutor.  that make it appear Pole was not so gentle towards the Heretics, (as the Professors of the Gospel were then styled) as is reported, but rather the contrary; and that he went hand in hand with the bloody Bishops of these Days. For it is plain here, that he put the Bishops upon proceeding with them according to the Sanguinary Laws, lately revived, and put in full Force and Virtue. What an Invention was that of his, a kind of Inquisition by him set up, whereby not a Man might escape, that stood not well affected to Popery? I mean, his ordering Books to be made and kept, wherein the Names of all such were to be written, that, in every Place and Parish in England, were reconciled: and so whosoever were not found in those Books, might be known to be no Friends to the Pope; and so to be proceeded against. And indeed after Pole's crafty and zealous Management of this Reconciliation, all that good Opinion that Men had before conceived of him, vanished: and they found themselves much mistaken in him; especially, seeing so many Learned and Pious Gospel-Bishops and Ministers imprisoned and martyred under him, and by his Commission. Insomuch that now People spoke of him as bad as of the Pope himself, or the worst of his Cardinals. The Gospelers before this did use to talk much among themselves, that he did but dissemble at Rome in his present outward Compliances with them and their Superstitions; and that he would, upon a good Opportunity, show himself an open Professor of the Truth. And indeed he often had Conferences before him of Christ, and of the Gospel, of a living Faith, and Justification by Faith alone; and he often would wish the true Doctrine might prevail. But now the Mask was taken off, and he showed himself what he was. A notable Letter to this Purpose was written, concerning the Cardinal, about this Time, by a pious Italian to his Friend, who had conceived these good Opinions of him. This I have put in the Appendix; and the rather, because it will give some Light into our present History. 
No. LXXXII.    

CHAP. XIII. A Convocation. Articles framed therein.  
AT a Convocation the latter end of this Year, an Address was made by the Lower House to the Upper, 
A Convocation.  wherein they petitioned for divers things in 28 Articles, meet to be considered for the Reformation of the Clergy. 
Articles presented to the Upper House.  One whereof was, That all Books, both Latin and English, concerning any heretical, erroneous, or slanderous Doctrines, might be destroyed and burnt throughout the Realm. 
Cranmers Book to be burnt.  And among these Books, they set Thomas Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury, his Book, made against the Sacrament of the Altar, in the forefront; and then next, the Schismatical Book, as they called it, viz. the Communion-Book. To which they subjoined the Book of ordering Ecclesiastical Ministers, and all suspect Translations of the Old and New Testament; and all other Books of that nature. (So that if Cranmers Book was burnt, it was burnt with very good Company, the Holy Bible, and the Communion-Book.) And that such as had these Books, should bring the same to the Ordinary by a certain Day, or otherwise to be taken and reputed as Favourers of those Doctrines. And that it might be lawful for all Bishops to make enquiry, from time to time, for such Books, and to take them from the Owners. And for the repressing of such pestilent Books, Order should be taken with all speed, that none such should be printed or sold within the Realm, nor brought from beyond Sea, upon grievous Penalties. And from another Article we may learn, from what Spring all the Bloody Doings that followed the ensuing Years sprang; namely, from the Popish Clergy. For they petitioned, That the Statutes made in the fifth of Richard II. and in the second of Henry IU. and the second of Henry V. against Heresy, Lollards, and false Preachers, might be revived, and put in force. And that Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Ordinaries [whose Hands had been tied by some later Acts] might be restored to their pristine Jurisdiction against Heretics, Schismatics, and their Fautors, in as large and ample manner, as they were in the first Year of Henry VIII. I shall not recite here the whole Address, as I find it in a Volume of the Benet-College Library, 

Intit. Synodalia.  
Hist. Ref. Vol. 2. Collect. p. 266▪   because the Bishop of Sarum hath faithfully printed it thence in his History. Only I observe, that the 17 th' Article is in the Manuscript scratched out and crossed, viz. That all exempt Places whatsoever might be from henceforth under the Jurisdiction of the Archbishop or Bishop, or archdeacon, in whose Dioceses or Archdeaconaries they were. That they judged might grate a little too much upon the Pope's Authority, which they were now receiving, since these Exemptions were made by Popes. And the last, or 28 th' Article was added by another Hand, viz. That all Ecclesiastical Persons, that had lately spoiled Cathedral, Collegiate or other Churches, of their own Heads, might be compelled to restore them, and all singular things by them taken away, or to the true value, and to reedify such things as by them were destroyed or defaced. This I suppose was added by Boner's Interest, that he might hereby have a pretence against Ridley his Predecessor; it affording a fair opportunity to crush the good Bishops and Preachers, that had in Zeal to God's Glory taken away out of their Churches all Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry. And it might serve their turn, who had lately in a most barbarous manner plundered the rich Archbishop of York▪  
And as they of this Convocation were for burning Heretics Books, 
Men burnt to Death without Law.  so they were as well disposed to the burning of the Heretics themselves. For Protestants were already not only imprisoned, but put to Death, without any Warrant of Law, but only by virtue of Commissions from the Queen, and the Lord Chancellor. Whereupon, when one in the Convocation started this Objection, That there was no Law to condemn them: Weston, the Prolocutor, answered, It forceth not for a Law: We have a Commission to proceed with them: and when they be dispatched, let their Friends sue the Law.   

CHAP. XIV. The Condition of the Protestants in Prison. Free-Willers.  
BY this time, by the diligence of the Papists, 
Popery fully established.  the Popish Religion was fully established in England. This Apostasy Cranmer saw with a sad Heart before his Death, and all his Labour overturned. And Ridley sends the bad News of it from Oxon to Grindal beyond Sea, in these words; To tell you much naughty Matter in a few words, Papismus apud nos, ubique in pleno suo antiquo robore regnat.  
As for the Protestants, some were put in Prisons, 
Protestants.  some escaped beyond Sea: some went to Mass, and some recanted, and many were burned, and ended their Lives in the Flames for Religion's sake.  

The Pastors in Prison.  They that were in Prison, whereof Cranmer was the chief, being the Pastors and Teachers of the Flock, did what in them lay to keep up the Religion, under this Persecution, among the Professors. Which made them write many comfortable and instructive Letters to them; and send them their Advices, according as Opportunity served.  

Free-Willers.  One thing there now fell out, which caused some disturbance among the Prisoners. Many of them that were under restraint for the Profession of the Gospel, were such as held freewill, tending to the derogation of God's Grace, and refused the Doctrine of Absolute Predestination, and Original Sin. They were Men of strict and holy Lives, but very hot in their Opinions and Disputations, and unquiet. Divers of them were in the King's-Bench, where Bradford, and many other Gospelers were. Many whereof by their Conferences they gained to their own Persuasions. 
Bradford's concern with them.  Bradford had much discourse with them. The Name of their chief Man was Harry Hart: Who had writ something in defence of his Doctrine. True and Abingdon were Teachers also among them: Kemp, Gybson and Chamberlain were others. They ran their Notions as high as Pelagius did, and valued no Learning: and the Writings and Authorities of the Learned they utterly rejected and despised. Bradford was apprehensive, that they might now do great Ha●m in the Church, and therefore out of Prison wrote a Letter to Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, the three chief Heads of the Reformed, (though Oppressed) Church in England, to take some Cognizance of this Matter, and to consult with them in remedying it. And with him joined Bishop Ferrar, Rowland Taylor and john Philpot. This Letter, worthy to be read, may be found among the Letters of the Martyrs, and transcribed in the Appendix. 
No. LXXXIII.  Upon this Occasion Ridley wrote a Treatise of God's Election and Predestination. And Bradford wrote another upon the same Subject; and sent it to those three Fathers in Ox●ord for their Approbation: and theirs being obtained, the rest of the eminent Divines, in and about London, were ready to sign it also.  

His Kindness to them.  I have seen another Letter of Bradford to certain of these Men, who were said to hold the Error of the Pelagians and Papists concerning Man's freewill, and were then Prisoners with him in the King's-Bench. By which Letter it appeared, that Bradford had often resorted to them, and conferred with them; and at his own Charge and Hindrance had done them good. But seeing their Obstinacy and Clamours against him, he forbore to come at them any more: but yet wrote Letters to them, and sent them Relief. They told him, He was a great Slander to the Word of God in respect of his Doctrine, in that he believed and affirmed the Salvation of God's Children to be so certain, that they should assuredly enjoy the same. For they said it hanged partly upon our Perseverance to the end. Bradford said, it hung upon God's Grace in Christ; and not upon our Perseverance in any Point: For than were Grace no Grace. They charged him, that he was not so kind to them as he ought, in the Distribution of the Charity-Money, that was then sent by well-disposed Persons to the Prisoners in Christ, [of which Bradford was the Purse-bearer] But he assured them he never defrauded them of the Value of a Penny: and at that time sent them at once thirteen Shillings and four Pence; and if they needed as much more, he promised that they should have it. But abating these little casual Heats and Peevishnesses, there was a good Christian Correspondence maintained among them. The forementioned Holy Man advised them, That though in some things they agreed not, yet let Love bear the Bell away; and let us pray, said he, one for another, and be careful one for another. He said, That he was persuaded of them, that they feared the Lord, and therefore he loved them. I have loved you in him, my dear Hearts, though you have taken it otherwise, without Cause on me given. He added, That he had not suffered any Copy of his Treatise of Predestination to go abroad, because he would suppress all Occasion so far as might be. I am going, said he, before you to my God and your God, to my Father and your Father, to my Christ and your Christ, to my Home and your Home.  
By Bradford's Pains and Diligence he gained some from their Errors: and particularly one Skelthorp: for whom, 
Bradford gaineth some of them.  in a Letter to Careless, he thanked God, who gave this Man to see the Truth at the length, and to give place to it; hoping that he would be so heedy in all his Conversation, that his old Acquaintance might thereby think themselves gone astray.  
Careless also, another eminent Martyr, as well as Bradford, 
Careless' Pain● with them.  had much conference with these Men, Prisoners with him in the King's-Bench. Of whose Contentiousness he complained in a Letter to Philpot. 
Martyr's Letters. Philpot's Counsel.  And there is extant an Answer of Philpot to Careless about them: Where he writes, That he was sorry to hear of the great Trouble which these Schismatics did daily put him to, and wished that he were with him in part, to release his Grief. He bade him take his Advice, and to be patient, whatsoever his Adversaries could say or do against him: That he should commit the Success of his Labours [in rightly informing these Men] unto God, and not to cease▪ with Charity, to do his endeavour in the defence of the Truth, against these arrogant and selfwilled blinded Scatterers. That these Sects were necessary for the trial of our Faith, and for the beautifying thereof: Not to be perverted with them that were perverse and intractable. That he should show as much Modesty and Humility as he might possible: and that than others, seeing his modest Conversations among these contentious Babblers, should glorify God in the Truth of him, and the more abhor them. That he should be content that Shimei do rail at David, and cast Stones a while. That he should desire all the Brethren, in the Bowels of Jesus Christ, to keep the Bond of Peace, which is the Unity of Christ's Church: To let no Root of Bitterness spring up, which the Devil, with all his Diligence, seeketh to thrust in among the Children of God. To kiss one another with the Kiss of unfeigned Brotherly Love, and to take one another by the Hand cheerfully, and say, Let us take up our Cross together, and go to the Mount of Calvary.  
This Contention could not be laid asleep amongst them, notwithstanding the grievous Tribulations they endured for the same Cause of Religion. They wrote also against one another: For in 1556, Careless wrote a Confession of his Faith, 
Careless draws up a Confession of Faith.  some Part whereof savoured absolute Predestination against freewill. This Confession he sent unto the Protestant Prisoners in Newgate from the King's-Bench, where he lay. Whereunto they generally subscribed; and particularly twelve that were a little before condemned to die. Hart having gotten a Copy of this Confession, on the backside thereof wrote his Confession in opposition thereunto. When they in Newgate had subscribed Careless' Confession, this Hart propounded his unto them; and he, with one Kemp and Gybson, would have persuaded them from the former to the latter, but prevailed not. One Chamberlain also wrote against it. I do not meet with this Confession; only I find one Article was, That the Second Book of Common-Prayer, set forth in K. Edward's Days, was Good and Godly: But that the Church of Christ hath Authority to enlarge and diminish things in the same Book, so far forth as it is agreeable to Scripture. This Paper of Careless' Confession, with the Answer wrote on the backside by Hart, fell by some accident into the hands of Dr. Martin, a great Papist; who took occasion hence to scoff at the Professors of the Gospel, because of these Divisions and various Opinions amongst them. But Careless, before the said Martin, disowned Hart, and ●aid that he had seduced and beguiled many a simple Soul with his foul Pelagian Opinions, both in the Days of K. Edward, and since his Departure.  

Some few Arians.  Besides these Anti-predestinarians, there were some few, who laid in Prison for the Gospel, were Arians, and disbelieved the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Two of these lay in the King's-Bench. These different Opinions occasioned such unseemly quarrelsome Disputes and Heats among them, that the Marshal was ●ain to separate them from one another. And in 1556, the Noise of this reached to the Council; who, the better to know the Matters controverted between them, sent Dr. Martin to the King's-Bench to examine it.  

The Prisoners offer to justify K. Edward's Proceedings.  These were some of the Transactions that past among the Prisoners. Another Matter concerning them deserves relating: which was this; They boldly and bravely made a Declaration to the Queen and Parliament that sat this Year: taxing them for overthrowing (as they had lately done) the Laws of K. Henry and K. Edward, and the Reformation so maturely and deliberately made, and after the Rejection of a Religion, which, as they said, there was not a Parish in England desired to have restored again. They offered likewise to maintain the Homilies and Service, set forth in K. Edward's Days, before them, either by Writiting, or by Disputation in the English Tongue. By whom this Declaration was drawn up, unless by john Bradford, I know not: for I meet with it a MS. which contains divers Pieces of that good Man. This remarkable Declaration I have reposited in the Appendix. 
No. LXXXIV.  This now is the second time a public Challenge was made to justify K. Edward's Reformation; the former the last Year by Cranmer, the latter now by divers of the Learned Men in Prison.  
After they had lain fifteen or sixteen Months thus in Prison, their Livings, Houses and Possessions, Goods and Books taken from them, they made such another Address unto the King and Queen, 
And again offer it.  and the Parliament: therein undertaking, either by Word or Writing, before them, or indifferent Arbiters to be appointed by them, to prove themselves no Heretics, nor Teachers of Heresy, as they were pretended to be, nor cut off from the true Catholic Church, (though by the Popish Clergy excommunicated:) and Secondly, By the Testimony of Christ, his Prophets and Apostles, and the Godly Fathers of the Church, to prove the Doctrine of the Church, the Homilies and Service, taught and used in K. Edward's Time, to be the true Doctrine of Christ's Catholic Church, and most agreeable to the Articles of the Christian Faith. And this was the third public Challenge they made. This being preserved in Fox's Acts, 
Edit. 1610. p. 1348.  I forbear to transcribe it.   

CHAP. XV. The Exiles, and their Condition.  
BUT let us now turn our Eyes from the Prisoners, 
The Exiles.  which were kept under close Confinement here in England, unto the Exiles, that by the good Providence of God made their Flight into foreign Countries from these Storms at home. These were both of the Clergy and Laity. Who, though great watch was laid for them, and Prohibitions given out against any that should privately attempt to transport themselves, yet by taking their Opportunities, and the favour of divers Masters of small Vessels at Lee in Essex, and upon the Coasts in those Parts, they safely got to the other side of the Sea.  
They scattered themselves, 
The Lutherans refuse to give Harbour to the Exiles.  and took up their Harbours as they could. But they found little Hospitality in Saxony, and other places in Germany, where Lutheranism was professed. But on the contrary, the Exile English were much hated by those of that Profession, because they looked upon them as Sacramentaries, and holding as Calvin and Peter Martyr did in the Doctrine of the Sacrament. Therefore when any English came among them for Shelter, they expelled them out of their Cities. And when a grave Pastor of Saxony, (a Friend of P. Martyr's, 
Mart. Ep. p. 770.  who though he were a Minister, yet was not of their Mind) had entertained some of them, the rest clamoured against him, and hated him for it. About this time the Saxon Divines wrote many Books against the Sacramentaries; and namely, 
Ep. P. Martyr. ad Calvin. Anno 1555.  one joachim Westphalus wrote a Book against Calvin. And he and the rest got these Books printed at Frankford, on purpose, as Martyr conjectured, the more to spite the English and French Churches that abode now there, and to provoke them.  
At Wesel the English were under some trouble: 
The English at Wesel.  and the Senate were about to command them to depart thence, because of their different Sentiments from the Augustan Confession in some Points. 
Bal. Praef. ad Act. Pontif.  But Philip Melancthon interposed, and interceded with the Senate on their behalf. And when some clamoured against them, he took their part, saying, That their Case ought to be weighed by friendly Disputations, and not exploded by Noise and Hissing: and declared his judgement to be, That these poor Exiles were to be retained and helped, not afflicted and vexed by any rough Sentence. He wrote also to the Governors of Frankford to the same purpose, viz. That the English were not to be oppressed, but to be cherished, considering their Sentiments were found in the main Articles of the Christian Confession: and that whereas they differed in some Points, they were to be instructed and informed, and not to be rudely thrown out from among them by Force and Violence.  

The Lutherans Heat against Sacramentaries.  And indeed it was admirable to observe at this Time the exceeding Heats that were in the Lutherans against all other Protestants, only for differing from them in this one Point of the Sacrament. There was a Book published in the Year 1555. in favour of their Opinion of the Corporeal Presence, which was called, Farrago Doctrinae Lutheranae. This P. Martyr called Valdè insulsa, a very foolish Book. It contained a Collection of Sentences out of the Fathers, and also out of the Writings of Luther, Philip, Brentius, Pomeran, etc. They added some out of Bucer, Illyricus, and joachim Westphalus, to show that they agreed together. They inserted divers Letters sometime writ against the Sacramentaries. Indeed Calvin and Martyr they mentioned not by Name, but A Lasco they did. In this Book there was a Discourse added under this Title, Quod Christi Corqus sit ubique. Which was to serve as a Proof of their Doctrine. And in the conclusion there was a Common-place, De Magistratus officio. Which was thought to be put in upon no other reason, but to inflame and irritate Princes against the Sacramentaries. These Saxon Divines were exceeding hot against those that believed not as they did. In their ordinary Discourses they styled them Heretics, False Prophets, Suermeros, Sacramentiperdas. About this Time they were gathering new Votes against Calvin, and, as it was thought, they intended to attempt some Excommunication against such as differed from them in this Point. And this that I have said is enough to explain the Reason of the Inhospitality of the Lutherans to our Exiles.  

At Zurick and other Places well received.  But in other Places they were received with much Kindness, and had the Liberty of their Religious Worship granted them, as in Strasburgh, Frankford, Embden, Doesburge, Basil, Zurick, Arrow, Geneva.  
At Zurick they were received into one House with Bullinger, and had great Favour and Countenance shown them by the Townsmen and Magistrates. Who offered them, by Bullinger, to supply them with such a quantity of Breadcorn and Wine, as should serve to sustain thirteen or fourteen People. But they with Thanks refused it: Having, I suppose, wherewith to subsist otherwise of themselves, and being willing to be as little burdensome as might be.  

TheirEmployments.  In these Places some followed their Studies, some taught Schools, some wrote Books, some assisted at the Printing-Presse, and grew very dear to the Learned Men in those Places. At Embden, they ●aving gotten among them, by Sir john Cheke's Means, as was thought, an Original Copy of Archbishop Cranmers Book of the Sacrament, translated it into Latin, and printed it there, with a Preface before it. And there they preserved the said Original, as a most invaluable Treasure. Here they printed other good Books in English, and conveyed them into England. At Geneva a Club of them employed themselves in translating the Holy Bible into English, intending to do it with more Correctness, than had hitherto been done; having the opportunity of consulting with Calvin and Beza in order thereunto. What they performed may be perceived by the Bible that goes under the Name of the Geneva Bible at this Day. It was in those Days when it first came forth, better esteemed of than of later Times. At Frankford, 
Contentions at Frankford.  where they had great Countenance of the Magistrates of the City, arose great Contentions and Quarrels among themselves, about the Discipline of the Church, and in framing a New Service, different from what was before set forth in K. Edward's Reign, to be used in the public Congregation: which new Service came nearer to the Form of the Church of Geneva. This occasioned great Troubles, Animosities and Separations, to the discredit of themselves and the Reformation. These Matters may be seen at large in the Troubles at Frankford. There is one thing which that Book making I think no mention of, I will here relate. 
Some Children of the Exiles baptised by Lutherans.  Some of the English upon this Dissension carried their Children to be baptised by Lutheran Priests: for though the Lutherans were against the poor Exiles, they thought so well of them, as to be willing their Children should be initiated into the Church by their Ministry. The Occasion whereof seemed to be, that in the Divisions of this Church, one Party would not let their Children be baptised by the English Minister. This causing a new Disturbance, some wrote to the great Divine P. Martyr, now at Argentine, for his Resolution of this Question, An liceat hominibus Evangelicis Baptismum a Lutheranis accipere. To this he answered in a Letter to the Church, disapproving of their doings: Telling them, That the way to heal their Differences, was, to bring their Children to be baptised in such Churches, with which they agreed in Faith and Doctrine. So that this created a new Quarrel among them; for some held it unlawful to receive Baptism from those that were not Orthodox in their Doctrine: and others again thought it lawful. And this made them send to Martyr for his Judgement, as aforesaid. Who wrote, That he would not say it was unlawful, for that it could not be judged by the Word of God; but he disliked the Practice, and propounded divers Arguments against it. Those that were for it, said, It was an indifferent thing. To which Martyr, made this reply, That indifferent things were not to be used to the Scandal of the Weak. They said, The Difference was not so great between us in the matter of the Sacrament. But Martyr said, It was of great Moment, because in it there was a Contest concerning the chief Head of Religion. They added, that the Lutheran Divines did think in the Matter of Baptism, as they did. But Martyr answered, That they were mistaken: for those Divines affirmed more of the Sacrament, than is fit: and tied the Grace of God to Baptism: and that they thought there was no Salvation without Baptism: and that they affirmed that Infants had Faith.  
To the Exiles residing here at Frankford, some in the Year 1555, conveyed Gardiner's Book against Cranmer, 
Pieces of Ridley's Writings conveyed to Frankford.  entitled Marcus Antonius, with Ridley's Answer to the Objections of that Book, and a Treatise in English of Transubstantiation, wrote by the same Ridley. This last they intended to turn into Latin, and so to print both. But on second Thoughts they demurred upon it: fearing it might enrage Gardiner the more against Ridley, who was yet alive. Whereupon Grindal wrote to him to know his Mind therein, before they proceeded to Print.  

Exiles at Basil.  Many of the Fugitives took up their Residence at Basil upon two Reasons: one was, because the People of that City were especially very kind and courteous unto such English as came thither for Shelter: the other, because those that were of slenderer Fortunes might have Employment in the Printing-houses there, the Printers in Basil in this Age having the Reputation of exceeding all others of that Art throughout Germany, for the Exactness and Elegancy of their Printing. And they rather chose English Men for the Overseers and Correctors of their Presses, being noted for the most careful and diligent of all others. Whereby many poor Scholars made a shift to subsist in these hard Times.  

Divers of the Exiles, Writers.  Indeed many of these Exiles assisted in promoting of Learning and Religion, by publishing to the World their own or other men's Writings.  

Scory.  john Scory, that had been Bishop of Chichester, wrote a very comfortable Epistle unto all the Faithful, that were in Prison, or in any other Trouble for the Defence of God's Truth: Printed in the Year 1555. He was Preacher to the English Congregation at Embden, and styled their Superintendent. From hence this, and many other good Books were sent into England, by certain Persons, to be dispersed about in London, and other Places. There was one Elizabeth Young, that came thence with a Book, called Antichrist, and several others. Who was taken up for bringing in Prohibited and Heretical Books, and endured much Trouble. There was also another named Thomas Bryce, that brought Books from Wesel into Kent and London; he was watched and dogged, but escaped several Times. Sir john Baker a Kentish Man, and a great Papist, and a Courtier, laid his Spies to attack him.  

Old.  john Old printed a Book at Waterford 1555, entitled, The Acquittal, or Purgation of the most Catholic christian Prince, Edward VI against all such as blasphemously and traitorously infamed him, or the Church in his Reign, of Heresy or Sedition. The writing of this Book was occasioned from the Preachers of England in Q. Mary's Time in their Sermons at S. Paul's Cross, and in other Pulpits: spewing out, as the Book expresseth it, with Scolding, Roaring and Railing, the Poison of Antichrist's Traditions; and infaming the Order, Form and Use of Preaching, Prayers and Administration of the Holy Sacraments, set forth and exercised by common Authority in the Church of England, reform under the Government of Edward VI and vilely slandering of his Father K. Henry VIII. for banishing the violent usurped Power and Supremacy of the Romish ancient Antichrist for his Brother's known Wife, and for taking justly upon him the Title and Estate of Supremacy, incident and appertaining, by the undoubted Ordinance of God, to his Regal Office and Imperial Crown.  
Thomas Samson, formerly Dean of Chichester, 
Samson.  wrote an Epistle to the Inhabitants of Alhallows-Breadstreet, where in K. Edward's Time he had been Incumbent.  
William Turner Doctor of Physic, 
Turner.  and that had been Physician in the Duke of Somerset's Family, and after Dean of Wells, another Exile, put forth a Book, Anno 1555. called A new Book of Spiritual Physic for divers Diseases of the Nobility and Gentlemen of England. Dedicating it to divers of the chief Nobility. It consisted of three Parts. In the first he showed who were Noble and Gentlemen, and how many Works and Properties belong unto such, and wherein their Office chiefly standeth. In the second Part, he showed great Diseases were in the Nobility and Gentry, which letted them from doing their Office. In the third Part, he specified what the Diseases were: as namely, the whole Palsy, the Dropsy, the Romish Pox and the Leprosy: showing afterward the Remedies against these Diseases. For being a very facetious Man, he delivered his Reproofs and Counsels under witty and pleasant Discourse. He wrote also The hunting of the Romish Fox.  
john jewel, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, 
jewel.  assisted Peter Martyr at Strasburgh, in setting out his Commentaries upon the Book of judges. Who being public Reader of Divinity there, had first read those Commentaries, and had many Learned English-Men for his Auditors; as Poynet, Grindal, Sands, Sir john Cheke, Sir Anthony Cook, and divers other Knights and Gentlemen, as well as Divines. And when he was removed to Zurick to succeed Pelican, he took jewel with him thither. In Frankford there happening, as was said before, unhappy Contentions about Ceremonies and Matters of Discipline, (and it was feared that these Dissensions might spread themselves into the other Fraternities in Zurick and other places) Iuel's great Business was to allay these Animosities, partly by Letters, and partly by his own verbal Exhortations: That they should, as Brethren, lay aside Strife and Emulation, especially for such small Matters: That they would hereby offend the Minds of all good Men: which things they ought to have a special heed of. Some who seemed more complaining and uneasy at these things, he exhorted to Patience, admonishing, That we ought not to leap from the Smoke into the Fire: and that we ought to bear a part in Christ's Cross, and to consider how much better it was with them, than with their poor Brethren, that endured Tortures in England. And he would often repeat to them, Bear a while then, things will not endure an Age.  
Thomas Becon, formerly a Minister in Canterbury, 
Becon.  and well known to the Archbishop, wrote an Epistle in his Exile, and sent it to certain Godly Brethren in England: Declaring in it the Causes of all the Miseries and Calamities that were fallen upon England: How they might be redressed; and what a merciful Lord our God is to all faithful penitent Sinners, that unfeignedly turn to him. This Epistle was brought into England, and read of the Brethren in their Religious Meetings, not without Fruit. In this Epistle he added a Supplication to God, at good length, for the restoring of his Holy Word to the Church of England: Wherein the devout Christian complaineth his Grief and Sorrow to his Lord for taking away the Light of Christ's Gospel, and humbly acknowledging his Fault, and worthy Punishment; most heartily wisheth the Subversion of Anti-christ's Kingdom, and the Restitution of Christ's most Glorious Kingdom in this Realm. He wrote also an Epistle to the Massing Priests, wherein he showed what a wicked Idol the Mass was, and what a Difference there was between the Lord's-Supper and that: and what Popes brought in every part of the Mass, and put them together, as it was then used.  
Laurence Humphrey, while he was in exile, wrote a Book in Latin, entitled, 
Humphrey.  Optimates, being Instructions for Noblemen, in three Books. It was printed at Basil by Oporinus, and dedicated to Q. Elizabeth soon after her entrance upon her Kingdom. The Reason of this his Discourse was out of an universal Love to Mankind, and desire to better the Condition of the World, whose Welfare depended so much upon the Sobriety and Virtue of those of Noble Rank and Quality: Since Nobility, as he wrote, widely spread itself through all the Regions and Coasts of Christendom, and was preferred to Places of Trust and Honour in all Prince's Courts, and was the very Nerve and Strength of Commonwealths: and since from it issued the greatest Helps or Hindrances to the Public Safety, Pure Religion, the Lives and Manners of Men: Therefore he thought the Gentry and Nobility being imbued with Right and Christian Opinions, not form to the corrupt Rules of Antiquity, Kings would govern better, the Ministers of Ecclesiastical Matters would more faithfully perform their Functions; and the common Sort would more diligently discharge all necessary Offices, and the whole Common-weal might seem more healthfully to breath, to live, and to recover and persist in a good Constitution. Beside this excellent Book both for the Matter and Elegancy of the Latin Style, he printed two or three other things at Basil; and he wrote, while he was abroad, a Commentary upon the Prophet Isaiah. But I know not whether it were published.  
Bartholomew Traheron, Library-Keeper to K. Edward, and Dean of Chichester, 
Traheron.  made divers Readins to the English Congregation upon the beginning of St. John's Gospel; and after printed them, against the wicked Erterprises of the new startup Arians in England.  
john Fox, famous to Posterity for his immense Labours in his Acts and Monuments, 
Fox.  was received by the Accurate and Learned Printer Oporinus of Basil, for the Corrector of his Press. He published (and which I think was the first thing he published, and his first-fruits) a Chronological History of the Church. The first Part, from the first Times unto Martin Luther. This Book he presented unto Oporinus, with an handsome Epistle: Wherein he desired to be received by him into his Service, and that he would vouchsafe to be his Learned Patron, under whom he might follow his Studies, being one that would be content with a small Salary: Promising him, that if he would employ him either there, at Basil, or at Argentine, or some University, (which he should rather choose) Aut me, (said he) destituent omnia, aut efficiam, Christo opitulante, ut omnes politioris literaturae homines intelligant, quantum Operiano & nomini & officinae debeant.  
While he was here employed by Oporinus, 
His Acts and Monuments.  at spare Hours he began his History of the Acts of the Church in Latin. Which he drew out more briefly at first; and before his return home into England, well near finished. Having here completed the Copy, which was but the first Part of what he intended, but making a just Volume in Folio, he sent this Work to Basil to be printed. And so it was in the Year 155—. It remained many Years after in those Parts in great Request, and was read by Foreign Nations; although hardly known at all by our own. Being now in Peace and Safety at Home, Fox reviewed this his Work, and in the Year 1566, first published it in English very Voluminous, because of those many Relations of the Persecutions in Q. Mary's Days, that came to his Hands. All this Work he did himself, without the help of any Amanuensis, nor had he any Servant to do his necessary Domestic Business: being fain to be often diverted by his own private Occasions from his Work. He afterwards enlarged these his Labours into three large Volumes, which have since undergone many Editions.  
But to look back to what he published in his Exile: 
Books by him published in Exile.  There came to his Hand all the Trials and Examinations of the Learned Martyr joh. Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, drawn up by himself, and finally his Death, being burnt in Smithfield, 1555. These things Fox put into Latin, (as he had an excellent Latin Style) and printed with this Title, Mira ac elegans cum primis Historia, vel Tragoedia potius, de tota ratione examinationis & condemnationis J. Philpotti Archidiaconi Wincestriae, nuper in Anglia exusti: Ab autore primum lingua sua congesta; nunc in Latinum versa, Interpret J. F. A. He had also a great Hand in publishing of Zonaras and Balsamon upon the Apostles Canons in Latin. To which he set this Title, Enarrationes, seu Commentarii in Canon's Sanctorum Apostolorum & Synodorum, tum quae Vniversales, tum quae Provinciales: Quaeque item & privatim quorundam priscorum Patrum propriae extiterunt. Autoribus Jo. Zonara Monacho religiosae & Sanctae Glyceriae: Qui prius Drungarius, seu Praefectus erat Biglae, & summus Secretarius. Atque etiam Theodoro Balsamensi; qui prius ecclesiae Antiochenae Diaconus, Librarius seu custos chartarum, & Praepositus Blachernensium, deinde & Archiepiscopus est factus ejusdem Ecclesiae simul & totius Orientis. Which probably was a Book printed at Oporinus' Press, over which he had Care; and made this Title, and perhaps translated it into Latin.  
Here at Basil, 
Translates Cranmers Book of the Sacrament into Latin.  Fox was set on work by Peter Martyr to translate into Latin Archbishop Cranmers Book of the Sacrament: that is, his large Dispute with Winchester. Which Fox fell upon, while Cranmer was yet in Prison. In quo [libro] videbit spero, saith he, in a Letter to Oporinus, propediem universa Germania, quicquid de causa Eucharistica vel dici vel objici, vel excogitari a quoquam poterit. But this never saw the Light, the Manuscript thereof yet lying in my Hands. In 1557, Fox set forth a little Book, pleading the Cause of the Afflicted with their Persecutors, and comforting the Afflicted. Of which Thomas Lever, who was Preacher to the English Congregation at Arrow, gave this Character, in a Letter which he sent to Fox, who had presented him with this Book:  

Lever to Fox.  SAlutem P. in Christo, Charissime Frater; Literas tuas accepi, & libellum parvum, in quo magna cum erudition, & Pientissimo zelo, causam afflictorum apud persecutores tyrannos sic agis, ut omnes, qui curant aut impios admonendos, aut pios consolatione recreandos, 
Foxii MSS.  id plene a te perfectum videant. Quod ipsi bene curatum velint. Et quoniam meae vocationis munus in hujusmodi admonitionibus & consolationibus versatur plurimum, scias velim, quod misso ad me parvo libello, magnum dedisti mihi beneficium. Dignum igitur, nihil habens, quod tibi pro meritis rependam, exiguum aureolum mitto, rogóque accipias, ut certum indicium mei animi erga te tuáque studia; quibus alendis augendisque tantum nunc polliceor, quantum unquam potuero, praestare. Vale in Christo, & mihi saluta Uxorem tuam atque omnem Familiam: Rogóque ut mei, me●que ministerii memores sitis in precibus vestris apud Deum. Iterum vale, vivens in Domino.  
Aroviae, 7. Novemb. 1557. Tuus fideliter in Christo, Th. Leverus.  
Fox also wrote an Expostulatory Letter to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of England, to desist those Barbarities that were then used towards innocent Men in England: Killing, Burning, Imprisoning, Sequestering them without all Mercy. The Letter so pathetically penned, 
No. LXXXV.  deserves a place in the Appendix, for the preservation thereof.  

Bale.  To all these English Writers during their Exile must john Bale the Antiquarian, be added, who now published and printed in Basil, his admirable Book of Centuries, giving an Account of the Lives and Writings of all such as were born English and Scotish.  
john Knokys or Knox, another Fugitive, is the last I shall mention, 
Knox.  fearing I have been too large in this Digression already. He was a Scotchman, but had lived in England in King Edward's Days, with great Respect; and very zealously preached the Gospel in London, Buckinghamshire, Newcastle, Berwick, and other Places of the North and South Parts. He wrote now an Epistle to the Faithful in those Places, and to all others in the Realm of England. Wherein he earnestly dissuaded them from communicating in the Idolatry then established; and to flee, as well in Body as Spirit, having Society with the Idolaters: and that as they would avoid God's Vengeance: as the burning of Cities, laying the Land waste, Enemies dwelling in the strong Holds, Wives and Daughters defiled; and Children falling by the Sword. Which he assured them would happen to the Nation, because of its return to Idolatry, and refusing of God's Mercy, when he so long had called upon them. This his Affirmation, he said, would displease many, and content few. But to confirm them in the belief of what he had said, he bade them recollect what he had formerly spoke in their presence, and in the presence of others: a great part whereof was then come to pass. He mentioned particularly what he said at Newcastle and Berwick, before the Sweeting Sickness, and what at Newcastle upon All-Saints Day, the Year in which the Duke of Somerset was last apprehended: and what he said before the Duke of Northumberland in the same Town, and other Places more. Also what he said before the King at Windsor, Hampton-Court and Westminster; and what he said in London, in more Places than one, when both Fires and riotous Banquet were made for the proclaiming of Q. Mary. He foretold these present Calamities; not that he delighted in them, as he said, or in the Plagues that should befall this unthankful Nation. No, his Heart mourned: but if he should cease, he should then do against his Conscience and Knowledge. Then he proceeded to give them the ground of this his Certitude: which he took from the Scriptures. And so in conclusion, he counselled them, as they would avoid the Destruction that was coming, that they should have nothing to do with the abominable Idol of the Mass; that is, the Seal of that League which the Devil had made with all the pestilent Sons of Antichrist, as he phrazed it. 
Foxe's MSS.   
It may be enquired, how these Exiles were maintained, 
How the Exiles subsisted;  considering the great Numbers of them, and the Poverty of many. God stirred up the Bowels of the abler sort both in England, and in the parts where they sojourned, to pity and relieve them, by very liberal Contributions conveyed unto them from time to time. From London especially came often very large Allowances: till Bishop Gardiner, who had his Spies every where, got knowledge of it; and by casting the Benefactors into Prison, and finding means to impoverish them, that Channel of Charity was in a great measure stopped. After this, the Senators of Zurick, at the motion of Bullinger their Superintendent, opened their Treasures unto them. Besides, the great Ornaments then of Religion and Learning, Melancthon, Calvin, Bullinger, Gualther, Lavater, Gesner, and others, sent them daily most comfortable Letters, and omitted no Duty of Love and Humanity to them all the time of their Banishment. Some of the Princes, and Persons of Wealth and Estate, sent also their Benevolences: Among these was Christopher Duke of Wirtemberg; who gave at one time to the Exiled English at Strasburgh three or four hundred Dollars, besides what he gave at Frankford: as Grindal Bishop of London signified to Secretary Cecyl, in the Year 1563, when that Prince had sent a Gentleman upon Business to the Queen. The Bishop desired the Secretary to move the Queen to make some signification to this Person, that She had heard of his Master's former Kindness to the poor English, that it might appear his Liberality was not altogether buried in Oblivion: Or at least he wished some remembrance thereof might pass from the Secretary's own Mouth.   

CHAP. XVI. Many Recant. Some go to Mass.  

Many recant.  MANY of the Clergy, that were very forward Men under K. Edward, now, by the Terror of the Times, recanted and subscribed. And these were of two Sorts. Some out of weakness did it, but persisted not in it. But as soon as they could, revoked their Subscriptions and Recantations, and after their releaseth and Escapes out of Prison, made a sorrowful Confession in public of their Falls. Of this sort were Scory and Barlow, Bishops; jewel, and others. But some after their Recantations persisted in the Popish Communion. Of this sort was Bush and Bird, Bps; Harding, Chaplain to the D. of Suffolk, to whom the Lady jane sent an Expostulatory Letter; Sydal and Curtop of Oxon, Pendleton, West, etc. Of this last-named Person, let me cast in here one or two Remarks. West was in Orders, and had been Steward to Bishop Ridley. Of whom the said Bishop wrote thus to Grindal, then in Strasburg, That his old Companion, and sometime his Officer, relented, but that the Lord had shortened his Days. For it was but a little after his Compliance that he died. Fox writes the Occasion of it, namely, That when he had relented, and said Mass against his Conscience, he shortly after pined away, and died for Sorrow. When his Master the Bishop was laid in Prison for Religion, he shrank away: and out of his compassion to him, being very loath, as it appeared, that his said Master should be put to Death, he wrote a Letter to him, whereby to move him, if he could, to alter his Judgement. The Contents of whose Letter may be gathered out of Ridley's Answer. 
No. LXXXVI.  Which Answer being so excellent, I have put into the Appendix, as I transcribed it out of a Manuscript. Which concluded thus, in Answer to a Sentence that West had concluded his with, namely, That he must agree, or die: the Bishop told him, in the Word of the Lord, that if he and all the rest of his Friends did not Confess and Maintain to their Power and Knowledge what was grounded upon God's Word, but either for Fear or Gain, shrank and played the Apostates, they themselves should die the Death. After the receipt of which Answer, West either out of Compassion to his Master, or rather out of Anguish for his own Prevarication, died within a few Days himself: and his Master outlived him, and writ the News thereof into Germany to Grindal his Fellow-Chaplain, as was said before.  
The Persecution was carried on against the Gospelers with much Fierceness by those of the Roman Persuasion, 
The Persecution hot.  who were generally exceeding Hot as well as Ignorant: Chiefly headed by two most cruel-natured Men, Bishop Gardiner, and Bishop Boner; in whose Dioceses were London and Southwark, and the next bordering Counties, wherein were the greatest Numbers of Professors. And the Servants were of the same Temper with their Masters. One of Boner's Servants swore, 
Tim's Letter.  By his Maker's Blood, That wheresoever he met with any of these vile Heretics, he would thrust an Arrow into him.  
Many now therefore, partly out of Fear and Terror, and partly out of other worldly Considerations, did resort to Mass, though they approved not of it, and yet consorted likewise with the Gospelers: 
Gospelers go to Mass.  holding it not unlawful so to do: viz. That their Bodies might be there, so long as their Spirits did not consent. And those that used this Practice, bore out themselves by certain Arguments which they scattered abroad.  
This extraordinarily troubled the good Divines, 
Bradford labours to hinder it.  that were then in Prison for the Cause of Christ, and particularly Bradford. Who complained in a Letter to a Friend, That not the tenth Person abode in God's Ways: and that the more did part Stakes with the Papist and Protestant. So that they became mangy Mongrels, to the infecting of all the Company with them, to their no small Peril. For they pretended Popery outwardly, going to Mass with the Papists, and tarrying with them personally at their Antichristian and Idolatrous Service: but with their Hearts, they said, and with their Spirits they served the Lord. And so by this means, said he, as they saved their Pigs, I mean, their worldly Pleasures, which they would not lose, so they would please the Protestants, and be counted with them for Gospelers. This whole Letter deserveth to be transcribed, as I meet with it in one of the Foxian Manuscripts, but that I find it printed already at Oxon by Dr. Ironside, in the Year 1688.  
The same Bradford counselled the true Protestants not to consort with these Compliers, 
Counsels not to consort with them.  but to deal with them as a certain eminent Man, named Simeon Archbishop of Seleucia, did with Vstazades, an ancient Courtier to Sapores King of Persia, who by his threatenings and Persuasions had prevailed with the said Courtier, a Christian, to bow his Knee to the Sun. 
Tripart. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 2.  For which base compliance Simeon passing by where this Vstazades was, formerly his great Friend and Acquaintance, would not now look at him, but seemed to contemn and despise him. Which when he perceived, it pierced him so to the Heart, that he began to pull asunder his Clothes, and to rend his Garments, and with weeping Eyes cried out, Alas! that ever he had so offended God in his Body, to bow to the Sun. For, saith he, I have herein denied God, although I did it against my Will. And how sore is God displeased with me, with whom mine old Father and Friend, Simeon, his dear Servant, will not speak, nor look towards me? I may by the Servant's Countenance perceive the Master's Mind. This Lamentation came to the King's Ear; and therefore he was sent for, and demanded the Cause of his Mourning. He out of Hand told him the Cause to be his unwilling bowing to the Sun. By it, said he, I have denied God. And therefore, because he will deny them that deny him, I have no little cause to complain and mourn. woe unto me, for I have played the Traitor to Christ, and also dissembled with my Liege Lord. No Death therefore is sufficient for the least of my Faults; and I am worthy of two Deaths. When the King heard this, it went to his Stomach; for he loved Vstazades, who had been to him and to his Father, a faithful Servant and Officer. Howbeit the Malice of Satan moved him to cause this Man to be put to Death. Yet in this Point he seemed to gratify him. For Vstazades desired that the Cause of his Death might be published. This I ask, said he, for the Guerdon of my Time-service to thee, and to thy Father. Which the King readily granted, thinking, that when the Christians should all know it, it would make them the more afraid, and sooner to consent to him. But so soon as it was published, and Vstazades put to death, Lord, how it comforted not only Simeon, then being in Prison, but also all the Christians? Bradford having told this History, improved it after this Tenor. This History, I wish, said he, were marked, as well of us as of all our Popish Gospelers, which have none other things to excuse them, than Vstazades had. For his Heart was with God, howsoever he framed his Body. We should behave ourselves straight against such Brethren, as Simeon did; and then they the sooner would play Vstazades Part. Which thing, no marvel, though they do not, so long as we rock them asleep, by regarding them, and their Companions, as daily we do: and so are partakers of their Evil; and at the length shall feel of their Smart and Punishment.  
Of these outward Compliers with the Mass, was one Ann Hartipol, 
Ann Hartipol goes to Mass.  that formerly harboured the Lady Ann Ascue, burnt in King Henry's Reign. She now went to Mass, pretending her Conscience to be ●ound before God, and that her Conscience gave her leave to go. To whom Philpot wrote an excellent Letter, which is extant among the Letters of the Martyrs.  

Pag. 247.  The People of this Practice had been tampering with the Lady Vane, a pious Lady, 
The Lady Vane puts certain Cases concerning the Mass.  and a great Benefactor to the poor Prisoners of Christ: Insomuch that she propounded to Bradford three Questio●s concerning the Mass, being Cases of Conscience, what she were best to do, whether to go to it, or not? He told her in a Letter, That the Questions would never be well seen nor answered, until the Thing whereof they arose were well considered. That is, how great an Evil it was: That there was never Thing upon the Earth so great, and so much an Adversary to God's true Service, to Christ's Death, Passion, Priesthood, Sacrifice and Kingdom, to the Ministry of God's Word and Sacrament, to the Church of God, to Repentance, Faith, and all true Godliness of Life; as that was whereof the Questions arose. And that therefore a Christian Man could not but so much the more abhor it, and all things that in any Point might seem to allow it, or any thing pertaining to the same. Bradford also writ a little Book on this Argument, entitled▪ The Hurt of the Mass. This Book he sent to his Acquaintance, to stop their going to the Popish Service; and particularly to Mr. Shaleros', a Friend of his in Lancashire; and recommended the reading of it to one Riddleston, that had defiled himself in this false Service.   

CHAP. XVII. 
An. 1555.  A bloody Time. The Queen's great Belly. A Convocation.  
THE Year 1555, was a bloody Year, and many honest People, 
Many burned.  both of the Clergy and Laity, were burnt alive in all Parts, because they believed not Transubstantiation. Insomuch that a tender Heart cannot but shrink at the very remembrance thereof.  
And as if there were a kind of Delight in this sort of cruel Executions, Instructions were sent abroad, in the beginning of the Year, 
Instructions to the Justices.  unto the Justices of Peace through all Counties in England, to inquire diligently in every Parish for Persons disaffected to the Popish Religion. And in each Parish were some appointed to be secret Informers against the rest. And for the better discovery of such poor Professors of the Gospel, that fled from Place to Place for their Safety, the Constables, and four or more of the Catholic sort in every Parish, were authorized to take Examination of all such as might be suspected, how they lived, and where they were? And such as absented from the Mass, and conformed not themselves to the Church, were to be brought before the Justices: Who were to persuade them to conform; and if they would not, to bind them to good Abearing, or commit them to Prison. The Justices were also commanded, by another Order soon after, to deliver such as leaned to Erroneous and Heretical Opinions, and would not be reclaimed by the Justices, to the Ordinaries, to be by them travailed with; and continuing Obstinate, to have the Laws executed upon them.  
May 27. 
Orders sent into Norfolk against the Professors.  These Orders came from the King and Queen to the Justices of Norfolk: Which, as I extract from a Manuscript, relating the Orders sent into that County, were in these special Articles.  
I. To divide themselves into several Districtions.  
II. To assist such Preachers as should be sent; [For it was thought convenient to send abroad Itinerary Preachers, as was done in the last King's Reign, who should by their Doctrine endeavour to reduce the People to the old Religion] and to use them reverently, and to be present at their Sermons; and to travail soberly with such as abstained from coming to Church, or by any other open Doings, should appear not persuaded to conform themselves: and to use others that be wilful and perverse, more roundly, either by rebuking them, or binding them to good Behaviour, or by imprisoning them, as the Quality of the Persons, and the Circumstance of their Doings may deserve.  
III. To lay special wait for Teachers of Heresies, and Procurers of secret Meetings to that purpose. That they and their Families show good Examples, and begin first to reform their Servants, if any of them be faulty.  
IV. To apprehend spreaders of false and seditious Rumours.  
V. To procure one or more in every Parish, secretly instructed, to give information of the Behaviour of the Inhabitants.  
VI To charge the Constable, and four or more Catholic Inhabitants of every Parish, to give account of idle Vagabonds and suspected Persons, [meaning by these the poor Professors, or Preachers of the Gospel, who crept about for their own Safety, and had no settled Habitation] and the Retainers of such Persons. To observe Hue and Cry; and to look after the Watches in every Parish.  
VII. To send an Account of Felons, etc. when any should be apprehended.  
VIII. To meet every Month, and confer about these Matters.  

The Effect thereof.  Whereupon the Justice's meeting together, it was resolved by them to obey every of the said Orders: Particularly concerning the Fifth they resolved, That these secret Informations should be given to the Justices; and that the accused Parties should be examined, without knowledge by whom they were accused.  

The Earl of Sussex receiveth Information against some.  The Earl of Sussex lived in that County, and was one of chief Trust there: For this Earl had Command in Norfolk of Queen Mary's Army, when she first laid her Claim to the Crown; and managed it with that Prudence and Conduct, that others were induced by his Means to come in. This Earl received several Informations against Ministers and others; for it seems, notwithstanding all these severe Usages, the Popish Mass had not yet so prevailed every where, but that in divers places there were some remainders of King Edward's Reformation and Service. Among the rest, the Curate of old Bokenham, and divers in that Parish, were complained of, because the Ceremonies of the holy Time of Easter were not observed there. And it seems the Bishop's Officers themselves were not all so diligent as they should be. The Earl signified this Information to Hopton the Bishop; who being in his Visitation soon after, sent for several of the Parish, and made his Inquiries, but found things in other sort than were represented to the Earl. And being returned to his House at Norwich, informed him hereof, and desired the Earl to inform him further, if any thing were amiss, even amongst his own Officers, and he would endeavour to reform them.  

Popish Spies set every where.  In these Times, for the better taking up of all Gospelers, there were certain Spies and secret Informers set every where, to give notice of any that came not to Church, or that spoke any thing against the Superstitions. For London were john Avales, Beard, and others: For Stepney one Banbury, a Shifter, a Dicer, and a Whoremonger. By which means none almost could be safe. Yet the Professors made▪ some Provision against this Evil. There were some, that kept them Company, who were honest Men; by whom they often had secret Intelligence what Persons Avales and Beard intended to take up. And so several by shifting Places and Houses, were preserved. The Knight-Marshal, Sir Thomas Holcroft, the Under-Marshal, the Knight-Marshal's Secretary, were secret Friends of the Protestants: and when Designs were laid to take any of them, some signification was often privately brought them, that Search would within some few Hours be made for them; and therefore that they should depart from their Lodgings, and conceal themselves. And when any good Men were under their Hands in Prison, they would take all occasions to show them Kindness, 
The Protestants frequently assemble.  as far as safely they might.  
But notwithstanding these Persecutions, and that very few of the Ministers remained, being either burnt or fled; yet the Protestants in London had very frequently their Assemblies. And sometimes for want of Preachers of the Clergy, Laymen exercised. Among these, I find one old Henry Dance, a Bricklayer of White-chappel, who used to preach the Gospel in his Garden every Holiday: Where would be present sometimes a thousand People.  
The very beginning of May there was exceeding Joy among the Papists for the Birth of an Heir-male to the Crown. 
Confidently reported that a Male-Heir to the Crown was Born.  Whereof the Report was so confident every where, that in the County of Norfolk, the Mayor of Norwich sent word of it to the Earl of Sussex; and the Bishop had Te Deum sung in the Cathedral and other Places of the City. And all expressions of Joy both in City and Country were shown. And so it was, no question, in other Parts of the Nation. And which is more strange, so long did this Bruit hold, that besides the first Intelligence thereof brought to Norwich, within a day or two after came two Persons more averring the Truth thereof. The Bishop desired the Earl, according as he heard, if he had any further knowledge, to impart it to him. The Contents of all this may be read in the Original Letter, which is transcribed into the Appendix. 
No. LXXXVII.   
But the belief of the Queen's great Belly went not over so. 
The Queen's great Belly.  For than it was given out▪ that in june about Whitsuntide was the Time that the Queen expected her Delivery: and Midwives, Rockers and Nurses were provided. And just when that Time came, another Rumour was blown about in London, that the Queen was delivered of a Child. And the Bells were rung, Bonfires and Processions made: and in most parts of the Realm so it was. Nay in Antwerp Guns were shot off by the English Ships, and the Lady Regent rewarded the Mariners with an hundred Pistols.  
But there happened now two things which make it seem, as though all this were but Design to impose upon the Belief of the World. 
Like a Design.  The one was this: There was a Woman, living near Aldersgate, delivered june the 11 th', 1555, being Whitsunday Morning, 
Fox. p. 1450.  of a Manchild. Unto whom the Lord North, and another Lord came, and desired to have her Child from her, with very fair Offers. As that her Child should be well provided for, and that She should take no care for it, if She would swear, that She never knew nor had such Child. And after this, other Women came to her: of whom one, they said, should have been the Rocker. But She would in no case part with her Child. This very Woman, before Witness, made this Declaration unto Mr. Fox and others▪ about the Year 1568, while he was printing his Book: but he leaves it to the liberty of the Reader to believe what he list. Add to this one other Passage of a Man within four Miles of Berwick▪ who speaking of the Bonfires for Joy of the Birth of a Prince, said, There was a joyful Triumph, but at length all would not prove worth a Mess of Pottage.  
As the Queen's great Belly gave these great Disappointments, 
The Queen's Zeal.  so while She went with it, it gave her occasion to be more severe against the poor Gospelers, who were now daily burnt. For She thought, and so She said, She could not be safely and happily delivered, nor that any thing could succeed prosperously with her, unless all the Heretics in Prison were burnt ad unum, not sparing one. Which Cruelty I do suppose her Priests and Confessors put into her Head. 
Pet. Martyr ad Pet. Alexand.   

A Convocation.  There was a Convocation in November this Year; Wherein Cardinal Pole presided. The Queen gave him a Licence under the Great Seal, to hold a Synod. Wherein She ordered him to decree what Canons he thought fit. So he composed a Book, with a very specious Title, viz. Reformatio Angliae, Ex Decretis Reginaldi Poli Cardinalis, etc. which was printed. A Manuscript Copy whereof was in the famous Library of Mr. Smith, of late Years sold by Auction. The Decrees of this Book, in number Twelve, were agreed to in February. They are briefly set down by the Bishop of Sarum in his History. 
Part II. p. 324.  There was an Article made in Favour of Non-residences; 
Vol. intit. Synodalia.  which I meet with in the Benet-Library: There is no Date, but I strongly conjecture it is to be laid to this Convocation. The Cardinal seemed not to favour Non-residences; but the rich Clergy, and Dignitaries were of another Mind: wherefore they made this Proposition;  
Decretum perpetuae Residentiae juxta Canonum Sanctiones optant pii▪ sed multa sunt, quae hodie impediunt, quominus suum effectum juxta bonorum virorum vota consequatur. To which are subjoined Reasons for this Proposition; and Remedies for this evil. Which may be read in the Appendix. 
N. LXXXVIII.    

CHAP. XVIII. Ridley and Latimer burnt.  

Some petition the Queen for Cranmer.  WE can declare little this Year of the poor Archbishop, being now a Prisoner at Oxford, and out of all place of Action. The Archbishopric was sequestered into the Hands of Cardinal Pole, and his Palace at Lambeth appointed for the Cardinal's Abode. In a Petition, that some of those that were abroad had sent over to the Queen this Year, to dissuade her from these Persecutions that were now so rigorously set on foot in England, they interceded for Cranmer, putting her in mind how he had once preserved her in her Father's Time, by his earnest Intercessions with him for her. So that, they said, she had more reason to believe he loved her, and would speak the Truth to her, than she had of all the rest of the Clergy. But, alas, this did little good.  

He seeth Ridley and Latimer going to their burning.  In October, Ridley and Latimer were brought forth to their Burning; and passing by Cranmers Prison, Ridley looked up to have seen him, and to have taken his Farewell of him; but he was not then at the Window, being engaged in Dispute with a Spanish Friar. But he looked after them, and devoutly falling upon his Knees, prayed to God to strengthen their Faith and Patience in that their last, but painful Passage.  
HUGH LATIMER Bishop of WORCESTER Martyred 16 Octob. 1555  
The Writer of all this said, He knew certain Men, which, through the persuasion of their Friends, went unto his Sermons, swelling blown full, and puffed up like Esop's Frogs, with Envy and Malice against him; but when they returned, his Sermon being done, and demanded how they liked him, and his Doctrine, they answered, with the Bishops and Pharisees Servants, There was never Man spoke like unto this Man. He would also speak freely against buying and selling of Benefices, against promoting such to the Livings of Spiritual Ministers, which were unlearned and ignorant in the Law of God; against Popish Pardons; against the reposing our Hope in our own Works, or in other men's Merits. He was also a charitable Man, when he was at Cambridg, according to his Ability, to poor Scholars and other needy People: So conformable was his Life to his Doctrine. Insomuch that there was a common Saying in that University, When Mr. Stafford read, and Latimer preached, then was Cambridg blessed.  

Cranmers Employment in Prison.  But to return to our ABp in his Prison. Where he divided his melancholy Time, partly in Dispute and Discourses with Learned Men of the contrary Persuasion, who laboured to bring him over, thinking thereby to obtain a great Glory to their Church; and partly in preparing an Answer to Bishop Gardiner, under the name of Marcus Antonius, in vindication of his own Book concerning the Sacrament. And he finished three Parts in Prison. Two whereof were lost in Oxford; and one came into the Hands of john Fox, as he tells us himself; which, he said, was ready to be seen and set forth, as the Lord should see good. Bishop Ridley also in his Confinement wrote Marginal Annotations on the side of Gardiner's said Book, with the Lead of a Window, for want of Pen and Ink. Great pity it is, that these last Studies of the Archbishop are lost: For even that part which was once in Fox's Custody, is gone with his Fellows, for aught that I can find among his Papers.  
It was some time before this, that there was a Report spread, that the Queen was Dead. 
Report of the Queen's Death.  The Rumour presently extended itself over the Seas. Which occasioned the Death of one pious Professor of the Gospel, namely, Bartlet Green a Lawyer. For Christopher Goodman having writ to him, his former Acquaintance in Oxford, to certify him of the Truth thereof, he in a Letter in answer wrote thus, The Queen is not yet Dead. This and divers other Letters, that were given to a Bearer, to carry beyond Sea to the Exiles there, were intercepted; and being read at the Council, some would have it to amount to Treason, as though there had been a Plot carrying on against the Queen's Life. But the Law not making those words Treason, he after long lying in the Tower, was sent by the Council to Bishop Boner. Who upon examination found him too firm to be moved from the Doctrine of the Gospel: and so condemned him to the Fire.   

CHAP. XIX. The last Proceedings with Cranmer.  
AFter Ridley and Latimer were dispatched, 
Proceedings against Cranmer.  and had sealed their Doctrine with their Blood at Oxford: the said Course was resolved to be taken with Cranmer late Archbishop, but now the Arch-Heretick, as he was esteemed by them. They had been all three condemned, and adjudged Heretics by Dr. Weston in the University of Oxford, after their Disputations. But that Sentence was void in Law; because the Authority of the Pope was not yet received: Therefore they were tried and judged upon new Commissions. The Commission for judging the two former was from Pole the Cardinal, Lord Legate. Wherein the Commissioners constituted were, White Bishop of Lincoln, Brooks Bishop of Gloucester▪ and Holiman Bishop of Bristol. But there was a new Commission sent from Rome for the Conviction of Cranmer. Brooks of Gloucester was the Pope's Sub-delegate under Cardinal Puteo▪ to whom the Pope had committed this Process; and Martin and Story, Doctors of the Civil Law, were the Queen's Commissioners: The former of which was now, or soon after, for his good Services, made one of the Masters in Chancery, and was much employed in these Trials of poor Men. Notwithstanding this Man complied in Q. Elizabeth's Reign, and took his Oath against the Pope now a second Time. In this Commission from the Pope, he decreed, in a formality of Words, That the ABp should have Charity and Justice showed to him, and that he should have the Laws in most ample manner to answer in his behalf. He decreed also, That the said Archbishop should come before the Bishop of Gloucester, as high Commissioner from his Holiness, for the examination of such Articles as should be produced against him: and that Martin and Story should require, in the King and Queen's Name, the Examination of him. In pursuance of this Command from the Pope, and in Obedience to the King and Queen, they came down to Oxon upon this Commission; and Septemb. 12. (which was seven days before the Condemnation of Latimer and Ridley) sat in S. Mary's Church, accompanied with many other Doctors, and suchlike; and among the rest, the Pope's Collector. The Archbishop was brought forth out of Prison, habited in a fair black Gown, and his Hood of Doctor of Divinity on both Shoulders. Then some Proctor said aloud, Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, appear here, and make answer to that which shall be laid to thy Charge for Blasphemy, Incontinency and Heresy. What due Honour the Archbishop gave unto the Queen's Commissioners, as representing the Supreme Authority of the Nation, and how he gave none to Brooks, the Pope's Representative, keeping on his Cap; and the Speeches, that the said Brooks, and the other two made unto him, with the Archbishop's discreet and excellent Answers, still interposing his Protestation against Brooks his Authority, may be seen at large in Fox's Monuments.  

Martin acts as the Queen's Proctor.  Only it may not be amiss here briefly to mention, (for the better understanding of the Form of the Process) that after the Archbishop was cited, as before was said, into the Court, the Bishop of Gloucester first made an Oration, directed unto the Archbishop at the opening of his Commission. Next Dr. Martin made a short Speech; and being with Dr. Story, appointed the King's and Queen's Attorneys, he offered unto the said Bishop their Proxy, sealed with the Broad-Seal of England; and then presenting himself to be Proctor on their behalf. After that, he proceeded to exhibit certain Articles against the Archbishop, containing Adultery and Perjury, (the one for being Married, the other for breaking his Oath to the Pope.) Also he exhibited Books of Heresy, made partly by him, and partly by his Authority published. And so produced him as a Party principal to answer to his Lordship. After this, having leave given him, the Archbishop beginning with the Lord's Prayer and Creed, made a long and learned Apology for himself. Which is preserved to Posterity in the Acts and Monuments.  

His greatest Trouble at this Time.  By his Discourse before the Commissioners it appeared, how little he was taken with the splendour of worldly Things. For he professed, That the loss of his Promotions grieved him not: He thanked God as heartily for that poor and afflicted State in which he then was, as ever he did for the Times of his Prosperity. But that which stuck closest to him, as he said, and created him the greatest Sorrow, was, to think that all that Pains and Trouble, that had been taken by K. Henry and himself, for so many Years, to retrieve the Ancient Authority of the Kings of England, and to vindicate the Nation from a Foreign Power, and from the Baseness and infinite Inconveniences of crouching to the Bishops of Rome, should now thus easily be quite undone again. And therefore, he said, all his Trouble at that time, and the greatest that ever he had in his Life, was to see the King and Queen's Majesties, by their Proctors there, to become his Accusers, and that in their own Realm and Country, before a Foreign Power. For that if he had transgressed the Laws of the Land, their Majesties had sufficient Authority and Power, both from God, and the Ordinance of the Realm, to punish him. Whereunto he would be at all times content to submit himself.  

Interrogatories put to him, with his Answers.  At this time of his Trial, several Interrogatories were administered unto him, to make answer to: As concerning his Marriage; Concerning his setting abroad Heresies, and making and publishing certain Books of Heresy. To which he confessed, That the Catechism, and the Book of Articles, and the Book against Bishop Gardiner, were of his doing. Concerning subscribing those Articles, and his compelling Persons to subscribe. Which he denied; but that he exhorted them that were willing to subscribe, he acknowledged. Concerning his open maintaining his Errors in Oxon: [Whereas they brought him to the Disputation themselves.] Concerning his being noted with the Infamy of Schism; and that he moved the King and Subjects of his Realm, to recede from the Catholic Church and See of Rome. Which he acknowledged: but that their Departure, or Recess, had in it no matter of Schism. Concerning his being twice sworn to the Pope. And Dr. Martin then showed a Copy of his Protestation against the Pope at his Consecration, under a public Notary's Hand. That he took upon him the See of Rome, in consecrating Bishops, and Priests, without Leave or Licence from the said See. To which he answered, That it was permitted to him by the Public Laws of the Realm Concerning his standing out still to subscribe to the Pope's Authority, when the whole Nation had. This being done, a public Notary entered his Answers. Then the Bishop of Gloucester made another Speech, at breaking up of this Meeting, and Dr. Story another, reflecting upon what Cranmer had said, with Reviling and Taunts.  
The last thing they did at this Meeting was to swear several Persons, who were the next Day to declare what they knew, 
Witnesses sworn against him.  or could remember against this Reverend Father. And these were Dr. Marshal Dean of Christ's-Church, a most furious and zelotical Man; and who to show his spite against the Reformation, had caused Peter Martyr's Wife, who deceased while he was the King's Professor, to be taken out of her Grave, and buried in his Dunghill: Dr. Smith Public Professor, who had recanted most solemnly in K. Edward's Days, and to whom the Archbishop was a good Friend, yet not long afterwards he wrote against his Book, and was now sworn a Witness against him: Dr. Tresham a Canon of Christ-Church, who was one of the Disputers against Cranmer, and had said, in his Popish Zeal, That there were 600 Errors in his Book of the Sacrament: Dr. Crook; Mr. London, a Relation I suppose of Dr. London, who came to shame for his false Accusation of Cranmer and others in K. Henry's Reign; and now this Man, 'tis like, was willing to be even with Cranmer, for his Relation's sake: Mr. Curtop, another Canon of Christ's-Church, formerly a great Hearer of P. Martyr, Mr. Ward; Mr. Serles, the same, I suppose, who belonged to the Church of Canterbury, and had been among the number of the Conspirators against him in K. Henry's Days. And these being sworn, the Archbishop was allowed to make his Exceptions against any of them. Who resolutely said, He would admit none of them all, being perjured Men, having sworn against the Pope, and now received and defended him; And that therefore they were not in Christian Religion. And so the good Father was remitted back for that time to Prison again.  
I know not what the Depositions of these Witnesses were, 
Cited to Rome.  given in against him the next Day. For Fox relates nothing thereof, nor any other, as I know of. Doubtless they were some of the Doctrines that he preached, or taught, or defended, in Canterbury formerly, or more lately in his Disputations in the Schools, or in his Discourses in his Prison, or at Christ's-Church, where he sometimes was entertained. But to all that was objected against him he made his Answers. And the last thing they of this Commission did, was to cite him to appear at Rome within eighty Days, to make there his Answer in Person▪ Which he said, He would be content to do, if the King and Queen would send him. And so he was again remanded back to durance, where he still remained. And an account of what these Commissioners had done, was dispatched to Rome forthwith. From whence the final Sentence was sent in December next.  

The Pope's Letters against him.  Then Pope Paul sent his Letters Executory unto the King and Queen, and to the Bishops of London and Ely, to degrade and deprive him: and in the end of those fourscore Days he was declared Contumax, as wilfully absenting himself from Rome, when he was summoned to go, though he was detained in Prison; which might have been a lawful and just Excuse. But these Matters must proceed in their Form, whatsoever Absurdity or Falsehood there were in them.  

The Process against him at Rome.  By these Letters Executory, (which are in the first Edition of Fox, but omitted in all the rest) we may collect how the Process went against Cranmer at Rome, which I shall here briefly set down. First, the King and Queen sent their Information to the Pope against Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, viz. That he had brought this noble Realm from the Unity of the Catholic Church. That he was a Person guilty of Heresy, and many other grand Crimes, and not worthy to enjoy his Bishopric, and most worthy greater Punishments, and they requested that Process might be made against him. For the better enquiry into, and taking cognizance of the Truth of these Accusations, the Pope gave a special Commission, signed with his Hand, to james Puteo, Cardinal of S. Mary's, and afterwards of S. Simeon, to cite the said Thomas before him, and all such Witnesses as should be needful, to come to a true knowledge of the Archbishop's Crimes: and accordingly to give the Pope an account of all he should find. This he was to do in his own Person, or to constitute any dignified Person, abiding in these Parts, to do the same. So the said Cardinal appointed Brooks Bishop of Gloucester, and some Colleagues with him, to manage this Commission in his stead. This Brooks, having been Bishop Gardiner's Chaplain, was probably nominated and recommended by the said Gardener, as I do suppose he was the Person that directed the whole managery of this Process against the Archbishop. And so Brooks, being now by this Deputation the Pope's Sub-delegate, proceeded in this Cause, as was said before. In regard of the Archbishop's Citation to Rome to answer there, and make his personal appearance before the Pope, the Letters Executory say, Comparere non curaret, as an Aggravation of his Crime, that he took no care to appear, (which was false;) and that therefore, as the said Letters ran, the King and Queen's Proctors at Rome, named Peter Rovilius, and Anthony Massa de Gallesio, and Alexander Palentarius, the Proctor of the Pope's Treasury, had sued that Contumacy might be definitively pronounced against the said Thomas Cranmer, being cited and not appearing. Therefore, He, Pope Paul IV. sitting in the Throne of Justice, and having before his Eyes God alone, who is the Righteous Lord, and judgeth the World in Righteousness, did make this definitive Sentence, pronouncing and decreeing the said Thomas Cranmer to be found Guilty of the Crimes of Heresy and other Excesses, to be wholly unmindful of the Health of his Soul, to go against the Rules and Ecclesiastical Doctrines of the Holy Fathers, and against the Apostolical Traditions of the Roman Church and Sacred Councils, and the Rites of the Christian Religion hitherto used in the Church; especially against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord, and Holy Orders; by thinking and teaching otherwise, than the Holy Mother Church preacheth, and observeth; and by denying the Primacy and Authority of the Apostolic See; and against the Processions, which every Year, on Corpus Christi Day, were wont to be celebrated by the Pope's Predecessors. Mention also is made of his Bringing in again the Heresy abjured by Berengarius, of his believing the false and heretical Doctrines of Wicklif and Luther, those Arch-heretics: printing of Books of that nature, and publishing them, and defending those Doctrines in public Disputations, and that before his Sub-delegate, and persisting herein with Obstinacy. Therefore the Pope excommunicated him, and deprived him of his Archbishopric, and all other Places▪ and Privileges whatsoever, and adjudged him to be delivered over to the Secular Court, and all his Goods to be confiscate. And the Pope absolved all Persons from any Oath of Fidelity given to Cranmer, and imposed perpetual Silence upon him. And moreover, upon the instance of the abovesaid Proctors, commanded the Bishops of London and Ely to degrade him, and so to deliver him over to the Secular Court. This bore date December 14.  
In obedience to these Letters from Rome, the two Bishops, 
The Pope's Letters read.  the Pope's Delegates, came down to Oxford; and sitting in the Choir of Christ's-Church, before the High Altar, the said Commissional Letters were read: wherein it was specified, That all things were indifferently examined on both Parties, and Counsel heard as well on the King's and Queen's behalf, who were Cranmers Accusers, as on the behalf of Cranmer, so that he wanted nothing to his necessary Defence. Whereat the Archbishop could not but exclaim (while these things were reading) against such manifest Lies, That, as he said, when he was continually in Prison, and could never be suffered to have Counsel or Advocate at Home, he should produce Witness, and appoint his Counsel at Rome. God must needs punish, added he, this open and shameless Lying.  
But this Command of Degrading our Archbishop was presently proceeded upon: Thomas Thirlby Bishop of Ely, his old Friend, 
They degrade him.  infinitely before-time obliged by the Archbishop, shed many Tears at the doing of it. So that Cranmer moved at it, was fain to comfort him, and told him, He was well contented with it. So they apparelled the Archbishop in all the Garments and Ornaments of an Archbishop; only in mockery every thing was of Canvas, and old Clouts. And the Crosier was put into his Hand. And then he was, piece by piece, stripped of all again. When they began to take away his Pal, he asked them, Which of them had a Pal, to take away his Pal? They then answered, acknowledging they were his Inferiors, as Bishops, but as they were the Pope's Delegates, they might take away his Pal. While they were thus spoiling him of all his Garments, he told them, That it needed not; for that he had done with this Gear long ago. While this was doing, Boner made a Triumphant Speech against the poor Archbishop. But when they came to take away his Crosier, he held it fast, and would not deliver it: but pulled out an Appeal out of his left Sleeve under his Wrist, and said, I appeal unto the next General Council; and herein I have comprehended my Cause, 
He Appeals.  and the Form of it, which I desire may be admitted. And prayed divers times to the standers by to be Witnesses, naming them by their Names. This Appeal is preserved in Fox, which is well worthy the reading.  

He is ill dealt with in his Process.  The Archbishop was all along ill dealt with in divers respects in this his Process, which himself was well sensible of. One was, That he had desired the Court, that considering he was upon his Life, he might have the use of Proctors, Advocates and Lawyers. But they would allow him none. After the Court, wherein Brooks was Sub-delegate, had done, they promised him that he should see his Answers to Sixteen Articles, that they had laid against him; that he might correct, amend and change them, where he thought good. And that Promise they performed not. And so entered his Answers upon record, though his Answer was not made upon Oath, nor reserved, nor made in judicio, but extra judicium. Which Cranmer made a Protest of: But not to the Bishop of Gloucester, as Judge, whom he would not own, but to the King's and Queen's Proctors, Martin and Story. To them, for these Reasons, he wrote a Letter, That he trusted they would deal sincerely with him, without Fraud or Craft, and use him as they would wish to be used in the like case themselves: Bidding them remember that with what Measure they meet, it should be measured to them again.  

The Reasons of his Appeal.  Therefore to make himself some amends for all this foul Dealing, his last Refuge was an Appeal. Whereof he seriously bethought himself, when, and in what manner to make it. The Causes for his resolving upon it, besides those already mentioned, were, because he remembered Luther once did so in such a Case; and that he might not seem rashly to cast away his own Life; and because he was bound by his Oath never to receive the Pope's Authority in this Realm; and because the Commissioners had broken their Promise with him, as above was said: and because he thought the Bishop of Rome was not an indifferent Judge in this Cause, which was his own Cause: for all the Archbishop's Troubles came upon him for departing from him. He therefore wrote privately to a trusty Friend, and Learned in the Law, then in the University, to instruct him in the Order and Form of an Appeal: and whether he should first Appeal from the Judg-Delegate to the Pope, or else from that Judge immediately to a General Council. And so earnestly entreated him to lay aside all other Studies, and to take this in Hand presently, because he was summoned, to make his Answer at Rome, the sixteenth Day of this Month, that is, of February. There was one reason more moved him to Appeal, which must not be omitted, namely, that he might gain Time to finish his Answer to Marcus Antonius. He feared after all, they would not admit his Appeal. But he did not much pass, and desired God's Will might be done: So that God might be glorified by his Life or Death. He thought it much better to die in Christ's Quarrel, than to be shut in the Prison of the Body, unless it were for the advancement of God's Glory, and the Profit of his Brethren. This Letter of the Archbishop being writ with so much Strength and Presence of Mind, and showing so much Prudence and Wit, is happily preserved in Fox's Monuments where it may be read.  
This Appeal, 
He presseth his Appeal.  when the Archbishop had produced and preferred to the Bishop of Ely, he told him, That they could not admit of it, because their Commission was to proceed against him, Omni Appellatione remota. Cranmer replied, That this Cause was not every private Man's Cause, but that it was between the Pope and him immediately, and none otherwise: and that no Man ought to be Judge in his own Cause. And therefore they did him the more Wrong. So at last Thirlby received it of him, and said, If it might be admitted, it should.  
And so after this Interruption, they proceeded to degrade him, taking off the rest of his Habits. And then put him on a poor Yeoman-Beadle's Gown threadbare, and a Towns-man's Cap. And Boner told him, He was no Lord any more: and so was sent to Prison.   

CHAP. XX. Cranmer Writes to the Queen.  
AND now, 
Writes two Letters to the Queen.  having undergone these Brunts with all this Gravity, Discretion, Learning and Courage, he next resolved to give the Queen a true and impartial Account of these Transactions, to prevent Misreports, and to justify himself in what he had said and done. Two Letters therefore he wrote to her, but thought not fit to entrust them with the Commissioners, since Weston had served him such a Trick in the like Case before. In these Letters he related the reason of his refusing the Bishop of Gloucester for his Judge, and of his Appeal. For as he thought it his Duty at that juncture to declare himself in that public manner against the Bishop of Rome, so he reckoned he ought to declare himself also to the Supreme Magistrate. And therefore before the Bishop of Gloucester, and the Commissioners, he said, That as he had thus discharged his own Conscience towards the World, so he would also write his Mind to her Grace touching this Matter.  
He wrote to her, 
The Content● of the first.  That the twelfth Day of that Month he was cited to appear at Rome the eightieth Day after. And that it could not but grieve the Heart of a natural Subject to be accused by the King and Queen of his own Country, and before any outward Judge: as if the King and Queen were Subjects within their own Realm, and were fain to complain and require Justice at a Stranger's Hand against their own Subject, being already condemned to Death by their own Laws. As though the King and Queen could not have or do Justice within their own Realm, against their own Subjects; but they must seek it at a Stranger's Hand in a strange Land.  
Then he proceeded to show her, why he refused the Pope's Authority, when Brooks Bishop of Gloucester came to try him; namely, Because he was sworn never to consent, that the Bishop of Rome should have, or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction in the Realm of England. Another reason why he denied his Authority, was, Because his Authority repugned to the Crown Imperial of this Realm, and to the Laws of the same. For the Pope saith, all manner of Power, both Temporal and Spiritual, is given unto him of God: and that Temporal Power is given to Kings and Emperors to use it under him. Whereas contrary to this Claim, (said the Archbishop) the Imperial Crown of this Realm is taken immediately from God, to be used under him only, and is subject to none but God alone.  
Moreover, to the Imperial Laws of this Realm, all the Kings in their Coronations, and all Justices, when they receive their Offices, are sworn, and all the whole Realm bound to defend them. But contrary hereunto the Pope (he said) made void, and commanded to blot out of our Books, all Laws and Customs repugnant to his Laws.  
Then he proceeded to show, how contrary the Laws of the Realm, and the Pope's Laws were. And therefore that the Kings of this Realm had provided for their Laws by the Praemunire. So that if any Man let the execution of the Law by any Authority from the See of Rome, he fell into the Praemunire. And to meet with this, the Popes had provided for their Law by Cursing.  
He supposed that these things were not fully opened in the Parliament-house, when the Pope's Authority was received again: For if they were, he could not believe, that the King and Queen, the Nobles and Commons would again receive a Foreign Authority, so hurtful and prejudicial to the Crown, and to the Laws and State of this Realm. He rebuked the Clergy, who were the main Movers of this at the Parliament, for their own Ends. For they desired to have the Pope their chief Head, to the intent that they might have, as it were, a Kingdom and Laws within themselves, distinct from the Laws of the Crown; and live in this Realm like Lords and Kings, without damage or fear of any Man. And then he glanced at some of the Clergy, [probably meaning Thirlby, Hethe, Tonstal, etc.] that they held their Peace for this Consideration, though they knew this well enough. Who if they had done their Duty to the Crown and Realm, should have opened their Mouths at this Time, and shown the Peril and Danger that might ensue to the Crown hereby.  
Another Cause he urged to the Queen, why he could not allow the Pope's Authority, was, Because he subverted not only the Laws of the Nation, but the Laws of God. So that whosoever be under his Authority, he suffered them not to be under Christ's Religion purely. For proof of which he gave these Instances. God's Will and Commandment is, that when the People be gathered together to serve God, the Ministers should use such a Language as the People might understand, and take profit thereby. For God said by the Mouth of S. Paul, As a Harp or Lute, if it give no certain sound, that Men may know what is stricken, who can dance after it? it is put in vain. So it is in vain, profiteth nothing, if the Priest speak to the People in a Language they know not. And whereas, when he urged this to the Commissioners, they told him, That that Place respected Preaching only. He told the Queen, That S. Paul's words meant it not only of Preaching, for that he spoke expressly of Praying, Singing and giving Thanks, and of all other things, which the Priests say in the Churches. And so (he said) all Interpreters, Greek and Latin, Old and New, School-Authors, and others, that he had read, understood it: Till about thirty Years past, Eckius and others of his Sort, began to invent this new Exposition. And so (he said) all the best Learned Divines, that met at Windsor 1549, for the Reformation of the Church, both of the New Learning and the Old, agreed without Controversy, (not one opposing) that the Service of the Church ought to be in the Mother-Tongue; and that that Place of S. Paul was so to be understood.  
Again, Christ ordained the Sacrament to be received of Christian People, under both Forms of Bread and Wine, and said, Drink ye all of this. The Pope gives a clean contrary Command, That no Layman shall drink of the Cup of their Salvation. So that if he should obey the Pope in these things, he must needs disobey his Saviour.  
Again, He instanced in the Pope's taking upon him to give the Temporal Sword to Kings and Princes, and to depose them from their Imperial States, if they were disobedient to him; and in commanding Subjects to disobey their Princes: Assoiling them as well from their Obedience, as their lawful Oaths made unto them; directly contrary to God's Commandment, that commandeth all Subjects to obey their Kings, and their Rulers under them.  
Then he spoke of the Superiority the Pope claimed above Kings and Emperors, and making himself Universal Bishop. And how his Flatterers told him he might dispense against God's Word, both against the Old and New Testament: and that whatsoever he did, though he drew innumerable People by heaps with himself to Hell, yet might no mortal Man reprove him; because he is the Judge of all Men, and might be judged by no Man. And thus he sat in the Temple of God, as he were a God, and named himself God, and dispensed against God. If this were not (he said) to play Antichrist's part, he knew not what Antichrist was, that is, Christ's Enemy and Adversary. Now (added he) until the time that such a Person may be found, Men might easily conjecture where to find Antichrist.  
He took God to record, that what he spoke against the Power and Authority of the Pope, he spoke it not for any Malice he ought to the Pope's Person, whom he knew not; nor for fear of Punishment, or to avoid the same; thinking it rather an Occasion to aggravate, than to diminish the same: but for his most bounden Duty to the Crown, Liberty, Laws and Customs of this Realm of England; and most especially to discharge his Conscience, in uttering the Truth to God's Glory, casting away all Fear by the Comfort which he had in Christ, who saith, Fear not them that kill the Body.  
As touching the Sacrament, he said,  
That forasmuch as the whole Matter stood in the understanding those words of Christ, This is my Body; This is my Blood: He told the Commissioners, That Christ in those words made demonstration of the Bread and Wine, and spoke figuratively, calling Bread his Body, and Wine his Blood; because he ordained them to be Sacraments of his Body and Blood. And he told them, He would be judged by the old Church, which Doctrine could be proved Elder; and that he would stand to. And that forasmuch as he had urged in his Book Greek and Latin Authors, which above a thousand Years continually taught as he did; if they could bring forth but one old Author, that said in these two Points as they said, he offered six or seven Years ago, and offered so still, that he would give place.  
Then he showed her how fond and uncomfortable the Papists Doctrine of the Sacrament is: For of one Body of Christ is made two Bodies: One natural, having distance of Members, with Form and Proportion of Man's perfect Body; and this Body is in Heaven. But the Body of Christ in the Sacrament, by their own Doctrine, must needs be a monstrous Body, having neither distance of Members, nor Form, Fashion or Proportion of a Man's natural Body. And such a Body is in the Sacrament, teach they, as goes into the Mouth with the Form of Bread, and entereth no further than the Form of Bread goes, nor tarrieth no longer than the Form of Bread is by natural Heat digesting. So that when the Form of Bread is digested, the Body of Christ is gone. And what Comfort (said he) can be herein to any Christian Man, to receive Christ's unshapen Body, and it to enter no further than the Stomach, and depart by and by as soon as the Bread is consumed? It seemed to him a more sound and comfortable Doctrine, that Christ hath but one Body, and that hath Form and Fashion of a Man's true Body. Which Body spiritually entereth into the whole Man, Body and Soul. And though the Sacrament be consumed, yet whole Christ remaineth, and feedeth the Receiver unto eternal Life, if he continue in Godliness, and never departeth until the Receiver forsaketh him.  
That if it could be showed him, that the Pope's Authority be not prejudicial to the things beforementioned; or that his Doctrine of the Sacrament be erroneous, than he would never stand perversely in his own Opinion, but with all humility submit himself to the Pope, not only to kiss his Feet, but another Part also.  
For all these Reasons he could not take the Bishop of Gloucester for his Judge, representing, as he did, this Pope. But another Reason was, in respect of his own Person, being more than once perjured, having been divers times sworn never to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have any Jurisdiction within this Realm, but to take the King and his Successors for Supreme Heads thereof. And he was perjured again, in taking his Bishopric both of the Queen and the Pope, making to each of them a solemn Oath: Which Oaths be so contrary, that the one must needs be Perjury. And further, in swearing to the Pope, to maintain his Laws, Decrees, Constitutions and Ordinances, he declared himself an Enemy to the Imperial Crown, and to the Laws of the Realm. Whereby he showed himself not worthy to sit as a Judge in this Realm.  
This was the Sum of this excellent Letter of the Archbishop to the Queen.  
He wrote another to her soon after: wherein he plainly told her, 
The Contents of his second Letter.  That at her Coronation, she took an Oath to the Pope, to be obedient to him, to defend his Person, to maintain his Authority, Honour, Laws and Privileges: And at the same time another Oath to the Kingdom, to maintain the Laws, Liberties and Customs of the same. He prayed her to weigh both Oaths, and see how they did agree; and then to do as her Grace's Conscience should give her: For he was sure (he said) she would not willingly offend. He feared there were Contradictions in her Oaths, and that those that should have informed her Majesty thoroughly, did not their Duties herein. He complained, that he was now kept from Company of Learned Men, from Books, from Counsel, and from Pen and Ink, saving to write to her Majesty at that time: and as to his appearance at Rome, he said, if she would give him leave, he would appear there; and he trusted God would put in his Mouth to defend his Truth there, as well as here.  
These Letters of his, 
The Bailiff of Oxford carrieth his Letters.  one of the Bailiffs of Oxon carried up to the Queen. Something else he wrote to her, enclosed and sealed; which he required Martin and Story to be delivered without delay, and not to be opened until it were delivered unto her own Hands. These and other of his smart and learned Letters, no question made Impression upon the Queen, or at least upon those that read them; for they were delivered by the Queen to no less a Person than the Holy Father, Cardinal Pole himself; who was advised to frame an Answer to them.  
So he wrote to the Archbishop in answer to one of them, 
Pole answereth them.  a long Letter, dated from St. James', Novemb. 6. Wherein he pretended a great deal of Compassion to his Soul; which he told him was ready to be lost, as well as his Body: And that the Condemnation that was lately passed on him, was so horrible to him to hear, that he testified to him before God, and upon the Salvation of his Soul, that he would rather choose to be the Means of bringing him to Repentance, than to receive the greatest Benefit that could be given him under Heaven in this World. Which the Cardinal might say, to take off the Odium of the Suspicion, as though he hastened Cranmers Death, that he might jump into his Place. And so the Cardinal proceeded to attempt to convince him in the two great Points of his Letter, viz. concerning the Authority of the Pope, and concerning the Sacrament of the Altar. Especially, because Cranmer had said in his Letter, That he would not be perverse, to stand wilfully in his own Opinion, if any could show him by Reason, that his Doctrines were Erroneous. But I refer the Reader to the Appendix, if he be minded to read the Cardinal's Letter; 
No. LXXXIX.  which I met with among Fox's Manuscripts. By comparing of this Letter of Pole's with that of Cranmers, any one may see a mighty difference. Strength, Evidence and Conviction in the Archbishop's, who had Truth on his Side, but a Flashiness and Debility in the Cardinal's, made up of poor Shifts and weak Arguings, and impertinent Allegations of Scripture, and personal Reflections, to help out a bad Cause.  
To mention some few of this sort. He charged the Archbishop with Covetousness and Ambition, 
Some Account of the Cardinal's Letter to Cranmer.  in affecting the Archbishopric. And then, by and by, not well remembering what he had said before, in his Heat against the good Archbishop, he gives a contrary Reason thereof, namely, That he might be in a capacity to reform the Church according to his Mind. And that it was for the sake of that, that he took an Oath to the Pope at his Consecration, though he were fain to make a Protestation against the said Oath. He said in this Letter, That the Archbishop's fall into Error, was not as the fall of others usually were, by Frailty or Curiosity, but by deliberate Malice: And that the Archbishop, by his Protestation that he made before he took his Oath to the Pope, broke his Oath, and was forsworn before he did swear. Which methinks is pretty strange. And concerning this Protestation, he said, It was a privy Protestation, and that he had privy Witnesses of it: Whereas it was done in the most open and public manner that could be, two or three times over, before Public Notaries, and by them entered on Record, on purpose that all might take notice of it. And whereas the Archbishop had said, That it was much more probable, that the Bread and Wine should be a Figure, than the real Body and Blood. The Cardinal said, The more probable it was, the more false; because the great Sophister and Father of Lies deceived by probability of Reason. The Consequence whereof one would think should be, the more improbable any Opinion in Religion was, the more true. But (he said) the true Doctrine was taught another way. He represented the Archbishop, as challenging them of the other Side to bring any one single Doctor of the Church, that ever spoke in favour of Transubstantiation; leaving out, For a thousand Years next after Christ, which the Archbishop expressly had said. And in fine, every where he triumphed over the Archbishop's wilful Blindness and Ignorance; and told him, in much Charity, That he was under the Vengeance of God, a Member of Satan, and damned. This, and a great deal more, may be seen in Pole's Letter.  
To which I might have added another Letter of the said Cardinal to the same Archbishop, 
Another Letter of the Cardinal to Cranmer.  concerning the Sacrament, a little after the Disputation at Oxford, but that it would be too prolix, being a just Treatise against Cranmers Book of that Argument. This Treatise bears this Title.  REGINALDI POLI Cardinalis Legati Apostolici Epistola ad Thomam Cranmerum, qui Archiepiscopalem sedem Cantuariensis Ecclesiae tenens, novam de Sacramento Eucharistiae Doctrinam contra perpetuum Catholicae Ecclesiae consensum professus est, ac tradidit. Qua Epistola eum nec Magistrum tanti Mysterii, neque Discipulum idoneum esse posse; Simulque unde hic ejus Error manarit, ostendit; E● ad poenitentiam hortatur.  

CHAP. XXI. He Recants, Reputes, and is burnt.  
HAving brought the Archbishop unto his Degradation and Appeal, wherein he showed so much Christian Courage, 
He Recants.  Wisdom and Fortitude, I must now represent him making a great Trip and a sad Fall; and mention one of the greatest Blemishes of his Life. For now the Popish Party, thinking what a piece of Glory it would be, to gain this great Man to their Church, used all Means, all Arts, as well as Arguments, to bring him to recant. They set the Doctors of the University upon him. He was entertained at the Dean of Christs-Church his Lodging: There they treated him with good Fare. They got him to Bowls with them. They let him have his Pleasure in taking the Air. Sometimes they accosted him with Arguments and Disputations: Sometimes by Flatteries, Promises and threatenings. They told him, The Noblemen bore him good Will: that his Return would be highly acceptable to the King and Queen. That he should enjoy his former Dignity in the Church; or if it liked him better, he should lead a quiet Life in more privacy▪ And that it was but setting his Name in two Words in a piece of Paper. They told him, the Queen was resolved to have Cranmer a Catholic, or no Cranmer at all. That he was still lusty and strong, and might live many a Year more, if he would not willingly cut off his own Life by the terrible Death of Burning. He rejected these Temptations a long while, but at last was overcome and yielded. The Recantation I shall not repeat, it being to be seen at large in Fox. It was signed by his Hand. The Witnesses thereunto were two or three, who had been exceedingly busy in tampering with him: One Sydal, (a great Professor in the last Reign) and john and Richard two Spanish Friars.  
The Doctors and Prelates caused this Recantation speedily to be printed and dispersed. When the Queen saw his Subscription, 
Notwithstanding his Burning is ordered.  she was glad of it, but would not alter her Determination to have him burned, by the instigation, as I suppose, of Pole the Legat. The Writ for which was sent down by Hethe, Lord Chancellor, in the latter end of February, under the Broad Seal. It was charged upon his Converters, that they were negligent in procuring his Life from the Queen: But the true Reason was, the Queen was resolved not to grant it. She privately gave Instruction to Cole, to prepare a Sermon to preach at his Burning: And several Lords, and other Justices of the Peace in those Parts, were ordered to attend there, with their Servants and Retinue, to keep Peace, and to see him Executed. Cole coming with his Errand to Oxon, visited him in the Prison, and asked him if he stood firm to what he had subscribed? This was the Day before his Execution, but saying nothing to him of his determined Death. The next Day, being the Day he was to be burned, viz. March 21. he came again, and asked him if he had any Money? And having none, he gave him certain Crowns to bestow to what Poor he would; and so departed, exhorting him to Con-Constancy. But the disconsolate Archbishop perceived to what this tended: and being by and by to be brought to S. Mary's, (where Cole was to preach) there openly to confess what he had more privately subscribed, he resolved with himself to disburden his Conscience, and to revoke his Recantation. And he prepared a Prayer, and a Declaration of his Faith, which he drew up in writing, and carried it privately along with him, to make use of it when he saw his Occasion. The manner how he behaved himself after Cole's Sermon, and how he delivered his last Mind, and with what Bitterness and Tears he did it; and how he was pulled down by the Scholars, Priests and Friars, with the greatest Indignation at this their Disappointment; and how he was led out of the Church forthwith to the Place of Burning, over against Balliol College: and how he there first put his right Hand into the Flames to be consumed, for that base Subscription that it made; and how his Heart was found whole and unconsumed in the Ashes, after he was burnt; These, and the rest of the Particulars of his Martyrdom, I might leave to Fox, and other Historians from him, to relate.  
Yet because it is not convenient so briefly to pass over such a remarkable Scene of his Life, 
A Letter from Oxford concerning Cranmers Death.  being his last appearance upon the Stage of this World, I shall represent it in the Words of a certain grave Person unknown, but a Papist, who was an Eye and Earwitness, and related these Matters, as it seems, very justly, in a Letter from Oxon to his Friend. Which is as followeth.  
But that I know for our great Friendship, and long-continued Love, 
Inter Foxii MSS.  you look even of Duty, that I should signify to you of the Truth of such things as here chanceth among us: I would not at this time have written to you the unfortunate End, and doubtful Tragedy of T. C. late Bishop of Canterbury: Because I little pleasure take in beholding of such heavy Sights. And when they are once overpassed, I like not to rehearse them again; being but a renewing of my Woe, and doubling my Grief. For although his former Life, and wretched End, deserves a greater Misery (if any greater might have chanced, than chanced unto him) yet setting aside his Offences to God and his Country, and beholding the Man without his Faults, I think there was none that pitied not his Case, and bewailed his Fortune, and feared not his own Chance, to see so noble a Prelate, so grave a Counsellor, of so long-continued Honour, after so many Dignities, in his old Years to be deprived of his Estate, adjudged to die, and in so painful a Death to end his Life. I have no delight to increase it. Alas, it is too much of itself, that ever so heavy a Case should betid to Man, and Man to deserve it.  
But to come to the matter: On Saturday last, being the 21 th' of March was his Day appointed to die. 
Cranmer brought to S. Mary's.  And because the Morning was much Rainy, the Sermon appointed by Mr. Dr. Cole to be made at the Stake, was made in S. Mary's Church. Whither Dr. Cranmer was brought by the Mayor and Aldermen, and my Lord Williams. With whom came divers Gentlemen of the Shire, Sir T. A Bridges, Sir john Browne, and others. Where was prepared, over against the Pulpit, an high Place for him, that all the People might see him. And when he had ascended it, he kneeled down and prayed, weeping tenderly: which moved a great number to Tears, that had conceived an assured hope of his Conversion and Repentance.  
Then Mr. Cole began his Sermon. The sum whereof was this. 
Cole's Sermon.  First, He declared Causes, why it was expedient, that he should suffer, notwithstanding his Reconciliation. The chief are these. One was, for that he had been a great cause of all this Alteration in this Realm of England. And when the Matter of the Divorce, between King Henry VIII. and Queen Katherine, was commenced in the Court of Rome, he having nothing to do with it, set upon it, as Judge, which was the entry to all the Inconveniences that followed. Yet in that he excused him, that he thought he did it not of Malice, but by the Persuasions and Advice of certain Learned Men. Another was, that he had been the great setter forth of all this Heresy received into the Church in this last Time; had written in it, had disputed, had continued it, even to the last Hour: and that it had never been seen in this Realm, (but in the time of Schism) that any Man continuing so long, hath been pardoned: and that it was not to be remitted for Ensamples-sake. Other Causes he alleged, but these were the chief, why it was not thought good to pardon him. Other Causes beside, he said, moved the Queen, and the Council thereto, which were not meet and convenient for every one to understand them.  
The second Part touched the Audience, how they should consider this thing: That they should hereby take example to fear God: and that there was no Power against the Lord: having before their Eyes a Man of so high Degree, sometime one of the chiefest Prelates of the Church, an Archbishop, the chief of the Council, the second Peer in the Realm of long time: a Man, as might be thought, in greatest assurance, a King of his side; notwithstanding all his Authority and Defence to be debased from an high Estate to a low Degree; of a Counsellor to be a Caitiff; and to be set in so wretched Estate, that the poorest Wretch would not change Conditions with him.  
The last and End appertained unto him. 
Turns his Speech to Cranmer●  Whom he comforted and encouraged to take his Death well, by many places of Scripture. And with these, and such, bidding him nothing mistrust but he should incontinently receive that the Thief did: To whom Christ said, Hodiè mecum eris in Paradiso. And out of S. Paul armed him against the Terrors of the Fire, by this; Dominus fidelis est: Non sinet nos tentari ultra quam ferre potestis: By the Example of the three Children; to whom God made the Flame seem like a pleasant Dew. He added hereunto the Rejoicing of S. Andrew in his Cross; the Patience of S. Laurence on the Fire: Ascertaining him, that God, if he called on him, and to such as die in his Faith, either will abate the fury of the Flame, or give him Strength to abide it. He glorified God much in his Conversion; because it appeared to be only his Work: Declaring what Travel and Conference had been used with him to convert him, and all prevailed not, till it pleased God of his Mercy to reclaim him, and call him Home. In discouring of which place, he much commended Cranmer, and qualified his former Doing.  
And I had almost forgotten to tell you, that Mr. Cole promised him, that he should be prayed for in every Church in Oxford, and should have Mass and Dirige Sung for him; and spoke to all the Priests present to say Mass for his Soul.  
When he had ended his Sermon, he desired all the People to pray for him: 
After Sermon all pray for him.  Mr. Cranmer kneeling down with them, and praying for himself. I think there was never such a number so earnestly praying together. For they, that hated him before, now loved him for his Conversion, and hope of Continuance. They that loved him before could not suddenly hate him, having hope of his Confession again of his Fall. So Love and Hope increased Devotion on every side.  

His penitent behaviour.  I shall not need, for the time of Sermon, to describe his Behaviour, his Sorrowful Countenance, his heavy Cheer, his Face bedewed with Tears; sometime lifting his Eyes to Heaven in Hope, sometime casting them down to the Earth for Shame; To be brief, an Image of Sorrow: the Dolour of his Heart bursting out at his Eyes in plenty of Tears: Retaining ever a quiet and grave Behaviour. Which increased the Pity in men's Hearts, that they unfeignedly loved him, hoping it had been his Repentance for his Transgression and Error. I shall not need, I say, to point it out unto you; you can much better imagine it yourself.  

Speaks to the Auditory.  When Praying was done, he stood up, and having leave to speak, said, Good People, I had intended indeed to desire you to pray for me; which because Mr. Doctor hath desired, and you have done already, I thank you most heartily for it. And now will I pray for myself, as I could best devise for mine own comfort, and say the Prayer, word for word, as I have here written it. And he read it standing: and after kneeled down, and said the Lord's Prayer; and all the People on their Knees devoutly praying with him.  
His Prayer was thus:  


He prayeth.  O Father of Heaven; O Son of God, Redeemer of the World; O Holy Ghost, proceeding from them both, Three Persons and one God, have Mercy upon me most wretched Caitiff, and miserable Sinner. I who have offended both Heaven and Earth, and more grievously than any Tongue can express, whither then may I go, or whither should I fly for succour? To Heaven I may be ashamed to lift up mine Eyes; and in Earth I find no refuge. What shall I then do? shall I despair? God forbid. O good God, thou art Merciful, and refusest none that come unto thee for Succour. To thee therefore do I run. To thee do I humble myself: saying, O Lord God, my Sins be great, but yet have Mercy upon me for thy great Mercy. O God the Son, thou wast not made Man, this great Mystery was not wrought, for few or small Offences. Nor thou didst not give thy Son unto Death, O God the Father, for our little and small Sins only, but for all the greatest Sins of the World: so that the Sinner return unto thee with a penitent Heart; as I do here at this present. Wherefore have Mercy upon me, O Lord, whose Property is always to have Mercy. For although my Sins be great, yet thy Mercy is greater. I crave nothing, O Lord, for mine own Merits, but for thy Name's Sake, that it may be glorified thereby: and for thy dear Son Jesus Christ's Sake. And now therefore, Our Father, which art in Heaven, etc.  
Then rising, he said, Every Man desireth, good People, 
His Words before his Death.  at the time of their Deaths, to give some good Exhortation, that other may remember after their Deaths, and be the better thereby. So I beseech God grant me Grace, that I may speak something at this my departing, whereby God may be glorified, and you edified.  
First, It is an heavy case to see, that many Folks be so much doted upon the Love of this false World, and so careful for it, that or the Love of God, or the Love of the World to come, they seem to care very little or nothing therefore. This shall be my first Exhortation. That you set not overmuch by this false glozing World, but upon God and the World to come. And learn to know what this Lesson meaneth, which S. john teacheth, That the Love of this World is Hatred against God.  
The Second Exhortation is, That next unto God, you obey your King and Queen, willingly and gladly, without murmur or grudging: And not for fear of them only, but much more for the Fear of God: Knowing, that they be God's Ministers, appointed by God to Rule and Govern you. And therefore whoso resisteth them, resisteth God's Ordinance.  
The third Exhortation is, That you Love all together like Brethren, and sister. For alas! pity it is to see, what Contention and Hatred one Christian-Man hath to another: Not taking each other, as Sisters and Brothers; but rather as Strangers and mortal Enemies. But I pray you learn and bear well away this one Lesson, To do good to all Men as much as in you lieth, and to hurt no Man, no more than you would hurt your own natural and loving Brother or Sister. For this you may be sure of, that whosoever hateth any Person, and goeth about maliciously to hinder or hurt him, surely, and without all doubt, God is not with that Man, although he think himself never so much in God's Favour.  
The fourth Exhortation shall be to them that have great Substance and Riches of this World, That they will well consider and weigh those Sayings of the Scripture. 
He quoted also a third place out of james against covetous rich Men; Weep and howl for the Miseries that shall come upon you; your Riches doth rot, your Clothes be Motheaten, your Gold and Silver is cankered, &c▪  One is of our Saviour Christ himself, who saith, It is hard for a Rich Man to enter into Heaven: A sore saying, and yet spoke by him, that knew the Truth. The second is of S. john, whose saying is this, He that hath the Substance of this World, and seeth his Brother in Necessity, and shutteth up his Mercy from him, how can he say, he loveth God? Much more might I speak of every part; but Time sufficeth not. I do but put you in remembrance of things. Let all them that be Rich, ponder well those Sentences: For if ever they had any Occasion to show their Charity, they have now at this present, the poor People being so many, and Victuals so dear. For though I have been long in Prison, yet I have heard of the great Penury of the Poor. Consider, that that which is given to the Poor, is given to God. Whom we have not otherwise present corporally with us, but in the Poor.  
And now for so much as I am come to the last End of my Life, whereupon hangeth all my Life passed, and my Life to come, either to live with my Saviour Christ in Heaven, in Joy, or else to be in Pain ever with wicked Devils in Hell; and I see before mine Eyes presently either Heaven ready to receive me, or Hell ready to swallow me up; I shall therefore declare unto you my very Faith, how I believe, without Colour or Dissimulation. For now is no time to dissemble, whatsoever I have written in Times past.  
First, I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of Heaven and Earth, etc. and every Article of the Catholic Faith, every Word and Sentence taught by our Saviour Christ, his Apostles and Prophets, in the Old and New Testament.  

Confesseth his dissembling.  And now I come to the great Thing that troubleth my Conscience more than any other thing that ever I said or did in my Life: and that is, the setting abroad of Writings contrary to the Truth. Which here now I renounce, and refuse, as things written with my Hand, contrary to the Truth, which I thought in my Heart, and writ for fear of Death, and to save my Life, if it might be: and that is, all such Bills, which I have written or signed with mine own Hand, since my Degradation: wherein I have written many things untrue. And forasmuch as my Hand offended in writing contrary to my Heart, therefore my Hand shall first be punished. For if I may come to the Fire, it shall be first burned. And as for the Pope, I refuse him, as Christ's Enemy and Antichrist, with all his false Doctrine.  
And here being admonished of his Recantation, and Dissembling, he said, Alas, my Lord, I have been a Man, that all my Life loved Plainness, and never dissembled till now against the Truth; which I am most sorry for. He added hereunto, That for the Sacrament, he believed as he had taught in his Book against the Bishop of Winchester. And here he was suffered to speak no more.  

His Reply to my L. Williams.  So that his Speech contained chiefly three points, Love to God, Love to the King, and Love to the Neighbour. In the which talk he held Men very suspense, which all depended upon the Conclusion. Where he so far deceived all men's Expectations, that at the hearing thereat, they were much amazed; and let him go on a while, till my Lord Williams bade him play the Christian Man, and remember himself. To whom he answered, That he so did: For now he spoke Truth.  

Goes to the place of his Burning.  Then he was carried away; and a great number, that did Run to see him go so wickedly to his Death, ran after him, exhorting him, while Time was, to remember himself. And one Friar john, a godly and well-learned Man, all the way traveled with him to reduce him. But it would not be. What they said in particular I cannot tell, but the Effect appeared in the End. For at the Stake he professed, that he died in all such Opinions as he had taught, and oft repented him of his Recantation.  
Coming to the Stake with a cheerful Countenance, 
His Talk and Behaviour at the Stake.  and willing Mind, he put off his Garments with haste, and stood upright in his Shirt: And a Bachelor of Divinity, named Elye, of Brazen-nose-College, laboured to convert him to his former Recantation, with the two Spanish Friars. But when the Friars saw his Constancy, they said in Latin one to another, Let us go from him; We ought not to be nigh him: For the Devil is with him. But the Bachelor in Divinity was more earnest with him. Unto whom he answered, That as concerning his Recantation, he repented it right sore, because he knew it was against the Truth; with other words more. Whereupon the Lord Williams cried, Make short, Make short. Then the Bishop took certain of his Friends by the Hand. But the Bachelor of Divinity refused to take him by the Hand, and blamed all others that so did, and said, He was sorry that ever he came in his Company. And yet again he required him to agree to his former Recantation. And the Bishop answered, (showing his Hand) This is the Hand that wrote it, and therefore shall it suffer first Punishment.  
Fire being now put to him, he stretched out his right Hand, 
He burneth his right Hand.  and thrust it into the Flame, and held it there a good space, before the Fire came to any other Part of his Body; where his Hand was seen of every Man sensibly burning, crying with a loud Voice, This Hand hath offended. As soon as the Fire got up, he was very soon Dead, never stirring or crying all the while.  
His Patience in the Torment, his Courage in dying, if it had been taken either for the Glory of God, the Wealth of his Country, or the Testimony of Truth, as it was for a pernicious Error, and subversion of true Religion, I could worthily have commended the Example, and matched it with the Fame of any Father of ancient Time: but seeing that not the Death, but the Cause and Quarrel thereof, commendeth the Sufferer, I cannot but much dispraise his obstinate stubbornness and sturdiness in dying, and specially in so evil a Cause. Surely his Death much grieved every Man; but not after one sort. Some pitied to see his Body so tormented with the Fire raging upon the silly Carcase, that counted not of the Folly. Other that passed not much of the Body, lamented to see him spill his Soul, wretchedly, without Redemption, to be plagued for ever. His Friends sorrowed for Love: his Enemies for Pity: Strangers for a common kind of Humanity, whereby we are bound one to another. Thus I have enforced myself, for your sake, to discourse this heavy Narration, contrary to my Mind: and being more than half weary, I make a short End, wishing you a quieter Life, with less Honour; and easier Death, with more Praise. The 23 d of March.  
Yours I. A.   
All this is the Testimony of an Adversary, and therefore we must allow for some of his Words; but may be the more certain of the Archbishop's brave Courage, Constancy, Patience, Christian and Holy Behaviour, being related by one so affected.  

Two Remarks upon his Martyrdom.  In regard of this Holy Prelate's Life taken away by Martyrdom, I cannot but take notice here of two t●●ngs, as though God had given him some intimation thereof long before it happened. The one is, that whereas his paternal Coat of Arms was three Cranes, (alluding to his Name) K. Henry appointed him to bear in the room thereof three Pelicans, feeding their Young with their own Blood. The like Coat of Arms, or much resembling it, I find several of Q. Elizabeth's first Bishops took, whether to imitate Cranmer, or to signify their Zeal to the Gospel, and their readiness to suffer for it, I do not determine. The other Remark I make is, what his Friend Andreas Osiander in an Epistle to him in the Year 1537, 
Ep. Dedicat. antè Harmon. Evan.  told him: Which was, that he had Animum vel Martyrio parem; A Mind fit, or ready, for Martyrdom. And so took occasion to exhort him at large, to bear the Afflictions that were to attend him: as though God had inspired that great Germane Divine with a prophetic Spirit, to acquaint this his faithful Servant by what Death he should glorify God, and what Sufferings he must undergo for his sake. He urged him, To contemn all Dangers in asserting and preserving the sincere Doctrine of Christ, since as S. Paul testified, That all that would live godly in Christ jesus, must suffer Persecution. How much, said he, ought we to reckon, that you are to receive the various Assaults of Satan, seeing you are thus good for the Good of many. But, Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito. Yield not to these Evils, but go on the more boldly. And seeing you must bear Adversity, remember that we are baptised into the Death of Christ, and buried together with him, that we may be once made partakers of his Resurrection and eternal Happiness.  

Who instigated the Queen to put him to death.  I do not find, who were the Queen's great Instigators (now Winchester was dead) stirring her up not to spare this Prelate, but by any means to put him to Death, and that even after his Subscription; nor for what Reason of State this Resolution was taken at Court, notwithstanding his former good Merits towards the Queen, who therefore certainly must have felt great Struggle before She could yield to have him die. But I am apt to suspect the Cardinal (who now governed the Queen) had no small Hand in it, to show his Zeal for the Papacy, and to revenge the Injuries done it in K. Henry's Reign, as well as to succeed in his Place. For his Latin Letter to the Archbishop mentioned above, savoured of a great deal of Malice and mortal Hatred towards him. In this Letter it appears the Cardinal looked upon our Archbishop as a mere Infidel and Apostate from Christianity, and so to be treated. For in the very beginning he makes it a Matter of Conscience to write to him, It being in effect as much as receiving him into his House: Against which S. john gave a charge, speaking of Christians turned Heathens, That they should not be received into our Houses, 
Ep. John 2.10.  nor bid God speed. And therefore, he wrote, he was once in his Mind not to speak at all to him, but to God rather concerning him, to send Fire from Heaven and consume him. And asketh the Question [as though it could not be reasonably gainsaid] whether he should not do justly in this Imprecation upon him, who had before cast out the King out of the House of God, that is, the Church. He meant, as he explained himself, casting him out, as Satan cast out Man from Paradise; not by force, but by deceivable Counsels. That him the Archbishop had followed, and by his impious Advice forced the King to disjoin himself from the Communion of the Church, and his Country together with himself; And wickedly betrayed the Church, the Mother of us all; to the opposing whereof, he gave Satan all advantages, to the destruction as well of Souls as Bodies. That he was the worst of all others. For they, being beset on all sides with divers Temptations, a great while resisted, and at last indeed gave way; But he, the Archbishop, of his own free accord, walked in the Counsel of the Ungodly; and not only so, but stood in it, and in the Way of Sinners, and confirmed the King therein: And moreover sat in the Seat of the Scornful. That when he came first to the Episcopal Chair, he was called to it to cheat both God and Man: and that he began his Actions with putting a Cheat upon the King, and together with him upon the Church, and his Country. This and a great deal more to the same purpose he tells the Archbishop plainly and expressly, though under a show of great Sanctity. Which shows with what an implacable Mind he stood affected towards him.  
And thus we have brought this excellent Prelate unto his End, 
No Monument for him, but his Martyrdom.  after two Years and an half's hard Imprisonment. His Body was not carried to the Grave in State, nor buried, as many of his Predecessors were, in his own Cathedral Church, nor enclosed in a Monument of Marble or Touchstone. Nor had he any Inscription to set forth his Praises to Posterity: No Shrine to be visited by devout Pilgrims, as his Predecessors S. Dunstane, and S. Thomas had. Shall we therefore say, as the Poet doth; 
Marmoreo Licinus tumulo jacet, at Cato parvo,  
Pompeius' nullo. Quis putet esse Deos?  No; we are better Christians, I trust, than so, who are taught▪ That the Rewards of God's Elect are not Temporal, but Eternal. And Cranmers Martyrdom is his Monument, and his Name will outlast an Epitaph, or a Shrine. But methinks it is pity, that his Heart, that remained found in the Fire, 
His Heart unconsumed.  and was sound unconsumed in his Ashes, was not preserved in some Urn. Which when the better Times of Q. Elizabeth came, might, in Memory of this truly great and good Thomas of Canterbury, have been placed among his Predecessors in his Church there, as one of the truest Glories of that See.  
Though these three Martyrs, Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, 
The Bailiffa Expenses about these three Martyrs.  were parted asunder, and placed in separate Lodgings that they might not confer together; yet they were suffered sometimes to eat together in the Prison of Bocardo. I have seen a Book of their Diet every Dinner and Supper, and the Charge thereof. Which was at the Expense of Winkle and Wells, Bailiffs of the City at that time; under whose Custody they were. 
MSS. C.C.C.C.  As for example in this Method: 

The first of October Dinner.  Bread and Ale 
two d.  Item, Oysters 
i d.  Item, Butter 
two d.  Item, Eggs 
two d.  Item, Ling 
viij d.  Item, A piece of fresh Salmon 
x d.  Wine 
iii d.  Cheese and Pears 
two d.   
two s. vi d.    
From this Book of their Expenses, give me leave to make these few Observations. They ate constantly Suppers as well as Dinners. Their Meals amounted to about three or four Shillings; seldom exceeding four. Their Bread and Ale commonly came to two pence or three pence. They had constantly Cheese and Pears for their last Dish, both at Dinner and Supper; and always Wine; the price whereof was ever three Pence, and no more. The Prizes of their Provisions (it being now an extraordinary dear time) were as follow. A Goose 14 d. A Pig 12 or 13 d. A Coney 6 d. A Woodcock 3 d. and sometimes 5 d. A couple of Chickens 6 d. Three Plovers 10 d. Half a dozen Larks 3 d. A dozen of Larks and two Plovers, 10 d. A Breast of Veal 11 d. A Shoulder of Mutton 10 d. Roast Beef 12 d.  

The last Disbursements (which have Melancholy in the reading) were these.   s. d. For three Loads of Wood-Fagots to burn Ridley and Latimer, 12 0 Item, One Load of Furs-Fagots, 3 4 For the carriage of these four Loads. 2 0 Item, A Post 1 4 Item, Two Chains 3 4 Item, Two Staples 0 6 Item, Four Labourers 2 8 
Then follow the Charges for burning Cranmer.   s. d. For an 100 of Wood-Fagots 06 0 For an 100 and half of Furs-Fagots. 03 4 For the carriage of them 0 8 To two Labourers 1 4  

The Bailiffs not repaid.  It seems the Superiors in those Days were more zealous to send these three good Men to Oxon, and there to serve their Ends upon them, and afterwards to burn them, than they were careful honestly to pay the Charges thereof. For Winkle and Wells, notwithstanding all their Endeavours to get themselves reimbursed of what they had laid out, which came to sixty three Pounds, ten Shillings and two Pence, could never get but twenty Pounds. Which they received by the means of Sir William Petre, Secretary of State. In so much that in the Year 1566, they put up a Petition to Archbishop Parker and the other Bishops; That they would among themselves raise and repay that Sum, which the said Bailiffs were out of Purse in feeding of these three Reverend Fathers. In which Petition they set forth, That in the second and third Years of King Philip and Queen Mary, Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Latimer, and Bishop Ridley, were by order of Council committed to the Custody of them, and so continued a certain Time; and for them they disbursed the Sum of 63 l. 10 s. 2 d. Whereof but 20 l. was paid to them. Therefore they pray his Grace, and the rest of the Bishops, to be a means among themselves, that the remaining Sum may be paid to them, being 43 l. 10 s. 2 d. Or some part thereof. Otherwise they, and their poor Wives and Children should be utterly undone. And to give the better countenance to these Men, that were going to carry up their Petition, Laurence Humphrey, Precedent of Magdalen College, and the Queen's Professor, wrote this Letter on their behalf to Archbishop Parker.  
JEH.  
MY humble Commendations presupposed in the lord 
Humphrey to ABp Parker in their behalf.  To be a Suitor in another Man's Case, it seemeth Boldness; and in a Matter of Money, to write to your Grace, is more than Sauciness: Yet Charity, Operiens multitudinem peccatorum, 
Ex Biblioth▪ C.C.C.C.  doth move me, and will persuade you to hear him. A Debt is due unto him for the Table of Mr. Dr. Cranmer, by the Queen's Majesty's Appointment. And Mr. Secretary in Oxford, wished him at that time of Business in Progress, to make some Motion to the Bishops for some Relief. The Case is miserable. The Debt is just. His Charges in the Suit have been great. His Honesty, I assure your Grace, deserves pitiful Consideration. And for that my Lord of Sarum writeth to me, as here, in Oxford, he promised, That his part shall not be behind, what Order soever it please my Lords to take, for the dispatch of the same. I request your Grace, as Successor to that right Reverend Father, and chief Patron of such poor Suitors, to make by your good▪ Means some Collection for him, among the rest of my Lords, the Bishops; that his good Will, showed to that worthy Martyr, may of you be considered. And so he bound to your Goodness, of his part altogether undeserved. Thus recommending the Common Cause of Reformation to you; and myself, and this poor Man to your good remembrance, I leave to trouble you. Requesting you once again to hear him, and tender his Cause even of Charity for God his Sake. To whose Protection I commend your Grace. From Oxon, November 22, Anno 1566.  
Your Grace's humble Orator, Laur. Humphrey.  
Though I cannot trace this any further, yet I make no doubt this Petition was favourably received with the Archbishop and Bishops. It seems in Cranmers Life-time, Money was sent to Oxford for the sustentation of these Prisoners of Christ, but embezzled. For one W. Pantry of Oxford received forty Pounds at Mr. Stonelye's Hand, for my Lord Cranmer, and the other two in like Case. This was declared by the Bailiffs, to Thomas Doyley Esquire, Steward to Archbishop Parker.   

CHAP. XXII. Cranmers Books and Writings.  
HAving brought our History of this singular and extraordinary Light of the Church to this Period, we will, before we take our leave of him, gather up some few Fragments more: thinking it pity, that any thing should be lost, that may either serve to communicate any Knowledge of him to Posterity, or to clear and vindicate him from Aspersions or Misrepresentations, vulgarly conceived of him. And here will fall under our consideration, first his Books and Writings; after them, his Acquaintance with Learned Men, and his Favour to them and Learning: then, some Matters relating to his Family and Officers: And lastly, we shall conclude with some Observations upon him.  

His Books and Writings.  For the Pen of this great Divine was not idle, being employed as earnestly as his Authority and Influence, for the furtherance of Religion, and rescue of this Church from Popish Superstition and Foreign Jurisdiction. He laid a solid Foundation in Learning, by his long and serious Studies in the University. To which he was much addicted. Insomuch that this was one of the Causes which made him so labour, by the interest of his Friends with King Henry, to be excused from taking the Archbishopric of Canterbury: because this Promotion would so much interrupt his beloved Studies: Desiring rather some smaller Living, that he might more quietly follow his Book. And as he had been an hard Student, so he was a very great Writer; both in respect of the number of Books and Treatises he compiled, as of the Learning, Judgement and Moment of them.  
The first Treatise he wrote was, that which was done at the Command of Henry VIII. viz. 
His first Book.  Concerning the Unlawfulness of his Marriage with his Brother Arthur's Widow. Which he made appear to be both against the Word of God, and against the Judgement of the Ancient Fathers of the Church; and therefore a Case indispensable by the Pope. And so well had he studied the Point, and so well was assured of what he had wrote, that he undertook before the King, to maintain the Truth of it at Rome, in the presence of the Pope himself. The King accordingly dismissed him to the Pope, in joint Embassy with the Earl of Wiltshire, and some others, for that purpose. He presented his Book to the Pope, offering to stand by it against any whomsoever, that should attempt to gainsay it. But the Pope thought not fit to suffer so tender a Point to be disputed, wherein his Prerogative was so much touched. When he had finished th●s Discourse, it was sent to Cambridg, and had the Approbation and Subscription of the eminentest Doctors there, viz. S●lcot, Repps, C●me, and divers others. Among which I suppose, were, Heines, Litiner, Shaxton, Skip, Goodrick, Hethe, who were then Gremials.  
After this Book, ●e was much employed in writing more, 
Other of his Writings.  at various Times, and ●pon various Occasions. Fox mentioneth Cranmers Book of the ●eformation; (which I suppose was that of the Public Service) the Catechism, the Book of Homilies, which was part by him contr●ed, and part by his Procurement, and by him approved and published. Likewise the Confutation of eighty eight Articles, devised and propounded by a Convocation in King Henry's Reign, and laboured to be received and enjoined, though they were not.  
But his Discourse, 
His Book of the Doctrine of the Sacrament.  wherein he stated the Doctrine of the Sacrament in five ●ooks, must especially be remembered. Which he wrote on purpose for the public Instruction of the Church of England. And it ●s the more to be valued, as being writ by him in his mature Age, after all his great Readins and Studies, and most diligent and serious perusals of all the Ecclesiastical Writers; whereby he became throughly acquainted with their Judgements and Opinions in that Doctrine. And in it are contained his last and ripest Thoughts on ●hat Argument. This Book displayeth the great Weakness of that distinguishing Doctrine of the Church of Rome, that asserts Transubstantiation.  
Besides these, 
Other Writings mentioned by Bp Burnet.  many other Writings and Discourses were made by him. Which we are beholden to the Bishop of Sarum, for retrieving the Memory of, and preserving the Substance of divers of them, in his excellent History, viz.  
A Learned Speech made to the Lords concerning the Pope, 
Hist. Reform. P. I. p. 174.  and a general Council: Which that Right Reverend Author thinks was made about the Year 1534, which was soon after his being made Archbishop.  
Some Queries in order to the correcting of several Abuses in Religion; whereby the People had been deceived. 
Vbi supr. p. 364   
Some Queries concerning Confirmation: 
Ibid.  With the Answers which were given to them by Archbishop Cranmer.  
Some Considerations to induce the King to proceed to a further Reformation. 
Ibid.  These three last were presented by the Archbishop to the King, about the Year 1536, as the Bishop of Sarum supposeth: And having seen the Originals thereof in the Cotton-Library, hath transcribed them to us in the Addenda to the Collections.  
His Resolution of seventeen Questions concerning the Sacraments, 
Vbi supr. p. 289  Anno 1540  
A Collection of Passages out of the Canon Law, 
Vbi supr. p. 33●  to show the necessity of Reforming it, Anno 1542.  
His Letters to Osiander, and Letters of Osiander to him; 
Pag. 171.  concerning the Proceedings of the Germane Divines: Whose Violence the Archbishop disliked.  
A Speech made in the Convocation. 
Hist. Reform. P. II. p. 4●.  Wherein he exhorted the Clergy to give themselves to the study of the Scriptures, and to consider seriously what things in the Church nee●ed Reformation, Anno 1547.  
His Answer to the Demands of the Rebels in the West; drawn up by him by Order of the Council, 
Pag. 116.  Anno 1549.  

Pag. 248.  His Declaration, to vindicate himself from an Aspersion, That he had caused Mass to be sung in Canterbury: A●d offering therein a public Dispute to maintain the Reformation, Anno 1553.  
Besides two Volumes in Folio, writ by Cranmer, own Hand, upon all the Heads of Religion: 
Hist. Res. P. II. p. 171.  Consisting of Allegtions of Texts of Scripture, and of ancient Fathers, and later Doctos and Schoolmen, upon each Subject. There were also six or seve● Volumes of his Writings, which were in the Lord Burleighs I●ssession; as appeared by a Letter of the said Lord, which the Bishop of Sarum saw. But he thought these may now be lost. Most of t●e forementioned Writings are preserved in the Cotton-Library, or i● that of Corpus-Christi, Cambridg; or among the Manuscripts of the Right Reverend Bishop Stillingsleet.  

Athen. Oxon. p. 578.  To which we must add the mention of a bundle of Books lying in the Palace-Treasury in Westminster, in defence of the King's Title of Supreme Head, and concerning the Divorce, and seveal other Matters; with a Preface against Cardinal Pole. Which a●e supposed to be written, partly by Dr. Clark Bishop of Bath and Wells, and partly by our Archbishop.  

More of his Writings still.  Several other Letters, Speeches, and Arguments of our Archbishop, may be found in these Memorials; which I omit here rehearsing. But I will add to these divers Pieces besides of this Prelate's writing, as they are set down by Melchior Adam, at the End of Cranmers Life. Who indeed did but transcribe them from Gesner; and he from john Bale's Centuries.  
I. A Preface to the English Translation of the Bible. This is transcribed in the Appendix.  
II. A Catechism of Christian Doctrine; printed by Gualther Lynn, Anno 1548. This Catechism was first framed in Germany; and by the Archbishop himself, or his special Order, turned into English. And to fix an Authority to the same, he caused it to be published in his own Name, and owned it for his own Book. This Dr. Rowland Taylor, 
See Dr. Tailor's Letter in Fox.  who lived in the Archbishop's Family, declared before Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor, at his Examination before him. And in this sense we must understand the Author of the History of the Reformation, when speaking of this Catechism, he styles it, 
Hist. Re●. P. II. p. 71.  A Work that was wholly his own. It was said before, that justus jonas (he, I suppose, that dwelled with the Archbishop) was the Translator of it into Latin. It treated of the Sacrament after the Lutheran way. Which Way the Archbishop embraced next after his rejection of the gross Papal Transubstantiation. This Catechism was printed first by the Archbishop's Order about the Time of King Henry's Death, or soon after. In a second Edition t●e word Not was inserted in a certain place of the Book, to alter the Doctrine of the Real Presence; which was asserted in the first Edition. This Dr. Martin, one of Queen Mary's Commissioners, threw in his Dish at his Examination in Oxford. But the Archbishop professed his Ignorance concerning the foisting in of that Word. The addition of which Word indeed he thought was needless, still holding the Body and Blood truly present in the Holy Supper, though after a spiritual manner.  
III. The Ordinances or Appointments of the Reformed Church. This was the Book of Common-Prayer, with the Preface before it, beginning, There was never any thing, etc. as I learn out of Bale.  
IV. One Book of Ordaining Ministers. Which I suppose was the Form of Ordination, published in the Year 1550.  
V. One Book concerning the Eucharist with Luther. With whom Cranmer once consented in the Doctrine of the Presence.  
VI A Defence of the Catholic Doctrine, in five Books. Which was his excellent Work, in vindication of himself against Bishop Gardiner, and Dr. Richard Smith. Whereof much hath been said before.  
VII. Ecclesiastical Laws, in the Time of King Edward. This was the Book of the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws; the management of which was, by the King's Letters, committed to eight, whereof Cranmer was the chief.  
VIII. The Doctrine of the Lord's Supper; against Gardiner's Sermon. This Sermon is the same, I suppose, with that Book of his, entitled, A Detection of the Devil's Sophistry, wherewith he robbeth the unlearned People of the true Belief of the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar. Which gave occasion to the Archbishop's first writing upon this Argument.  
IX. One Book against the Error of Transubstantiation.  
X. One Book, How Christ is present in the Supper.  
XI. One Book, Concerning eating the Lord's Supper.  
XII. One Book, Concerning the offering up of Christ. These five Books last mentioned, are nothing else but the five Parts of his Book of the Holy Sacrament, mentioned before.  
XIII. One Book of Christian Homilies. Which must be the first Part of our Book of Homilies, published under King Edward.  
XIV. One Book in answer to the Calumnies of Richard Smith▪ For this Man had writ against Cranmers Book of the Sacrament, as well as Gardiner; but done so scurrilously, that Cranmer calls it, his Calumnies.  
XV. Confutations of Unwritten Verities. Written against a Book of the same Smith, entitled, De veritatibus non scriptis. Which he afterward recanted.  
XVI. Twelve Books of Common-Places, taken out of the Doctors. Those Volumes mentioned by Bishop Burnet, I suppose, were some of these Common-Place Books.  
XVII. Concerning not marrying the Brother's Wife: Two Books. Which must be those drawn up for the Use, and by the Command of King Henry.  
XVIII. Against the Pope's Supremacy: Two Books. This was the Declaration against the Papal Supremacy, said to be put forth by the Bishops, in the Year 1536, upon occasion of Pole's Book of Ecclesiastical Union.  
XIX. Against the Pope's Purgatory: Two Books.  
XX. Concerning Justification: Two Books. I cannot trace these two last-mentioned Books; unless by them be meant, those two Treatises of Justification and Purgatory, that are set at the end of the Institution.  
XXI. Pious Prayers: One Book. This Book, I suppose, was the Orarium, seu libellus precationum, put forth by the King and Clergy 1545. From whence a Book of Prayers was translated into English, Anno 1552.  
XXII. Letters to Learned Men: One Book. This I cannot hear any tidings of.  
XXIII. Against the Sacrifice of the Mass, and against the Adoration of the Bread: One Book. Said to be writ while he was a Prisoner. Which makes me conclude it to be part of his Reply to Gardiner's second Assault of him, under the Name of Constantius.  
XXIV. To Queen Mary: One Book, or rather one Letter; which was that he writ after his Examinations before her Commissioners, and the Pope's Sub-delegate.  
If some body of Leisure, and that had the Opportunity of Libraries, would take the pains to collect together all these Books, and other Writings of this Archbishop, and publish them, it would be a worthy Work, as both retrieving the Memory of this extraordinary Man, who deserved so well of this Church, and serving also much to illustrate the History of its Reformation. But I know nothing of this nature done since the industrious john Day, in the Year 1580, printed a Book in Folio, containing our Archbishop's Answer unto Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, against the true Doctrine of the Sacrament: Also to Richard Smith. Also, a true Copy of the Book writ by Stephen Gardiner. Also, The Life and Martyrdom of Cranmer, extracted out of the Book of Martyrs.  

ABp Parker was in pursuit of certain MSS. of Cranmer, concealed.  And now we are mentioning this great Prelate's Writings, it may not be unworthy to take notice of what I meet with in a Letter of Archbishop Parker to Secretary Cecyl, in the Year 1563, his Grace being then at Canterbury. Where he spoke of the Great notable written Books (as he styles them) of his Predecessor Dr. Cranmer, which he had left behind him at some of his Houses at or near Canterbury, whether Ford or Bekesborn, or both, or with some Friends in those Parts. These Manuscripts it seems were embezeled, and surreptitiously taken away by private Hands, probably during his restraint in Queen Mary's Days, and now studiously concealed by some that were minded, it may be, to stifle them, being chiefly leveled against the Roman Church and Bishop. Parker, who was a great and painful Searcher after Ancient and Learned Manuscripts, and a diligent Retriever of eminent men's Writings, had, by credible Information, learned in what Hands many of those Books were; and had sent either for the Persons concerned, or to them, to demand the said Books. But they denied them: Whereupon knowing no other way to recover them, he desired the Secretary, by some Power from the Queen's Council, to authorise him to inquire and search for those Books, and suchlike Monuments, by all Ways, as by the said Parker's Discretion should be thought good; whether giving the Parties an Oath, or viewing their Studies. Wishing he might recover them to be afterwards at the Queen's Commandment: Adding, that he should be as glad to win them, as he would be to restore an old Chancel to Reparation. This Letter of Archbishop Parker, I have inserted in the Appendix. 
No. XC.  But whether after all his diligence he succeeded in the recovery of those Manuscripts, I know not: I am apt to think he did; and that these Writings of Cranmer, that were in his Possession; and afterwards bequeathed unto the Library of Benet-College; and those other divers Volumes, which were, as was before-said, in the keeping of the Lord Burghley, might be some at least of them.  
An inquisitive Man would be glad to know, 
What the Subject of his numerous Writings were.  what the Matter and Contents of these numerous Writings of our Archbishop were: and that seeing so many of them are perished, the knowledge of the various Subjects of them at least might be preserved. This, besides what hath been shown already, may be gathered by what I find in a Supplication made to Queen Elizabeth by Ralph Morice, that had been his Secretary for the space of twenty Years. During which time, he was employed by that most Reverend Father, in writing for him, about the serious Affairs of the Prince and Realm, committed unto him by those most noble and worthy Princes, King Henry VIII; and King Edward VI, concerning, as well the Writings of those great and weighty Matrimonial Causes of the said K. Henry VIII, as also about the extirpation of the Bishop of Rome, his usurped Power and Authority, the Reformation of corrupt Religion and Ecclesiastical Laws, and Alteration of Divine Service; and of divers and sundry Conferences of Learned Men for the Establishing and Advancement of sincere Religion, with such like. Wherein, he said, he was most painfully occupied in writing of no small Volumes from time to time.   

CHAP. XXIII. The Archbishop's Regard to Learned Men.  
FROM these truly Noble and Useful Exercises of his great Knowledge and Learning, let us descend unto the Respect he bore to good Letters. Which appeared from his Favour to Places of Learning, and Men of Learning. We showed before, what were the Applications of the University of Cambridg to him, and what a gracious Patron he was to it and its Members.  
Among whose good Offices to that University, 
Paul. Fagius & Mar. Bucer placed at Cambridg by his Means.  besides those already mentioned, it must not be omitted, that he was the great Instrument of placing there those two very Learned Foreign Divines, Paulus Fagius, and Martin Bucer. By his frequent Letters to them then at Strasburg, urging them with the distracted and dangerous State of Germany, he first brought them over into England in the Year 1548: and having entertained them in his Family, the next Year he preferred them both in Cambridg, Fagius to be public Professor of the Hebrew Tongue, and Bucer of Divinity. And beside the University-Salary, he procured for each of them from the King, 
Procures them honorary Stipo●ds from the King.  in the third Year of his Reign, Patents for an Honorary Stipend of an hundred Pounds per Annum each, De gratiâ speciali Domini Regis, to be paid by the Hands of the Clerk of the Hanaper, or out of the Treasury of the Court of Augmentations, Durante beneplacito Domini Regis: As I find by King Edward the Sixth's Book of Sales, formerly mentioned. Which Patents bare date Septemb. 26. Anno 1549. and their Salaries payable from the Feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin. By the way, I do not see any where in the said Book of Sales, that Peter Martyr, placed Professor of Divinity in the other University of Oxon, enjoyed any such Royal Salary, though he also had been invited over by Canterbury with the King's Knowledge and Allowance, and placed there by that Archbishop's Means.  

Allowances to P. Martyr and Ochin.  Yet he and his Companion, Ochinus, had their Annual Allowances from the King; and so, I suppose, had all other Learned Foreigners here. Melancthon also, who was now expected over, was intended some more extraordinary Gratuity. Unto this Noble Christian Hospitality, and Liberality, Latimer, the great Court-Preacher, excited the King in one of his Sermons before him. The Passage may deserve to be repeated. I hear say, Master Melancthon, that great Clerk, 
The third Sermon.  should come hither. I would wish him, and such as he is, two hundred Pounds a Year. The King should never want it in his Coffers at the Year's end. There is yet among us two great Learned Men, Petrus Martyr, and Bernard Ochin, which have an hundred Mark a piece. I would the King would bestow a thousand Pounds on that Sort. These Matters, I doubt not, were concerted between Latimer and our Archbishop before: at whose Palace he now was for the most part. As I find by one of his Sermons, wherein he speaks of his taking Boat at Lambeth; and in another Place he mentioneth a Book he met with in my Lord of Canterbury's Library, and elsewhere of many Suitors that applied to him at my Lord of Canterbury's, that interrupted his Studies there. The use I make of this is, that it is a fair Conjecture hence, that this and the many other excellent Things so plainly propounded by this Preacher to King Edward, happened by the Counsel and Suggestion of the Archbishop. But to return.  

Dr. Mouse Master of Trinity-Hall, favoured by Cranmer.  There was one Dr. William Mouse a Civilian, and probably one of his Officers, whom for his Merits and Learning our Archbishop for many a Year had been a special Benefactor to. Sir john Cheke also bore him a very good Will. Upon the removal of Dr. Haddon to some other Preferment, this Dr. Mouse succeeded Master of Trinity-hall in Cambridg. And in the Year 1552, the Archbishop valuing his Worth and Integrity, was a Suitor at Court for some further Preferment for him, whatever it were, which the Study of the Civil Law had qualified him for: writing his Letters on Mowse's behalf to Secretary Cecyl, who was then with the King in his Progress, not to forget him. And accordingly he was remembered, and obtained the Place. For which the Archbishop afterwards gave him his most hearty Thanks. And Dr. Mouse also sent the same Secretary a Letter of Thanks from Cambridg for the Preferment he had obtained by his Means: The main Drift thereof was, to excuse himself for his Neglect, in that he had not sooner paid his Acknowledgements. Which, as it seems, the Secretary had taken some notice of, having expected to be thanked for the Kindness he had done him. This Letter, because there is therein mention made of our Archbishop's singular Munificence, and Cheke's Affection towards him, and Mouse himself once making a Figure in that University, I have thought it not amiss to insert in the Appendix: 
No. XC●.  Though this Man seemed to be none of the steadiest in his Religion. For I find him put out of his Mastership of Trinity-Hall in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, for having been a Protestant, and to make way for the Restoration of Dr. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, who had been outed before. Upon whose Death that Mastership falling void, and Mouse having complied with the Romish Religion, he became Master there again. And soon after, in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, he was deprived by her Commissioners for being a Papist, and one Harvey came in his Room.  
Dr. Mowse's Fickleness appeared, 
His Inconstancy,  that upon the first tidings that fled to Cambridg of Queen Mary's Success against the Lady Iane's Party, he, with several other temporising University-Men, changed his Religion, and in four and twenty Hours was both Protestant and Papist. The Truth is, his Judgement varied according to his worldly Interest. And being one of those that came about so roundly, he was appointed, by the complying Party of the University, to be one of the two (Dr. Hatcher being the other) that should repair unto Dr. Sands then the Vicechancellor, to demand of him, without any colour of Reason or Authority, the University-Books, the Keys, and such other things as were in his keeping. And so they did. 
And Ingratitude. Fox.  And my Author makes an Observation of his Ingratitude, as well as of his Inconstancy, viz. That he that was an earnest Protestant but the day before, and one whom Dr. Sands had done much good for, was now become a Papist, and his great Enemy.  
Thus was our Archbishop a Friend to this Man, and divers others, who went along with him, as far as he, and the Times favoured them: but when these failed them, they failed the Archbishop through Timorousness in some, and worldly Respects in others.  
But on●e more of this Dr. Mouse, and I have done with him. 

Becomes Reader of the Civil Law at Oxon.  
Ath. Oxoniens●   As a Reward of his forwardness at Cambridg, before mentioned, I find he was soon after incorporated at Oxon, (together with Andrew Pern D.D. a Man of the same Inconstancy) and preferred to be Reader of the Civil Law there, in the room of Dr. Aubrey, who probably was removed for Incompliance. And when the next Change happened under Queen Elizabeth, Mouse came about again; and in the Year 1560, obtained a Prebend in the Church of York. He lived till the Year 1588., leaving some Benefactions to his old College.  
The Archbishop was indeed a great Patron to all Learned and Pious Men, especially those of the Reformation: 
The ABp a Patron to Learned Foreigners.  cherishing those not only of his own Country, but Foreigners and Strangers also. And as he brought over divers with him, when he returned into England from his Embassy in Germany, so he sent for more. And such as came to him, he gave honourable Harbour and Maintenance to; keeping them at his own Cost, till he had made Provisions for them either in the Church, or University.  

To Erasmus, allowing him an Honorary Pension.  For Erasmus our Archbishop had a great value; whose Worth and Service to the Church he well knew. He allowed him an Honorary Pension: promising him, that he would be no less kind unto him, than his Predecessor Warham had been before him. Which Archbishop was one of Erasmus his best and most extraordinary Friends and Benefactors. Of whom he used these words to a Friend of his, Qui mihi unus multorum instar erat. Soon after the succession of Cranmer into this Archbishop's Room, 
Eras. Ep. 10. lib. 27.  Sir Thomas More wrote to Erasmus, that he that then filled the See of Canterbury, bore no less love to him, than Warham had done before; and, Quo non alius vixit tui amantior, That there was no Man living loved him better. And Erasmus himself, mentioning his great Loss in Archbishop Warham, and divers other Patrons of his, that were taken off by Death, comforted himself, that God had made up those Losses to him by raising him up other Friends. 
Ep. 7. lib. 27.  So saith he, in the room of Warham succeeded the Reverend Thomas Cranmer, (Professione Theologus, Vir integerrimus, candidissimisque moribus. Qui ultro pollicitus est seize in study ac beneficentia erga me, priori nequaquam cessurum: & quod sponte pollicitus est, sponte praestare coepit: ut mihi Vuaramus non ereptus, sed in Cranmero renatus videri queat) By Profession a Divine, a Person of the greatest Integrity, and most unblamable Behaviour. Who of his own accord promised▪ That in Favour and Kindness toward me, he would be no ways behind his Predecessor. And that which he voluntarily promised, he hath voluntarily begun to make good. So that methinks, Warham is not taken away from me, but rather Born again to me in Cranmer. One Specimen of his Munificence towards this Learned Man I meet with in one of his Letters, wherein he acknowledged to have received of Cranmer eighteen Angels: when the Bishop of Lincoln sent him also Fifteen, and the Lord Crumwel Twenty.  

To Alexander Aless a Scotchman.  Alexander Aless was another Learned Stranger, whom our Archbishop gave Harbour, and showed Favour to. A Scotchman by Birth, but that had long lived and conversed with Melancthon in Germany. Who, knowing the generous and hospitable Disposition of the Archbishop, recommended this Aless to him: giving a high Character of him for his Learning, Probity and Diligence in every good Office. In the Year 1535, 
By him Melancthon sends a Book to the ABp,  he brought over from Melancthon a Book, to be presented to the Archbishop: wherein That Learned Germane laboured, (as he told the Archbishop in his Letter sent at the same time) to state diligently and profitably most of the Controversies, and, as much as he could, to mitigate them: leaving the Judgement of the whole unto his Grace, and such learned and pious Men as He, from whose Judgement, he said, he would never differ in the Church of Christ: desiring him also to acquaint Aless, what his Grace's own Judgement was of the Book, that Aless might signify the same unto him. Such was the Deference Melancthon gave unto the Learning and Censure of Cranmer. This Book I should suppose to have been his Common Places, but that they came out a Year after. 
And to the King.  By the same Messenger he sent another of these Books to be presented in his Name to the King; and in case the Archbishop approved of what he had wrote, he entreated him to introduce the Bringer, and to assist him in the presenting of it. Upon these Recommendations of Aless, and the Archbishop's own Satisfaction in the Worth of the Man, he retained him with him at Lambeth, and much esteemed him. This was that Aless, that Crumwel, 
Aless brought by Cromwell into the Convocation.  probably by Cranmers means, brought with him to the Convocation in the Year 1536, whom he desired to deliver there his Opinion about the Sacrament. Who did so, and enlarged in a Discourse, asserting two Sacraments only, instituted by Christ, 
Where he asserts two Sacraments only.  namely Baptism and the Lord's Supper. As the Author of the British Antiquities relates add Ann. 1537. calling him there Virum in Theologia perductum, A thoroughpaced Divine.  
This Man compiled a useful Treatise against the Schism laid to the Charge of Protestants by those of the Church of Rome. 
Writes a Book to clear Protestants of the Charge of Schism.  The Substance and Arguments of which Book were Melancthon's own Invention, but Aless composed and brought it into Method and Words. This Book Melancthon sent unto George Prince of Anhalt. The Consolations of which, as he wrote to that Noble and Religious Man, he was wont to inculcate upon himself, against those who objected commonly to them the horrible Crime of Schism, as he styles it. 
Atrox Schismatis crimen. Ep. 36. lib. 1.  For, saith he, their monstrous Cruelty is sufficient to excuse us. Which it seems was one of the Arguments whereby they defended themselves against that Charge: Esteeming it lawful and necessary, 
Satis excusat nos istorum horribilis crudelitas, quam pro●ecto n●que adjuvare neque approbare debemus. Ubi supra.  to leave the Communion of a Church, which countenanced and practised Cruelty, a thing so contrary to one of the great and fundamental Laws of Christian Religion, namely, that of Love; and that their abiding in a Church, where such bloody and barbarous Practices were, would argue their approbation and concurrence.  
And as Melancthon made use of him in composing his Thoughts into a handsome Style, so did another great Light of the same Nation, 
Translated a Book of Bucer's, about the English Ministry.  I mean Bucer. In King Edward's Days, he had wrote a Book in the Germane, that is, in his own Country-Language, about Ordination to the Ministry in this Kingdom of England, entitled, Ordinatio Ecclesiae, seu Ministerii Eccesiastici in florentissimo Angliae regno. This our Aless turned into Latin, and published, for the Consolation of the Churches every where in those sad Times, as it ran in the Title.  
If any desire to look backward unto the more early Times of this Man, the first Tidings we have of him was about the Year 1534. When upon a sharp Persecution raised in Scotland, he, with other Learned Men, fled thence into England, 
Received into Crumwel's Family.  and was received into Crumwel's Family. And it is said, that he became known to, and grew into such Favour with King Henry, that he called him his Scholar. But after Crumwel's Death, in the Year 1540, he taking one Fife with him, went into Saxony: 
Hist. Res. P.I. p. 308.  where both of them were for their great Learning, made Professors in the University of Leipzig.  
In the Year 1557. I find this Man at Leipzig, where he was Professor of Divinity, as was said before. 

Aless Professor of Divinity at Leipzig.  
M●l. Ep. p. 3●9▪ Edit. 1647▪   Hither this Year Melancthon sent to him from Worms, giving him some Account of the Preparations that were making by the Roman Catholic Party, in order to a Conference with the Protestants. At which the said Aless was to be present, and make one of the Disputants on the Protestant side. And ten Years before this, viz. 1547, he was the Public Moderator of Divinity, both in the Schools and Pulpits of Leipzig, or some other University.  

Cum & in Templis, & in Scholis doctrinam gabernes. Mel. Ep. 111. lib. 3. Four others recommended by Melancthon to the ABp. Viz. Gualther. Dryander.  Besides this Aless, there were four other pious and learned Persons, Foreigners, who bringing along with them Letters of Recommendation from the said Melancthon, were courteously received, and freely entertained by our hospitable Archbishop, all of them, in the Year 1548, at which time the Persecution grew hot upon the Interim. One of these was Gualther, another Scot by Nation. A second was one named Francis Dryander, an Acquaintance of Melancthon's of long continuance. Whom, as he told the Archbishop, he had tried and known inwardly, and found him endowed with excellent Parts, well furnished with Learning; that he judged rightly of the Controversies, altogether free from all wild and seditious Opinions; and that he would soon perceive the singular gravity of his Manners, after some few Days knowledge of him: motioning withal to the Archbishop his fitness to be preferred in either of our Universities. As he did also to K. Edward, in Letters brought at this time to him by the said Dryander. Wherein he recommended him to that King, 
Ep. 7. lib. 3.  as one that would prove a very useful Person either in his Universities, or elsewhere in his Kingdom.  

Dryander placed at Oxon.  This Recommendation had so much Force, that this Man seemed soon after to be sent and placed at Oxon, and there remained, till in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, when all Strangers were commanded to depart the Realm, he went hence to Paris, and from thence to Antwerp. Whence he wrote a Letter to one Crispin, a Doctor of Physic in Oxon; therein relating to him a Passage concerning the corpse Entertainment which the Divines of Louvain gave Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, upon the Scandal they took against him for his Book De vera Obedientia. 
Ad Ann. 1555.  Which Letter is extant in Fox.  

Eusebius Menius.  The third was Eusebius Menius, the Son of justus Menius. Which justus was a Person of great Fame and Esteem, both for his Learning in Philosophy and Divinity, and for the Government of the Churches within the Territories of john Frederick Duke of Saxony. Of this Eusebius his Son, 
Mel. Ep. 66. lib. 1.  Melancthon writ to our Archbishop; That he had good Preferments in Germany, but he could not bear to behold the Calamities of his poor Country, which made him seek for a Being in Foreign Parts. He recommended him to his Grace, desiring him to cherish him. Adding, That in the Gothick Times, what remained of the Church, and of right Doctrines, were preserved in our Island; and that Europe being now in a Combustion, it were to be wished that some peaceable Harbour might be for Learning. He doubted not but that many flocked hither; but that it was the part of Piety and Goodness, especially to help the Youth of Excellent Men, and the Sons of such as had well deserved of the Church; especially when they themselves also were eminent for their Parts and Learning. And since this Eusebius was a good Mathematician, and had read Mathematics in one of their Schools, he propounded him to the Archbishop, to be a fit Person for the Profession of that Science in our University.  

justus jonas.  The fourth was justus jonas, the Son also of a great Germane Divine of the same Name, and who was one of the Four, that in the Year 1530 came to Augsburgh, upon a Diet appointed by the Emperor for Religion, with the Elector of Saxony; Melancthon, Agricola, and Georgius Spalatinus, being the other Three. 
Sleid. lib. 7.  The Son came over with Letters commendatory from Melancthon, as the others did. He commended his excellent Parts, and his Progress in all kind of Philosophy and good Manners, and especially his Eloquence; which, he said, he had a Nature divinely framed to. To which it may not be amiss to subjoin what Melancthon somewhere else did observe of his Family. Namely, That his Grandfather was a Person of Fame for Oratory and Civil Prudence: His Father endowed with such Parts as naturally made him an Orator, in respect of his fluency of Words, and gracefulness of Delivery. And this Felicity of Nature, he improved by a great accession of Learning: Which made him tell our justus, that he was born in Oratoria Familia. 
Ep. 129. lib. 1.  And such care did he take of him when he was young, that he took the pains to write him a long Letter, containing Instructions for his Improvement in the Grounds of Learning. This Man the Archbishop was very kind to, gave him Harbour, and admitted him freely into his Society and Converse. Insomuch that justus jonas the Father, entreated Melancthon, That he would take particular notice to the Archbishop, of his great Favour showed to his Son. Among the Discourses the communicative Prelate held with jonas while he was with him, one happened concerning a noted Question in Divinity. Where launching out into free communication with him upon that Point, he desired him to impart to Melancthon the Substance of what he had discoursed; and that he should signify to him, that the Archbishop requested his Judgement thereof. Which accordingly jonas did. And Melancthon in a Letter to the Archbishop, styles it non obscarae Quaestio, and that it had already much shaken the Church, and, says he, Concutiet durius, shall shake it yet more. Giving his Reason for this Conjecture, Because those Governors' [meaning, I suppose, the Papal Clergy] did not seek for a true Remedy to so great a Matter. It doth not appear to me what this Question was, that the Archbishop was so earnest to confer with this great Divine about; whether it were concerning the necessity of Episcopal Government and Ordination, or concerning the Use of Ceremonies in the Church, or about the Doctrine of the Sacrament; this last I am apt to believe: But either of them hath, according to Melancthon's Prediction, sufficiently shaken the Churches of Christ. But to return to jonas. He had written some Pieces, and presented them to the King; for which he intended to reward him. And being now ready to go to France, for the improvement of his Knowledge, and so after a time to return into England again, for which he had a great Affection, he besought Secretary Cecyl, in a well-penned Letter, That whatsoever the King intended to bestow on him, he would do it out of hand, for the supply of his travelling Necessity. This Letter, for the Antiquity of it, and the Fame of the Man, I have inserted in the Appendix. 
No. XCII.  In which is also contained an Extract of part of jonas the Father's Letter to his Son concerning the Miseries of Germany.   

CHAP. XXIV. Melancthon and the Archbishop great Friends.  

Divers memorable Passages between Melancthon and our ABp.  THESE Occasions of the frequent mention of Melancthon, do draw us into a relation of some further Passages between him and our Archbishop. In the Year 1549, happened several Disputations, chiefly concerning the Doctrine of the Lord's Supper, before the King's Commissioners in both Universities. In Oxford they were managed chiefly by Peter Martyr. And in Cambridg, Ridley then Bishop of Rochester, and a Commissioner, was the chief Moderator. Soon after, Martin Bucer in this University, defended three Points, one of the Sufficiency of the Scripture: another concerning the Erring of Churches; and the last, concerning Works done before justification, against Pern, Sedgwick and Yong. They on the Popish Side pretended much, in their Disputations, to have Antiquity and the Fathers for them.  
These Disputations did our most Reverend Prelate, together with his own Letter, 

Sends Melancthon certain public Disputations in Oxford and Cambridg.  
Melancthon's Reflections thereupon: Ep. 41. lib. 3.   convey to Melancthon by the Hand of one Germanicus a Germane: Who probably might be one of those Learned Strangers, that the Archbishop hospitably entertained.  
The Reflection, that that Divine, in an Answer to his Grace, in the Year 1550, made upon perusal of these Papers, was, That he was grieved to see, that those who sought so much for the Ancient Authorities, would not acknowledge the Clearness of them. Nor was there any doubt what the sounder Men in the Ancient Church thought. But that there were new and spurious Opinions foisted into many of their Books. Into that of Theophylact most certainly for one. And that there was some such Passage in the Copy, that Oecolampadius made use of, when he translated Theophylact, which he liked not of, but yet translated it as he found it: But this was wholly wanting in the Copy that Melancthon had. That the same happened in Bede's Books, which he supposed might be found more incorrupt among us, [Bede being our Countryman.]  

Sends the ABp his Enarration upon the Nicene Creed.  The same Melancthon, with this his Letter, sent our Archbishop a part of his Enarration upon the Nicene Creed; for this end, that he might pass his Judgement thereon: As he also did, for the same purpose, to A Lasco, Bucor and Peter Martyr, all then in England.  

The beginning of their Acquaintance.  The beginning of this Learned German's Acquaintance with our Prelate was very early. For the Archbishop's Fame soon spread abroad in the World, beyond the English Territories. Which was the Cause of that Address of Melancthon, mentioned before, in the Year 1535, and in the Month of August, when he sent a Letter and a Book to him by Alexander Aless. In the Letter, he signified what a high Character both for Learning and Piety he had heard given of him by many honest and worthy Men; and That if the Church had but some more such Bishops, it would be no difficult Matter to have it healed, and the World restored to Peace: congratulating Britain such a Bishop. And this seems to have been the first entrance into their Acquaintance and Correspondence.  
PHILIP MELANCTHON  
In the Year 1548, 
The ABp propounds a weighty Matter to Melancthon, for the Union of all Protestant Churches.  Cranmer propounded a great and weighty Business to Melancthon; and a Matter that was likely to prove highly useful to all the Churches of the Evangelic Profession. It was this. The ABp was now driving on a Design for the better uniting of all the Protestant Churches, viz. by having one common Confession and Harmony of Faith and Doctrine, drawn up out of the pure Word of God, which they might all own and agree in. He had observed what Differences there arose among Protestants in the Doctrine of the Sacrament, in the Divine Decrees, in the Government of the Church, and some other things. These Disagreements had rendered the Professors of the Gospel contemptible to those of the Roman Communion. Which caused no small grief to the Heart of this good Man, nearly touched for the Honour of Christ his Master, and his true Church, which suffered hereby. And like a Person of a truly public and large Spirit, as his Function was, seriously debated and deliberated with himself for the remedying this Evil. This made him judge it very adviseable to procure such a Confession. And in order to this he thought it necessary for the chief and most Learned Divines of the several Churches to meet together, and with all freedom and friendliness to debate the Points of Controversy according to the Rule of Scripture. And after mature deliberation, by Agreement of all Parties, to draw up a Book of Articles, and Heads of Christian Faith and Practice. Which should serve for the standing Doctrine of Protestants.  
As for the Place of this Assembly he thought England the fittest in respect of Safety, as the Affairs of Christendom then stood. 
The Diligence of the ABp in forwarding this Design.  And communicating this his purpose to the King, that Religious Prince was very ready to grant his Allowance and Protection. And as Helvetia, France and Germany, were the chief Countries abroad where the Gospel was processed, so he sent his Letters to the most eminent Ministers of each, namely, to Bullinger, Calvin and Melancthon, disclosing this his pious Design to them, and requiring their Counsel and Furtherance. Melancthon first of all came acquainted with it by justus jonas junior, to whom the Archbishop had related the Matter at large, and desired him to signify as much in a Letter to the said Melancthon; and that it was his Request to him, to communicate his Judgement thereupon. This jonas did, and Melancthon accordingly writ to our Archbishop on the Calends of May this Year to this purpose. 
Ep. 66. lib. 1. Melancthon's Judgement and Approbation thereof.  That if his Judgement and Opinion were required, he should be willing both to hear the Sense of other Learned Men, and to speak his own, and to give his Reasons, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Persuading and being persuaded, as aught to be in a Conference of good Men: letting Truth, and the Glory of God, and the Safety of the Church, not any private Affection, ever carry away the Victory. Telling him withal, That the more he considered of this his Deliberation, than which he thought there could be nothing set on foot more Weighty and Necessary, the more he wished and pressed him, to publish such a true and clear Confession of the whole Body of Christian Doctrine, according to the Judgement of Learned Men; whose Names should be subscribed thereto. That among all Nations there might be extant an illustrious Testimony of Doctrine, delivered by grave Authority; and that Posterity might have a Rule to follow. And he was of opinion, that this Confession should be much of the nature of their Confession of Augsburgh: only that some few Points in Controversy might be in plainer Words delivered, than was in that. That Ambiguities might not hereafter occasion new Differences. 

His Caveat of avoiding ambiguous Expressions.  
In Ecclesia rectius est Scapham, Scaph●m dice●e.   And that in the Church it was best to call a Spade a Spade: and not to cast ambiguous Words before Posterity, as an Apple of Contention. And that if in Germany there had been an entire Consent of all the Churches, they had not fallen into those Miseries. And so concludes, earnestly exhorting our Prelate to apply himself vigorously in these his pious Cares and Thoughts for the good Estate of the Churches.  
Not long after he pursued his first Letter with a second. Wherein he again reminded our Reverend Father of that Caution, 
Renews the same Caution in another Letter.  viz. That nothing might be left under general Terms, but expressed with all the Perspicuity and Distinctness imaginable. Which I suppose, he said, to meet with the Opinion of some, who thought it might be more convenient, in order to Peace, to suffer some difficult and controverted Points to pass under dubious Expressions, or in the very words of Scripture, without any particular decisive Sense and Explanation imposed on them. And concerning this, 'tis probable our Archbishop had desired his Opinion. This Melancthon was against; saying, That for his part, he loved not Labyrinths; and that therefore all his study was, That whatsoever Matters he undertook to treat of, they might appear plain and unfolded. That it was indeed the Practice of the Council of Trent; which therefore made such crafty Decrees, that so they might defend their Errors by things ambiguously spoken. But that this Sophistry ought to be far from the Church. That there is no Absurdity in Truth rightly propounded: and that this Goodness and Perspicuity of things is greatly inviting, wheresoever there be good Minds.  
And of this very Judgement was Peter Martyr another great Divine. For when Bucer, 
Peter Martyr of this Judgement. Quod Vir bonus sibi p●rsuasisset posse hac ratione tolli gravem, quae est de hac causa, Controversiam, & ita Eccl●siae pacem di● desideratam restitui. In Vit. P. Mart. per josiam Sinler●m.  in a Discourse with him at Strasburg, had advised him, when he spoke of the Eucharist, to use more dark and ambiguous Forms of Speech, that might be taken in a larger Acceptation, urging to him, That this was the course he himself took, and that a certain good Man [whom I suspect strongly to be our Archbishop] had persuaded him, That by this means the great Controversy, concerning the Real Presence in the Sacrament, might be at an end, and so Peace, so long wanted, might be restored to the Church: Martyr was over-persuaded by his Friend so to do, and used for some time the same Form of Speech with him, when he had occasion to discourse of that Doctrine. But afterward he returned to his former more dilucid Style, as well in the Matter of the Real Presence, as in all other Subjects he treated of. And that both, because he saw this would not suffice them, who held a gross and carnal Presence of Christ's Body, unless their gross manner of Expression were received, and their as gross Interpretation too; and because he found that many weaker Brethren were greatly offended with these Ambiguities of Speech, and so entangled and confounded, that they scarce knew what to think in this Point. And so leaving Bucer to pursue his obscurer Phrases, he chose to speak more clearly and distinctly. And neither did Bucer disallow of Martyr in this Course, nor was Martyr ignorant of Bucer's true Sense, however doubtful his Expressions were: as the Author of his Life tells us. This I mention to show, 
Iosia● Sim●●▪  how exactly Martyr accorded with Melancthon in this Opinion, of expressing things in clear and perspicuous Terms; which the said Melancthon thought it highly necessary now to be inculcated, when deliberation was had of drawing up a General Confession of Faith. After he had thus declared his Mind in this Matter, 
What Melancthon thought of the Doctrine of Fate.  he particularly descended to the Doctrine of Fate; telling the Archbishop, how the Stoical Disputes of that Subject among them in the beginning, were too rough, and horrid, and such as were prejudicial to Discipline. Which I suppose, might be occasioned from some Passage in the Archbishop's Letter, advising with this Learned Man how to propound the Doctrines of Predestination and freewill.   

CHAP. XXV. The Archbishop corresponds with Calvin.  
THESE his Counsels he broke also to john Calvin, 
Calv. Ep. 12●.  the chief Guide of the French Churches. Who also highly approved of his pious Proposition. The Archbishop, 
The ABp breaks his Purpose also to Calvin.  in a Letter to that great Reformer, had been lamenting the Differences that were in the Reformed Churches; having his Eye, I suppose, herein upon those of Geneva and Germany; and like a true Father of the Church, consulting for the making up of the Breaches, he thought no fitter Remedy could be used, than for pious and wise Men, and such as were well exercised in God's School, to meet together and profess their Consents in the Doctrine of Godliness. 
Calvin's Approbation thereof, and Commendation of the ABp.  This Calvin acknowledged was rightly and prudently advised by him: Applauding him, that he did not only lead the way in purging the Doctrine of God's Church from Corruption, but did so voluntarily exhort and encourage others therein. And that he did not only take care of Religion at Home in his own Country, but all the World over. And as to the Meeting and Converse of Divines, for this purpose, which Cranmer had told him he had made the King so sensible of the need and usefulness of, that he was forward in it, and had offered a Place in his Kingdom for them securely to assemble together in; that French Divine wished, That Learned and Wise Men from the chief Churches would accordingly meet, and diligently discussing the chief Heads of Faith, would by common Consent deliver to Posterity the certain Doctrine of the Scripture. But that among the great Evils of that Age, this also was to be reputed, that Churches were so divided from one another, that Human Society was scarcely kept up among them: much less that Sacred Communion of the Members of Christ, which all professed with their Mouths, but few did sincerely take care to preserve. That as to himself, if he might be thought to be of any Use, 
Offers his Service.  he would not grudge to pass over ten Seas, if there were need. That if it were only to contribute some Assistance to the Kingdom of England, he should esteem it a Reason lawful enough; but much more, he thought, he ought to spare no Labour, no Trouble, to procure a Means, whereby the Churches, that were so widely divided, might unite among themselves. But he hoped, his Weakness and Insufficiency being such, he might be spared: and that he would do his part in prosecuting that with his Prayers and Wishes, which should be undertaken by others. 
Excites the ABp to proceed.  And whereas our Archbishop had hinted to him his Jealousy, that the Business would hardly find a good Issue by reason of certain Difficulties attending it, Calvin not only exhorted, and earnestly beseeched him to go forward, till it should have some Effect at least, though it succeeded not in all Respects according to his Wish. And so prayed God to guide him with his Holy Spirit, and to bless his Pious Endeavours.  

This excellent Purpose frustrated.  But the Troubles at Home and Abroad frustrated this excellent Purpose, which for two Years he had been labouring to bring to some good Issue. His next Resolution was to go as far as he could in this Matter, 
Thinks of dr●wing up Articles of Religion for the English Church.  since he could not go as far as he would. And he bethought himself of assembling together the Divines of his own Church, (and that by the King's Authority) to confer with them about drawing up a Body of Articles of Religion: which Purpose he had likewise communicated to Calvin. 
Which he communicates to Calvin, Ep. 125.  For which he greatly commended him. Telling him, That since the Times were such, that that could not in the least be hoped for, which was so much to be wished, viz. That the chief Teachers of the divers Churches, which embraced the pure Doctrine of the Gospel, 
And Calvin's Reply and Exhortation.  might meet together, and publish to Posterity a certain and clear Confession, out of the pure Word of God, concerning the Heads of Religion then in Controversy; he did extremely commend that Counsel, which he had taken, to establish Religion in England; lest things remaining any longer in an uncertain State, or not so rightly and duly composed and framed, as it were convenient, the Minds of the People should remain in suspense and wavering. And then quickening him, told him, That this was his part chiefly to do: That he himself saw well what that Place required of him, or rather what God exacted, in respect of that Office he had laid upon him. That he was of very powerful Authority; which he had not only by the amplitude of his Honour, but the long-conceived Opinion that went of his Prudence and Integrity. That the Eyes of the Good were cast upon him, either to follow his Motions, or to remain idle upon the pretence of his Unactiveness.  

Blames him for having not made more Progress in the Reformation.  He took the freedom also with Cranmer, to blame him for not having made more Progress in the Reformation. Which he thought he might have done in the three Years space, wherein King Edward had already reigned. And told him, That he feared, when so many Autumns had been passed in deliberating only, at last the Frost of a perpetual Winter might follow. Meaning that the People would grow stark cold in minding a Reformation. Then he reminded him of his Age, that that called upon him to hasten, lest if he should be called out of the World before Matters in Religion were settled, the Conscience of his Slowness might create great Anxiety to him. He particularly put him in Mind of the great want of Pastors to preach the Gospel, and that the Church's Revenues were made such a Prey. Which he called An intolerable Evil. And said, that this was a plain reason, why there was so little Preaching among us. That a parcel of Slow-bellies were nourished from the Revenues of the Church, to sing Vespers in an unknown Tongue. But in the close he excused him in regard of the many and great Difficulties that he wrestled with. Which were certainly most true. In so much, 
But not justly.  that if he had not been a Man of great Conduct and indefatigable Industry, the Reformation had not made so fair a Progress as it did in his Time. And one may admire rather that he went so far, the Iniquity of the Times considered, than that he went no farther.  
For the Great Ones, in the Minority of the King, 
The Clergy preach against Sacrilege.  took their Opportunity, most insatiably to fly upon the Spoils of the Church, and Charitable Donations; little regarding any thing else, than to enrich themselves. Very vicious and dissolute they were in their Lives, as the soberer Sort in those Days complained; and therefore the less to be wondered, they were so negligent to provide for the promoting the Reformed Religion and Piety in the Land. In the mean time, the chief Preachers did what they could to redress these Evils: For they plainly and boldly rebuked this Evil Governance; and especially the Covetousness of the Courtiers, and their small regard to live after the Gospel: and sometimes incurred no small Danger by this Freedom. Mr. Roger's Vicar of S. Sepulchers, and afterwards a Martyr under Queen Mary, was one of these: Who so freely discoursed once at S. Paul's Cross, concerning the Abuse of Abbeys, and the Church's Goods, that he was summoned before the Privy-Council to answer for it. And so were divers others upon the same Reason. And I am apt to think that these Preachers did what they did, by the Counsel and Direction of the Archbishop. So that the present State of Things, and the Endeavours of him, and the rest of the Clergy considered, he was a little too hastily censured by Calvin in that behalf. But Cranmer was of so mild and gracious a Spirit, that he did not seem to conceive any Displeasure against Calvin for this his unjust Charge of Negligence; but kept up a great Esteem and Value for him.  
But, 
The University-Men declaim against it in the School▪  that I may take occasion here to insist a little longer upon this Argument, and vindicate the Honesty and Boldness of the English Clergy, in speaking their Minds against the Sacrilegious Spirit that reigned in these Times; it may not be amiss to give some Account of a Communication, that happened about December or january, 1552, at Court, between Sir William Cecyl the King's Secretary, and one Miles Wilson a grave Divine, and Acquaintance of the said Cecyl, and a Man of Eminency in the University of Cambridg. Discourse happening between them of divers and sundry things, relating partly to the propagating Christ's Religion, and partly to the preservation and increase of the Commonwealth; the said Wilson delivered to Cecyl an Oration to read, which he had composed, De rebus Ecclesiae non diripiendis; Concerning not spoiling the Church of her Means: and which he once pronounced in the Public Schools of the University, about that Time when those Matters were in agitation above. Cecyl, being a good and conscientious Man, had in this Conference signified to him his earnest desire to hear and see what could be proposed out of the Holy Scripture, in so unusual an Argument. To show this, and to give also a short view of his said Oration, because the Secretary's infinite Business would not allow him to read long Discourses, Wilson soon after digested the Contents thereof, reducing it into some Syllogisms, and Ratiocinations, more apt to urge, and easier to remember, and more accommodate to persuade. These with his Letter he sent to the Secretary. His Ends herein were to satisfy him in this Point, being a Man of great Stroke in the Public Transactions of those Times: who might accordingly use his Interest and Endeavour to retrieve what had been so unjustly taken from the Church; that the famous Schools lately dissolved, to the great ruin of the University, might be re-edified again; and that those Livings, which were miserably spoiled by covetous Patrons, might be restored, and enjoy their whole Revenues, to the real Honour of the State. And lastly, that the Hospitals, impoverished or wholly beggared, might by his means be remedied and helped by the King's Council; that they might revert to their former Condition; that is, to succour and help the Poor. He urged moreover to Cecyl, that the destruction of Schools would be the destruction of the Universities: and that all Learning would soon cease, and Popery and more than Gothic Barbarism would invade all, if Learned Men were not better taken care of than they were; and if the Rewards of Learning, viz. Rectories, prebend's and all, were taken away from them.  

And the Redress urged upon some at Court.  This Man had also freely discoursed these Matters to two other great and public-spirited Men, viz. Goodrig the Lord Chancellor, who was Bishop of Ely; and Holgate Archbishop of York. To both whom he had also given the Names of a great many Schools, Parsonages and Hospitals, that had undergon this sacrilegious Usage. And he particularly mentioned to Cecyl, a Town not far from Cambridg, called Childerlay, where a Gentleman had pulled down all the Houses in the Parish, except his own. And so there being none to frequent the Church, the Inhabitants being gone, he used the said Church, partly for a Stable for his Horses, and partly for a Barn for his Corn and Straw. This Letter of Wilson to the Secretary, together with his Arguments against pilling the Church subjoined, I have thought worthy preserving in the Repository for such Monuments in the Appendix. 
No. XCIII.  But to return from this Digression, which Calvin's Censure of our Archbishop occasioned.  
And when in the Year 1551, he dispatched into England one Nicolas, (that Nicolas Gallasius, I suppose, who was afterward by Calvin recommended to be Minister to the French Congregation in London, at the desire of Grindal Bishop of London, that he would send over some honest able Person for that Place) with Letters to the Duke of Somerset, 

Calvin sends Letters and certain of his Books to the King.  
Ep. 123.   and likewise to the King; to whom he presented also, at the same time, his Book of Commentaries upon Esay, and the Canonical Epistles, which he had Dedicated to him; both the King's Council, 
Well taken by the King and Council.  and the King himself were much pleased and satisfied with this Message: And the Archbishop told Nicolas, That Calvin could do nothing more profitable to the Church, than to write often to the King. The substance of what he wrote to the King, 

What the ABp told the Messenger hereupon.  
Ep. 120.   that was so well taken, was to excite and sharpen the generous Parts of the Royal Youth, as Calvin hinted in a Letter to Bullinger.   

CHAP. XXVI. The Archbishop highly valued Peter Martyr.  
AS for the Learned Italian, Peter Martyr, who is worthy to be mentioned with Melancthon and Calvin, 
P. Martyr, and the ABp cordial Friends.  there was not only an Acquaintance between him and our Archbishop, but a great and cordial Intimacy and Friendship. For of him he made particular use in the Steps he took in our Reformation. 
The use the ABp made of him.  And whensoever he might be spared from his Public Readins in Oxford, the Archbishop used to send for him, to confer with him about the weightiest Matters. This Calvin took notice of, and signified to him by Letter, how much he rejoiced that he made use of the Counsels of that excellent Man. 
Ep. 127.  And when the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws was in effect wholly devolved upon Cranmer, he appointed him and Gualther Haddon, and Dr. Rowland Tayler his Chaplain, and no more, to manage that Business. Which shows what an Opinion he had of Martyr's Abilities, and how he served himself of him in Matters of the greatest Moment. And in that bold and brave Challenge he made in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, to justify, against any Man whatsoever, every Part of King Edward's Reformation; he nominated and made choice of Martyr therein to be one of his Assistants in that Disputation, if any would undertake it with him. This Divine, when he was forced to leave Oxford upon the Change of Religion, retreated first to the Archbishop at Lambeth; and from thence, when he had tarried as long as he durst, he departed the Realm to Strasburgh.  
This Man was he that saw, 
Martyr saw the Voluminous Writings and Marginal Notes of the Archbishop.  and reported those voluminous Writings of this Archbishop, which he had collected out of all the Ancient Church-Writers, upon all the Heads of Divinity; and those Notes of his own Pen, that he had inserted in the Margin of his Books. Which the Archbishop communicated to him, when he conversed with him at his House. And from these and suchlike of the Archbishop's Labours, he acknowledged he had learned much, especially in the Doctrine of the Sacrament; as he writ in his Epistle before his Tract of the Encharist.  
The Fame of Peter Martyr, and the Desire of preserving all Remains of so Learned a Professor, 
Two Letters of Martyr from Oxford.  and great an Instrument of the Reformed Religion, hath inclined me to put two of his Letters into the Appendix, though otherwise not to our present Purpose; being Originals, writ by his own Hand from Oxon. 
N. XCIU.XCV.  The one to james Haddon, a learned Court-Divine, and Dean of Exon, to procure a Licence from the King or the Council, for a Friend and Auditor of his, to preach publicly. The other to Sir William Cecyl, to forward the payment of a Salary due to him, that read the Divinity-Lecture in the Room of Dr. Weston a Papist, who had claimed it himself, and laboured to detain it from him.  

An instance of his Love to the Archbishop.  I cannot forbear mentioning here an Instance of his Love and great Concern for our Archbishop, his old Friend and Patron, after the Iniquity of the Times had parted them, the one then in Prison, and the other at Strasburgh. It was in june 1555, when Queen Mary, supposing herself with Child, was reported to have said in her Zeal, That she could never be happily brought to Bed, nor succeed well in any other of her Affairs, unless she caused all the Heretics she had in Prison to be burnt, without sparing so much as One. Which Opinion, very likely, the Bishop of Winchester, or some other of her Zelotical Chaplains, put into her Head. This Report coming to Martyr's Ears, afflicted him greatly; not only for the Destruction that was like suddenly to befall many Holy Professors, but more especially for the imminent Hazard he apprehended that great and public Person, the Archbishop to be in. Which made him express himself in this manner, in a Letter to Peter Alexander, to whom that most Reverend Father had also formerly been a kind Host and Patron; That from those Words of the Queen, he might discover that my Lord of Canterbury was then in great Danger. 
P. Martyr Ep. Theolog.    

CHAP. XXVII. The Archbishop's Favour to John Sleidan.  
TO all these Learned and religious Outlandishmen, to whom the Archbishop was either a Patron or a Friend, 
The ABp's favour to john Sleidan.  or both, we must not forget to join john Sleidan, the renowned Author of those exact Commentaries of the State of Religion, and the Commonwealth in Germany, in the time of Charles V. About the end of March, 
Procures him a Pension from the King.  Anno 1551, He procured for him from King Edward an Honorary Pension of two hundred Crowns a Year, as some Aid for the carrying on his Commentaries, which he then was busy about; and as it seems, encouraged by Cranmer to take in Hand and prosecute. And when Dr. Bruno, a Learned Man, and Father-in-Law to Sleidan, departed out of England, which was about the Time before mentioned, being the Agent of the Duke of Saxony, the Archbishop informed him of this Stipend, by the King granted unto his Son-in-Law; confirming the same to him in the King's Name, and encouraging the Commentator hereby to proceed cheerfully in his useful Undertaking.  

The Payment neglected.  But upon the Stirs at Court, the payment of this Pension was neglected a great while. Which caused Sleidan to call upon the Archbishop more than once, as also upon his Friends Cheke and Cecyl; entreating them to remind the Archbishop of him, and to communicate to his Lordship the Letters he had writ to them. But alas! he needed not to have been excited to things of this Nature▪ bearing so good a Will to them, and being of his own Nature so forward to favour Learned and honest Men, and useful Designs; Nor was his good Will to Sleidan any whit abated, but his Interest at Court was, now towards the declension of King Edward's Reign.  
But because his Pension depended only upon a verbal Promise of the King, 
Sleidan labours with the ABp to get the Pension confirmed by Letters Patents.  and the getting it under his Seal might contribute to the payment of it in better sort hereafter, he laboured with our Prelate, and the two other Persons mentioned, that it might be confirmed by Letters Patents. He urged to them, That he could have employed himself in other Business, that would have redounded more to his Profit, as many others did. But he reckoned himself called to this Work from Heaven, and that he could take no rest in his Mind till he had brought the History down to that present Time, (it being then the Year 1553) That he had hope, that they, according to their Humanity and Prudence, who well understood things, would take some Pains, that the Arrears of his promised Stipend might be paid, and that some further Care might be taken for the due Payment of it hereafter, that so he might the more conveniently and freely follow that Matter. Leaving it to them to consider how much that Labour cost him: [as to the Charges he means of Correspondence for the getting particular and faithful Accounts of things, that past in all Parts.] And lastly, That it belonged properly to Kings, to cherish such Labours, as would be Ornaments to Religion and Learning, and of Use to the Common-Good. And in another Address to Secretary Cecyl he desired, That he would plead in his behalf with the most Reverend the Archbishop; adding, That he did wholly give up himself to this Work, and was in a diligent pursuit of all Matters in order to the compiling a complete History.  
Though I have said so much already of Sleidan, yet I will take this occasion to add somewhat more: that I may retrieve as much as I can of this honest Man, and excellent Writer. In the Month of September, Anno 1552, he sent to the King, together with a Letter, 
Sends his Commentaries to the King.  his Commentaries of the Germane Wars, brought down to that very Time: being a short Draught of that he intended afterwards more largely and fully to write. And Cheke and Cecyl were the Men that presented them to his Majesty. With this kind of Writing the King declared himself much pleased, as Cecyl wrote him back; and so he and Cheke also were.  
This Encouragement put our Author upon another Design, 
Designs to write the History of the Council of Trent.  resolving to write the whole Actions of the Council of Trent: wherein he himself had been a part, having been Agent there for five Months from the City of Strasburg. This he intended to do for the King's own Sake. 
For the King's Use.  That he might thoroughly understand the Form of Councils, and might then make his Judgement of the rest of the History of the Reformation of Religion, which he was then writing.  
The Spring after he presented the King with a Specimen of his Writing concerning the Council of Trent. 
Anno 1553. Sends the King a Specimen thereof.  It was the beginning and entrance into that Treatise he intended to write of that Subject. This he desired might be kept in the King's Study, and communicated to no other Hand; and that no Copy of it might be taken, it being but a small part of a future Work, and so imperfect.  
He had now, in the Ides of March, completed his Commentaries from the Year 1517, to the Year 1536; and was resolved, by God's Grace, to go on with it in the same Method. In order to which, in the Month of December before, 
In order to the proceeding with his Commentaries, desires Cecyl to send him the whole Action between K. H. VIII. and P. Clement VII.  he had desired of Cecyl, that he would procure him the whole Action between King Henry VIII. and Pope Clement VII. when that King vindicated his own Liberty, and that of his Kingdom from Papal Pretences of Supremacy over each. This Matter between the King and the Pope he called, Locus illustris & memorabilis, and judged it very worthy for Posterity to know. Adding, that though he had in his own Hands some Matters relating thereto, yet they were not so exact and certain as he could wish; because he desired to describe every thing properly and most exactly according to Truth. He entreated also, that if either he or Cheke had any other Matters of that Nature to impart, they would oblige him with them. Which Passages make me conclude that in relation to the English Affairs he made great use of Intelligences from Cecyl and Cheke, and probably our Archbishop too. Which consideration may add a great Reputation unto the Credit of his Book.  
Now to preserve as much as we can of this excellent Historian, john Sleidan, I have thought good to insert divers of his Letters in the Appendix; and likewise because mention is often therein made of our Archbishop. To which I have subjoined a Letter of Martin Bucer, 
B●cer writes to C●cyl in behalf of Sl●idan. No. XCVI. XCVII.XCVIII.XCIX.C.CI.CII.  a great Name, wrote to Cecyl in behalf of the said Sleidan. For he did not only importune those Courtiers before mentioned, but when no Answer came from them, he made Bucer also his Solicitor from Cambridg. Who Anno 1551, Feb. 18. wrote to Cecyl to further Sleidan's Business, and to dispatch the Payment of his Stipend; and that Sleidan might be resolved one way or other; giving Cecyl this Memento, That this would well become the Administration of a Kingdom so much adorned as with other things, so with the Benefit of Religion. By the way, the Date of this Letter would deserve well to be noted, serving to judge of the true Date of Bucer's Death. Which by Historians is variously set down, if we may believe Fuller in his History of the University of Cambridg. It is certain Bucer was ill when he wrote that Letter to Cecyl; for he mentions therein an Epistle, which he sent to Dr. john Quercetanus the Physician, upon the said Cecyl's Desire, the which, he said, he was hardly able to dictate. This Letter to Cecyl, I take, to be writ in his last Sickness, nine Days before the Date, which Sleidan his Friend, assigned for the Day of his Death. To which agrees within a Day a Passage at the end of a Piece of Bucer's, 
Feb. 27. 1551.  entitled, Explicatio de vi & usu S. Ministerii, 
Scriptae Anglic.  where it is said, That he died at Cambridg, before he finished it. Pridie Cal. Martias, Anno 1551.  

john Leland.  I have one Learned Man more behind to mention, and he our own Countryman; to whom our Archbishop was a Patron; and that is the celebrated Antiquarian john Leland, Library-keeper to Henry VIII, and who, by a Commission under the Broad Seal, granted to him for that purpose by the King, had got together a vast Heap of Collections of the Historical Antiquities of this Nation: which he was many Years a making by his Travels and diligent Searches into the Libraries of Abbeys and Religious-Houses, before, and at their Dissolution, and elsewhere. From whence he intended to compile a complete History of the Antiquities of Britain; To which he wholly devoted himself. But being at that time poor, and the Charges of such an Undertaking great, he wanted some Body to make this known to the King, and to recommend him effectually to his Favour and Countenance; and to procure him a Royal Gratuity: For which purpose he made his Application to Cranmer, (who he well knew, was the great Encourager of Learning and Ingenuity) in a very elegant Address in Verse, as he was an excellent Poet. And I am apt to think, the Preferments that soon after befell him, as a good Parsonage near Oxford, and a Canonry of the King's College in that University, and a Prebendship elsewhere, accrued to him by the means of the Archbishop, laying open his State before the King. His Copy of Verses were as follow:  

Ad Thomam Cranmerum Cantiorum Archiepiscopum.  
EST congesta mihi domi supellex,  
Ingens, aurea, nobilis, venusta,  
Qua totus studeo Britanniarum  
Vero reddere gloriam nitori.  
Sed fortuna meis noverca coeptis,  
jam felicibus invidet maligna.  
Quare ne pereant brevi vel hora  
Multarum mihi noctium labores  
Omnes, & patriae simul decora  
Ornamenta cadant, suusque splendor  
Antiquis malè desit usque rebus,  
Cranmere, eximium decus piorum,  
Implorare tuam benignitatem  
Cogor. Fac igitur tuo sueto  
Pro candore, meum decus, patronumque  
Vt tantùm faveat, roges, labori  
Incoepto: pretium sequetur amplum.  
Sic nomen tibi litterae elegantes  
Rectè perpetuum dabunt, suósque  
Partim vel titulos tibi receptos  
Concedet memori Britannus ore.  
Sic te posteritas amabit omnis,  
Et fama super aethera innotesces.    

CHAP. XXVIII. Archbishop Cranmers Relations and Chaplains.  
TO look now a little into the Archbishop's more private and domestic Concerns. He had two Wives. 
His Wives and Children.  While he was Fellow of jesus College in Cambridg, not being in Orders, he married his first, named joan, dwelling at the Dolphin, opposite to jesus Lane, which I think is a public House to this Day. Which occasioned some of his Enemies afterwards to say, That he was once an Ostler, because he lodged sometime with his Wife at that House. Her he buried within a Year, dying in Childbed. And then for divers Years he continued studying hard, and reading Learned Lectures in the University, and bringing up Youth, till he was called to the Court. His second Wife, named Ann, he married in Germany, while he was Ambassador there. By her he had Children. In King Henry's Reign he kept her Secret; and upon the Act of the Six Articles he sent her away into Germany, that he might give no Offence, nor draw any Danger upon himself. In the time of King Edward, when the Marriage of the Clergy was allowed, he brought her forth, and lived openly with her. He had Children that survived him. For whose sake an Act of Parliament passed in the Year 1562, to restore them in Blood, their Father having been condemned for Treason in consenting to the Lady Iane's Succession to the Crown. For which yet he was pardoned by Queen Mary. Probably the Pardon was only Verbal, or not Authentically enough drawn up, or might admit of some Doubt: To take off which such an Act was procured. How many Children he had, or what Issue remains of them to this Day, I am not able, after all my Inquiries, to show.  

His Wife survived him. Sincere and modist Defence of English Catholics.  His Wife survived him. For we may give so much Credit to a very angry Book, writ against the Execution of justice in England, by Cardinal Allen; Which charging the Archbishop with Breach of Vows, saith, That at the very Day and Hour of his Death, he was sacrilegiously joined in pretended Marriage to a Woman, notwithstanding his Vow and Order. And living she was toward the latter End of Archbishop Parker's Time; and for her Subsistence enjoyed an Abbey in Nottinghamshire: 
MS. Life of Cranmer in Benet▪ College.  which King Henry, upon Dr. Butt's his Motion, without the Archbishop's knowledge, granted to him and his Heirs.  

Divers Cranmers.  For his Wife and Children he could not escape many a Taunt from his Enemies behind his Back; and one to his Face from Dr. Martin, one of those that were commissionated to sit as Judges upon him at Oxford. He told him in reproach, That his Children were Bondmen to the See of Canterbury. Whether there be any such old Canon-Law I know not. But the Archbishop smiled, and asked him, If a Priest at his Benefice kept a Concubine, and had Children by her, whether those Children were Bondmen to the Benefice, or no? And that he trusted they would make his children's Case no worse. I find two of his Name in King Edward's Reign; but whether they were his, or his Brother Edmund's Sons, or some other Relations, I cannot tell. There was one Richard Cranmer, one of the Witnesses at the Abjuration of Ashton, Priest, an Arian, 1548. Daniel Cranmer of Bilsington, of the Diocese of Canterbury, who about administering to a Will, was for contumacy to the Court of Canterbury, 
Cranm. Regist.  Excommunicate: and a Significavit was issued out against him thereupon, in the Year 1552. There was also a Thomas Cranmer about these Times, 
Su●●er's Ant.  who bought something in Ware-Lane of the City of Canterbury. He was Public Notary, and Register to the archdeacon in the Year 1569. I find likewise one Robert Cranmer Esq. who was Nephew to the Archbishop, and alive at the latter End of Queen Elizabeth. This Robert left one only Daughter and Heiress, named Ann. Whom Sir Arthur Harris of Crixey in Essex, married, and enjoyed with her three Manors; Postling, which came to the said Robert in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth: Kingsnorth in Vlcomb, and Saltwood: Both which he purchased in the latter end of that Queen. Upon whose Grandchild, Sir Cranmer Harris of Lincoln's-Inn Kt. those Estates descended. There was another Cranmer of Canterbury, who enjoyed a Manor, called Sapinton, in Petham in Kent. One of whose Offspring by descent successively was entitled to the Propriety of it, 
Philpot 's Villar. Cantian.  and was alive when Philpot published his Book of that County, viz. 1659. There ●e living at this Time among divers others, two Knights of this Name, Sir Cesar Cranmer once belonging to the Court, and Sir William Cranmer, a worthy Merchant of London, and now Deputy-Governor of the Hamburgh Company.  
But if we look backward, 
The AB's Stock.  the Archbishop's Stock and Pedigree was very Ancient, and of good Credit. His Father was Thomas Cranmer of Alacton in Nottinghamshire, Esquire; and his Mother was Agnes, the Daughter of Laurence Hatfield of Willoughby of like Degree, a Gentleman, if I mistake not, of the same County. Which two had Issue three Sons, john, and Thomas our Archbishop, and Edmund who was the Archdeacon: and four Daughters, Dorothy, Ann, jane and Isabel. Which Sisters of our Archbishop were thus matched. Dorothy to Harold Rosel of Radcliff in this County, Esq Ann to Edmund Cartwright of Ossington in Staffordshire, Esquire; jane to john Moaning Lieutenant of Dover-Castle, and Isabel to Sir .... Shepey Knight. Matches, I suppose, especially the two latter, of the Archbishop's own making, for the Preferment of his Sisters. His elder Brother john married jone, Daughter of Fretchvile, of a good Family in the same County. Whose Grandchild Thomas, and Grand-Nephew to our Archbishop, had none but Daughters. One of whom being a Coheir, married john Rosel, Grandchild to Harold aforesaid, and the other to good Families in those Parts.  
The Archbishop's great Grandfather, Edmund, married Isabel Daughter and Heir of William de Aslacton, a very Ancient Family. 
Aslacton.  This Edmund was alive in the Reign of Henry VI.  
In the Church of Whatton, in this County, 
Whatton.  is an Ancient Monument of an Ancestor of our Archbishop, with this Inscription; Hic jacet Thomas Cranmerus. Qui obiit 27 Maii, 1501. Cujus animae propitietur Deus. Amen. And on the Monument the Coat of Arms of the Cranmers; being a Chevron, between three Cranes, quartered with those of the Aslactons, Newmarches, Whattons, and two Families more. This might probably enough be the Archbishop's Father.  
The Archbishop in the first Year of King Edward VI, 
The Rectories whereof the ABp purchased.  purchased of that King the Rectories of Whatton and Aslacton, (the Manors whereof belonged to his Family before) with the Advousons' of the Churches. Both which had pertained to the dissolved Monastery of Welbeck. Which Rectories the Archbishop, as it seems, made over to his Nephew Thomas, Son to his Brother john. For he died seized of them both. And they descended to his Son and Heir Thomas. The Manors of the said Whatton and Aslacton are now come into the noble Family of Dorchester. The Tithes and Glebe to the armstrong's of Scarrington. For these Collections I am beholden to Thoroton's History of Nottinghamshire.  
And now in the last place, 
His Chaplains.  let us look into the Archbishop's Domestic Affairs. He took great heed to the Well-government of his Family, that all things there might beseem the House of a truly Christian Bishop, and the chief Spiritual Governor of the English Church. And in order to this, one of his Cares was to have Learned Men about him. A few whereof, as I could retrieve them, I shall here mention, and give some Account of. And first let us begin with his Chaplains.  

Rowland Taylor.  I can find but a few of them: but Men they were of great Parts and Achievements in Learning, as well as Piety. One of them was Rowland Taylor Doctor of both Laws, and preferred by the Archbishop to be Parson of Hadley in Suffolk. Who sealed his Doctrine with his Blood. An extraordinary Man, both for his Learning, as well as his bold and brave Profession of Christ's Religion, even to the fiery Trial. He had read over (which was rare in those Days) all S. Augustine's Works, S. Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Eusebius, Origen, and divers other Fathers. He professed the Civil Law, and had read over the Canon Law also: As he told the Lord Chancellor Gardiner, when in his Scorn and Rage together he called him an Ignorant Beetle-brow. The Archbishop made use of him in his Affairs: and he was one of those, that were joined with him in King Edward's Days, for making a Reformation in the Ecclesiastical Laws. Soon after he was invested in his Benefice, leaving the AB's Family, he went and resided, like a careful Pastor, and performed among his Parishioners all the Parts of an excellent Minister, in respect of his Doctrine, Example and Charity. He was sent down to his own Parish of Hadley, where he was extremely beloved, to be burnt. But I refer the Reader to the large and full Account that Fox gives of him in his Book of Acts and Monuments; and shall only recite his Epitaph, as it now remaineth, or lately did, in a brass Plate hanging in the Church of Hadley, where he deserved so well.  

Gloria in Altissimis Deo.  

His Epitaph.  OF Rowland Tailor's Fame I show, an Excellent Divine,  
A Doctor of the Civil Law, a Preacher rare and fine.  
King Henry and King Edward's Days, Preacher and Parson here,  
That gave to God continual Praise, and kept his Flock in Fear.  
And for the Truth condemned to die he was in Fire and Flame,  
Where he received patiently the Torment of the same:  
And strongly suffered to the End. Which made the Standards by,  
Rejoice in God to see their Friend and Pastor so to die.  
O Taylor! were thy mighty Fame uprightly here enroled,  
Thy Deeds deserve that thy good Name were ciphered here in Gold.  
Obiit 1555.   
And in Aldham-Common, not far from Hadley Town, is a great Stone, that assigns the Place where he suffered, and on it are written these words, or to this effect, 
Dr. Taylor for maintaining what was good,  
In this Place shed his Blood.   
His Living was immediately supplied by one Newal. 
A Sermon preached the Day after his Burning.  And to deserve his Preferment, or by Commandment perhaps from Above, to render their taking away Dr. Taylor the more justifiable, he made a Sermon February 10, 1555, being the Day next after he suffered, upon this Text, Sic currite, ut comprehendatis. His Work was to persuade the People to return to the old Superstitions, and to bespatter the Martyr with false Reports. And meeting with a Writing, 
Inter Foxii MSS.  that containeth the Sum of this Sermon, I will crave leave here to insert it; to give a Specimen of Popish Preaching in these Days.  
He exhorted to run in the straight Way, and leave the wide Gate, 
Wherein the Martyr is grossly Slandered.  viz. To leave the newfound Learning, and but new found indeed; and follow all one Religion. For ye were, said he, erroneously taught by such Men as died yesterday. Of whom I will speak, but for no Malice, as God I take to record.  
His Opinions were, wherefore he died, one, that Priests might have Wives: the other, that in the Sacrament was not the very Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, substantially and really.  
The first, that Priests should have Wives, he could prove by no Scripture, but by three other Authors. And he was demanded, if he were willing to stand to the last? He answered, Yea, before God. Then the Book laid afore him, and read to him in Latin and English: and he reading the English of it himself, said he would read the Latin, and so did, and confuted himself. And stood then as amazed; as can witness five hundred.  
And I dare say, there were a thousand Texts rehearsed to him to the contrary: but he could answer not to one. And so had divers Admonitions, but was so stubborn in his own Conceit, according to Paul's Saying, Si sit homo sectuum, Let him be admonished once or twice; And so hath he been: If he will not turn, let him cast out. And so he is now. For better were it so to do, then to put many Souls in danger with evil Doctrine.  
And one Text I will declare to you for Priests having Wives. S. Paul, when he was tempted, rid to our Saviour Christ, and asked what Remedy were for Temptation, for his Temptation? but whether it were of Lust of the Flesh, or vain Glory, I cannot tell, but let that go to the Opinion of Men. And Christ answered, Why Paul, is not my Grace sufficient for thee? But he did not say, Take a Wife, and let that be thy Remedy. But they straight take a Drab by the Tail, saying, That no Man can live chaste without the Gift of God.  
And as concerning the Sacrament, to prove it, he brought Paul in the end of the first to the Corinthians, Luke, john, Sixth of Mark. And it is not to be called the Supper of the Lord, as these Banbury Glosers have called it. For Coenâ factâ, he said, This is my Body, which is, or shall be, betrayed. And in one Text Cyprian, one of the Primitive Church, said in a Sermon of the Supper, The Bread which Christ gave to his Disciples, by the omnipotency of the Word, is made Flesh. And Dionysius and Hilary similiter.  
To err is a small Fault, but to persevere is a devilish thing. For it moveth many Minds, to see an Heretic constant, and to die. But it is not to be mervelled at: for the Devil hath Power over Soul and Body. For he causeth Men to drown and hang themselves, at their own Wills. Much more he may cause a Man to burn: seeing he is tied, and cannot fly. Barnaby saith so. Cyprian, unus Clericorum, saith, That grievous is the Fault of Discord in Christ's Church, and cannot be cleansed with Burning, or any other Sacrifice. Ergo, Damned.  
For sure he died in damnable Case, if he did not otherwise repent in the Hour of Pain. For though he did burn in this Case, he showeth himself a Christian Man no otherwise than the Devil showeth himself like Christ: and so maketh no End of a Martyr. Austin saith, He that will deny the Church to be his Mother, God will deny him to be his Son.  
And so Pope julius the third prayed for, etc. He made an end for lack of his Books, because he said, he was but new come, and brought not his Books with him.  
Item, Last, The Person being laboured by the way, to have left his Opinion, answered, Alas! what would you have me to do? Once I have Recanted, and my Living is gone. I am but a Wretch: Make an end of me. And, I warrant you, said not one word at his Death, more than desired the People to pray for him. Which was no Token of a Christian, but of Stubbornness. But I am glad, that ye were so quiet.  
A right Popish Sermon, patched up of Ignorance, Malice, Uncharitableness, Lies and Improbabilities: That he had no Scripture to produce for himself. That his Adversaries had a thousand against him. That he should be willing to stand to a Quotation out of a Father, and know no better what it was, as, when he saw it, to be so confounded and amazed. That if he were so convinced and speechless, that he should be so stupid and senseless to suffer Death, for Matters, which he saw were not true. But such a Character was here given of him, as was no ways agreeable to the great Learning, Wisdom, and Piety, that this excellent Man was endued with.  

john Ponet.  john Ponet, or Poinet a Kentish Man, and of Queen's College, Cambridg, was another of his Chaplains; a very Ingenious, as well as Learned Man: Afterward Bishop of Rochester, and then of Winchester. A great Friend to that accomplished Scholar, Roger Ascham; who in confidence of his Friendship, writ to him, when Domestic Chaplain to the Archbishop, to deliver his Letter, and forward his Suit to his Grace, to dispense with him from eating Flesh, and keeping Lent, as was mentioned before. He was of great Authority with Cranmer, and of his Council in Matters of Divinity. We may judge of his great Abilities by what Godwin speaks of him, viz. That he had left divers Writings in Latin and English: and that besides the Greek and Latin, he was well seen in the Italian and Dutch Tongues. [Which last he learned probably in his Exile.] That he was an excellent Mathematician, and gave unto King Henry VIII. a Dial of his own Devise; showing not only the Hour of the Day, but also the Day of the Month, the Sign of the Sun, the Planetary Hour; yea, the Change of the Moon, the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, with divers other things as strange, to the great wonder of the King, and his no less Commendation. And he was as eminent for his Gift in Preaching, as for his other Qualifications, being preferred by King Edward for some excellent Sermons preached before him. 
Stow.  One of our Historians writes, that he was with Sir Thomas Wyatt in his Insurrection: and after his Defeat, fled into Germany, where in the City of Strasburg he died about the Year 1556. But Bale speaks not a word of his being with Wyatt; but that he died being 40 Years of Age, buried at Strasburgh, and attended honourably to his Grave with abundance of Learned Men and Citizens.  
Thomas Becon a Suffolk Man, seems to have been his Chaplain. 
Tho. Becon.  To Cranmer, Becon dedicated his Treatise of Fasting: wherein he mentioned several Benefits he had received from the Archbishop. One whereof was, his making him one of the Six Preachers of Canterbury. He was deprived in Queen Mary's Reign, as all the other five were, for being Married. He was a famous Writer, as well as Preacher, in the Reigns of King Henry, King Edward, Queen Marry and Queen Elizabeth. So eminent, that he was one of the three, Vernon and Bradford (being the other two) that were sent for by Queen Mary's Council, and committed to the Tower in the beginning of her Reign, viz. August 16. 1553. From whence he was not delivered till March 22. following. During which time, as he complained himself, he underwent a miserable Imprisonment. To conceal himself in those dangerous Times, he went by the Name of Theodore Basil: and was one of those Authors, whose Names were specified in a severe Proclamation put forth by King Philip and Queen Mary, 1555. as being Writers of Books, which, as contrary to the Pope and Roman Catholic Religion, were forbidden to be brought into England, or used, and commanded diligently to be searched for, and brought to the Ordinary, upon Penalty of the Statute of Henry IV, against Heresy. After his delivery from Prison, skulking about for some time, at length he saved himself by Exile.  
He was a Man mightily tossed about. For to look upon him, before this, in King Henry's Reign; then for his Security, he was forced to leave his Friends and Country, wand'ring as far as Darbyshire, and the Peak: where he privately taught School for a Subsistence. And coming a mere Stranger into Alsop in the Dale, one Mr. Alsop, a pious Man, in that barbarous Country, showed him great Civility. Afterwards he traveled into Staffor●shire, where he also educated Children in good Literature, and instilled into their Minds the Principles of Christian Doctrine. After a Year's tarrying there, and in Leicester-shire, he flitted into Warwickshire, where he taught also divers gentlemen's Sons, and where he met with old Father Latimer to his great Joy, who had first made him acquainted with the Gospel, when he was a Scholar in Cambridg, twenty Years before. He wrote a great many Books, forty in number, suited to the various Occasions of Christians, both in the Persecutions under Queen Mary, and the free Profession and Restoration of the Gospel, under King Edward▪ and Queen Elizabeth: and many more against the Religion of the Roman Church. All these did this learned and painful Author compose for the Benefit of the Professors of Religion. Whereby he did such Service to the enlightening of men's Minds in the knowledge of the Truth, and for the exposing the Corruptions of Popery, that it was thought convenient, that some of that Communion should be employed to write against him. And so Richard Smith, sometime Reader of Divinity in Oxon, and one that had subscribed to the Reformed Religion, and after fled into Brabant, and became a zealous Assertor of Popery, writ in a bitter Style against some of Becon's Books, as he had done against the Archbishop himself before.  
I find this Becon put up to preach one of the Lent Sermons at St. Paul's Cross, in the Year 1566. And such than was his Fame for a Preacher, and such his Favour with the greatest Prelates, that the Lord Mayor for that Year sent a Message to Archbishop Parker, That his Grace would prevail with him to preach one of the Sermons at the spital that Easter.  
In the Year 1564, he revised and reprinted all his former Books in three Volumes; dedicating the whole to all the Archbishops and Bishops of the Realm. And in Commendation thereof, Parkhurst Bishop of Norwich, wrote these Verses to him.  
Vidi & perlegi doctos, Baecone, Libellos,  
Quos tua non pridem Sancta Minerva dedit.  
Dispeream, siquid legi unquam sanctius, aut si  
Quid potuit populo tradier utilius.  
Auspice perge Deo tales vulgar Libellos:  
Vaniloquax sed nec lingua timenda tibi est.  
Sic Christum possis avido inculcare popello,  
Sic possis nomen condecorare tuum.  
Besides these, there was his Postil, being Godly and Learned Sermons on all the Sunday-Gospels in the Year: Printed in Quarto in the Year 1567.  
I shall say no more of his Chaplains, after I shall have mentioned Richard Harman. 
Rich. Harman.  Who seems to have been one of his first Chaplains; being once of King's-College, but went away Scholar (probably for Religion;) afterwards lived in jesus-college, and commenced Master of Arts with Cranmer: Whom he also preferred to be his Domestic afterwards. This Man was one of those Cambridgmen that were elected into S. Frideswide's-College in Oxon; and suffered much there for Religion. He was afterwards a Canon of Windsor; but fell back to Popery.   

CHAP. XXIX. Archbishop Cranmers Officers.  

Rob. Watson the ABp's Steward.  I Shall now add a few words of Two of his Civil Officers: His Steward and his Secretary: on Nevyl was his Steward in K. Henry's Reign; who conducted Sir john Seimour, coming with a Message from the King, through the Hall, when the Tables were sumptuously set, unto the ABp at Dinner; him I have nothing to say of. But he had another afterwards, named Robert Watson, born in Norwich, of whom I have a word or two say. He was a great Civilian, and an Exile for Religion in Queen Mary's Reign. But before his escape beyond Sea, he lay in Prison in Norwich a Year and four Months, saith Bale; almost two Years, saith Fox. And then was most fortunately delivered, without doing any Violence to his Conscience, by the Subscription which he made. Being Abroad, he wrote a Piece, entitled, Aetiologia, to all that sincerely professed Christ, wheresoever dispersed, especially his Countrymen, the English, banished with him. In this Tract he gave a Relation of himself, and his Imprisonment and Escape; and of the Disputes that happened between him and his Adversaries concerning Transubstantiation, and the Real Presence of Christ in the Sacrament; and by what means he escaped safe in Body and Conscience: Which was a rare Matter to do from such Inquisitors. It was propounded to him to set his Hand to these words, viz. That he believed and confessed, that the Bread and Wine in the Eucharist, through the Omnipotency of God's Word, pronounced by the Priest, were turned into the Body and Blood of Christ; and after Consecration, under the Forms of Bread and Wine, remained the true Body and Blood of Christ, and no other Substance. To which he made this Subscription; His omnibus eatenus assentior & subscribo, quatenus Verbo Dei nituntur, eoque sensu, quo sunt ab Ecclesia Catholica, & a Sanctis Patribus intellecta. By the Means of one Dr. Barret, a Learned Friar of Norwich, he was upon this favourable Subscription dismissed. But Christopherson Dean of Norwich, when he understood it, was much incensed, and laid out to take him again. But he, by the help of Friends, escaped over the Seas.  
Now lastly of Ralph Morice his Secretary, so much employed, 
His Secretary▪ Ralph Morice.  and so greatly entrusted by our Archbishop, it may not be amiss to set down a few Memorials. He was his Secretary, not so much for ordinary Matters incident to his Archiepiscopal Office, as his Amanuensis for Learned Treatises and Discourses which he composed. In this Place he remained for twenty Years, that is, from the Archbishop's first entrance upon his See, to the Death of King Edward VI, his good Master. He was a very considerable Person, 
His Parentage▪  and of good Birth, being the Son of james Morice of Royden in the County of Essex Esq. Which james was sometime Servant unto the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, and Clerk of her Kitchen, and Master of her Works; and particularly of Christs-College and S. john's in Cambridg, both which she founded. He also and his Son William were joint Receivers of the Lands, called Richmond-Lands; and other Lands, called the Recovered-Lands.  
Our Ralph, by reason of his Service about the Archbishop, 
Well known to divers eminent Bishops.  was well known to Bishop Heth, Bishop Thirlby, Bishop Cox, Bishop Barlow, and Bishop Scory; Men that were much about the Archbishop, and his Friends; and who were privy to those Volumes that the Secretary writ out for his Master. He dwelled sometime in Chatham, not far from Canterbury; and had the Farm of that Parsonage, and the Nomination of the Curate. And being a Man of Conscience and Integrity, endeavoured to procure here an honest and able Preacher; and so presented to the Church one Richard Turner, 
Presents Turner to Chatham▪  a Man of an irreprehensible Life, and well-learned in the Holy Scriptures. Who, for his Doctrine against the Popish Superstition, and the Pope's Supremacy, 
And stands by him in his Troubles for his faithful Preaching.  met with great Troubles. But his Patron very stiffly stood by him, and procured the Archbishop to favour him: And having an Interest with Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Butts, Courtiers, he wrote Mr. Turner's Case at large to them, and got them to read his Letter before the King. Who, though before he had been by sinister Reports so incensed against him, as to command him to be whipped out of the Country, now by this Means he conceived better Thoughts of him, and commanded him to be cherished as a good Subject; as I have before more at large related.  

An Instance of the ABp's Kindness to this his Secretary.  Another Passage I meet with of this Man, relates to the Kindness of the ABp his Master to him. Who, in token of his goodwill he bore him, and of his readiness to reward his Diligence and Faithfulness in his Service, did procure him a Lease of the Parsonage of Ospring in Kent, being an Impropriation belonging unto S. johns-college in Cambridg, worth better than forty Marks by the Year de claro, when Wheat was but a Noble the Quarter. This the Archbishop got a Grant of from the said College for him. But when the Lease was prepared, and ready to be sealed, one Hawkins of the Guard, by his importunate Suit, got King Henry VIII, to obtain it of the College to be sealed for the use of him the said Hawkins. The Archbishop then solicited the King in his Servant's behalf, and the King promised him, and also Dr. Day the Master of the College, that he would otherwise recompense Morris for the same, with like Value or better. Which was never done, the King dying before he did any thing for him.  

Morice his Suit to Q. Elizabeth for a Pension.  This caused Morris to prefer a Supplication unto Queen Elizabeth, setting forth his said Case, and desiring therefore her Liberality, Aid and Succour; especially considering, that her Royal Father had in his Will provided, that all such who had sustained any manner of Damage or Hindrance by him, should be satisfied for the same: Suing therefore to her Majesty for a Pension, that had been allowed unto one Wilbore, late Prior of the Monastery of S. Augustine's, lately deceased, that it might be conferred upon him during his Life. And indeed he seemed now in his old Age, to have need of some such Favour, his Condition being but mean according to worldly Things, and having four Daughters all marriageable, and not where-withal to bestow them according to their Quality. This his Poverty he urged to the Queen, and that the granting him this Pension, would be a good furtherance of his said Daughter's Marriage.  

His second Suit to the Queen, to confirm certain Lands descended to him from his Father.  The same Person had some Lands descended to him from james his Father, out of two Manors, the one called Royden-Manor, and the other called The Temple, both situate and lying in the Parish of Royden. His said Father, upon some certain Reasons and Agreements, surrendered two long Leases of both these Manors into King Henry VIII his Hands. In consideration of which, and of long and true Services, the said King did give, except and reserve certain Tenements, Lands, Pastures and Meadows out of the said two Lordships, to the Use of the said james and his Heirs and Assigns for ever, as appeared by his Letters Patents. And james did enjoy them peaceably and quietly, without any molestation, until his Death; which was in the second Year of Queen Mary. But of late the Leases of the Manors being sold away unto others, they laid Claim and Title unto the said reserved Lands, upon the Information of one Thurgood, Steward of the Courts there; pretending that there were not Words sufficient in the said Letters Patents to justify the said Exceptions. This occasioned Ralph Morice the Son, who enjoyed some of the Copy-holds within the said Exceptions, to sue unto the Queen for her Majesty's Letters Patents, to ratify and confirm the said Exceptions, that the King's Godly Disposition, Intent and Meaning, might be in Force to james Morice's Heirs and Assigns for ever.  
What Success he had in this and the former Petition, I find not; but am ready to think the Queen gratified him in both, as well for his own Merits, as out of that high Respect she bore to the Memory of our incomparable Prelate, whose Servant he had so long been, and for whose sake he recommended himself and his Suit to her. I have inserted the former of these Supplications in the Appendix, 
No. CIII.  being an Original of Morice's own Handwriting, and containing some memorable Passages in it.  
This Man was, by the Archbishop's Means, 
He was Register to the Commissioners in K. Edward's Visitation.  appointed Register in King Edward VI his Visitation, which was in the second Year of his Reign; the Articles whereof were drawn up by the Archbishop, and preserved to us in Bishop Sparrow's Collections. And being ready to depart with the King's Commissioners, the Archbishop sent for him to Hampton-Court, and willed him to make Notes of certain Matters in the said Visitation, whereof he gave him particular Instructions; and had large Discourse with him of the good Success that this Course was like to have.  
In the beginning of Queen Mary he suffered much: 
Suffered under Q. Mary.  Being glad to fly from his own House; but afterwards taken by the Justices, and committed to Custody. Out of which he escaped by breaking Prison. His House was often searched. But he outlived those hard Times, and was alive in the Year 1565; and then lived at Bekesborn.  
It was this Morris that supplied Mr. Fox, 
Morice supplied Fox with many material Notices in his Book.  the Writer of the Acts and Monuments, with those Memorials concerning the Bishop of Winchester, which showed how small a Share he had in King Henry's Affections, notwithstanding his boasting thereof, which he was very apt to do; and particularly how that King came to leave him out of his last Will. All which Sir Anthony Denny related to our Archbishop, in the hearing of this his Secretary: Who was alive when Fox wrote this, and whom he asserts towards the end of his eighth Book, as a Witness to the same. For it is to be noted here, that among those Persons that assisted this Author with Matter for the compiling his laborious Books, this Morris was one, and to whom we are to reckon ourselves beholden for divers other material Passages of our Church-History, and especially those of his Lord and Master the Archbishop, which are preserved in the said Books to Posterity. To Day the Printer he sent many Papers of Monuments for the furnishing Fox's History; and many more he had communicated; but that in Queen Mary's Reign, his House in two Years was thrice searched; by which means he lost a great sort of Things worthy perpetual Memory; and especially divers Letters of King Edward to the Archbishop, and of the Archbishop to him.  

Morice a cordial Friend to Latimer. Fox.  I meet with one Morris, a ●an of Worship, that was much acquainted with, and very well affected towards Mr. Hugh Latimer, whom the said Reverend Father called His trusty Friend. When he was Parson of West-Kingston in Wiltshire, the Priests at Bristol and thereabouts, had combined against him; and accusing him in several Articles, which they had maliciously and falsely collected out of his Sermons, got him convented before Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, and Stokesly Bishop of London. By them he was detained a great while, and underwent many an Examination. While he was in these his Troubles, Morris, whom I suspect to be either this Ralph or his Father, wrote a kind Letter to him to comfort him. To which Latimer gives an Answer; wherein he explains at large to him the Reasons of his Troubles, thanking him for this Kindness, as well as for others heretofore shown him; and for which he prayed God to reward him.   

CHAP. XXX. A Prospect of the Archbishop's Qualities.  

Morice's Declaration concerning the ABp.  THERE is an Original Writing of this Morice's Hand, preserved in the Benet-Library, entitled, A Declaration, etc. Which he drew out for the Use, and by the Command of Archbishop Parker. Wherein divers remarkable Passages of this Archbishop, not yet mentioned, are set down: and particularly, he is herein vindicated from one thing, which to this Day he is by some blamed for; namely, for Alienations, and long Leases of the Revenues of the See, granted to the King, and others. A great part therefore of this I shall here transcribe.  

His Temperance of Nature.  He was of such temperance of Nature, or rather so mortified, that no manner of Prosperity or Adversity could alter or change his accustomed Conditions: For were the Storms never so terrible, or odious, or the prosperous State of the Times never so pleasant, joyous or acceptable; to the Face of the World his Countenance, Diet or Sleep commonly never altered or changed. So that they which were most near and conversant about him, never or seldom perceived, by any Sign or Token of Countenance, how the Affairs of the Prince or Realm went. Notwithstanding privately with his secret and special Friends, he would shed forth many bitter Tears; lamenting the Miseries and Calamities of the World.  

His Carriage towards hi● Enemies.  Again, He so behaved himself to the whole World, that in no manner of Condition he would seem to have any Enemy; although in very ●eed he had both many great and secret Enemies, whom he always bare with such Countenance and Benevolence, that they could never take good opportunity to practise their Malice against him, but to their great displeasure and hindrance in the End. And as concerning his own regard towards Slanders and Reproach, by any Man to him imputed, or impinged, such as entirely knew him, can testify, that very little he esteemed or regarded the Bruit thereof; because he altogether travailed evermore from giving of just occasion of Detraction. Whereupon grew and proceeded that notable Quality or Virtue he had, to be beneficial unto his Enemies. So that in that respect he would not be acknown to have any Enemy at all. For whosoever he had been that had reported evil of him, or otherwise wrought to do him displeasure, were the Reconciliation never so mean or simple on the behalf of his Adversary, if he had any thing at all relented, the Matter was both pardoned and clearly forgotten; and so voluntarily cast into the Satchel of Oblivion behind the back Parts; That it was more clear now out of his Memory, than it was in his Mind, before it was either commenced or committed. Insomuch, that if any such Person should have had any Suit unto him afterward, he might well reckon, and be as sure to obtain (if by any means he might lawfully do it) as any other of his special Friends. So that on a Time I do remember, that Dr. Hethe late Archbishop of York, partly misliking this his overmuch Lenity, by him used, said unto him, My Lord, I now know how to win all things at your Hand well enough. How so, quoth my Lord? Marry, saith Dr. Hethe, I perceive, that I must first attempt to do unto you some notable Displeasure; and then by a little relenting, obtain of you what I can desire. Whereat my Lord bit his Lip, as his manner was, when he was moved, and said, You say well; but yet you may be deceived. Howbeit having some consideration so to do, I may not alter my Mind, and accustomed Condition, as some would have me to do.  
Again, One thing he commonly used, 
Severe in his Behaviour towards offending Protestants.  wherein many did discommend him; Which was this: He always bore a good Face and Countenance unto the Papists, and would, both in Word and Deed, do very much for them; pardoning their Offences: and on the other side, somewhat over-severe against the Protestants. Which being perceived not to be done, but upon some Purpose, on a Time a Friend of his declared unto him, that he therein did very much harm; encouraging thereby the Papists, and also thereby discouraging the Protestants. Whereunto he made this Answer, and said, What will ye have a Man do to him, that is not yet come to the knowledge of the Truth of the Gospel, nor perchance as yet Called, and whose Vocation is to me uncertain? Shall we perhaps in his Journey coming towards us, by Severity, and cruel Behaviour, overthrew him, and, as it were in his Voyage, stop him? I take not this the way to allure Men to embrace the Doctrine of the Gospel. And if it be a true Rule of our Saviour Christ, to do Good for Evil; then let such as are not yet come to favour our Religion, learn to follow the Doctrine of the Gospel by our Example, in using them friendly and charitably. On the other side, such as have tasted of sincere Religion, and as it were taken hold of the Gospel, and seem in Words to maintain the true Doctrine thereof▪ and then, by the evil Example of their Lives, most perniciously become Stumbling-blocks unto such as are weak, and not at all as yet entered into the Voyage; what would you have me do with them? Bear with them, and wink at their Faults; and so willingly suffer the Gospel, by their outrageous doings, to be trodden under Feet? Using herewith another notable Saying of our Saviour out of our Memory: which saith, The Servant, knowing his Lord and Master's Pleasure and Commandment, if he regardeth not the same, is, as a Man might say, of all others worthy of many Plagues. And thus with these two Scriptures, or Doctrines of our Saviour Christ, he answered mine Eldest Brother, who was earnest with him for his Amendment of this Quality. Mr. Isaac, yet living, is a Witness of the same.  

Stout in God's or the King's Cause.  Again, If there were any Matter of Weight, (besides his own Cause, wherein evermore with all kinds of Persons, he was ready to relent, and give place, according to the Quality of the Matter, more than became his State) which touched God percase, or his Prince, there was no Man more stout, or more inexorable. So far forth, that neither fear of losing of Promotion, nor hope of Gain, or winning of Favour, could move him to relent, or give place unto the Truth of his Conscience. As experience thereof well appeared, as well in defence of the true Religion against the Six Articles in the Parliament, as in that he offered to combat with the Duke of Northumberland in K. Edward's Time; speaking then on behalf of his Prince, for the staying of the Chauntries, until his Highness had come unto lawful Age: and that especially for the maintenance of his better State then. But if at his Prince's Pleasure in case of Religion, at any time he was forced to give place, that was done with such humble Protestation, and so knit up for the safeguard of his Faith and Conscience, that it had been better his goodwill had never been requested, than so to relent or give over as he did. Which most dangerously (besides sundry times else) he especially attempted, when the Six Articles passed by Parliament; and when my L. Crumwel was in the Tower. At what time the Book of Articles of our Religion 
* Viz. The Erudition of a Christian Man.  was new penned. For even at that Season the whole Rabblement (which he took to be his Friends, being Commissioners with him) forsook him, and his Opinion and Doctrine. And so leaving him Post alone, revolted altogether on the part of Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester. As by Name, Bishop Hethe, Shaxton, Day, and all other of the meaner sort. By whom these so named were chiefly advanced and preferred unto Dignities. And yet this sudden Inversion notwithstanding, God gave him such Favour with his Prince, that Book altogether past by his Assertion, against all their Minds. More to be marvelled at, the Time considered, than by any Reason to compass how it should come to pass. For than would there have been laid thousands of Pounds to Hundreds in London, that he should, before that Synod had been ended, have been shut up in the Tower, beside his Friend the Lord Crumwel. Howbeit the King's Majesty, 
The King sides with Cranmer against all the Bishops.  having an assured and approved affiance of his both deep Knowledge in Religion, and Fidelity both to God and Him, suspected in that time other Men in their Judgements, not to walk uprightly, nor sincerely; For that some of them swerved from their former Opinions in Doctrine: And having great experience of the constancy of the Lord Cranmer, it drove him all along to join with the said Lord Cranmer, in the confirmation of his Opinion and Doctrine against all the rest to their great Admiration.  
For at all Times, 
His great Ability in answering the King's Doubts.  when the King's Majesty would be resolved in any Doubt or Question, he would but send word to my Lord over Night; and by the next Day the King would have in writing brief Notes of the Doctor's Minds, as well Divines as Lawyers, both Old and New; with a Conclusion of his own Mind. Which he could never get in such a readiness of any; no, not of all his Chaplains and Clergy about him, in so short a Time. For being thoroughly seen in all kinds of Expositors, he could incontinently lay open thirty, forty, sixty or more, some while, of Authors. And so reducing the Notes of them altogether, would advertise the King more in one Day, than all his Learned Men could do in a Month.  
And it was no marvel; for it was well known, that commonly, 
Cranmer studied three parts of the Day.  if he had not Business of the Prince's, or special urgent Causes before him, he spent three parts of the Day in Study as effectually, as he had done at Cambridg. And therefore it was, that the King said on a time to the Bishop of Winchester, the King and my said Lord of Winchester defending together, that the Canons of the Apostles were of as good Authority, as the four Evangelists, contrary to my Lord Cranmers Assertion; My Lord of Canterbury, said the King, is too old a Truant for us twain.  
Again, His Estimation was such with his Prince, 
Would speak to the King when none else durst.  that in Matters of great Importance, wherein no Creature durst once move the King for fear of Displeasure, or moving the King's Patience, or otherwise for troubling his Mind, than was my Lord Cranmer most violently, by the whole Council, obtruded and thrust out to undertake that Danger and Peril in Hand. As beside many other times, I remember twice he served the Council's Expectation▪ The first time was, when he stayed the King's determinate Mind and Sentence; in that he fully purposed to send the Lady Mary his Daughter, unto the Tower, and there to suffer as a Subject: 
Lady Mary.  because She would not obey the Laws of the Realm, in refusing the Bishop of Rome's Authority and Religion. Whose stay in that behalf the King then said unto the Lord Cranmer, would be to his utter Confusion at the length. The other dangerous Attempt was, in the disclosing the unlawful Behaviour of Queen Katherine Howard towards the King, 
Q. Katherine Howard.  in keeping unlawful Company with Durrant, her Servant. For the King's Affection was so mervailously set upon that Gentlewoman, as it was never known that he had the like to any Woman. So that no Man durst take in Hand to open to him that Wound, being in great perplexity, how he would take it. And then the Council had no other Refuge, but unto my Lord Cranmer. Who with overmuch Importunity gave the Charge: which was done with such Circumspection, that the King gave over his Affections unto Reason, and wrought mervellous colourably for the Trial of the same.  

His Hospitality  Now as concerning the Manner and Order of his Hospitality and House-keeping. As he was a Man abandoned from all kind of Avarice, so was he content to maintain Hospitality, both liberally and honourably, and yet not surmounting the Limits of his Revenues: Having more respect and foresight unto the Iniquity of the Times, being inclined to pull and spoil from the Clergy, than to his own private Commodity. For else, if he had not so done, he was right sure that his Successors should have had as much Revenues left unto them, as were left unto the late Abbeys: Especially considering, that the Lands and Revenues of the said Abbeys, being now utterly consumed and spread abroad; and for that there remained no more Exercise to set on work, or no Officers, but Surveyors, Auditors and Receivers; it was high time to show an Example of liberal Hospitality. For although these said Workmen, only brought up and practised in subverting of Monastical Possessions, had brought that kind of Hospitality unto utter Confusion, yet ceased they not to undermine the Prince by divers Persuasions, for him also to overthrow the honourable State of the Clergy.  

Falsely accused of ill House-keeping.  And because they would lay a sure Foundation to build their Purpose upon, they found the Means to put into the King's Head, That the Archbishop of Canterbury kept no Hospitality, or House correspondent unto his Revenues and Dignity, but sold his Woods, and by great Incomes and Fines made Money, to purchase Lands for his Wife and Children. And to the intent that the King should with the more facility believe this Information, Sir Thomas Seymor, the Duke of Somerset's Brother, being one of the Privy-Chamber, was procured to take this Matter in hand. And before he informed the King thereof, he blasted it abroad in the Court. Insomuch that the Gentlemen and he fell out for the same: They declare, That his Report was manifestly false, as well for the keeping of his House, as for the purchasing Lands for his Wife and Children. This notwithstanding, Mr. Seymor went through with his Information, and declared unto the King as is before declared. The King hearing this Tale with the Sequel, (that was, That it was meet for the Bishops not to be troubled, ne vexed with Temporal Affairs, in ruling their Honours, Lordships and Manors; but rather, they having an honest Pension of Money, yearly allowed unto them for their Hospitality, should surrender unto the King's Majesty all their Royalties and Temporalties) said, I do marvel that it is said, my Lord of Canterbury should keep no good Hospitality; for I have heard the contrary. And so with a few more Commendations of my Lord, as one that little regarded the Suit; but yet, as it appeared afterward, something smelling what they went about, left off any further to talk of that Matter, and converted his Communication to another Purpose.  
Notwithstanding, within a Month after, whether it was of Chance, or of Purpose, it is unknown; the King going to Dinner, called Mr. Seymour unto him, and said, Go ye straightways unto Lambeth, and bid my Lord of Canterbury come and speak with me at two of the Clock at Afternoon. Incontinently Mr. Seymor came to Lambeth, and being brought into the Hall by the Porter, it chanced the Hall was set to Dinner. And when he was at the Screen, and perceived the Hall furnished with three principal Messes, beside the rest of the Tables thoroughly set, having a guilty Conscience of his untrue Report made to the King, recoiled back, and would have gone in to my Lord by the Chappel-way. Mr. Nevyl, being Steward, perceiving that, rose up, and went after him, and declared unto him, that he could not go that way; and so brought him back unto my Lord through the Hall. And when he came to my Lord, and had done his Message, my Lord caused him to sit down and dine with him. But making a short Dinner, because he would bring the King word again of his Message, he departed and came to the King, before he was risen from the Table. When he came to the King's Presence, said the King, Will my Lord of Canterbury come to Us? He will wait on your Majesty, said Mr. Seymor, at two of the Clock. Then said the King, had my Lord dined before you came? No forsooth, said Mr. Seymor, for I found him at Dinner. Well, said the King, What Cheer made he you? With these words Mr. Seymor kneeled down, and besought the King's Majesty of Pardon. What is the matter? said the King. I do remember, said Mr. Seymor, that I told your Highness, that my Lord of Canterbury kept no Hospitality correspondent unto his Dignity: and now I perceive that I did abuse your Highness with an Untruth. For besides your Grace's House, I think he be not in the Realm, of none Estate or Degree, that hath such a Hall furnished, or that fareth more honourably at his own Table. Ah, said the King, have you spied your own Fault now? I assure your Highness, said Mr. Seymor, it is not so much my Fault as other men's; who seemed to be honest Men, that informed me hereof. But I shall henceforth the worse trust them while they live. Then said the King, I knew your Purpose well enough, you have had among you the Commodities of the Abbeys, which you have consumed: Some with superfluous Apparel, some at Dice and Cards, and other ungracious Rule. And now you would have the Bishop's Lands and Revenues to abuse likewise. If my Lord of Canterbury keep such a Hall, as you say, being neither Term nor Parliament, he is merely well visited at those Times I warrant you. And if the other Bishops kept the like for their Degree, they had not need to have any thing taken from them, but rather to be added and holpen. And therefore set your Hearts at rest, there shall no such Alteration be made while I live, said the King. So that in very deed, where some had penned certain Books for the altering that State in the next Parliament, they durst never bring them forth to be read. Whereupon it also came to pass, that when the King understood, that, contrary unto the Report, my Lord of Canterbury had purchased no Lands, his Highness was content, upon the only Motion of Dr. Butts, without my Lord Cranmers Knowledge, That he should have the Abbey in Nottinghamshire; which his Wife now enjoyeth.  
Thus much I have declared concerning Mr. Seymor's Practice, to the intent Men may understand that my Lord Cranmers Hospitality was a mean to stay the Estate of the Clergy in their Possessions.   

CHAP. XXXI. Archbishop Cranmer preserved the Revenues of his See.  

The preserving the Bishop's Revenues owing to the ABp.  AND here I must answer for my Lord Cranmer against certain Objections, which are in divers men's Heads, That by his Means all the Preferments, Offices and Farms, are so given and let out, that his Successors have nothing to give or bestow upon their Friends and Servants; nor that such Hospitality can be kept by reason of his Fault, in letting go such things as should have maintained Provisions of Household. But to answer this in a few words, before I descend to any particular Declaration. It is most true, that if he had not well behaved himself towards his Prince, and the World, his Successors should not been cumbered with any piece of Temporal Revenues; either Lands, Woods, or other Revenues. And I pray God they may maintain, in this mild and quiet Time, that which he in a most dangerous World did uphold, and left to his Successors. 
The ABp vindicated about his Leases.  Yet for better declaration, in answering to those Objections, it is to be considered, that when he entered upon his Dignity, every Man about the King made means to get some Reversion of Farms, or of other Office of him. In so much, that the King himself made means to him for one or two things, before he was Consecrated: as for the Farm of Wingham-Barton. Which was granted unto Sir Edward Bainton Kt. for fourscore and nineteen Years. When my Lord perceived, that in such Suits as he granted to the King and Queen, Men would needs have an hundred Years save one, he wrote to the Chapter of Christ-Church, and willed them in any Condition, not to confirm any more of his Grants of Leases, which were above one and twenty Years. By this means much Suit was stopped. So that in very deed he gave out his Leases but for one and twenty Years. Which would not satisfy the greedy Appetites of some Men: And therefore they found a Provision for it. For when my Lord had let out certain goodly Farms, at Pinner, Heyes, Harrow on the Hill, Mortlake, etc. to the number of ten or twelve Farms, for one and twenty Years, taking no manner of Fine for them; all these Farms by and by were put into an Exchange for the King. And the King had them not in Possession six Days, but they were my Lord North's and other men's. And they were not passed one Year in their Possessions, but that the Reversion of every of them was sold for more Years: some for an hundred Pounds, and some for more, and some for less, making Sweepstakes of altogether. And so was my Lord used in all things almost that he did let out for one and twenty Years.  
By means whereof Justice Hales, 
By long Leases he saved the Revenues.  and other of his Counsel learned in the Laws, advised him to let out his Farms for many Years, which might be a mean, that they should not be so much desired in Exchanges as they were. For those Farms, which came to my Lord, came with Years enough upon their Backs. And so upon this Conclusion my Lord was fain to alter his Purpose in letting of his Farms. Whereupon he did let S. Gregory's in Canterbury to Mr. Nevyl, the Priory of Dover, Chislet-Park, and Curleswood-Park, with others, for so many Years as he did, on purpose to stay them, or else he had gone without them one time or other. And as I heard say, since your Grace was Elect, Curleswood-Park was in Exchange, and the Rent thereof paid for one half Year unto the Queen's Use. But so soon as they understood there were so many Years to come, it was reversed to the Archbishopric again. So that hereby partly may be perceived in what State my Lord Cranmer stood with his Lands.  
And as touching the diminishing of his Rents, 
Justified from diminishing the Rents of the See.  Houses and other Commodities, for the Provision of his Hospitality; if all things be well pondered, he had left the same in better State than he found it. For as touching his Exchanges Men ought to consider with whom he had to do: especially with such a Prince, as would not be bridled, nor be gainsaid in any of his Requests, unless Men would danger altogether. I was by, 
Otford & Knol.  when Otford and Knol were given him. My Lord, minded to have retained Knol unto himself, said, That it was too small an House for his Majesty. Marry, said the King, I had rather have it, than this House, meaning Otford; for it standeth on a better Soil. This House standeth low, and is Rheumatic, like unto Croyden, where I could never be without Sickness. And as for Knol, it standeth on a sound, perfect, wholesome Ground. And if I should make abode here, as I do surely mind to do now and then, I will live at Knol, and most of my House shall live at Otford. And so by this means both those Houses were delivered up into the King's Hands. And as for Otford, it is a notable great and ample House: Whose Reparations yearly cost my Lord more than Men would think. And so likewise did Maidstone, which had no manner of Commodity to belong unto it. And I am sure that after certain Exchanges passed between the King and him, there were an hundred Marks a Year, or thereabouts, allowed unto him in his last Exchanges, for Recompense of Parks and Chases. And yet those Parks and Chases, beside the Provision of his Venison, stood him yearly in much more, by the reason of the Patents and Fees belonging unto them, than he by any means else got by them.  
For as for Curleswood, 
Curleswood▪  it stood him in twenty Nobles a Year Fee. And yet there was no Gain in it, but only Coneys: which the Keeper had also in his Patent. So that the Archbishop by suppressing of that, and raising that small Rent it payeth, may spend thereby seven Pounds a Year more than it was accustomed to pay towards the Archbishopric.  

Chislet-Park.  And touching Chislet-Park, it came to my Lord in Exchange for eight Pounds a Year. And the Farmer payeth ten Pounds. So that thereby is gained forty Shillings a Year. Wherefore it cannot be indifferently gathered, that my Lord, in preferring his Friends unto these things, hath any whit hindered the Revenues of the Bishopric.  

Pasture and Meadow.  And as touching Pasture and Meadow for the Provision of his House, both at Croyden, and about Canterbury, Ford and Chislet, there is thrice so much Meadow, Pasture, and Mersh as was left unto him.  

Woods.  And as for the Sale of his Woods, like as he was driven to exchange them, and sell them for to maintain his Hospitality, especially having almost twenty Years together Learned Men continually sitting with him in Commission; for the trying out, and setting forth of the Religion received, and for the discussing of other Matters in Controversy. Some of them daily in Diet with him, and some evermore living in his House. So provided he again like Woods, more commodious for his Houses; As the Blene-Woods, belonging to S. Augustine's; and Pyne-Wood, and others, which be known well enough.  

Corn.  And as touching Provision for Corn out of Chislet-Court, and in other Places, it is incredible what a Business he had and ado with Sir Christopher Hales, for that Farm and Corn; who challenged it of the King by Promise; and so would have defeated my Lord thereof, had not the King very benignly stood on his Side. And it is no small Revenue to have yearly so much Corn, both Wheat, Malt and Oats, at so mean a Price.  
And therefore let Men leave off that Report of him, that he was not beneficial to his Successors. Other Bishops, some of them lost whole Manors and Lordships, without any Exchange at all. Thus much my Conscience hath compelled me to say, in defence of my Lord and Master his good Name: Whom I knew to take as much Care for his Successors in that Bishopric, as ever did Archbishop, or shall. And would have as much advanced the same, if the Iniquity of the World would have permitted him.  

The best Master towards his Servants.  Now finally, concerning his Behaviour towards his Family: I think there was never such a Master among Men, both feared and entirely beloved. For as he was a Man of most gentle Nature, void of all crabbed and churlish Conditions, so he could abide no such Quality in any of his Servants. But if any such Outragiousness were in any of his Men or Family, the correction of those Enormities he always left to the ordering of his Officers: who weekly kept a Countinghouse. And if any thing universally were to be reform or talked of; on that Day, which commonly was Friday, the same was put to Admonition. And if it were a Fault of any particular Man, he was called forth before the Company: To whom warning was given, That if he so used himself after three Monitions, he should lose his Service.  
There was an Infamy of him, that he should have been an Ostler. Which the ignorant Popish Priests, for very M●●ice had published against him. Saying, That he had no manner of Learning at all, more than Ostlers are wont to have. 
An Infamy that he was an Ostler.  And this Rumour sprang of that, that when he had married his first Wife, being Reader then of Buckingham-College, he did put his Wife to Board in an Inn at Cambridg; and he resorting thither unto her in the Inn, some ignorant Priests named him to be the Ostler, and his Wife the Tapster. This Bruit than began, but it much more was quickened when he was Archbishop than before. Insomuch that a Priest far North, about Scarborough, sitting among his Neighbours at the Alehouse, and talking of Archbishop Cranmer, divers Men there commending him: What, said the Priest, make ye so much of him? He was but an Ostler, and hath as much Learning as the Goslings of the Green that go yonder. Upon which words, the honest Men of the Parish which heard him, gave Information to my Lord Crumwel of those his slanderous Words. The Priest was sent for before the Council, and cast into the Fleet; my Lord Cranmer not being that Day ●mong the Council, nor hearing no manner of word of the Priest's Accusation. It chanced the Priest to lie in the Fleet eight or nine Weeks, and nothing said unto him. He then made Suit by one, named Chersey, (a Grocer dwelling within Ludgate, now yet alive, and Uncle, as I suppose, to the Priest) unto my Lord Cranmer for his Deliverance. This Chersey brought the Copy of the Priest's Accusation from my Lord Crumwel's House. Whereby plainly appeared, there was nothing laid unto the Priest but those Words against my L. Cranmer. And therefore he besought him to help him out of Prison; for it had put him to great Charges living there, and he had a Benefice which was unserved in his Absence; and said, That he was very sorry he had so unhonestly abused himself towards his Grace. Whereupon my Lord Cranmer sent to the Fleet for the Priest. When he came before my Lord, said my Lord Cranmer to him, It is told me, that you be Prisoner in the Fleet, for calling me an Ostler, and reporting that I have no more Learning than a Gosling. Did you ever see me before this Day? No, forsooth, quoth the Priest. What meant you then to call me an Ostler; and so to deface me among your Neighbours? The Priest made his Excuse, and said, that he was overseen with Drink. Well, said my Lord's Grace, now ye be come, you may oppose me to know what Learning I have. Begin in Grammar, if you will, or else in Philosophy, or other Sciences, or Divinity. I beseech your Grace pardon me, said the Priest, I have no manner of Learning in the Latin Tongue, but altogether in English. Well then, said my Lord, if you will not oppose me, I will oppose you. Are you not wont to read the Bible, quoth my Lord? Yes, that we do daily, said the Priest. I pray you tell me, quoth my Lord, then, who was David's Father? The Priest stood still, and said, I cannot surely tell your Lordship. Then said my Lord again, if you cannot tell me that, yet declare unto me who was Solomon's Father? Surely, quoth the Priest, I am nothing at all seen in those Genealogies. Then I perceive, quoth my Lord, however you have reported of me, that I had no Learning, I can now bear you Witness, that you have none at all. There are such a sort of you in this Realm, that know nothing, nor will know nothing, but sit upon your Alebench, and slander all Honest and Learned Men. If you had but common Reason in your Heads, you that have named me an Ostler; you might well know, that the King having in hand one of the hardest Questions that was moved out of the Scripture this many Years, would not send an Ostler unto the Bishop of Rome, and the Emperor's Council, and other Princes, to answer and dispute in that so hard a Question; even among the whole College of Cardinals, and the Rout of Rome. By all likelihood the King lacked much the help of Learned Men, that was thus driven to send an Ostler on such a Voyage: Or else the King hath many idle Priests, without Wit or Reason, that can so judge of the Prince and his Council, and of the weighty Matters of the Realm. God amend you, said he, and get ye Home to your Cure, and 〈◊〉 henceforth learn to be an honest Man, or at least a reasonable 〈◊〉.  
〈…〉 lamenting his Folly, went his way into his Country; and my Lord Cranmer discharged him out of the Fleet, because there was no Matter against him, but that which only concerned my Lord. My Lord Crumwel within four Days after came to my Lord Cranmer, and swore a great Oath, That the Popish Knaves should pick out his Eyes, and cut his Throat, before he would any more rebuke them for slandering him. I had thought that the Knave Priest, which you have discharged and sent Home, should have recanted at Pauls-Cross on Sunday next. Yea, marry, quoth my Lord Cranmer, you would have all the World know by that mean, that I was an Ostler indeed. What manner of Blockheads would so think, quoth my Lord Crumwel? Too many Papists, quoth my Lord Cranmer. Howbeit, quoth he, you have caused the poor Priest to spend all that he hath in Prison; and would you now put him to open Shame too? He is not the first, not by fivehundred of them, that hath called me so; and therefore I will not now begin to use Extremity against this Priest: I perceive he is sorry for it. Well, quoth my Lord Crumwel, if you not care for it, no more do I: But I warrant you one Day, if they may, they will make you and me both as vile as Ostlers. This I repeat to declare his Lenity, and Promptness to remit notable Offences; howbeit it should have been placed before if I had remembered it.  
Thus I have hastily penned such Things as came to my Memory, since Saturday last: Beseeching your Grace to take it in good part, being certainly assured, that I have declared nothing of mine Head, as concerning the very Matters.   

CHAP. XXXII. Some Observations upon Archbishop Cranmer.  
BEsides these Observations, made to my Hand by another, 
Observations upon the ABp.  of this great Archbishop, I shall gather some further Observations of his Endowments and Qualities, whether Christian or Moral. Whereby we shall have occasion offered us, of gathering up a few more Memorials of him.  
He was a most profound Learned Man in Divinity, 
His Learning very profound.  as also in the Civil and Canon Laws. As appeared by those many voluminous Writings and Common-places, by him devised or collected out of all the Fathers, and Church-Writers: which Peter Martyr reported he himself saw; and were indeed communicated to him by the Archbishop, while he harboured him at Lambeth. And there was no Book, either of the Ancient or Modern Writers, especially upon the Point of the Eucharist, which he had not noted with his own Hand in the most remarkable Places. No Councils, Canons, Decrees of Popes, which he had not read and well considered. And from this his indefatigable Reading, and exact Knowledge of Authors, he ventured publicly, before the Pope's Delegate, and Queen Mary's Commissioners to make this Challenge, That if it could be proved by any Doctor above a thousand Years after Christ, that Christ's Body is in the Sacrament of the Altar really, he would give over.  
So that his Library was the Storehouse of Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages. And which was open for the use of Learned Men. 
His Library.  Here old Latimer spent many an Hour; and found some Books so remarkable, that once he thought fit to mention one in a Sermon before the King. And when Ascham of Cambridg, a great Student of Politer Learning, and of Greek Authors, wanted Gregory Nyssen in Greek, (not the Latin Translation of him) and which it seems the University could not afford, he earnestly entreated Poynet his Grace's Chaplain, to borrow it in his Name, and for his use, for some Months of the Archbishop. For in those Times it was rare to meet with those Greek Fathers in their own Language, and not spoiled by some ill Latin Translation. Another of his Books I will mention, because it is now in the possession of a Reverend Friend of mine near Canterbury: in which Book the Archbishop's Name is yet to be seen, written thus with his own Hand, Thomas Cantuariensis; and a remarkable Book it is, which we may conclude, the Archbishop often perused, viz. Epistolae & Historiae Joannis Hus. Printed at Wittenberg, 1537.  
And this Learning happening in a Mind possessed with Piety, 
An excellent Bishop.  made him the more deeply sensible of the greatness of the Charge, that lay upon him. And as he well knew under what Needs the Church laboured, so he was very solicitous, that nothing might be wanting on his part: showing himself a most conscientious Bishop, and tender Pastor of Christ's Flock. He was not guided in his Episcopal Function by vain Glory, or Affectation of popular Applause, or worldly Ambition, or Covetousness, but only by the Holy and Pious Ends, of discharging his Duty, and promoting the Honour of Christ, and the Knowledge of his Gospel, and the Good of his People: as he took God to witness in the Preface of his Book of the Sacrament. A Paragraph whereof I think not unworthy to be here inserted, whereby it may appear of what a truly Apostolical Spirit our Archbishop was. When I see, said he, Christ's Vinyard overgrown with Thorns, Brambles and Weeds, I know that everlasting Woe appertaineth to me, if I hold my Peace, and put not to my Hand and Tongue, to labour in purging his Vinyard. God I take to witness, who seeth the Hearts of all Men thoroughly unto the bottom, that I take this Labour for none other Consideration, but for the Glory of his Name, and the Discharge of my Duty, and the Zeal I have toward the Flock of Christ. I know in what Office God hath placed me, and to what Purpose. That is to say, to set forth his Word truly unto his People, to the uttermost of my Power, without respect of Persons, or regard of Things in the World, but of him alone. I know what Account I shall make to him hereof at the last Day, when every Man shall answer for his Vocation, and receive for the fame, Good or Evil, according as he hath done. I know how Antichrist hath obscured the Glory of God, and the true Knowledge of his Word, overcasting the same with Mists and Clouds of Error and Ignorance, through false Glosses and Interpretations. It pitieth me to see the simple and hungry Flock of Christ, led into corrupt Pastures, to be carried blindfold they know not whither, and to be fed with Poison, instead of wholesome Meats. And moved by the Duty, Office and Place, whereunto it hath pleased God to call me, I give warning in his Name unto all that profess Christ, that they flee far from Babylon, if they will save their Souls, and to beware of that great Harlot, that is to say, the pestiferous See of Rome, that she make you not drunk with her pleasant Wine, etc.  

His Care of his own Diocese.  And as he had this Care of the whole Church of this Land, as the high Patriarch thereof, so he particularly had his Eye upon his own Diocese. He took Care, even in King Henry's ticklish Reign, to place such Ministers in Kent, as were Learned, and dared to open their Mouths to preach Gospel-Doctrin, and to convince the People of the Usurpations of the Bishop of Rome, and of the Idolatry and Superstitions, wherein they had been so long nursled up. And for the preventing whereof, for Time to come, he ordered his archdeacon, and other his Officers, to take down Images out of Churches, and deface them. Which things created him much hatred among the Popish Clergy, whose Gain depended so much therein. He had a peculiar regard of the greater Towns of his Diocese, that such Places might be furnished with able Men, where the Inhabitants were numerous, and the Salaries generally small. Whereby he saw it came to pass, that where there was most need of Learned Men, there the most Ignorant were placed. Therefore he thought this worthy his redressing. I meet with this Memorandum in one of his Note-books: 
In the Benet-Library▪  These Towns following are especially to be remembered: that in them there be placed Learned Men, with sufficient Stipends.  

Sandwich,  
Dover,  
Folkston,  
Ashford,  
Tenderden,  
Crambroke,  
Faversham,  
Hearn,  
Whitstable,  
Marden,  
Maydston,  
Wye and Wingham.   
In these great Towns, as well as Canterbury, 
At the great Towns he preached often.  he often preached himself. And for his Sermons at Sandwich, he was once complained of openly in the Parliament-house, to have brought him under the Lash of the Statute of the Six Articles. And within seven or eight Years, after his first entrance into the See, he had placed such store of good Preachers about Kent, that at another time, a long List of Articles were drawn up against them, and given in to the Justices of the County at a Quarter-Sessions of the Peace; and they by a Combination preferred the Complaint to the King and Council.  
His high Estate puffed him not up, 
Affected not his high Styles.  nor made him forget the great Work of his Calling; which he very earnestly desired to prosecute above all things in the World. Nor did he care at all for the high Titles that were attributed to him, as he was Archbishop of Canterbury, as may appear by this Passage. Upon occasion of a Question arising concerning his Style of Primate of all England, for bearing which, in his Summons for a Provincial Visitation, the Bishop of Winchester out of Malice, had complained to King Henry against him, as though it were an Encroachment upon the King's Supremacy; he protested to Crumwel, than Secretary, (who had sent him word of it) That as God should be merciful to him in the Day of Judgement, he set not more by any Title or Style, than he did by the paring of an Apple, further than it should be to the setting forth God's Word and Will. His Expression was, That they were the Successors of Diotrephes, that affected glorious Titles, Styles and Pomps. He professed, He could have been willing that Bishops should lay aside their lofty Styles, and only write themselves by the Style of their Offices; The Apostles of jesus Christ. And wished heartily, that the Christian Conversation of the People, were the Letters and Seals of their Offices, (as the Corinthians were to St. Paul, who told them, that They were his Letters, and the Signs of his Apostleship) and not Paper, Parchment, Led or Wax.  
Great indeed and painful was his Diligence in promoting God's Truth, and reforming this Church. 
His diligence in reforming Religion.  Insomuch that he raised up against himself the Malice and Hatred of very many thereby. These Memorials, before related, do abundantly evince the same. The Words of Thomas Becon, in an Epistle Dedicatory, deserve here to be transcribed. In plucking up the Enemy's Tares, 
Before his Treatise of Fasting.  and in purging the Lord's Field, that nothing may grow therein but pure Wheat, your most godly and unrestful Pains, most Reverend Father, are well known in this Church of England, and thankfully accepted of all faithful Christian Hearts. Insomuch that very many do daily render unto God most humble and hearty Thanks for the singular and great Benefits which they have received of him, through your virtuous Travel, in attaining the true Knowledge of Justification, and of the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood, [those two things especially he laboured to retrieve and promote a true Knowledge of] and such other Holy Mysteries of our Profession. And albeit the Devil roar, the World rage, and the Hypocrites swell, at these your most Christian Labours, which you willingly take for the Glory of God, and the Edifying of his Congregation, yet as you have godly begun, so without ceasing continue unto the end. And so he did, to the effusion of his Blood not many Years after.  

Puts K. Henry upon a Purpose of reforming many things.  For he was very sensible of the gross Abuses and Corruptions into which the Christian Church had sunk: Which made him labour much to get it purged and restored to its Primitive Constitution and Beauty. And this he ceased not to make King Henry sensible of, putting him upon the Reformation of the English Church, as he could find Occasion, and Convenience serve him to move him thereunto. Which found at last that good effect upon the King, that towards the latter Years of his Reign he was fully purposed to proceed to a regulating of many more things than he had done. But the subtlety of Gardiner Bp of Winton, 
As long as Q. Ann, T. Crumwel, Bp Cranmer, Mr. Denny, Dr. Butts, with suchlike, were about him, and could prevail with him, What Organ of Christ's Glory did more good in the Church than he? As is apparent by such Monuments, Instruments and Acts, set forth by him; in setting up the Bible in the Church; in exploding the Pope with his vile Pardons; in removing divers superstitious Ceremonies; in bringing into order the inordinate Orders of Friars and Sects; in putting Chantrey Priest's too their Pensions; in permitting white Meats in Lent; in destroying Pilgrimage-Worship; in abbrogating idle and superstitious holidays; both by Acts Public, and by private Letters to Bóner. Acts & Monum. p. 1147. a. Edit. 1610.  and his own Death, prevented his good Designs. While the aforesaid Bishop was Ambassador Abroad, employed about the League between the Emperor and the English and French Kings, our Archbishop took the opportunity of his Absence, to urge the King much to a Reformation; and the King was willing to enter into serious Conference with him about it. And at last he prevailed with the King to resolve to have the Roods in every Church pulled down, and the accustomed Ringing on Alhallow-Night suppressed, and some other vain Ceremonies. And it proceeded so far, that upon the Archbishop's going into Kent, to visit his Diocese, the King ordered him to cause two Letters to be drawn up, prepared for him to sign: The one to be directed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the other to the Archbishop of York. Who were therein to be commanded to issue forth their Precepts to all the Bishops in their respective Provinces, to see those Enormities redressed without delay. Which our Archbishop accordingly appointed his Secretary to do. And the Letters so drawn up, were sent by the Archbishop up to Court. But the King, upon some Reasons of State, suggested to him in a Letter from Gardiner, his Ambassador beyond Sea, being by some made privy to these Transactions, suspended the signing of them.  

The King again purposeth a Reformation.  And that put a stop to this Business for that time, till some time after the King, at the Royal Banquet made for Annebault the French King's Ambassador, leaning upon him and the Archbishop, told them both his Resolution of proceeding to a total Reformation of Religion: signifying, that within half a Year the Mass both in his Kingdom and in that of France, should be changed into a Communion; and the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome should be wholly rooted out of both; and that both Kings intended to exhort the Emperor to do the same in his Territories, or else they would break off the League with him. And at that time also he willed the Archbishop to draw up a Form of this Reformation, to be sent to the French King to consider of. This he spoke in the Month of August, a few Months before his Death. This his Purpose he also signified to Dr. Bruno, Ambassador here from john Frederick Duke of Saxony, some little time after, saying, That if his Master's Quarrel with the Emperor was only concerning Religion, he advised him to stand to it strongly, and he would take his part. But the King's Death prevented all.  
And as for this King's next Successor, King Edward, 
His Influence upon K. Edward.  the Archbishop had a special Care of his Education. Whose Towardliness, and zealous Inclination to a Reformation, was attributed to the said Archbishop, and three other Bishops, viz. Ridley, Hoper and Latimer, by Rodulph Gualther of Zurick. Who partly by his living sometime in England, and partly by his long and intimate Familiarity and Correspondence with many of the best Note here, was well acquainted with the Matters relating to this Kingdom. Of the great Influence of one of these upon this King, viz. the Archbishop, the former Memorials do sufficiently show.   

CHAP. XXXIII. Archbishop Cranmer procures the Use of the Scriptures.  
THE Archbishop was a great Scripturist: 
A great Scripturist.  and in those darker Times of Popery, was the chief Repairer of the Reputation of the Holy Scriptures. Urging them still for the great Standard and Measure in all controverted Matters, relating to Religion and the Church. By these he disintangled King Henry VIII his great Matrimonial Cause, when all his other Divines, who had the Pope's Power and Laws too much in their Eyes, were so puzzled about it; Showing how no Humane Dispensation could enervate or annul the Word of God. And in the Course he took about the Reforming of Religion, the Holy Scripture was the only Rule he went by; casting by Schoolmen, and the Pope's Canons and Decretals, and adhering only to the more sure Word of Prophecy, and Divine Inspiration. And so Roger Ascham, in a Letter to Sturmius, in the Year 1550, when they were very busy in the Reformation, writes: 
Ea verae Religionis cura apud Josiam nostrum imprimis, & Cantuariensem, & universum Concilium regium excubat, ut in nulla re aequè laboratum sit, quam ut Religionis, tum Doctrina tum Disciplina, ex Sacrarum Literarum Fonte, purissimè bauriatur: & ut sentina illa Romana, qua tot humanae Sordes in Eccl●siam Christi red●ndârunt, sunditus obstru●tur.  Tha●●uch was the Care of their josiah, (meaning King Edward) the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the whole Privy-Council, for true Religion, that they laboured in nothing more, than that as well the Doctrine as Discipline of Religion, might be most purely drawn out of the Fountain of the Sacred Scriptures; and that that Roman Sink, whence so many Humane Corruptions abounded in the Church of Christ, might be wholly stopped up.  

Procures the publishing the English Bible.  This his high Value of the Scriptures, made him at last the happy Instrument of restoring them to the Common People, by getting them, after divers Years opposition, printed in the English Tongue, and set up in Churches, for any to read that would, for their Edification and Comfort; when for some hundred Years before those Treasures had, for the most part, been locked up and concealed from them.  

The Bishops oppose it.  But first, great was the Labour of our Archbishop, before he could get this good Work effected, being so disliked and repugned by the Patrons of Popery. For he had almost all the Bishops against him; as may appear by what I am going to relate. The King being by the Archbishop brought to incline to the publishing thereof, the Translation done by Coverdale was, by Crumwel or the Archbishop, presented into the King's Hands; and by him committed to divers Bishops of that Time to peruse, whereof Stephen Gardiner was one. After they had kept it long in their Hands, and the King had been divers Times sued unto for the Publication thereof, at last being called for by the King himself, they redelivered the Book. And being demanded by the King; What their Judgement was of the Translation? they answered, That there were many Faults therein. Well, said the King, but are there any Heresies maintained thereby? They answered, There were no Heresies that they could find maintained in it. If there be no Heresies, said the King, then in God's Name, let it go abroad among our People. This Circumstance I thought fit to mention, being the Substance of what Coverdale himself afterwards at a Paul's-Cross-Se●mon spoke in his own Vindication against some slanderous Reports that were then raised against his Translation; declaring his faithful Purpose in doing the same: Confessing withal, That he did then himself espy some Faults; which if he might review it once again, as he had done twice before, he doubted not (he said) but to amend. 
Defence of the EnglishTranslat. Ch. 1. p. 4. Edit. 1583.  This is related by Dr. Fulk, who was then one of Coverdale's Auditors, and heard him speak and declare all this.  

The first Edition of the Bible.  The first Edition of the Bible was finished by Grafton in the Year 1538, or 1539. That Year our Archbishop procured a Proclamation from the King, allowing private Persons to buy Bibles, and keep them in their Houses. And about two or three Years after they were reprinted, and backed with the King's Authority, the former Translation having been Revised and Corrected, 
Antiq. Brit. in Vit. Craum.  whether by certain learned Men of both Universities, or by some Members of the Convocation that were then sitting, it is uncertain. But to this Translation the Archbishop added the last Hand, mending it in divers Places with his own Pen, and fixing a very excellent Preface before it. In which he divided his Discourse between two sorts of Men: 
The Preface to the Bible made by the ABp.  The one, such as would not read the Scripture themselves, and laboured to stifle it from others. The other, such as read the Scripture indeed, but read it inordinately, and turned it into matter of Dispute and Contention, rather than to direct their Lives. And thereby, while they pretended to be Furtherers thereof, proved but Hinderers, as the others were; these being as blameless almost as those.  

The Contents ●hereof.  As to the former sort; He marvelled at them that they should take Offence at publishing the Word of God. For it showed them to be as much guilty of Madness, as those would be, who being in Darkness, Hunger and Cold, should obstinately refuse Light, Food and Fire. Unto which three, God's Word is compared. But he attributed it to the prejudice of Custom: which was so prevalent, that supposing there were any People that never saw the Sun, such as the Cimmerii were fancied to be; and that God should so order it, that that Glorious Light should in process of Time break in upon them, at the first some would be offended at it. And when Tillage was first found out, according to the Proverb, many delighted notwithstanding to feed on Mast and Acorns, rather than to eat Bread made of good Corn. Upon this Reason he was ready to excuse those, who, when the Scripture first came forth, doubted and drew back: But he was of another Opinion concerning such as still persisted in disparaging the publishing of the Scripture, judging them not only Foolish and Froward, but Peevish, Perverse and Indurate. And yet if the Matter were to be tried by Custom, we might allege Custom for reading the Scripture in the Vulgar Tongue, and prescribe more ancient Custom than for the contrary. Showing that it was not above an hundred Years since the reading it in English was laid aside within this Realm: and that many hundred Years before, it had been translated and read in the Saxon Tongue, being then the Mother Tongue; and that there remained divers Copies of it in old Abbeys. And when that Language became old, and out of common usage, it was translated into the newer Tongue: And of this many Copies than still remained, and were daily found.  
Then from Custom, he proceeded to consider the thing in its own Nature; showing how available it was that the Scripture should be read of the Laity. For which he takes a large Quotation out of S. Chrysostom, in his third Sermon De Lazaro; Wherein that Father exhorted the People, To read by themselves at home, between Sermon and Sermon; that what he had said before in his Sermons upon such and such Texts, might be the more fixed in their Minds and Memories: and that their Minds might be the more prepared to receive what he should say in his Sermons which he was to preach to them. And that he ever had, and would exhort them, not only to give Ear to what was said by the Preacher in the Church, but to apply themselves to reading the Scriptures at home in their own Houses. And a great deal more upon the same Argument.  
And then as to the other sort, our Archbishop showed, How there is nothing so good in the World, but might be abused and turned from Unhurtful and Wholesome, to Hurtful and Noisome. As above in the Heavens the Sun, Moon and Stars, were abused by Idolatry; and here on Earth, Fire, Water, Meat, Drink, Gold, Silver, Iron, Steel, are things of great benefit and use, and yet we see much harm and mischief done by each of these, as well by reason of the lack of Wisdom and Providence in them that suffer Evil by them, as by the Malice of them that work the Evil by them. Advising therefore all that came to read the Bible, which he called The most precious jewel, and most holy Relic that remained upon Earth, to bring with them the Fear of God; and that they read it with all due Reverence, and used their Knowledge thereof, not to the vain Glory of frivolous Disputation, but to the Honour of God, Increase of Virtue, and Edification of themselves and others.  
And then he backed this his Counsel, with a large Passage out of Gregory Nazianzen; which was leveled against such as only talked and babbled of the Scripture out of Season, but were little the better for it. And lastly, he concluded his Preface, by directing to such Qualifications as were proper for such as came to read these Sacred Volumes. Namely, That he ought to bring with him a Fear of Almighty God, and a firm Purpose to conform himself thereunto; and so continue to proceed from time to time, showing himself a sober and fruitful Hearer and Learner. This whole Preface, for the Antiquity and Usefulness of it, and to preserve as much as we can of the Writings of this most Reverend Man, I have transcribed and placed in the Appendix. 
No. CIV.   

The Fronticepiece of Cranmers' Edition of the Bible.  The Edition in the Year 1540, had a remarkable Frontispiece before it: Which because it is somewhat rare, both in regard of the Antiquity and Device of it, I will relate. In the upper ●art thereof, you see King Henry VIII sitting in State, guarded on each hand of him with the Lords Spiritual and Temporal; holding in his right Hand a Bible closed, which he delivered unto Archbishop Cranmer, being on his Knee, in the Name of the rest of the Bishops; all which stood at his right Hand, bareheaded, their Mitres lying up-the Ground, in token of their Acknowledgement of the King's Supremacy; and this Motto issuing out of the King's Mouth, Haec praecipe & doce. Holding also in his left Hand another Bible, stretched towards the Lords Temporal, and delivered to one, (whom I suppose to be intended for the Lord Crumwel) at the head of them, standing on the left Side, and this Word coming out of the King's Mouth towards them, Quod justum est, judicate; and this, Ita parvum audietis, ut magnum; and this, A me constitutum est, & decretum, ut in Vniverso Imperio & Regno meo homines revereantur & paveant Deum Viventem. Among these Nobles is the Figure of one on his Knees, and these Words issuing out of his Mouth, Verbum tuum Lucerna pedibus meis. Over the King's Head, is the Figure of God Almighty sitting in the Clouds, with these Words coming out of his Mouth in a Scroll towards the right Hand, Verbum quod egredietur de me, non revertetur ad me vacuum, sed faciet quaecunque volui: And in another Scroll towards the Left, with his Hand pointing to the King, Ecce servum, qui faciet omnes voluntates meas. Underneath the Bishops there is another Figure, representing Archbishop Cranmer, his Coat of Arms by him, with the distinction of a Crescent. He stood with his Mitre on his Head, and dressed in his Pontificalibus, his Chaplain behind him, and a Priest with a Tonsure, kneeling before him, in the posture of a Candidate for Priests Orders, and having his Hand stretched out to receive the Bible offered him by the Archbishop, and out of his Mouth this Scroll, Pascite, qui in vobis est, gregem Christi. On the other Side, opposite to the Archbishop, and underneath the Lords Temporal, stood another Person, whom I conjecture to be the Lord Crumwel, with his Shield by him blank, without any bearing; and out of his Mouth came, Diverte a malo, sequere pacem & persequere. In the lowest part of this Fronticepiece, you have the resemblance of a Priest, preaching out of a Pulpit before a great Auditory of Persons of all Ranks, Qualities, Orders, Sexes, Ages; Men, Women, Children, Nobles, Priests, Soldiers, Tradesmen, Countrymen. Out of the Mouth of the Preacher went this Verse, Obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes, orationes, postulationes, gratiarum actiones, pro omnibus hominibus, pro regibus, etc. Implying the Benefit accrueing to Princes by the People's Knowledge of the Scriptures, namely, That it taught them to obey and pray for them. And out of the Mouths of these Hearers of all sorts, issued, Vivat Rex, Vivat Rex; and out of the Mouths of the Children, God save the King: denoting the great Joy the People conceived for the enjoyment of God's Word, and the preaching thereof, and their Thankfulness to the King for his Permission of the same. In the middle stood the Title of the Bible: which was this; The Bible in English; that is to say, The Contents of all the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, with a Prologue thereunto made by the Reverend Father in God Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury. This is the Bible appointed to the Use of the Churches. Printed by Richard Grafton, Cum Privilegio ad imprimendum solum. An. Dom. MDXL.   

CHAP. XXXIV. Archbishop Cranmer compassionate towards Sufferers for Religion.  
AS he had a great Love and Value for the eminent Professors and Patrons of the Gospel, 
His Affection and Compassion towards Professors of the Gospel. Particularly for Sir john Ch●k● a Prisoner,  so he bore a most compassionate Spirit towards those that suffered for the sake of it. It made a very grea● Impression upon him, when he heard that Sir john Cheke had been taken up, and Indicted, soon after Queen Mary's access to the Crown, namely, in the Month of August, which was the next Month after. And not knowing wherefore he was Indicted, whether for his meddling in the Lady Iane's Business, or for his Zeal in promoting Religion, he earnestly desired Sir William Cecyl to inform him whether? If for the former, Considering (as he said) he had been none of the chief Doers in that Matter, he hoped he should have been one of them that should have partaken of the Queen's Favour. But if it were for the latter, viz. his earnestness in Religion, if he suffer for that, (said he) Blessed is he of God, that suffereth for his sake, howsoever the World judge of him. For what ought we to care for the judgement of the World, when God absolves us? But wishing most passionately withal, That some means might be used for the Relief of him and the Lord Russel, 
And the Lord Russel.  who it seems was clapped up for the same Cause.  
And indeed as our Archbishop was in the time of King Edward, 
A Patron to such as preached the Gospel in K. Henry's Days.  he was the same under King Henry, that is, the common Patron, as far as he might, or dared, of such Priests who were drawn into Trouble for professing or preaching that Gospel. So he showed himself to Turner beforementioned: And in the Year 1533, or 1534, I find him in a Commission for the relieving of another that had been most straight and rigorously handled by Stokesly then Bishop of London, and his Chancellor: His Name was Thomas Patmore, Parson of Hadham in Hertfordshire, a Learned and Godly Man, who had by them been condemned to Imprisonment for Life, together with the loss of his Benefice and Goods, because he had persuaded his Curate to marry a Wife; and being privy to his Marriage, did nevertheless suffer him to officiate in his Church: And because he had preached certain Doctrines at Cambridg, as laying little stress upon the Pope's Curse, and that we are saved only by God's Mercy; and that all that are saved, are saved by Faith; and that it is against God's Law to burn Heretics. This poor Man, after three Years close Imprisonment in Lollards-Tower, by the Means of his Friends, who put up frequent Petitions to the King and the Lady Ann Bolen, was at last released, and obtained of the King a Commission to our Archbishop, to whom were joined Audley Lord Chancellor, and Crumwel Secretary of State, 
Fox.  to inquire into his Injuries and unjust handling, and to determine thereof according to Equity and Justice.  
Thus favourable he was to Religion and good Men in the two former Kings Reigns: But when Queen Mary succeeded, he could no longer be a Sanctuary or Succour unto them, unless it were to comfort them by Words, and to pray for them, as was said before.  
The Archbishop added, That he was for his part now utterly unable, either to help or counsel, being in the same Condemnation that they were. But that the only thing that he could do, he would not omit; and that was, to pray for them, and all others then in Adversity. But he entreated Cecyl, who by this time seemed to have gotten his Pardon, or at least to be in good assurance of it, and so in a better Capacity to raise up Friends to those honest Men, to use what Means possible he could for them.  

His Succour of afflicted Strangers in K. Edward's Days.  This was all he could do now for the Prisoners of Christ. But while he was in Place and Capacity of succouring such distressed Persons, as he was in King Edward's Days, he gave them Countenance, Entertainment at his House and Table, Preferment, Recommendation to the King and Protector. And indeed there was great need of some such Patrons of poor Protestants, the Persecutions in Italy, in Spain, in France, in Germany, and other Places, being ab●●t this Time extremely hot. Which occasioned the flight of great Numbers into this Nation: Which some of them styled Christi Asylum, A Sanctury for Christ 
* Ad vos, ceu in Asylum & portum tutissimum sub Sanctissimi Regis alas confluebant Germani, Galli, Hispani, Itali, Poloni, Scoti, 〈◊〉 illic Deo suo in Fidei libertate servirent, quam ipsis patria ingrata negabat. Gualt. Praes. ante Hom. in Prior. D. Paul. ●p. ad Cor. . In the Year 1549, the Persecution in France grew very warm: Which was partly occasioned upon the Inauguration of King Henry TWO, and his Entrance into Paris for that Purpose. For the burning of Martyrs in several Streets of the City, where and when the King was to pass by, made a barbarous part of the Solemnity. In this Year many French Protestants, who had been Imprisoned for Religion in their own Country, were either banished, or secretly made their escape into this Kingdom. These applied to some French Ministers, entertained, as it seems, in the Archbishop's Family, with Bucer, Peter Martyr, and others. Which Ministers delivered the Condition of these poor Men to the Archbishop. And having a Petition to present to the Lord Protector, declaring their miserable State, and requiring Relief, he appointed the French Ministers to apply themselves to Cecyl, than Master of Requests to the Lord Protector: and that he might be the more ready to recommend and forward the Petition, to render it the more effectual, he advised Bucer, Martyr, Alexander, and Fagius, to write their Letters jointly unto the said Cecyl, for the French Ministers to carry along with them as their Letter of Credence. For the Archbishop well knew that Cecyl had a great Esteem for those Learned Men, and that their Letters would go a great way with him. Such was the particular Care and Diligence our Prelate piously used for Relief of these poor French Exiles. The Copy of this Letter I have thought well worthy to be put in the Appendix. 
No. CV.   
Indeed it was noted at this Time, as a Quality of the Nation, 
England harbourous of Strangers. Anglos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse non nego, & peregrinorum habiti sunt admiratores. Humfrid. de Nobilit.  That it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Addicted to show Favour to Strangers; nay, to admire them. And surely it was not without the Providence of God, that when in these difficult Times, so many Honest, Pious, Learned Men, were forced from their own Countries, Friends and Estates, they found such hospitable Entertainment here. Care was taken for their sufficient Livelyhoods; and for those of them that were towards Learning, Places were assigned them in the Colleges of the Universities, and yearly Stipends settled on them. Of those that were most forward and exemplary in these Christian Offices, Dr. Laurence Humphrey, (one who lived in those Times, and was well acquainted with these Matters) names King Edward in the first place. Who, as he asserts of his own knowledge, 
In lib. de Nobilitat. p. 253.  was extraordinarily bountiful to them both in London, and in the Universities. Among the Noblemen, he mentions Henry Earl of Dorset, and Duke of Suffolk: And among the Bishops, Thomas Cranmer the Archbishop of Canterbury, of whom he bestowed this Character, That he was worthy to succeed William Warham in his See, whom he so well imitated, both in courteous Behaviour and Hospitality.  
And as he was in King Edward's Days of such an hospitable Disposition towards Strangers, 
The ABp's Favour to Foreigners.  so he was noted for it in the Reign of his Father King Henry, being wont then to show himself very kind and humane to such as traveled into these Parts for Learning, as well as for Shelter. Gualther, the great Divine of Zurick, being but a young Man, came into England about the Year 1537; and was so affected with the Civilities he received here, that he let it stand upon Record, in the Preface to his Homilies upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, how humanely he was received at Oxford, not only by the Students, but by the Public Professors, and by divers at Court. But among them he particularly mentioned, How Archbishop Cranmer, whom he styled, The immortal Glory of England, received him, though a young Man then, and a Stranger, and had no experience of things, nor any Mark or Excellency to recommend him.  

Unjustly charged with Covetousness.  And as he was Compassionate and Hospitable, so he was of a free and liberal Disposition, and as became a Christian Bishop, and an English Peer, kept great Hospitality. Yet however he could not escape the Imputation of Nigardise and Closeness. He had been once accused of it to his Master King Henry, but came off with Honour, the King himself clearing him of that injurious Scandal, and giving him a Character of a quite contrary Nature.  

His words to Cecyl upon this Charge.  And again in King Edward's Reign, in the Year 1552, some taking the advantage of his Absence from the Court, slandered him as though he were Covetous. Which coming to his Ear, by the cordial Friendship of Cecyl, the King's Secretary, he wrote that Courtier a Letter in vindication of himself; professing, That he was not so doted to set his Mind upon things here, which neither he could carry away with him, nor tarry long with them. And that he took not half so much Care for his Living when he was a Scholar at Cambridg, as he did at that present when he was Archbishop of Canterbury; for as he had now much more Revenue than he had then, so he had much more to do withal. And, That he rather feared stark Beggary at last.  
This, and other things to the same purpose, he signified in that Letter; that Cecyl thereby might the better understand his Condition, and know how and what to plead at Court in his behalf, as Occasion served, as hath been more at large related before.  

Reduced, as he feared, to stark beggary before his Death.  By the way, I cannot but reflect upon one of the Archbishop's Expressions, which seemed to have been uttered prophetically; so exactly did the Event answer to his Words: for to stark Beggary he was indeed at last reduced: When in his Imprisonment at Oxon, he had not a Penny in his Purse. And which was more, his Enemies were so barbarously severe, that it would not be allowed any well-disposed Person, to relieve his Necessity, nor to give him an Alms, a Privilege allowed any Beggar beside. And when a Gentleman of Gloucestershire, sensible of the Archbishop's Need, and withal knowing how dangerous it was to give the poor Archbishop any Money, had conveyed somewhat to the Bailiffs, to be by their Hands bestowed on him, Boner and Thirleby, the two Bishops that degraded him, stayed this Gentleman, intending to send him up to the Council, had he not gotten off by the Intercession of some Friends.   

CHAP. XXXV. Some Account of Archbishop Cranmers House-keeping.  
BUT the more fully to confute this Calumny, 
Some Account of his House-keeping.  it will not be amiss to look more narrowly into his House-keeping. His daily custom at Lambeth was, to dine in a Room above, where all Noblemen, and Persons of better Quality that came to dine with him, were entertained. Here he was very honourably served, both with Dishes and Attendants. In the Hall the Table was every Day very plentifully furnished, both for Houshold-Servants and Strangers, with three or four principal head-Messes of Officers: Besides the Relief of the Poor at his Gates. And which is a very observable Charity, as well as Hospitality, he appropriated his Mansion-house at Bekesborn in Kent, and his Parsonage-Barn, for Harbour and Lodgings for the Poor, Sick and Maimed Soldiers, that came from the Wars of Bulloign, and other Parts beyond Seas. For these he also appointed an Almoner, a Physician, and a Chirurgeon, to attend on them, and to dress and administer Physic to such of them as were not able to resort to their own Countries: Having also daily from his Kitchen hot Broth and Meat. Besides the common Alms of his Household, that were bestowed upon the poor People of the Country. And when any of these were recovered, and were able to travel, they had Money given them to bear their Charges, according to the number of Miles they were to pass before they got Home.  
I do not know whether some might have taken Advantage thus to slander him, from a laudable Endeavour of his, 
Retrenches the Clergies superfluous House-keeping.  to reduce within some Bounds the Provisions of clergymen's Tables, which in the latter Times of King Henry the Eighth, grew to great Excess and Extravagancy, so unbecoming Spiritual Men. For in the Year 1541, the Archbishop, with the Consent of the other Archbishop, and most of the Bishops, and divers other Deans and Arch-Deacons, made a Constitution for moderating the Fare of their Tables, viz.  
That Archbishops should not exceed six divers kinds of Flesh, or as many Dishes of Fish on Fish-days. A Bishop not above Five. A Dean, or Archdeacon, Four; and all under that Degree, Three. But an Archbishop was allowed at second Course, to have four Dishes, a Bishop Three, and all others Two; as Custards, Tarts, Fritters, Cheese, Apples, Pears, etc. But if any of the inferior Clergy should entertain any Archbishop, Bishop, Dean, or Archdeacon, or any of the Laity of like Degree, as Duke, Marquess, Earl, Viscount, Baron, Lord, Knight, they might have such Provision as were meet for their Degree: Nor was their Diet to be limited, when they should receive an Ambassador, [to recommend, I suppose, to Foreigners the English Hospitality.] It was ordered also, That of the greater Fish, or Fowl, as Cranes, Swans, Turkeys, Haddocks, Pike, Tench, there should be but one in a Dish: Of lesser Sorts than they, as Capons, Pheasants, Coneys, Woodcocks, but Two: Of less sorts still, as of Partridges; an Archbishop, Three; a Bishop, and other Degrees under him, Two. The Number of the Blackbirds were also stinted to Six at an Archbishop's Table, and to Four for a Bishop. And of little Birds, as Larks, Snytes, etc. the Number was not to exceed Twelve.  
But so strongly bend were the Clergy in those Days to this sort of Sensuality, that these Injunctions of our Archbishop were observed but two or three Months, and so they returned to their old Superfluity again.  

His pious Design therein.  The Archbishop's pious Design hereby, was only to curb Intemperance, and unnecessary Prodigality in such, upon whose Office those Vices cast such just Reflections: but it could not reasonably argue any covetous Temper in him; for that the Poor might not far the worse for this Entrenchment of Exorbitant Hospitality, but rather the better, the Archbishop in these aforesaid Orders provided, That whatsoever was spared out of the old Housekeeping, should not be pocketed up, but laid out and spent in plain Meats for the Relief of poor People.  

Others charged him with Prodigality.  And that this Charge may still appear to be nothing but a mere detraction, proceeding from Envy, or some other ill Principle, others there were that would blame him for the contrary Vice, of too much lavishing and unprofitable Expense. So hard a matter is it for the best Men to escape the spiteful and venomous Insinuations of the World. But he patiently and with an even Mind bore all.   

CHAP. XXXVI. Archbishop Cranmer, Humble. Peaceable. Bold in a good Cause.  
FOR, which is another thing to be remarked in him, 
Humble and Condescending.  he was very Humble and Condescending, and did not only bear to be reproved, but was thankful for it; and that even when the Reproof was undeserved. Which was the more to be valued in him, considering the Height and Dignity of his Calling. To give an Instance or two of this.  
When in the Year 1552, Cecyl had charged him with the Imputation of Covetousness, as a Report that went of him in the Court, and which himself seemed partly to believe, begging withal Pardon of his Grace for his freedom with him: Our Archbishop told him, That as for the Admonition, he took it very thankfully; and that he had ever been most glad to be admonished by his Friends; accounting no Man so foolish, as he that would not hear friendly Admonishment. And when at another time, the same Cecyl, (who would always take the liberty to speak his Mind to his Friends, whensoever he thought they wanted Counsel) had signified to him the Hazard he incurred in not showing more Compliance towards the Duke of Northumberland, who now swayed all; and then apologizing for his Boldness; Cranmer was so far from taking this ill, that he returned him his very hearty Thanks for his friendly Letter and Advertisements; desiring him to be assured, that he took the same in such good part, and to proceed of such a friendly Mind, as he ever looked for at his Hands, and whereof he would not be unmindful, if Occasion hereafter served, to requite the same.  
And this good Temper led him also to Gentleness and Lenity. 
Peaceable and Mild.  He was no Huffer nor Contend, but of an exceeding peaceable and amicable Spirit. Whereunto he was moved by the Reason of Policy, as well as Religion: Because he well saw, how a contentious quarrelsome Disposition in great Men, would be apt to give an ill Example unto Inferiors. There happened once, in the Year 1552, a Contest between him and the Lord-Warden of the Cinque-Ports, who lived not far from him; and so probably it might be about some worldly Matters. It was Sir Thomas Cheyny; who in the Year 1549, was one of those that met with Warwick in London, and published a Proclamation against the Archbishop's Friend the Duke of Somerset, as a Traitor. Which might be an occasion that the Archbishop did not much affect Cheyny, nor Cheyny the Archbishop. Concerning this Difference between them, which it seems was taken notice of at Court, when his true Friend Cecyl had wrote to him, advising a Reconciliation, he gave this Christian and meek Answer from his House at Ford; That there was no Man more loath to be in Contention with any Man than he was; especially with him who was his near Neighbour, dwelling both in one County, and whose familiar and entire Friendship he most desired, and that for the Quietness of the whole County. Adding, That the Examples of the Rulers and Heads, would the People and Members follow.  
His Peaceableness also appeared in his hearty Desires of the Public Peace, as well as Private. When upon occasion of hearing of the Wars that were about the Year 1552, eagerly followed, both in Christendom, 
His Speech upon the News of Wars abroad.  and out of it, he used these words, The Sophy and the Turk, the Emperor and the French King, not much better in Religion than they, [such it seems was his Censure of them, by reason of the Cruelty and Persecution they exercised, and the Disturbances they made in the World] rolling the Stone, or turning the Wheel of Fortune up and down; I pray God send us Peace and Quietness with all Realms, as well as among ourselves.  

Unacquainted with the Arts of Court-flattery.  But though he were of so quiet and mild a Spirit, yet being a plain downright Man, he would never learn the Arts of Flattery and base Compliances with them that were uppermost. Which had like to have created him much trouble from Northumberland; to whom he carried not himself with that Deference and Pleasingness as he expected. 
Would never crouch to Northumberland.  For Cranmer knew the bad Heart of this haughty Man, and could not forget the ill Measure his Friend, the Duke of Somerset, had found at his Hands. He did not care to make any Application to him, nor to be an Instrument in forwarding any of his designing Business. When he was to write up to some of the Court concerning Reiner Wolf, I suppose for Licence to print the Articles of Religion, Anno 1552, he desired to take Cecyl's Advice, to whom he should write; For I know not, saith he, to whom to write but my Lord of Northumberland; to whom to make any Address he would fain have avoided if he could. There was, about the Year 1552, a Commission issued out for a strict Enquiry to be made after all such as had defrauded the King of any Goods or Treasure, accrueing to him by the suppression of Chauntries, or that belonged to Churches. Now this was done by Northumberland and his Creatures, on purpose that it might light heavy upon Somerset's Friends, who had been the chief Visitors in those Affairs, and had many of them been supposed to have enriched themselves thereby. Commissioners were appointed in each County. In Kent the Commission was directed to the Archbishop, and to several other Gentlemen and Justices of Peace. The Archbishop perceiving well the Spite and Malice of this Commission, acted very slowly in it. Insomuch that Northumberland began to be highly angry with him. Cecyl observing it, and having ever a great Veneration for that good Man, and fearing he might feel the Effects of his Fury, writ to him, signifying Northumberland's Displeasure, and giving him Advice to take heed of him. For which the Archbishop thanked him, and prudently writ his Excusatory Letter to that Duke, dated November ●0, signifying, That the Cause of his Stay of the Commission was, because he was alone, and that the Gentlemen and Justices of Peace, who were in Commission with him, were then at London, [probably because of the Term] before whose coming Home, if he should proceed without them, he might, as he said, travel in vain, and take more Pains than he should do good. And by such soft, but honest words, mollifying him for the Procrastination of that which he had no mind to meddle in.  
But not long after he, and Ridley Bishop of London, with him, 
He and Ridley fall under the Duke's Displeasure.  fell under great Displeasure with this Duke, and the rest of the great Men of his Party; who in the latter end of King Edward's Reign governed all. The Reason whereof was, for opposing, as much as they could, though to no effect, the Spoil of the church-good; which were taken away only by a Commandment of the Higher Powers, without Request or Consent of them to whom they did belong; as Ridley himself relates in his Treatise, 
Ridley's Lamentation.  wherein he lamented the Change of Religion in England: Which indeed was more than ever Henry VIII had done.  
Add to the rest, 
Bold and undaunted in God's Cause.  that our Bishop was of a bold and undaunted Courage in the Cause of God, and his Church. It was a brave and generous Act, and worthy the chief Bishop of the English Church; I mean, that public Challenge which he made, to maintain the Common-Prayer Book, and the other parts of the Reformation, by the Scripture and Fathers, in open Disputation, against whomsoever, if the Queen so pleased to permit it. Which was done by him, soon after the Queen's coming to the Throne. And had he not been prevented by others, who dispersed Copies of this Challenge without his knowledge, it had been made very solemnly, as he freely told the Queen's Council, by fixing this his Declaration on the Doors of S. Paul's, and other Churches, with his Hand and Seal to it. And his Courage herein appeared the greater, because he was at this very Time under a Cloud, and in great Danger; having some time before now, been convented before the Council, and confined to Lambeth.  
And whosoever shall consider that good Progress, 
Falsely charged with Cowardice, and too much Flexibility.  that by his Means was made in Religion, not only in King Edward's Reign, but even in that of King Henry, under the Discouragements of antiently-rivited Superstition and Idolatry; and withal shall ponder the haughty Nature of that Prince, of so difficult Address, and so addicted to the old Religion; and how dangerous it was to descent from him, or to attempt to draw him off from his own Persuasions; cannot but judge Cranmer to have been of a very bold Spirit, to venture so far as he did. And undoubtedly his Courage went an equal pace with his Wisdom and Discretion, and was no whit inferior to his other excellent Qualifications. And this I say the rather, to vindicate the Memory of this most Reverend Prelate from an unworthy Reflection, made upon him in a trisling Account of his Life: Wherein he is charged to be, 
Ab●l R●di●●●vus.  Of too easy and flexible a Disposition, which made him cowardly to comply with the Church of Rome. And, that though he never did any harm to the Protestants, yet he did not unto them so much good as he might or ought. For the confutation of which, I appeal to numberless Passages which I have written of him. But it is easy to see from whence this Author had this Character of our Archbishop; namely, from Parsons and Saunders, two malicious calumniating Jesuits. 
Three Conversions.  The former hath these words of him; That to the King's Will and Liking he resolved to conform himself, as well in Religion as in other things. And, that when King Henry was large towards the Protestants, Cranmer was so also; but when the King became more strict and rigorous, especially after the Six Articles, Cranmer was ready to prosecute the same. And therefore Saunders framed a Name for the Archbishop, calling him Henricianus; in the same sense as Herod's Creatures in the Scriptures were called Herodianis. A very false Character of this good Archbishop, to say no worse of it.  

Of Ardent Affections.  I must here make a Note of one Quality more of our Archbishop. Which was this, That he was a Man of ardent Affections, and of an open and generous Temper; and where he loved, he thought he could never enough express it. An Instance of this I will give in Bishop Thirleby: To whom for the good Qualities he supposed were in him, he had a most earnest Love. An Account of this I will lay down in the words of Morris, the Archbishop's Secretary, 
Inter Foxii MSS  who well knew it.  
Besides his special Favour to him, saith he, that way, [in recommending him to the King] there was no Man living could more friendly esteem any Man of himself, as my Lord Cranmer did this Thirleby: For there was no kind of Pleasure which my Lord Cranmer was liable to do, that was not at this Man's Commandment: Whether it were Jewel, Plate, Instrument, Map, Horse, or any thing else, though he had it from the King's Majesty; but if this Man did once like, or commend it, the gentle Archbishop would forthwith give it unto him. And many times Dr. Thirleby, for Civility-sake, would instantly refuse the same, yet would he send it unto him the next day after to his House. Insomuch that it came into a common Proverb, That Dr. Thirleby 's commendation of any Thing of my Lords, was a plain winning or obtaining thereof. So that some Men thought, that if he would have demanded any Finger, or other Member of his, he would have cut it off to have gratified him therewith; such was his ardent Affection towards him. This no small sort of honest Men, now living, can testify; that is, about the Year 1565, when this was written.  

Cranmer compared with Card. Wolsey.  It may deserve also a Remark, that our good Prelate rose upon the Fall of another great Churchman, viz. the Cardinal of York. For about that very Time the King rejected Wolsey from his Favour and Employment, Cranmer succeeded into them. It may be also observed, That as the King's great Matter of the Divorce was first moved and managed by Wolsey; so it was taken up, and vigorously carried on, and successfully ended by Cranmer. And as the former started it upon an unjust Policy, and so in the Issue, by God's secret Judgement, prospered no better by it, it finally proving his Ruin; so the latter acting in it out of a better and more honest Principle of Conscience and Religion, became thereby advanced to the greatest Honour in the Church: Which he held for twenty Years together. Though at last indeed it had the same fatal Issue to him, by the secret Malice of Queen Mary, as it had to the Cardinal before by the secret Displeasure of Queen Ann. But as they were thus parallel in the Cause of their Falls, so their Demeanours under their Calamities were very different. The Cardinal under his, showed a most abject and desponding Mind; but our Archbishop's Carriage was much more decent under his, remaining Undaunted and Magnanimous: having a Soul well fortified by the Principles of solid Virtue and Religion, which the other had not. And this appeared in him, when being brought forth to be baited before Brooks, the Pope's Subdelegate; and Martin and Story, the King's and Queen's Commissioners at Oxford; he gravely, and with an unmoved Spirit, used these words; That he acknowledged God's Goodness to him in all his Gifts; and thanked him as heartily for that State wherein he found himself then, as ever he did in the Time of his Prosperity; and that it was not the loss of his Promotions that grieved him at all.   

CHAP. XXXVII. Osiander's and Peter Martyr's Character of the Archbishop.  
THE last Thing I shall observe of him is, That he always remained the same Man; not altered by his Honours and high Advancements. As he was a Person of great Piety, Goodness, Affability and Benignity, before he was Archbishop, and the Sunshine of Royal Favour, so he continued at all Times after. For a Witness of this, I will set down two Characters given him by two Foreign learned Men, both which knew him well.  
The one shall be of Osiander; 
Osiander's Character of the ABp.  from whom we may take this Account of what he was before he was Bishop, while he remained abroad in Germany. Osiander, that great Divine of Norinberg, professed to love him for some excellent Endowments that were common to him with some other good Men, but especially for others more extraordinary and peculiar to himself: Of the former sort was, That he was a Gentleman of good Birth and Quality; 
Epist. Dedicat▪ ante Harmon. Evangelic.  that he had an Aspect and Presence that carried Dignity with it, an incredible sweetness of Manners; that he had Learning beyond the common Degrees of it; was Benign and Liberal towards all, and especially to those that were Studious and of good Literature. Of the latter, were those more abstruse and heroical Virtues of his Mind, rare to be found in the Age wherein he lived; viz. his Wisdom, Prudence, Fortitude, Temperance, Justice; a singular Love towards his Country, the highest Faithfulness towards the King; a Contempt of earthly Things, a Love of Heavenly; a most burning study towards the Evangelic Truth, sincere Religion, and Christ's Glory. And this was Cranmer before he was placed in his high and honourable Station.  

And Peter Martyr's.  The other Character of Cranmer, is that of Peter Martyr; who thus speaks of him, when he was at the Top of all his earthly Honour, in the middle of King Edward's Reign; That his Godliness, Prudence, Faithfulness, and his singular Virtues, were known to all the Kingdom. 
Ep. Dedicat. ante librum de Eucharist.  That he was so adorned with the Grace and Favour of Christ, as that, though all others are the Children of Wrath, yet in him Piety, and Divine Knowledge, and other Virtues, might seem to be naturally born and bred, such deep Root had they taken in him. So that Martyr often wished and professed, he should esteem it as a great Benefit vouchsafed him of God, that he might come as near as might be to his Virtues, which he admired in him as the wonderful Gifts of God. And, as to himself and others fled into these Quarters for Religion, that Cranmers Kindness and Humanity, Merits and Benefits towards them were such, that if he should render just Thanks, and speak of them as they deserved, he must do nothing but tell of them; and how much soever he should extol them, the greatness of the Matter would overreach his Speech. And that it was well known to all how humanely he received not him only, but many other Strangers of his Order, and how kindly he treated them.  

Balt's Character of the ABp.  To both these I will subjoin the Judgement of another, who, I cannot but conclude, was well-acquainted with the Archbishop, and a long and diligent Observer of his Demeanour in his Superintendency over the Church; and that was john Bale, sometime Bishop of Ossory.  
He never placed, said he, the Function of a Bishop in the Administration of secular Things, 
In Centur.  but in a most faithful Dispensation of God's Word.  
In the midst of wicked Babylon, he always performed the part of a good Guide of Israel. And among Papists, that tyrannised against the Truth of Christ, he governed the People of God with an admirable Prudence.  
No Man ever so happily and steadily persisted, with Christ himself, in the Defence of the Truth, in the midst of falsely learned Men, in such imminent hazard of his Life, and yet without receiving any Harm.  
No Man did more prudently bear with some false Apostles for a time, although, with St. Paul, he knew what most pestilent Men they were, that so they might not be provoked to run into greater Rage and Madness.  

The difficult Times wherein Cranmer lived.  All this that I have before written concerning this our venerable Prelate, cannot but redound to his high Praise and Commendation. And it is very fit such Virtues and Accomplishments should be celebrated and recorded to Posterity. Yet I do not intend these my Collections for such a Panegyric of him, as to make the World believe him void of all Faults or Frailties, the Condition of human Nature. He lived in such critical Times, and under such Princes, and was necessarily involved in such Affairs, as exposed him to greater Temptations than ordinary. And if any Blemishes shall, by curious Observers, be espied in him, he may therefore seem the more pardonable; and his great exemplary Goodness and Usefulness in the Church of God, may make ample Amends for some Errors.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. The Archbishop vindicated from Slanders of Papists.  
I Have given, I hope, a just, though imperfect, Account, 
A lying Character of this ABp, by a la●● French Author▪  from undoubted Records, and authentic Manuscripts, as well as the best published Books, of the excellent Endowments of this great Prelate, and of his innocent, prudential, and useful Behaviour in his high Place and Station. So that none, who impartially weighs the Premises, can conclude otherwise of him, than that he was a very rare Person, and one that deserves to be reckoned among the brightest Lights that ever shone in this English Church. And this all the sober, unprejudiced part of Posterity will believe, notwithstanding the unjust Calumnies some hot-spirited Papists have cast upon his Memory.  
I shall pass over the unhandsome Name that Feckenham gave him, call him Dolt; as he did also his two other Brethren in Tribulation, Ridley and Latimer, Prisoners then in Oxford, (Men by far more Learned than himself) upon occasion of Mr. Hawks esteeming them deservedly Godly and Learned Men.  
I shall also pass by what Bishop Boner then said of him, viz. That he dared to say, that Cranmer would Recant so he might have his Living: As though he were a Man of a prostituted Conscience, and would do any thing upon worldly Considerations.  
But there is a late French Writer, whom I cannot but take notice of with some Indignation; who, to show his bigoted Zeal to the Roman Church, hath bestowed this most defamatory Character upon this our Archbishop; 
Varillas his History of Heretics.  That he was one of the profligatest Men of England; that had nothing of Christianity in him, but the outward Appearances; being Ambitious, Voluptuous, Turbulent, and capable of all sorts of Intrigues. Of which all that I have written, is an abundant Confutation; besides the severe Chastisements the right Reverend the Bishop of Sarum hath lately bestowed upon this Author. Who questionless was well versed in those famous Popish Calumniators of our Reformation, and of this our Archbishop the great Instaurator thereof, and had a mind to outdo them in their Talon of throwing Dirt. Those, I mean, who, living in the Age past, did most bitterly and virulently, as it fell in their way, fly upon Cranmers Memory and Fame, to eclipse it to Posterity if they could; namely, Saunders, Allen, and Parsons, and some others. But those who read these Memorials, will be able easily to confute them, and will perceive that these Men sought not so much to say what was true, as what might serve the Ends of their Anger and Spite, their Reports being made up for the most part of nothing but Lies and Slanders, illy patched together.  

Allen's Calumny of the ABp. Sincere and modest Def. of Engl. Catholics▪ p. 45.  Allen, if he were the Answerer of the Execution of English justice, saith, That Cranmer was a notorious perjured, and often relapsed Apostata, recanting, swearing and forswearing at every turn. A heavy Charge; but we are left to guests what these Perjuries, these so often Swear and Forswearing, these Relapses and Recantations be. But it is enough for them to roar out, Notorious Perjuries, etc. But let us see what Oaths Cranmer took, that might occasion his Perjuries. He swore, at his Consecration, the usual Oath to the Pope; and in his future Doings, laboured to restore the King's Supremacy against the Pope's Usurpations, and to promote a Reformation against the Pope's Superstitions. Was this one of his notorious Perjuries? It is pity the doing so good a Thing, 
Wiped off.  should fall under so bad a Name. But at the taking of that Oath, did he not make a solemn Protestation openly before Public Notaries, and that entered down into Record, That he intended not by the said Oath to do any thing against the Law of God, the King, or the Realm, and their Laws and Prerogatives; nor to be abridged thereby from consulting for the Reformation of Religion? In which way the best Civilians than put him, and assured him, that by this Means: he might safely, without any Gild, take the Oath to the Pope: Which otherwise he would not have done. And truly, for my part, I think there was no other way to escape that Perjury, that all other Bishops Elect in those Times were entangled in, by swearing two contrary Oaths, one to the Pope, and another to the King. Cranmer swore also, at receiving Orders, to live Chastely; But he afterwards married a Wife. Surely hereby he broke not his Oath, but rather kept it. He did likewise swear to the Succession of Q. Ann: But would Allen have all that submitted to that Act of Parliament to be perjured? That would reflect upon the Wisdom of the three Estates at that Time, in making such an ensnaring Law; and involve all sorts of People, both Clergy, Nobility and Gentry, and all other Persons of Age, in Perjury, as well as the Archbishop, excepting only two Persons, More and Fisher, who would not submit to this Act. And even they themselves offered to swear to the Succession itself, and refused only to swear to the Preamble of the said Act. There was indeed an Act made, which seemed contrary to this Act, namely, That which in the Year 1536, put by the Succession of Q. Ann, and carried it to the King's Children by another Queen; and to this Act the Subjects were to swear also. And we will suppose that the ABp swore with the rest to this Act. Neither was there any Perjury here; for this Oath in truth was not contrary to the former: For by reason of some lawful Impediment of Queen Ann's Marriage with the King, as was then pretended, it was declared by the Parliament, That the Issue of that Queen was Illegitimate, and not Inheritable. And the first Oath was only for the Succession of lawful Issue by Queen Ann. Therefore there being no lawful Issue of that Queen, as was then at least supposed, the Oath to the lawful Issue of another Queen might certainly be very innocently taken, without infringing the breach of the former▪ And where at length is this Notorious Perjury, and swearing and forswearing at every turn?  
Allen again lets fly upon him, call him Apostata. 
Cleared from his Charge of Apostasy.  But surely it is not Apostasy, to leave Error, Superstition and Idolatry, for the true Doctrine and Profession of the Gospel. He chargeth him also with often Relapsing and Recanting. He made no Relapses nor Recantations at all, as I know of, unless a little before his Death, when he subscribed to a parcel of Popish Articles, by the Importunity of Papists, working upon his Frailty and long-Sufferings. But he soon revoked all again, and died most patiently in the Profession of the true Religion. And to this at last comes all this mighty Clamour, That he was notoriously Perjured, an often relapsed Apostata, recanting, swearing and forswearing at every Turn.  
Saunders his scurrilous and false Accounts of Cranmer are numberless; I will only mention one or two. He saith, 
Saunders Falsehoods of the ABp. De Schism. Aug.  That from Cambridg he went to the Service of Sir Tho. Bullen, and by his Preferment was made Archbishop of Canterbury. Whereas from Cambridg he was immediately made the King's Chaplain, and wanted not the Recommendation of any to his Preferment, the King being so well acquainted with his Merits. And though he abode sometime with the Earl of Wiltshire, whom he styleth Sir Tho. Bullen, yet it was not in the quality of his Chaplain, but of one whom the King recommended to him. He writeth, That the Archbishop carried his Wife about him in a Chest, when he removed; and addeth a ridiculous Story relating thereunto. And his Brother Parsons saith, 
In his Book of the Three Conversions.  This was a most certain Story, and testified at that Day by Cranmer 's Son's Widow to divers Gentlemen, her Friends, from whom Parsons saith he had it. Other Popish Dignitaries in those Days, kept and conversed with their Concubines and Whores more publicly; and did the Archbishop keep his Wife so close? But in case he had traveled with her more openly, who should examine the Archbishop, and call him to Account, whether she were his Wife or his Concubine? and therefore the Story is most improbable. The King himself knew he had a Wife well enough. And when the Archbishop saw the Danger of having her with him, he sent her away to her Friend's beyond-Sea for a Time. And that silly Story comes through too many Hands, before it came to Parsons, to make it credible. Cranmers Son tells it to his Wife, No Body knows where: She being a Widow, tells it to certain Gentlemen, No Body knows who: And they tell it to Parsons, no Body knows when. No one Place, Person or Time mentioned. And so all the Faith of the Matter lies upon a Woman's Evidence, and hers upon the Credit of those two very honest Men, Parsons and Saunders.  
In Parsons his three Conversions of England, 
Parsons his Compliments to the ABp.  are these many favourable Expressions of our Archbishop to be found: That he was the first Heretic in that Order, [of Archbishops of Canterbury.] Because he was the first that laboured a Reformation of the horrible Errors of the degenerate Church of Rome. And, that he was the first Archbishop of Canterbury that ever broke from the Roman Faith. And, that this was the first Change of Religion in any Arch bishop, from the beginning unto his Days. Designing thereby to fix a very black Mark upon him, which rather redounds to his everlasting Honour. 
In his Calendar.  That he was an unconstant Man in his Faith and Belief: Incontinent in his Life: Variable in all his Actions: Accommodating himself always to the Times wherein he lived, and to the Humours of those who could do most; and this in Matters even against Right and Conscience. No, but quite contrary, he was constant in his Faith and Belief to the very last, except one Fall, which he soon recovered: Most chaste in his Life, living in the holy State of Marriage: Steady in all his Actions: accommodating himself always, neither to the Times nor to the Humours of any Man, let him be as great as he would, any farther than he might do in Righ● and Conscience: And often opposing King, Parliament, Privy-Council and Synods, to his utmost Danger, in defence of Truth, and for the discharge of his own Conscience.  
Again, That he was a [Roman] Catholic in most Points during K. Henry 's Reign. Whereas he was so in no Point, excepting in that of the Corporeal Presence. That he applied himself to the Religion which the State and Prince liked best to allow of in that Time, [of K. Henry VIII.] From which he was so far, that he often boldly and publicly declared against divers Things which the King was bend upon; as in the Act of the Six Articles, and in composing the Book called The Necessary Erudition. That these three, the King, Queen Ann, and Archbishop Cranmer, held the Catholic Faith, Usages and Rites; and went as devoutly to Mass as ever, and so remained they, in outward show, even to their Deaths. Though some Years before Cranmers Death, namely, from the first Year of King Edward, the Mass was wholly laid aside, and never used at all. That Cranmer and Crumwel went to Mass, after the King married the Lady Ann Bolen, as before. What they did as to the going to Mass, our Histories tell us little of: If they did, it was with little Approbation of it. And as Crumwel on the Scaffold protested, that he was a good Catholic Man, (but there is difference between a Good Catholic, and a Roman Catholic) and never doubted of any of the Church-Sacraments then used. Thereby intending, I suppose, to make a Difference between them and the Gospel-Sacraments. But surely Crumwel in his Life-time was so utterly against four or five of them, that he brought Aless, a Learned Man, into a Convocation, to dispute there for two only. And the like Cranmer had done no doubt, if he had been brought to the Scaffold in King Henry 's Days. Which had been a happy Case for him. To a Scaffold they of the Roman Persuasion, endeavoured many a Year to bring him; and they would have thought it a happy Case for them, if they could have brought it to pass. But I verily believe the quite contrary to this confident Assertion, and that he would have owned the Truth to the last, as he did afterwards in the Reign of that King's Daughter, Q. Mary.  
That he always fell jump with them that governed, and could do most. No, he never fell in with Gardiner, who sometime had the Ascendent over King Henry; nor with the Duke of Northumberland, who could do most, and did all for a time with the King Edward. That when King Henry was large towards the Protestants, Cranmer was so also, joining with Crumwel to protect them. But when the King became more straight and rigorous, especially after the Six Articles, Cranmer was ready to prosecute the same. He argued long and earnestly in the House against those Six Articles; and when he saw they would pass, he protested against it; and was so troubled about it, that the King sent the Duke of Norfolk, and the Lord Crumwel, and divers other Noble Persons, to comfort him in the King's Name. So that I hardly think he would after this be brought to prosecute that bloody Act, the making of which he so utterly disliked. Nor is there the least Foot-step of it in History. Indeed Parsons bringeth in some Persons, in whose Deaths he would have the Archbishop to have a Hand. As may appear, saith he, by the Sentence of Death pronounced against Lambert, Tho. Gerard, William Jerome, and Ann Ascue, and others, condemned by him, for denying the Real Presence. Though in King Henry's Time the Archbishop believed the Real Presence, yet he was not for putting any to Death that denied it. No; such extreme Rigours, for an Error, he utterly detested. Lambert suffered before the Act of the Six Articles. Nor did the Archbishop condemn him, but only, by the King's Command, disputed against him. Gerard, [he means Garret] and Jerome, and Ann Ascue, were condemned and burnt indeed; but he had no manner of hand, either in their Condemnation or Death, as we can find in our Histories. But Winchester, Boner, and Wriothesly, and others of that Gang, shed those good People's Blood. And it is an impudent Falsehood to lay their Condemnation to the Archbishop's Charge.  
He saith further, That to the King's Will and Liking, he resolved to conform himself, as well in Religion, as in all other Things. If he had said this of Bishop Gardiner, the Character would have better by far fitted him. He saith, That he divorced the King of his own Authority from Queen Katherine. Whereas in truth, what he and Winchester, and other Bishops did in this Affair, was by Commission from the King, and not by their own Authority. That he married the King to Queen Ann. That it was in open Parliament, under his Handwriting, yet extant, in public printed Records, to his eternal shame, that the Queen [that is Queen Ann] was never true Wife unto the said King. Where was the eternal Shame of this, when he set his Hand to no more, than what she herself confessed before him? See more of this before. That after this he married the King to Jane Seymour, and after to Queen Ann of Cleves, and after that to Katherine Howard, and after that to Katherine Parr. Which we must take upon his Word: For I think it hard by any good History to know it. And what if Cranmer did all this? That he joined with the Protector, in overthrowing K. Henry 's Will; and with Dudley against the Protector. Palpable Falsehoods! The contrary whereof is notoriously known to any ordinary Historian. Of the same Truth is, That he joined with Dudley and the Duke of Suffolk, for the overthrow of the King's two Daughters: and after that with Arundel, Pembroke, Paget, for the overthrow of Northumberland and Suffolk. He joined with these, for the setting the true Heir in the Throne, not for the overthrow of any particular Persons.  
Again, he saith, Cranmer and Ridley followed K. Henry 's Religion and Humour while he lived, and resolved to enjoy the Pleasures and Sensualities of this Time, [of K. Edward] so far as any way they might attain unto. No, they were Men more mortified, and that made littl● Account of the Pleasures and Vanities of this wretched World. Getting Authority into their Hands by the Protector, and others that were in most Place, began to lay lustily about them, and to pull down all them, both of the Clergy and others, whom they thought to be able and likely to stand in their way, or resist their Inventions. Instancing in Gardiner and Boner, and speaking of their unjust Persecution and Deprivation, by such violent and calumnious manner as is proper to Heretics to use. Whereby a Man may take a taste what they meant to have done if they had had time. Here they are set forth as a couple of most worldly, ambitious, haughty Men, contriving by all, however base and unlawful ways, to build up themselves and their Fortunes upon the Ruin of others, and to beat down all that opposed their Designs. Whereas to any that shall read their Histories, there is nothing in the World so contrary to their Aims, Tempers, and Inclinations. And things were done towards the two Bishop's beforementioned, with great Mildness and Patience, under unsufferable Provocations offered by them. Nor was it Cranmers and Ridley's doings, but rather the King's Council, who thought not fit to put up the Affronts those Bishops had offered to the Government.  
He saith, That in King Edward 's Time Cranmer played the Tyrant. That be punished one Thomas Dobb, a Master of Arts of Cambridg, casting him into the Counter, where he died. And John Hume imprisoned for the same Cause by Cranmer. Both these Passages the Author had from Fox. Dobbs indeed, in the very beginning of K. Edward's Reign, disturbed the Mass that was saying in a Chapel in S. Paul's. For which the Mayor complained of him to the Archbishop. And what could he do better than commit him to the Counter, both to punish him for making a public Disturbance in the Church, and also to deliver him from the Rage of the Multitude, till his Pardon could be gotten him? Which was obtained soon after from the Duke of Somerset: But he suddenly died in Prison, before his Deliverance. And as for Hume, he was a Servant to a very stiff Papist, who sent him up to the Archbishop, with a grievous Complaint against him for speaking against the Mass; but whether the Archbishop imprisoned him, or what followed, Fox mentioneth not, and leaves it uncertain what was done with him.  
He saith, That Cranmer stood resolutely for the Carnal Presence in the Sacrament in K. Edward 's first Parliament. Wherein a Disputation about it was continued for the space of four Months; that is, from Novemb. 4. to March 14. Which was the full time of the second Session of that first Parliament, and was in the Year 1548. What he means by this long Disputation in that Parliament, for so many Months, I cannot tell. Does he mean, that the Parliament did nothing else all that Session? 
K. Edward's Journal.  Indeed there was once a notable Dispute of the Sacrament, in order to an Uniformity of Prayer to be established. Or does he mean that this four months' Disputation, was the Work of th● Convocation sitting that Parliament-time? Before it indeed lay now th● Matter of the Priest's Marriage; Which they agreed to, almost three against one: And likewise of receiving the Sacrament in both Kind's; Which was also agreed to, Nemine Contradi●ente. But not a word of any Disputation th●n about the Real Presence. And yet 'tis strange, that he should with such Confidence put this Story upon th● World, of four months' Disputation in the Parliament concerning th● Real Presence; and that the Archbishop than was so res●●ute for it. Which cannot be true neither on this Account, that Cranmer was a Year or two before this come off from that Opinion. He adds, That Cranmer stood resolutely in that first Parliament for a Real Presence against Zuinglianism. But there was neither in that Parliament, nor in that Convocation, a word of the Real Presence. And that Cranmer and Ridley did allow a R●al Presence, and would not endure the Sacrament should be contemptibly spoken of, as some now began to do. The Real Presence that Parsons here means, is the gross Corporal Presence, Flesh, Blood and Bone, as they used to say. This Real Presence Cranmer and Ridley did not allow of at this time of Day: Now they were better enlightened. But most true it is notwithstanding, that they could not endure to have the Sacrament contemptibly spoken of.  
He tells us Romantickly on the same Argument, That many Posts went to and fro, between P. Martyr and Cranmer, while the imaginary Disputation beforementioned lasted, whether Lutheranism or Zuinglianism should be taken up for the Doctrine of the Church of England. For that he was come, in his Reading upon the Eleventh of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, to those words, This is my Body, and did not know how to determine it, till it was resolved about. The Message returned him was, That he should stay, and entertain himself in his Readins upon other Matters for a while. And so the poor Friar did, [as Parsons calls that Learned Man] with Admiration and Laughter of all his Scholars. Surely some of them had more Esteem and Reverence for him. Standing upon those precedent words; Accepit Panem, etc. And Gratias dedit, etc. Fregit. Et dixit, Accipite & Manducate, etc. Discoursing largely of every one of these Points. And surely they were words of sufficient weight to be stood upon, and Points to be discoursed largely of. And bearing one from the other that ensued, Hoc est Corpus meum. But when the Post at length came, that Zuinglianism must be defended, then stepped up P. Martyr boldly the next Day, and treated of This is my Body: Adding moreover, that he wondered how any Man could be of any other Opinion. The Reporters of this Story, Parsons makes to be Saunders, Allen and Stapleton, and others that were present: Excellent Witnesses! P. Martyr is here represented as a Man of no Conscience or Honesty, but ready to say and teach whatsoever others bad● him, be the Doctrine right or wrong; and at the Beck of the State, to be a Lutheran or a Zuinglian. But if he were of such a versatile Mind, why did he leave his Country, his Relations, his Substance, his Honour, that he had there? Which he did because he could not comply with the Errors of the Church in which he lived. But all this fine pleasant Tale is spoiled, in case Martyr were not yet come to Oxford to be Reader there: For he came over into England but in the end of November 1548, 
Simleri Orat. in Obits. P. Mart.  and was then sometime with the Archbishop before he went to Oxford. Which we may well conjecture was till the Winter was pretty well over; so that he could not well be there before the 14 th' of March was passed. 
Pa. 107.  The Author of the Athenae Oxonienses conjectures, that he came to Oxon in February, or the beginning of March; but that it was the beginning of the next Year that the King appointed him to read his Lecture. So that either he was not yet at Oxon, or if he were, he had not yet begun his Reading till the Parliament was over. And thus we have traced this Story, till it is quite vanished.  
Further still, he writes, That Cranmer wrote a Book for the Real Presence, and another against it afterwards. Which two Books Boner brought forth, and would have read them, when he was deposed by Cranmer and Ridley; or at leastwise certain Sentences thereof, that were contrary one to the other. If Cranmer wrote any Book for the Real Presence, it was in Luther's, not in the Popish Sense; and against that Sense indeed he wrote in his Book of the Sacrament. Nor did Boner bring any such Books forth at his Deposition, or Deprivation, nor offered to read them, nor any Sentences out of them, for aught I can find in any Historians, that speak of Boner's Business: And I think none do, but Fox, who hath not a word of it, though he hath given a large Narration of that whole Affair. Indeed Boner at his first appearance told the Archbishop, That he had written well on the Sacrament, and wondered that he did not more honour it. To which the Archbishop replied, (seeing him commend that which was against his own Opinion) That if he thought well of it, it was because he understood it not. Thus we may see how Parsons writ he cared not what; and took up any lying, flying Reports from his own Party, that might but serve his Turn. But observe how this Writer goes on with his Tale; But Cranmer blushing, suffered it not to be showed, but said, he made no Book contrary to another. Then he needed not to have blushed. But if he did, it must be at the Impudence of Boner, who carried himself in such a tumultuous bold manner throughout his whole Process, as though he had no Shame left. And lastly, (to extract no more Passages out of this Author) to prove that our Archbishop was for a Corporal Presence in the beginning of King Edward, he saith, That in the first Year of that Reign he was a principal Cause of that first Statute, entitled, An Act against such Persons as shall unreverently speak against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, commonly called, The Sacrament of the Altar. And a very good Act it was: But it does not follow, that because the Archbishop was the Cause of this Act, that therefore he believed a gross Carnal Presence; the plain Design of the Act being occasioned by certain Persons, who had contemned the whole Thing▪ for certain Abuses heretofore committed therein, (I use the very words of the Act) and had called it by vile and unseemly Words. And it was leveled against such as should deprave, despise or contemn the Blessed Sacrament. Nor is there any word in that Act used in favour of the Carnal Presence.  
For a Conclusion, let the Reader not hear me, 
Fox in behalf of Cranmer. Jo. Fox against Hierom. Osorius, p. 338.  but another speak for our Archbishop against one of these Calumniators, and he a Portugal Bishop:  
After Cranmer by hearing of the Gospel, began to savour of Christian Profession, what Wickedness was ever reported of him? With what outrage of Lust was he inflamed? What Murders, what seditious Tumults, what secret Conspiracies, were ever seen, or suspected so much to proceed from him? Unless ye account him blame-worthy for this, that when King Henry, Father to Mary, upon great Displeasure conceived, was for some secret Causes determined to strike off her Head, this Reverend Archbishop did pacify the Wrath of the Father, and with mild continual Intercession, preserved the Life of the Daughter: Who for Life preserved, acquitted her Patron with Death.  
As concerning his Marriage, if you reproachfully impute that to Lust, which Paul doth dignify with so honourable a Title; I do answer, That he was the Husband of one Wife, with whom he continued many Years, more chastely and holily, than Osorius in that his stinking, sole and single Life, peradventure one Month, though he flee never so often to his Catholic Confessions. And I see no Cause, why the Name of a Wife shall not be accounted in each respect as Holy, with the true Professors of the Gospel, as the Name of a Concubine with the Papists.  
Thus Fox.  
And so I have at last, by God's favourable Concurrence, 
The Conclusion.  finished this my Work: and have compiled an imperfect History, yet with the best Diligence I could, of this singular Archbishop and blessed Martyr; and in the conclusion, have briefly vindicated him from those many false Surmises and Imputations, that his implacable Enemies of the Roman Faction have reported and published abroad against him: Not contented with the shedding of his Blood, unless they stigmatised his Name and Memory, and form the World into a belief, that he was one of the vilest Wretches that lived, who in Reality and Truth, appeareth to have been one of the holiest Bishops, and one of the best Men that Age produced.   
THE END.   

THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer.   

THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer.  

NUM. I. Account of Mr. Pool's Book by Dr. Cranmer.  
To the Right honourable, and my singular good Lord, my Lord of Wylshire.  
IT may please your Lordeshipe to be advertised, that the King his grace, my Lady your wife, 
Sir W. H. MSS.  my Lady Anne, your daughter be in good health, whereof thanks be to God. As concerning the King his cause, Master raynold Poole hath written a book much contrary to the king his purpose, with such wit, that it appeareth, that he might be for his wisdom of the cownsel to the king his grace. And of such eloquence, that if it were set forth and known to the come people, I suppose it were not possible to persuade them to the contrary. The pryncypal intent whereof is, that the king his grace should be content to commit his great cause to the judgement of the pope: wherein me seemeth he lacketh much judgement. But he swadeth that with such goodly eloquence, both of words and sentence, that he were like to persuade many: but me he persuadeth in that point no thing at al. But in many other things he satysfyeth me very well. The some whereof I shall shortly rehearse. Furst, he showeth the cause, wherefore he had never pleasure to intromytte himself in this cause. And that was, the trouble, which was like to ensue to this realm thereof by dyversitie of titles. Whereof what hurt might come, we have had example in our father's days by the titles of Lancaster and York. And where os god hath given many noble gifts unto the king his grace, as well of body and mind, os also of fortune: yet this exceedeth all other, that in him all titles do meet and come together, and this Realm is restored to tranquillity and peace: so oweth he to provide that this land fall not again to the foresaid misery and trouble, which may come aswel by the people within this realm, which think surely that they have an hair lawful already, with whom they all be well content, and would be sorry to have any other. And it would be hard to persuade them to take any other, levynge her: os also by the Emperor, which is a man of so great power, the queen bey his awnt, the Princes his niece, whom he so much doth, and ever hath favoured. And where he hard reasons for the king his party, that he was moved of god his law, which doth straitly forbed, and that with many great thretts, that no man shall marry his brother his wife. And os for the people, it longeth not to thayr judgement, and yet it is to be thought, that they will be content, when they shall know, that the awncyente Doctores of the Chyrch, and the determinations of so many great universities be of the king his sentence. And os concerning the Emperor, if he be so unryghtful, that he will maintain an unjust cause, yet god will never fail them, that stoned opon his party, and for any thing will not transgress his commawndments. And beside that, we shall not lack the aid of the Frenshe king, which partly for the Liege, which he hath made with us, and partly for the displeasure and old grudge, which he beareth toward the Emperor, would be glad to have occasion to be avenged.  
these reasons he bringeth for the kings party against his own opinion. To which he maketh answer in this manner. Fyrst, os touch the Law of god, he thynketh that if the king were pleased to take the contrary part, he might os well justify that, and have os good ground of the scripture therefore, os for that part which he now taketh. And yet if he thought the kings party never so just, and that this his marriage were undowtedly against gods pleasure, than he could not deny, but it should be well done for the king to refuse this marriage, and to take another wife: but that he should be a door therein, and a setter forward thereof, he could never found in his heart. And yet he grawnteth, that he hath no good reason therefore, but only affection, which he beareth, and of duty oweth unto the kings parson. For in so doing he should not only wayke, ye and utterly take away the Prince's Title, but also he must ned's accuse the most, and chief part of all the kings life hiderto, which hath been so infortunate to live more than xx yers in a matrimony so shameful, so abominable, so bestial and against nature, if it be so os the books which do defend the kings party do say; that the abomination thereof is naturally written and graven in every man's heart, so that none excusation can be made by ignorance. And thus to accuse the noble nature of the kings grace, and to take away the title of his succession, he could never find in his heart, were the kings cause never so good. Which he doth knowledge to be only affection. Now os concerning the people, he thynketh not possible to satisfy them by learning or preaching; but os they now do begin to hate priests, this shall make they rather to hate much more both learned men, and also the name of learning, and bring them in abomination of every man. For what loving men toward their prince would gladly hear, that either thayr prince should be so infortunate, to live so many yers in matrimony so abominable, or that they should be taken and counted so bestial, to approve and take for lawful, and that so many years, a matrimony so unlawful; and so much against nature, that every man in his heart naturally doth abhor it. And that is more, when they hear this matrimony dispraised, and spoken against, neither by thayr own minds, nor by reasons that be made against this matrimony, can they be persuaded to grutge against the matrimony, but for any thing they do grutge against the divorce. Wherein the people should show they self's no men, but bests. And that the people should be persuaded herto, he cannot think it. And os for the authority of the Universities, he thynketh and sayeth, that many times they be led by affections, which is well known to every man, and wisheth that they never did err in thayr determinations. Than he showeth with how great difficulty the Universities were brought to the kings party. And moreover against the authority of the Universities, he setteth the authority of the kings grace father, and his counsel, the queens father, and his counsel, and the pope and his counsel. Than he cometh again to the pope and th'emperor, and French king. And fyrst the Pope, how much he is adversary unto the kings purpose, he hath showed divers tokens already, and not without a cause. For if he should consent to the kings purpose, he must ned's do against his predecessores, and also restrain his own power more than it hath been in time past, which rather he would be glad to extend, and moreover he should set great sedition in many realms, os in Portugal, of which king th'emperor hath married on sister, and the Duke of Savoy the other. Than he extolleth the power of th'emperor, and diminish the aid of the French king toward us, saying that th'emperor without drawing of any sword, but only by forbidding the course of merchandise into Flawnders and Spain, may put this realm into great damage and ruin. And what if he will thereto draw his sword, wherein is so much power, which being of much lass power than he is now, subdued the Pope and the French king? And os for the French men, they never used to keep league with us but for thayr own advantage, and we can never found in our hearts to trust them. And yet if now contrary to thayr old nature they keep thayr league, yet our nation shall think thaymselfes in miserable condition, if they shall be compelled to trust opon thayr aid, which always have be our mortal enemies, and never we loved them, nor they us. And if the French men have any suspicion, that this new matrimony shall not continue, than we shall have no succur of they, but opon such conditions os shall be intolerable to this realm. And if they following thayr old nature and custom, than do break league with us, than we shall look for none other, but that Englonde shall be a prey between th'emperor and they. After all this he cometh to the point to save the kings honour, saying that the king stondeth evyn opon the brink of the water, and yet he may save all his honour; but if he put forth his foot but on step forward, all his honour is drowned. And the means which he hath devised to save the kings honour is this.  
The rest of this mater I must leave to show your Lordship by mouth, when I speak with you, which I purpose, god Willing, shall be to morrow, if the kyng's grace let me not. Now the bearer maketh such haste, that I can write no more; but that I hear no word from my benefice, nor Master Russel's servunte is not yet returned again, whereof I do not a little marvel. The king and my Lady Anne road yesterday to Windsower, and this night they be looked for again at Hampton Court: god be their guide, and preserve your Lordship to his most pleasure. From Hampton court this xiij. day of June.  
Youre most humble beideman, Thomas Cranmer.   

NUM. II. Dr. Cranmer, Ambassador with the Emperor, his letter to the King.  
To the King's Highness.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  pleaseth it your Highness to understand, that at my last solicitation unto Monsieur Grandeveile for an answer of the contract of Merchandise between the Merchaunts of your grace's realm, and the Merchaunts of th'emperor Low-countrieses; the said Monsieur Grandeveile showed me, that forsomoch as the Diate concerning the said contract was lately held in flanders, where the Queen of Hungary is Governatrice, themperor thought good to do nothing therein without her advice, but to make answer by her, rather than by me. Wherefore it may please your grace no further to look for answer of me herein, but of the Queen, unto whom the whole Answer is committed. Morover, when the said Monsieur Grandeveile inquired of me, if I had any answer of the aid and subsidy, which themperor desired of your grace, I reported unto him fully your graces answer according unto mine instructions sent unto me by your grace's servant William Paget. Which answer he desired me to delyver him in writing, that he might refer the same truly unto themperor, and so I did. Nevertheless themperor, now at his departing, hath had such importune business, that Monsieur Grandeveile assigned me to repair unto themperor again at Lintz, for there, he said, I shall have an answer again in writing. The French Ambassador, and I with all diligence do make preparation to furnish ourselves of wagans, horses, ships, tents, and other things necessary to our voyage; but it will be at the least viij or x days before we can be ready to depart hens. Yet we trust to be at Lyntz before themperor; for he will tarry by the way at Passaw x or xij days.  
As for the Turk, he resideth still in Hungary, in the same place, environned opon all parties, whereof I wrote unto your Highness in my last letters. And themperor departed from Abagh toward Vienna the seconde day of this month by land, not coming by this town: but the same day the king Ferdinando departed from this Town by water, and at Passaw fourteen myls hens they shall meet, and so pace forth unto Lyntz, which is the mydds way from hens unto Vienna. And there themperor will tarry to counsel what he will do: and there all the Ambassadors shall know his pleasure, as Monsieur Grandeveile showed me.  
I have sent herewith unto your grace the copy of th'emperor's Proclamation concerning a general Council, and a reformation to be had in Germany for the controversyes of the faith. Also I have sent the tax of all the states of th'empire, how many Soldiers every man is lymitted unto, for the aid against the Turk. Wherein your grace may perceyve, that the greatest Prince in Germany (only the Duke of Burgundy and Austry except) is not apppointed above 120 horsemen and 554 fotemen. Thus our Lord evermore have your highness in his preservation and governance. From Regenspurgh the iiij. day of September.  
Your grace's most humble subject, Chaplain, and beidman, Thomas Cranmer.   

NUM. III. A parcel of jewels sent from Greenwich to Hampton Court to the King. To the receipt of which he set his hand.  
Henry R.  
SENT unto the King's Highness from Grenewiche to Hampton court, 
Sir W. S. MSS.  by Master Norrys the xxist day of Septembre in the twenty-four th' year of his graces Reign thighs parcels ensueing. Which parcellex his grace doth knowledge himself to have receyved by this present bill, signed with his most gracieux hand the day and year above expressed.  

first, One carkeyne of gold antique work, having a shield of gold, set with a great Rose, contening xij Dyamants. One fair table Dyamant. One pointed Dyamant. One table Ruby. One table Emerawde. And iij fair hinging pearls.  
2. Item, Another Carkeyne of gold of hearts with ij hands holding a great owche of gold, set with a great table balasse. One pointed dyamant: Two table dyamants: Whereof one rising with Lozanges, and the other flat. And one other long lozanged diamant. And iiij pearls, with one long pearl pendaunt.  
3. Item, Another Carkeyne of gold enamelled with blac and white, with an owche of gold enamelled white and blue: Set with a great rockey Ruby: One rocky Emerawde: One pointed Dyamant. One table Dyamant. A heart of a Dyamant, rising full of Lozanges. And one fair hinging pearl.  
4. Item, Another Carkeyne of lynks of gold. The one enamelled blac, the other gold: having an owche of gold, set with a great rockey balasse: two small table Dyamants; and one Lozanged Dyamant. Five slight pearls, and one long pearl pendaunt thereat.  
5. Item, Another Carkeyne of gold, garnished thoroughly with xxij coletts of dyamants, containing in all lxxvij diamant small and great: and xliij pearls, with an owche of Antique, set with fourteen dyamants, one rockey Ruby, and one rockey Emerawde; and a flat round hinging pearl.  
6. Item, Another Carkeyne of gold, enamelled blac, with an owche, set with a fair table balasse, and three small tryangled dyamants, and five pearls.  
7. Item, A George on horse back; garnished with xuj small Dyamants. And in the belly of the Dragon a rockey pearl.  
8. Item, Another Carkeyne of gold: all blac, having a George on horseback; garnished with xviij small Dyamants. And in the belly of the Dragon a pearl ragged.  
9 Item, A chain of gold, of Spaynishe fashion, enamelled, white, red and black.    

NUM. IV. The King to Dr. Boner, his Majesty's Agent, to declare to the Pope his Appeal from him, and his Sentence.  
By the King.  
Henry R.  
TRusty and Well-beloved, we great ye well. Signifying unto the same, 
Sir W. H. MSS.  that we have appelled from the Popes' Sentence, lately gevyn against us; which Appeal ye receiving herewith, with a Proxy devised for that intent, Our mind and pleasure is, that if it is thought to you good and beneficial, for conservation of the same, ye intimate the same to the Pope after the order and form of Law, and according to our said proxy sent unto you. And if not, to advertise us of your mind and opinion in that behalf. given under our Signet at our Castle of Windessour, the xviij day of August.  
To our Trusty and Well-beloved Mr. Doctor Bonner.   

NUM. V. Cranmer's Protestation at his Consecration.  
IN Dei nomine Amen. 
Cranm. Reg.  Coram vobis autentica persona & testibus fide dignis, hic presentibus, Ego Thomas in Cant. Archiepiscopum electus dico, allego, & in hijs Scriptis palam, publicè & expressè protestor: Quod cum juramentum, sive juramenta ab Electis in Cant. Archiepiscopos summo Pontifici praestari solita, me ante meam Consecrationem, aut tempore ejusdem pro forma potius quam pro esse, aut re obligatoria ad illam obtinendam oporteat; non est, nec erit meae Voluntatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta, qualitercúnque verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur, me obligare ad aliquod ratione eorundem posthac dicend. faciend. aut attemptand. quod erit aut esse videbitur contra legem Dei, vel contra illustriss. Regem nostrum Angliae, aut Remp. hujus sui Regni Angliae, legesve aut praerogativas ejusdem. Et quod non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum aut juramenta, quovis modo me obligare, quominus libere loqui, consulere & consentire valeam, in omnibus & singulis, Reformationem religionis Christianae, Gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae; aut Praerogativam Coronae ejusdem, Reipublicaeve commoditatem, quoquomodo concernentibus, et ea ubique exequi & reformare, quae mihi in Ecclesia Anglicana reformanda videbuntur. Et secundum hanc interpretationem & intellectum hunc, & non aliter, neque alio modo, dicta juramenta me praestiturum protestor & profiteor. Protestorque insuper, quodcumque juramentum sit, quod meus Procurator summo Pontifici meo nomine antehac praestitit, quod non erat intentionis aut Voluntatis meae sibi aliquam dare potestatem, cujus Vigore aliquod juramentum meo nomine praestare potuerit contrarium aut repugnans juramento per me praestito, aut imposterum praestando praefato Illustriss▪ Angliae Regi. Et casu, quod aliquid tale contrarium aut repugnans juramentum meo nomine praestitit, Protestor, quod illud me inscio, & absque mea authoritate praestitum, pro nullo & invalido esse volo. Quas Protestationes in omnibus clausulis & sententijs dictorum juramentorum repetitas & reiteratas volo. A quibus per aliquod meum factum vel dictum quovismodo recedere non intendo, nec recedam. Sed eas mihi semper salvas esse volo.   

NUM. VI Cranmers Oath taken at his Consecration to the Pope.  
EGO Thomas Electus Cantuariensis ab hac hora, ut antea, 
Cranm. Reg.  fidelis & obediens ero B. Petro▪ Sanctae Apostolicae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo D. Clementi VII. suisque Successoribus canonicè intrantibus. Non ero in consilio aut consensu, vel facto, ut vitam perdant, vel membrum, seu capiantur mala captione. Consilium verò quod mihi credituri sunt per se aut nuncios, ad eorum damnum, me sciente, nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum, & Regalia S. Petri adjutor eis ero, ad retinendum & defendendum, salvo meo ordine, contra omnem hominem. Legatum Sedis Apostolicae in eundo & redeundo honorifice tractabo, & in suis necessitatibus adjuvabo; Vocatus ad Synodum Veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero Canonica praepeditione. Apostolorum limina Romana Curia existente citra Alpes singulis annis, ultra vero montes singulis biennijs Visitabo, aut per-me, aut per meum nuntium, nisi Apostolica absolvat Licentia. Possessiones vero ad mensam mei Archiepiscopatus pertinentes non vendam, neque donabo, neque impignerabo, neque de novo infeudabo, vel aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Romano Pontifice. Sic me Deus adjuvet, & haec Sancta Dei Evangelia.   

NUM. VII. Cranmers Oath to the King for his Temporalties.  
I Thomas Cranmer renounce and utterly forsake all such clauses, words, sentences, 
Cleopatra, E. 6.  and grants, which I have of the Pope's Holiness in his Bulls of the Archbishopric of Cant. that in any manner was, is or may be hurtful, or prejudicial to your highness, your heirs, Successors, Estate, or Dignity Royal. Knowing myself to take and hold the said Archbishopric immediately, and only, of your Highness, and of none other. Most lowly beseeching the same for restitution of the Temporalties of the said Archbishopric; Professing to be faithful, true and obedient subject to your said Highness, your Heirs and Successors, during my life. So help me God, and the holy Evangelists.   

NUM. VIII. The King's Proclamation for bringing in Seditious Books.  
IT set forth, that sundry contentions and sinister opinions had by wrong teaching and naughty printed Books increased among his Subjects, 
Cleopatra, E. 5.  contrary to the true faith and reverence, and due observation of the Sacraments and Sacramentals, rites and ceremonies heretofore used. And as the Books are blamed, so the additions and Annotations in the margins, the Prologues and Kalendars to them made by sundry strange persons, called Anabaptists and Sacramentaries, lately comen into the Realm, and by some other his Majesty's Subjects. Whereby many of the Kings loving, but simple Subjects were induced arrogantly and superstitiously to dispute in open places and taverns upon Baptism, and upon the holy Sacrament of the Altar, not only to their own slander, but to the reproach of the whole realm, and his Graces high discontentation and displeasure, with the danger of the increase of the said enormities. Therefore the King did streitly charge and command by his present Proclamation, as well all his subjects, as all others whatsoever resiant within his Realm, that from henceforth they observe and keep these Articles following.  
First, That no person shall without his Majesty's special leave, transport and bring from foreign parts, any Books printed in the English tongue, nor sell, give and publish such books, upon pain that the Offenders forfeit all their goods and chattels, and have imprisonment during his Majesty's pleasure.  
Item, None to print any book in the English tongue, unless upon examination made by some of the privy Council, or other appointed by his Highness, and shall have Licence so to do. Nor shall print, or bring ●n any books of the holy scripture in the English tongue with any Annotations in the Margin, or any Prologue, or Addition in the Calendar or Table, except such annotations, etc. be first duly examined and allowed by the King's Highness, or such of his Council, as shall please his Majesty to assign thereto: but only the plain Sentence and Text with a Table or Repertory, instructing the Reader to find readily the Chapters contained in the said Book, and the effects thereof. Nor to print any Book of translations in the English tongue, unless the plain name of the translator thereof be contained in the same book, or else that the Printer will answer for the same, as for his own privy deed: and otherwise to make the Translator the Printer to suffer imprisonment, and make a fine at the Kings Wil  
Item, None using the occupation of printing, shall print or cause to be published any book of Scripture in the English tongue, unless his books be first viewed and examined by the King, or one of his Privy Council, or one Bishop of the Realm, upon pain to lose and forfeit all their goods and chattels, and suffer imprisonment during pleasure.  
Item, The King declared concerning Anabaptists and other Sacramentaries lately comen into the realm, that he abhorred and detested their errors, and intended to proceed against them, that were already apprehended, according to their merits; to th'intent his subjects should take example by their punishments not to adhere to such false and detestable opinions, but utterly to forsake and relinquish them. And that whersoever any of them be known, they be detected, and his Majesty or Council be informed with all convenient speed, with all manner▪ Abetters and printers of the same opinion. And his Majesty charged the same Anabaptists and Sacramentaries not apprehended or known, that they within eight or ten days depart out of the Realm, upon pain of los of their life, and forfeiture of their goods.  
Item, Forasmuch as the holy Sacrament of the Altar is the very body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, and so hath and aught to be taken upon peril of damnation, his Majesty minded to continue his Subjects in this true and just Faith, and that they be not beguiled away from it, charged that none should henceforth reason or dispute upon the said blessed Sacrament, or of the Mysteries thereof, upon pain of los of life and forfeiture of goods. Except to learned men in holy scripture instructed, and taught in the Universities, their Liberties and privileges in their schools and places accustomed concerning the same; and otherwise in communication without slander of any man, for the only confirmation and declaration of the truth thereof.  
Item, And forasmuch as many brooked divers and many laudable ceremonies and rites heretofore used and accustomed in the Church of England, not yet abrogated by the King's authority; Whereby arose different strifes and contentions; as for and concerning holy bread, holy-water, processions, kneeling and creeping on Good Friday to the Cros, and Easter day, setting up lights before the Corpus Christi, bearing of Candles on the day of Purification, Ceremonies used at the Purification of women delivered of child, and offering of their Chrysoms, Keeping of the four offering days, Payment of tithes according to the old custom of the Realm, and other such like ceremonies; 〈◊〉 Majesty charged and commanded all his subjects to observe and keep them; so as they shall use and observe the same without superstition, and esteem them for good and lawful ceremonies, tokens and signs to put us in remembrance of things of high perfection, and none otherwise. And not to repose any trust of salvation in them: but take them for good Instructions, until such time as his M. change or abrogate any of them, as his Highness upon reasonable consideration both may, and intendeth to do.  
Finally, Whereas a few Priests, as well Religious as others, have taken Wives and married themselves, contrary to the wholesome monitions of S. Paul to Timothy and Titus, and to the Corinthians, and contrary to the opinion of many of the old Fathers and Expositors of scripture, not esteeming also the promise of chastity, which they made at the receiving of Holy Orders; his Highness, minding in no wise, that the Generality of the Clergy should, with the example of such a few light persons, proceed to marriage without a common consent of his H. and the Realm, doth streitly charge and command, that all such as have attempted marriage, as also such as will presumptuously proceed in the same, not to minister the Sacrament or other Ministry mystical, nor have any office, cure, privilege, profit or commodity, heretofore accustomed, and belonging to the Clergy of the Realm: But shall be utterly after such marriage expelled and deprived, and be held and reputed as Lay persons to all purposes and intents. And that such as after this Proclamation shall of presumptuous minds take wives and be married, shall run into his Grace's Indignation, and suffer further punishment and imprisonment at his Grace's will and pleasure.   

NUM. IX. Bishop Fisher to Secretary Crumwel, declaring his willingness to swear to the Succession.  
AFTER my most humble commendations. 
Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 6. p. 172.  Whereas ye be content, that I should write unto the King's Highness, in good faith I dread me, that I cannot be so circumspect in my writing, but that some word shall scape me, wherewith his Grace shallbe moved to some further displeasure against me, whereof I would be very sorry. For as I will answer before God, I would not in any manner of point offend his Grace, my duty saved unto God, whom I must in every thing prefer. And for this consideration I am full loath, and full of fear to write unto his Highness in this matter. Nevertheless sithen I conceive, that it is your mind, that I shall so do, I will endeavour me to the best I can. But first here I must beseech you, good Master Secretary, to call to your remembrance, that at my last being before you, and the other Commissioners, for taking of the oath concerning the Kings most noble succession, I was content to be sworn unto that parcel concerning the Succession. And there I did rehearse this reason, which I said moved me. I doubted not, but that the Prince of any Realm, with the assent of his Nobles and Commons, might appoint for his Succession royal such an order as was seen unto his Wisdom most according. And for this reason I said that I was content to be sworn unto that part of the oath as concerning the Succession. This is a very truth, as God help my soul at my most need; albeit I refused to swear to some other parcels, because that my Conscience would not serve me so to do.   

NUM. X. Lee Bishop Elect of Litchfield and Coventry to Secretary Crumwel concerning Bp. Fisher.  
PLeasyth you to be adverted, 
Cott. Librar. Cleop. E. 6. p. 165.  that I have been with my Lord of Rochester, who is as ye left him: that is to say, ready to take his oath for the Succession, and to swear never to meddle more in disputation of the validity of the Matrimony, or invalidity, with the Lady Dowager; but that utterly to refuse. For as for the case of the prohibition Levitical, his conscience is so knit, tha● he cannot send it off from him, whatsoever betid him. And yet he will, and doth profess his Allegiance to our Sovereign Lord, the King, during his life. Truly the man is nigh going, and doubtless cannot continue, unless the King and his Council be merciful unto him. For the body cannot bear the clothes on his back, as knoweth God. Who preserve you. In haste scribbled by your own most bounden.  
Roland Co. & Litch. electus & confirmatus.   

NUM. XI. The Archbishop to Secretary Crumwel, in behalf of Bp. Fisher, and Sr. Thomas More.  
Right Worshipful Master Crumwel,  

Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 6. p. 181.  AFTER most hearty Commendations, etc. I doubt not but you do right well remember, that my Lord of Rochester and Master More were contented to be sworn to the Act of the King's Succession, but not to the Preamble 
* The Preamble to this Act may be read in the History of the Reformation, Part I. p. 145.  of the same. What was the cause of their refusal thereof, I am uncertain, and they would by no means express the same. Nevertheless it must nediss be, either the diminution of the authority of the bishop of Rome, or else the reprobation of the King's first pretenced Matrimony. But if they do obstinately persist in their opinions of the Preamble, yet, me seemeth, it schooled not be refused, if they will be sworn to the veray Act of Succession: so that they willbe sworn to maintain the same against all powers and potentates. For hereby shallbe a great occasion to satisfy the Princess Dowager and the Lady Mary, which do think they should damn their souls, if they should abandon and relinquish their astates. And not only it should stop the mouths of they, but also of th' Emperor, and other their friends, if they give as much credence to my Lord of Rochester, and Master More speaking and doing against they, as they hitherto have done, and thought that all other should have done, when they spoke and did with they. And peradventure it should be a good quietation to many other within this reaulm, if such men should say, that the Succession, comprised within the said Act, is good and according to God's laws. For than I think there is not one within this realm, that would ones reclaim against it. And whereas divers people, either of a wilfulness, will not, or of an indurate and invertible conscience cannot, alter from their opinions of the King's first pretenced marriage (wherein they have ones said their minds, and percase have a persuasion in their heads, that if they should now vary therefrom, their fame and estimation were distained for ever,) or else of the authority of the Busschope of Rome: yet if all the realm with one accord would apprehend the said succession; in my judgement it is a thing to be amplected and embraced. Which thing, although I trust surely in God, that it shallbe brought to pass, yet hereunto might not a little avayl the consent and oaths of these two persons, the Busschope of Rochester, and Master More with their adherents, or rather Confederates. And if the King's pleasure so were, their said oaths might be suppressed, but when and whare his Highness might take some commodity by the publyshing of the same. Thus our Lord have you ever in his conservation. From my manner at Croyden the xvii day of April.  
Your own assured ever Thomas Cantuar.   

NUM. XII. Nix Bishop of Norwich to Warham Archbishop of Cant. for suppressing such as read books, brought from beyond Sea.  
AFter most humble recommendations, 
Cleopatra, E. 5.  I do your Grace to understand, that I am accumbred with such as keep and readyth these arroneous books in English, and believe and give credence to the same, and techyth others, that they should so do. My Lord, I have done that lieth in me for the suppression of such persons; but it passeth my power, or any spiritual man for to do it. For divers saith openly in my Diocese, that the King's grace would, that they should have the said arroneous books, and so maintaineth themselves of the King. Whereupon I desired my L. Abbot of Hyde to show this to the King's grace, beseeching him to send his honourable Lettreses, under his Seal, down to whom he please, in my Diocese. That they may show and publish, that it is not his pleasure, that such books should be had or red; and also punish such as saith so. I trust before this letter shall come unto you, my said L. Abbot hath done so. That said Abbot hath the names of some, that crakyth in the King's name, that their false opinions should go forth, and will die in the quarrel, that their ungracious opinions be true, and trustyth by Michaelmas day, there shall be more that shall believe of their opinion, than they that beleivyth the contrary▪ If I had known, that your Grace had been at London, I would have commanded the said Abbot to have spoken with you. But your Grace may send for him, when ye please, and he shall show you my whole mind in that matter; and how I thought best for the suppression of such as holdeth these arroneous opinions. For if they continue any time, I thynk they shall undo us all. The said Abbot departed from me on Monday last: and sith that time I have had much trouble and business with others in like matters: And as they say, that whersomever they go, they hear say, that the King's pleasure is, the N. Testament in English shall go forth, and men should have it and read it. And from that opinion I can no ways induce them. But I had greater authority to punish them, than I have. Wherefore I beseech your good Lordship, to advertise the King's grace, as I trust the said Abbot hath done, before this letter shall come unto your grace; that a remedy may be had.  
But now it may be done well in my Diocese: for the Gentlemen and the Communality be not greatly infected; But merchants, and such that hath their abiding not far from the Sea. The said Abbot of Hyde can show you of a Curate, and well learned in my Diocese, that exhorted his Parishioners to believe contrary to the Catholic faith. There is a College in Cambridg, called Gunnel haule 
* From whence came Shaxton Bp. of Sarum, and Skip, Q. Anne's Chaplain, and Bp. of Hereford. , of the foundation of a Bp. of Norwich. I hear of no clerk, that hath come out lately of that College, but savoryth of the frying pan, though he speak never so holily. I beseech your grace to pardon me of my rude and tedious writing to you: the zeal and love that I owe to Almighty God cause me this to do. And thus Almighty God long preserve your Grace in good prosperity and health. At Hoxne the fourteen th'. day of May, 1530.  
Your obediensary and daily Orator.   

NUM. XIII. Archbishop Cranmer to King Henry, Complaining of a Prior in Canterbury, that had preached against him.  

Cleopatra, E. 6. p. 232.  PLesyth it your Grace to be advertised, That where as well by your Grace's special letters, dated the third day of june in the xxvij th'. year of your Grace's most noble reign, as also by mouth in Wynchester at Mich. last past, your Grace commanded all the Prelates of your Realm, that they with all acceleration and expedition should do their diligence every one in his Diocese, fully to persuade your people of the Bp. of Rome his authority, that it is but a false and injust Usurpation, and that your Grace of veray right and by God's law is the Supreme Head of this Church of England, next immediately unto God: I to accomplish your Grace's Commandment, incontinent upon my return from Wynchester, (knowing that all the Country about Otford and Knol, where my most abode was, were sufficiently instructed in those matters already) came up into these parts of East Kent only, by preaching to persuade the people in the said two Articles, and in mine own church at Canterbury. Because I was informed, that that Town in those two points was least persuaded of all my Diocese. I preached there two Sermons myself. And as it then chanced Dr. Leighton was present at my first Sermon, being then your Grace's Visitor. Of whom if it so please your Grace you may hear the report what I preached.  
The scope and effect of both my Sermons stood in three things. First, I declared, that the Bp. of Rome was not God's Vicar in earth, as he was taken. And although it is so taught these three or four hundred years, yet it is done by means of the Bp. of Rome, who compelled men by oaths so to teach, to the maintenance of his authority contrary to God's word. And here I declared by what means and craft the Bp. of R. obtained such usurped authority. Seconde, Because the See of R. was called Sancta Sedes Romana, and the Bp. was called Sanctissimus Papa; and men's consciences peradventure could not be quiet to be separated from so holy a place, and from Gods most holy Vicar: I showed the people, that this thing ought nothing to move theym. For it was but a Holiness in name. For indeed there was no such holiness at Rome. And hereupon I took occasion to declare his glory, and the Pomp of Rome, the Covetousness, the unchaste living, and the maintenance of all vices. Thirde, I spoke against the Bp. of R. his laws. Which he calleth Divinas L●ges and Sacros Canon's, and makes them equal with Gods Law. And here I declared, that many of the Laws were very contrary. And some of them, which were good and laudable, yet they were not of such holiness, as he would make theym; that is, to be taken as God's laws, or to have remission of sins by observing them. And here I said, that so many of his laws as were good, men ought not to contemn or despise them, and wilfully to break theym. For those that be good your G. hath received as laws of your Realm, until such time as others should be made. And therefore as laws of your realm, they must be observed, and not contemned. And here I spoke as well of the Ceremonies of the Church, as of the foresaid laws; that they ought neither to be rejected or despised, nor yet to be observed with this opinion, that they of themselves make men holy, or that they remit sins. For seeing, that our sins be remitted by the death of our Saviour Christ Jesus, I said, it was too much injury to Christ, to impute the remission of our sins to any Laws or ceremonies of man's making. Nor the Laws and ceremonies of the Church at their first making were ordained for that intent. But as the common laws of your G's realm be not made to remit sins, nor no man doth observe them for that intent; but for a common commodity, and for a good order and quietness to be observed among your Subjects; evyn so were the laws and ceremonies first instituted in the Church for a good order, and for remembrances of many good things, but not for remission of our sins. And though it be good to observe theym well for that intent they were first ordained; yet it is not good, but a contumely unto Christ to observe theym with this opinion, that they remit sins; or that the veray bare observation of them, in itself, is a holiness before God: Although they be remembrances of many holy things, or a disposition unto goodness. And evyn so do the laws of your G's realm dispose men unto justice, unto peace, and other true and perfect holiness. Wherefore I did conclude for a general rule, that the people ought to observe theym, as they do the laws of your G's realm, and with no more opinion of holiness or remission of sin, than the other common Laws of your G's realm.  
Though my two Sermons were long, yet I have written briefly unto your Highness the sum of them both. And I was informed by sundry reports, that the people were glad, that they heard so much as they did; until such time, as the Prior of the black friars at Canterbury preached a sermon, as it was thought and reported, clean contrary unto all the three things, which I had preached before. For as touching the first part, which I had preached against the erroneous doctrine of the Bp. of R. his power; which error was, that by God's Law he should be God's Vicar here in earth; the Prior would not name the Bp. of R. but under colour spoke generally, That the Church of Christ never erred. And as touching the second part, where I spoke of the Vices of the Bishops of R. And there to the Prior said, that he would not sclawnder the Bishops of Rome. And he said openly to me in a good Audience, that he knew no vices by none of the Bishops of Rome. And he said also openly, that I preached uncharitably, when I said, that these many years, I had daily prayed unto God, that I might see the power of Rome destroyed: and that I thanked God, that I had now seen it in this realm. And yet in my sermon I declared the cause wherefore I so prayed. For I said, that I perceived the See of Rome work so many things contrary to God's honour, and the wealth of this realm, and I saw no hope of amendment, so long as that▪ See reigned over us. And for this cause only I had prayed unto God continually, that we might be separated from that See: and for no private malice or displeasure, that I had either to the Bp. or See of Rome. But this seemed an uncharitable prayer to the Prior, that the power of Rome should be destroyed.  
And as for the third part, where I preached against the Laws of the Bp. of Rome; that they ought not to be taken as God's Laws; nor to be esteemed so highly as he would have them: the Prior, craftily leaving out the name of the Bp. of Rome, preached, that the Laws of the Church be equal with God's laws. These things he preached as it is proved both by sufficient witness, and also by his own confession.  
I leave the judgement hereof unto your G. and to your Council, whether this were a defence of the Bp. of Rome, or not. And I only, according to my bounden duty, have reported the truth of the Fact. But in mine opinion, if he had spoken nothing else; yet whosoever saith, that the Church never erred, maintaineth the Bp. of Rome his power. For if that were not erroneous, that was taught of his power, That he is Christ's Vicar in earth, and by God's law Head of all the World, spiritual and temporal, and that all people must believe that De necessitate Salutis, and that whosoever doth any thing against the See of Rome is an heretic: and that he hath authority also in Purgatory, with such other many false things, which were taught in times past to be Articles of our Faith: if these things were not erroneous, yea, and errors in the Faith, then must nediss your G's Laws be erroneous that pronounce the Bp. of Rome to be of no more power by God's Law than other Bishops; and theym to be Traitors that defend the contrary. This is certain that whosoever saith, that the Church never erred, must either deny, that the church ever taught any such errors of the Bp. of Rome his power, and then they speak against that which all the world knoweth, and all books written of that matter these three or four hundred years do testify; or else they must say, that the said errors be none errors, but truths. And then it is both treason and heresy.  
At my first Examination of him, which was before Christmas, he said, that he preached not against me, nor that I had preached any thing amiss. But now he saith, that I preached amiss in very many things, and that he purposely preached against me. And this he reporteth openly. By which words I am marvellously sclawndered in these parts. And for this cause I beseech your G. that I may not have the judgement of the cause: for so much as he taketh me for a party: but that your G. would commit the hearing thereof unto my L. Privy Seal: or else to associate unto me some other persons at your G's pleasure, that we may hear the case jointly together.  
If this man, who hath so highly offended your G. and preached against me openly, being Ordinary and Metropolitan of this Province: and that in soch matters as concern the misliving and the laws of the Bp. of Rome; and that also within mine own church; if he, I say, be not looked upon, I leave unto your Gs. prudence to expend what example this may be unto others with like colour to maintain the Bp. of Rome his authority: and also of what estimation I shall be reputed hereafter, and what credence shall be given unto my preaching, whatsoever I shall say hereafter.  
I beseech your G. to pardon me of my long and tedious writing. For I could not otherwise set the matter forth plain. And I most heartily thank your G. for the Stag which your G. sent unto me from Wyndsor Forest. Which if your G. knew for how many causes it was welcome unto me, and how many ways it did me service, I am sure you would think it much the better bestowed. Thus our Lord have you Highness always in his preservation and governance. From Ford the xxuj day of August.  
Your Grace's most humble Chaplain and bedisman, T. Cantuarien.   

NUM. XIV. The Archbishop to Mr. Secretary Crumwel, concerning his styling himself Primate of all England.  
RIght worshipful in my most hearty wise I commend me unto you. 
Cleop. F. 1. p. 261.  Most heartily thanking you for that you have signified unto me, by my Chaplain Mr. Champion, the complaint of the Bp. of Winchester unto the King's Highness in two things concerning my Visitation. The one is, that in my style I am written Totius Angliae Primas, to the derogation and prejudice of the King's high power and authority, being Supreme Head of the Church. The other is, that his Diocese not past five years agone was visited by my Predecessor, and must from henceforth pay the tenth part of the Spiritualties according to the Act granted in the last Sessions of Parliament. Wherefore he thinketh, that his Diocese should not be charged with my Visitation at this time.  
First, as concerning my style, Wherein I am named Totius Angliae Primas, I suppose that to make his cause good (which else indeed were naught) he doth mix it with the King's cause; (As ye know the man lacketh neither learning in the law, neither witty invention, ne craft to set forth his matters to the best) that he might appear not to maintain his own cause, but the Kings. Against whose Highness he knoweth right well, that I will maintain no cause, but give place, and lay both my cause and myself at my Prince's feet. But to be plain what I think of the Bp. of Winchester, I cannot persuade with myself, that he so much tendereth the King's cause, as he doth his own, that I should not visit him. And that appeareth by the veray time. For if he cast no further than the defence of the King's G's authority, or if he intent that at all, why moved he not the matter before he received my Monition for my Visitation. Which was within four miles of Winchester delivered unto him the xxii. day of April last, as he came up to the Court. Moreover I do not a little mervayl, why he should now find fault rather than he did before, when he took the Bp. of Rome as chief Head. For though the Bp. of R. was taken for Supreme Head, notwithstanding that, he had a great number of Primates under him. And by having his Primates under him, his Supreme authority was not less esteemed, but much the more▪ Why then may not the King's Highness, being Supreme Head, have Primates under him, without a diminishing, but with the augmenting of his said Supreme Authority. And of this I doubt not at all, but the Bp. of Winchester knoweth, as well as any man living, that in case this said style or title had been in any point impediment or hindrance to the Bp. of Rome's usurped authority, it would not have so long been unreformed as it hath been. For I doubt not, but all the Bushops of England would ever gladly have had the Archbushops both authority and title taken away, that they might have been equal together. Which well appeareth by the many contentions against the Archbushops for jurisdiction in the Court of Rome. Which had be easily brought to pass, if the Bushops of R. had thought, the Archbushops' titles and styles to be an erogation to their Supreme authority.  
All this notwithstanding, if the Bushops of this realm pass no more of their names, styles and titles, than I do of mine, the King's Highness shall soon order the matter betwixt us al. And if I saw, that my style were against the King's authority (whereunto I am especially sworn,) I would sue myself unto his G. that I might leave it; and so would have done before this time. For I pray God never be merciful unto me at the general judgement, if I perceive in my heart, that I set more by any title, name or style, that I write, than I do by the paring of an apple, further than it shall be to the setting forth of God's word and will. Yet I will not utterly excuse me herein. For God must be judge, who knoweth the bottom of my heart, and so do not I myself. But I speak for so much as I do feel in my heart. For many evil affections lie lurking there, and will not lightly be espied. But yet I would not gladly leave any just thing at the pleasure and suit of the Bp. of Wynchester, he being none otherwise affectionate unto me, than he is.  
Even at the Beginning of Christ's profession Diotrephes desired gerere primatum in Ecclesia, as saith S. john in his last Epistle. And since he hath had more successors than all the Apostles had. Of whom have come all these glorious titles, styles and pomps into the Church. But I would, that I and all my Brethren, the Bushops would leave all our styles, and write the style of our Offices, calling ourselves Apostolos Ies● Christi: so that we took not upon us the name vainly, but were so even indeed. So that we might order our Diocese in such sort, that neither paper, parchment, lead nor wax, but the very Christian Conversation of the people might be the letters and seals of our offices. As the Corinthians were unto Paul, to whom he said, Literae nostrae & signa Apostolatus nostri vos estis.  
Now for the second, Where the Bp. of Winchester allegeth the Visitation of my Predecessor, and the tenth part now to be paid to the King. Truth it is, that my Predecessor visited the Diocese of Winchester after the decease of my L. Cardinal [Wolsey] as he did all other Dioceses' Seed Vacant. But else I think, it was not visited by none of my Predecessors this forty years. And notwithstanding that, he himself, not considering their charges at that time, charged them with a new Visitation within less than half a year after: and that against all right, as Dr. Incent hath reported to my Chancellor: the Clergy at that time paying to the King half of their benefices in five years. Which is the tenth part every year, as they paid before, and have paid since, and shall pay still for ever by the last Act. But I am very glad, that he hath now some compassion of his Diocese, although at that time he had very small, when he did visit them the same year, that my Predecessor did visit. And all other Bushops, whose course is to visit this year, kept their Visitations, where I did visit the last year, notwithstanding the tenth part to be paid to the Kings G. Howbeit I do not so in Winchester Diocese. For it is now the third year since that Diocese was Visited by any man. So that he hath the least cause to complain of any bishop. For it is longer since his Diocese was visited then the other. Therefore where he layeth, to aggravate the matter, the charges of the late Act granted, it is no more against me then against all other Bushops, that do visit this year; nor maketh no more against me this year, than it made against me the last year, and shall do every year hereafter. For if they were true men in accounting and paying the King's Subsidies, they are no more charged by this new Act, than they were for the space of ten years past, and shall be charged ever hereafter. And thus to conclude, if my said L. of Winchester's objections should be allowed this year, he might by such arguments both disallow all manner Visitations, that hath be done these ten years past, and that ever shall be done hereafter.  
Now I pray you, good Master Secretary of your advice, whether I shall need to write unto the King's Highness herein. And thus our Lord have you ever in his preservation. At Otteford the 12 day of May.  
Your own ever assured Thomas Cantuar.   

NUM. XV. The Appeal of Stokesly Bishop of London to the King, against the Archbishop's Visitation.  
Contra Visitationem Archiep. Cant.  
FIrst, 
Cleop. F. 2. p. 124.  That the Archbp. of Canterbury in all his Monitions and Writings, sent to the Bp. Abbots, Prior and Archdeacon of London, concerning this his Visitation, called himself Apostolicae Sedis Legatum: and that therefore the Bp. of London, with the Chapter, did not only advertise the Archbp. thereof by their Letters before the day of Visitation: But also the same day of the Commencement thereof in the Chapter house of Paul's, the said Bp. and Chapter, before the delivery of the Certificate to the ABp. made there openly a protestation, reading it in writing, signifying, that they would neither accept him as such a Legate, or admit or obey his Visitation, jurisdiction, or any thing, that he would attempt by the pretext or colour of that name of Legate, or otherwise, against the Crown of our Sovereign, his Regality, Statutes, or customs of his realm. And required the said Archbp. to command his Register there present to enact the said Protestation. Which he refused utterly to do; showing himself not willing to admit the said Protestation.  
Item, That the Archbp. in his said Monition to the Bp. did expressly intimate and signify to him▪ that he would in his Visitation suspend all the jurisdiction of the Bp. the Dean and Archdeacon's from the beginning thereof to the ending. In such wise, that the Bp. nor his Officers, Dean nor Archdeacon, should or might at that time, (which he would not determine how long it should endure) use no jurisdiction, whatsoever causes or necessities should chance of correction, institutions of benefices, Confirmations of Election, Consecrations of Churches, Celebrations of Orders, or Probation of Testaments, with many other things more appertaining ad forum contentiosum. But all and every of these the Archbp. and his [Officers] would have, and suffer none other to use and exercise the same, unto the end of his Visitation. Which he hath now continued until the first day of December: pretending, that then he may likewise continue it other six months, and so forth without end at his pleasure during his life, from time to time. So that by this means he only, and none other, should be Bp. but Titularis, in all his Province during his life, but at his pleasure. Which were an inconvenience intolerable, and such as never was read nor heard of, that ever any Metropolitan, private Legate or Bp. of Rome, in the most Tyranny had usurped the semblable.  
Item, That all men learned, and Books of the Canon Law doth aggree, that no Metropolitan or Primate, may thus, by any law written, suspend all the jurisdiction of the Bishops, for the time of their Visitations, or exercise the premises during the same jure Metropolitico. And this the Council of the Archbishop doth not deny, nor cannot.  
Item, Where the said AB. doth pretend, that his Predecessors times past hath put in use and exercise all the premises: And so, though the Common law doth not favour him, yet he may lean to prescription: First, it is to be considered and remembered, that the suspension of all jurisdiction of all the Bishops in manner aforesaid seemeth to be against holy scripture, and the authority given unto them by God; and as it was said before, that Suspension were a thing pernicious, not read, nor heard of, to have be attempted by the most tyranny of all the Bishops of R., without the great offence of the Bishop. And as for the rest, considering, that none of his Predecessors this hundred years did visit thus his Province; and therefore no man Living can know this by experience, it had been necessary for the Archbp. to have showed books for the proof of these his sayings and pretences. Which he and his Officers, being thereunto desired, as well before the Visitation, as sithence, ever did refuse and defer to do.  
Item, It is to be remembered, that in case it shall appear in any Book of the AB. that his Predecessors have attempted any of the Premises; First, that his Predecessors were Legates, and though they did visit jure Metropolitico, yet they might peradventure, as Legates, attempt some things, which they had had no right nor colour to do, if they had be only Metropolitans and Primates. Secondarily, In this behalf and case it is to be remembered, that many of those Archbps. of Canterbury, were not only Legates, but also Chancellors of England. By the which authority they peradventure did enforce and maintain many things attempted against the Law, as the late Cardinal did. And therefore it is to be dissevered what they did as Legates, and what as Metropolitans, and what by force after repealed, and what by right peaceably enjoyed. And not to now jure Metropolitico such things as were done by his Predecessors, as Legates: nor to challenge prescription, now the authority of the See of Rome is repealed and here extinguished in such things, as were attempted only by the pretext of the authority of that See; or else after were appealed, repealed or resisted. Thirdly, In This cause it is to be remembered, that it appears by the ancient Registers of the Bishops, and their Churches, that when the Predecessors of the AB. did attempt any of these causes aforesaid, the Bishops and their Clergies did appeal to the See of Rome. And divers times they obtained sentences and executions against him: and some remained undecided by the reason of the death of the AB. or Bp. complainant for remedy and redress of the same. In like manner as we, your faithful Subjects have now for this our grief appealed unto your Majesty.  
Item, It is to be considered, Whether any Metropolitan in other Christian realms, being now Legate, doth exercise the premises after the form now here pretended, in his Visitation. And in case they do not, as it is said they do not attempt any such things, but only, in their Visitations Provincial, useth that the Common Law giveth them, than here to be repealed and extinguished for ever. To the intent that the Bishops of R. hereafter shall have no colour to maintain and justify, that they keep here yet, and continue the possession of their authority, and of our subjection by their Legate. Saying, that although the AB. doth relinquish the name of a Legate, yet nevertheless he exerciseth such jurisdiction as the Laws never gave to Metropolitans, nor no AB. in Christendom doth exercise (Legates of the See of R. only excepted.) And therefore it is to be provided, that no sparks remain, whereby he might suscitate any such flame, if the matter should come in question.  
Finally, It is to be remembered, that the Bishops, nor their Clergies do not refuse to accept and obey the Visitation of the AB. as Metropolitan, and to pay to him proxies due and accustomed. But where the Bishops hath not only the common Laws, but also Bulls and Sentences executed against his Predecessors, and that long before the making of the Statutes against Provisions, declaring what sums he shall not pass for the Proxies of their Churches, the Officers of the AB. demandeth much more: neither showing the Law, (for there is none to bear them) nor yet precedent or example in any ancient books, whereby they might be satisfied. Which done he should without difficulty or grudge, have forthwith all his Proxies upon the conclusion of his Visitation. Unto the which time it is not due in money. Many other things and considerations there be, to be alleged concerning the premises: which may be spoken in time and place, as the debating of the matter shall require.  
And for a conclusion, it may please your Majesty to be advertised, that if my Lord of Cant. can show by ancient precedents, that any his Predecessors have used peaceably the premises without interruption, and so have enjoyed the same, those precedents showed and brought in presence, allowed also by your learned Council in the laws spiritual, to be precedents sufficient, and of authority in this behalf, We shall then immediately in all the premises, obey the said ABp. without any further contradiction: In this our so doing, whether we offer him reason or not, we refer us only unto your Majesty, and unto your gracious judgement. Humbly beseeching the same, that for as much as all the Laws be for us, and this hundred years past: and now also in our days we have not heard nor seen the contrary used to the said Laws: We now most lowly, as your poor and true subjects, desire your Majesty, that with your gracious favour and licence, we may use such defence, as your Laws, and your high Court of your Parliament, hath politicly provided for us, and other your Subjects.   

NUM. XVI. An Inventory of the Cathedral church of S. Swithins in Winchester, as it was given in, by the Prior and Convent, to Crumwell Secretary of State, and the King's Vicar general over all Spiritual men.  


C C.C.C. MS. Miscel. G.  And first of the things that are abroad in the Church.  
IMprimis, the nether part of the high Altar, being of plate of gold, garnished with stones. The front above being of brodering work and pearls, and above that a Table of Images of silver and gilt, garnished with stones.  
Item, Above that Altar a great Cross, and an Image of plate of gold, garnished with stones.  
Item, Behind the high Altar S. Swithens shrine, being of plate silver and gilt, and garnished with stones.  
Item, In the body of the Church a great Cros, and an Image of Christ and Mary and john, being of plate silver and partly gilded.  
Item, A cross of plate of silver and gilt with an Image over the Iron door. And the two Images of Mary and john are but Copper gilt.   

The Inventory of the Sextre.  

jewels of Gold.  
Imprimis, There are in the Sextre five Crosses of gold, garnished with precious stones. And one of the five is but of plate of gold fixed upon Wood  
Item, One shrine of plate of gold garnished with precious stones.  
Item, One little pair of Candlesticks of gold.  
Item, One little box of gold with his cover to bear the H. Sacrament.  
Item, Three chalices of gold, and one of them garnished with precious stone.  
Item, One little pax of gold.  
Item, One little sacring bell of Gold.  
Item, Four Pontifical rings of gold with precious stones.  
Item, One pectoral of gold set with stones.  
Item, One Pectoral, partly gold, partly silver, and gilt, set with stones.  
Item, Two Saints arms of plate of gold, garnished with stones.  
Item, S. Philip's foot, covered with plate of gold, and with stones.  
Item, A book of the four Evangelists, written all with gold; and the utter side is of plate of gold.   

jewels of Silver.  
Imprimis, One Table of our Lady, being of silver and gilt.  
Item, Nine crosses of silver and gilt, and one of Crystal.  
Item, One and twenty shrines, some all silver and gilt; and some part silver and gilt; and part copper and gilt; and some part silver and part ivory, and some copper and gilt, and some set with garnished stones.  
Item, Twelve chalices of silver and gilt, belonging to the Sextre, and to the Altars, and chauntries founded in the Church.  
Item, Four Paxes of silver and gilt belonging to the Sextre, and other Altars.  
Item, Six casts of Candlesticks belonging to the Sextre, and the Chauntries, being of silver and gilt.  
Item, One Candlestick of silver, belonging to S. Swithens shrine.  
Item, Six pair of Cruits of silver belonging to the Sextre and Chauntries.  
Item, Seven Censers of silver and gilt.  
Item, Two Saries, one of silver and gilt, and the other only of silver.  
Item, Three pair of Basins of silver and gilt.  
Item, Two Ewers, one of them silver and gilt, and the other only silver.  
Item, Six Images of silver and gilt.  
Item, One and thirty Collars, six of them garnished with plate of silver, and gilt, and stones; the residue of brodering work and pearls.  
Item, Six pectorals of silver and gilt, garnished with stones.  
Item, Three pastoral staves of silver and gilt.  
Item, One Pastoral staff of an Unicorns horn.  
Item, Three standing Mitres of silver and gilt, garnished with pearls and precious stones.  
Item, Ten old Mitres, garnished with pearls and stones, after the old fashion.  
Item, One Rectors staff of Unicorns horn.  
Item, Four Processional staves of plates of silver.  
Item, Four sacring bells of silver and gilt, belonging to the Sextre and Altars.  
Item, Nine pixes of Crystal, partly garnished with silver and gilt.  
Item, Seven tables with Relics fixed in them; and four of them are of plate of silver and gilt, and the three other of copper and gilt.  
Item, Five Saints heads, and four of them of plate of silver and gilt, and the first painted.  
Item, Three Saints arms, two of them covered with plate of silver and gilt, and the third is painted.  
Item, Seven books, the outer parts of them being plates of silver and gilt.  
Item, One Book of K. Henry the Sevenths' foundation, covered with velvet, and garnished with bosses of silver and gilt.   

Copies.  
Imprimis, One principal Cope of needle work, wrought with gold and pearls.  
Item, One Chysible. Two Tymasyles, and parel of the Albes of the same work, of my L. Cardinal Beauford's gift.  
Item, Eight and twenty other Copies of divers other works and colours, and divers men's gifts.  
Item, Forty two Copies of tisshew: the one half of them blue, and the other of red.  
Item, Twenty Copies of red bawdkyne, wrought with Connes▪  
Item, Eight white Copies. Four of them of White Velvet, and the other four of White Damask, broidered with white red roses.  
Item, Eight and twenty Copies of White Bawdkyne, woven with copper gold.  
Item, Nine and twenty Copies of blue silk, woven with rays of gold.  
Item, Thirty other Copies of divers colours and works; and many of them perished.   

Chysybils, Tynnikyls [Tunicles] and Stolies.  
Item, Imprimis, Eleven principal Chysybils with Tynnikyls, of divers sorts, and suits.  
Item, Six and thirty old Chysybils of divers colours and works, and been commonly used, and some of them perused.  
Item, Fourteen stolies of needle work.   

Hangings for the Altars.  
Item, Eight divers hangings for the high Altar, some of them precious, and some of them of les value.  
Item, One and twenty pair of Hangings for the Altars of the Church.   

Vestments, Albes, etc.  
Item, Twelve Albes of silk.  
Item, Of linen Albes, belonging to the Sextre and other Altars 326.  
Item, Vestments belonging to the Altars and Chauntries are of divers Values and works, to the number of twenty six.  
Item, Corporows cases, and Corporaws thirty six.  
Item, Altar clothes of Diaper, and linen One and twenty.  
Item, Mass books thirteen, belonging to the Sextre and Altars.   

The Inventary of our Lady's Chapel.  
Imprimis, Five little shrines of copper and guilt.  
Item, Three chalices of silver and gilt.  
Item, Two Paxes, the one of silver and gilt, and the other of silver.  
Item, Two pair of Beads, and silver and gilt, being but of ten stones a piece.  
Item, Three chapels of divers suits.  
Item, Two Copies of silk.  
Item, Thirteen Albes, and three of them white silk.  
Item, Three Collars for the three Altars of silk, garnished with plate of silver and gilt, and with stones.  
Item, Four Altar clothes of linen.  
Item, Two Altars of silk for the Altar.   

The Inventory of the Prior's house.  
Imprimis, Six salts, with three covers of silver and gilt.  
Item, Six spoons of silver and gilt.  
Item, Five and twenty other spoons of silver.  
Item, Three standing Cups; one plain, and other two suaged with their Covers of silver and gilt.  
Item, Seven bollis of silver and gilt with one Cover.  
Item, Six silver cups with one Cover.  
Item, Four nuts with three covers.  
Item, Two Masers with one cover.  
Item, Two silver Basins with their Ewers.  
Item, Two Gallon pots of silver and gilt, to serve Peter and Paul.  
Item, Two small silver pots.  
Item, Two chalices of silver and gilt.   

The Inventary of the Subpriors house.  
Item, Two salts of silver and gilt with a Cover.  
Item, One little salt of silver with a Cover.  
Item, Three silver pieces.  
Item, Eighteen silver spoons.  
Item, Three old Masers perused.   

The Inventary of the Hordars house.  
Item, Two Salts of silver and gilt with a Cover.  
Item, One standing Nut with a Cover.  
Item, Three silver pieces.  
Item, Eighteen silver spoons.  
Item, Three old Masers perused.   

The Inventary of the Fratrie.  
Imprimis, One standing Cup of mother pearl, the foot and Cover being of silver and gilt.  
Item, Two great bollies of silver.  
Item, One standing Cup of silver and gilt with his Cover.  
Item, One standing Massar with a Cover of Wood  
Item, Three great bollis of Wood with bonds of silver and gilt.  
Item, Seven and thirty silver spoons of divers fashions.  
Item, Four old Massars perused.     

NUM. XVII. A Reply to the Archbishop, against his Court of Audience.  

Cleopatra, F. 1. p. 88  TO the first, His Protestation showeth no more, but that he is not to be suspected to keep that Court of his Audience by the authority of any Legacy from Rome, as by the name of Legate of Rome. But forasmuch as no ABp. within Christendom hath, nor never had, any authority to keep any such Court by the reason of the ABric, but only Legates of the See of Rome. Which Legates what vexations and oppressions they have done by the pretence thereof, not only to Ordinaries, but also to the Layfee, by calling of poor men from the furthest parts of the realm to London for an halfpenny candle, or for a little opprobrious word, as was declared and proved plainly in this Parliament: Which was a great cause of making of a Statute to remedy that, before the Statute of the abolishment of the Bishops of Rome's authority within this realm: Insomuch that this execution of Legacies in other jurisdictions and realms, hath been one of the greatest and intolerablest usurpations of the Bp. of Rome these many years among the Commonalty, and therefore a thing most necessary of reformation: in consideration of the premises no ABp. can exercise this authority, except he implieth to all the world (though he speak it not, nor write it not) that he is a Legate of the See of Rome. And in case it shall please the King's Grace to give like authority, notwithstanding so many incommodities to his Grace's Subjects by the use thereof, and not one commodity at all to be abiden by, it should seem better to give it to some other by special Commission at his Grace's pleasure. Whereby it shall be known certainly to come from his Grace rather than to join it to the ABps See: Whereby the old poison might still lurk and break out one day again, if it should chance some to be ABp. of Cant. that would change their copy, as hath been in times past.  
And moreover, if his Grace should make his Legate, it should peradventure derogate the power of his Grace's General Vicar. And if both should occupy, then shall the people so much the rather take occasion to think and say, that his Grace's Vicar exerciseth the power of a Legate by his Grace's authority, and the ABp. of Canterbury, by authority of the Bp. of Rome.  
And where the ABp. saith, that he seeth no cause, why he should not keep that Court, at the jest, by authority of the Act of Parliament, as all others enjoy by that Act all things, that they had before from the See of Rome; it seems that he never read the said Act; nor yet can discern betwixt a thing absolute, that may endure without a Dependence, and an Advouson in gross, and a thing that standeth in a continual Dependence, as Service to the signory. For Exemptions and Dispensations, and such others be Absolutes, depending nothing of the Grantor after his Grant. But Legacies be but respectives: And as no longer Lord, no longer Service, so no longer Bp. of Rome Lord here, no longer his Vicar, which was but his Servant: as appeareth by the text of his Legacy▪ whereof these be the words in the Chapter, Quum non ignoretis De officio Legati, qui in Provincia sua vices nostras gerere comprobatur. And the Act of Parliament which he allegeth is so plain to every Reader, that it cannot be drawn with twenty team of Oxen to stretch to the continuance of this Court of his Audience. It is in the xxj th'. Chapter of the Session Anno xxv. and in the xxuj th'. leaf in the latter end. The words thereof there be these: Provided always that this Act, or any thing therein contained shall not hereafter be taken, nor expounded, to the derogation, or taking away, of any Grants or Confirmations of any Liberties, Privileges or Jurisdictions of any Monasteries, Abbeys, Priories, or other Houses or Places exempt; which before the making of this Act, have been obtained at the See of Rome, or by the authority thereof. Loo, this Act speaketh only of Exemptions, which is a thing absolute: and that only of Houses exempt, and of their Jurisdictions. Which might be suffered upon their few Parochians and neighbours; as prebend's have in their Cathedral churches. But this Act speaketh not of no jurisdiction universal of Archbishops, Bishops, or other person. Legacy is of that other sort, and universal jurisdiction depending on him, that usurped an universal authority through the world.  
And considering, that the Bp. of Cant. beside all the Courts within his own Diocese, keepeth in London a Court at the Arches, sufficiently authorized to hear and to determine all causes and complaints appertaining to a Metropolitan; why should he require this other Court of the Audience, to keep it in London, within the Church and jurisdiction of another Bp. except he m●nded to call other Bps. obedientially out of their jurisdiction, contrary to the Act? Or else at the jest, forasmuch as this Court is kept within the Church and jurisdiction of London, and the Arches Court within the city, but not within the jurisdiction, if he may not vex the Citizens and Diocesans of London at the Arches, without an Appeal first from the Ordinary immediately, because of the Canon Laws, yet he might pull them to his Audience at Paul's, as he did heretofore by his Legacy, and yet offend not that Act made anno twenty-three. That no man shall be called out of his own Diocese.  
And where the ABp. saith, that the King's Grace bade him continue that Court still, it is to be marvelled, that he than hath not, in his Citations and other writings of that Court, expressed or signified the same, as he did call himself in all his Writings Legatum Apostolicae Sedis long after that Act of the Abolishing.   

NUM. XVIII. Archbishop Cranmers' order concerning the Proctors of the Court of Arches, shown to be inconvenient, by a Paper presented to the Parliament, as followeth.  

Cleop. F. 1. p. 91.  ALthough it be expedient, that every thing, which any way may be noyful unto the common well, be duly reform; yet is there nothing that should be rather looked upon for Reformation, than such abuses as may be occasion of not indifferent ministration of justice. Wherefore among so many things, as heretofore hath been well and condignly reform, touching other the Spiritualty or the Temporalty, there is nothing that requireth speedyer Reformation, than a certain Ordinance Lately procured in the Court of the Arches at London, by the means of the Proctors there, for the advancement of their singular will only. By which may and do come divers abuses in the said Court, and occasion not indifferent ministration of justice, and chargeable and prolix process there. The effect whereof is this.  
The Proctors of the said Court of Arches hath of late, upon feigned suggestion, surmised unto the most reverend Father in God, my Lord Archbp. of Canterbury, Precedent and Head of the said Court, to have been for the common well and ease of his Provincials, induced his Grace to make such an Ordinance or Statute in the said Court of the Arches, That where heretofore, there were in the same twenty or four and twenty Proctors, and my said Lords G. at his liberty always to admit more or fewer Proctors there, as should be seen expedient to his G. for the sufficient attending of the causes there depending for the time; there should be from thenceforth no more admitted Proctors there, until the said nombre of Proctors, than being there, were decreased, and come down to the nombre of Ten: and than the said nombre of Ten Proctors never after to be exceeded. And furthermore lest my said Lords G. might be advertised afterwards, upon better causes and considerations, to dissolve the said Statute, as his Predecessors did alike other Statutes, made in semblable cause long before: the said Proctors knowing, that his G. would, as always did, apply himself to that thing that should be most profitable for the Common well; and intending to take away that liberty from him, abusing also his G's benignity and good zeal, to the restraint of his liberties, and fulfilling of their covetous intent; incontinently upon the obtaining of the said Statute, procured the same to be confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's church in Canterbury. So that by reason of the same confirmation, my said Lords G. ne his Successors cannot, as the said Proctors do pretend (though they see never so good a cause thereto) infringe, ne dissolve the same. And so thereby made in manner an Incorporation among them, though they call it not so.  
Wherein be it considered, whether they have first offended the King's Laws, which do prohibit such Incorporations to be made without licence had of the King's Highness first thereunto. And though all Incorporations in any mystery or faculty be not lightly to be admitted, in this case, whereupon depends good or evil ministration of justice, most of all such Confederacies are to be eschewed.  
Also the said Statute is divers ways noyful to the Commonwele of this Royalm, and prejudicial to the King's G. Subjects in the same, and occasion of divers abuses in the said Court hereafter to be declared.  
But because the said Proctors are persuaded, that my said Lord of Canterbury cannot himself Dissolve the same, and seeing that no man will lighty contend alone with all the said Proctors for the Dissolving thereof, (For though it touch every man generally, no man singularly will suppose the same to touch him so moche, that he should for the impugnation of the same put himself in business against so many and so rich a company, as the said Proctors be) it were not only expedient, but also necessary, for the indifferent and speedy ministration of justice in the said Court, that his said unreasonable Statute were infringed and dissolved by the authority of this present Parliament, (where all other abuses and excesses noyeful to the Commonwele ought to be reform,) for these causes following.  
First, The said Statute is prejudicial unto the Commonwele, because it is occasion of prolix suits and superfluous delays in the said Court, else more necessary to be restrained than augmented. For the said nombre of Ten Proctors appointed by the said Statute is unsufficient for the speedy and diligent attending of men's causes in the said Court, though all Ten were procuring there at once: as it is not like but that three or four of the same shall be always impotent or absent▪ For such they account also with the nombre of Ten. And besides that the same Ten or fewer, that shall be only procuring, shall serve not only for the said Court of the Arches, but also for my said Lord of Canterbury's Audience (wherein be as many causes as in the Arches) and for the Consistory of the Bp. of London. For by the Statutes of both the same Courts of Audience and Consistory, there is no man admitted to procure in the same, unless he be a Proctor admitted first in the Arches. So that so few Proctors, apppointed for so many causes as shall be under travayl in all the said Courts, can never be able to speed their business without great delays taking.  
For heretofore when there were in the said Court twenty Proctors continually occupying, and more, it hath been seen, that divers of them hath been than so overlaid with causes, that they were driven to take oft and many delays and Prorogations ad idem, for to bring in their matiers, libels and pleas. Than moche more must they do the same now being but Ten of them. And most of all, when of the same Ten there shall be, (as like it is always to be,) three or four absent or impotent, Undoubtedly they must needs use infinite delays. Which had else rather more need to be restrained, then that any occasion should be yet given of more using the same. For by reason of the same the King's Subjects, called to the same Court, are put to great expenses, tedious Labour, and loss of time. And therefore divers, that have good right to many things pleadable in the said Courts, had lever renounce and forgo their interest in the same, than enter so desperate a Suit in the said Courts therefore.  
Also men's causes cannot be diligently attended by so few Proctors. And men shallbe destitute of council (whereof should be always plenty in every Court.) And through the negligence of the Proctors, that they must be than of, when they shall have so much business, divers good causes must needs perish, for lack of good looking unto; as likely may be: for the forgetting one hour, or mistaking of a word, doth in the said Courts other whiles mar the best matter.  
And it is impossible, that the said Ten Proctors only shall be able to apply accordingly all the causes, that shallbe depending in all the said Courts, as Proctors of duty should. For a Proctor's office is Laborious, and requireth much business. First, a Proctor must take sufficient instructions of his Clients, and keep every Court-day, remember every hour, that is appointed him to do any thing at; solicit and instruct his Advocates; write and pen every Instrument that shallbe requisite to be made in the matiers. And whosoever of the Proctors, that shall be negligent or forgetful in doing any of these his matiers, must needs delay. But so few Proctors as be apppointed by the said Statute are not able not only to do so in each matter, but also scant able to remember their Clients names, for so many that they shall than have. Each matter, if it were exactly applied, and men able so to do, would require a Proctor alone. But because every man is not able to find a Proctor for every one matter, it were best, next the same, that there were so many Proctors apppointed, as might most easily apply their causes, as they should. And though that were less profit to the said Proctors, whose well is best, when they are most charged with business: yet it should be more profit for the Common well, whose interest were to have causes speedily and diligently applied in the said Courts.  
Also, the fewer that there be of the said Proctors, the sooner may they agree among theymselves to give delays each to other: because that one may have the same leave, that he gave the other: as they do in terms to Prove. Where, to each of the three terms, which they call Terminos ad proband. a month would suffice, though they dwelled never so far from the Court within this Royalm; they take now by cross sufferance of each other of theym a quarter of a year commonly for each of the same three terms. Which were enough and too moche, though the parties dwelled in Paris. Which delays though they be nothing profitable, ne commodious for the poor Suitors, be both profitable to the said Proctors; by reason that the causes are kept thereby the longer in their hands. And also commodious by reason, that they, being greatly occupied, should have the longer time to do their business in.  
And for like consideration the said Proctors do omit commonly in every matter a certain oath ungeven, called juramentum Calumpniae, which is the best provision ordained in all the said Law of Civil and Canon, for the restraint of unlawful Suits and prolix processes. The effect whereof is this. Both parties being in suit, or their Proctors, shall by the same oath swear, first the Plaintiff, That he believeth himself to have a just cause to sue; and the Defendant, a just cause to defend. Secondarily, That neitherof them shall use any unlawful delays, whereby justice may be deferred or letted. Thirdly, That either of them, when they shall be asked by the Judge, shall answer truly to every thing, that is asked of them according to their belief. Fourthly, That there is nor shall be nothing given, ne promised, to the Judge, or any other Officer, but only the Fees and duty permitted by the Law. And five, That neither of them shall use, ne procure, any false witness wittingly in the matter.  
Which Oath, if it were given in every matter, as it should be, there should not be so many wrongful causes attempted and kept in the said Courts, nor so many delays, as in the same. But because that neither of both standeth with the profit of the said Proctors, by common assent and cross sufferance of each another of them, they omit the same most commonly not only ungeven, but also not spoken of. And if they say, that they do so, because that oft accustoming of oaths maketh men to set less by an oath; Truth it is that it doth so. And therefore the said oath ought to be chiefly commended. For the geving of the same but once in any matter should excuse them from geving of many other oaths requisite. And where one should serve for all, better it were for avoiding of too oft swearing, that the same alone should be given, and all others omitted, than that it alone should be left, that all the other doth supply.  
Also, The said Statute of Ten Proctors may be occasion, that the same shall wax halt, arrogant, negligent, and loath to take pains, and excessive in taking, by reason that they should be so few. As we see experiently in all other faculties, where fewest Occupiers be of the same trust, they be most dangerous, and hardest to be gotten to do their faculties, and most excessive in taking for the same: as scarcity or rarity of any thing else maketh the same dear. For when there be few of a faculty, they know than that be they never so excessive in taking, or negligent in their doing, they shall be occupied well enough: when men can have no other choice but of a few, that be all alike agreed upon the price of every thing; as they may soon do, when they be but a few. Where if they were many, all should be contrary.  
Moreover, the said Statute of Ten Proctors may be occasion, that justice should not indifferently proceed in the said Courts for lack of lawful defence. As if the Juges of the said Courts, or any of them, be affectionate in any matter depending before them (as it may be that the Juges there shall not be always of such integrity as they be of, that be there now,) the said Proctors dare not be retained on his part, that the Juge doth not favour: or if they be retained, they dare not purpose [propose] their Client's best Interest and remedy, if the same do any thing offend the said Juges affection. By reason that the said Proctors be removable from their Proctor's offices at the said Juges pleasure, and the same made so beneficial unto them by reason of the said Statute.  
Than, when the said Proctors shallbe in such fear of the said Juges, to speak in matter of Instance, where the Juge doth bear but a light affection to another man: much more will they be so in cases of office, where the Juge is party himself, and hath his own matter in hand. And no marvel, if they dare not speak in such. For it hath not been seldom seen, and heard there, that it hath been spoken unto such Proctors, as hath spoken any thing constantly, or freely, in their Clients causes, by the Juges aforesaid, Non es amicus Curiae: and that they were threatened of expulsion from their Offices, and put to silence. Yet no law forbiddeth the contrary, but that every man should have his lawful defence, yea, against the Juge himself.  
But if there were many Proctors in the said Courts, the Juges could not so lightly keep them all in such subjection and fear of them. Nor than the said Proctors should not have so great cause to fear theym so moche, seeing their offices should not be so beneficial unto them than. And less should they yet fear to purpose their Clients right duly, if it were ordained, that the same Proctors should not be removable from their Offices, at the said Juges pleasure, (as heretofore they were; and now are) but only for certain great offences proved afore indifferent Juges, to be committed by them after their admission. And by reason, that the said Proctors be so abandonned unto the said Juges, where men had most need of trusty Councillors, there they be most destitute of the same, as when the Juge is not indifferent. For the partiality of a Juge is more to be feared, than the manifest malice of an Adversary. For the tone hurteth privily, and is able to execute his malice: and the tother doth apertly all that he goeth about. And a man may provide for the avoiding of the intent. And he is not so able to execute his purpose as the tother is. And though partiality of any Juge is to be greatly feared, yet most of all in the Courts spiritual: where all depends upon the Juges hands, and that one man's commonly. For which partiality the remedy of appeal was first invented. Which remedy, like as it was at the first most wholesomely provided for the avoiding of the iniquity of partial Juges; so it is now most wickedly abused for the maintenance of evil doers in their wrongful causes and avoiding of due execution of justice, by reason that they be infinite: especially, after the Canon law. For by Civil, there is but appellation permitted; and that not without penalty on him that shall than appeal without cause: and that is more reasonable.  
For like as it is dangerous to abide one man's judgement, so it is unreasonable that a man should abide the jugements of never so many. And therefore it were very expedient, that the same Appeals were restrained somewhat. For of them it is chiefly long, that matiers be in manner infinite in the said Courts. And that may be the better done, by reason that there be two Legates within this Royalm. Which were so apppointed, because that they might determine all matiers spiritual within this Royalm, without moche recourse to Rome, being so far from this Country.  
To the foresaid inconveniences may come also, through the same statute, this abuse following: that is to wit, if there be a mightier or a richer man, that do sue a poorer man in the said Courts; the richer man may the sooner, by reason that there be so few Proctors, retain the most part and the best learned of them. And the other Proctors, by reason that they shall be than so wealthy through their great occupying, which they shall have, when they be so few, will rather set more by the same great men's favour, than the poor man's fee. And therefore will either refuse to be retained of the poor man's party; or when they be retained they will be slack in doing their duty, for fear of displeasing the same great men. Where if there were many Proctors, their Offices would not be excessive gainful, but that they set as much by their fees, as by any man's pleasure lightly.  
Also, the said Statute is a great discourage to young men to leave their Studies in the Law. For by the same the reward of Study is taken away, and possessed by a few. And the fewer that be promoted for their Learning, the fewer will study to attain the same.  
And to this, it may be occasion, that the said Proctors be not so well learned, nor so diligent, when they are so few, as they would be, if they were many. For when there is choice enough of them, they that are best learned, and most diligent shall be always most resorted. And than shall they study every man to excel other in learning and diligence, when they see such chiefly resorted unto. And so no man will labour than to be a Proctor, unless he be well learned, seeing that learned men should only have all the most resort. And they that be unlearned will away, and provide theym Livings elsewhere, when they see themselves nothing frequented with causes.  
Furthermore, the said Statute is plain contrary to their own law of Civil and Canon. For by the same it is permitted for every man to be Proctor for other; but only a few, which are especially and justly excepted by the same, as a Woman, a child, a mad man, and such other. And by the said statute it is prohibited, that no man shall procure in the said Court for other, but only a few, that are especially admitted thereto, and that within a precise and incompetent nombre. The said Law doth except and repel very few; and that of them that are not meet to procure: and the said statute doth yet admit fewer, and that of them that are sufficiently qualified to procure. So that White and Black can be no more contrary together, than the said Law and Statute be each to other.  
And though any man would rather prefer the said Law before the said Statute, if he did but only consider, how that the Law is made so long ago by the concord and discrete opinion of so many great and wise Clerks and holy men, and afterward approved by continual usage of divers countries, and long succession of time, and experiently known to be wholsomely ordained for the common well. And of the t'other side, how that the said Statute is but lately made by the procurement of a few private persons for their singular advantage; approved by no tract of time to be profitable for the Common well; but experiently known to be contrary. Yet beside that, if all that were set apart, the Law is grounded upon better reason, than the said Statute is. For seeing a Proctor represents him that he is Proctor for, and may make or mar his Client's matter by one word speaking well or il; and that the office of a Proctor was first invented for men, that might or would not intend to their own business themselves; it were more consonant with reason, that a man were suffered to take to his Proctor such as he lusteth, and may best trust unto of his matter, than be driven to commit the order of his cause, being mefortune of great weight, to such a one as he never knew, ne saw before. For when a man is at his choice to choose him what Proctor he lust best, if his matter do delay through the default of his Proctor, than, he can blame no body but himself. For that that he would not take better heed, to whom he should have committed his matter unto. And when a man is compelled to take one that he knows not, if his matter do than delay, he may put the blame thereof to that Statute, that constrained him to take such a Proctor.  
Nevertheless though the tone of both those ways, that is the same that is taken by the same Law, be moche better than the tother; yet the mean way betwixt both (as of all other Extremes) were best. That is to say, that nother every man unlearned, or unexpert, should forthwith be admitted to procure for every man in the said Courts, lest of that there should be no good order, but a confuse tumult there: Nor yet that there should be so few admitted thereunto, that they were not able, ne sufficient, for the due exercise of causes there depending. But most reasonable and highly expedient for the Common well it is, that it were enacted by the authority of this present Parliament, that there should be as many of such as were sufficiently learned, and exercised in the experience and practise of the said Courts, admitted to procure there, as should be seen convenient to my said Lord of Canterbury his Grace, or other Precedents of the said Courts, for the due exercise and expedition of causes there depending; as it was used heretofore, till the obtaining of the said Statute, without prefixion of any precise nombre, which for no cause may be exceeded. For how can a precise nombre of Proctors be prefixed, when the nombre of causes can never be apppointed? For causes doth grow and increase, as the nature of seasons and men doth require.  
And therefore it were expedient, that there were more Proctors than should suffice admitted, than fewer. For better it were, that some of them should lack causes, than causes should want theym. And that such ones, so admitted, should not be removable from the same their Offices at the said Juges, or any other man's, pleasure, as they were heretofore: but only for certain great offences proved to be committed by them after their admission, and juged so to be of indifferent Juges, chosen to examine the same by the consent of the Proctors, that shallbe accused thereof. And because that the Proctors aforesaid are all sworn [at the] time of their admission, that they shall never after be against the Liberty, jurisdiction and prerogatives of the said Courts: but shall maintain and defend the same to their power: And that there may be in the said Courts otherwhiles such causes depending, as should appertain to the Kings Gs. determination by his Royal Prerogative, or such other as may be there attempted against the Juges or Precedents of the said Courts: It were highly expedient as well for the Conservation and soliciting of the King's interest there, as for the faithful and bold assistence of Proctors there to the King's Subjects, that were called thither at the instance of the said Juges, or their fautors, or any other person; That like as his Grace hath, in other his Courts temporal, his Solicitors and Attorneys, he should also have in his said Courts two Proctors, or so admitted by his G. and his council, which should be sworn to promote and solicit his Gs. interest there, and to advertise the same of any thing, that should appertain to his Gs. prerogative, and to defend such of the King's subjects, as shall desire their assistance, boldly and without fear or affection of the said Juges. And that the same Proctors so admitted be not removable from the same their offices by any man, but the Kings G. or his Council.  
Which so enacted and established should be the readiest means, that the foresaid abuses, with divers others hear not rehearsed, caused through the occasion of the said statute, should be utterly taken away, and justice more plainly and speedily proceed in the said Courts, than heretofore hath been seen to do. And the King's subjects called thither from all parts of England should have plenty of council, faithful assistance in their matters, and speedy process in the same. Which ought to be tendered affectantly of every man, that regardeth the increase of the Common well, and true execution of justice.   

NUM. XIX. The Archbishop to the L. Crumwel giving him some account of his Visitation of his Diocese.  
THese shallbe to advertise your Lp. that since my last coming from London into Kent, 
Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 192.  I have found the people of my Diocese very obstinately given to observe and keep with solemnity the hali days lately abrogated. Whereupon I have punished divers of the Offenders; and to divers I have given gentle monitions to amend. But inasmuch as by examination I have perceived, that the people were partly animated thereto by their Curates, I have given strait commandment and injunction unto all the Parsons and Vicars within my Diocese, upon pain of deprivation of their benefices, that they shall not only, on their behalf, cause the said hali days, so abrogated, from time to time not to be observed within their Cures: but also shall from henceforth present to me such persons of their Parishes, as will practise in word or deed contrary to that Ordinance or any other; which is, or hereafter shallbe, set forth by the King's Grace's authority, for the redress or ordering of the doctrine or ceremonies of this Church of England. So that now I suppose through this means all disobedience, and contempt of the King's Grace's Acts and Ordinances in this behalf, shallbe clearly avoided in my Diocese hereafter. Not doubting also, but if every Bp. in this realm had Commandment to do the same in their Diocese, it would avoid both much disobedience and contention in this said realm. I would feign, that all the enmity and grudge of the people in this matter should be put from the King and his Council; and that we, who be Ordinaries, should take it upon us. Or else I fear lest a grudge against the Prince and his Council, in such causes of religion, should gender in many of the people's hearts a faint subjection and obedience.  But, my Lord, if in the Court you do keep such hali days and fasting days as be abrogated, 
This was writ with the ABps own hand. All the rest of the Letter was his Secretaries:  when shall we persuade the people to cease from keeping of them? For the Kings own House shallbe an example unto all the realm to break his own ordinances. 
Over this, whereas your Lp. hath twice written for this poor man William Gronnow the bearer hereof to my L. Deputy of Calais, for him to be restored to his room; as far as I understand, it prevailed nothing at al. For so he can get none answer of my L. Deputy. So tha● the poor man dispaireth that your request shall do him any good. If your Lp. would be so good to him, as to obtain a bill signed by the King's Grace to the Treasurers and controllers of Calais for the time being, commanding them to pay to the said W. Gronnow his accustomed Wages yearly, and to none other, your Lp. should not only not further trouble my L. Deputy any more, but also do a right meritorious deed. For if the poor man be put thus from his Living, he were but utterly undone. Thus, my Lord, right heartily fare you well. At Ford the xxviij day of August.  
Your Lordships own ever T. canturians.   

NUM. XX. Richard Grafton the Printer of the Bible to the Lord Crumwel, complaining of some that intended to print the Bible, and thereby to spoil his Impression.  
✚ 1537.  

Cleopatra, E. 5.  MOST humbly beseeching your Lp. to understand, that according as your Commission was, by my servant to send you certain Bibles, so have I now done, desiring your Lp. to accept them, as though they were well done. And whereas I writ unto your Lp. for a privy Seal to be a defence unto the enemies of this Bible, I understand that your Lps. mind is, that I shall not need it. But now, most gracious Lord, forasmuch as this work hath been brought forth to our most great and costly labours and charges: Which charges amount above the sum of five hundred pounds; and I have caused of these same to be printed to the sum of fifteen hundred books complete: Which now by reason that of many this work is highly commended; there are that will and doth go about the printing of the same work again in a lesser letter: to the intent that they may sell their little books better cheap than I can sell these great; and so to make that I shall sell none at all, or else very few, to the utter undoing of me your Orator, and of all those my Creditors, that hath been my Comforters and helpers therein. And now this work, thus set forth with great study and labours, shall such persons, moved with a little covetousness, to the undoing of others for their own private wealth, take as a thing done to their hands. In which half the charges shall not come to them, that hath done to your poor Orator. And yet shall not they do it as they find it, but falsify the text; that I dare say, look how many sentences are in the Bible, even so many faults and errors shallbe made therein. For their seeking is not to set it out to God's glory, and to the edifying of Christ's Congregation▪ but for covetousness. And that may appear by the former Bibles, that they have set forth; which hath neither good paper, letter's, ink, nor correction. And even so shall they corrupt this work, and wrap it up after their fashions, and then may they sell it for nought at their pleasures. Yea, and to make it more truer than it is, therefore Dutch men; living within this realm, go about the printing of it: Which can neither speak good English, nor yet write none. And they willbe both the Printers and Correctors thereof. Because of a little covetousness, they will not bestow twenty or forty pounds to a Learned man to take pains in it, to have it well done.  
It were therefore, as your Lp. doth evidently perceive, a thing unreasonable to permit, or suffer them, which now hath no such business, to enter into the labours of them, that hath made both sore trouble and unreasonable charges. And the truth is this, that if it be printed by any other, before these be sold, which I think shall not be these three years at the least, that then am I, your poor Orator, undone.  
Therefore by your most godly favour, if I may obtain the Kings most gracious privilege, that none shall print them till these be sold, which at the least shall not be this three years, your Lordship shall not find me unthankful, but that to the uttermost of my power I will consider it. And I dare say, that so will my L▪ of Canterbury, with other my most special friends. And at the last God will look upon your merciful heart, that considereth the undoing of a poor young man. For truly my whole Living lieth hereupon. Which if I may have sale of them, not being hindered by any other men, it shallbe my making and wealth, and the contrary is my undoing. Therefore most humbly I beseech your Lp. to be my helper here, that I may obtain this my request. Or else, if by no means this privilege may be had, as I have no doubt through your help it shall; and seeing men are so desirous to be printing of it again, to my utter undoing as aforesaid: that yet forasmuch as it hath pleased the King's Highness to Licence this work to go abroad; and that it is the most pure religion, that teacheth all true obedience, and reproveth all schisms and contentions: and the lack of this word of Almighty God, is the cause of all blindness and superstition: It may therefore be commanded by your Lp. in the name of our most gracious Prince, that every Curate have one of them, that they may learn to know God, and to instruct their Parishens. Yea, and that every Abbey should have six, to be laid in six several places; and that the whole Covent, and the resorters thereunto, may have occasion to look on the Lords Law. Yea, I would have none other, but they of the Papistical sort, should be compelled to have them. And then I know there should be enough found in my L. of London's Diocese to spend away a great part of them. And so should this be a godly act, worthy to be had in remembrance while the world doth stand.  
And I know, that a small Commission will cause my Lords of Cant. Salisbury and Worseter, to cause it to be done through their Dioceses▪ Yea, and this should cease the whole schism and contention, that is in the realm. Which is, some calling them of the Old, and some of the New. Now should we all follow one God, one Book, and one Learning. And this is hurtful to no man, but profitable to all men.  
I will trouble your Lp. no longer, for I am sorry I have troubled you so much. But to make an end I desire your most gracious answer by my servant. For the sickness is bryme about us, or would I wait upon your Lp. And because of coming to your Lp. I have not suffered my servant with me, since he came over. Thus for your continual preservation, I, with all that truly love God, do most heartily pray, that you may overcome all you adversaries of the Papistical sort.  
Your Orator Richard Grafton.   

NUM. XXI. Archbishop Cranmer to the King for a Suffragan of Dover.  
EXcellentiss. & potentiss. in Christo Principi & Dno. nostro Dn. Henrico Octavo Dei gra. Angliae & Fr. regi, 
ABp Cranm. Regist.  Fidei Defensori, & Dno. Hiberniae, ac in terris Supremo Ecclesiae Angl. capiti, Vester humilis Orator & Subditus Thomas permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, totius Anglie Primas & Metropolit. Omnimod. Reverentiam, & Observantiam tanto principi debit. & condignas cum omni subjectionis honore. Ad sedem Episcopalem de Doveria infra Cantuar. Dioc. existen. Dilectos michi in Cto. Richardum Yngworth Priorem Domus sive Prioratus de Langley Regis, & johannem Codenham, Sacrae Theolog. Professores, juxta & secundum vim, formam & effectum Statuti Parlamenti hujus inclyti regni vestri Angliae in hoc casu editi & provisi, vestrae Regiae Majestati per has literas meas nomino & praesento; ac eidem Majestati vestrae humiliter supplico, quatenus alteri corum, (cui vestra Regia Majestas id munus conferend. praeoptaverit) titulum, nomen, stylumque & dignitatem episcopalem ac Suffraganeam ad Sedem praedictam misericorditer conferre. Ipsumque mihi prefato Archiepiscopo infra cujus Dioc. & Provinciam Sedes antedicta consistit, per literas vestras Patentes regias intuitu charitatis punctare, michique mandare dignetur vestra regia Majestas, quatenus ipsum sic nominatum & praesentatum, in Episcopum Suffraganeum Sedis praedict. juxta formam Statuti praedict. effectualiter consecrem & benedicam▪ caeteraque faciam & exequar in ea parte, quae ad effectum meum Archiepiscopale spectaverint, seu requisita fuerint in praemissis. Vivat denique & valeat in multos annos vestra regia Celsitudo praelibata in eo, per quem reges regnant, & Principes dominantur. Dat' apud Lambeth primo die mensis Decembr. Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo septimo: & regni vestri florentiss. vicesimo nono.   

NUM. XXII. The Archbishop's letters of Commission to Richard Suffragan of Dover.  
THomas permissione divina Cant. Archiep. tot. Angl. Primas & Metropolitanus, 
ABp. Cranm. Regist.  Venerabili confratri nostro Dom. Richardo Dei gra. Sedis Doveriae nostrae Diocesios Cant' Suffraganeo, Salutem, & fraternam in Domino charitatem. De tuis fidelitate & circumspectionis industria plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, ad confirmandum sacri chrismatis unctione pueros quoscúnque infra civitatem & Diocesin nostras Cant', & jurisdictiones nostras, & ecclesiae nostrae Christ. Cant. immediatas, ac jurisdictionem nostram villae Calisiae, & marchias ejusdem sub obedientia Excellentiss. Principis, & Domini nostri, Domini Hen. Oct. Dei gratia Angl. & Fr. regis, fidei Defensoris, & Domini Hib. ac in terris sub Christo Ecclesiae Anglic. Capitis Supremi ubilibet constitut. Necnon altaria, calices, Vestimenta, & alia Ecclesiae ornamenta quaecunque & ea concernen. benedicend. locaque profana siquae inveneris, de quibus te inquirere Volumus, a divinorum celebratione ultime suspendend, Ecclesias etiam & coemiteria sanguinis vel seminis effusione polluta forsan vel polluend. reconciliand. Ecclesias & altaria noviter aedificat. consecrand. Omnes ordines minores quibuscunque civitatis, Diocesios, & jurisdictionum nostrarum praedictarum ipsos ordines a te recipere volentib & ad hoc habilibus ad jurejurando de renuntiando Rom. Episcopo & ejus auctoritati ac de acceptando Regiam Majestatem pro Supremo Capite Ecclesiae Anglic. juxta Statuta hujus regni in hac parte edita ab eisdem ordinand. & eorum quolibet per te primitus recepto, conferend. Ac etiam oleum sanctum chrismatis & sacrae unctionis consecrand. Caeteraque omnia & singula, quae ad officium Pontificale in praemissis, vel aliquo praemissorum quovis modo pertinent, vel pertinere poterunt, faciend. exercend. & expediend. tibi tenore praesentium committimus vices nostras, & plenam in Domino potestatem. Téque quoad praemissa Suffraganeum nostrum ordinamus & praeficimus per praesentes; donec eas ad nos duxerimus revocand. Et ut officium tuum hujusmodi possis in praemissis liberius exercere, Vniversis & singulis Decanis, Rectoribus, Vicarijs, Capellanis, Curatis, & non Curatis, Clericis & Apparitoribus quibuscunque in virtute sacrae [suae] obedientiae firmiter tenore praesentium injungendo mandamus, quatenus tibi in praemissis & quolibet praemissorum sint obedientes, assistentes, & intendentes in omnibus, prout decet. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum praesentibus est appensum. Dat. in Manerio nostro de Lamehith, Decimo die Decembr. Anno Domini mill▪ quin. xxxvij. & nostrae Consecrationis anno quinto.   

NUM. XXIII. A Declaration to be read by all Curates upon the publishing of the Bible in English.  

Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 327.  Whereas it hath pleased the King's Majesty, our most dread Sovereign, and Supreme Head under God of this Church of England, for a Declaration of the great zeal he beareth to the setting forth of God's word, and to the virtuous maintenance of the Commonwealth, to permit and command the Bible, being translated into our Mother tongue, to be sincerely taught by us the Curates, and to be openly laid forth in every parish church: to the intent, that all his good subjects, as well by reading thereof, as by hearing the true explanation of the same, may be able to learn their duties to Almighty God and his Majesty, and every of us charitably to use other: And then applying themselves to do according to that they shall hear and learn, may both speak and do christianly; and in all things, as it beseemeth christian men: Because his Highness very much desireth, that this thing being by him most godly begun and set forward, may of all you be received as is aforesaid; his Majesty hath willed and commanded this to be declared unto you, that his Grace's pleasure and high commandment is, that in the reading and hearing thereof, first most humbly and reverently using and addressing yourselves unto it, you shall have always in your remembrance and memories, that all things contained in this book is the undoubted Will, Law, and Commandment of Almighty God, the only and strait means to know the goodness and benefits of God towards us, and the true duty of every christian man to serve him accordingly. And that therefore reading this book with such mind and firm faith as is aforesaid, you shall first endeavour yourself to conform your own livings and conversation to the contents of the same. And so by your good and virtuous example to encourage your wives, children and servants, to live well and christianly according to the rules thereof.  
And if at any time by reading any doubt shall comen to any of you touching the sense and meaning of any part thereof; that then, not giving too much to your own minds, fantasies and opinions; nor having thereof any open reasoning in your open taverns or alehouses, ye shall have recourse to such learned men, as be, or shallbe authorized to preach and declare the same. So that avoiding all contentions and disputation in such alehouses and other places, unmeet for such conferences, and submitting your opinion to the judgements of such learned men as shallbe appointed in this behalf, his Grace may well perceive, that you use this most high benefit quietly and charitably every one of you, to the edifying of himself, his wife and family, in all things answering to his Highness' good opinion conceived of you, in the advauncement of virtue, and suppressing of Vice; without failing to use such discrete quietness, and sober moderation in the premises, as is aforesaid; as you tender his Grace's pleasure, and intent to avoid his high indignation, and the peril and danger that may ensue to you and every of you for the contrary.  
And God save the King.   

NUM. XXIV. The Answer or Declaration of Richard Bishop of Chichester, in the presence of the King's Majesty, against the sixth Reason or argument of John Lambert, concerning the most holy and blessed Sacrament of the Altar.  
THese are the words of his sixth Article. 
Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 371.  Paul doth take it for a sore inconvenince, Deducere Christum ex alto, Rom. 10. And yet must the Priests do so, bringing his natural body into the Sacrament. Or else they cannot bring the same body into the Sacrament: Which I believe rather.  

The Answer of the Bishop.  
BY this reason you may evidently perceive the Vanity, and also the malice of this man. So that you may judge by what spirit he is led, to make such an argument against so high and precious a mystery as this is.  
What christian man is so ignorant, that knoweth not this to be evidently true, that this most holy Sacrament hath not his Virtue of the Priest, which is a mortal man, and many times a sinner. For he is but a minister, and a very instrument, by whom God worketh. S. chrysostom saith, that the minister is as it were the Pen, God is the hand. The grace, the virtue is of God. In the 27 th'. Hom. in the second Tome. So doth teach the Apostle to the Corinthians, in the third chapt. of the first Epistle. What is Apostle, saith he, What is Paul? Ministers of him, in whom ye believe; and as he hath given to every one. I have planted, saith S. Paul, Apollo hath watered: but God hath given the increase. Wherefore neither he that planteth, nor he that watereth, is aught, but he that giveth the increase. For men must esteem us as Ministers of Christ, saith he in the next chapter. By these words he proveth, that the minister gives no effect or virtue, but only God.  
S. Augustin ad Cresconium Grammaticum saith also expressly, That if there be among good ministers one better than another, the Sacrament is no better given by the better; and it is no worse given by an evil man. There is for this purpose a goodly saying of Eusebius Emissenus, which was much persecuted by the Arians. These are his words. Invisibilis Sacerdos visibiles creaturas in substantiam corporis & sanguinis sui, verbi sui secreta potestate, convertit. No Christian man doubteth who is this invisible Priest; which is our Saviour, the high Priest, the perpetual Priest, as the Apostle saith Ad Heb. 7. Which to our carnal eyes is invisible, and otherwise may not be seen, but by the eyes of our soul, and faith only. This invisible Priest, saith Eusebius, converteth and turneth the visible creatures of bread and wine not only into his body and blood, but into the substance of his body and blood.  
It is not then the Priest, that worketh this work, nor bringeth Christ out of heaven, as this man mockingly and scornfully writeth in this Article, but it is Christ himself. For as S. Austin saith, Idem est Mediator, qui offered, & qui offertur.  
And what spirit this man hath towards this most holy sacrament, you may well conjecture, and evidently perceive his malignity, which not only gathereth a certain number of vain arguments together, to the number of eight; that it might appear to the simple ignorant people, as though it were a great foundation, which he hath for his detestable purpose: and yet as I say, they are all vain, and grounded only upon gross natural reason, which can in no wise attain to this high mystery: but also in so grave, weighty, and most reverend cause, as this is, he dallieth, mocketh and scorneth in this fond reason, without any reason; saying, that the Priest must bring the body of Christ out of heaven. But it is little to be weighed in this man, though that he scorneth the ministration of the Priest, sith that he so depraveth his very Lord and Master.  
But in case that he should say, that he doth not scorn the ministration of the Priest, then must he needs be very ignorant, to suppose in any wise, that the Priest worketh any thing in this, or any other Sacrament, more than as I have before said.  
In this argument also he allegeth one part of scripture in the tenth chapter to the Romans, to blind also the simple people, that they should think all that he speaketh is the very scripture. And surely this place of scripture maketh evidently against him, and such as he is. For it is written against Infidels, such as will not believe the word of God written, but would yet have knowledge from heaven. And so the Apostle there maketh example of him, that would not believe that Christ is ascended, but notwithstanding the testimony of scripture, he demandeth, Quis ascendet in coelum? Hoc est, Christum de coelo deducere, saith the Apostle. Wherefore the Apostle monisheth every Christian man in this manner, Nè dixeris in cord tuo, Quis ascendet, etc. That is to say, Think not in thy mind, Have no such doubt to ask, Who ascended, or how: but believe the scripture. For as Moses in the 30 th'. Chap. of Deuteronomy saith, Thou shalt not need to seek into heaven for the knowledge of these things: it is not set, nor left in heaven; it is not above thee; it is not far from thee; but the Word of God is nigh thee, even in thy mouth, as it were, and ready at hand: Believe that, and do according to that. For so it was answered to the rich man in the 16 th'. Chap. of Luke, Thy brethren have Moses and the Prophets, let them hear them. And, If they will not hear nor believe them, they will not believe any one, that shall come from hence.  
Whersore Chrysostom in the former tenth Chapter of Paul, teacheth even Christian men in these things of the Faith, in no wise to ask or search, how it may be; but leaving this infirmity and weakness of our thoughts and reasons, let us receive with a certain undoubted faith the promises of God by his word.  
S. Cyprian also, in a work De coena Domini, hath these words, The fleshly man is not to be admitted to this feast of the Table of God. Whatsoever the flesh and the blood, that is to say, the natural reason of the mortal man, esteemeth or judgeth, needs must be excluded from this mystery. For it savoureth nothing to this matter, or in any wise helpeth, whatsoever the subtlety of man's wit attempteth to search. Such are wise men of this world, that whatsoever is above their wit, they think it otherwise then the truth. But the truth, saith he, cannot be comprised by man's wit, which is erroneous and many times deceived. Wherefore they that are faithful and poor in spirit, and not arrogant of their own wits, by their faith, do see perfectly this Sacrament.  
We have the express words of Christ, Hoc est corpus meum, This is my body. The words are plain not only in Matthew, but the same plain words are in Luke and Mark, without any figurative speaking. Wherefore we may not add, diminish, change nor alter these words, that are so manifest and plain; but certainly believe these words to be true in the same sense, that they are clearly spoken, howsoever they are impossible to man's wit. For as it is impossible for God to make a lie, as the Apostle saith in the sixth Add Heb. so every thing is possible to him, howsoever it is thought impossible to men.  
We must therefore leave all our carnal reasons, and only receive, without any doubt, the teaching, the words, the promises of God, howsoever they seem impossible to our natural and frail reason. Or else we should not believe the power of God to be so high and absolute as it is: to whom is nothing impossible.    

NUM. XXV. Tho. Cranmeri Archiep. Cant. Epist. super Controversia de coena Domini ortam.  
Illustri & erudito Viro Joachimo Vadiano, Consuli apud Sanctum Gallum in Helvetia.  
TAndem a Negotijs Consilijsque publicis missionem, vel verius respirationem nactus, & inter caeteros doctos viros, 
Ex Dudithi● Orationib. & Opuscul  quorum epistolis responsa jam diu debueram, tibi quoque, Vadiane, Vir illustris doctissiméque, nunc demum vertente anno respondere incipiens, (utpote cujus Literas superiore hyeme acceperim, una cum munere Literario, Quod genus quidem soleo vel inter preciosissima numerare) illud imprimis mecum reputare pudebundus occoepi, vererique, ne forte suspicionem, aut etiam opinionem mihi allquam sinistram apud animum tuum, silentio meo tam diuturno, contraxerim; qui sciam apud vulgus hominum fieri plerumque solere, cum hospes hospitem salutat, ut in primo maxime aditu responsum solicite exspectent. Quod si differatur, ut superbiam aliquam vel neglectum sui, vel, ut minimum, oblivionem, intervenire suspicantur, qualémque in primo illo accessu invenere, talem in universam reliquam vitam erga se fore praejudicant. Cum qui cito respondet, libenter & gratanter id facere judicatur, eumque proinde humanum, facilem gratúmque interpretantur. Contra, qui tarde, fastuosus, difficilis, & incivilibus ac inamoenis moribus preditus existimatur. Vsque adeo bis facit, quod cito facit, quicquid quis cito facit. Verum ego de tua neutiquam vulgari prudentia, & humanitate meliora mihi polliceor, confidóque te hanc meam non spontaneam tarditatem aut cessationem, sed necessariam dilationem benigne accepturum, eamque non tam moribus quam negotijs meis imputaturum. Quae qualia & quanta fuerint, puto rumores ad vos usque jampridem pertulisse, & ego de eisdem nonnihil ad Grynaeum meum, imo nostrum, scripsi, cum quo pro amicitiae jure omnia, sibi communia futura esse non ambigo. Ad illum igitur te remitto, siquid hac re offenderis, qui me tibi reddat excusatiorem.  
Tuam erga me Voluntatem & promptitudinem animi ad contrahendam mecum Sanctiorem necessitudinem, in Literis tuis perspicio, & libens amplector osculórque. Virum enim dignum te judico, quem ego propter eximiam eruditionem, qua me quoque adjutum profecisse neutiquam dissimulavero, & propter morum probitatem, multorum gravissimorum virorum testimonijs comprobatam, omni amore, favore ac veneratione prosequar. Veruntamen ut animi mei sensum (sicuti inter bonos viros fieri oportet) ingenue tibi profitear, argumentum quod tractas in sex illis libris 
* Aphorismorum, de consideratione Eucharistiae. , quos mihi dono dederas, in totum mihi displicet, vellémque vigilias tuas tantas felicius collocasses, & mecum jucundae amicitiae melioribus, aut certè minus improbatis, auspicijs fuisses usus. Nam ego nisi certiora afferri video, quam hactenus videre potui, sententiae illius vestrae nec patronus nec astipulator esse volo. Et plane mihi vel ex eo maxime persuasum est, causam esse non bonam, quod eam viri tam ingeniosi, tam diserti, támque omnibus artibus & disciplinis instructi, non videamini satis validè tueri ac sustinere. Vidi pleraque omnia, quae vel ab Oecalampadio, vel a Zuinglio scripta sunt & edita, didicique omnium hominum omnia cum delectu esse Legenda. Et fortasse illud D. Hieronymi de origen elogium in illos quóque non absurde aliquis detorserit, Vbi bene, nemo melius, etc. Nosti enim quod sequitur. Quatenus quidem Papisticos & Sophisticos errores & abusus indicare, convincere, corrigeréque sunt conati, Laudo & approbo. Atque utinam intra fines illos constitissent, neque fruges una cum zizanijs conculcassent, hoc est, veterum doctorum, primorúmque in ecclesia Christi scriptorum authoritatem, una violassent. Nam ut ingenia vestra quantumcunque versaveritis, mihi tamen certe nunquam approbaveritis, ne cuiquam, opinor, aequo Lectori, Veteres illos authores in hac controversia pro vestra facere sententia. Fuistis nimirum in investigandis erroribus plus fatis curiosi, & dum omnia purgare studetis, illic quoque errorem subesse putavistis, ubi nullus fuit. Quando hic certe si error est, jam inde a primordio Ecclesiae, ab ipsis Patribus & viris Apostolicis, nobis fuit propinatus. Quod quis pius sustinuerit vel audire, nedum credere? Ut n●quid interim dicam, quod bonus Dominus noster unice dilectam sponsam suam nunquam in tam pudenda caecitate tamdiu dereliquisset? Quamobrem quum haec, quam tenemus, Catholica fides de vera presentia corporis tam apertis ac manifestis scripturis fuerit Ecclesiae ab initio promulgata, & eadem postea, per primos Ecclesiasticos scriptores, fidelium auribus tam clare, tamque studiose commendata, ne quaeso, ne mihi pergatis eam tam bene radicatam & suffultam velle amplius convellere aut subruere. Satis jam satis tentatum est hactenus. Et nisi super firmam petram fuisset firmiter aedificata, jam dudum cum magnae ruinae fragore cecidisset. Dici non potest, quantum haec tam cruenta controversia, cum per universum orbem Christianum, tum maxime apud nos, bene currenti verbo Evangelij obstiterit. Vobis ipsis affert ingens periculum, & caeteris omnibus praebet non dicendum offendiculum. Quo circa si me audietis, hortor & suadeo, imo vos oro, obsecro, & visceribus jesu Christi obtestor & adjuro, uti concordiam procedere & coire sinatis, in illam confirmandam totis viribus incumbatis, pacémque Dei tandem, quae superat omnem sensum, Ecclesijs permittatis, ut Evangelicam doctrinam unam, sanam, puram, & cum primitivae Ecclesiae disciplina consonam, junctis viribus quam maximè propagemus. Facile vel Turcas ad Evangelij nostri obedientiam converterimus, modo intra nosmetipsos consentiamus, & pia quadam conjuratione conspiremus. At si ad hunc modum pergimus ad invicem contendere, & commordere, timendum erit, ne (quod dicens abominor) juxta comminationem Apostolicam, ad invicem consumamur.  
Habes, Optime Vadiane, meam de tota controversia illa neutiquam fictam sentent●am, una cum admonitione libera ac fideli. Cui si obtemperaveris, non modo inter amicos, sed etiam vel inter amicissimos mihi nomen tuum ascripsero. Bene vale.  
T. canturians.   

NUM. XXVI. Part of a Letter from a Member of Parliament, concerning the transactions of the House, about passing the Act of the Six Articles.  
AND also news here, 
Cleopatra, E. 5.  I assure you never Prince showed himself so wise a man, so well learned, and so Catholic, as the King hath done in this Parliament. With my pen I cannot express his marvelous goodness, which is come to such effect, that we shall have an Act of Parliament so spiritual, that I think none shall dare say, in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar doth remain either bread or wine after the Consecration: Nor, that a Priest may have a wife: Nor, that it is necessary [to receive] our Maker sub utraque specie: Nor▪ that private Masses should not be used, as they have be: Nor, that it is not necessary to have Auricular confession. And notwithstanding my L. of Canterbury, my L. of Ely, my L. of Salisbury, my L. of Worcester, Rochester, and St. Davyes, defended the contrary long time: Yet finally his Highness confounded them all with God's learning. York, Durham, Winchester and Carlisle have showed themselves honest and well learned men. We of the Temporalty have be all of one opinion. And my L. Chancellor, and my L. Privy Seal, as good as we can devise. My L. of Cant. and all his Bishops have given their opinion, and come in to us, save Salisbury, who yet continueth a lewd fool. Finally, all in England have cause to thank God, and most heartily to rejoice of the Kings most godly proceedings.  
Without any name subscribed.   

NUM. XXVII. The Solution of some Bishop to certain Questions about the Sacraments.  
The King's Animadversions, 
Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 36.  of his own hand. The Questions. The Answers. Why then should we call them so? 1. What a Sacrament is? 1. Scripture useth the word, but it defineth it not. 2. What a Sacrament is by the ancient Authors? 2. In them is found no perfect definition, but a general Declaration of the word, as a token of a holy thing.  3. How many Sacraments be there by the Scripture? 3. So named only Matrimony: in effect moo: and at the least seven, as we find the Scripture expounded. Why these Seven to have the name, more than all the rest? 4. How many Sacraments be there by the ancient Authors? 4. Authors use the word Sacrament to signify any Mystery in the old or new Testament: But especially be noted Baptism, Eucharist, Matrimony, Chrism, Impositio manuum, Ordo. [Here is omitted Penance.] Then why hath theChurch so long erred, to take upon them so to name them? 5. Whether this word Sacrament be, and aught to be, attribute to the Seven only? 5. The word because it is general is attribute to other than the Seven. But whether it ought especially to be applied to the Seven only, God knoweth, and hath not fully revealed it so as it hath been received. Whether the Seven Sacraments be found in any of the old Authors, or not? The thing of all is found, but not named all Sacraments, as afore.  6. Whether the determinate number of seven Sacraments be a doctrine either of the scripture, or the old Authors; and so to be taught? 6. The doctrine of Scripture is to teach the thing, without numbering, or naming the name Sacrament, saving only Matrimony. Old Authors number not precisely. Twelve Articles of the Faith not numbered in Scripture, ne Ten Commandments, but rather one, Dilectio, Seven petitions, Seven Deadly sins. * Then Penance is changed to a new term, i. e. Absolution. Of Penance I read, that without it, we cannot be saved after relapse: but not so of Absolution. And Penance to sinners is commanded, but Absolution, yea, in open crimes, is left free to the Askers. † Laying of hands, being an old ceremony of the Church, is but a small proof of Confirmation. 7. What is found in scripture of the matter, nature, effect, and virtue of such as we call the seven Sacraments. So although the name be not in Scripture, yet whether the thing be in Scripture, or no, and in what wise spoken. 7. First of Baptism manifestly Scripture speaketh. Secondly, Of the holy communion manifestly. Thirdly, Of Matrimony manifestly. 4. Of Absolution * manifestly. 5. Of Bishops, Priests and Deacons ordered per impositionem manuum cum Oratione expressly. 6. Laying † of the Hands of the Bp. after Baptism, which is a part of that is done in Confirmation, is grounded in Scripture. 7. Unction of the sick and prayer is grounded on scripture. This answer is not direct: and yet it proveth nother of the two points to be grounded in scripture. 8. Whether Confirmation cum Chrismate of them that be baptised be found in Scripture? 8. The thing of Confirmation is found in scripture, though the name Confirmation is not there. Of Chrisma Scripture speaketh not expressly, but it hath been had in high veneration, and observed since the beginning.  9 Whether the Apostles lacking higher power, and not having a Christian King among them, made Bishops by that necessity, or by authority given them of God? 9 The calling, naming, appointment and preferment of one before another to be Bishop or Priest, had a necessity to be done in that sort, a Prince wanting.  The Ordering appeareth taught by the holy Ghost in the Scripture per manuum impositionem cum oratione.  10. Whether Bps, or Priests were first: And if the Priests were first, than the Priest made the Bishop? 10. Bishops, or not after.  11. Whether a Bishop hath authority to make a Priest by the Scripture, or no: And whether any other, but only a Bp. may make a Priest, or no? 11. Scripture warranteth a Bp. (obeying high powers as the Prince christianed) to order a Priest per manuum impositionem cum oratione. And so it hath been from the beginning: of others scripture speaketh not.  12. Whether in the N. Testament be required any Consecration of a Bp. or Priest, or only appointing to the office be sufficient? 12. Manuum Impositio cum oratione is required. Which is a Consecration. So as only Appointing is not sufficient.  13. Whether if it fortune a Prince Chri●stian learned, to conquer certain Dominions of Infidels, having none but temporal learned men with him, it be defended by God's law, that he and they may preach and teach the Word of God there, or no; and also make and institute Priests, or no? 13. It is to be thought, that God in such cases, assisting the perfection of such an enterprise, would sometime teach and inspire the Conscience of such a Prince, what he should and might do, more than is yet openly taught by the Scripture. Which in that case were a good warrant to follow. For a secret Vocation supplieth where an open wanteth. A reason: Necessity, in things absolutely necessary, containeth in it order, law and authority.  14. Whether it be forefended by God's law, that if it so fortuned, that all the Bishops and Priests of a realm were dead, and that the Word of God should remain there unpreached, the Sacrament of Baptism, and others, unministred, that the King of that Region should make Bps and Priests to supply the same, or no? 14. This Question is without the compass of Scripture.  Since the beginning of Christ's church when Christ himself made distinction of Ministers, the order hath a determination from one to another per manuum impositionem cum oratione. How it should begin again of another fashion, where it faileth by a case, Scripture telleth not, ne Doctors write of it, that I have read.  15. Whether a man be bound by authority of this Scripture Quorum remiseritis, etc. and such like, to confess his secret deadly sins to a Priest, if he may have him, or no? 15. Bound ordinarily.  16. Whether a Bp. or a Priest may excommunicate? 16. They may, being before of their Prince authorised to minister.  For what crime? For open, public, deadly sins.  And whether only by Gods Law. Of Excommunication by others we read not in the new Testament.  17. Whether Unction of the sick with oil to remit venial sins, as it is now used, be spoken of in the Scripture, or in any ancient authors. 17. The thing is in Scripture, and in ancient Authors, according whereunto the use should be. How it is indeed used is a matter of fact, and not of learning.   

NUM. XXVIII. The judgement of another Bishop upon the aforesaid Questions.  

Cleop. E. 5.  I. TO the first, Scripture showeth not what it is, but useth the word Sacramentum in Latin for the word Mysterium in Greek.  
II. Sacrament by the Authors is, Sacrae rei Signum, or Visibile Signaculum, Sacrosanctum Signaculum. Visibile Verbum, Visibilis forma invisibilis gratiae; and perfect definition we find none.  
III. In Scripture we find no determine number of Sacraments.  
IV. There be very many in the most general signification: and there is no precise or determinate number of Sacraments in the ancient authors.  

The ABp. of Cant. Bp. Davys.  V. Not only to the Seven, but to many more. We find in old Author's Matrimony, holy Communion, Baptism, Confirmation, Order, Penance and extreme Unction. It is doubted of the number of Sacraments.  
VI As touching the determine number of Seven only, we find neither in the Scripture, ne ancient authors, any such doctrine, that should be seven only.  
VII. Of Baptism Scripture speaketh, that by it sins be remitted. Of Eucharistia, that we be united by it to Christ, and receive spiritual nourishment to the comfort of our souls, and remission of our sins. Of Matrimony, that the act of it is made lawful, and without sin; and Grace given whereby to direct ordinately the lusts and appetites of the flesh. Of Penance, that by it we be restored again to the favour of God, from which we did fall by sin. Of Orders, that by it Grace is given to Ministers effectually in preaching of the word of God, 
Archb. Cant.  and Ministration of the Sacraments. Of Confirmation, which is contained in Scripture, 
ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.  speaking De impositione manuum post baptisma, it appeareth by Scripture how thereby increase of grace is given. Of Inunction of the sick, 
ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes. Mr. Cocks.  Scripture speaks, that by Unction of the sick, and prayer of the Priests, comfort is given to sick, and sins be forgiven him.  

ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.  VIII. Impositionem manuum post Baptisma, which we call Confirmation, we read in the Scripture. But that it was done Chrismate, we find not in the scripture expressed. But in the old Authors we find, that Chrisma hath been used in the same Confirmation.  

ABp. Cant.  IX. Making of Bps hath two parts. Appointment and Ordering 
* Where is this distinction found? [The King's note.]  Appointment; which the Apostles by necessity made by common election, and sometime by their own several assignment, could not then be done by Christian Princes. Because at that time they were not. And now at these days appertaineth to Christian Princes and Rulers 
* Now▪ since you confess, that the Apollysties [Apostles] did occupate the one part, which you now confess belongeth to Princes, how can you prove, that Ordering is only committed to you Bishops? [The Kings Note.] . But in the ordering, wherein Grace is conferred (as afore) the Apostles did follow the rule taught by the holy Ghost, Per manuum impositionem cum Oratione, & jeju●io 
† Ubi hoc? [The Kings Note.]   
X. Christ made the Apostles first; which were of his making both Priests and Bps. But whether at one time some doubt. 
ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes. Mr. Cocks.  After that the Apostles made both Bps. and Priests. The names whereof in the Scripture be confounded.  
XI. A Bp. having authority of the Christian Prince to give orders, 
ABp. Cant.  may by his ministry given to him of God in Scripture ordain a Priest. And we read not, that any other, not being a Bp., hath since the beginning of Christ's church ordained a Priest.  
XII. Only Appointment is not sufficient, but Consecration; 
ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.  that is to say, Imposition of hands with fasting and prayer is also required. For so the Apostles used to order them that were appointed: and so have been used continually; and we have not read the contrary.  
XIII. In that necessity, the Prince and his learned men should preach and teach the word of God, and baptise. But as for making and constituting Priests, the Prince shall and may then do, as God shall then by inspiration teach him. Which God hath promised to do always to his Church, in revelling and teaching every necessary knowledge, where any doubt requiring discussion doth arise.  
XIV. The answer to the other Question next before dissolveth this.  
XV. He that knoweth himself guilty of any secret deadly sins, 
ABp. Cant.  must, if he will obtain the benefit of Absolution ministered by the Priest, confess the same secret sins unto him.  



Absolution to be ministered by a Priest▪ if a convenient Priest may be had, is necessary.  
York.  
Duresm.  
Carelyl.  
Corwen.  
Simon.  
Ogelthorp.  
Eggeworth.  
Day.  
Redman.  
Robynson.  
Wynchestre.   

Absolution by a Priest is the surest way, if he may be conveniently had.  
Cant.  
Hereford.  
Rochestre  
Davye.  
Westminst.  
Layton.  
Tresham.  
Cocks.  
Crayford.     
XVI. Bps and Priests, authorized by the Prince, 
ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.  may excommunicate by God's Law, for public and open crimes. But that others then Bps and Priests may excommunicate, we have not read in scripture. Some Schoolmen say, that other, than Priests or Bps., deputed thereunto by the Church, may excommunicate. Because it is an Act jurisdictionis, and not ordinis.  
XVII. We find it spoken of in Scripture and in old Authors. 
ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.    

NUM. XXIX. Archbishop Cranmer to Osiander concerning some abuses in Matrimony among the Germans.  
Doctissimo D. Andreae Osiandro, Concionatori Norenburgensi.  

Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 111.  SAlve plurimum. Vix tribus abhinc diebus elapsis, Osiander dilectissime, literas ad te scriptitabam, quas per subitum & sestinatum Tabellarij discessum coactus sum abbreviare. Imo abrumpere plane, praetermisso eo, quod & tunc quam maxime scriptum volui, & nunc otij plusculum nactus, nescio quam nervosè, verbosè certe decrevi pertractare. Res est, ut mihi quidem videtur, non parva, neque leniter animadvertenda, ut quae ad omnium Evangelicam veritatem profitentium sugillationem, ne dicam ignominiam, & culpam manifestè pertineat. Proinde te rogo, ut & scriptum hoc meum legas attentè, & tuum vicissim responsum super eo conficias accuratè, maturéque remittas, quo habeam tandem quod respondeam iis, qui me interrogant. Nosti enim, opinor, ut soleant homines hic omnium quae istic geruntur, a me rationem exigere: alij quidem bono animo, & communis Evangelicae causae studio soliciti, nequid a vobis fieret, secus quam oporteret. aliis autem malus est animus, mala mens. Nihil magis cupiunt, aut captant, quam ut justam aliquam, vos & vestra facta dictave reprehendendi, ansam undecúnque apprehendant; & gaudent si mihi in os subinde talia possint objicere. Quibus duobus inter se diversis hominum generibus respondeo Ego persaepe, quae vel ipse comminisci possum, vel quae ex scriptis vestris, sive in publicum emissis, sive ad me privatim missis, possimcolligere. Incidunt tamen persaepe nonnulla, quae nec negare possum, nec absque rubore fateri, quae denique quo pacto a vobis honestè aut pie fieri doceantur, rationem ullam saltem excogitare sufficientem nequeo. Nam ut interim de Usuris taceam, a vobis aut vestrum certe nonnullis, ut apparet, approbatis, déque eo quod Magnatum filijs concubinas habendas permittitis, (videlicet ne per nuptias legitimas hereditates dispergantur) qui Concubinatum in Sacerdotibus tantopere aversati estis: quid poterit a Vobis in excusationem allegari pro eo, quod permittitis, a divortio, utroque conjuge vivo, novas nuptias coire, & quod adhuc deterius est, etiam absque divortio uni plures permittitis uxores. Id quod & tute, si recte memini, in quibusdam tuis ad me literis apud vos factum disertè expressisti, addens Philippum ipsum sponsalibus posterioribus, ut paranymphum credo atque auspicem, interfuisse.  
Quae ambo, tum ipsius conjugij rationi, quae non duo, sed unam carnem facit, tum etiam scripturis sunt expresse & manifeste contraria. Ut patet Matth. 19 Marc. 10. Luc. 16. Ro. 7. 1 Cor. 7. Quibus locis perspicuum fit ex Apostolorum, atque adeo Christi ipsius institutione, unum uni debere matrimonio conjungi, nec posse sic conjunctos postea, nisi interveniente morte alterutrius, denuo contrahere. Quod si responderitis, hoc intelligi excepta causa fornicationis: An Uxoris adulterium fuerit causa quur Philippus marito permiserit aliam superducere, vos melius nostis. Quod si fuerit, tunc objiciemus, ab ineunte hucusque ecclesia (cujus exemplis oportet scripturarum interpretationes conformari) nunquam quod scimus hoc sic suisse acceptum. Augustinus, quid ipse de hoc senserit, imo quid ecclesia ante ipsum, & usque ad ipsum, clare docet, li. de adulterinis conjugijs, ad Pollentium. Quid igitur ad haec dicetis, Libenter vellem audire abs te quidem, si & ipse in eadem cum caeteris es sententia. Sin minus, per te saltem vellem cognoscere quid ab illis exploraveris ad talia responsum iri. Nam cum eorum nonnulli, ut audio, statuta nostra Parlamentaria censorie nimis, ac superciliosè: condempnent, quorum tamen gravissimas, justissimasque causas ac rationes ignorant, mirum est quod interim ipsi non advertant apud ipsos plurima designari, quae optimis atque gravissimis viris jure optimo displiceant. Scire atque aveo, an ista tanquam honesta, & promiscue quibusvis Licita, ac Evangelicae veritati non repugnantia defendant: An secundum indulgentiam (ut dixit Apostolus) ad ea, dum à quibusdam fiunt, connivent, nequid gravius contingat, non idem omnibus itidémque permissuri. Illud prius, haud equidem credo illos esse facturos, nisi legis Machometanae potius quam Christianae assertores videri voluerint. Posterius hoc si faciunt, videant quomodo permittant, quae Christus, Apostoli, Evangelistae, atque adeo totius ecclesiae consensus districte ab initio, hu● usque prohibuit.  
Quod si fortè dixerint, ea jam quoque tolerari posse, eo quod ante Christum natum fuerunt, vel approbata vel tolerata; tunc enimvero causam nobis reddant, cur non & caetera toleremus, qu●cunque tunc legimus pari jure usitata; aut definiant quaenam hujus generis, aut quatenus erunt admittenda. Nam in Veteri Testamento expressum habemus olim patrem concubuisse cum filiabus, ut Loth, Socerum cum nuru, ut judam, patrem familias, nempe Abraham, cum ancilla pellice, conscia uxore, atque etiam id ultro suadente, nempe Sara, eundem ipsum uxorem suam, adhuc juvenculam, ac formosam, sororem nominasse, eámque Regibus, Pharaoni & Abimelech, ultro in concubitum permisisse. Praeterea, unum saepe hominem plures habuisse uxores, ut jacob & Mosen ipsum, legis latorem a Deo constitutum. Postremò, Principes multos, eosque nec illaudatos, praeter uxorum numerosa contubernia, Concub narum etiam greges aluisse: ut Davidem, Solomonem, etc. Nec Assuero vitio datur, quod singulis paene noctibus concubinam novam asciverit. Et Hester foemina Laudatissima, utpote quam ad Salutem populi sui Deus excitavir, quum esset judaea, & legi Mosaicae obnoxia, Assueri Regis cubiculum ante nuptias intravit. Quid pluribus opus, quum gravissimi autores Ambrose & Augustimus, disertis verbis affirment, hic Poligamiam, ille concubinatum, peccato tum caruisse, quando nec contra morem, nec contra praeceptum fierent, quae nunc & legibus & moribus pronuntiant esse contraria. Talia, inquam, constat apud Veteres fuisse usitata, nec a bonis quidem viris tunc temporis improbata. Quae vel omnia probabunt novi isti homines, & rerum novarum intro ductores, vel aliqua, vel nulla. Quod si Nulla dicant nobis, cur ista admiserunt? Si Aliqua, quur non & reliqua? Et praescribant nobis regulam, qua sciamus, quae sunt admittenda, quae vero rejicienda. Si Omnia (in qua sententia videtur esse Bucerus) quaeso te, qualem verum faciem, quantumque a priore mutatam in ecclesia Videbimus? Quam erunt confusa, inversa atque praepostera omnia? Sed adhuc proprius urgebimus eos, interrogabimusque: An non tantum quae sub lege facta sunt, sed etiam quae ante legem, & an non tantum, quae a Iudaeis, sed & quae a Gentibus fuerint usitata, veluti jure postliminij, ad exemplum revocabunt? Etsi illa tantum quur non haec aeque atque illa? Presertim quae a Sanctioribus & Sapientioribus viris, ut Socrate, Platone, Cicerone, etc. fuerint vel facta, vel approbata. Quod si utraque concedent, concedant & nobis Britannis, more majorum nostrorum, denas, duodenasque uxores habere insimul communes, & maximè fratres cum ●ratribus, parentes cum liberis. Quod aliquando in hac insula usitatum fuisse Caesar, non ignobilis author, testatur in Commentarijs. Concedant foeminis Christianis, quod Solon suis Atheniensibus concesserat, ut quae viros parum ad rem Veneream idoneos sortita● fuissent, aliquem ex mariti propinquis impune admitterent. Concedunt quod Lycurgus coneessit Viris Lacedaemonijs, ut qui minus esset ad procreandam prolem idoneus, alteri cui vellet suam conjugem impregnandam daret, & prolem precariò sibi natam ut propriam suo nomine nuncuparet. Aut denique quod Romanorum legibus permissum erat, ut qui satis liberorum procreasse●, uxorem suam alteri commodaret prolem desideranti. Id quod & Cato vir gravissimus, sapientissimusque habitus, Hortentio amico suo legitur fecisse. Talia cum probata fuerint antiquitus viris sapientissimis, ac Philosophorum legumque latorum optimis & sanctissimis, ut Platoni, Xenophonti, Catoni, etc. quum eadem fuerint moribus recepta Hebraeorum, Graecorum, Latinorum (quorum populorum Respublicas & Politeias constat optimè fuisse constitutas, & ab omnibus scriptoribus maximè celebratas) age, faciamus, & nos, si deo placet, similia, & Christianis fratribus permittamus facienda. Imo Christus Opt. Max. tam foeda, tamque incestuosa connubiorum portenta a sua sancta ecclesia dignetur avertere, nunc & in diem Domini, Amen.  
Haec Ego ad te potissimum, Charissime Osiander, in presentia scribenda duxi propter eam, quae inter nos est, & jam diu fuit, summam necessitudinem & familiaritatem, quamvis putem, atque adeo certo sciam, te ab hujusmodi tam absurdis & moribus & opinionibus quam alienissimum esse. Cum caeteris Vestratibus Doctoribus levior & minus arcta michi intercedit amicitia, cujus ipsius quoque fateor me multum paeniteret, si scirem hos esse fructus novi Evangelij ab ipsis tantopere jactitati, & a vobis quoque hactenus, ut putabamus, non temere aliqua ex parte probati. Bene vale. Dat Lambeth xxvij mo. Decembr.  
Tui Amantissimus, T. Cantuarien.   

NUM. XXX. The French Kings Licence to print the English Bible in Paris.  
FRanciscus, &c. Dilectis nobis Richardo Grafton & Edwardo Whitchurch, 
Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 326.  Anglis, & Civibus Londini, Salutem. Quia fide digna testimonia accepimus, quod carissimus frater noster Anglorum Rex, Vobis cujus Subditi estis Sacram Bibliam tam Latinè quam Britannicè sive Anglicè imprimendi, & imprimi curandi, & in suum regnum apportandi & transferendi, libertatem sufficientem & legitimam concesserit: Et Vos, tum propter chartam, tum propter alias honestas considerationes, animos vestros in hac parte justè moventes, dictam Bibliam sic imprimendam Parisijs infra hoc nostrum regnum curaveritis, ac in Angliam quamprimum transmittere intenderitis: NOS, ut haec vobis facere liceat potestatem facientes, vobis conjunctim & divisim, ac Procuratoribus, Factoribus, & Agentibus vestris & cujuslibet vestrum, ut in regno nostro apud Chalcographum quemcúnque dictam Sacram Bibliam, tam Latina quam Anglicana lingua, tuto imprimere, & excudere possitis, & possint: necnon excusa & impressa in Angliam duntaxat sine ulla perturbatione aut molestia vel impedimento quocúnque, transmittere & apportare: Dummodo quod sic imprimitis & excuditis, sincerè & purè, quantum in Vobis erit, citra ullas privatas aut illegitimas opiniones, impressum & excusum fuerit: Et onera ac officia mercatoria nobis & ministris nostris, debite in hac parte extiterint persoluta; licentiam nostram impartimur & concedimus specialem per praesentes. Dat. etc.   

NUM. XXXI. Three Discourses of ABp. Cranmer, occasioned upon his review of the King's Book, entitled, The Erudition of a Christian man.  

I. FAITH.  
THIS Book speaks of pure Christian Faith unfeigned, which is without colour, as well in heart as in mouth. He, 
MSS. C. C. CC. Miscellan. D.  that hath this Faith, converteth from his sin, repenteth him, that he like Filius prodigus, vainly consumed his Will, Reason, Wits and other goods, which he received of the mere benefit of his heavenly father, to his said Father's displeasure: and applieth himself wholly to pleas him again: and trusteth assuredly, that for Christ's sake he will, and doth remit his sins, withdraweth his indignation, delivereth him from his sin, from the power of the Infernal spirits, taketh him to his mercy, and maketh him his own son, and his own heir. And he hath also the very Christian Hope, that after this life he shall reign ever with Christ in his kingdom. For S. Paul saith, Si filij sumus, & haeredes, haeredes quidem Dei, cohaeredes autem Christi. This is the very pure Christian Faith and Hope, which every good Christian man ought to profess, Believe, and Trust: and to say of himself even as job said, Scio quod Redemptor meus vivit, etc.  
And as for the other Faith, that the Good shall arise unto Glory, and the evil unto pain, or, that those that persevere in God's precepts and laws, so long as they so do, they be the right Inheritors of his kingdom, this is not the commendation of a Christian his Faith, but a most certain proposition, which all the Devils believe most certainly. And yet they shall never have their sins forgiven by this Faith, nor be Inheritors of God's kingdom. Because they lack the very Christian Faith: and not trusting to the goodness and mercy of God for their own offences. But they hate God, envy his glory, and be utterly in despair.  
For the more large Declaration of the Christian Faith, it is to be considered, that there is a general Faith; which all that be christened, as well good as evil, have. As to believe that God is; that he is the Maker and Creator of all things: and that Christ is the Saviour and Redeemer of the world: and for his sake all penitent sinners shall have remission of their sins: And that there shall be a general resurrection at the end of this mortal World; At the which Christ shall judge all the Good to joy without end, and the Evil to pain without end; with such other like things. And all these things the Devils also believe, and tremble for fear and grievousness of God's indignation and torments, which they shall endure, and ever shall do. But they have not the right christian Faith, that their own sins by Christ's redemption be pardoned and forgiven; that themselves by Christ be delivered from God's wrath, and be made his beloved children, and heirs of his kingdom to come. The other Faith have all Devils and wicked christian people, that be his Members. But this pure christian Faith have none but those that truly belong to Christ, and be the very Members of his body, and endeavour themselves to persevere in his precepts and laws: although many pretend to have the same pure Faith, which nevertheless have it not, but only in their mouths. For as there is a lie in the mouth, and a lie in the heart; even so there is a faith in the mouth, and a faith in the heart. Examine every man, if he Trust in God, and Love God above all things. And in word he will answer, Yea. But examine every man's acts and deeds, and surely in a great number their acts and deeds condemn their words. For they walk after their own Wills and pleasures, and not after God's commandments. And Christ himself saith, Qui diligit me, mandata mea servat. And S. john saith, Qui dicit se nosse deum, & mandata ejus non custodit, mendax est. And therefore all those, that bridle not their own appetites, but follow them, and accomplish the will of their own carnal minds, they trust in God, and trust God no further, than the lips. And if they persuade themselves, that they trust in God, and love God in their hearts, and be of any estimation before God, then be they much deceived; and as S. Paul saith, they deceive their own hearts. Our own flesh and carnal mind is contrary to the Spirit, and motion of God. And they, saith S. Paul, that belong unto Christ, do crucify their flesh with the affections and lusts thereof. And contrary he saith, They that follow the lusts of the flesh shall not inherit the kingdom of God. These be very notable, and fearful sentences unto all such as be not repentant, but live after their own wills, and not after God's will: neither have the right faith, nor Love unto God, nor shall be inheriters of his kingdom. And though Christ hath paid a sufficient ransom for all the sins in the World, and is a sufficient Redeemer and Saviour of all the World; yet shall they have no part thereof. For they belong not unto Christ, and Christ utterly refuseth them for his, which have Faith and Love only in their mouths, and have not the same engraven in their hearts, and expressed in their actions and deeds.  
And so he goes on more largely to illustrate this argument of the necessity of more than a mere faith in the mouth. Afterwards the Discourse thus proceeds.  
If as treacle, kept only in the mouth, doth not remedy poison in the whole body; but the treacle must enter down into the body; and than it altereth the whole body, and expels all venom and poison: In like manner, he whose profession of his faith is only in his mouth, and altereth not his evil life, is not forgiven his sins; is not delivered from hell, nor from the power of Devils; is not made the son of God: but continueth still in his poison of sin, in the wrath and indignation of God, and in the damnation of the wicked in hell.  
But if the profession of our faith of the remission of our own sins, enter within unto the deepness of our hearts, than it must needs kindle a warm fire of Love in our hearts towards God, and towards all others for the love of God; a fervent mind to seek and procure God's honour, will and pleasure in all things; a good will and mind to help every man, and to do good unto them so far, as our Might, Wisdom, Learning, Council, Health, Strength, and all other gifts, which we have received of God, will extend: And in summa, a firm intent and purpose to do all that is good, and leave all that is evil. This is the very right, pure, perfect, lovely, christian, hearty, and justifying Faith, which worketh by Love, as S. Paul saith, and suffereth no venom or poison of sin to remain within the heart: (Acts 15. Fide Deus purificans corda.) But gendereth in the heart a hatred unto all sin, and makes a sinner clean a new man; and is the Faith which every christian man ought to profess in his Creed. And of this Faith runneth all our Paraphrasis upon the same. For as for the other feigned, pretended, hypocritical and adulterate Faith in the mouth, it is but only a painted visor before men▪ but before God it is hollow within, dead, rotten, and nothing worth.   

II. JUSTIFICATION.  
AND for a further Declaration, to know how we obtain our Justification, it is expedient to consider first, how naughty and sinful we are all, that be of Adam's kindred: and chose, what mercifulness is in God, which to all faithful and penitent sinners, pardoneth all their offences for Christ's sake. Of these two things no man is lightly ignorant, that ever hath heard of the fall of Adam, which was to the infection of all his posterity: and again, of the inexplicable mercy of our heavenly father, which sent his only begotten Son to suffer his most grievous passion for us, and shed his most precious blood, the price of our Redemption. But it is greatly to be wished and desired, that as all Christian men do know the same, so that every man might acknowledge himself a miserable sinner, not worthy to be called his son; and yet surely trust, that to him being repentant God's mercy is ready to forgive. And he that seeth not these two things verified in himself, can take no manner of emolument or profit, by knowledging and believing the said things to be verified in others. But we cannot satisfy our minds, settle our conscience, that these things be true, saving that we do evidently see, that God's word so teacheth us. The Commandments of God lay our faults before our eyes; which putteth us in fear and dread, and maketh us see the wrath of God against our sins. As S. Paul saith, Per legem agnitio peccati. Et, Lex iram operatur. And maketh us sorry and repentant, that ever we should come into the displeasure of God, and the captivity of the Devil.  
The gracious and benign promises of God, by the mediation of Christ, showeth us, and that to our great relief and comfort, whensoever we be repentant and return fully to God in our hearts, that we have forgiveness of our sins, be reconciled to God, and be accepted and reputed just and righteous in his sight, only by his grace and mercy, which he doth grant and give unto us for his dearly beloved Sons sake, Jesus Christ, who paid a sufficient ransom for our sins; whose blood doth wash away the same; whose bitter and grievous passion is the only pacifying oblation, that putteth away from us the wrath of God his Father: Whose sanctified body, offered on the Cross, is the only Sacrifice of sweet and pleasant Savour, as S. Paul saith; that is to say, of such sweetness and pleasantness to the Father, that for the same he accepteth and reputeth of like sweetness all them, that the same offering doth serve for. These benefits of God with innumerable others, whosoever extendeth and well pondereth in his heart, and thereby conceiveth a firm trust and feeling of God's mercy, whereof springeth in his heart a warm love, fervent heat of zeal towards God: It is not possible, but that he shall fall to work, and be ready to the performance of all such works, as he knoweth to be acceptable unto God.  
And these works only, which follow Justification, do please God; forasmuch as they proceed from a heart endued with pure faith and love to God. But the works which we do before our Justification, be not allowed and accepted before God, although they appear never so great and glorious in the sight of men. For after our Justification only begin we to work, as the law of God requireth: then we shall do all good works willingly, although not so exactly as the Law requireth, by means of the infirmity of the flesh, nevertheless by the merits and benefits of Christ, we being sorry, that we cannot do all things no more tightly and duly, all our Works shallbe accepted and taken of God as most exquisite, pure and perfect. Now they that think they may come to Justification by performance of the Law, by their own deeds and merits, or by any other means, than is above rehearsed, they go from Christ, they renounce his grace. Evacuati estis a Christo, saith S. Paul, Gal. 5. Quicunque in lege justificamini; a gratia excidistis. They be not partakers of his justice, that he hath procured, or the merciful benefits that be given by him. For S. Paul saith, (a general rule for all them, that will seek such by-paths to obtain Justification,) Those, saith he, that will not knowledge the justice, or righteousness, which cometh by God, but go about to advance their own righteousness, shall never come to that righteousness, which we have by God, which is the righteousness of Christ. By whom only all the Saints in Heaven, and all others that have been saved, have been reputed righteous, and justified. So that to Christ our only Saviour and Redeemer, of whose Righteousness both their, and our Justification doth depend, is to be transcribed all the glory thereof.   

III. FORGIVENESS of Injuries.  
THese two may stand both well together: that we as private persons may forgive all such as have trespassed against us with all our heart, and yet that the public ministers of God may see a redress of the same trespasses that we have forgiven. For my forgiveness concerns only mine own person, but I cannot forgive the punishment and correction, that by God's ordinance is to be ministered by the superior power. For in so much as the same trespass, which I do forgive, may be the maintenance of vice, not only of the offendor, but also of others taking evil example thereby, it lies not in me to forgive the same. For so should I enterprise in the office of another, which by the ordinance of God be deputed to the same. Yea, and that such justice may be ministered to the abolishment of vice and sin, I may, yea and rather, as the cause shall require, I am bound to make relation to the superior powers, of the enormities and trespasses, done to me and others: and being sorry, that I should have cause so to do, seek the reformation of such evil doers, not as desirous of vengeance, but of the amendment of their Lives. And yet I may not the more cruelly persecute the matter, because the offence is peradventure done towards me: but I am to handle it as if it were done to any other, only for the use of the extirpation of sin, the maintenance of justice and quietness: Which may right well stand with the ferventnes of charity, as the Scripture testifieth. Non oderis fratrem tuum in cord tuo, sed publicè argue eum, ne habeas super illo peccatum. Levit 19 So that this may stand with charity, and also the forgiveness that Christ requireth of every one of us.  
And yet in this doing, I must forgive him with all my heart, as much as lies in me; I must be sorry, that sin should have so much rule in him; I must pray to God to give him repentance for his misdeeds; I must desire God, that for Christ's sake he will not impute the sin unto him, being truly repentant, and so to strengthen him in grace, that he fall not again so dangerously. I think I were no true christian man, if I should not thus do. And what other thing is this, than as much as lieth in me, with all my heart to remit the trespass? But I may by the Laws require all that is due unto me by right. And as for the punishment and correction, it is not in my power to enterprise therein: but that only belongeth to the superior powers, to whom, if the grievousness of the cause shall require by the Commandment, which willeth us to take away the evil from among us, we ought to show the offences, and complain thereof. For he would not that we should take away the evil, but after a just and lawful means, which is only, by the ordinance of God, to show the same to the Superior Powers, that they may take an order in it, according to God's judgement and justice.    

NUM. XXXII. Other Discourses of Archbishop Cranmer.  

I. De Consolation Christianorum contra metum mortis. Ex Doctoribus Ecclesiasticis.  
IF death of the body were to be feared, then theym, which have power to kill the body should we fear, 
MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. D.  lest they do their exercise over us, as they may at their pleasure. But our Saviour forbids us to fear them, because when they have killed the body, than they can do no more to us. Wherefore it is plain, that our Saviour would not that we should fear death. To die, saith S. john Chrysostom, is to put off our old garments, and death is a pilgrimage of the spirit from the body: (He means, for a time) And a sleep, somewhat longer than the old custom. The fear of it, saith he, is nothing else, than the fear of Bugs, and a childish fear of that thing that cannot harm thee. Remember holy S. Ambrose's saying, which S. Augustin, lying on his death bed, ever had in his mouth, I do not fear to die; for we have a good and merciful Lord and Master. Lactantius, the great learned man confirms the saying of Cicero to be true, which said, that no man can be right wise, which feareth death, pain, banishment or poverty: and that he is the honest and virtuous man, which not regardeth what he suffers, but how well he doth suffer. Sedulius, one of disciples, defineth death to be the gate, by the which lieth the straight way unto reign and kingdom. Basilius, who as in name, so both in virtue and learning was great, thus he exhorteth us: O! man, saith he, shrink not to withstand your Adversaries, to suffer labours; abhor not death▪ for it destroys not, nor makes not an end of you, but it is the beginning and occasion of life. Nor death is the destruction of all things, but a departing, and a translation unto honours. And S. Hierom, the strong and stout champion of Almighty God, saith, declaring this saying of holy job, the day of death is better than the day of birth; that is, saith he, because other [either] that by death it is declared what we are, or else because our Birth doth bind our liberty of the soul with the body, and death do lose it.  
The holy Martyr Cyprian saith, he ought to fear death, that would not, nor hath no lust to go to Christ: and that he hath no will to God, the which believeth not, that by death, he shall begin to reign with Christ, as it is written, The right wise man liveth by faith. Wherefore, saith he, do not ask that the Kingdom of God may come, if this earthly bondage do delight us, etc.  
With a great deal more: all upon allegations.   

II. An Exhortation to take sickness well, and adversity patiently: drawn out of Cyprian.  
THis misliketh some men, that disease of sickness cometh to the Christian, no less then to the Heathen. As who should say, that therefore the Christian believeth, because he should be quiet from danger of Adversity, and might have the fruition of this world at his own pleasure: and not because that after he hath suffered adversity here, he shallbe reserved for the joy to come, etc.   

III. An Exhortation to take the pain of sickness patiently; Translated out of S. Augustin. Lib. 1. De Visitatione Infirmorum.  
THou wilt say, I love God: God grant, saith S. Augustin, that it be so indeed as thou promisest in words. The proof and trial of the love of God is the fulfilling of his Commandments, the fulfilling of his works, willingly to love that God loveth, with a fervent desire to embrace that, the which God worketh. Then if thou lovest God, thou lovest that that God doth, and if thou love that that God doth, than thou lovest God's discipline. When thou art chastened, thou lovest Gods rod. Thou art pained with the cough, the lungs faileth thee: thy stomach abhors his meat: thou pinest away with a Consumption: thou tastest not thy drink: thou art vexed within thy body: thou art grieved with many sundry and divers kinds of diseases. But all these, if thou have an eye to perceive, if thou reckon God, all these, I say, are the gifts of God. Son, cast not away the discipline of the Father. There is no child, which the Father doth not correct, etc.    

NUM. XXXIII. Interrogatories for Dr. London.  
WHether he commanded Serles upon Palm-Sunday Even, 
MSS. C. C C C. intit. Synodalia.  to write such Articles or Sermons, as had been preached in Kent: [by those of the New learning: Which Serles would have to be done by the Countenance of Cranmer.]  
Whether Serles brought the Articles upon Palm-Sunday.  
Whether he required Serles to go with him to the Council, to present the said Articles, or else to subscribe them with his hand. And Serles refused so to do, because they were not proved by Witnesses, but only by hear-say.  
Whether he threatened Serles, because he would not set to his hand; notwithstanding that Serles knew them not, but by hear-say.  
How Dr. London did find out Serles; and how long he had enquired for him before he could find him.  
Whether in the presence of Serles Dr. London did pen the Articles anew, otherwise than they were presented.  
Whether Serles said then to Dr. Willoughby, whom Dr. London had persuaded to go with him to the Council; Beware what you do: for you shall never be able to prove of this sort, that Dr. London doth now pen them.  
Whether beside the Book subscribed by divers Prebendaries and others of Cant. Dr. London made another great book of many more articles. Where that book is, and of whom he had his Instructions.  
What matters he knew against the ABp. of Cant. or others in Kent, before Palm-Sunday last passed, when he had Articles of Serles. And of whom he had such knowledge before the said day.  

Dr. Willoughbies' Confession and Submission; as to his meddling in the ABp. of Canterbury's business, under his own hand.  
HE declared, that he first met Serles at Dr. London's house at London, on Palm-Sunday, coming to London to speak with the Chamberlain of London. And then they opened the business first to him. That he was not able to say any thing against any one person mentioned in these Articles, more than by hear-say. That he and Gardiner had been gathering of matter a quarter of a year before. That he knew nothing that they minded any thing towards his Grace, till he saw it in writing: By whom, and whose devise God, the Devil and they know; he knew nothing for his part. And that it was the most deceitful and disobedient country in the world. As concerning their preferment of their Articles at the Sessions, he knew nothing of that neither. Nor was in Kent at that time, nor knew of no Sessions, as God should be his help. Nor that he spoke with any Justices of Peace in this matter; or that he was privy, that any of them did. That he told Mr. Moyle, and Mr. Thwaite [two eminent Justices] what Mr. London said to him, that the Justices all would be shent, because they suffered such preachings and contentions without doing any thing therein. That he only consented to bear the name of putting up of these matters [that is, of preferring the Articles to the Sessions.] He acknowledged, that he said, he heard that it was in the Country in many places: lying upon himself like a fool: and yet that he never came before the Council, nor never minded. But to avoid the suspicion, he made much babbling, bringing himself into much slander.  
And for this doing he submitted himself to God, and my Lord's Grace. That, by his Father, [a sort of oath] he had no dealing with Pettit; nor any other Lawyer, or did know what they did, as to indictment, or any other thing thereunto belonging: nor ever reasoned with Pettit about any such matter. What effect or head they intended to bring this matter unto, God knoweth: Most likely to subdue his Grace's power. That they had good hope to have had other Commissioners, than his Lordship. So London promised them at the beginning, or else they would not have meddled so much, as they did: and especially against his Grace. That as concerning their authority, he suspected they took it of London's presumption, seeing him go forward against such men of Worship [meaning the late Indictments of so many eminent persons at Windsor] and of the rigour in handling and fetching up of Persons.   

Another Confession of Dr. Willoughby.  
MR. Serles manitimes resorted home to me, and still lay upon me to put up Articles that he and they should devise, because I was the King's Grace's Chaplain. Whereupon I granted, so they might be provable and true. And so it fortuned in Passion week, He and I on Friday in the same week road to London, and on Saturday he had be with Dr. London, and put up his Articles, (nothing to my knowledge, that he had any) and promising him, that he would put them up himself. And on Palm-Sunday in the morning he sent for me, and prayed me to go with him to Mr. London: and so I did. And there (woe worth them both, London and Serles, who is ordained to cause much trouble) He told London that I would put up the articles: and so asked me the Question. And I bade him read them, for I never saw them before, nor knew whether they were true or false: and so I told him. And Serles said, ye know, it is openly spoken. And I said, though I hear such things, I am not sure they be true: and also here is no record to affirm them true: Which methink were row [rough] matter, knowing neither party nor record. And therefore seeing Serles hath put them to you, let him present them himself. Then Mr. London said, I have showed them to part of the Council already: and chid sore with Serles, saying, that he would show the truth, who brought them. Then said Dr. London to me, pu● ye them up, knowing such shameful Articles presented here before your own face, it shall be hard for you to bide the danger hereof, knowing the Kings will is to have it so. And also fear not; for I have set such a spectacle before you at Windsor, in bringing to light abominable heresies: at the which the King's Majesty was astonished, and wondered, angry both with the doers and bearers. And therefore if ye shrink herein, ye shall show yourself not to be herein the King's true subject. Therefore seeing ye be his Chaplain, ye did him never such service, as ye may do herein, to present them for your discharge. For now ye shall not be rid of them, and ye would. [Having heard them read, and so being privy to them.]  
And with this threatening and fear I was content. And so Dr. London wrote them new, and added to them at his pleasure: wherewith both Serles and I were vexed. Meaning, as he said, to bring the matter into the Justice's hon, and certain of the spiritualty; whose names Serles recited at his request: Saying to us, it would never be known to be our doing. And so was I fain to take the old Copy with me into Kent, to get them recorded. And he sent his Copy to my L. of Winchester. And so when I came down into Kent, remembering this Article to be put up in my name, and neither had record, nor knew them to be true, I came to the Prebend of Christschurch, and brought with me the Articles, being all of Serles hand, and gathering of him, and them among themselves: and bade me ask for one Salisbery that had the key of his chamber, for certain other writings, and copy all in one, and set their hands to them: and Mr. Gardiner to sign for himself, and Serles to boot. I could get neither writing nor sign. And so I went up again: and told London of it with a heavy heart. Then Mr. London told me, I should tell Mr. Moyle, that the Council said to him▪ that the Justices of every shire should be shent, that such things should be, and not brought to knowledge. For if every Justice had done his duty, according to the King's Injunctions, such enormities need not to have been. And I told Mr. Moyle and Mr. Thwaites both, what I heard of London. Also Mr. London came to Mr. Moils Lodging one day, and talked with him his mind, as may fortune he hath better in remembrance then I. But then I heard him tell Mr. Moyle, how he took up my L. of Cant. before the Council. Then the next day I came to Mr. Moyle again; and because he heard, that the Council should say so, and also had other Commandments for his discharge, sent certain letters to Mr. Thwaites, Mr. Walter Moyle, Mr. Green and Mr. Norton, to search out any Priest that lacked a crown with such Articles as the Country rumoured of. Whereupon each of them sent up some: And then the Prebendaries wrote up apace. And Mr. Moyle brought all that came to his hand to my L. of Cant. And therewith Mr. London was angry, and said he would mar al.  
Then I went down into Kent again, and brought up the Articles, wherein was matter against my L. of Cant. and received them of Mr. Gardiner on Good-Friday or Easter-Even. Mr. Shether copied them again. Which Articles they prayed me to carry to my L. of Winchester. And I kept it, and let Dr. London see it. And he caused me to send it down to be signed with the hands of them. And so I did, and kept the Copy. And then, when I had it signed, I kept it still, till their coming. And they took it of me, and carried it to the Council themselves. And Dr. London had a copy of them, or else before. And they told me, they had great comfort of my L. of Winchester, and of Mr. Baker both  
Also Dr. London brought me by commandment of mine allegiance, to go with him to the Council chamber door; meaning to have me in before the Council. But he went in, and told them of my being there; giving me this lesson, that I should say. My Lords all; It is so, that the King's Majesty and his Honourable Council hath been at great charges, and taken great pains, to set a good and a godly way among us. And for all that, in Kent among us we have the most enormous heresies, that may be. And because I heard of this gracious tidings, that his will and pleasure is, that every man in pain of his Allegiance to bring in what he knoweth, or else hereafter we know, and would not speak it, our damage would be thence. And because of this, I come for my discharge to show this. But I came not in, nor spoke with none: their business was so much.  
Also the next day after Dr. London carried me to my L. Privy Seals chamber, and the Articles with us. But he had no leisure to see them.  
Also the next day after that I had been with my L. Privy Seal, Dr. London carried me to my L. of Winchester. And there he was carried in to my Lords secret chamber: and tarried there an hour, and had his Articles new copied with him. And in the next day, in the morning betimes, I went there to speak with my L. of Winchester myself. And I spoke with him, and prayed him, that the Articles that Mr. London brought, should not be put up in my name, for I knew not the matter; but in the names of them that sent them. And he said, he would. And another time I came to my L. of Winchester, and brought a roll from Mr. London: and then I prayed him again, that he would not put them up in my name, and had him recommended from Mr. Gardiner, that he would be good Lord to him for a business of for he had taken great pains in this matter. But he made me no promise. And also my L. of Winch. bad me not fear to do my duty. And the matter were not to be bide by, the doers should bear the blame, and not the presenter. It is all our duties to stand in such things, as are contrary to the King's Injunctions.  
And here is all that ever I did in this matter, as I can remember: and all the Council that ever I came before in this matter, or any other. But thus by the comforting in this matter of my L. of Winchester, and Dr. London's threatenings, have brought myself in great dangers with other men's matters Nothing of myself, that I can either see or prove, nor never did. But busied myself with other men's Articles: Yet had I never done it, and London had not been, that threat me to be no true subject. woe worth them both, he and Serles: for by their false inventions I am shamed. If their Articles be false, punish the Inventors with shame: for shameful matters, and many have been gathered among them.  
Also Mr. London commanding both Serles and me, that in any wise we should get as much matter as could be devised: for it would be the goodliest deed, and the most bounden duty to our Prince, that ever we did.  
Also Mr. Shether sent his man to me on Sunday before Al-Solne day, bidding me in any wise not to be known of nothing: for that they had uttered nothing themselves. And that I should go to his brother Parson, and I should know more. But he was sworn not to write to me: but he had written to his brother all his mind; and of him I should knowal. For Mr. Dr. Cocks, and Mr. Hossy, as he thought, was sent to catch me. And therefore he sent his man to be afore. And if I did speak with them, I should say, that I received no letter, but of Cockson, which is dead. And this was but to bring me in danger, and skuse themselves. And if I come before the Council, I will bide by all this: for it is true. But it is impossible for a man, to have every day or time in remembrance, that hath been done or said in a year. But I put all to God's grace, and the Kings, and to your Lordship.  
Also, I asked Shethers man, whether he had been with my L. of Winch. since the coming down of my Lord's Grace. And he said, Yea: and told my Lord, how all was handled here among us. And my L. of Winch. answered and said, My Lord of Cant. could not kill them. Therefore suffer. For all was against himself that he did. And he should see, what would come of it.  
Also, at the coming up of the Prebendaries to London, Mr. Shether put the Articles and Writings to Mr. Ford, that married his Sister; that he should write them. Which was a great book of two day's labour. What was the Contents thereof I know not. I think all the whole Articles compiled together.  
Also Mr. Dr. Thornton in the Ale [Alley] before my door in London, I desired him to speak to my L. of Cant. or some of his Officers, to instruct him, that I never put up Articles against any man in my life. And he bade me stick to it, and be not afraid. For he had spoken to the Council his mind therein, as he was bound: and so be ye, being the King's Chaplain: or else hereafter it would be laid to your charge.  
By me john Willughby.   

Another Writing of Willoughby.  
ABout Avent Mr. Serles preached at home with me at Chillam, and there he talked of his trouble: Saying, he had put up certain Articles to the King's Majesty: And yet they were so cloaked, that his Grace never saw them. Whereupon at his return he was laid in prison. And so he lay upon me, and moved me, to put up such Articles, as he and his company should devise. Whereupon I granted, so they might be true and provable. So I heard no more of this, till Passion-Sunday. For that day he preached with me again. At which time he told me, he would to London that week, and so to Oxford. And I promised to ride with him. And so I did, meaning no more of this matter, than the child unborn. Mine errand was to speak with the Chamberlain of London. So on Palm●Sunday in the morning, he sent his man for me to come meet him in Paul's. And so I did meet him there. And so he prayed me to go to Dr. London with him. Which man I never saw before, of my faith. But he had been with him the night before, and put up his Articles: promising him, that he would go on Monday in the Morning with him to the Court, and put them up before the Council; as Mr. Lond. said before his face. And in the morning he was clean changed; saying to Mr. London, that there was one Willoughby, that came to the Town with him, which had promised him, that whensoever we will bring our Articles unto him, he will present them. And so Dr. London told me, that Serles said so unto him; and hereupon he moved me. And I desired to hear them: And so they were read unto me. Which things methought were but trifles. And I said, they were of no effect, to present before the Council: and also neither knew, nor could affirm none of them to be true: Saying, let Serles put them up, that brought them hither. For here is no record to affirm none of these to be true. Then said Serles, ye know that all the Country doth speak of these. And I said, though I did hear part of them, yet I am not able to say, that one of them is true. And because ye know them perfect, and the doers of them, and have also brought them hither, it is most meet for you to answer to them. And then Mr. London said, that he had showed them to part of the Council, and to my L. of Winchester. For I see the Copy that was sent to my Lord, was of London's own hand. For he that copied them out before us, was a Gentleman of my L. winchester's, or to him belonging, Mr. London's Copy lying before him. This appeareth, that this matter was consulted before: Serles can tell what the man was; (and so cannot I,) that did write them. But as I now remember, it was Germane. [that is, Germane Gardner.]  
By me john Willoughby.   

Gardiner's penitent letter unto the Archbishop.  
GEntle father. Whereas I have not born so good, so tender a heart towards you as a true child ought to bear, and as you never gave unto me occasion otherwise, but rather by benefits provoked me unto the contrary, I ask of you with as contrite a heart, as ever did David ask of God, mercy. And I desire you to remember the prodigal Child: Which although from his father swarving, yet into favour received again, to receive me, although unkindly now by folly I did forsake you, and not born my heart so lovingly, so truly towards you, as in dutifulness I should have done. I am full sorry for my fault. And yet, Good father, be you well assured, as I opened my conscience unto you at my last communing with you, that I never did bear malice against you. But the greatest cause, that ever occupied my heart against you, and for the which I did bear my heart so little towards you, was, as God shall save the Soul of me, that I saw so little quietness among us, and so great jars in Christ's religion: Supposing, that by your permission and sufferance, (which was not so, as I do now perceive) That it did arise unto the great grief of my conscience. I condescended the sooner unto the making of the book against your Grace, when I was thereunto moved by that same suggester, Willoughby: Where and of whom he took occasion to bring his bills unto Canterbury, I know not. Good father, for my setting forth the same book, partly by me made, heartily confessing my rashness, and indeliberate doings, I ask of you mercy. Requiring of you, of your charity, to impute the great fault of it unto those, which ministered unto me occasion; and to remit unto me my lightness. For of truth I was greatly seduced. Remember, Good father, that our Parent was seduced, and yet of God forgiven. Forgive me, Good father. By whom I was seduced, my Confession doth declare. And, Father, if it shall please you now, more of your goodness then of my deserving, (punishment and that sharp I have deserved) to forgive unto me this my fault and unkindness: You shall never hereafter perceive in me, but that at all times I shall be as obedient, and as true unto you, as ever was child unto his natural father. If otherwise at any time you find of me, never trust me, never do for me; but utterly without all favour cast me into pain, as possible is for a wretch to suffer. Gentle Father, ponder my grief, which is at my heart not little. And through your goodness remitting unto me my unkindness, and granting mercy with liberty, I desire your Grace to set me into ease, both of heart and body. I am yours, and shall be yours; and that truly, while I live.  
God prosper your Grace per me William Gardiner.  
Good father, I have given myself unto you, heart, body and service; and you have taken me unto you. Now remember me, that I am your true servant.   

Another letter of Gardener to the Archbishop.  
MOst Honourable Prelate. Due commendations premised, These be to give thanks unto your Grace, for that that you did yesterday, so favourably, as my sending for unto your presence: Whom I thought that I should never (pensiveness lay so sore at my heart) have seen again. And among all your Communications, that your Grace had unto me, I noted these words of highest comfort. Your Grace did note that I did call you father in my Writings, you said unto me yesterday, You call me father: In good faith I will be a Father unto you indeed. Words of high comfort unto me. Besides this, Most honourable Lord, you promised that I should have a book of all Articles laid in against me, to make answer unto them. I beseech your Grace that I may so have. For there is nothing that I have done or known to be done, but if I can call it into remembrance, I will truly open it. God prosper your Grace.  
By yours, and ever shall be, William Gardiner.   

Shethers letter of Submission to the Archbishop.  
MY duty always remembered unto your gracious Lordship. I most humbly beseech the same to have compassion upon me your prisoner. And for as much as I think, by the Articles, which Mr. joseph mentioned, that your Grace hath not only the Articles subscribed with the Witness hands, but also other Articles: Which I noted since that time; as I heard by Mr. Gardiner, Coxton, Morice and others. So that your Gracious Lordship knoweth all, that ever I have heard. Pleaseth it your Lordship to understand, that many of those Articles last noted were of the Book, that was presented to my L. of Winchester, as unperfect and not proved: as indeed many could never be justified, as far as ever I heard. And therefore my L. of Winchester sent it again, as I have said in my first declaration. And it was never willed to be showed as true. But, Gracious Lord, whether I have offended in that, that I noted those Articles, after that I was willed by Mr. Baker, to mark the chiefest fautors of new opinions, I refer it to your gracious judgement: and whatsoever shall be thought (as nothing can be hid, nor I would should not, of any my life, from any of you both,) that I have offended in; I beseech you both of your mercy and favour, and to be good to me, Instantly and briefly (for I am loath to trouble you, or to seem to mistrust your goodness) desiring you to have in remembrance my weak nature, and the long and solatory durance I have suffered, with grievous vexation of mind. And for refreshing thereof to Licence me to eat and drink at meals with company: and being so nigh my chamber, that I may remain in the same: to the intent I may pass the time with my own Books. Heartily desiring your Good Lp. that notwithstanding any thing heretofore done, or how ever I have before wandered, not conformably to your gracious advertisement or expectation: yet Gracious Lord, accept a poor heart, which would gladly be received into your fatherly favour again, to declare his faithful mind, he hath conceived towards your Goodness, upon such pity as your Gracious Lp. hath showed, and I trust now will, in his extreme need. Assuring your Grace that my whole confidence and only trust is reposed in your goodness only, and gentle Mr. Doctors; 
Dr. Legh.  Whose native merciful hearts, as they have be declared oftentimes towards many, so I most meekly beseech you both mercifully to interpretate my acts, and declare your pity in releasing my sorrows as shortly as shall seem convenient to your Wisdoms. For whom I will not cease to be a perpetual Orator to Almighty God. I most heartily desire to know your Gracious pleasure in the premises, and especially whether your Lordship hath the Book subscribed with the Witness hands or no. For although that, in the Copy of my brother's book, it appeareth who hath subscribed to other Articles of Mr. Drum and Mr. Scory and others, which I do not remember.  
Your Gracious prisoner Edmond Shether.   

Milles letter of submission.  
MOst Reverend Father in God, My humble duty remembered unto your Grace. And I know right well in that I subscribed unto certain articles (though unadvisedly) have showed great unkindness unto your Grace in so doing. And again, for that have deserved little kindness at your Grace's hand, and do now suffer cold imprisonment at your Grace's pleasure. Which is very tedious painful unto me, and as I fear, great danger might ensue unto me, by augmenting that cold and cough, that I have taken before, and now increaseth. Besides the inward pensiveness of heart taken, for this my rash fact, at other men's light motion, as others of my company did: Which now I think lamenteth them much: yea so much, that at such time as I have been in company with them, I have heard them say, that they could not sleep, neither eat that thing, or drink, that did do them much good, as I am one of them. Wherefore, most gracious Lord, these premises and others considered, by the which sickness of body may not the heart waist, this shall be to humbly beseech your Grace to mercifully entreat me, and that now I may find some drop of mercy at your Grace's hands, for this my imprisonment. Assuring your Grace that I shall take this punishment for my Learning; and not at any time hereafter to be so lightly alured at any man's motion to put so unadvisedly my hand, or consent to any such matter hereafter. Now, Gracious Lord, show pity and mercy unto me, which I do ask of your Grace, and do heartily desire it with weeping eye, and sorrowful heart, as knoweth God.  
By your john Myllys.    

NUM. XXXIV. A letter prepared for the King to sign, to ratify certain Ecclesiastical lawes.  
HENRICUS octavus Dei gratia, Angliae & Franciae Rex, Fidei Defensor, & Dorhinus Hiberniae, ac in terris Anglicanis sub Deo Caput supremum: Omnibus Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Clericis, Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, Generosis, ac aliis cujuscunque generis hominibus, subditis & Legiis nostris, per Regnum nostrum, & Dominia nostra ubilibet commorantibus, Salutem, & Evangelicae Veritatis incrementum.  
Cum VOS optimi cives mei mihique charissimi, me nunc unum atque solum hujus Regni Principem, in terrisque secundum Deum, hujus Ecclesiae Anglicanae unicum supremúmque Caput, quemadmodum divini atque humani juris ratio postulat, potestatémque tam Ecclesiasticae quam Mundanae politiae mihi Majoribusque meis, ipso jure divino concessam (verum multis seculis unius Romani Episcopi malitia, fraude, dolis atque astutia ereptam) ad Me & Successores meos pertinere una voce, uno omnium assensu agnoscitis, non possum in dies magis magisque, muneris atque officij mei rationem non habere, deque illustranda Dei gloria, de Christianae pietatis vera doctrina propaganda, de imperij hujus incolumitate, & quiete tuenda, summa animi cura atque cogitatione non esse solicitus. Occurrant enim subinde animo meo verba illa, quae Sapientiae Cap. septimo habentur ad hunc modum: Audite Reges & intelligite, quoniam data est a Domino potestas Vobis, & Virtus ab Altissimo; qui interrogabit opera vestra, & scrutabitur cogitationes. Ad vos ergo, Reges, sunt hij Sermones mei, ut discatis Sapientiam, & ne excidatis. Qui enim custodit justitiam, justè judicabuntur, & qui didicerunt justa, invenient quid respondeant, etc. Hinc facile perspici potest exactissime a regibus potestatis suae reddendam esse rationem, illosque gravissimas manere poenas, si non, ut oportuit, in Rep. administranda sese gesserint.  
Quod si tanta cura, ac solicitudine quibuscunque regibus opus est, quam anxios igitur ac solicitos Christianos reges esse debere censendum est, quibus non politia modo Civilis, sed Ecclesiastica etiam potestas data est? Hos enim non tantum quae ad Humanam societatem pertinent, sed etiam quae divinae Christianaeque religioni maximè consentanea sunt, curare necesse est. Praesentem hujus saeculi faelicitatem principes Christianos ita metiri convenit, ut hac potestate sua ad Dei cultum dilatandum utantur, & in hoc incumbant, ut recta doctrina propagetur, orneturque Dei gloria.  
Cum igitur a Christianis Regibus justitiam in Imperio, pacis tuendae curam, pietatem, studium juvandae & ornandae religionis Christianae exigi animadverterem, nihil mihi potius esse debere judicabam, quam ut omnes inirem rationes, quo minus in hoc meo regno haec a me desiderentur, & quo ad possem, muneri imposito satisfacerem. Hoc ut facilius, expeditiusque praestare valeam, non ignoratis vos, quantam curam adhibuerim in illis rebus promovendis tuendisque, quae huic negotio maximè conducere, atque adjumento esse videbantur; quae contra impedire atque obesse visa sunt, quanto studio tollere ac delere conatus s●m, assiduéque conor. Abunde enim vobis declaratum hactenus fuit, quam in hac nostra Britannia, multis retro saeculis, Episcopi Romani vis injusta, ac non ferenda, sacro sancto divino numini inimica fuit; quantopere religioni Christianae, verae doctrinae propagandae adversata est, quantum hujus Reip. pacem ac tranquillitatem saepissimè interturbavit, potestatémque Regiam divinitus constitutam labefactando, debitam omnium obedientiam, a vero ac justo Principis sui imperio, contra o●ne jus divinum & humanum, ad se transferre ausus est. Hujus potestatem huic cum divino munere sublatam esse manifestum est, & nequid superesset, quo non planè fractam illius vim esse constaret, leges omnes, decreta atque instituta, quae ab authore Episcopo Romano profecto sunt, prorsus abroganda censuimus. Quorum loco, ut facilius imposterum Dei Opt. Max. gloria illustretur, & vera Philosophia Christiana regnumque Christi vigere possit, & quo omnia decenter & ordine in Christi hac ecclesia gerantur; en Vobis authoritate nostra editas leges damus, quas a Vobis omnibus suscipi, coli & observari volumus, & sub nostrae indignationis poena mandamus, ut vestra in Deum pietas, amor erga patriam, principemque Vestrum obedientia, non sine immensa divini Nominis gloria omnibus conspicua sit, ac vosmetipsos non minus de vestris rationibus solicitos ostendatis, quam ego vestra causa de officio fuerim meo, stricte praecipientes, ut his nostris constitutionibus vos omnes & ●inguli, tam in judicijs, quam in gymnarijs utamini, severè prohibentes. ne quisquam vestrum alias, praeter has, & regni nostri leges admittere praesumat. Valete.   

NUM. XXXV. The Bishop of Winchester to Archbishop Cranmer: relating to the Reformation of Religion.  
AFter my duty remembered to your Grace. 
Foxij MSS.  Your letters of the third came to my hands the of the same. And, upon the reading, and advised consideration of the matter in them, have thought requisite to answer unto them: and at length to open my mind frankly in some points of them. Tempering my words so, as I shall not be seen to have forgotten your place and condition ne such familiarity, as hath been between your G. and me. The remembrance of which familiarity maketh me speak as freely, as on the other side your estate brydeleth me to be more moderate in speech, than sum matter I shall hereafter speak of, would else suffer and permit.  
It greveth me much to read written from your G. in the beginning of your letters, how the King our late Sovereign was seduced, and in that he knew by whom he was compassed in that I call the King's Majesty's Book. Which is not his Book, because I call it so, but because it was indeed so acknowledged by the haul Parliament, and acknowledged so by your G. thenn, and all his life; which, as you afterwards write, ye commanded to be published and red in your Diocese, as his book: Against which by your G's speech ye commanded joseph he should not preach. All which I think your G. would not have done, if ye had not thought the book to have contained truth. And in the truth can be no seducing to it, as the King's book containeth; but from it. Which if it had been so, I ought to think your G. would not for all the Princes christened, being so high a Bishop, as ye be, have y●●●●ed unto. For Obedire oportet D●o, magis quam hominibus. And therefore after your G. hath four year continually lived in agreement of that doctrine under our late Sovereign Lord, now so suddenly after his death, to write to me, that his Highness was seduced, it is, I assure you, a very strange speech. Which if your G. should bring in to open contention, as I know your G. of your Wisdom, will not; But in that case will I, as an old servaunt of my late sovereign  
Much wanting.  
itself so many Calamities besides, whereof I have more laysor to think on, thenn your G. as my chance is now, which I reckon in this respect very good; After so many year's Service and in such trouble without danger passed over, to aryve in this haven of quietness without loss of any notable takel, as the Mariners say, (Which is a great matter as the wynds hath blown) And if the present estate in this world were to be considered, I have many times alleged for confirmation of th'opinion of some in religion And the Protestants take it for a great argument, to establish their proceed, that themperor was ever letted, when he went about to enterprise any thing against them, as Bucer declareth at great length in a letter written to the World. And how Sledanus was here in England, he told me the like at Windesore: and then Tanquam praedixit of the effect of certain eclipse: Adding▪ that I should see magnas mutationes. And so I have seen, and have heard mervelous changes sins that; but otherwise than Sledanus took it, and to destroy their fancies, if that were to be regarded. But for myself, I have seen my Sovereign Lord, with whom I consented in opinion, make the honourable conquest of Bolen, and honourably in his life maintain it. And after in honourable peace made, leave this world over soon to us: but that was due by him to be paid to nature, discharged it honourably; buried honourably with sorrow and lamentation of his servants and subgetts; and myself his poor servant, with a little fl●ebyting of this world, conveyed to an easy ast●te, without diminution of my reputation. And therefore when I hear fond alleged, or read more fond written, the favour toto, that is by B●l●, joy and joseph, or such like, newly called the Word of God, to be embraced for preservation of the worldly estate, I see the clear contrary in experience, and conclude with myself, that it proveth nought before man; and take it before God to be abomination. Which causeth me to spend some of my laysor to write so long a letter to your G. who hath less laysor: wishing that our laysor, great or little, may be spent otherwise then to trouble this Realm in the time of our Sovereign Lords Minority, with any novelte in m●tiers of religion: being so many other matiers, which, for that I was so late a Counsellor, cannot out of my memory: Requiring the haul endeavour of such as have charge, and silence in the people, who should serve and obey, without quarelying among themselves for matiers in religion. Specially considering it is agreed our late Sovereign is receyved to god's mercy. And though some would say, he had [his errors] and saw not perfectly Gods truth: Yet for us, it were better to go to heaven with oon eye after him, then to travail here for another eye with danger to lose both. There was good humanity in him that said, M●lim errare cum Platone, quam cum aliis vera sentire. Which affection were to the world plausible touching our Sovereign Lord, that made us: But we christian men may not teach so, but esteem God above all, and his true divinity. In which case nevertheless, when the divinity pretended is so rejected of many, and utterly reproved: So doubted of many other, as it is suspected and confessed among us, it is not necessary. For our Sovereign Lord is gone from us to heaven, in his way.  
It is a mervelous matter what a certain loss it is aforehand to entreprize to search, which among a very few hath the name of Divinity, and of all the rest is so named 
* Heresy.  as I will not rehearse. And this I write not, because your G. intendeth any such thing so far. For I may not, and will not so think of you. But this I take to be true, that the way of error is let in at a little gap. The vehemence of novelty will flow further then your G. would admit. And when men hear of new gear, every man maketh his request, sum new hose, sum new robes, sum new caps, sum new shirts. Like as in religion we have seen attempted, where the people thought they might prevail. Which caused the commotion in Germany in bello civili Rusticorum, and hath made the same stir there now in bello civili Nobilium. It was a notable act of our late Sovereign Lord, to reform and thenne moderate religion, as he did. Which he did not without all trouble. And how safe we be in religion, when all quietness is acquired you Wisdom can consider. Our late Sovereign Lord was wont to say, which I never forget, speaking of himself man had not looked to the Pacification. He saw men desirous to set forth their own fancies, which he thought to have excluded by his Pacification.  
If your G. would say to me now, that I wasted much speech in vain, and declared thereby, I had to much laysor to write so much in this matter, as though I feared that needeth not to be feared: for your G. hath commanded our late Sovereign Lords book 
* The Erudition of a Christian man.  to be red, and mindeth nothing now, but oonly Omylies, wherein your G. would, I should write. Which to do were neither great pain, ne hardness to me: and I might as soon write an Homily, as these letters. As for the facilite of the matter of writing, or writing by not traverse. But then I consider what controversy may arise in writing. As for example (for seeing I have laysor to write, I will forget what laysor your G. hath to read) if I should make an Homily De vita perfecta, I would note two parts, Oon of life, Another of perfiteness. For the ground of the oon, I would take S john, Misit Deus silium suum, ut vivamus per eum. And for the other, Estote perfecti, sicut pater vester, etc. In Declaration of Life, I would take occasion to speak of Faith the gift of entre to life, and of Charite the very gift of Life; which who hath not remaineth in det●e. And therefore S. james said, Fides sine operibus mortua est. Not expounding that so, as though Faith without Charite were no Faith, as we say a dead man is no man. For I would wish the people in any wise to beware of that fashion of teaching, and such a sophistical understanding of S. james; and for detection thereof, declare, that death containeth not always a denial of the thing dead not to be, but oonly where the name of the thing noted now dead, contained before in it a signification of life. As the word man signifieth a body living: and thenne it is truly said, that a dead man is no man, no more then a painted man. But Faith signifieth not always a Life in it. For Devils have Faith without life. And when we speak of ded faith, it is like as when ye speak of a body indeed without life, but apt and meet to receyve life. As spawn is a body without life, and dead, but meet to receyve life with convenient circumstance. And then we say not, that a body dead is no body. And therefore we may not say, that a dead Faith is no Faith. After which understanding, we should make S. james to treat, whether no faith might justify a man, or no: Which were a cold matter. And yet so must we say, if we will expound this saying, that a dead faith is no faith.  
And in this point I would, in my Homily De Vita, be most earnest to show, that in charity is life, whereunto Faith is th'entry. Which faith without charity is not no faith, but dead. And therefore God, that giveth all life, giveth with faith charity: Whereof I would make the moo words in the Homily, because the handling of S. james in the other sophistical interpretation is an entre to unwholesome doctrine. And if your G. would say, What of this, or to what purpose should it be written to you, that mindeth no such matter: Surely for nothing but because I have plenty of leasour, and write as though I talked with you. And that not all in vain, for that I have hertofor hard of other, whom I have hard much glory in that exposition, to say S. james meaneth, that dead faith is no faith, even as a dead man is no man. Which, by my say, is overfar out of the way: and yet mine Omylie might in such an Homiler, and company of Omylies, encontre with oon of the trade I have spoken of; and bring forth matter of contention and altercation, without all fruit or edification. And thus much for example of trouble in Homilies: Which these five years have rested without any business, and the people well done their duties, I trust, to God in heaven, and know well, to their Sovereign Lord in earth. And our Sovereign Lord, that governed them without these Omylies' goen to heaven, whether, I trust, we and the people shall go after, although we trouble them with no Homilies. Which shall hardly be so accumulate ex diversis tractatibus, with divers fashion of writing, divers phrase of speeches, divers conceits in teachings, divers ends per case intended, as some will construe.  
The rest is wanting.   

NUM. XXXVI. Gardiner Bishop of Winton to the Duke of Somerset, concerning the Book of Homilies and Erasmus Paraphrase, englished.  
AFter my most humble Commendations unto your Good Lp. with hearty thanks that it hath pleased you to be content to hear from me. Wherein now I have liberty to write at large to you. 
Cotton library. Vespas. D. 18.  I cannot find the like gentleness in my body to spend so much time as I would. And therefore I shall now desire your G. to take in good part, though I gather my matter in brief sentences.  
The Injunctions in this last Visitation contain a commandment to see taught, and learned two books. One of Homilies, that must be taught; another of Erasmus Paraphrasis, that the Priests must learn.  
These Books strive one against another directly. The Book of the Homilies teacheth Faith to exclude charity in the office of Justification. Erasmus Paraphrasis teacheth Faith to have charity joined with him in Justification.  
The Book of Homilies teacheth how men may swear. The Paraphrasis teacheth the contrary very extremely. The Book of Homilies teacheth how Subjects owe tribute to their Prince, and obedience very well. The Book of the Paraphrase in a place upon S. Poule violently, and against all truth, after it hath spoken of duties to Heathen Princes, knitteth the matter up untruly; that between the Christian men at Rome, to whom he writeth, which is a Lesson to all, there should be no debt, or right, but mutual charity, 
* But these are not the words of Erasmus, but S. Paul. Rom. XIII. 8  Which is a marvelous matter. The Book of Homilies in another place openeth the Gospel one way. The Paraphrase openeth it clean contrary. The matter is not great, but because there is contrariety.  
Now to consider each of the aforesaid Books. The Book of H. in the sermon of Salvation teacheth the clean contrary to the doctrine established by the Act of Parliament 
* In the Book of The Erudition, etc. ; even as contrary as [Includeth] is contrary to [Excludeth.] For these be the words of the Doctrine established by Parliament; where in a certain place Faith doth not exclude. The doctrine of the Parliament speaketh how they be joined in Justification. The Homilies speak the virtues to be present in the man justified, and how Faith excludes them in the office of Justification. Which can never be proved; and is in the mean time contrary to the Act.  
The Book of H. hath in the H. of Salvation, how remission of sins is taken, accepted and allowed of God for our perfect Justification. The Doctrine of the Parliament teacheth Justification, for the fullness and perfection thereof, to have more parts than Remission of sins, as in the same appeareth. And though Remission of sins be a justification, yet it is not a full and perfect.  
The Book of H. numbereth the hallowing of bread, Palms and Candles among Papistical superstitions and abuses. The Doctrine of the Parliament willeth them to be reverendly used. And so do the Injunctions now set forth. Which made me think the Printer might thrust in an Homily of his own devise.  
The book of H. hath words of S. Chr●s●stom alleged untruly, and not after su●h a sort, as might scape by over sight, but of purpose. As calling that Faith which Chrysostom calleth Hope. And in place of one Sentence putteth another, which should better serve the purpose of the Maker of the Homilies. Now if one would reason with me, that Chrysostom meant this, I would deny it him, as I may. But I may af●●rm, that Chrysostom saith Not. It is but a defamation of the tr●th: And under such a Prince's name as our Sovereign Lord is, whose tongue, in this so pure innocency, hath not been defiled with any untruth; I assure you, I thought there was not so great haste in Homilies, but they might have tarried the printing even for that only cause. Truth is able to maintain itself, and needeth no help of untrue allegations. It serves only for enemies to take advantage. All which [i. e. Enemies] use to be c●rious to know what they may reprove.  
And now all the eyes and ears of the World be turned towards us. And as they shall have cause to talk honourably of your valiantness in the wars, so they talk otherwise of that, that is done in your absence, if any thing be amis●.  
Now I shall show your Grace what author Er●smus is, to be, by name and special Commandment, had in credit in this realm. If he be to be believed, the doctrine of Only Faith justifieth, is a very po●son. And he writeth by express terms, and calleth this another po●●on, to deny punishment in Purgatory after this life. And another poison, to deny the Invocation of Saints, and worshipping of them. And this he called a poison, to say, We need no satisfactory works, for that were to mistrust Christ Erasmus in another place conferring the state of the Church in the beginning, and now, he concludeth, that if S. Paul were alive at this da●, he would not improve [i. e. disallow] the present state of the Church, but cry out of men's faults. This is Erasmus judgement in his Latter da●es.  
His Work, the Paraphrasis, which should be authorized in the Realm: Which he wrote above six and twenty years ago, when his pen was wanton, the matter is so hauled, as being abroad in 〈…〉 were able to minister occasion to evil men to subvert, with religion, the policy and order of the Realm.  
These be the general words, the uttering whereof to your Grace in the place you occupy, were a great fault, unless I would show ye good ground and truth, why to say so. And therefore I am glad I do rather write to you, then to have come and spoke with you, because my words in number might fly away; whereas written words remain to be read again.  
First, as concerning the Policy and state of the Realm, Whersoever Erasmus might take an occasion to speak his pleasure of Princes, he payeth home as roundly, as Bishops have been of late touched in pleas. And such places of Scripture as we have used to allege for the state of Princes, he wresteth and windeth them so, as if the people read them and believed him, they would afterward sma● regard that allegation of them. And if Erasmus did truly, and that the Scripture bound him so to say, it were more tolerable, (For truth must have place) but when it is done in some place untruly, and in some pl●ce wantonly, to check that estimate, it can be no good doctrine among people, that should obey. And this book of Paraphrasis is not like the other expositions of Scripture, where the Author speaketh in his own person. For Erasmus taketh upon him the Evangelists persons and Christ's person, and enterpriseth to fit up Christ's tale and his words. As for example where the Gospel rehearseth Christ's speech, when he said, Give to the Emperor, that is the Emperors; (By which speech we gather and truly gather, that Christ confessed the Emperor to have a duty;) Erasmus writes it with an IF, after this sort. IF there be any thing due to them. Which condition Christ put not to it, but spoke plainly, Give to Cesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are Gods. And I write the very words of the Paraphrasis, as they be in English, for I have the book with me. And so shall no man say, that I misreport the book. The words be these. Render therefore unto Cesar, if any things appertain unto Cesar. But first of all, render unto God the things, that appertain unto God. Meaning that it is no hurt unto Godliness, if a man being dedicated unto God, do give tribute unto a profane prince, although he ought it not. These be the words in the book ordered to be set forth. Wherein what needeth Erasmus to bring in doubt the duty, when God putteth no doubt at al. It were too long to write to your Grace every fault. This one I put for example, where Erasmus doth corrupt Christ's words, with a condition, which Christ spoke not.  
The other places of raylings would encumber your Grace overmuch. But as I write, your Grace shall find true, that whatsoever might be spoke to defame Prince's government, is not left unspoken. Bishops be more gently handled. Erasmus maketh them very Kings of the Gospel, and calleth the true Kings of the World Profane Kings. Bishops have the sword▪ he saith, of God given, that is to say, the Gospel. Profane Princes, as he calleth them, have a sword committed unto them, and by Homer, he saith, be called Pastors of the people. This matter is within the compass of the Paraphrasis, if it be not left out; with a commendation also of Thomas Becket of Canterbury, in excommunicating the King of the realm, that then was, by implication, for the manor of Oxford, which the King, as he rehearseth, than withheld It may be the Translator would have left this out. But Erasmus pen in those days was very light.  
Moreover them, Erasmus teacheth, that between Christian men is no debt, or right, but Charity. It is a marvelous matter towards the dissolution of laws and duties. And therein Erasmus doth violate God's scripture, and saith not true.  
Thus far is the doctrine pernicious for common policy. Nevertheless if he had said true, let the truth prevail, but the truth is not so.  
As touching Religion in this work of Paraphrasis, it is so wantonly, (I beseech your Grace note my words) and therewith untruly handled, as if we should use to read it, there should ensue a marvellous confusion. Some specialties I will note, but not al.  
The Sacrament of the Altar is wantonly talked of by him, that as the world is now, the reading of him were the whole subversion. Erasmus in his latter days, hath for the Sacrament of the Altar spoken as reverently, and said as much for confirmation of it, as may be, and cryeth out of them, that would take him otherwise. But this in the end, when age had tempered him.  
In this Paraphrasis, which he wrote in his wanton age, the words and terms were able to subvert, if it were possible, as Christ saith, the elect.  
If this Paraphrasis go abroad, people shall be learned to call the Sacrament of the Altar holy bread, and a Symbol. At which new name many will marvel. And they be wanton words spoken of Erasmus without necessity.  
By the doctrine of the Paraphrasis, whosoever had done away his wife for advotrie might marry again. By the Paraphrasis all men may marry, Bushops and Priests. Wherein Erasmus took his pleasure to understand S. Paul, as though he should describe, of what quality Priests wives should be, Wherein he forgot himself. For S. Paul knew, that if a bishop or Priest were once married, his Wise must pass with all her faults; and it would be too late to tell what she should be. For otherwise then she is, she will not be, neither for S. Paul, nor S. Peter. And if Bushops had that privilege, that they might change till they found such one, as Erasmus saith S. Paul would have them, their estate would be wonderfully envied. But S. Paul did not speak there of Bushops' wives. And so therein he doth violence to the Scriptures undoubtedly. Wherefore I write somewhat merrily to show the absurdity of the thing.  
By the Paraphrasis the keeping of a Concubine is called but a light fault. And that were good for Lancashire. And Erasmus bringeth it so prettily, that a Ruler of a Country, if he be himself the servant of avarice or Ambition, should not browke with his brother, because being overcome by weakness of flesh he useth a Concubine. Even thus it is Englished in the book that should go forth. And when to have a a Concubine, it is called a light fault, methinks if the maid can read, it may serve well, lightly to persuade her. And yet if the man doth it, overcome by the weakness of his flesh, as the book termeth it, is made matter. Wherein Erasmus speaketh over lightly, to call it a light fault. And the Translator in English wanted speech, when he turned it thus: That a man overcome with the weakness of his flesh should desire a Concubine. I am bold with his Grace, to join here Erasmus lightness with the discretion of the Translator. If to keep a Concubine shall by authority be called a light fault, the multitude of them may make the fault heavy.  
By the doctrine of the Paraphrasis, every man must come to the high prick of virtue, or to be extremely naught. Which differeth far from the teaching of the Homilies, and from the truth also.  
The Paraphrasis teacheth thus truly; More glorious it is to die for the Gospel's sake. Which death, though it shall be violent and sore; yet it shall not come before the day. Whensoever it cometh it shall not come without the providence of God. And by this it cometh to pass, that if ye endeavour to avoid it, ye cannot. This is the doctrine which if it were taken for truth, might engender like obstinacy in many, as it hath of late in some. Erasmus teacheth here further, than he hath warrant by Scripture.  
The Paraphrasis in another place doth clearly violate the Text, and untruly handle it, in a matter of Tithes, which your Grace desireth, as appeareth by the Injunctions, to have truly paid. Wherein if Erasmus had said truth, let truth prevail; but when he handleth it untruly, it is pity it should be suffered.  
Thus have I here reckoned your Grace some special faults, that be Erasmus own faults, with a great number, that I have not spoken of.  
And further your Grace shall understand, that he which hath taken the labours to translate Erasmus into English, hath offended sometimes, as appeareth plainly, by ignorance, and sometimes of purpose, to put in, leave out, and change, as he thought best. Wherewith I will not encumber your Grace, but assure you it is so. And therein I will grant to your Grace, that for every lie, that I make unto your Grace, set on an hundred pound fine on my head; and let me lie here like a beggar, until my revenues pay. My words remain in writing, and be against me matter of record. And so I yield to have me charged, as the Bp. of London was with offering the farm of his Bpric. Which matter I do remember, when I wrote this.  
I remit the Reader for the rest of this letter to Winchester's ninth letter in Foxes Acts: This former part of the letter, which is now exposed to view, having been by him omitted.   

NUM. XXXVII. Roger Ascham to Mr. Cecyl, giving him an account of a Disputation in S. John's College, Whether the Mass and the Lord's Supper be all one.  
S.P. in Christo jesu. Ornatissime Vir. Ante mensem, aut plus eo, disputatum fuit in hoc Collegio more nostro de Missa, 
MSS. SrW.H.  ipsáne Coena Dominica fuerit, nécne. Magna sane eruditione haec Questio tractata fuit a Thoma Levero, & Rog. Hutchinsono, quos opinor nosti. Sunt profecto docti viri. Quidam in Academia hanc rem aegrè tulerunt. Huc tandem res perducta est, vel ego potius pertractus fui hortatu communi multorum in nostro collegio, ut hanc ipsam quaestionem è domesticis parietibus in publicas scholas praeferrem, hoc animo & instituto, ut disceremus libenter & sine rubore a doctis Viris, quid e fontibus sacrae scripturae libari potuerit ad defendendam Missam; quae non solum summum locum in religione & conscientijs hominum occupat, sed omne fidele propemodum ministerium Verbi Dei & Sacramentorum, ex usu & consuetudine Christianorum, abstulit. Rem quietissimè aggressi sumus, communia studia nos inter nos conferebamus, Scripturam Canonicam nobis proposuimus, cujus auctoritate totam hanc rem decidi cupiebamus: Veteres Canones ineuntis Ecclesiae, Concilia Patrum, Decreta Pontificum, Judicia Doctorum, Quaestionistarum turbam, Recentiores omnes, quos potuimus & Germanos & Romanos, ad hanc rem adhibuimus. Quidam in Academia publicis concionibus notabant hoc factum nostrum, & tandem laborarunt, ut D. Madeûus Vicecancellarius, literis suis hanc Disputationem prohiberet. Nos libenter paruimus, ut par fuit; sed aegre tulimus disputandi facultatem nobis intercipi, concionandi vero copiam pro libidine aliis concedi.  
Audivimus Cantuariensem nobis iniquiorem fuisse. Nec mirum est, nam adversarij nostri, cogor invitus acerbiori voce uti, Prudentissime Vir, tragicis clamoribus hanc rem illi detulerunt. Quod factum illorum majoríne malitia, aut imperitia institutum fuit dubitari potest. Thomas enim Aquinas probat Missam Dominicam coenam multis praerogativis superasse, & longissimè ab ea discrepasse multis notis; Sexu, Missare enim Mulieres non debent: a Coena tamen non excludantur: Aetate, Vitio Parentum, Luxatione Membrorum. Nam pueri, Nothi & Mutilati a Missae dignitate repelluntur, ad Coenae humilitatem recipiuntur: & multis aliis modis. Ut siquis affirmaret eandem esse Missam & Coenam, multo magis exclamarent.  
Sed quid dicam de hijs nostris? Nihil aliud, nisi quod Herodes turbatus est, & tota Hierosolyma cum eo. Dicunt nos esse praecipites. Certe nemo tam praeceps est, quin facile revocari possit; ut calcaribus potius, quam habenis tota Cantabrigia egeat.  
Sed quod institui tibi narrare, quanquam disputatio nostra fuerit prohibita, studia tamen nostra in eadem re quodammodo aucta sunt. Scripsimus enim fere justum librum de Missa, quem brevi offerre instituimus D. Protectori, nisi tibi & magistro Checo aliter visum fuerit.  
Quantum ad tractationem rei pertinet, vellem ut judicium tuum, non sermoni aliorum, sed ipsi rei reservare velis. Neque hoc dicimus, quia de nobis aliquid polliceri audemus, sed quia veremur, ne certi homines nimis studeant illud impedire quovis modo, quod ipsi non probant.  
Legimus sanctissimas confessiones Reginae nostrae cum tua eloquentissima epistola. Utinam aliquid temporis tui ad excolendam Anglicanam linguam impartire velis, ut homines intelligerent & nostram linguam omnes eloquentiae numeros facile admittere. Literae Magistri Checi ad Collegium nostrum fuerunt omnibus nobis gratissimae, ubi minimis verbis maxima benevolentia, & ejus & tua, comprehensa fuit. D. Protectoris literae ad Acad. a te scriptae mirificè nos omnes delectarunt. Commune votum est apud nos, ut Cantabrigia aliquando, imò brevissimè, sentiat joannem Checum Praepositum Regij Collegij. Episcopus ille 
Daius Cicestrensis.  nihil prodest studijs, vellem ut non obesset. Et hoc non dico ad aucupium cujusvis gratiae, sed ad Commodum totius Academiae. Plurima sunt, quae nos sic sentire cogunt, & plura tua Prudentia videt. Nos sic amici inter nos communicamus, fortasse non prudentissimè, Cautissimè tamen: & quod minimum est, valde amanter. Cogita de hac re quid vis, promove tamen eam quantum potes. Nimis molestus su●. Vale 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quinto Januarij, 1548. E Coll. D. joan. Cant.  
Dignitatis tuae Studiosiss. R. Aschamus. Ornatissimo Viro Magistro Gulielmo Cicello Supplicum libellorum Magistro.   

NUM. XXXVIII. The University of Cambridg to the Archbishop.  
ALiquid a te suppliciter petere, cum Tu omnia nobis lubenter tribuis, Doctissime Praesul, non inane & supervacaneum negotium, 
Aschamij Epp.  sed gratae voluntatis debitum potius officium esse ducimus. Rogamus igitur te, ut in hoc Senatu vestro, privilegia nostra confirmentur. Quantum Reip. interest, ut doctrinae ratio haberetur, omnes fere intelligunt: quantum verò purae Religionis interest, tu unus plus universis aliis animadvertis. Scis enim tu, quod annis abhinc quingentis, aut plus eo, cognitio literarum, Regum vitio, a quibus ali debuerat, e conspectu hominum sese abducere, & in tenebras relabi coepit. In quibus temporibus sic caligine obductis, sic ignorantia involutis, Aper ille singularis de sylva supra modum depopulatus est vineam jesu Christi: non proculcans solum Reges terrae, & imperium sibi collocans mundi; sed ita invasit erupitque in sanctam sedem, & Templum conscientiae, ut nulli sere nunc sint mores, nulla institutio vitae, nullus caeremoniarum ritus, nullum Ecclesiae Sacramentum, nullum Christi vestigium, quod non sit ejus aut fulmine prostratum, aut halitu foedatum; quod non sit (ut mitius, seu significantius cum Divo Paulo loquamur) prudentia humanae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 foedissimè corruptum, & constupratum. Haec nox disciplinarum, & ignoratio vocem Domini nobis abstulit, & humanae doctrinae imperium in illam libidinem evexit; ut pro vero cultu Dei, recto divinissimarum rerum usu, integra & pura vitae consuetudine, Hypocrisis, Idololatria, & Adulterium cervicibus hominum astutissimè imponeretur. Hanc inscientiae pestem libentius commemoramus, quod nunc in magnam spem ducimur constituendae de integro dignitatis literarum, in iis praesertim temporibus, cum omnia ad veram religionem illustrandam, a qua praeclara doctrina abesse certè non potest, mirificè comparata sunt. Et cum prudentia tua, ad verbum Dei restituendum, divinitus sit & nunc excitata, & diu reservata; non dubitamus, quin omnem operam & authoritatem tuam, ad salutem etiam literarum continendam collaturus sis: Commotus aliquid certè vel hac ratione, quod nulla hoc tempore literis vel insperata clades, vel expectata commoditas accidere potest, cujus tu non aut author ad magnam commendationem; aut particeps ad aliquam reprehensionem, voce ac sermone omnium jactatus eris. D. jesus, etc.   

NUM. XXXIX. Richard Smith D. D. his Recantation of his Books.  

beacons Reports.  IN my book of Traditions I said and affirmed, that Christ and his Apostles taught and left to the Church many things, without writing, which we must both believe steadfastly, and also fulfil obediently under pain of Damnation ever to endure. Among the which I rehearsed by name a great number to be obeyed, kept and followed: As the observation of Lent from flesh or wine: the keeping of the Sacrament in the pix: the receiving it at the Priest's hands: the hallowing of the Water in the Font: the thrice dipping of the child in the water at the chrining: The putting on of the Chrism: the consecration of the oil: the anointing of the christened child: the hallowing of the Altars: the praying toward the East: the censing of the Altar: the washing of the hands: the saying of Confiteor: the lifting up of the Sacrament at Mass: the making of holy water: that the twelve Apostles, every man a piece for his portion, made the Crede; and many more beside these. And after like sort I spoke of Canons, Decrees, and Ordinances of Bishops and General Counsels. I do now confess the said doctrine, as concerning the observing of the said Traditions, to be false and tyrannical, and unjust, unlawful and untrue, burden of men's consciences, not fit to be taught, preached or defended.  
There be many things ascribed to the Apostles, and called Traditions, deduced from the time of the Apostles, and read in the name of old Authors, and set forth under the pretenced title of their name, which be both feigned, forged and nothing true, full of superstition and untruth, feigned by them, which would magnify their power and authority; as is the Epistles of Clemens, Anacletus, Evaristus, and Fabian●s and other, which are set forth by the Bp. of Rome, and his complices, which be forged, feigned and of no authority, nor to be beleved, but counterfeited by them; who by the colour of antiquity would magnify that usurped power of the Bp. of Rome.  
And now concerning another book, which I made of the Sacrifice of the Mass. Where the most chief and principal article of our faith, and most directly pertaining to the redemption of our sins, and to our Salvation, is; That our Saviour Christ jesus, by his most precious death, and effusion of his most precious blood upon the cross, did redeem mankind, taking away our sins, pacifying the indignation of his Father, and cancelling the obligation, that was against us. In which Sacrifice-making unto his Father, our said Saviour Jesus Christ, as S. Paul saith plainly to the Hebrews, was not a Priest after the order of Aaron, forasmuch as he was of another tribe: and also, that Priesthood was imperfect and unprofitable, bringing nothing to perfection. But our Saviour Christ made his Sacrifice upon the Cross perfectly, absolutely, and with the most highest perfection that could be, so much, that after that one oblation and sacrifice for sin, made by him but once only, neither he nor any other creature should at any time after, make any more oblations for the same. And for that S. Paul saith, he was called an eternal Priest after the order of Melchizedec, and not of Aaron.  
This faith ought every man and woman undoubtedly to believe, and openly to profess upon pain of everlasting damnation; and also to die in this profession, if case shall so require. The which most wholesome and most necessary doctrine of our Faith, I not diligently considering, as many times to right great Clerks and learned men in much writing in like matters it hath chanced to say too far, the infirmity and weakness of men being such, that seldom in many words error hath escaped: So in my Book of the Sacrifice of the Mass, I did incircumspectly and rashly write and set forth to the people, that Christ was not a Priest after the order of Melchizedec, when he offered himself upon, the cross to his Father for our sins, but was a Priest after the order of Aaron. And that when Christ did offer his own body to his father after the order of Melchizedec, to appease his wrath, it may not be understand of the Sacrifice of the Cros, but of the Sacrifice, that Christ made at his Maundy in form of bread and wine. To the which indeed S. Paul's doctrine is contrary, both in other places, and in the Epistle Ad Hebraeos, very manifestly. Against whom, (who without doubt had the very Spirit of God) neither it becometh, nor I will not willingly teach or defend any thing. Wherefore ye shall impute that, Good Audience, to the frailty of man's nature, and to my negligent marking, having at that time rather a respect to a fantasy, that I then had in my mind, than to the true and infallible doctrine of scripture.  
And moreover, in the same my book I said not only, that the Sacrifice of the Mass is the self same substance of Christ, but also the self same oblation or offering of our Saviour Christ's very flesh and blood, which himself once offered to his Father on the Cross to appease his wrath. And that the Priests do continually and daily in the Mass offer not only the self same body of Christ, but also to the same effect, that Christ did offer himself to his Father at his Maundy. Of the which words and doctrine, if they be not very warily and circumspectly read, and more favourably taken, than the words as they lie, may well bear; it might be gathered, that Priests herein be equal with Christ. Priests of the order of Melchizedec, appeasing the wrath and indignation of the Father of heaven, crucifying, or offering Christ to the same effect, that Christ in his own person did upon the cross, is a blasphemy intolerable to be heard of Christian ears. For Christ, as S. Paul saith, was but once offered, once gave up himself for the Redemption of our sins on Good-Friday upon the Cross; nor never before, nor after was offered for us, but in a Sacrament, and as a commemoration of the same. And so of the Maundy or Supper of the Lord, Christ himself saith; Haec quotiescunque feceritis, in meam commemorationem facietis. Once he died for our sins, and once again he rose for our justification. He dyeth no more. And his Sacrifice was so good, so full, so pleasant, so precious to God, that her needed no more oblations to appease God, not only for the sins past, but also for all the sins to the day of doom. There need no more Sacrifices, no more Offerers, but as having a respect and a remembrance of that most holy, most perfect, and most entire Lamb, then and for ever offered up for us.  
But these things aforesaid, I cannot deny, but they were spoken of me, and written. And as I do not now like them; so at ●he example of S. Austin and other good Doctors, I am not ashamed to retract them, and call them again and condemn them. For when I followed mine own invention, not directed by Scripture, I began, as the nature of man is, to wander, and at the last went clean contrary to God's Word. wherefore I heartily exhort every man, as touching matters of Faith, to found the same upon God's certain, true and infallible word: lest by doing the contrary, they fall into Superstition, Idolatry, and other manifold errors, as myself, and many other have done.  
Wherefore these my two books, the one of the Sacrifice of the Master, and the other of the Traditions unwritten, in those points before rehearsed, and all other, wherein they be not full consonant to Scripture, I forsake and renounce as false, erroneous, and against the true word of God; requiring thee, good Christian Reader, whosoever shall read them, to give no further credence to them, than I would myself. That is, not to take, as undoubted truth, all that is therein written, but as written of a man, that some time falleth: to be so far true, as they be consonant to Scripture: where they be not against Scripture, to be humane persuasion, which may either be so, or not so, as the greater reason shall lead: where they be not consonant to Scripture, to be erroneous and false. And that I much lament and am sorry, that I wrote them in those points. And I desire every man, that hath any of the said books to beware of them, and to give no credence to them in all such things in them written, as be not consonant to the Scripture, as they will avoid occasion of error, and tender the truth of God's word and his glory. To whom be laud, praise and honour. Amen.   

NUM. XL. Archbishop Cranmers' Answers to the fifteen Articles of the Rebels Devon. Anno 1549.  

MSS. C.C.CC. Miscellan. D.  WHen I first read your Requests, O ignorant men of Devonshire and Cornwall, straightways came to my mind a request, which james and john made unto Christ: to whom Christ answered, You ask you wot not what. Even so thought I of you assoon as ever I heard your Articles, that you were deceived by some crafty Papist, which devised those Articles for you, to make you ask you wist not what.  
As for the Devisors of your Articles, if they understand them, I may not call them ignorant persons, but, as they be indeed, most rank Papists, and wilful Traitors and Adversaries, both to God and our Sovereign Lord the King, and to the whole realm. But I cannot be persuaded so to think of you, that in your hearts willingly you be Papists and Traitors: but that those that be such have craftily seduced you, being simple and unlearned people, to ask you wot not what.  
Wherefore, my duty unto God, and the pity that I have of your ignorance, move me now at this time to open plainly and particularly your own Articles unto you, that you may understand them, and no longer be deceived.  
In your first Article you require, that all the General Counsels and holy Decrees of our forefathers, may be observed and kept, and whosoever shall againsay them to be holden as Heretics.  
This you all ask, but what you ask I dare say very few, or none of you understand. For how many of you, I pray you, do know certainly which be called the General Counsels, and holy Decrees of the Fathers, and what is in them contained. The holy Decrees as they call them, be nothing else but the Laws and Ordinances of the Bp. of Rome. Whereof the most part be made for his own advancement, glory and lucre; and to make him and his Clergy Governors of the whole world; and to be exempted from all Prince's Laws, and to do what they list. And would you ask, if you knew what you asked, that we should put away the Laws of our own realm, and be governed by the Bp. of Rome's Laws? If you mean this, then be you Traitors to the King, and enemies to your own realm. And if you mean it not, consider what persons they be, and how they have deceived you, that make you ask you wot not what.  
And as for the General Counsels, you say you will have them all kept: but you be not so destitute of all reason, that you would have spoken such words, if you had known what you had said. For a great number of the Counsels repugn one against another. How should they then be all kept, when one is contrary to another, and the keeping of one is the breaking of another. And among your own Articles you say, you will have divers things observed, which be not only contrary to the General Counsels, but also contrary to the Law of this realm, and also to God's Laws, as it shall be plainly declared, when we come to the Articles.  
And all reason is contrary that you should have asked such things, if you had known what you had asked. I have this opinion of the greater number of you, that you would fain walk in the right way, if you could find it. And forasmuch as I perceive, that wicked and false guides, under pretence to bring you to the high way, have brought you clean out of it, my good will shall be, seeing you so far wand'ring out of the way, and so blindfolded with i'll persuasions, that you cannot see where you go, to open your eyes that you may see, and to set you again into the right way. And when your eyes be so opened, that you may see, and the right way showed unto you, wherein you should walk; then if you will still wink, and not see, and run headlong in error, and not come to the right way, you may no longer be called simple and ignorant people, but perverse, froward and wicked Papists and Traitors, Enemies to God and your own realm.  
But now I will come to your Articles, particularly opening every one of them by himself, that you may see the bowels thereof, and what is contained in the same. That when you shall understand the whole, you may judge whether you knew before what you asked, or you were deceived by subtle and wily Papistical Traitors.  

I. Your first Article is this▪ WE will have all the General Counsels, and holy Decrees of our forefathers observed, kept and performed: and whosoever shall againsay them, we hold them as Heretics.  
First, to begin with the manner of your phrase. Is this the fashion of Subjects to speak unto their Prince; We will have? Wa● this manner of speech at any time used of the Subjects to their Prince, since the beginning of the world? Have not all true Subjects ever used to their Sovereign Lord this form of speaking, Most humbly beseecheth your faithful and obedient Subjects. Although the Papists have abused your ignorance in propounding such Articles, which you understand not, yet you should not have suffered yourselves so much to be led by the nose, and bridled by them, that you should clearly forget your duty of Allegiance unto your Sovereign Lord, saying unto him, This we will have; and that saying with armour upon your backs and swords in your hands. Would any of you, that be Householders, be content, that your servants should come upon you with harness unto their backs, and swords in their hands, and say unto you, This we will have? If then you would abhor and detest this in your servants towards yourselves, how can you allow your fact? With what conscience can you, being but subjects, do to your King that thing, which you would condemn in your servants towards yourselves? But answer me this, Be you Subjects or no? If you be Subjects, than I admonish you, as S. Paul taught Titus, saying, Warn them to be subject to Princes, and Rulers, obeying them at a word. But tell me again▪ Pertaineth this to subjection and obedience to say, This we will have? S. Peter saith, Be subject unto Kings, as unto chief heads, and to other Rulers sent by them. For so is the Will of God. God's will is, that you should be ruled by your Princes. But whether is this to be ruled by your King, or to rule your King, to say, Thus we will have the Realm governed? Your Servants be by the Scripture commanded, as they fear God, to be obedient to their Masters, whether their Masters be good or evil. And can you think it meet and lawful for you to disobey your undoubted King; being a Prince most innocent, most godly, and most careful for your sorrow and wealth? If any thing can declare disobedience, what can declare it more than Subjects to come with force of arms to their natural King and Prince, and say, This we will have?  
But now leaving your rude and unhandsome manner of speech to your most Sovereign Lord, I will come to the point, and join with you in the effect of your first Article. You say, you will have all the holy Decrees observed and kept. But do you know what they be? The holy Decrees, as I told you before, be called the Bp. of Rome's ordinances and laws. Which how holy and godly soever they be called, they be indeed so wicked, so ungodly, so ●ul of tyranny and so partial, that since the beginning of the world, were never devised or invented the like. I shall rehearse a certain of them, that yourselves may see, how holy they be, and may say your minds, whether you would have them kept or no. And at the hearing of them, if you shall not think them meet to be kept here in this realm, than you may see how they deceived you, that moved you to ask this Article. And if you like them and would have them kept, after you know what they be, than I say assuredly, that you be not only wicked Papists, but also Heretics, and most heinous Traitors to the King and this his realm. And yet how an absolute Papist varieth from an Heretic or Traitor, I know not: but that a Papist is also both a Heretic and a Traitor withal.  
One Decree saith, That whosoever doth not acknowledge himself to be under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome is an Heretic. Now answer me to this Question, Whether be you under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome, or not? If you say, that you be under his obedience, then be you Traitors by the laws of this realm. And if you deny it, then be you Heretics by this Decree. And shift is there none to save you from treason, but to renounce this Decree, that commandeth you to be under the Bp. of Rome: and so to confess contrary to your own first Article, That all Decrees are not to be kept.  
Yet a great many other Decrees be as evil, and worse than this. One saith, That all Prince's laws, which be against a Decree of the Bp. of Rome, be void, and of no strength. Another Decree saith, That all the Decrees of the Bp. of Rome ought for ever to be kept of all men, as God's word. Another Decree there is, That whosoever receiveth not the law of the Bp. of Rome, availeth neither him the Catholic faith, nor the four Evangelists. For his sin shall never be forgiven. Yet is there a worse, and more detestable decree, That all Kings and Princes that suffer the Bp. of Rome's Decrees to be broken in any point, are to be taken as Infidels. Another is there also, That the Bp. of Rome is bound to no manner of Decrees, but he may constrain all other persons, both Spiritual and Temporal, to receive all his Decrees, and Canons. Another is yet more devilish, than any before rehearsed, That although the Bp. of Rome neither regard his own Salvation, nor no man's else, but put down with himself headlong innumerable people by heaps unto hell, yet may no mortal man presume to reprove him therefore. But what should I tarry, and make you weary in rehearsing a number? For a thousand other like Canons and Decrees there be, to the Advancement of the Bp. of Rome his usurped power and authority.  
I cannot think of you, that you be so far from all godliness, from all wit and Discretion, that you would have these Decrees observed within this Realm, which be so blasphemous to God, so injurious to all Princes and Realms, and so far from all equity and reason. But here you may easily perceive, what wily foxes you met withal, which persuaded you to arm yourselves, to make sedition in your own Country, to stand against your Princes, and the laws of your Realm, for such Articles as you understand not, and to ask you wist not what. For I dare say for you, that the subtle Papists, when they moved you to stand in this Article, that all the holy Decrees should be observed, they showed you nothing of these Decrees, that they would have taken for holy Decrees. For if they had, they knew right well, that you would never have consented unto this Article; but would have taken them for Traitors, that first moved you thereto.  
For now shall I show you, what miserable case you should bring yourselves unto, if the King's Majesty should assent unto this first Article, that all the Decrees should be kept and observed. For among other partial Decrees made in favour of the Clergy, this is one, That none of the Clergy shall be called, or sued before any Temporal judge, for any manner of cause, either for debt, suit of lands, felony, murder, or for any other cause or crime: Nor shall have any other judge, but his Bp. only. Another is, That a Spiritual man may sue a Temporal man before a Temporal or Spiritual judge at his pleasure: but a Temporal man cannot sue a Spiritual, but only before his Ordinary. I cannot deny, but these been good and beneficial laws for the liberty of the Clergy. But for your own part, I suppose you do not think it any indifferent Law, that a Priest shall sue you where he list with the licence of his Ordinary; and you shall sue him for no manner of cause, but only before his own Ordinary. Or if a Priest had slain one of your sons or brether, that you should have no remedy against him, but only before the Bp. What mean those Papistical priests, that stirred you to ask, and will, such decrees and laws to be observed in this realm, but covertly and craftily to bring you under their subjection: And that you yourselves ignorantly ask you wist not what, should put your own heads under their girdles?  
For surely if you had known these Decrees, when you consented to this Article, you would have torn the Article in pieces, and they that moved you thereto also. For these Decrees ●e not only partial, and against all equity and reason, made only for the favour of the Clergy, and the suppression of the Laity; but also they be, and ever have ●e, clearly contrary to the Laws and customs of this Realm. And yet by this Article you will have the old ancient Laws and customs of this realm (which have ever been used in all King's times hitherto) to be void and to cease, and these Decrees to come in their place, and be observed of all men, and againsaid of no man. For whosoever speaketh against them, you will hold them for Heretics. And in so saying, look what sentence you give of yourselves, although your Article say it, yet I am sure you be not so much enemies to your own Realm, that you would have the old ancient Laws and Customs of this Realm (for the defence whereof all the Noble Kings of this Realm have so valiantly and so justly stand against the Bishops of Rome) now to be taken away and give place unto Romish Decrees. And then by your own Article you hold and condemn yourselves to be Heretics.  
How be you bewitched by these false Papists? Why do you suffer them thus to abuse you by their subtlety, to make you condemn yourselves of Heresy? Why do you not send them unto the King's Majesty, like errand Traitors, as indeed they be, Saying unto him, Most mighty Prince, and most dread Sovereign Lord, we present here unto you most heinous Traitors against your Majesty and realm, and greatest Dissemblers and falsest Deceivers of us, your Simple and ignorant people, and yet in our own hearts your true and faithful Subjects. We have erred, We have grievously offended your Majesty: but by ignorance, being so seduced, and provoked by the crafty persuasions of these most heinous Traitors, that we wist not what we did. But pardon us, Sovereign Lord, have pity upon our Simplicity and ignorance: and these abominable Traitors punish, according to their deservings. Have mercy, most merciful Prince, of us, your poor flock, which were ignorantly led out of the way, and strike with the Swords those malicious guides, that purposely would have led us to our utter destruction.  
If you did thus, then would you do the parts of true faithful and loyal Subjects, and should declare to the world, that all that you have hitherto done was done by error and ignorance. And I would nothing doubt of the King's Majesty his Clemency and Mercy towards you.  
But yet, to the intent that you may further know how unreasonable your first Article is, I will yet rehearse another sort of the holy Laws and Decrees. One is, That no Lay man may have a Benefice to farm. Another is, That none of the Clergy may give any thing to the relief of the commonweal, and necessity of their own realm, without the consent of the Bp. of Rome. Another is, That no Lay man may meddle with election, or any other thing, that pertaineth unto any of the Clergy. Another is, That none of the Clergy ought to give any oath of fidelity to their Princes, except they have temporal lands of them. Another is, That Princes ought to obey the Bps, and the Decrees of the Church, and to submit their Heads unto their Bps, and not to be judges over the Bps. Another is, Whosoever offendeth the Liberties of the Church, or doth break any Interdiction that cometh from Rome, or conspireth against the Person or Estate of the Bp. or See of Rome, or by any manner offendeth, disobeyeth, or rebelleth against the same Bp. or See, or that killeth a Priest, or offendeth personally against a Bp. or other Prelate, or invadeth, spoileth, withholdeth, or wasteth Lands belonging to the Church of Rome, or to any other Church, immediately subject unto Rome, or whosoever invadeth any Pilgrims, that go to Rome, or any Suitors to the Court of Rome, or that let the devolution of causes unto that Court, or that put any new charges or impositions, real or personal, upon a Church, or ecclesiastical person; and generally, All others that offend in the cases contained in the Bull, which is usually published by the Bps. of Rome upon Maunday thursday; All these can be assoiled by no Priest, Bp, Archbp, nor by none other, but only by the Bp. of Rome, or by his express Licence. These with an infinite number of like sort, be the godly and holy Decrees, which you long so sore for, and so much desire.  
Now would I know, whether you think, that these decrees were made for the common wealth of all realms, or only for the private weal of the Bp. of Rome, and of his Bps. and Clergy? And whether you like and long for these laws; or now, at the hearing of them, your longing is done? If you like them, Well, for my part, I would you had them practised among you for a while, so that the rest of the Realm were not troubled, neither with you, nor with your Decrees, unless you repented yourselves of your foolish demands. I think within a year you would kneel on your knees to the King's Majesty, desiring him to take from your necks the yokes and halters, which you had made for yourselves.  
But to conclude the sum of the first Article in few words. It is nothing else but a clear subversion of the whole State and Laws of this realm; and to make this Realm to be whole governed by Romish Laws, and to crown the Idol and Antichrist of Rome, king of this realm, and to make our most undoubted and natural King his vile Subject and slave. Oh! what was in your minds to ask such a thing, and so presumptuously to say, that you will have it? I trust there be not in you so much malice and devilishness, as the Article containeth: but that you were craftily subornate by subtle Papists to ask and demand you wist not what.  
If you had asked, that the Word of God might be duly observed and kept every where within this Realm: And whosoever would gainsay God's word, to be holden as a Heretic: If you had declared yourselves to be godly men; all that be godly would have commended and furthered your requests. But forasmuch as you ask Romish Canons and Decrees to be observed and kept here in England, and whosoever shall againsay them, to be holdon as heretics, there is neither godly, nor truly English man, that will allow you, or consent to your Articles. But clean contrary to your Articles, a great number of godly persons within this realm, for the very love that they have to God, that his Name may be glorified above all things, be daily humble Suitors to the King's Majesty, that he following the steps of his Father, will study, and travail to weed out of this his Realm, all Popish Decrees, Laws and Canons, and whatsoever else is contrary to God's word: and that the speakers against God's word may be taken, as they be indeed, for Heretics. And is any of you so far from reason, that he thinketh the King's Majesty ought to hearken to you, that by force and stubbornness say, you will have Romish Laws and Decrees kept in this realm, and to turn his ears from them, that with all humility be suitors for God's Word?  
But now will I come to your other Articles, wherein I will be brief, forasmuch as in the first I have been long and tedious.   

II. Your second Article is this, WE will have the Law of our Sovereign Lord K. Henry VIII▪ concerning the six Articles, to be used again, as in his time they were.  
Letting pass your rude stile, nothing becoming Subjects, to say, You will have, First, I examine you of the cause of your wilful will, wherefore you will have these six Articles, which never were laws in no region, but this: nor in this realm also, until the 31 st. year of King Henry VIII. And in some things so enforced by the evil Council of certain Papists against the truth, and common judgement, both of Divines and Lawyers, that if the King's Majesty himself had not come personally into the Parliament house, those laws had never passed. And yet within a year or little more, the same most noble Prince was fain to temper his said laws, and moderate them in divers points. So that the statute of six Articles continued in his force little above the space of one year. Is this then so great a matter to make these uproars, and to arise against the whole realm? Will you take away the present laws of this Realm, which be and ever have been, the laws of all other Countries also, and set up new Laws, which never were, but in this Realm only, and were here in force not fully thirteen months? And how chanceth it, that you be so earnest in this Article, which is directly contrary to your first Article, but you know not what neither of the Articles meaneth; but be persuaded by Papists to ask you wot not what? But now here is the repugnance of the two Articles: By your First you will have all General Counsels and Decrees observed and kept; and by your Second Article you will have the six Articles used again. Then let us compare the general Counsels and Decrees with the Six Articles; and you shall see them aggree as well together, as black and white.  
First, it is contained in the Canons of the Apostles, that a priest under no pretence of holiness may put away his wife; and, if he do, he shall be excommunicate. And the six Articles say, that if any Priest put not away his wife, he shall be taken for a Felon. If he keep her not still, he must be excommunicate by the Canon of the Apostles. And if he keep her still, he must suffer death by the six Articles. You be cunning men, if you can set these together. Also, the Council of Nice, which was the chief of all the General Counsels, and was celebrated more than twelve hundred years past, decreed clean contrary to the six Articles. For where the six Articles command all Priests to be separate from their wives, Nicen Council determined clean contrary, that they should not be separated, confessing such copulation to be holy and godly. And the Council of Gangrense, which was about the same time, so much allowed the marriage of priests, that they accursed them that would abstain from the Ministration of priests, because they were married. These Counsels vary so far from the six Articles, that either you must put the General Counsels out of your Book, or else the six Articles.  
Likewise, concerning Private Masses, the law of six Articles far differeth from the Canon of the Apostles, and from the Counsels, Nicen and Antioch, as shall be declared in the next Article.  
Other things there be divers also in the six Articles, which cannot stand with sundry old Canons, Decrees and Counsels. So that if you will stand to the Canons, Decrees and Counsels, you must of force be constrained utterly to put out of your book your second Article, which requireth the usage of the Six Articles. But now for shortness of time I will come to your third Article: Which is this,   

III. The third Article. WE will have the Mass in Latin, as was before, and celebrated by the Priest, without any man or woman communicating with him.  
Forasmuch as there is nothing with you, but Will, let your will be conferred with reason and God's word; and than you shall see how far your Will differeth from them both: First as touching the Latin Masses, Whatsoever the Priest saith in the old Masses, whether he pray and ask any thing of God, or give thanks to God, or make the true Profession of the Faith, or whatsoever he doth besides, all he doth in your persons and in your names; and you answer unto that which he saith, sometimes Amen, sometimes Et cum spiritu tuo; and sometimes other things, as the matter serveth. For all the whole that is done should be the act of the people, and pertain to the people, as well as to the priest. And standeth it with reason, that the Priest should speak for you, and in your name, and you answer him again in your own persons; and yet you understand never a word, neither what he saith, nor what you say yourselves? The Priest prayeth to God for you, and you answer Amen you wot not whereto. Is there any reason herein? Will you not understand what the Priest prayeth for you? What thanks he giveth for you, What he asketh for you? Will you neither understand what he saith, nor let your hearts understand what your own tongues answer? Then must you needs confess yourselves to be such people as Christ spoke of, When he said, These people honour me with their lips, but their hearts be far from me. Had you rather be like Pies or Parrots, that be taught to speak, and yet understand not one word what they say, then be true christian men, that pray unto God in heart and in faith? The Priest is your Proctor and Attorney, to plead your cause, and to speak for you all; and had you rather not know, then know what he saith for you? I have heard Suitors murmur at the bar, because their Attorneys have pleaded their cases in the French tongue, which they understood not. Why then be you offended, that the Priests, which plead your cause before God, should speak such language, as you may understand? If you were before the King's Highness, and should choose one to speak for you all, I am sure you would not choose one, that should speak Greek or Hebrew, French or Italian; no, nor one, that should speak Latin neither. But you would be glad to provide such one, as should speak your own language, and speak so loud, that you might both hear him, and understand him: that you might allow or disallow that that he said in your Names. Why do you then refuse to do the like unto God?  
When the Priest desireth any thing of God for you, or giveth thanks for you, how can you in your heart confirm his Sayings, when you know not one word what he saith? For the heart is not moved with words, that be not understand.  
But if reason will not persuade you, I will prove what Gods word will do unto you. S. Paul, in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, saith, that whosoever shall speak to the people in the Church to their edification, must speak such language as the people may understand: or else he willeth him to hold his peace, and speak softly to himself and to God. For he which speaketh in a strange language, which the people understand not, doth not edify them, as S. Paul saith. And he giveth an example of the trumpet in the field, which when it giveth such a sound, that the Soldier understandeth, it availeth much. For every Soldier thereby knoweth what to do. But if such a blast be blown, as no man understandeth, than the blast is utterly in vain. For no man knoweth thereby, whether the horsemen shall make them ready, or leap upon horseback, or go to their standard. Or whether the footmen shall make them ready, or set themselves in array, or set upon the enemy, or retire to the standard. Even so should the Priests be God's trump in in his Church. So that if he blow such a certain blast, that the people may understand, they be much edified thereby. But if he give such a sound, as is to the people unknown, it is clearly in vain, saith S. Paul. For he speaks to the air, but no man is the better or edified thereby; Nor knoweth what he should do by that he heareth. Furthermore in the same place S. Paul saith, That if a man giveth thanks to God in a language to the people unknown, how can they say Amen to that they understand not? He doth well in giving thanks to God; but that nothing availeth or edifieth the people, that know not what he saith. And S Paul in one brief sentence concludeth his whole Disputation of that matter: Saying, I had rather have five words spoken in the Church to the instruction and edifying of the people, than ten thousand in a language unknown, that edifieth not. And for this purpose allegeth the Prophet Esay. Who saith, that God will speak to his people in other tongues, and in other languages. Meaning thereby that he would speak to every country in their own language. So have the Greeks the Mass in the Greek tongue, the Syrians in the Syry tongue, the Armenians in their tongue, and the Indians in their own tongue. And be you so much addict to the Romish tongue, which is the Latin tongue, that you will have your Master in none other language, but the Romish language? Christ himself used among the jews the jews language: and willed his Apostles to do the like in every country, whersoever they came. And be you such enemies to your own country, that you will not suffer us to laud God, to thank him, and to use his Sacraments in our own tongue: but will enforce us contrary, as well to all reason, as to the word of God?  
So many as be godly, or have reason, will be satisfied with this. But the mere Papists will be satisfied with nothing. Wherefore I will no ●onger tarry to satisfy them, that never will be satisfied, but will proceed to the second part of this Article, wherein you say, that you will have neither men nor women communicate with the Priest. Alas! good simple souls, how be you blinded with the Papists? How contrary be your Articles one to another? You say in your first Article, that you will have all General Counsels and Decrees observed, and now you go from them yourselves. You say, you will have no body to communicate with the Priest. Hear then what divers Canons, Decrees and general Counsels say clean against you. There is one Decree which saith thus, When the Consecration is done, let all the people receive the Communion, except they will be put out of the Church. And in the Canons of the Apostles, in the eighth Chapter, is contained, That whensoever there is any Master, or Communion, if any Bp., Priest, Deacon, or any other of the Clergy, being there present, do not communicate, (except he can show some reasonable cause to the contrary) he shall be put out of the Communion, as one that giveth occasion to the people to think evil of the Ministers. And in the ninth Chapter of the same Canons of the Apostles, and in the General Council held at Antioch, is thus written, That all christian people, that come into the Church, and hear the holy Scriptures read, and after will not tarry to pray, and to receive the holy Communion, with the rest of the people: but for some misordering of themselves, will abstain therfrom, let them be put out of the Church, until by humble knowledging of their fault, and by the fruits of Penance, and prayers, they obtain pardon and forgiveness. And the Council Nicene also showeth the order, how men should sit in receiving the Communion, and who should receive first. All these Decrees and general Counsels utterly condemn your third Article, wherein you will, That the Priest shall receive the Communion alone without any man or woman communicating with him. And the whole Church of Christ also, both Greeks and Latins, many hundred years after Christ, and the Apostles, do all condemn this your Article: Which ever received the Communion in flocks and numbers together, and not the Priest alone.  
And besides this, the very words of the Master, as it is called, show plainly, that it is ordained not only for the Priest, but for others also to communicate with the Priest. For in the very Canon, which they so much extol, and which is so holy, that no man may know what it is (and therefore is read so softly, that no man can hear it) in that same Canon, I say, is a prayer concerning this; that not only the Priest, but also as many beside, as communicate with him, may be fulfilled with grace and heavenly benediction. How aggregeth this prayer with your Article, wherein you say, that neither man nor woman shall communicate with the priest? In another place also of the said Canon, the priest prayeth for himself, and for all that receive the communion with him, that it may be a preparation for them unto everlasting life. Which prayer were but a very fond prayer, and a very mocking with God, if no body should communicate with the priest. And the Communion concludes with two prayers in the name of the priest, and them that communicate with him, wherein they pray thus: O Lord, that thing which we have taken in our mouth, let us take it also with pure minds, that this Communion may purge us from our sins, and make us partakers of heavenly remedy. And besides all this, there be an infinite sort of postcommons in the Mas-books. Which all do evidently show, that in the Masses, the people did communicate with the priest.  
And although I would exhort every good christian man often to receive the holy Communion: yet I do not recite all these things to the intent, that I would in this corrupt world, (when men live so ungodly as they do) that the old Canons should be restored again, which command every man present to receive the Communion with the priest. Which Canons, if they were now used, I fear that many would receive it unworthily. But I speak them to condemn your Articles, which would have no body, neither man nor woman, to be communicated with the priest. Which your Article condemneth the old Decrees, Canons and General Counsels, condemneth all the old primitive church, all the old, ancient, holy Doctors, and Martyrs, and all the forms and manner of Masses, that ever were made, both new and old. Therefore eat again this Article, if you will not be condemned of the whole world, and of yourselves also by your first Article: Wherein you will all Decrees, and general Counsels to be observed. But forasmuch as I have been so tedious in this Article, I will endeavour myself to be shorter in the next.   

IV. Your fourth Article is this, WE will have the Sacrament hang over the high Altar, and there to be worshipped, as it was wont to be; and they which will not thereto consent, we will have them die like Heretics against the holy Catholic faith.  
What say you, O ignorant people in things pertaining to God? Is this the holy Catholic faith, that the Sacrament should be hanged over the Altar and worshipped? And be they Heretics, that will not consent thereto? I pray you, who made this Faith? Any other, but the Bishops of Rome? And that after more than a thousand years after the Faith of Christ was full and perfect. Innocent III. about 1215 years after Christ, did ordain, that the Sacrament and Chrism should be kept under lock and key. But yet no motion he made of hanging the Sacrament over the high Altar, nor of the worshipping of it. After him came Honorius III. and he added further, commanding that the Sacrament should be devoutly kept in a clean place, and sealed, and that the priest should often teach the people reverendly to bow down to the host, when it is lifted up in the Mass time, and when the priests should carry it to the sick folks. And although this Honorius added the worshipping of the Sacrament, yet he made no mention of the hanging thereof over the high Altar, as your Article proporteth. Nor how long after, or by what means, that came first up into this realm, I think no man can tell. And in Italy it is not yet used until this day. And in the beginning of the Church it was not only not used to be hanged up, but also it was utterly forbid to be kept.  
And will you have all them that will not consent to your Article, to die like heretics, that hold against the Catholic faith? Were the Apostles and Evangelists heretics? Were the Martyrs and Confessors heretics? Were all the old Doctors of the Church heretics? Were all christian people heretics, until within three or four hundred years last passed, that the Bishops of Rome taught them what they should do and believe? All they before rehearsed neither hanged the Sacrament over the Altar, nor worshipped it, nor not one of them all spoke any one word, either of the hanging up, or worshipping of the Sacrament. Marry, they speak very much of the worshipping of Christ himself, setting in heaven at the right hand of his Father. And no man doth duly receive the Sacrament, except he so, after that manner, do worship Christ, whom he spiritually receiveth, spiritually feedeth and nourisheth upon, and by whom spiritually he liveth, and continueth that life that is towards God. And this the Sacrament teacheth us.  
Now to knit up this Article shortly. Here is the issue of this matter: that you must either condemn of heresy the Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Doctors, and all the holy Church of Christ, until the time of Innocentius and Honorius, because they hanged not the Sacrament over the Altar to be worshipped; or else you must be condemned yourselves by your own Article, to die like heretics against the holy Catholic faith. Now to your fifth Article.   

V. Your fifth Article is this, WE will have the Sacrament of the Altar but at Easter delivered to the Lay-people; and then but in one kind.  
Methinks you be like a man, that were brought up in a dark dungeon, that never saw light, nor knew nothing that is abroad in the world. And if a friend of his pitying his ignorance and state, would bring him out of his dungeon, that he might see the light and come to knowledge, he being from his youth used to darkness, could not abide the light, but would wilfully shut his eyes, and be offended both with the light, and with his friend also. A most godly Prince of famous memory K. Henry VIII. our late Sovereign Lord, pitying to see his Subjects many years so brought up in darkness, and ignorance of God, by the erroneous doctrines and superstitions of the Bp. of Rome, with the council of all his Nobles and learned men, studied by all means, and that to his no little danger and charges, to bring you out of your said ignorance and darkness unto the true light, and knowledge of God's word. And our most dread Sovereign Lord, that now is, succeeding his father, as well in this godly intent, as in his realms and dominions, hath with no less care and diligence, studied to perform his father's godly intent and purpose. And you like men, that wilfully shut their own eyes, refuse to receive the light, saying you will remain in your darkness. Or rather you be like men, that be so far wandered out of the right way, that they can never come to it again without good and expert guides: and yet when the guides would tell you the truth, they would not be ordered by them, but would say unto them, We will have, and follow our own ways.  
And that you may understand how far you be wandered from the ●ight way in this one Article, wherein you will have the Sacrament of the Altar delivered to the Lay-people but once in the year, and then but under one kind, be you assured, that there was never such law, nor such request made among christian people, until this day. What injury do you to many godly persons, which would devoutly receive it many times, and you command the priest to deliver it them but at Easter. All learned men and godly have exhorted christian people, (although they have not commanded them) often to receive the Communion. And in the Apostles time, the people at jerusalem received it every day, as it appears by the manifest word of the Scripture. And after, they received it in some places every day: In some places four times in the week: in some three times: some twice: commonly every where at the lest once in the week. In the beginning, when men were most godly and fervent in the holy Spirit, than they received the Communion daily. But when the Spirit of God began to be more cold in men's hearts, and they waxed more worldly than godly, than their desire was not so hot to receive the Communion, as it was before. And ever from time to time, as the world waxed more wicked, the more the people withdrew themselves from the holy Communion. For it was so holy a thing; and the threatenings of God be so sore against them, that come thereto unworthily, that an ungodly man abhorreth it, and not without cause dare in no wise approach thereunto. But to them that live godly, it is the greatest comfort, that in this world can be imagined. And the more godly a man is, the more sweetness and spiritual pleasure and desire he shall have, often to receive it. And will you be so ungodly, to command the Priest, that he shall not deliver it to him, but at Easter: and then but only in one kind? When Christ ordained both the kinds, as well for the Laymen, as for the Priests: and that to be eaten and drunken at all times.  
What enemies be you to all Laymen, and to yourselves also, to refuse to drink of Christ's cup, which he commanded all men to drink upon, saying, Take and divide this among you; and, Drink ye all of it?  
But need any more be brought for the reproving of this Article, than your own first Article, where you will have kept all Decrees and Counsels. Now in the Decrees De Consecrat. Di. 2. there is one Decree that commandeth all men to receive the Communion at the least thrice in the year, at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas. Another commandeth every man to receive the same upon Shere-thursday. The Council Agathense saith, that all Laymen which receive not the Communion at Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, shall not be taken for Catholics. And the Decree of Gelasius, that the receiving under one kind is great Sacrilege. Then by your first Article you do not only condemn your fifth Article, but also you show yourselves not to be Catholics, except you receive the Communion at the least three times in the year: and that under both kinds. Which is clean repugnant to this Article. And yet I pray God, you receive it worthily once in your life; which you shall never do, except you wonderfully repent this your misbehaviour: and all your life time study to amend and redress that you have now offended. Now to your sixth Article.   

VI Your sixth Article is this. WE will that our Curates shall minister the Sacrament of Baptism at all times, as well in the week day, as on the holy day.  
Who letteth your Ministers to baptise your child every day, if any case of necessity so do require? But commonly it is more convenient, that Baptism should not be ministered, but upon the holy day, when the most number of people be together. As well for that the whole church there present may rejoice together of the receiving of new members of Christ into the same church, as also, that all men, being present, may remember, and the better know what they promised themselves by their Godfathers and Godmothers in their own baptis●●; and be the more earnestly stirred in their hearts to perform the same: And also, may altogether pray for them, that be baptised, that they may have grace to perform their Profession. S. Greg. Nazienz. as great a Clerk as ever was in Christ's church, and Master to S. Hierom, counselled, that children should not be christened, until they came to three years of age, or thereabouts, except they were in danger of life. And it was thought sufficient to our forefathers to be done two times in the year, at Easter and Whitsuntide, as it appeareth by divers of their Counsels and Decrees. 
DeCons●er. di 4. Non ratione, Domino proprie. Siquts. De Catechumenis, Siqui, Vencrabilis, Baptizand.  Which forbid Baptism to be ministered at any other time than Easter and Whitsuntide, except in case of necessity. And there remained lately divers signs and tokens thereof. For every Easter and Whitsun-even, until this time, the Fonts were hallowed in every church, and many Collects and other prayers were read for them that were baptised. But alas! in vain, and as it were a mocking with God. For at those times, except it were by chance, none were baptised, but all were baptised before. For as Vigils, otherwise called Watchings, remain in the Calendars upon certain Saints Evens, because in old times the people watched all those nights; and Vigilantius, because he speaketh against these Watchings, was condemned of heresy; but now these many years those Vigils remained in vain in the books, for no man did watch; Even so until this day, the order and form of christening was read and kept every year at Easter and Whitsuntide, but none was then christened. Wherein it appeareth how far we be swerved from our forefathers.  
And, to conclude this Article shortly, If you will needs have Baptism ministered no more at one time than another, then must you needs renounce your first Article; Which willeth the Counsels and Decrees of the forefathers to be observed and kept. And this briefly sufficeth for the sixth Article.   

VII. Your Seventh Article is this. WE will have holy bread and holy water every Sunday, Palms and ashes at the time accustomed; Images to be set up again in every Church; and all other ancient, old Ceremonies used heretofore by our Mother holy Church.  
Oh! Superstition and Idolatry, how they prevail among you? The very true, heavenly bread of life, the food of everlasting life, offered unto you in the Sacrament of the holy Communion, you refuse to eat, but only at Easter. And the Cup of the most holy blood, wherewith you were redeemed and washed from your sins, you refuse utterly to drink of at any time. And yet in the stead o● these you will eat often of the unsavoury and poisoned bread of the Bishop of Rome, and drink of his stinking puddles, which he nameth Holy bread and Holy water. Consider, oh! ignorant people, the authors and intents of the makers of them both. The water of Baptism, and the holy bread and wine of the holy Communion, none other person did ordain, but Christ himse f. The other that is called Holy bread, Holy water, Holy ashes, Holy Palms, and all other like ceremonies, ordained the Bps. of Rome; Adversaries to 〈◊〉, and therefore rightly called Antichrist. And Christ ordained his Bread and his Wine and his Water to our great comfort, to instruct us and teach us what things we have only by him. But Antichrist on the other side hath set up his Superstitions, under the name of Holiness, to none other intent, but as the Devil seeketh all means to draw us from Christ, so doth Antichrist avance his holy Superstitions, to the intent that we should take him in the stead of Christ, and believe that we have by him such things, as we have only by Christ. That is to say, Spiritual food, Remission of our sins and Salvation.  
First, Our Saviour Christ ordained the Water of Baptism to signify unto us, that as the Water washeth our bodies outward y, so be we spiritually within washed by Christ from all our sins. And as the Water is called Water of Regeneration, or New birth, so it declareth unto us, that through Christ we be born anew, and begin a New life towards God: and that Christ is the beginning of this New life. And as the body that is new born, although it have life within it, yet can it not continue in the spiritual life towards God, except we be continually nourished with spiritual food. And that spiritual food is Christ also. For as he is the first beginning of our spiritual life, so is he the Continuance and ending thereof. And for this cause did Christ ordain in the holy Communion, to be eaten bread, and drunken wine, that we should surely believe, that as our bodies be fed with bread and wine in these holy mysteries, so be we out of doubt, that our souls be fed spiritually with the lively food of Christ's body and blood; whereby we have remission of our sins and salvation. But the Bp. of Rome invented new devises of his own making, and by them promised remission of sins and salvation, that he might be set up and honoured for a Saviour equal to Christ. And so to be esteemed above all creatures, and to set in the Temple of God, that is in the Church of Christ, as he were God.  
And to bring this to pass he hath horribly abused holy Scriptures, altering them to his purpose in the stead of Christ's most holy blood, putting in his holy Water. As it appeareth evidently in this Sentence of S. Paul written in the ninth Chap. of the Hebrews: If the blood of Oxen and Goats, saith S. Paul, and the ashes of a young Cow purified the unclean, as touching the purifying of the flesh, how much more the blood of Christ (which through the eternal Spirit offered himself without spot unto God) shall purge your consciences from dead works, for to serve the Living God. And for this cause he is the Mediator of the New covenant. Consider well this sentence of Paul, and you shall find two purifyings one of the body, and another of the Soul, or Conscience. You shall find also two Mediators; One was the Priest of Moses law, and the other is Christ. The Priests of the old Law, with the blood of Oxen and Goats, and other their Sacrifices, purged only the bodies of them that were defiled, but the Soul, or Conscience, they could not help. But our Saviour Christ by his own blood purged both body an● soul. And for that cause he, and none other, is the Mediator of the New Covenant. But the Bp. of Rome, to make himself also a Mediator with Christ, hath taken upon him to purify the soul and conscience with holy water, holy salt, and other his holy creatures of his own devising, to the intolerable injury of Christ's blood, which only h●th the effect. And to bring this to pass, he hath most shamefully changed the words of the Scripture, and wrested them to his purpose: Some words putting out, and only in the stead of Christ's blood, putting in his own holy water and salt. For whereas S. Paul, if the blood of Oxen and Goats, and the ashes of a Cow purified the unclean, as touching the purifying of the flesh: here the Bp. of Rome leaveth out these words, As touching the purifying of the flesh. And where S. Paul, extolling the effect of Christ's blood in comparison of the blood of Oxen and Goats, saith, How much more the blood of Christ, which through the eternal spirit offered himself, being without spot, unto God, shall purge your consciences: Here the Bp. of Rome, extolling his water and salt puts out Christ's blood, and in the place thereof puts his holy water and salt; saying, How much more water, which is sprinkled with salt, and hallowed with godly prayers, shall sanctify and purify the people. Oh! intolerable blasphemy against the most precious blood of Christ! Oh! shameless audacity and boldness, so to corrupt and pervert Gods holy word! If he by his holy water presume to purify our souls, as Christ did by his blood, what is that else, but to make himself equal, and another Mediator with Christ? And what is it, to Tread under foot the Son of God, and to make the blood of the N. Testament (whereby he was Sanctified) like other common things, and to dishonour the spirit of grace, if this be not? And yet not contented with this blaspheming the blood of Christ, he preferreth his holy creatures far above the blood of Christ, promising by them many benefits, which by the blood of Christ be not promised. For in the same place he promiseth by his holy ceremonies to take away from us dearth and scarcity of all worldly things, and to multiply and increase us with the same. Also to defend us from the assaults of the Devil, and all his deceits, and to give us health both of body and soul. But all men see him so shamefully to lie in these worldly things, that no man, that wise is, will trust him in the rest. Nor no man, that is godly, will desire such things to remain still, which so much have deceived simple people, and dishonoured God, and been contumelious to the blood of Christ.  
But now to your Images, which, you say, you will have set up again in every Church. What moved you to require this Article, but only Ignorance? For if you had known the Laws of God, and the use of godly religion, as well before the Incarnation of Christ, as four or five hundred years next after, and by whom Images were at first brought into Christ's church, and how much Idolatry was every where committed by the means of the same, it could not have been, that ever you would have desired this Article, except you had more affection to Idolatry, then to true religion. For Almighty God, among the ten Commandments rehearsed this for the Second, as one of the chief, Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image, nor the likeness of any thing, that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, nor in the water under the earth. Thou shalt not bow to them, nor worship them. This Commandment was diligently kept in the old Testament, so long as the people pleased God. For in their Tabernacle was not one image, less nor more, that the people might se. Although upon the Propitiatory were two Cherubins of gold by the Commandment of God. And that was in such a place, as the people never came near, nor saw. But when the people forgetting this Commandment, began to make images, and to set them up in the place of Adoration, by and by they provoked God's indignation against them, and were grievously punished therefore.  
The Church of Christ likewise in the N. Testament, for the space of four or five hundred years after Christ's Ascension, utterly refused to have Images in the Church, a place of Adoration. As it may plainly appear by all the old, ancient Authors, that lived and wrote in that time. In so much, that above four hundred years after Christ, when some Superstitious, and ignorant people, in some places, began to bring painted images, not into the Church, but to the Church doors, the great Clerk Epiphanius, Bp. of Cyprus, finding such a painted Image of Christ, or some other Saint, hanging at the Church door, in a Town called Anablatha, he cut it in pieces, saying, that it was against the authority of scripture, that in the Church of Christ should hang the Image of a man. And the same Epiphanius wrote unto the Bp. of jerusalem, that he should command the Priests, that in no wise they should suffer such Images to be hanged in the church of Christ, which were contrary to our religion.  
But peradventure you will marvel, and ask me the question, how it was brought to pass, that of late years all Churches were so full of Images, and so much offering, and pilgrimages done unto them, if it were against the Commandment of God, against the usage of all godly people in the O. Testament, and also against the custom of Christ's church in the N. Testament, so long as it was pure and holy, and kept from Idolatry? Who was able to bring this to effect, contrary both to Gods express Commandment, and the custom of all godly people from the beginning of the world, until four or five hundred years after Christ? No man surely could have wrought this thing so much contrary to God, but Antichrist himself, that is to say, the Bp. of Rome. To whom God hath given great power to work wonders, to bring into error those that will not believe the truth. But by what means did he compass this matter? By such means as were most meet for himself, and as he hath commonly practised in all other matters: that is to say, by Sedition and Murder, by Confederacies and Persecutions, by raising the Sons against their Fathers, the child against their mother, and the Subjects against their Ru●ers; by deposing of Emperors and Princes, and murdering of learned men, Saints and Martyrs. For thus he wrought against the Emperor of the East parties from Gregory II. his time, until Gregory III. who at length, after this condition had endured above five hundred years, in a Council held at Lions, by feigned promises, persuaded the Emperor of the East to condescend to his purpose, as well to receive Images into the churches, as to other his requests. But nevertheless the Bp. of Rome failed of his purpose. For yet to this day the Christian men in the East do not allow images to stand in their churches; neither the Greeks; nor the Armenians, nor the Indians, nor none other christian men. And that more is, Search all the world through out, of what religion soever they be, whether they be jews, Turks, Saracens, Tartaries, or Christian people; and you shall not find an image in none of their churches, but that was brought in by the Bp. of Rome, and where the Bp. of Rome is, or with in these forty years was, taken for the head of the Church, and Christ's Vicar in earth.  
And at the beginning the Bps. of Rome, to cloak their Idolatry, pretended to have Images set up, only for a remembrance to Lay men, and to be, as it were, Lay men's books. But after, they defined plainly, that these should be worshipped. And so it increased at length, that Images were kneeled unto, offered unto, prayed unto, sought unto; Incensed, and Pilgrimages done unto them, and all manner of superstition and idolatry that could be devised. Almighty God knoweth our corrupt nature better, than we do ourselves. He knoweth well the inclinations of Man, how much he is given to worship creatures, and the work of his own hands: and especially fond Women, which commonly follow superstition rather than true religion. And therefore he utterly forbade the people the use of graven images; especially in places dedicated to the honour of God, knowing assuredly, that of the having would follow the worshipping them.  
Now, thanks be to God, in this Realm, we be clearly delivered from that kind of idolatry (which most highly offended God,) and we do according to the Council Elebertyne, which ordained, that no Images should be in Churches. And this is so ancient, that it was about the same year, that Nicene Council was. What should ●hen move you to ask again your Images in the Church, being not only against God's commandments, and the use of God's Church evermore, since the beginning of the world, when it was pure from idolatry; but also being chargeable to the realm, and great occasion of heinous idolatry; But that some Papistical and covetous priests have persuaded you hereto? Which care neither for God's honour, nor your damnation: so that they may have any commodity or profit thereby.  
I have been very long in this Article, and yet the matter is so large, that it requireth much more to be spoken therein, which for shortness of time I am constrained to leave, until a more occasion: and so come to your vl Article.   

VIII. Your Eighth Article is this. WE will not receive the new Service, because it is but like a Christmas game: but we will have our old Service of Matins, Mass, Evensong, and Procession in Latin, as it was before. And so ne the Cornish men, whereof certain of us understand no English, utterly refuse this new English.  
As concerning the having of the Service in the Latin tongue, is sufficiently spoken of in the answer to the third Article. But I would gladly know the reason, why the Cornish men refuse utterly the New English, as you call it, because certain of you understand it not: and yet you will have the Service in Latin, which almost none of you understand. If this be a sufficient cause for Cornwall to refuse the English Service, because some of you understand none English, a much grea●er cause have they, both of Cornwall and Devonshire, to refuse utterly the late Service; for as much as fewer of them know the Latin tongue, than they of Cornwall the English tongue. But where you say, that you will have the old Service, because the new is like a Christmas game, you declare yourselves what spirit you be ●ed withal, or rather what spirit leadeth them, that persuaded you, that the Word of God is but like a Christmas game. It is more like a game and a fond play to be laughed at of all men, to hear the Priest speak aloud to the people in Latin, and the people listen with their ears to hear; and some walking up and down in the Church, some saying other prayers in Latin, and none understandeth other. Neither the Priest nor his parish wot what they say. And many times the thing that the Priest saith in Latin is so fond of itself, that it is more like a play, than a godly prayer.  
But in the English Service appointed to be read, there is nothing else but the eternal word of God. The New and the Old Testament is read, that hath power to save your Souls: Which, as S. Paul saith, is the power of God to the Salvation of all that believe: The clear light to our eyes, without the which we cannot see; and a Lantern unto our feet, without which we should tumble in darkness. It is in itself the Wisdom of God, and yet to the Jews it is a stumbling block, and to the Gentiles it is but foolishness▪ But to such as be called of God, whether they be jews or Gentiles, it is the Power of God and the Wisdom of God. Then unto you if it be but foolishness and a Christmas Game, you may discern yourselves what miserable state you be in, and how far you be from God. For S. Paul saith plainly, that the Word of God is foolishness only to them that perish: but to them that shall be saved it is God's might and power. To some it is a lively savour unto life; and to some it is a deadly savour unto death. If i● be to you but a Christmas game, it is then a Savour of death unto death. And surely persuade yourselves, that you be not led by the spirit of God, so long as the word of God Savoureth no better unto you, but seemeth unto you a Christmas pastime, and foolishness. And therefore the old Service pleaseth you better. Which in many things is so foolish and so ungodly, that it seems rather to be old wives tales and lies, then to sound to any godliness. The Devil is a liar, and the Author of lies: and they may think themselves governed rather of his spirit, then of God, when lies delight more, than Gods most true word.  
But this I judge rather of your Leaders then of yourselves; who by ignorance be carried away by others, you wot not whether. For when the Service was in the Latin tongue, which you understood not, they might read to you truth or fables, godly or ungodly things, as they pleased: But you could not judge that you understood not. And what was the cause why S. Paul would have such languages spoken in the Church as that people might understand? That they might learn and be edified thereby, and judge of that which should be spoken, whether it were according to God's word, or not.  
But forasmuch as you understand not the old Latin Service, I shall rehearse some things in English, that were wont to be read in Latin, that when you understand them, you may judge them, whether they seem to be true tales, or fables: and whether they, or God's word seem to be more like plays and Christmas games. The Devil entered into a certain person; in whose mouth S. Martin put his finger. And because the Devil could not get out at his mouth, the man blew him, or cacked him out behind. This was one of the tales, that was wont to be read in the Latin service, that you will needs have again. As though the Devil had a body, and that so crass, that he could not pass out by the small pores of the flesh, but must needs have a wide hole to go out at. Is this a grave and godly matter to be read in the Church, or rather a foolish Christmas tale, or an old wife's fable, worthy to be laughed at and scorned of every man, that hath either wit or godly judgement? Yet more foolish, erroneous and superstitious things be read in the feasts of S. Blaze, S. Valentine, S. Margaret, S. Peter, of the Visitation of our Lady, and the Conception, of the Transfiguration of Christ, and in the feast of Corpus Christi; and a great number more. Whereof some be most vain fables, some very superstitious, some directly against God's word, and the Laws of this realm: and altogether be full of error and superstition. But as Christ commonly excused the simple people, because of their ignorance, and justly condemned the Scribes and Pharisees, which, by their crafty persuasions, led the people out of the right way: So I think not you so much to be blamed, as those Pharisees and Papistical Priests, which, abusing your simplicity, caused you to ask you wist not what, desiring rather to drink of the dregs of corrupt error, which you know not, then of the pure and sweet wine of God's word, which you may and aught to understand. But now have I sufficiently spoke of your eighth Article: I will go forward unto the ninth.   

IX. Your ninth Article is this, WE will have every preacher in his Sermon, and every Priest at the Mass, pray especially by name for the souls in Purgatory, as our forefathers did.  
To reason with you by learning, which be unlearned, it were but folly; Therefore I will convince your Article with very reason. First, Tell me I pray, if you can, whether there be a Purgatory, or no: and Where or What it is. And if you cannot tell, than I may tell you, that you ask you wot not what. The Scripture maketh mention of two places, where the Dead be received after this life. Viz. of Heaven, and of Hell: but of Purgatory is not one word spoken. Purgatory was wont to be called a Fire, as hot as Hell, but not so long during. But now the Defenders of Purgatory within this Realm, be ashamed so to say: Nevertheless they say, it is a third place. Where or What it is, they confess themselves they can no tell. And of God's word they have nothing to show neither, Where it is, nor What it is, nor That it is. But all is feigned of their own brains without authority of Scripture.  
I would ask of them then, Wherefore it is, and to what use it serveth. For if it be to none use, than it is a thing frustrate and in vain. Marry, say they, it is a place of punishment, whereby they be purged from their sins, that depart out of this life, not fully purged before. I cannot tell, whether this saying be more foolish, or more contumelious to Christ. For what can be more foolish, then to say, that pains can wash sins out of the Soul. I do not deny but that corrections and punishments in this life, is a calling of men to repentance and amendment; and so to be purged by the blood of Christ. But correction without repentance can nothing avail: and they that be dead be past the time of repentance; and so no correction or torments in Purgatory can avail them. And what a contumely and injury is this to Christ, to affirm that all have not full and perfect purgation by his blood, that die in his faith? Is not all our trust in the blood of Christ, that we be cleansed, purged and washed thereby? And will you have us now to forsake our faith in Christ, and bring us to the Pope's Purgatory, to be washed therein: Thinking that Christ's blood is an imperfect Lee or Soap, that washeth not clean? If he shall die without mercy, that treads Christ's blood under his feet, what is treading of his blood under our feet, if this be not? But if according to the Catholic faith, which the holy Scripture teacheth, and the Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs confirmed with their blood, all the faithful, that die in the Lord, be pardoned of all their offences by Christ, and their sins be clearly spunged and washed away by his blood, shall they after, be cast into another strong and grievous prison of Purgatory, there to be punished again for that which was pardoned before? God hath promised by his word, that the Souls of the jews be in God's hand, and no pain shall touch them: And again he saith, Blessed be they that die in the Lord. For the spirit of God saith, that from henceforth they shall rest from their pains. And Christ himself saith, He that believeth in him, that sent me, hath everlasting life, and shall not come to judgement, but shall pass from death unto life. And is God no truer of his promises, but to punish that, which he promiseth to pardon? Consider the matter by your own cases. If the King's Majesty should pardon your offences; and after, would cast you into prison, would you think that he had well observed his promise? For what is, to pardon your offences, but to pardon the punishment for the same? If the King would pardon you, would you take that for a pardon? Would you not allege your Pardon, and say, that you ought not to be punished? Who can then, that hath but a crumb of reason in his head, imagine of God, that he will, after our death, punish those things that he pardoned in our life time?  
Truth it is, that Scripture maketh mention of Paradise and Abraham's bosom after this life; but those be places of joy and consolation, not of pain and torments. But yet I know what subtle Sophisters use to mutter in men's ears to deceive them withal. David, say they, with many other, were pardoned of their offences, and yet were they sore punished after, for the same, of God. And some of them, so long as they lived. Well, be it were so. Yet after their lives, they were not punished in Purgatory therefore. But the end of their lives was the end of their punishment. And likewise it is of Original sin after Baptism, which although it be pardoned, yet after pains thereof continue so long as we live. But this punishment in this life time is not to revenge our Original sin, which is pardoned in Baptism; but to make us humble, penitent, obedient to God, fearful to offend, to know ourselves, and ever to stand in fear and awe; as if a Father, that hath beaten a wilful child for his faults, should hang the rod continually at the child's girdle, it should be no small pain and grief to the child, ever hanging by his side. And yet the father doth it not to beat the child for that which is past and forgiven; but to make him beware hereafter, that he offend not again, and to be gentle, tractable, obedient and loath to do any thing amiss. But after this life there is no such cause of punishment: Where no rod nor whip can force any man to go any faster or further, being already at the end of his journey. Likewise a Master, that hath an unthrifty Servant, which out of his Master's sight doth nothing but riot and disorder himself, if he forgive his Servant, and for the love he beareth to him, and the desire he hath to see him corrected and reform, he will command him never to be out of his sight: This Command, although indeed it be a great pain to the Servant, yet the Master doth it not to punish those faults, which before he had pardoned and forgiven, but to keep him in stay, that he fall no more to like disorder. But these examples and cas●s of punishment here in this life, can in no wise be wrested and drawn to the life to come. And so in no wise can serve for Purgatory.  
And furthermore, Seeing that the Scriptures so often and so diligently teach us, almost in every place, to relieve all them that be in necessity, to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to visit the sick and the prisoner, to comfort the sorrowful; and so to all others that have need of our help: and the same in no place make mention, either of such pains in Purgatory, or what comfort we may do them; it is certain that the same is feigned for lucre, and not grounded upon God's word. For else the Scripture in some place would have told us plainly what case they stood in that be in Purgatory, and what relief and help we might do unto them. But as for such as God's word speaketh not one word of neither of them both, my council shall be, that you keep not the Bp. of Rome's Decrees, that you may come to Purgatory, but keep God's laws, that you may come to heaven. Or else I promise you assured y, that you shall never escape Hel. Now to your next Article.   

X. Your tenth Article is this. WE will have the Bible, and all Books of Scripture in English, to be called in again. For we be informed, that otherwise the Clergy shall not of long time confound the Heretics.  
Alas! it grieveth me to hear your Articles: and much I rue and lament your ignorance: praying God most earnestly once to lighten your eyes, that you may see the truth. What christian heart would not be grieved to see you so ignorant, (for willingly and wilfully, I trust, you do it not) that you refuse Christ, and join yourselves with Antichrist. You refuse the holy Bible, and all holy Scriptures so much, that you will have them called in again; and the Bp. of Rome's Decrees you will have advanced and observed. I may well say to you as Christ said to Peter, Turn back again, for you savour not godly things. As many of you as understand no Latin cannot know God's word, but in English, except it be the Cornish men, which cannot understand likewise none, but their own speech. Then you must be content to have it in English, which you know, or else you must confess, that you refuse utterly the knowledge thereof. And wherefore did the Holy Ghost come down in fiery tongues, and gave them knowledge of all languages, but that all Nations might hear, speak and learn God's word in their Mother tongue? And can you name me any Christens in all the world, but they have, and ever had God's word in their own tongue? and the Jews, to whom God gave his Scriptures in the Hebrew tongue, after their long captivity among the Chaldees, so that more of them knew the Chaldee rather than the Hebrew tongue, they caused the Scripture to be turned into the Chaldee tongue, that they might understand it: Which until this day is called Targum. And Ptolemy, King of Egypt caused Sixty [Seventy] of the greatest Clerks, that might be gotten, to translate the Scripture out of Hebrew into Greek. And until this day the Greeks have it in the Greek tongue; the Latins in the Latin tongue, and all other Nations in their own tongue. And will you have God further from us, then from all other countries: that he shall speak to every man in his own language, that he understandeth, and was born in, and to us shall speak a strange language, that we understand not? And will you, that all other Realms shall la●d God in their own speech, and we shall say to him we know not what?  
Although you savour so little of godliness, that you ●ist not to read his word yourselves, you ought not to be so malicious and envious, to let them that be more godly, and would gladly read it to their comfort and edification. And if there be an English Heretic, how will you have him confuted, but in English? And whereby else, but by God's word? Then it followeth, that to confute English Heretics, we must have God's word in English, as all other Nations have it in their own native language. S. Paul to the Ephesians teacheth all men, as well Laymen, as priests, to arm themselves, and to fight against all Adversaries with God's word: Without the which we cannot be able to prevail, neither against subtle Heretics, puissant Devils, this deceitful world; nor our own sinful flesh. And therefore until God's word came to light, the Bp of Rome, under the Prince of darkness, reigned quietly in the world: and his Heresies were received and allowed for the true Catholic ●ai●h. And it can none otherwise be, but that Heresies must reign, where the ●ight of God's word driveth not away our darkness.   

IX. Your Eleventh Article is this, WE will have Dr. Moreman and Dr. Crispin, which hold our opinions, to be safely sent unto us; and to them we require the King's Majesty to give some certain Livings, to preach among us our Catholic faith.  
If you be of Moremans' and Crispin's faith, I like you much the worse. For like Lettuce, like lips. And to declare you plainly the qualiti s s of Crispin and Moreman, and how unmeet men they be to be your Teachers, they be persons very ignorant in God's word; and yet thereto very wilful, crafty, and full of dissimulation. For if they were profoundly learned, and of sincere judgements, as they be not, they might be godly Teachers of you. Or if they were not toto wilful, and standing wholly in their own cenceits, they might learn, and be taught of others. But they be so wilful, that they will not learn, and so ignorant, that they cannot teach, and so full of craft and hypocrisy, that they be able to deceive you all, and to lead you into error after themselves. So that if you ask them, you ask your own poison. Now if a man were in such a sickness, that he longed for poison (as many diseases desire things most noyful unto them) yet it were not the part of a good Physician to give it unto them. No more is it the office of a most godly Prince, to give you such Teachers, although you long never so sore for them, as he knoweth would corrupt you; feeding you rather with sour and unwholesome leaven of Romish Pharisaical doctrine, then with the sweet, pure and wholesome bread of God's heavenly word. Where you would have God's word in English destroyed, and Crispin and Moreman delivered unto you, you do even as the people of the jews did; who cried out, that Christ might be crucified, and that Barrabas, the strong thief, might be delivered unto them.   

XII. Your Twelfth Article is this, WE think it very meet, because the L. Cardinal Pole is of the King's blood, that he should not only have his pardon, but also be sent for to Rome, and promoted to be of the King's Council.  
In this Article I will answer no more but this, if ever any Cardinal or Legate were beneficial unto this Realm, we may have some hope of some other to follow his steps. But if all that ever were in this Realm were pernicious and hurtful unto the same, I know not why we should be with child to long for any more. For by the experience of them, that have been heretofore, we may conjecture of them, that be to come. And I fear me, that Cardinal Pole would follow rather the old race of the rest, than to begin a better of himself. Surely I have read a book of his making, which whosoever shall read, if he have a true heart to our late Sovereign Lord K. Henry VIII. or to this realm, he will judge Cardinal Pole neither worthy to dwell in this realm, nor yet to live. For he doth extend all his wits and eloquence in that book to persuade the Bp. of Rome, the Emperor, the French King, and all other Princes, to invade this realm by force. And sure I am, that if you have him, you must have the Bp. of Rome also. For the Cardinal cannot be a Subject, but where the other is his Head. This sufficeth briefly to this Article.   

XIII. Your Thirteenth Article is this, WE will that no Gentleman shall have any more servants than one, to wait upon him, except he may dispend one hundred mark land. And for every hundred mark we think it reasonable he should have a man.  
Yet have you not foreseen one thing, You Wise Disposers of the Common wealth. For if a Gentleman of an hundred mark land▪ (who by your order must have but one servant, except he might spend two hundred marks) should send that one servant to London, you have not provided who shall wait upon him, until his servant come home again. Nor you have not provided, where every Gentleman may have one servant, that can do all things necessary for him. I fear me the most part of you, that devised this Article (whom I take to be Loiterers and idle unthrifts) if they should serve a gentleman, he should be fain to do all things himself, for any thing that you could, or would do for him. For one thing methink very strange; for where much complaint is made of divers Gentlemen, because they keep not Houses, you provide by your order, that no Gentleman shall keep house; but all shall sojourn with other men. For who can keep a household with one servant, or with two servants, after the rate of two hundred mark, or with three after the rate of three hundred, and so upward? For here it seems you be very desirous to make Gentlemen rich. For after this proportion every Gentleman may lay up clearly in his Coffers at the least one half of his yearly revenues, and much more.  
But it was not for good mind, that you bore to the Gentlemen, that you devised this Article; but it appeareth plainly, that you devised it to diminish their strength, and to take away their friends, that you might command Gentlemen at your pleasures. But you be much deceived in your account. For although by your appointment they lacked household servants, yet shall they not lack Tenants and Farmers. Which, if they do their duties, will be as assured to their Lords, as their own household servants. For of these lands, which they have or hold of their Lords, they have their whole Livings for themselves, their wives, children and servants. And for all these they attend their own business, and wait not upon their Lords, but when they be called thereto. But the household servant, leaving all his own business, waiteth daily and continually upon his Master's service: and for the same hath no more but meat and drink and apparel for himself only. So that all Tenants and Farmers, which know their duties, and be kind to their Lords, will die and live with them, no les than their own Household Servants. Therefore I would wish you to put this fantasy out of your heads, and this Article out of your book, as well for the unreasonableness, as for the ungodliness thereof.  
For was it ever seen in any country since the world began, that Commons did appoint the Nobles, and Gentlemen, the number of their Servants? Standeth it with any reason to turn upside down the good order of the whole world, that is every where, and ever hath been? That is to say, The Commoners to be governed by the Nobles, and the Servants by their Masters. Will you now have the Subjects to govern their King, the villains to rule the Gentlemen, and the Servants their Masters? If men would suffer this, God will not; but will take vengeance on all them, that will break his order; as he did of Dathan and Abiram: although for a time he be a God of much sufferance, and hideth his indignation under his mercy; That the evil of themselves may repent, and see their own folly.   

XIV. Your fourteenth Article is this, WE will that the half part of the Abbey lands, and Chantry lands in every man's possession, howsoever he came by them, be given again to two places, where two of the chief Abbeys were within every County. Where such half part shall be taken out; and there to be established a place for devout persons, which shall pray for the King and the Common wealth. And to the same we will have all the Alms of the Church box given for these seven years.  
At the beginning you pretended, that you meant nothing against the King's Majesty, but now you open yourselves plainly to the world, that you go about to pluck the Crown from his head: and against all justice and equity, not only to take from him such lands as be annexed unto his Crown, and be parcel of the same: but also against all right and reason, to take from all other men such lands, as they came to by most just title, by gift, by sale, by exchange, or otherwise. There is no respect, nor difference had among you, whether they come to them by right, or by wrong. Be you so blind, that you cannot see how justly you proceed, to take the sword in your hand against your prince, and to dispossess just Inheritors without any cause? Christ would not take upon him to judge the right and title of lands betwixt two brethren; and you arrogantly presume, not only to judge, but unjustly to take away all men's right titles; yea, even from the King himself. And do you not tremble for fear, that the Vengeance of God shall fall upon you, before you have grace to repent? And yet you, not contented with this your Rebellion, would have your shameful act celebrated with a perpetual memory; as it were to boast and glory of your iniquity. For in memory of your fact, you would have established in every country two places to pray for the King, and the Commonwealth: Whereby your abominable behaviour at this present may never be forgotten, but be remembered unto the world's end. That when the King's Majesty was in Wars with Scotland and France, you, under pretence of the Common wealth, rebelled, and made so great sedition against him within his own realm, as never before was heard of. And therefore you must be prayed for for ever, in every County of this realm.  
It were more fit for you to make humble Supplication upon your knees to the King's Majesty, desiring him not only to forgive you this fault, but also that the same may never be put in Chronicle nor writing; and that neither show nor mention may remain to your posterity, that ever subjects were so unkind to their Prince, and so ungracious toward God; that contrary to God's word they should so use themselves against their Sovereign Lord and King. And this I assure you of, that if all the whole world should pray for you until Doomsday, their prayers should no more avail you, than they should avail the Devils in hell, if they prayed for them; unless you be so penitent and sorry for your disobedience, that you will ever hereafter, so long as you live, study to redubbe and recompense the same with all true and faithful obedience: and not only yourselves, but also procuring all other, so much as lieth in you. And so much detesting such uproars and seditions, that if you see any man towards any such things, you will to your power resist him, and open him unto such Governors and Rulers, as may straightway repres the same. As for your last Article, thanks be to God, it needs not to be answered, which is this,   

Your last Article is this, FOR the particular griefs of our Country, we will have them so ordered, as Humphrey Arundel and Henry Bray, the King's Mayor of Bodman, shall inform the King's Majesty, if they may have salve Conduct in the King's great Seal to pass und repas with an Herald of Arms.  
Who ever heard such arrogancy in Subjects, to require and will of their Princes, that their own particular causes may be ordered, neither according to reason, nor the laws of the Realm, but according to the Information of two most heinous Traitors? Was it ever heard before this time, that information should be a judgement, although the Informers were of never so great credit? And will you have suffice the information of two villainous Papistical Traitors? You will deprive the King of his lands, pertaining to his Crown, and other men of their just possessions and inheritances, and judge your own causes, as you list yourselves. And what can you be called then, but most wicked judges and most errand Traitors: Except only Ignorance or Force may excuse you●▪ that either you were constrained by your Capitains' against your wills, or deceived by blind Priests, and other crafty persuaders, to ask you wist not what. How much then ought you to detest and abhor such men hereafter, and to beware of all such like, as long as you live: and to give most humble and hearty thanks unto God, who hath made an end of this Article, and brought Arundel and Bray to that they have deserved; that is, perpetual shame, confusion, and death? Yet I beseech God so to extend his grace unto them, that they may die well, which have lived i'll, Amen.    

NUM. XLI. The Archbishop's notes for an Homily against the Rebellion.  

Sentences of the Scripture against Sedition.  
1 Cor. 3. CUM sit inter vos zelus & contentio, nonne carnales estis, 
Ex MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. D.  & sicut homines ambulatis? Et  
1 Cor. 6. Quare non magis injuriam accipitis? Quare non magis fraudem patimini?  
jac. 3. Si zelum amarum habetis, & contentiones sint in cordibus vestris, etc. non est ista Sapientia desursum, descendens a Patre Luminum, sed terrena, animalis, Diabolica. Ubi enim zelus & contentio, ibi inconstantia, & omne opus malum, etc. Et  
Cap. 4. Unde bella & lites inter vos? Nonne ex concupiscentijs vestris, quae m ilitant in membris vestris.   

How God hath plagued Sedition in time past.  
Num. 18. Dathan and Abiram, for their sedition against Moses and Aaron, did miserably perish by Gods just judgement, the earth opening and swallowing them down quick.  
2 Reg. 15. & 18. Absalon moving Sedition against David, did miserably perish likewise.  
2 Reg. 20. Seba for his Sedition against David lost his head.  
3 Reg. 1. & 2. Adonias' also for his Sedition against Solomon was slain.  
Acts 8. judas and Theudas for their Sedition were justly slain.  
Acts 21. An Egyptian likewise, which moved the people of Israel to Sedition, received that he deserved.   

Tumults in England. jack Cade. jack Straw.  
In Germany for their Sedition were slain almost in one month about two hundred thousand.  
The Sword by God's word pertaineth not to Subjects, but only to Magistrates.  
Tho the Magistrates be evil, and very tyrants against the Commonwealth, and enemies to Christ's religion, yet ye Subjects must obey in all worldly things, as the Christians do under the Turk; and ought so to do as long as he commandeth them not to do against God.  
How ungodly then is it for our Subjects to take the Sword, where there reigneth a most Christian prince, most desirous to reform all griefs?  
Subjects ought to make humble suit to their Prince for Reformation of all injuries, and not to come with force.  
The Sword of the Subjects at this present cometh not of God, nor for the Common wealth of the Realm: but of the Devil, and destroyeth the Commonweal.  
First, For that it is against the word of God.  
Secondly, For that they rise so many lies; whereof the Devil is ever the Author. Quia mendax est, & Pater ejus.  
Thirdly, For that they spoil and rob men, and command every man to come to them, and to send to them what they please.  
Fourthly, For that they let the harvest: Which is the chief sustentation of our life: and God of his goodness hath sent it abundantly. And they by their folly do cause it to be lost and abandoned.  
Fiftly, For that they be led by rage and fury, without reason; have no respect neither of the King's Authority, nor of the Papists in the West Country: nor of our affairs in France, nor Scotland. Which by their Sedition is so much hindered, that there could not be imagined so great a damage to the Realm.  
Sixtly, That they give Commandment in the King's name, and in pain of death, having none authority so to do.  
Ever against God the Devil hath raised Sedition. As appeareth by the Sedition of Dathan and Abiram; and all the murmurations of the children of Israel against Moses and Aaron. Also, of the conspiracy against Zorobabel in the re-edifying of the Temple. Also, against Christ and his Apostles, in sundry parts of the World. Also, In Germany lately: and now among us. For the Devil can abide no right reformation in religion.  
Civil war is the greatest scourge, that can be, and most certain argument of God's indignation against us for our ingratitude: that we either will not receive his true word, or that they, which receive the same, dishonour God in their living▪ when they pretend to honour him with their mouths. Which ingratitude and contumely God can in no wise bear at our hands.  
The Remedies to avert God's Indignation from us is to receive his Word, and to live according thereunto: Returning unto God with prayer and penance. Or else surely more grievous afflictions shall follow; if more grievous may be, then Civil wars among ourselves.  
The chief Authors of all these tumults be idle and naughty people. Which nothing have, nor nothing or little will labour to have: that will riot in expending, but not labour in getting.  
And these tumults first were excitated by the Papists, and others, which came from the Western Camp. To the intent that by sowing division among ourselves, we should not be able to impeach them.    

NUM. XLII. The Lady Mary to the Council, justifying herself for using the Mass, in K. Edward's Minority.  
IT is no small greyf to me to parceyve, that they, whom the King's Majesty my father, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  (whose Soul god pardon) made in this world of nothing, in respect of that they be come to now; and at his last end put in trust to see his Will performed, whereunto they were all sworn upon a book; it gryeveth me I say, for the Love I bear to them, to see both how they break his will, and what usurped power they take upon them, in making (as they call it) laws both clean contrary to his proceedings and will, and also ageyust the custom of all Crystendome, and (in my conscience) against the law of god and his church. Which passeth all the rest. But though you among you have forgotten the King my father, yet both god's commandment and nature will not suffer me to do so. Wherefore, with gods help, I will remain an obedient child to his laws, as he left theym, till such time as the Kings majeste my brother, shall have parfayt yers of discretion to order the power that god hath sent him, and to be a Judge in these matters himself. And I doubt not but he shall then accept my so doing better than theirs, which have taken a piece of his power upon them in his mynoryte.  
I do not a little marvel, that you can find fault with me for observing of that law which was allowed by him, that was a king, not only of power, but also of knowledge, how to order his power. To which laws all you consented, and seemed at that time to the outward appearance very well to like the same. And more immediately when the King reasons to have his proceedings observed. Wherefore I do wonder that you can found fault with me, and non all this while with some amongst yourselves, for running half a year before that, which you now call a law: ye, and before the bishops come together. Wherein me thynketh you do me very much wrong, if I should not have as much preeminence to continue in keeping a full authorysed Law made without partiality, they had, both to break the law, which at that time yourselves must needs confess was of full power and strength, and to use alterations of their own invencyon contrary both to that, ye, and to your new Law, as you call it.   

NUM. XLIII. The Archbishops letter to Martin Bucer, inviting him over into England.  
GRatiam & pacem Dei in Christo. Legi tuas literas ad johannem Halesium, 
Buceri Scripta Angli●.  in quibus tristissimos Germaniae casus commemorans, te in tua urbe verbi ministerio vix diutius praeesse posse scribis. Gemens igitur Prophetae illud exclamavi, Mirifica misericordias tuas, qui Salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae. Nec dubito quin Deus hoc & similes piorum gemitus exauditurus sit: & veram doctrinam, quae hactenus in vestris Ecclesijs syncere propagata est, & conservaturus & defensurus sit, adversus omnes diaboli & mundi furores. Interim Saevientibus fluctuum procellis, in portus confugiendum est iis, qui vela in altum tendere non possunt. Tibi igitur, mi Bucere, portus longe tutissimus erit nostrum regnum, in quo Dei beneficio, semina verae doctrinae feliciter spargi caeperunt, Veni igitur ad nos; & te nobis operarium praesta in messe Domini. Non minus proderis Catholicae Dei Ecclesiae cum apud nos fueris, quam si pristinas sedes retineres. Adde, quod adflictae patriae vulnera absens melius sanare poteris, quam nunc possis praesens. Omni igitur semota cunctatione, quamprimum ad nos venias. Ostendemus nobis praesentia Buceri nihil gratius aut jucundius esse posse. Sed cave ne quid ex itinere incommodi accipias. Nosti quos habeas vitae insectatores▪ eorum manibus ne te commiseris. Est istic mercator quidam Anglus Richardus Hils, Vir pius & summa fidelitate praeditus, cum quo de tota itineris ratione te conferre velim. Praeterea, Deum aeternum Patrem Domini nostri jesu Christi, toto pectore oro, ut in ira misericordiae recordetur & afflictae Ecclesiae calamitates respiciat, & lucem verae doctrinae apud nos magis magisque accendat. Apud vos vero jam multos annos praeclarè lucentem, non extingui patiatur. Is te quoque, mi Bucere, regat, & servet & incolumem ad nos traducat. Bene & feliciter Valerius Londini, 2 Octob. Anno 1548.  
Tui ad nos accessus cupientissimus, Thomas Cranmerus Archiep. Cantuar.   

NUM. XLIV. A Catalogue of Books published by Paulus Fagius.  

In Folio.  
LExicon Chaldaicum, authore Elija Levita; quo nullum hactenus a quoquam absolutius editum est. Omnibus Hebraicae Linguae Studiosis in primis & utile & necessarium. Cum praefatione triplici, una Hebraica ipsius Authoris Eliae, a Paulo Fagio Latine reddita. Reliquis duabus Latinis ab eodem praefixis; Una ad Lectorem. Altera ad D. Wolfg. Capitonem.  
Saepher Tehillim: hoc est, Psalterium, cum Commentario R. David Kimhi, Hebraicè excusum Isnae, Anno minoris Supputationis a Creatione mundi.  
Commentarium Hebraicum R. David Kimhi in 10 primos Psalmos Davidicos, cum versione Latina è regione: pro exercitamento omnibus Hebraicae linguae studiosis: quibus ad legenda Hebraeorum Commentaria animus est. Per Paulum fagium.  
Thargum: Hoc est, Paraphrasis Onkeli Chaldaica in sacra Biblia, ex Chaldaeo in Latinum versa: additis in singula ferè Capita succinctis Annotationibus. Authore Paulo Fagio. Pentateuchus, sive V. libri Moysis. Consilium & utilitatem editionis hujus Chaldaicae ex praefatione ad Lectorem intelligere poteris.  
Collatio praecipuarum, quae in usu sunt, Translationum V. Testamenti, in praecipuos S. Scripturae locos: In quibus cum Interpretum, tum Commentatorum mira est varietas. Ex qua non tam ipsas variationis causas, quam quis Interpretum, ac Expositorum, cum Veterum, tum Recentiorum, vel a scopo veritatis, longius aberrarit, vel ad illum proprius accesserit; ex ipsa Veritate Hebraica pulchrè cognoscere licebit. Authore Paulo Fagio.  Opus inabsolutum, partim propter illorum temporum difficultates; partim propter exilium, & obitum praematurum optimi atque doctissimi viri paulo post subsequentem.  

In Quarto.  
OPusculum recens Hebraicum, a Doctissimo Hebraeo Elija Levita Germano, grammatice elaboratum. Cui titulum fecit, Thisbites. In quo DCCXII. vocum, quae sunt partim Hebraicae, Chaldaicae, Arabicae, Graecae & Latinae; quaeque in Dictionarijs non facile inveniuntur; & a Rabbinis tamen Hebraeorum in scriptis suis passim usurpantur, Origo, E●ymon & verus us●s doctè ostenditur, atque explicatur, Per Paul. Fagium, in gratiam Studiosorum Linguae Sanctae, Latinitate donatum.  
Sententiae verè elegantes, piae miréque cum ad linguam discendam, tum animum pietate excolendum utiles, veterum Sapientum Hebraeorum, Quas Pirke Avoth, id est, Capitula, aut, si mavis, Apoththegmata, Patrum nominant; in Latinum versae, Scholijsque illustratae, Per Paulum Fagium.  
Exegesis, sive expositio, dictionum Hebraicarum literalis & simplex, in quatuor Capita Geneseos, pro Studiosis linguae Hebraicae. Cujusdam Scriptum judaei, ad Christianismum conversi ante annos CC. In quo obiter ostendit causas aliquot, propter quas multi judaei, etiam si veritatem agnoscant, ad fidem tamen nostram accedere verentur.  
Sententiae Morales, ordine Alphabeti, Ben Syrae, Vetustissimi autoris Hebraei, qui a Iudaeis Nepos Hieremiae Prophetae fuisse creditur: Cum succincto Commentariolo, Hebraicè & Latinè.  
Tobias Hebraice; ut is adhuc hòdie apud Judaeos in venitur. Omnia ex Hebraeo in Latinum translata, in gratiam studiosorum linguae Sanctae.  
Saepher Aemuna, id est, Liber Fidei, Hebraice impressus Isnae, Anno CCCII. minoris Supputationis a Creatione Mundi.  
Liber Fidei, pretiosus, bonus & jucundus, quem edidit Vir quidam Israelites sapiens & prudens, ante multos annos, ad docendum & comprobandum in ea argumentis sufficientibus & evidentibus, quod Fides Christianorum, quem habent in Deum Patrem, Filium & Sp. Sanctum, atque alia, perfecta, recta, & indubitata sit, Collocata super fundamentum legis, Prophetarum & Hagiographorum. Ideo vocavit nomen ejus Saepher aemuna, i. e. Liber fidei, seu veritatis; ad illuminandum in eo oculos caecorum, & ad ducendum in viam rectam errantes. Translatus ex lingua Hebraea in linguam Latinam. Opera Pauli Fagij.  
Precationes Hebraicae, quibus in Solennioribus festis Judaei cum mensae accumbunt, adhuc hodie utuntur: & quo modo, ordine & ritu dicant. Ex quo videre licet vestigia quae●am ritus veteris populi, quem & Christus Salvator in S S. coena sua, uti eam Evangelistae, praesertim Lucas, describunt, in quibusdam observavit.  
Parvus Tractatulus ex libello Hebraico excerptus, cui nomen est Saepher aemuna, id est, Liber fidei, Judaei cujusdem ad Christianismum conversi ante annos CC. In quo obiter ostendit causas aliquot▪ propter quas multi judaei, etiam si veritatem agnoscant, ad fidem nostram accedere verentur. Per. P. Fagium translatus.  
Saepher Midoth, id est, Liber Virtutum Germanicè compositus, Hebraicis tamen characteribus exaratus.  
Grammatica Heliae Levitae Hebraicè, excusa Isnae.  
Compendiaria Isagoge in Linguam Hebraeam, Autore Paulo Fagio.  
Prima quatuor capita Geneseos Hebraicè, cum versione Germanica è regione, Hebraicis tamen characteribus exarata, Eaque juxta usitatam Judaeorum interpretationem, ad verbum translata, una cum succinctis in fine adjectis Scholijs, & ratione legendi Hebraeo-germanica.  
Tredecim fundamenta fidei Judaeorum: Quae composuit R. Mosche filius Majemon. Hebraicè excusa, absque ulla vel loci vel temporis notatione praefixa, aut Subscripta.   

In Octavo.  
NOmenclatura Hebraica, authore Helia Levita Germano Grammatico. In gratiam omnium Tyronum ac Studiosorum linguae Sanctae.    

[NUM. XLIV.] Dr. Cox, the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, his Oration at the Conclusion of Peter Martyrs Disputation.  
VIRI Oxonienses, peregimus quatuor dimidiatos dies in excutiendis duabus quaestionibus, de Transubstantiatione scilicet, 
P. Martyri● Opera.  & Reali Praesentia corporis Christi in Sacramento. Magno fuit nobis oblectamento haec Disputatio: atque utinam per tempus licuisset omnia quae hic dicipossent, audivisse. Quod optabamus, id successit; ut quieta esset Disputatio. Auditores ita etiam Sedati, Spero Veritatis imbibendae avidi. Qui fabulam peragebant, & utrinque disserebant, suo officio diligentissimè perfuncti sunt, nec meritis laudibus fraudandi. Viri Nostri, hoc est, Angli & Oxonienses, praeterquam quod Conscientiae suae negotium egerunt, etiam haud minimum decus huic Academiae attulerunt, quod in tanta causa non subterfugerint, quo minus palam testarentur, pro eruditionis suae modulo, & dono a Dei benignitate sibi impartito, & quid animi in hisce controversijs haberent, & quibus rationibus & authoritatibus huc perpellerentur. Pulcherrimè sane sibi datam provinciam obierunt. Caeteri verò docti & boni viri, qui in iis tantis rebus tacuerunt, nescio quo pacto, suo Silentio negationis notam sibi inusserunt. Petrus autem, & meritò Petrus, propter constantiae suae firmitatem; Martyr & meritò Martyr, propter innumera, quae nunquam non profert, de veritate testimonia, multam apud nos, & apud pios omnes inire debet hoc tempore gratiam. Primùm, quod immensos Labores exantlarit, in substinendo Disputationum onere. Nam si ne Hercules quidem contra duos, quid Petrus solus contra quoscunque. Deinde quod Disputationem instituerit, vanos vano●um hominum sermones repressit, qui de eo invidiosa atque odiosa sparserant: nimirum aut nolle, aut non audere sua defendere. Postremò, quod summorum Magistratuum, atque adeo Regiae Majestatis, expectationi optimè responderit, dum non solum Christi doctrinam, ex ipsis vivis fontibus Dei propinaverit Academiae, sed neque quenquam (quantum in ipso situm fuit) fontes aut turbare, aut obstruere permiserit.  
Auscultavimus nos hanc Christianam velitationem, quae veritatis indagandae atque investigandae causa, est suscepta. Qui quidem status, in omni disputatione, tanquam unicus scopus, ad quem omnes colliment, perpetuus esse debet. Hanc scrutari oportet omnes, quibus sincera religio cordi est. Quid enim aliud vult, Scrutamini Scripturas, nisi ex scripturis veritatem indagate? Caeterum de hisce controversijs sententiam ferre, & litem prorsus dirimere, modò non decrevimus. Tum autem decernetur, cum Regiae Majestati, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae Proceribus visum fuerit.  
Quod si ego, quem vestrum Cancellarium pro vestra humanitate adlegistis, aliam nunc personam non gererem (Aliam enim Regia authoritas jam mihi imposuit) optatissimè vellem in his propositionibus Fidei meae rationem reddere. Non enim me pudet Evangelij Christi, neque veritatis, quae ex verbo ejus omnibus lucet: Quod quidem aliàs, cum dabitur opportunitas, facere non detrectabo. Inter●a vero, Vos, peregrinos & alienigenas, siqui sunt modo exhortor, ut domum vestram revertamini. Nolite perpetuo peregrinari in Patribus & Concilijs, tanquam in patria vestra. Nolite existimare illa esse vestra principia. Nolite hallucinari in probabilibus humanae sapientiae verbis. Quaenam principia habuerunt Patres? Quae Concilia? quam turpiter in multis lapsi sunt Patres? quam faedè errarunt Concilia? Errorum hic nolo meminisse, nolo hanc movere camarinam. Et tamen Patres atque Concilia debent esse Principia Disputationum? Fuerunt antehac Haeretici, qui negarunt, vel partem, vel totam scripturam. Sunt & hodie Libertini, qui eadem insania laborant▪ ij nos●ra Christianorum principia negant, & conculcant. Qui verbum Dei in altissima specula constituunt, & in summa veneratione habent, hincque tantùm vitam & salutem petunt, principia tenent firmissima, solidissima, atque sanctissima. Interim tamen Ecclesia●, & piorum Patrum saluberrima testimonia non rejiciunt, imò amplectuntur, & venerantur, tanquam radios Sp. sancti, caliginem oculorum nostrorum aliquo pacto illustrantes.  
Quare, obsecro, per vestram salutem, & per Dei misericordiam, tam Juvenes, quam Senes, ut duo praestare velitis. Prius, ut nunc demum ponatis illas controversias, quae Ecclesiam Christi multis Saeculis inutili concertatione turbarunt, & dilacerarunt, de Transubstantiatione, & nescio qua carnali Praesentia. Nullus est rixandi finis. Hae sunt Diaboli paedicae, quibus nos perpetuò involvit, & a vera pietate remoratur. Nos vero uti pios decet Christianos, illud imprimis imò in universum spectemus, quid Christus fecerit, quid nobis faciendum praeceperit. Cogitemus sacrosancta & tremenda illa Christi mysteria esse, illa subinde ad salutem nostram usurpemus, ad illa cum timore & tremore accedamus; ne unquam indign● veniamus, & ad judicium & condemnationem nostri accipiamus. Alterum est, ut ad Verbi Dei studium concedatis. Ad hunc scopum omnia Vestra rela dirigatis: huc omnia studia referatis; sive philosophica, sive Mathematica, sive rationes Medicas, sive quaecunque alia, huic, tanquam Reginae, ancillentur. Hinc omnem fidem petite: Hinc religio stabiliatur atque solidetur. Coelum & terra transibunt, Verbum autem Domini manet in aeternum. Hoc, tanquam Lydio lapide, omnes controversiae examinentur, atque definiantur.  
Porro, unum est, quod Vos omnes admonere debemus, nimirum, ut vale dictis universis nugis Papisticis, superstitionibus, & simulato Dei cultu, veritati disquirendae diligentem operam detis, aut saltem, ne impedimento sitis, quo minus veritatis studiosi in negotio pietatis progrediantur. Scimus enim, & compertum habemus, nonnullos nimis esse inquietos, & turbidos, & praepostero zelo incitatos, ad remorandum Veritatis progressum. Scimus aliquos patris sui exemplum perniciosè sequi, dum discordiarum semina passim spargunt, mendacia fingunt. Scimus falsos & odiosos rumores circumferri. Scimus homines vanos maledictis agere, cum non possint veris promovere causam suam. Ita irritabilis est mala consuetudo contra Veritatem.  
Verùm, ut finem faciam, si ullo veritatis amore afficimini, sedatis animis illam exquirite, ardentibus precibus a Deo Opt. Max. illam postulate; amica & candida collatione illam eruite; ferveat in vobis Christiana charitas. Infirmum in fide, assumite. Debent enim, inquit Paulus, sirmiores imbecillitates infirmorum sustinere, & non sibi placere. Vnusquisque proximo suo placeat in bonam aedificationem. Cavete Satanae technas, qui vobis insidiatur, ne acquiescatis Sermonibus Domini nostri Ies● Christi; ut deliretis circa quaestiones & pugnas verborum; ex guibus oriuntur invidiae, contentiones, blasphemiae, suspiciones malae, etc. Possumus ex authoritate vobis imperare, & pervicacibus meritum supplicium comminari, malumus tamen pro dilectione nostra erga vos, rogare & exhortari. Quare siqua consolatio in Christo, siquod solatium dilectionis, siqua societas spiritus, siqua viscera miserationis, implete gaudium nostrum. Gaudium nostrum est, quod videmus multos in hac Academia in bonis literis & pietate insigniter adolescere. Gaudium nostrum est, quod videmus Vos adeo modestos & ad imperium paratos. Implete ergo gaudium nostrum, hoc est, Veritatem multis jam seculis, veluti in specu Trophonij, dilitescentem, eruite. Veritatem adeptam, sincera fide, excipite. Exceptam autem probis moribus exornate. Sic lucebit Lux vestra coram hominibus, ut videant opera vestra bona, & glorificent Patrem vestrum, qui est in coelis. Cui omnis gloria in secula. Amen. Dixi.   

NUM. XLV. Dr. Treshams' Epistle to his Relation of the Disputation between himself and Peter Martyr, at Oxford.  
Praeclarissimis Viris & eisdem Heroibus longè honoratissimis Regiae Majestatis Consiliarijs, Gulielmus Treshamus, Theologiae Doctor, Salutem & faustum rebus regendis successum.  
VEritas ut cunctis rebus mira dignitatis eminentia praepollet, 
Foxij MSS.  (Prudentissimi ac multò excellentissimi viri) utpote quae suos cultores verè liberos efficit, summáque ac nunquam intermoritura donat ingenuitate, ita nos illam in omnibus & super omnia praeferre, venerari, sequi, ac integram & illaesam omni ●empore servare pro virili oportet. Quod cum ita sit, cumque perspexissem illam a temerario quodam, & plane deploratae salutis homine indignissimè tractatam, ac summis affectam injurijs, non solum ejusdem defendendam causam libenter (ut par erat) suscepi; sed & machinas adversarij, quas in ipsam expugnandam paraverat, evertere ac prors●s confringere sedulò molitus sum: & nisi vehementer fallor, quod in ea parte contendebam praestiti. Verumenimvero, ne vestrae Celsitudini admodum prolixus videar, ut quem ego hoc loco per veritatis hostem innuo, designem, Senex quidam delirus est, subversus, impudens, errorum magister insignis, Petrus Martyr Vermilius. Is è patria sua primum fugam saciens ad Germanos, dum apud illos vigeret haeretica pravitas, se contulit, certe ut libidini licentiùs indulgeret, & suo potiretur adulterio. Caeterùm restaurata illic per Carolum Caesarem religione, ad nos statim transvolavit. Postremo Oxoniam veniens summa vitae integritate ad tempus simulata, tandem occasionem (ut putabat) nactus opportunam, virulenta pestilentis doctrinae Seminaria proposuit. A quibus cum plurimi plurimùm abhorrerent, Richardus Smythus, Theologiae apud Oxonienses Professor, malum hunc Seminatorem publicè rep●ehendit, & ejusdem impia dogmata improbaturus audacem hunc Athletam ad concertandum provocavit. Unà in scholis convenerant, tempus dabatur idoneum: ingens Auditorum turba confluxerat. Urgebat ad luctum Smythus. Non audet Ps●udomartyr congredi. Rem prorsus rejicere pudui●, disputare vero piguit. Hinc ad cavilla itum astutè est. Ac primum questiones non nisi suo modo proponi voluit; concessit Smythus. Tum vero Petrus decem dies sibi dari petit, quibus se contra Smythum ad certamen armar● possit. Quae enim prius ad decem menses palam docuerat, & argumentis confirmare in publicis praelectionibus conatus est, jam respondere volenti Smytho, & partem adversam etiam imparato defendere cupienti, eadem disputando tueri veritus denegavit, neque quicquam penitus agi volebat, nisi decem dies, quibus sese pararet concederentur. Dabantur tandem; Sed Smytho, qui dolum tum olfecerat, rem aegrè ferente. Deinde nominantur judices utriúsque consensu. Dies disputationi praescriptus. Interim Petri, aut certè cujuspiam ejus asseclarum (ut conjicere licet) industriâ, apud magistratus suggestionibus minus sinceris actum est, ut ejusmodi disputationes non haberentur. Qua Petri arte totum eludebatur negotium.  
Postea vero elapsis jam aliquot mensibus, ubi aberant Praelectores, nec quisquam de Disputationibus cogitabat, egregius iste pugil prorumpit subitò, & ad certamen provocat. Quaestiones priores palam disputare vult, arbitratus tum neminem adesse, qui negotium contra eum susciperet. Quo tempore quia adversus illum stare volui, cum caeteri, me multò validiores, haud idem eo saltem tempore faciendum putarent, in me prae caeteris excandescit, in me durius invehitur, mordáxque caninos infigit dentes, ac, quantum potest, infamat, editóque libello proponit, quasi in multis ab eo inter disputandum superatum. Quae cum conspicarer, maximè autem, cum causam Dei erroribus & mendacijs Petri scandalizari viderem; existimavi operae pretium, & perquam necessarium facturum me, si ab hujusmodi contumelijs & Christi causam & meipsum pro viribus desenderem, ac scriptis declararem, quam sit hic in scribendo falsarius, quam malè intellectis abutatur scripturis, quam Patres invitos ad suum institutum trahat, quam suis facile percutiatur & confodiatur telis, quam debilibus dum sua roborare vult, innitatur principijs, quam absurda nonnunquam fateri non vereatur, quámque passim peccet omittendo quae dicta, & quae non erant dicta adjiciendo; quo videlicet lectores Christiani veritatem sine fucis percipientes ab hac peste caveant, nec quicquam adhibeant fidei, cernentes illum errorum spiritu impulsum, ut nos Deo permittente, velut triticum cribraret, utque qui probati sint manifesti fiant.  
Quamobrem hic mearum partium esse judicavi, primùm, ut rem omnem quo ordine diebus illis, quibus cum eo agebam, gesta fuerit plane & simpliciter legentibus ob oculos ponerem, nec quippiam prorsus meis insererem, nisi quod exemplaribus notariorum, vel ipsius Petri libello expressè contineretur. Deindè, quoad illam partem disputationum, quae inter illum & me ultro citróque habita est, annotationes quasdam elucubravi, quibus ea omnia quae in illum jam dixi, vera esse contester. Quod siquis roget, Quorsum ista? aut quid opus nova scribere? Cur non ista inter disceptandum potius deprompta sunt, & in adversarium congesta? Dicam cum Augustino, neque sum Angelus, neque Propheta, ut qui omnia ex tempore proferre atque regerere po●teram. Praetereà, in disputationibus ipsis non erant hujusmodi inversiones, non adjectiones novae, non omissiones, non tot ab illo insertae, ut nunc sunt, falsae sententiae. Sed nec ullae prorsus tum erant calumniosè annotationes in margine scriptae. Quae omnia detegere pal●mque facere pernecessarium duxi. Sed & ipse Petrus antagonistas suos, quos pro libidine vocat Malevolos, ad scribendum provocat, ac pollicetur hoc si fecerint, quemadmodum tunc ausus fuit viva voce congredi; ita & nunc se comparare ad ea quae scripserint, ut respondeat.  
Has itaque Lucubrationes vobis (insignissimi Heroes) quos Christus praecipuos sub potentissimo Rege nostro Edovardo Reipub. judices constituit, exhibendas esse censui; nihil prorsus ambigens eam esse vestram in omnes veritatis studiosos benignitatem, eam aequitatem, eam veri judicij certitudinem, ut sine omni personarum acceptione justam causae conditionem velitis semper attendere, & neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram ulla occasione ducti, quovismodo a veritate declinare: non ignorantes in illum finem vobis concessam esse potestatem, tum a summo judice Deo, tum ab ipsa Regia majestate, apud quam pro vestra in C●ristum charitate agere dignemini, quo mihi indigenae, ac genuino Regis nostri subdito Christi causam, quoad possum, curanti tantum in evulgando hoc disputationum ac annotationum Volumine efficere liceat, quantum Petro Martyri, extraneo, veritatis adversario, audere hactenus fuerit impunè permissum. Rem sanè justam, ni fallor, postulo. Neque profectò in scriptis his est, unde pius quispiam offendatur. In impios autem ut duriùs agamus exposcit veritatis ratio, quae nequaquam charitati refragatur. Duriùs enim contra errones obstinatos egerunt Patres, nec illis unquam pepercerunt, quin veluti Christi hostes verbis factisque contemnerent, atque acerbissimis reprehensionibus persequerentur. johannes Baptista Pharisaeos incredulos viperarum vocavit progenies. Christus ipse malos illos judaeos mendaces appellavit, & diaboli filios. Sed & Petrum ipsum a morte obeunda dehortantem, minúsque in hoc sapientem quae Dei sunt, Satanam taxando nuncupavit. Unde certò edocemur nos posse, citra charitatis praejudicium, adversarios in causis religionis severis ac mordacibus verbis impetere atque perstringere.  
Denique, haud temerè hoc quicquid est opusculi evulgo, sed summae vestrae prudentiae & eximio candori, qui illi, regum omnium pulcherrimo flori jam sese auspicatissimè diffundenti, a consilijs estis, humilis suppléxque ipsum offero, obnixè vos exoratos habens, ut cum privilegio ad Christi honorem ac multorum utilitatem divulgetur. Id quod vestrae Dominationes ab illa lucis aurora, nimirum Serenissimo Rege nostro Edovardo, jam a paterno somno orbem illustri virtutum omnium lumine spargente, facile spero obtinebunt, & cum gratia consequentur. Hanc auroram splendidissimam felicissimè procedere atque in perfectum diem crescere, optimaque Optimi patris vestigia imitari, faciat Deus Opt. Max. qui & illum unicum nostrum decus & praesidium, Vósque sub ipso Moderatores Reip. primarios, aliosque illius studiosos universos diuturnissimè incolumes servet.   

NUM. XLVI. The sententious say of Master Martin Bucer upon the Lord's Supper.  

F●xij MSS.  1. SO plainly, so faithfully, and also so warily, as can be possible, we ought to speak of the mysteries of the holy supper, even as we ought to do of all other Christ's mysteries; to th'end, that the Children of God may most clearly perseyve what Christ doth mean, and the Adversaries to have as small occasion as can be, either to pervert or else to dark and make dim the truth of Christ.  
2. These things we cannot better attain, then by the godly and right expounding of the words of the holy ghost, not allowing any false sygnyfications of them, both certainly affirming the things which be agreeable unto this mystery, and also denying the things which be contrary there unto.  
3. We must certainly acknowledge that the holy ghost most clearly, most faithfully and most warily, hath dyscrybed all the sacraments of our salvation.  
4. But the holy ghost by Christ's own mouth, by the mouth of the Apostles, and by the scripture, delyvereth unto us the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, even as he doth all other Sacraments, by the words and form of delyveryng, gevying and receyving.  
5. And three things acknowledgeth hearein to be given and taken, bread and wine, being the signs of the body and blood of the Lord, and assurance of the new testament and remission of our sins.  
6. For when he had taken bread and wine, and given thanks, he gave them to his disciples to be eaten and drunken, and said moreover, that by these signs he gave therein his body that was offered for us, and likewise his blood, which was shed for us, saying also, that by this blood the new testament of grace was assured, and the forgiveness of sins purchased.  
7. And he defineth or describeth the right use and receyving of this Sacrament to be that partaking of the body and blood of Christ, whereby we being many, are one bread and one body (as many of us as be partakers of one Bread and one Cup of the lord) This body doubtless is that body whereof Christ is the head, and into the which we are baptised. For by the regeneration we are made members of his body, flesh of his flesh, bone of his bones, and so we be one flesh with him, 1 Cor. 12. Ephes. 5.  
8. That fellowship which we have with the father and the son, and with all the saints, whereof S. john speaketh, 1 john, 1 chap. of his epistle, is given and taken in the Lord's supper rightly administered and receyved. That unity also which we have with the father, and the son, and with all the saints, for the which the Lord prayed, john 17. by the which Christ is in us, as the Father is in him, and we in them, (I mean in the father and the son) is given and receyved in the same supper rightly administered, whereof the Lord also speaketh: he that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood dwelleth in me, and I in him. John 6.  
9 This is the partaking and the unity of an heavenlye regeneration, of a new creature, of the high mystery of God, which cannot be understand and known, but by faith, even as faith is perceyved and felt by his effects, as by judgement, will, and by the new heavenly and godly works.  
10. All sensible and worldly imagynations, all fancying of joined or continual places, are to be put away from this partycipation and unytie, which in the word of God is known to be mervelous, and with reverence to be pondered and discussed by the new man's living, as by his effects.  
11. The Holy Ghost thought it not enough to declare unto us, how that we be endued with the spirit of Christ by his merits, but he doth publish also that we do live by his intercession and working. He furthermore assureth us that we have him with us, that he dwelleth in our hearts, and that we receyve him in the holy supper. These be the things which we ought to tell openly and to fortify.  
12. These are Metaphors and borrowed speeches, like as other whereby we expound the matters of regeneration. For unto such matters as the natural man perceyveth not, can no proper names by given, but such translation of wordless as the Holy Ghost doth use, and there cannot be devised more proper, more meet for the purpose, nor more famous words than they are.  
13. It is not meet therefore that we should attempt to expound these Metaphors with our own proper words, whereof we be all together destitute in matters of regeneration, neither is it convenyent that we should deface their perfection with more slender Metaphors, and with such gear as be of kindred to our natural reason.  
14. We must beware that with no superstitious, stately eloquence, we do make dark the brightness of the Lord's commandment, unto such as have their eyes lightened on every side by faith. We must in like manner take heed we demynysh not the force and majesty of Christ's sacraments set forth by the Holy Ghost, rather of us to be beleved, then by our natural reason to be out-searched, as by the exposition rather proceeding of our own imagynations, then of the very word of God, and of the nature of his sacraments.  
15. The Word is made flesh, that their might be both God and man in one substance, and such as was a very earthily man, which died, rose again from the dead, ascended into heaven, remaineth in the heavens, and sitteth on the right hand of the father, which governeth and fulfileth all things, and in the sight of all the world he shall come again in the clouds to judge the quick and the dead. And they all must needs receyve their own bodies again. All these things truly do so far pass the reach of man's wit, that of necessity we must lay hold of them by faith.  
16. faith, because she is practised and fortified in the daily use of these things, causeth them clearly and manifestly to appear, even as she doth make all the other mysteries of Chryst, to such as doth perfectly believe. Which things should be made dark unto us, if we would suffer ourselves to make inquiry of them according to the trade of our own reason, following her natural principles.  
17. Christ our Lord is for ever both God and man, he is the head of all the saints, and the first begotten among the children of God. Wherefore we must so mark with our minds, and express in words the propertyes of the natures, that by no manner of imagynations we separate the unity of substance.  
18. There is nothing better agreeth with itself, then doth the word of God, so that what so ever the scripture speaketh of Christ's being among us, of the receyvyng of him, of his aby ding, and dwelling in us, and eating of him, agreeth all together, and is consonant with these evydent scriptures, openly declaring that he hath forsaken the world, that he is in heaven, yea and that he hath a very body, and therefore limited and bounden in one place.  
19 When we therefore entreat of the mystery, either of the supper of the Lord, or of Christ's plain presence with us (for why should we not say that he is present, which dwelleth in us, and is in the midst of us) it is to no purpose to lay against the presence of him such places of scripture, as declare Christ to have departed from this world, to be in heaven, and to be very man, having a very body, and therefore such a body as is bounded in a place, which may not be placed in all or many places at one tyme.  
20. For Christ's presence, whether it be offered or declared, either in the word only or else in the sacraments, is no presence of place, neither of sensies nor of reason, nor yet no earthly presence, but it is a spiritual presence, a presence of faith, and an heavenly presence. For as much as we are conveyed into heaven by faith, being placed in Christ. So that we lay hold upon him and embrace him in his heavenly majestye, all be it he be here offered and declared after a sort unto us in the glass, and dark speaking of sensible words and sacraments.  
21. The Antichristes make the simple people to believe by these words, that we receyve and have Christ here present after some worldly fashion, that is to say, either enclosed with the bread and wine, or else that he is present under their accydences, so that there he ought to be honoured and worshipped.  
22. Let them therefore that be apt to learn, be taught that there is no presence of Christ in the supper, but only in the lawful use thereof, and such as is obtained and gotten by faith only. As for the other sort, bid them adieu as the blind guides of the blind, and that planting which our heavenly Father hath not planted. For such as hear not God's word, are not borne of God.  
23. We must turn away from their deceits and crafts, from which we ought verily to withdraw ourselves, howbeit they cannot be avoided other ways then by the true expounding of God's word, yea and that but only of them, whom the Lord himself hath taught by the ministration he hath committed to us.  
24. The good men moreover hearing, that Christ in the sacrament is presently given, receyved and had, do imagine a certain presence of place, and many times they fantsye also, that God himself is bounded in a place, having a body, even as he were a man.  
25. They must therefore be continually taught that these heavenly mysteries do pass all men's capasityes, and that they must be perceyved and known in the only word of God, so that all worldly fasions must be far from our minds, because the word of God declareth Christ to be a very man, having the body of a man, in the which body he departed this world, and was carried into heaven, he may not therefore by no worldly manner be sought for in this world, but after such sort as he offereth himself, being in heaven, to be received of us. Which things are not known by sense and reason, but by faith.  
26. As for these heavens, because they be above all the heavens, I dare not by the predicament of our reason discuss what they be, but by the words of the scripture. But th● scripture describeth them not by the distance of places, but by the majestye of God and his blessedness, openly declaring, that such heavenly bliss hath not come into the hart of man.  
27. I do not perceyve what further knowledge the holy fathers would give, writing of the proper place of Christ's body in heaven, but that we should observe the property of both the natures in Christ. So that as it is the property of the godly nature to be in every place, and to fulfil all things, even by his substance; so it is the property of the nature of man, to be limited in place and state, not to be spread abroad in many or in all places at once. These things agree with the scripture, albeit we place not Christ's body in heaven after the manner of the fourth book of Aristotle's Naturals. Yea, let us hardly keep ourselves in such things that the scripture do speak of the heavens, and of Christ's sitting in heaven.  
28. I have a conscience in so high mysteries, to allow such kind of speaking as is not taught in the scripture, though such be much used, yea and that by the authority of the holy fathers, for to what point, through such speaking, the devyll and antychrist hath brought us, we all lamentably complain.  
29. Wherefore with reverence, and in a true meaning, I will understand the say of the holy fathers as touching the mutation of the signs. I will never grant their sayings so to be taken, as to much strange from god's word, and after such sort as men might now a days be overthrown with Antichristes doctrine into the idolatry, which of all other is most detestable.  
30. So likewise if any thing may be found, that the holy fathers have written of Christ placed in heaven, more than the scripture doth certainly teach, I will not without reverence refuse it, nor yet with any man contend therein, for I have nothing to say that such writing is contrary to any place of scripture. I do but only desire that no necessary doctrine be made thereof, and that I may be suffered to abide in the plains of Gods written word.  
31. But they will say, that a man well expert in saith, when he heareth that Christ is present in the holy supper, and is given, receyved, and had with the bread, cannot refrain but imagine such a presence of Christ in the bread as is there placed, or else like to such a thing as hath a place.  
32. I cannot see how the words of the Holy Ghost ought to be reformed, because of the weakness of our understanding, either that we should allow such utteraunce of words, whereby it might appear that the Holy Ghost had not uttered the matter circumspectly and strongly enough, yea and that most aptly and effectually, as well to the edifying of faith, as to the putting away of all errors.  
33. These now be the words of Christ: Where two or three be gathered in my name, there am I in the midst of them. In the name of Christ we assemble together at the Lords Supper rightly ministered. In the world we be, yea and somewhere placed, and whersoever we be, Christ is among us, which notwithstanding is not in the world, and also dwelleth in our hearts. But we cannot perse●ve nor attain it, neither by our sense nor by reason, but by faith. For how can the head be away from his body? Wherefore I define or determine Christ's presence, howsoever we perceive it, either by the sacraments or by the word of the gospel, to be only the attaining and perceiving of the commodities we have by Christ both God and man, which is our head reigning in heaven, dwelling and lyving in us. Which presence we have by no worldly means but we have it by faith and take the fruit thereof when it is offered us in the word, and in the sacraments. But the force thereof we feel in all our parties and powers, what time by the spirit of Christ they be sanctified and renewed unto obedience and godly life.  
34. He is called present by some knowledge of perceiving him, even as one may be called present with an other, and so we do say, that they be here present, whom we know by hearing or by sight to be present, but now the thing which we know by faith, is much more certain than any thing we can know by sense or reason. Why may not we then say that Christ our head is present with his members, when we know by faith that he both liveth and dwelleth in us?  
35. They say, that the holy fathers expound the scriptures recording the Lord's presence, that Christ by his Godhead, by his majesty, and by his providence, is present with us, yet lyving in this world. Truth it is, but the Lord saith: I am with you unto the world's end; and Paul affirmeth, that Christ liveth and dwelleth in our hearts. Yea and the holy fathers themselves declare, that we have Christ present in the sacrament of baptism, and in the meat and drink of the altar, which call that presence carnal that is known by our senses, and is set over against the presence which we have by faith.  
36. Faith truly embraceth Christ both God and man, and keepeth him present: which by his Godhead is not only present in the congregation of his saints and in his members, but is also present in every place. But some cannot be contented, unless we grant that we have his body and blood really, carnally and substantially present in the supper.  
37. Wyse and good men will eschew all uncertain words in every talk and speaking, how much more are they to be avoided in Christ's sacraments? Moreover, in the treatise of Christ's sacraments we may justly refuse such strange words as be not used in the scripture, unless they may be perfectly applied for the declaration of Christ's truth. For such uncertain words doth more darken the true doctrine, and therefore we must not meddle with them, except there be some consideration of the using of them.  
38. I would wish these words realiter and substantialiter to be altogether refused, neither to be allowed in reasoning to or fro, because we shall seem to grant their contraries, and to say that Christ is receyved counterfe●tlye and accyden●ly, if we deny him to be received in the supper really and substantially.  
39 If the matter so require that these words be brought into reasoning, I would, for the maintenance of Christ's truth against the adversaries, among the children of God, define these words realiter and substantialiter, as if one would understand by the presence of the Lord really and substantially, that he is received verily in deed by faith, and his substance is given in the sacrament; but if he would enterlace any worldly presence with these words, I will deny it, because the Lord is departed this world.  
40. I can never admit or allow these words carnally and naturally, because they bring in a meaning that he is receyved with our senses.  
41. Hereby I think it evydent, agreeable to the holy scripture, and according to the reverence we owe to God and his scripture, and toward the ancient church, that we should frame ourselves to the words of the Lord, of his Apostles, and of the ancient Church, and to say that there is given and receyved the body and blood of the Lord, that is to say, very Christ himself both God and man, but he is given with the word and the signs, but received with true faith, and that he is given and received to the end that we may move and live more perfectly in him, and he in us.  
42. And I think it an easy thing to make answer, when they say that the thing which is already, cannot be received, and that he which cometh to the Lords supper, and hath not Christ in himself, receiveth not Christ there, but he receiveth death. Truly Christ must be given and received of us, till nothing of ours be left in us, but he all thing in us, and we wholly in him, and no part in ourself. And we say that the partaking of Christ, which we have in baptism, is strengthened and augmented in the Lord's supper. But ye will say the same is done, what time the gospel being read, or heard, is received by faith. So it is indeed, neither hath the Lord's supper, or giveth, any other thing else, but that he hath left therein things visible, for the visible words of Christ be applied therein. And they are not without force and effect to the saints, because they be applied by the Lord's ordinance, all whose words and ordinance, have ly●e and spirit.  
43. Wherefore I trust, that hereby men may perceive what I believe as conserning the geving, ministering, receyving, and partaking of the Lords body and blood in the supper, which doth agree right well with the scripture and with the doctrine of the ancient church. So that after this manner I acknowledge Christ, that is to say the partaking of his salvation to be given and taken in the ho●y supper.  
44. If I be enquired, who giveth and ministereth the Lord's body, I mean the lyvely participation of these things and of Christ wholly, I say, that Christ which is in the midst of his, whose words these be, Take and Eat, is the chief and principal gever of his own self, and the minister doth like service to him herein when he giveth himself, even as he doth when he giveth himself in the preaching of the gospel, and in Baptism. And for this ministration sake, Paul justly doth write, how he by the gospel had begotten the Corinth's unto the Lord, and had written Christ in their hearts, and that he had travelled in birth of the Galathians.  
45. As touching the use of bread and wine herein, If I be demanded, I will answer that they be signs exhibityve, that is to say, such signs as do give the things signified, by the which signs the Lord doth give himself, being the celestial bread of everlasting life, after the same manner as he gave his disciples the Holy Ghost by the sign of breathing of his mouth, and likewise as by the laying on of his hands, he gave both bodily health and ghostly health▪ Like as he gave sight by the clay made of his spittle, and as he did give circumcition of the flesh, and in such sort as he giveth regeneration by baptism.  
46. We have an everlasting life through the faith we have in the love that God the father hath toward us. This faith hereunto leaneth, is preserved and increased. For as much as Christ, God's son, giveth himself with all his merits unto us, liveth in us, delyvering us from our sins, shall raise us from the dead, and bring us to a perfect heavenly and blessed life. For this cause, that is to say, for the nourishment of this faith, it was the Lord's pleasure to use herein the signs of m●ate and drink, and give his flesh spiritually to be eaten by the sign of bread, to be eaten bodily; and his blood spiritually to be drunk, by the sign of wine to be drunken bodily, and so (as it is before said) he giveth in the supper the same partaking of himself by the signs, and by his words, which in the sixth of john by words only he hath set out.  
47. If I be demanded, what manner of joining may be betwixt the glorified body of Christ and there determinately placed, and the corruptible bread here in earth, contained in a sensible place; I answer, even such as is betwixt the regeneration and the dipping in the water, and as is betwixt the Holy Ghost, and the breath of Christ's mouth, which I do call the joining in the covenant. For so much as they that with a true and lyvely faith be partakers of these signs bodily, spiritually receive in deed an assurance, with an increase of the partaking of the Lords body and blood. So they be members of Christ, flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones, and thereby they grow more and more into the perfection of the same.  
48. Whosoever therefore maketh these signs of Christ's presence beside the use that the Lord hath appointed them unto, (which is to be eaten and drunken in this sacrament,) bringeth men into abominable rage and madness to set up idolatry. Neither receiveth he any thing at all of that food which the Lord giveth to his, that taketh in hand to eat and drink these sacraments without a lyvely faith in Christ, but receyveth death and damnation to himself.  
49. Such as be altogether ungodly, say I, that in the holy supper they receive nothing of Christ: such as have faith, and yet make no difference of this meat (as certain of the Corinth's, which were blamed of the Apostle did,) as I cannot deny them to receive Christ in the supper through the faith which they have, even so I will not say that they have eaten Christ. If so be that they do not rightly practice their faith by the religious dyfference-making of so high mysteries, which is the special eating of this meat. For such are like unto them which taking meat in their mouths, either chew it not, or else, let it not down, or when it is let down, digest it not, so that in a little while, or soon after, they vomit it up again.  
50. If I be enquired as concerning the Lords words (This is my body) what thing is demonstrate or showed here, I say, that to the senses it is bread, but to the mind or understanding, it is the Lords body, even as in all speeches wherein insensible things are exhibited or given by sensible signs. So that the meaning is, the thing which by this sign I give unto you, is my body which is delivered for you. As the Holy Ghost speaketh of the circumcition, saying, This is my Covenaunt, that is to say, 
Gen. 17.  the thing that by this sign I ordain unto you, is my covenaunt to be observed betwixt me and you, etc. After such sort are we wont to speak of the signs which do signify or betoken a thing, albeit they do not exhibit the thing they betoken, as when we do say of the Emperor's image, This is th'emperor that subdued France, that is to say he is represented by this image.  
51. I object or say against transubstantiation: This cup is the new testament; This, that is to say, Circumcition, is my covenaunt, and, the word is made flesh, we may not conclude and determine either the Cup or the circumcition to be changed into a covenaunt, and the Word to be changed into flesh. We may not therefore determine and conclude by these words of the Lord, which in gevying of bread did say; Take, this is my body, that there is a change of the bread into the Lord's body. For there is no manner of such speaking, no not in all the scripture, that do show such an alteration called a Transubstantiation, as the papists do imagine. For without sure authority of the scripture, no Article of the faith may be ordained.  
52. And so I think it evident, that three things are given and received in the Lord's supper of them that rightly communicate at the Lords table. First bread and wine, nothing in themselves changed, but that they are, by the words and the ordinance of the Lord, made all only the signs. Secondly, the self body and blood of the Lord, that by these we may the more perfectly communicate in the participation of the regeneration, or rather, to have the more perfect partaking of these, or else, that they may be of more perfection in us. Thirdly, the establishing of the new Testament of the forgevenes of sins, or of us by election to be made the sons of God.  
53. I call the signs, after the mind of Ireneus, an earthly thing. The partaking of the Lord to be as the effect thereof, I call the establishing of the new testament the heavenly thing, and therefore to be laid hold upon only by faith, and not to be wrapped in with any worldly imaginations.  
54. And forasmuch as in the supper, we be not all only admonished of one Christ, and of the partaking of him, but also we do receive him, I had leaver yet say, according to the Lords words: Take and eat, etc. that in the bread and the wine, the body and blood is given, and that they signify the Lord. So that the bread here, is as well a sign of the Lords body exhibitive, I mean, which giveth the thing signified, as to be but a bare sign. Wherefore certain of the fathers have well used herein the word of Representing. For truly I think we must most chiefly express the thing that is here most principal. For this word Accipite, is all together a word of geving or delyvering.  The Lord give us grace that we may all speak one thing to the edifying of the faith among us. Amen. 
Subscribed. Martin. Bucerus D. Professor. Theologiae Cantabrigiae.   

NUM. XLVII. Bishop Hoper to the Clergy of his Diocese of Gloucester.  
To the glory of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.  
FOrasmuch as of all Charges and Vocations, the Charge of such as be appointed to the ministry and function of the Church is the greatest; it is to be provided and foreseen, 
E MSto. privato.  that such as be called and appointed to such Vocation and Office, be such as can satisfy the said Office. Which may be done as S. Paul saith, two manner of ways. The one if they be of sound doctrine, apt to teach, and to exhort after knowledge, and able to withstand, and confute the evil sayers. The other, if their Life and manners be unculpable, and cannot justly be blamed: Which consisteth in this; if the minister be sober, modest, keeping hospitality, honest, religious, chaste; not dissolute, angry, nor given to much wine, no fighter, no covetous man, such as governeth well his own house, and giveth an example of virtue and honesty unto others. For as the godly life and conversation of the Parson, or Doctor, doth no less avail in the reformation of others, than the doctrine itself; so likewise they, who have no respect nor regard what evil, mischievous and devilish example of life outwardly appeareth to be in them, cannot have in them any just authority to reform or correct the faults of others. For by what just means canst thou reprehend and blame any other in that fault, wherein thou thyself art to be blamed? Or by what occasion canst thou preach chastity, or desire to have the same in another man, when as thou thyself, despising both God and holy matrimony, dost other nourish or keep a whore, or concubine at home in thy house, or else must defile other men's beds? Nother is he any thing les to be ashamed, that will persuade others to Live in sobriety, he himself being drunk. Wherefore what authority shall he obtain or get unto himself and his ministry, which is daily seen and marked of men, to be a common haunter of Alehouses and taverns, of whores, cards, dice and such like.  
Hereby shall you perceive and know, how that the old Priests and pastors of Christ's church did by their truth and gravity, subjugate and bring under the hardnecked and stiff, stubborn Ethnics, and caused them to have the same in fear. In so much that the wicked Emperor julian caused the priests of the Pagans to order their lives according to the lives of the others. But look what authority and reverence the old severity and gravenes of the Pastors and Priests did bring unto them at that time, even as much shame and contempt (or else a great deal more, as I fear) doth the Lechery, Covetousness, Ambition, Simony, and such other corrupt manners, bring unto most priests, pastors and ministers, that be now in our days, of all men. Wherefore I being not forgetful of my office, and duty towards God, my Prince, and you, do desire and beseech all you, for Christ's sake, who commanded that your Light should so shine before men, that they seeing and perceiving the same, might glorify the father, which is in heaven,  
Give your diligence, Well-beloved brethren, together with me, so that the dignity and majesty of the order of Priests, being fallen in decay, may not only be be restored again, but that first and principally the true and pure worshipping of God may be restored; and that so many souls being committed to my faith and yours, may, by our wholesome doctrine and cleannesses of conversation, be moved unto the true study of perfect charity, and called back from all error and ignorance; and finally, to be reduced and brought unto the high Bp. and Pastor of Souls, jesus Christ, and to the intent ye may the more easily perform the same, I have, according to the talon and gift given me of the Lord, collected and gathered out of God's holy word, a few Articles: Which I trust shall much profit and do ye good. And if that any thing shall be now wanting or lacking, I trust by the help of your prayers and good council, they shall be shortly hereafter performed. Let every one of you therefore take good heed to approve yourselves faithful and wise ministers of Christ. So that when I shall come to visit the Parishioners committed to my Cure, and come from God and the King's Majesty, ye be able not only to make answer unto me in that behalf, but also unto our Lord jesus Christ, judge both of the quick and the dead, and a very strait revenger of his church. Thus fare you well unto the day of my coming unto you.   

NUM. XLVIII. Hoper, Bishop of Gloucester, to Sr. William Cecyll Secretary of State.  
THE grace of God be with you, Amen. sins my coming down, I have been at Worcestre, gentle Mr. Secreatori, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  and thought not to have departed thence, till I had set things in a good order, as ne'er as I could. But the negligence and ungodly behaviour of the ministers in Gloucestershire compelled me to return, except I should leave them behind as far out of order, as I should find the other, to whom I am going unto. I have spoken with the greatest part of the Ministers, and I trust within these six days to end for this time with them al. For the love of God cause the Articles, that the King's majesty spoke of, when we took our oaths, to be set forth by his authority. I doubt not but they shall do munch good. For I will cause every minister to confess them openly before there parishioners. For subscribing privately in the paper, I perceive, little avaylyeth. For notwithstanding that, they speak as ivel of godd faith, as ever they did before they subscribyd. I left not the Ministers of Gloucestershire so far forward, when I went to London, but I found the greatest part of them as far backward at my coming home. I have a great hope of the people. God send good Justices, and faithful ministers in the Church, and all will be well.  
For lack of heed Corn so passeth from hens by water, that I fear munch we shall have great scarsite this year. Doubtless men that be put in trust, do not there duties.  
The Statute of Regrators is so used, that in many quarters of these parts it will do little good: and in some parts, where as licence by the Justices will not be granted, the people are mouche offended, that they should not, as we● as other, bag as they were wont to do.  
God be praisid yet all things be quiet, and I trust so will continue. Thus desiring God to continue you long in health to his pleasure, fare ye well: and for god's sake do one y●re, as ye may be able to do another. Your health is not the surest: favour i● as ye may; and charge it not to far. Ye be wise and comfortable for others; be so for yourself also. I pray you let god be the end, where unto ye mark in all your doings. And if they for lack of knowledge then happen otherwise then ye would, the thing ye sought shall partly excuse your ignorancy, that may hap to miss men in weighty afferes. If ye see the means godd, and yet ivel follow of them, content yourself with patience. For the second cause, when god will, be it never so like to bring forth the effect, misseth her purpose: as ye know by Wise men's counsels, that ruled in Commune wealths before you. God give his grace to look always upon him, and then with mercy let him do his holy wil Glouc. 6. Julij, 1552.  
Yours with my daily prayer john Hoper, bishop of Worcestre. To the Rt. Honourable my singular friend Sr. William Cecil Kt. one of the King's Majesty's chiefest Secretories.  

Another of the same Bishop to the same Person.  

Sr. W.H.MSS.  THE grace of God be with you for ever, Amen. I have wroten herewith long letters to the Council; yet not so long as the matter conteynyd in them doth require. I trust it will be your chance to read them, that the mater may be the better understand. Ye know I am but an ivel Secretary, Do the best ye can they may be well taken. It is truth that I write, and god's cause. Let god do as his blessed pleasure is with it. I have send the matters, that these two Canons, johnsonne, and joyliffe dislike, in writing. Where by ye may understand what is said of both par●es. The Disputation Mr. Harley can make true relation of, and how unreverently and proudly joylyffe usyd both him and me.  
For as munch as my jurisdiction cessith until the Letters patent be passed for both churches, these shall be to pray you to obtain the King's Majesty's letters for my warrant in the mean tyme. For in case I do not at this time take account of the clergy in Worcestre and Glocestreshire, how they have profityd sins my last examining of them, it will not be well. Also souch as I have made superintendents in Gloucestreshire, if I commend not myself, presently, there well doings, and see what is ivel done, I shall not see the goodd I look for. Ah! Mr. Secretarye, that there were goodd men in the Cathedral churches! god than should have mouche more honour than he hath, the King's Majesty more obedience, and the poor people better knowledge. But the realm wantith light in such churches, where as of right it owght most to be. I suppose ye had hard, that there should be a great spoil made of this church hire. For what can be so well done, that men of light conscience cannot make, by suggestion, to appear ivel? Doubtless the things donne be no more than the express words of the King's Majesty's Injunctions, commanded to be done. And I dare say, there is not for a Church to preach God's word in, and to minister his holy Sacraments, more godly within this realm. But, Mr. Secretary, I see mouche mischief in men's hearts by many tokens, and souch as speak very fere mean crauftely, and nothing less than they speak. I have to good experience of it.  
Thus god give us wisdom and strength, wisely and strongly to serve in our Vocations. There is none that eatith there bread in the sweat of there face, but souch as serve in public Vocation. Yours is wounderful, but mine passeth. Now I perceive private labours be but plays, nor private troubles but ease and quietnys. God be our help, Amen. I pray you send me my jurisdiction assoon as may be. Worcestre, 25 Octobris, 1552.  
Yours, and so will be whylles I live, with my prayer john Hoper, bushope of Worcestre.  
Postscript. When that I perceavyd my request for jurisdiction made before unto you, upon further deliberation I thought it good to unrequest that again; praying you to make no mention of it: and thereupon wrote the letters to the Council anew. The cause is, I send for a Precedent, to see the jurisdiction, how it is given in the like state as I am. Which pleaseth me not. Therefore, goodd Mr. Secretarye, let it pass till I write unto you again.    

NUM. XLIX. A Popish Rhyme fastened upon a Pulpit in K. Edward's reign.  

THis pulpit was not here set,  
For knaves to prate in and rail.  
But if no man may them let,  
mischief will come of them, no fail.   

If God do permit them for a time  
To brabble and lie at their will,  
Yet I trust or that be prime.  
At their fall to laugh my fill.   

Two of the knaves already we had,  
The third is coming as I understand,  
In all the earth there is none so bad,  
I pray God soon rid them out of this land.   

Prouder knaves was there never none, 
Foxij. M.S.S.   
So false they are, that no man may them trust.  
But if God do not send help soon,  
They will lay all in the dust.   

All christian men at us now laugh and scorn,  
To see how they be taking of high and low,  
But the child that is yet unborn  
Shall them curse all on a row.   

Now God sped thee well,  
And I will no more mell.   

The Answer to the Enemy.  

A rope is a fit reward for such rysshe repers,  
As have strewed this Church against the King's preachers.   

THE Pulpits are now replenished with them that preach the truth,  
And Popish traitors banished, which seemed to you great ruth.  
But if you and the Freers were clean out of this land,  
This realm to the last years, full firm and sure should stand.   

When such as with you trust shall all lie in the dust,  
And rise thereout again unto perpetual pain,  
With them that laugh and scorn either at hie or low,  
Had better not been borne such evil seeds to sow.   

Ye pray God speed them well, and ye will no more mell;  
Forsooth ye have said well; But if ye may be known,  
Ye are like for to be taken, and quartered like a baken,  
And of your friends forsaken, for these sedis ye have sown.   

Like as the last year Traitors were known,  
By standing in the fields with weapon and swords,  
So this year their treason is sown,  
In traitorous bills and railing words.   

Some of their carcases standeth on the gates,  
And their heads most fyttely on London bridge.  
Therefore, ye Traitors, beware your pates,  
For if ye be found, the same way must ye tridge.   

God save the King's Majesty long for to reign,  
To suppress all rebels, and truth to maintain.    

An old Song of John Nobody  

I.  
IN December, when the days draw to be be short, 
Privati MS.   
After November, when the nights wax noisome and Long;  
As I passed by a place privily at a port,  
I saw one sit by himself making a song.  
His last talk of trifles, who told with his tongue,  
That few were fast i'th' faith, I feigned that freak,  
Whether he wanted wit, or some had done him wrong.  
He said, he was little john Nobody, that durst not speak.   

II.  
john Nobody, quoth I, What news? thou soon note and tell,  
What manner men thou mean, that are so mad.  
He said, These gay gallants, that will construe the gospel,  
As Solomon the sage with semblance full sad,  
To discus divinity they nought adread.  
More meet it were for them to milk kine at a fleyke.  
Thou liest, quoth I, thou Lozel, like a lewd lad.  
He said, he was little john Nobody, that durst not speak.   

III.  
It's meet for every man on this matter to talk,  
And the glorious gospel ghostly to have in mind,  
It is sooth said that Sect, but much unseemly scalk,  
As boys babble in books, that in Scripture are blind:  
Yet to their fancy soon a cause will find.  
As to live in lust, in lechery to leyke.  
Such Caitiffs count to be come of cain's kind.  
But that I little john Nobody durst not speak.   

IV.  
For our Reverend Father hath set forth an order,  
Our service to be said in our Seignours' tongue:  
As Solomon the sage set forth the Scripture,  
Our suffrages, and service with many a sweet song,  
With Homilies and godly books us among.  
That no stiff, stubborn stomaches we should freyke.  
But wretches ne'er worse to do poor men wrong.  
But that I little john Nobody dare not speak.   

V.  
For Bribery was never so great, since born was our Lord,  
And Whoredom was never les hated, sith Christ harrowed Hell:  
And poor men are so sore punished commonly through the world.  
Thus would it grieve any one, that good is, to hear tell.  
For all the homilies and good books, yet their hearts be so quell,  
That if a man do amiss with mischief they will him wreak.  
The fashion of these new fellows, it is so vile and fell,  
But that I little john Nobody dare not speak.   

VI  
Thus to live after their lust, that life would they have,  
And in lechery to like all their long life;  
For all the preaching of Paul, yet many a proud knave  
Will move mischief in their mind both to maid and wife;  
To bring them in advoutry, or else they will strife,  
And in brawling about bawdry, God's Commandments break.  
But of these frantic i'll fellows few of them do thrife.  
Though I little john Nobody dare not speak.   

VII.  
If thou company with them they will currishly carp, and not care,  
According to their foolish fantacy, but fast will they naught.  
Prayer with them is but prating; Therefore they it forbear.  
Both Alms deeds, and holiness, they hate it in their thought.  
Therefore pray we to that Prince, that with his blood us bought:  
That he will mend that is amiss. For many a man full freyke  
Is sorry for these Sects, though they say little or nought,  
And that I little john Nobody dare not once speak.   

VIII.  
Thus in no place this Nobody in no time I met,  
Where no man than nought was, nor nothing did appear;  
Though the sound of a Synagogue for sorrow I swett,  
That Hercules through the echo did cause me to hear.  
Then I drew me down into a dale, whereas the dumb deer,  
Did shiver for a shower, but I shunted from a freyke  
For I would no wight in this world wist who I were,  
But little john Nobody, that dare not once speak.     

NUM. L. John a Lasco's Letter from Embden, signifying the dangerous condition they were in, and the Persecutions they expected.  
Clarissimo viro Domino Sicilio, a consilijs & libellis s●pplicibus Illustrissimi Domini Protectoris: Domino & fratri meo observandissimo.  
S. Cum mihi ad alios scribendum istuc esset, facere non potui quin ad te quoque scriberem, Vir Clarissime, memor videlicet illius, 
Sr. W. H. M.S.S.  quòd te mihi istic delegerim, cui mea omnia nota prae aliis esse velim. Volui itaque tibi de meo huc reditu significare: nempe me felicissimo itinere, gratia Domino, usum: & me ex Anglia in Frisiam Orientalem, intra triduum, trajecisse. Navis praesectum a Domino Protectore nobis additum habebamus, virum optimum & fidelissimum: qui Dominum Comitem Bremam usque est secutus, ut certi aliquid, opinor, ab illo vobis adferat. Ego quae scio ad Dominum Cantuariensem omnia perscripsi, ut Illustri●●imo Domino Protectori exponat: quae tibi quoque incognita non fore puto. Scripturus alioqui eadem ad te omnia, si non id parum necessarium, adeoque & supervacaneum esse judicarem. Nos hic crucem certissimam expectamus, & ad eam perferendam mutuo nos in Domino cohortamur, cum invocatione nominis sancti sui: ut per patientiam & fidem, ferendo, superemus omnia, quae●únque in nos permittere ille volet, ad nominis sui gloriam, & nostri probationem. Certi illum curam nostri habere, & ita potentem esse, ut ●mnes omnium hostium phalanges, quicunque sint tandem illi, unico oris sui verbo sternat momento uno: & rursum ita bon●m, ut ne pilum quidem temerè e nostro capite detrahi patiatur, etiamsi nos totus mundus impetere conetur. Támque nobis malè velle non possit unquam, quam mater infanti suo, quam denique oculi quisque sui pupillae mal● velle non potest: imo vero, quam non potest non esse perpetuò Deus, Laudandus in omnibus quaecúnque in nos permittit: cum nihil in nos alioqui nisi nostro ipsorum bono, inque nostram adeo salutem, permittat. Huic igitur nos totos committimus, & cum omni tolerantia expectamus quicquid in nos permittere ille velit. Si nos ●inc pelli contingat, scis quinam sit animus meus. Quòd si quid tu interea de mea istic vocatione intellexisti, quemadmodum ad te ex Iermouth scripseram, aut siquid te adhuc intelligere posse putas, quaeso te, Vir integerrime, ut mihi per amicum hunc & fratrem meum, Robertum Legatum, gentilem vestrum, civem nostrum, significare velis. Germania ferè tota, praeter Saxonicas, (quas vocant) & Maritimas civitates, ac Principes aliquot, Interimizat. Helvetij legatos Caesaris, qui ad repetendum Ducatum Sabaudiae venerant, finibus suis non auditos, ut dicitur, excedere jusserunt. De me plura hic Robertus noster, Vale. Uxorem tuam, Dominum Czechum nostrum, Dominum Morosinum diligenter salvere jubeo: méque vobis omnibus totum ex animo commendo. Raptim. Aemdae, nona Aprilis, Anno 1549.  
Tui studiosissimus, Joannes à Lasco, manu propria. Cuperem scire num fructus aliquid attulerit, mea illa nondum absoluta ad herum tuum admonitio, quam tibi a Domino Florentio nomine meo traditum esse non diffido: & num putes illam mihi porro absolvendam esse. Doctori Turn●ro multam ex me salutem dicito, quaeso.   

NUM. LI. A Lasco's request, that those of his church might have a Warrant from the King's Council, that they might not be disturbed for not coming to their parish churches.  
Clarissimo Viro Domino Guilhelmo Cecilio, Secretario Regio dignissimo ad manus.  
RUrsum perturbantur quidam è nostra Ecclesia tam in majore, 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  quam in minore Sudwerk, Vir clarissime, & carceres illis intentantur, nisi ad suas paroecias veniant. Faciunt autem id non Pastores ipsi, s●d aediles; qui Praefecti Ecclesiarum vocantur. Qua de re cum Domino Reverendissimo Cancellario heri egi. Et ille jussit, ut cum tua humanitate agerem, ut ipso praesente in Senatu hodie a prandio res per tuam humanitatem proponeretur: pollicitusque est, se nobis adjumento esse futurum in Senatu, ut mandatum in scripto ad omnes Paroecos & Ecclesiarum praefectos in Sudwerk & sancta Catharina obtineamus, ne nostri ab illis deinceps, hac in parte, molestentur. Sed ejusmodi mandatum obtineri oporteret, quod per nos illis offerri, qui nostros molestant, & demum per nos etiam adservari possit: ne deinceps novis rursum mandatis impetrandis (si forte ita incidat) molesti semper & Senatui ipsi Regio, & tuae humanitati esse cogamur. Venturus eram ipse ad tuam humanitatem, sed per gravissimum capitis dolorem profectò non licuit. Mitto tamen ad tuam humanitatem hunc fratrem nostrum, qui est unus è Senioribus nostrae Ecclesiae. Oróque ut illum benigne audiat & absolvat. Commendo me diligentissime humanitati tuae.  
Tuae prestantiae addictissimus, Joannes à Lasco, manu propria. [Novemb. 1552.]   

NUM. LII. Michael Angelo, Preacher to the Italian Congregation, his complaint against some of his flock, with a list of their Names.  
Clarissimo Domino Sycilio, Serenissimi Regis Angliae, etc. a Secretis; Michael Angelus Florius Florentinus, Italorum Concionator. S. D.  
CUM die●us elapsis meam tibi enarrarem inopiam & necessitatem, 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  ac meorum Italorum impietatem, mihi imposuisti, ut eorum Italorum nomina, quos opus erat ut convenires, tibi significarem, & idcirco in calce harum mearum reperies, & cum absque interturbatione seriorum negotiorum tuorum hos omnes, unà vel separatim, convenire poteris, mihi non exiguum praestabis favorem, ut te facturum spero. Hi omnes polliciti sunt Reverendissimo Cantuariensi, mihi omnia necessaria providere, & ab eye de mense januarij accepi tantum, quinque libras. At postquam viderunt & audierunt me tam aperto Marte adversus Papae dogmata, hypocrisim & tyrannidem concionantem, ac eorum incredulitatem & duritiam cordis arguentem, me omnino deseruerunt. Sed hoc fere nihil est. Non enim ipsi impudentes erubescunt ore vipereo mihi & evangelio Christi (quod sincére annuntio) detrahere; Et, quo ausu nescio, (cum omnes habeant privilegia Libertatis, quemadmodum veri & naturales Angli, & juraverint eamet servare mandata, quae servare tenentur Angli omnes,) quotidie audiunt Missas; quas si audirent Angli, paenas luerent. Et cur isti, ut merentur, non corriguntur? Et si ipsi quotidie nova privilegia, & novas immunitates a Serenissimo Rege petere non verentur, & nonnunquam obtinent, cur illis non praecipitur, ut faveant Evangelio, & abrenuntient Papae, & dogmatibus ejus? In Scriptura divina jubentur rebelles Deo, legibus, & judicibus sanctis, interfici sine misericordia: ut patet Deut. 13. & 17. Eliseus ille tam Deo gratus Propheta, jubente ipso Deo, inunxit Iehu in regem ad hoc, ut & domum Achabi prorsus extirparet, ac Sacerdotes omnes Baal interficeret. Jure igitur optimo possunt & debent hii omnes, cum adversentur & Evangelio, & hujus tam Sancti Regis sanctionibus, nempe pijs. Tuae prudentiae & pietati hoc meum negotium committendum jure existimavi, cum sis verè unus ex his, quibus ait Dominus & Servator noster Christus, Elegi vos de mundo, ut eatis, & fructum afferatis, & fructus vester maneat. Certus igitur sum, quod nihil eorum omittes, quae ad Dei gloriam, Evangelij laudem, & meam Salutem pertinere agnosces. Vale.  

Italorum Nomina,  
D. Carolus Rinuccinus. Florentini omnes.  
D. Guido Cavalcanti. Florentini omnes.  
D. Batista Cavalcanti. Florentini omnes.  
D. Bartholomeus Fortini. Florentini omnes.  
D. Azalinus Selvagus. Ianuens.  
D. Benedictus Spinola. Ianuens.  
D. Antonius Bruschetto. Ianuens.  
D. Christoforus Mediolanensis.  
D. Batista Burrone, Mediolanensis.  
D. Marcus Antonius Erizo. Veneti.  
D. Evangelista Fonte. Veneti.  
D. Petrus Ciampante. Lucensis.  
D. Nicolaus de Nale. Ragusienses.  
D. Andreas de Resti. Ragusienses.    

NUM. LIII. Michael Angelo endeavours to appease the Secretary, greatly offended with him for a gross miscarriage.  
Clarissimo Viro, ordinis equestris, Domino Gulielmo Sycilio, Serenissimi Regis Angliae, etc. a Secretis, Michael Angelus Florius, S. P. D.  
SUbodoratus hisce diebus elapsis miram illam tuam charltatem, 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  qua me piè complecti solebas, magnitudine Labis, qua nunc me commaculari contingit, victam fuisse; téque adversus me ita excanduisse, ut me scelerosis omnibus indignitate excellere judicares. Quae cum animo mecum volutare cepissem, arbitrabar consultum fore, si ad te scriberem, rémque omnem, ut se habet, non ut quorunque impudentium lutulenta ora evomere ausa sunt, panderem. Sed pendebat animus, & in diversa trahebatur. Nam verebar nè vehementius in me sevires, audito meo nomine, quod tam paeminosum apud te factum est. Verum cum rem altius mecum perpenderim, prorsus mutavi Sententiam, tum quia misantropos non es, tum etiam quia ea opinio, quam de tua pietate, prudentia, doctrina & mansuetudine concepi hactenus, falsa non me Lactavit spe. Iccirco his meis ad te litteris provolare audeo, faterique te non injuria me scelerosum vocitasse, quia exsurgentibus quibusdam nebulis de limosa concupiscentia carnis meae, & obnubilantibus cor meum, per abrupta cupiditatum cecidi, ac praeceps cecidi in caenum, voraginem & gurgitem libidinis & immunditiae carnis, relicto deo, cujus ira invaluit super me. Sed ut memineris, obsecro, Amplissime Domine, me ex eodem Adamo genitum, ex quo David, ac plerique electi Dei, qui ejusdem criminibus obnoxij fuëre. Ex humo, non ex suamet substantia, ut quidam falso opinati sunt, Deus hominem condidit, non ex durissimo Lapide aut chalybe. Quod quidem si perspectabis illum procliviorem aptiorémque ad malum reddidit. Si enim naturam nostram humanam sic Deus condidisset (quod impossibile est) ut nunquam peccasset, melior ipso Deo fuisset, (quod absit:) quia natura quae potest peccare, sicut & non peccare, si semper vinceret, illi naturae preponenda esset, quae ideo non peccat, quia impassibilis est. Age dic, ex terrae limo conditus quis non peccat? Et si bonos omnes suos esse velit Deus, non tamen illis potestatem peccandi adimit. Et quisquis naturam nostram quam diligentissimè inspexerit, cum Christo filio dei fatebitur, Neminem praeter unum Deum bonum. In me igitur in hujus criminis f●ecem prolapso naturam, Amplissime Domine, attende, in te vero, & in aliis ab hac peccati sorde mundis, gratiam Dei, non naturae virtutem, Laudato. Qui peccantes omnes odisse quaerit, neque profecto seipsum diligit. Et si quoscúnque reos mortis damnari contendit, neminem vivere patietur. Quis unquam electorum dei tam mundus ab omni Labecula criminis fuit, cui non opus fuerit quotidie rogare patrem, ut illi sua remittat debita? Nonne omnes habent, quod plangant, & reprehensione conscientiae, & mobilitate peccatricis naturae? Et sicut unicuíque propter sua peccata Dei misericordia est necessaria, ita uniuscujúsque proprium est errantium omnium misereri.  
Haec perspicua comperies in unigeniti filij dei illo recto sanctoque judicio, ab eo a Phariseis petito adversus mulierem in adulterio deprehensam; qui & legem adulteram damnantem comprobavit, & judices caeterósque omnes terrendo ad misericordiam revocavit. Quaerit Deus Opt. Max., ut regna subvertantur erroris, non errantes ipsi, & eos ubique jubet spiritu mansuetudinis instaurendos esse, non odio & persecutione perdendos. Qui igitur vehementi errantes prosequitur odio, eos perdere, non sanare conatur. Sed video hic te corrugare frontem audióque dicere, Num frustra instituta sunt potestas regis, vis gladij cognitoris, ungulae carnificis, arma militis, disciplina dominantis, & severitas boni patris? Non utique, sed habent ista omnia modos suos causas, rationes & utilitates. Non enim ordinationibus hisce humanarum rerum adversatur remissio, nec contrariatur indulgentia. Quod si fieri contingeret, nobis non attulisset Christus suae dulcedinem gratiae, nec tam pijs elogijs mansuetudinem commendasse●, sed veteris Testamenti severiorem legis vindictam comprobasset. Sed quid audeo docere Minervam, & noctuas ferre Athenaes? Nonne haec omnia in sacris didicisti litteris? Nonne fides, nonne pietas, non haec tandem ipse te deus edocuit, cum te viti, quae est vita nostra, Christo jesu Servatori nostro inseruit? Moses, cui legitur facie ad faciem dominus esse locutus, missus ad gentes, & ad fratres suos, ire nolebat, & ad aquas contradictionis quam graviter deum offenderit, Dei ipsius testimonio, novimus omnes. Aaron, Dei Altissimi Sacerdos idololatriae Israelitarum consentiens, ex auro & monilibus faeminarum eorum vitulum fabricavit; illi aram extruxit, ac holocausta immolavit: cui sane facinori simile nec oculus mortalium vidit, nec auris audivit. jonas propheta praeceptum sibi, ut Ninivitis praedicaret, irrupit, ut ad alium locum pergeret, quo missus non fuerat. David rex & propheta, vir utique secundum cor dei, plus aequo Veneri indulgens, uxorem rapuit alienam, & virum illius interfici curavit. Simon Petrus, cui Dominus pollicitus erat claves regni coelorum, cum juramento ipsum dominum suum negavit. Nec tamen ille pijssimus Deus terrae chasmata aperiri jussit, ut vivi absorberentur hi qui legem suam violaverunt: ut suo exemplo doceret omnes, rigorem judicij pietate & clementia frangere.  
De fervescat igitur minax tua illa indignatio & formidabilis ira adversus me, demitte furorem, Vir integerrime, misericorditer me prolapsum corripe, & cum dilectione saluti meae consule, & prospice. Cujus auxilio, consilio, & favore nitar, si tu, qui omnium sacra anchora es, (& numinis loco te habent omnes,) me prorsus tuo destituas auxilio? Quo fugiam extra regnum istud, ut vitare possim, quia aut carne mea & sanguine meo satientur hostium evangelij dentes & ora, aut veritatem illius ipse negare cogar? Non veluti primi parentis Adami est hoc peccatum meum, ut non vetustate, prudentia & pietate sanctorum dei deleri possit. Cave, obsecro, ne Satanas, per imaginem quasi justae severitatis, crudelem hanc tibi adversus me suadeat saevitiam. Clamabis fortassis, me indignum esse hoc tuo favore & auxilio. Fateor, sed recorderis, rogo, Deum indignos justificare & servare. Pietas igitur commoveat te, ut velis mihi famulo tuo pereunti opitulari, cujus salus tibi in manu est. Vale, & bene fortunet Christus opt. Max. quod in manibus est, X Kal. Februarij.   

NUM. LIV. That the Secretary would procure the King's letters Patents for a French protestant, to set up a French printing press.  
Clarissimo Viro Domino Guilhelmo Cecilio, Regiae Majestatis Secretario dignissimo, Domino & fautori observantissimo.  
TAmetsi ejusmodi nunc sit valetudo mea in eo luctu meo, 
Sir W. H. M.SS.  in quo me Dominus, adempta mihi altera mei parte, uxore inquam mea, constituit, ut neque mihi liceat, neque etiam magnopere libeat multa ad multos scribere, Vir Clarissime; tamen fratribus & amicis id a me postulantibus negare non potui, ut in fratris hujus gratiam, qui has perfert, paucis te, pro tua in me benevolentia, meáque in te observantia, interpellarem. Est vir pius & verae religionis studiosus totius Ecclesiae nostrae Gallicae testimonio; cuperétque instituere typographicam Gallicam, in usum earum insularum, quae subsunt Majestati Regiae. Ut Anglica, quae ad religionem pertinent, omnia, Gallicè versa, pro insulis illis excudat. Hac itaque in parte tuo patrocinio juvari postulat; & a me petijt, ut se tuae humanitati commendarem, ut tuis auspicijs diploma Regium in eum usum obtinere possit. Te igitur oro, Vir praestantissime, ut illi hac in parte tua autoritate adesse velis; cum meâ, tum verò multo magis promovendae religionis causa. Plura non permittit valetudo. Commendo me tuae humanitati officiosissimè. Londini, 24 Augusti. 1552.  
Tuae humanitati addictissimus, Joannes a Lasco.   

NUM. LV. Valerandus Pollanus Superintendent of the Stranger's church at Glastenbury, concerning the state of the stranger's Weavers, fixed there.  
Verè Nobili Viro ac D. D. Gulielmo Cecilio, Equiti aur ato, Regij Consilij Secretario, D. ac patrono suo colendissimo.  
S. P. Come his Petrus Wolfus, vir honestus ad vos proficisceretur, 
Sir W. H. M.S.S.  putavi non aegrè laturam D. T. si de rebus nostris pauca significarem. Alteras literas, quae ad Cornishium & reliquos procuratores pertinebant, hodie propter absentiam Cornishij tradidi Regio ministro M. Poais cum Fermario Hyeto, praefecto hujus oppidi, & aliis Officiarijs, praesente D. Clerc, generoso, qui est unus ex iis, qui praesunt (ut dicunt) justices of paix. Atque hic generosus, cum Latinè & Gallicè nosset, pro sua humanitate interpretem egit, tum mei libelli supplicis exhibiti DD. Consiliarijs; tum nostri pacti cum D. Duce Somerseti. Viderunt itaque consentire per omnia; & id D D. Consiliarijs significant per literas; atque illud etiam, quantas commoditates ex his hominibus sperent. Has literas ipse mecum feram, cum literis eorum qui praesunt rationibus hujus oppidi, quos expectamus ad proximum diem jovis. Interea id te scire volui, ut pro tua pietate memor sis horum hominum, quibus non video qua ratione impresentiarum possit prospici, quod pascua attinet, nisi Damarium nobis concedatur utendum fruendum, cum hortorum parte aliqua, tantisper dum alia pascua tradantur. Atque ita decreverat D. Dux, imo etiam fecisset jam, nisi Cornisbius ille nobis praeripuisset turpissima fraude, cum sciret D. Ducem aliter decrevisse ante mortem D. Spelt.  
Rogamus igitur T. D. per Christum, ut hujus memor, si quisquam agat apud D D. Consiliarios de pascuis aut de hoc Damario, imprimis horum hominum rationem haberi cures. Quod si feceris, dignum tua pietate facies, & nos tibi aeternum devinxeris. Praeterea id T. D. scire cupio, quam turpiter Cornishius nostris insidiatus sit statim post meum hinc discessum, cujus tamen hortatu ego istuc profectus eram. Venit, atque affirmans se habere literas a DD. Consiliarijs, primum blandis verbis, deinde minis nostros cogebat, ut sibi pannos, quos haberent confectos, darent. Ipse vero ex me audierat oppigneratos omnes. Et ut non fuissent mihi quod hic moliebatur. Rogamus itaque ne huic quidquam posthac committatur nostrarum rerum: cum neque nos, nec quod justum est, aut aequum, amare possit. Haec vera esse ex hoc homine, & ipso M. Poais melius possit T. D. cognoscere.  
Hic Petrus Wolfus, Brabantus, multa passus est, & est homo dignus, cui boni faveant. Puto eum T. D. quoque notum. Rogo illum adjuvares. Condonabit T. D. quod tam familiariter agam, tamque inornatè. Sed ornare res ipsa negat, nec fert festinus nuncij abitus. Ego T. D. me & meae ecclesiae causam commendo. Dominus jesus T. D. servet, ac augeat. Glasconijs, 3 Novemb. 1551.  
T. D. observantissimus Valerandus Pollanus, Superintendens peregrinorum ecclesiae Glascon.   

NUM. LVI. The Superintendent earnestly desires, that one Cornish might not be set over the Strangers there, who had already dealt so illy with them.  
Verè nobili Viro ac Domino D. Gulielmo Cecillo, Equiti aurato meritissimo, Supremi Consilij Regij Secretario, Domino, ac patrono colendissimo. In Aula.  
S. P. Etsi mihi non dubium est. 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  T. D. probè memorem esse sermonis nostri postremi de Cornishio, ac deinceps ejusdem per literas commonefecerim: de eadem re tamen iterum & tertiò appellare nec pudet, nec piget, quoniam ita res exigit. Obsecro, per Christum, nec id molestè feras, neque rem istam paruè estimes.  
Cum enim, qui praeesse debent aliis, ipsos integros ac justos imprimis esse oporteat; tum qui hominibus istis optimis, ac propter Christum tantùm extorribus praefuturi sunt, eos ipsos sanè quam integerrimos ac justissimos esse oportet: ni perire honestissimos viros velitis, atque aliò avertere maxima commoda, quae ab ipsis ad Rempub perventura erant. In Cornishio porr●, nunquam hi nostri homines, textores, inquam, illi peregrini, vel hilum integritatis & justitiae, vel candoris deprehenderunt, aut experti sunt▪ Quapropter illorum precibus solicitatus, T. D. supplex oro, Velis ita causam ipsorum D D. Consiliarijs exponere ac commendare, nè Cornishius, quod jam ab ipsis contendit, assequatur, ut hominibus istis praeficiatur. Mirari satis non possumus, quânam fronte id jam audeat, posteaquam adeò nuper turpissimam suam perfidiam ac malevolentiam prodiderit: nec ignorent, quam aegrè illum feramus omnes, qui etiam idem quod nunc petimus, a D. Duce postulaturi eramus. Causam autem, & caetera, quae ad hanc rem pertinebunt, ne diutius T. D. meis literis obtundam, ex hoc tabellario, M. Stephano Le Provost, qui est Diaconus meus in ministerio Ecclesiae, plenius cognosces. Obsecro per Christum ut id velis, atque illi fidem habeas.  
Omnes nostri, qui T. D. pietatem ac fidem saepius laudari audierunt, se totos ac sua omnia tibi commendant. Nec dubito fore commendatissimos, quos Christus ipse commendat. Itaque desino. Dominus jesus T. D. suo spiritu semper magis magísque augeat, ac bonis omnibus exornat▪ Glasconij Somerset. 9 Novemb. Anno 1551.  
T. D. observantissimus Clientulus, Valerandus Pollanus, Superintendens ecclesiae peregr. Glascon.   

NUM. LVII. Some account of the present settlement of their affairs.  
Ornatissimo Viro, ac D. D. Gulielmo Cicello, equiti aurato, Senatus Regij Secretioris Secretario, Domino & patrono Colendissimo.  

Sr. W. H. MSS.  S. P. Quid in negotio bonorum virorum decreverint rationum praesides, etsi ab ipsis non dubito te intellecturum; nolui tamen committere, ut hac in parte dignam tua benevolentia observantiam in me desiderares. Res porro sic habet. Optimus hic Vir ac verè generosus D. Dyer, ut est verae pietatis amantissimus, ita sanè nostram causam, quantum potuit, juvit & promovit. Nihil tamen impetratum est, praeterquam quod nostrisfacta est potestas in Damarium ducendi vaccas, donec de pascuis satis sit factum D. Ducis pacto. Triginta etiam domos jusserunt quamprimum instaurari; ac pecuniam numerarunt, qua aes alienum dissolveremus, contractum hoc toto tempore, quo tam parcè a D. Ducis ministris numeratum fuit. Sed in tempus futurum parum liberaliter prospectum est. Vix enim ad bimestre tantum constituerunt, quantum satis sit ad quinque hebdomadas. Omitto quod cum jam lanae desint, nec quidquam numerarunt hac causa, in brevi nostris hominibus ne cessandum sit, non parum metuendum sit. Crowchius obtulit suas: Sed pretio iniquiore, quam possimus sustinere. Nam multo aequiore possumus a nostris vicinis emere, puta 24 s. quod ille 32 s. aestimat. Ita nos affligit, & hactenus afflixit penuria pecuniae. Unica spes reliqua est in D. Dyer, quem longè aequiorem expectamus, modo ad nostrorum usum Lanae ipsius sint accommodae. Nam praeter pretij moderationem; illud etiam addit, quod longum Solutionis tempus nullo foenore compensari velit. Dominus illi rependat. Utinam huic bono & pio viro D D. Consiliarij pios homines potius commendas●ent. Nimis enim metuo, ne cupiditas Cornishij insatiabilis nostris fraudi sit. Nam quod Damarij partem retinet, ac usum communem cum nostris, id nullo jure ac nulla causa, vel in speciem honesta, facit: cum sciat vix satis esse ad alenda 30 paria vaccarum. Et cum sibi peteret a D. Duce, non ignoraverit antea D. Ducem nostris decrevisse, id quod tamen (parum religiosè) negavit. Sed testati sunt Crowchius, Robertus Hyet, & Richardus Pouais ita habere. Proinde non possumus in eo acquiescere, nisi totum Damarium nostris hominibus liberum sit, tandiu fruendum, donec singulis tradantur quinque Acrae prati, vel quantum satis erit ad alendam duas vaccas per integrum annum, sicuti pacto D. Ducis constat.  
Sed de hoc & aliis plura & certiora, cum venero. Tantum hoc oro T. D. nè sinas offendi D D. Consiliarios magnitudine sumptuum in domuum instaurationem. Nam ea res nihil hactenus ad me pertinebat. Certè magnae erant hic ruinae. Sed mirari satis non possum tantos sumptus esse, cum tam parum sit praestitum, id quod ipsi D. Praesides suis oculis viderunt. Nostri hinc multum damni acceperunt. Nam cum angustissimè habitarent, non poterant Anglas ad nendum, Anglos ad alia sua artificia, commodè ad se recipere. Ipsimet non poterant tantum operae praestare, quantum alioqui fecissent. Hincque adeo cum vivendum interea esset, contraxerunt aes alienum Ducis, super quam sperassent, majus. In quo sanè opus erit V. aequitate, nè istis hominibus tam multa debita imputentur, quandoquidem non ipsorum culpa factum est, sed negligentiâ Ministrorum D. Ducis. Boni enim viri nihil magis metuunt quam aes alienum. Quod si semel, cum domibus & pratis promissis, numeraretur quantum opus est ad hanc susceptionem totam, extra omnem metum esset, quin facile possent omni aere alieno Ducis sese liberare.  
De me etiam nihil est constitutum, qui 15 mensibus sumptus incredibiles, & labores incomparabiles pertuli, nec obolum accepi. Est enim mihi familia ampla, quae vix etiam satisfacit negotijs istorum hominum; quorum causa multae ac variae profectiones hoc anno suscipiendae fuerunt. Si possem impetrare quinquaginta libras stipendij, ego pro omnibus sumptibus, & laboribus praeteritis, contentus essem. Nam nè parum esset negotij, jam etiam imposuerunt inspectionem operarum in domuum instaurationem. Sed spero T. D. hac in parte favorem suum non denegaturam apud D D. Consiliarios. Quod si sentiam, nihil vereor quin totum hoc institutum nobis sit futurum Laudi, propter maximas commoditates, quas huic regno sentient evenisse intra triennium, Domino jesu benè secundante, uti hactenus caepit. Is T. D. omni felicitate sua beet. Glasconij 27. Novemb. 1551.  
T. D. addictissimus Clientulus, Valerandus Pollanus. Condonet mihi T. D. quod tam inconditè scribam. Non vacat aliter, per tam multas occupationes; uti testis erit hic generosus Dom. meae diligentiae & sedulitatis, tum in Ecclesiasticis, tum in oeconomicis nostrorum rebus procurandis.   

NUM. LVIII. Mr. Calvins advise for the rectifying some abuses in our Church▪ and University, relating to the alienation and misuse of their Revenues.  
A Monseigneur, Monseigneur Le Duc de Somerset.  
MOnseigneur, Je ne vous scaurois assez remercier du receveil tant humain, que mon homme a trouve envers vous: 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  non seulement a ce qu'il vous a pleu prendre la poine d'offrir mes Liures au Roy; mais de tout le reste, en quoy vous pouviez declairer une singuliere affection d'amitie, que de vostre grace vous aviez desia assez monstree cy devant. Quant a L'enfant que vous avez receu a vostre Service, je n'eusse poynt prins la hardiesse de vous en escrire; si non que j'eusse pense, qu'il avoit adresse de plus grand bien comme a ussion s'y attendoit. Mais d'aultant plus en suis je bligé a vous, quant je voy que ma faveur a valu quelque chose en cest endroict. Mais pource que tout ce, que j'eu scaurois esc●ire seroit bien maigre au pris de ce que est en mon coeur, & aussi que vos bienfaictz meritent j'ayme mieulx me depporter de vous en faire plus long propos. Seulement je vous priè, Monseigneur, de me tenir tellement du tout vostre, que si j'avois moien de vousfaire de bons Services, il ne tiendroit pas a m'y employer, que vous n'eussiez approbation d'un meilleur v●uloir, que je ne le puis exprimer. Je vous eusse faict ces excuses plus tost▪ ou bien remerciemens, s●il vous plaist les tenir pour telz: n'eust esté le desir que ce gentilhomme avoit de vous presenter mes letteres. En quoy aussi j'appercois l'amitie que vous plaist monstrer envers moy, quant ceux qui meritent bien d'avoir acces envers vous, esperent estre tres bien venus par le moien de mes lettrez  
Cependant, Monseigneur, je ne cesseray de vous recommander ce qui vous est de soy assez cher & precieux: cest que vous procuriez tous jours, & mettiez poine, que Dieu soit droictement honore & servy. Sur tout qu'il se dresse meilleur ordre en l'eglise, qu'il ny est pas encore. Car a ce qu'on dit, il a graud faulte de doctrine pour le simple peuple. Combien qu'il ne soit pas ayse de recouvrer gens propres & idoines pour f ire ceste o●fice; toutefois a ce que j'entens, il y a deux grandz empeschemens, ausquelz il seroit necessaire de proveoir. L'un est, que les revenus des Universitez, qui ont esté fondez pour nourrir les escholiers, sont mal d stribuez en partie. Car plusieurs sont nourris de bourses, qui font profession manifeste de resister a l'evangile. Tant s'en fault, quilz donnent esperance de maintenir ce qui aura esté la edifie a grande poine & travail.  
Le second mal est, que le revenu des Cures est distraict, & dissipe: en sorte qu'il n'y a point pour nourris gens de bien, qui seroient propres a faire l'office de vrays pasteurs. Et par ce moien on y mest prestres ignorans, qui emp●rte une grande confusion. Car la qualité des personnes engendre un grand mespris de la parole de Dieu. Et puis quant ilz auroient toute l'authorite du monde, il ne leur chault guere de s'acquiter. Je vous prie doncque, Monseigneur, pour faire tousiours advancer en mieulx la reformation, & luy donner fermité permanente a ce qu'elle tienne: qu'il vous plaise employer toutes vos forces a la correction de cest abus. Je croy bien, qu'il n'a pas tenu a Vous, que les choses n'ayent esté mieux reglees de prime face. Mais puis qu'il est bien difficile d'avoir du primier coup, un estat si bien dresse qu'il seroit a desirer, il reste de tousiours insister pour parfaire avec le temps ce que est bien commencé.  
Il ne doit pas faire mal a ceux qui tirent aujourdhuy profit du bien des eglises, que les pasteurs ayent nourriture su●fisante: veu que chascun se doit efforcer de les nourrir du sien propre, quant ilz n'auroient poin de quoy du publicq. Mesme ce sera leur profit de s'en acquiter. Car ilz ne peuvent pas prosperer en fraudant le peuple de Dieu de la pasture spirituelle, en ce qu'ilz privent les eglises de bons pasteurs. Et de vostre part, Monseigneur, je ne doubte pas, quant vous aurez fidelement traivaille a reduire ces choses en ordre, que Dieu ne multiplie d'aultant p●us ses benedictions en vous. Mais pour ce que je me tiens asseure, que vous estes si bien affectionné de vous mesme, qu'il nest ja besoing en faire plus longue exhortation, je feray fin: apres avoir supplie nostre bon Dieu, qu'il luy plaise vous conduire tousiours par son esprit, vous augmenter en tout bien, & faire que son nom soit de plus en plus glorifie par vous.  
Ainsi, Monseigneur, je me recommande bien humblement a vostre bonne grace. De Genesve, ce 25 de Juillet, 1551.  
Vostre tres humble Serviteur, Jehan Calvin.   

NUM. LIX. Sir John Cheke to Dr. Parker, upon the Death of Martin Bucer.  
I Have delivered the Universities Letters to the King's Majesty, 
MSS. C. C.C.C, Vol. intit. Epist. Viror. illustr.  and spoken with the Lords of the Council, and with my L. of Cant. for Mrs. Bucer. I doubt not but she shall be well and worthily considered. The University hath not done so great honour to Mr. Bucer, as credit and worship to themselves. The which if they would continue in, as they cease not to complain, they might be a great deal better provided for, than they think they be. But now complaining outright of all other men, and mending little in themselves, make their friends rather for duty towards learning, then for a deser● of the Students, show their good wills to the University. Howbeit if they would have sought either to recover, or to increase the good opinion of men, they could not have devised wherein by more duty they might worthily be commended, then in following so noble a man with such testimony of honour, as the child ought to his father, and the Lower to his Superior. And although I doubt not, but the King's Majesty will provide some grave learned man to maintain Gods true learning in his University, yet I think not of all learned men, in all points, ye shall receive Mr. Bucers' like; whether we consider his deepness of knowledge, his earnestness in religion, his fatherliness in life, his authority in knowledge. But what do I commend you to Mr. Bucer, who knew him better, and can praise, whom ye knew, trulier?  
I would wish, that that is wanting now by Mr. Bucers' death, they would by diligence and wisdom fulfil in themselves: and that they herein praised in others labour to obtain themselves. Whereof I think ye be a good stay to some unbrideled young men, who have more knowledge in the tongues, than experience what is comely, or fit for their life to come.  
I pray you, let Mr. Bucers' books and scrolls unwritten be sent up and saved for the King's Majesty: that he choosing such as shall like him best, may return the other without delay: Except Mrs. Bucer think some other better thing to be done with them, or she should think she should have loss by them, if they should not be in her ordering.  
I do not, Mr. Parker, forget your friendship showed to me aforetime; and am sorry no occasion serveth me to show my good wil But assure yourself, that as it lieth long and taketh deep root in me, so shall the time come, I trust, wherein ye shall understand the fruit thereof the better to endure and surelier to take place. Which may as well shortly be, as be deferred. But good occasion is al. The Lord keep you, and grant the University so much increase of godliness and learning, as these causes may compel unwilling men to be ashamed not to do for them. From Westmester, 1551. Mar. 9  
Your assured, Joan Cheke.   

NUM. LX. Peter Martyr to Bucer, concerning the Oxford Act, Anno 1550.  
Quibus artibus instituerint Disputationem Theologicam in Comitiis Oxoniensibus.  
S. D.  
AD tuas prolixas literas, mihique eo nomine suavissimas, brevi hac mea Epistola rescribo: 
Ex Bibliothe●. C.C.C.C.  partim, quod Tabellarius citius reditum aggressus est, quam ego speraveram; partim, quod res, de qua me vis cogitare, non est praecipitanda, sed potius quam diligentissimo examine opus habet. Curabo itaque ut quam primum, si certus homo, cui rectè possim literas dare, se offerret, quid ea de re sentio, rescribam. Gaudeo itaque vehementer Disputationes istas hunc habuisse successum, quem sua Providentia Deus illas habere voluit. Vix enim mihi polliceor, cum non adessent Visitatores, aut ulli graves Judices potuisse magnum fructum, ex illis, vel ad Scholam, vel ad Ecclesiam redire. Non quasi de viribus, donísque tibi divinitus collatis, quicquam dubitem, aut bonitati causae diffidem, sed quod istorum consilium videam. Satis est illis pugnâsse. Qui postea mendacia spargunt. Nunquam desunt. Et Diabolus omnia curat efferri, & per sua membra honorificentissimè amplificari. Quare non miror, si Christus ab initio disputationes Apostolicas miraculis confirmavit. Utinam quandoque dignet istos obfirmatos, suaque cordis duritie gehennae addictos, eâdem potentiâ coercere, qua per Paulum Elymam Magum repressit: quando non possunt alia ratione adduci, ut veritatem, instar Magorum Pharaonis, non oppugnent, & suis praestigijs offuscare nitantur.  
Quid mihi acciderit, in nostris Comitijs, paucis accipe. Sunt creati Baccalaurei Theologioe, quos ego de more▪ praesentavi: Cumque illis, ut fit, disputandum esset publicè, Respondentem Papistam constituerunt. Opponentes item Papistas, quaestionemque disputandam, maximo silentio suppresserunt: cum soli eam inter se communicassent. Totámque id fiebat, ne illam ego possim cognoscere. Cumque ad eam publicandam exstimularentur, dicebant, ad me non pertinere: Satis esse, ut eam disputaturi inter se nossent. Denique pridie ejus diei, quo disputandum erat post meridiem secunda hora, ut arbitror, questionem publicarunt, & ad valvas Templi affixerunt. Volebant autem defendere suam beatam Transubstantiationem, atque corporis Christi impanationem. Utque me Arbitrum recluderent, alium, ut loquuntur, patrem sibi deligunt Doctorem Chedzeum. Ibi Opponentes omnia mea produxissent argumenta. Respondens, ut visum esset, diluisse●. Opponentes se dixissent esse contentos allata solutione. Pater loco meo suppositus omnia vehementer approbasset. Mihi vero ea die aut nullus locus dicendi datus esset: (Nam postremae omnium ad noctem istae disputationes habendae erant, postquam Jurisperiti suas partes egissent: Nam illi Doctorem ea die inaugurabant:) Aut siquid mihi dicere licuisset, in ipsa fermè nocte dicendum erat, omnibus jam Auditoribus, & fessis & abeuntibus. Comitia soluta fuissent, & undique victoriam conclamassent, quasi suam causam Oxonij pulcherrimè defendissent. Fu●tque tanta hominum turba in his Comitijs, ut vix credi possit. Quotquot enim poterant, undique literis acciverant. Aderant inter alios Capellanus, ut vocant, Wintoniensis, Doctor Seton, & Capellanus Episcopî Dunelmensis.  
Istae sunt Adversariorum technae. His fraudibus pugnare volunt. Sed nescio quo modo, ex insperato noster Vicecancellarius, sive quod timuerit aliquam turbam sive aliqua alia de causa, quae me latet, interdixit, ne illa die Theologi disputarent. Ego aderam paratus in arena consilium capere, fretus Domini auxilio, quod in eo articulo maximae necessitatis, & os & linguam esset daturus.  
Haec ideo scripsi, ut nostrorum Antagonistarum artes intelligas, & nequid ab iis simplici animo fieri credas.  
Fuit eo tempore hic mecum vester Vicecancellarius afflicta valetudine: visus tamen est nonnihil recreari. De te multum locuti sumus: 
G. Haddon.  & ille inter alia sibi pollicebatur, quod si per valetudinem ei licuisset Cantabrigiae esse, cum illa inter te & Yungum acciderunt, potuisset illum hominem facile ad modestius agendum adducere. Cupio illum restitutum, cum tibi, ut video, optimè velit, & Religionem candide amplectatur. Uxor mea, Deo gratia, convaluit, quod mihi & commodum est & jucundissimum; & quod ita tibi sit gratum, ut scribis, ingentes ago gratias. Agnetem tuam, Nicolaúmque salutes, & tuum illum Socium, qui nobiscum fuit, meo, uxoris, & julij nomine, qui omnes, unà cum Domino Subdecano, & Domino Carowo, te cumprimis magna salute impertiunt. 20 Septembr. 1550. Oxonij.  
Tuus in Christo, Petrus Martyr.   

NUM. LXI. Peter Martyr to Bucer, Concerning their review of the book of Common-Prayer.  
Censura a libri Communium Precum.  

Ex Bibliothec. C. C.C C.  S. D. Hoc tempore nil mihi potuit, aut optatius aut jucundius, evenire, quam ut censuram tuam viderem librorum sacrorum. Quare, quod eam ad me dignatus sis mittere, gratias immortales ago. Jam rogatus sueram, ut ipse quoque annotarem, quodnam mihi de eo videretur. Et cum, propter ignotam mihi linguam, fuisset data Versio D. Cheeki legenda, ut potui de ea colligere, annotavi quae digna correctione visa erant. Sed quia in versione mihi tradita, complura deerant, ideò multa praeterij, de quibus in meis Annotationibus nihil dixi. Haec deinde cum de tuo scripto deprehendissem, in ejusmodi libro contineri, mihi doluit; quod jam ante duos aut tres dies meam Censuram Reverendissimo, qui me pro ea urgebat, attulissem. Caeterùm hoc demum remedium adhibui: Quae de tuo scripto cognovi defuisse in meo libro, summatim collegi: & cum eadem, quae tu reprehendisti, mihi quoque non ferenda viderentur, ea in breves articulos redegi: exposuique Reverendissimo, qui jam sciebat haec ad D. Episcopum Eliensem te scripsisse, me in his omnibus capitibus, quae illi offerebam, in articulis notata, consentire tecum, ut mutarentur.  
In prioribus autem Adnotationibus omnia fermè, quae te offenderunt, a me fuerant adnotata. Exemplum quidem ad te nunc mitterem: sed non habeo ita descriptum, ut illud possis legere. Tantùm sum miratus, quomodo praeterieris de Communione aegrotorum id reprehendere, quod statutum est, si eo die fiat, quo in Dominico habetur coena Domini, tum Minister partem ciborum secum deferat. Atque ita Communionem in domo Aegrotantis administret. Qua in re id me offendit, quòd ibi non repetunt, quae praecipuè ad coenam Domini pertinent; cumque, ut tu quoque sentis, arbitror, verba coenae magis ad homines, quam aut ad panem, aut ad vinum pertinere. Monui omnino mihi videri, ut coram aegroto, & simul cum eo communicantibus, omnia, quae ad coenam Domini necessariò requiruntur, & dicantur, & agantur. Et sane mirandum est, quomodo ea, conspectu aegroti, verba dicere graventur, cui maximè utilia sunt, cum inutiliter eadem repetere velint, quando inter communicandum in Templo vinum in poculo deficere contigerit, cum homines qui adsunt, & sacramenta sumunt, illa jam audiverint. Haec sunt, quae putavi alicujus momenti, & cur omiseris, non satis intelligo. In omnibus autem, quae censuisti emendanda, tuae sententiae scripsi. Et gratias Deo ago, qui occasionem suppeditavit, ut de his omnibus Episcopi per nos admonerentur. Conclusum jam est in hoc eorum Colloquio, quemadmodum mihi retulit Reverendissimus, ut multa immutentur. Sed quaenam illa sint, quae consenserint emendanda, neque ipse mihi exposuit, neque ego de illo quaerere ausus sum. Verum hoc non me parum recreat, quod mihi, D. Checus indicavit; si noluerint ipsi, ait, efficere, ut quae mutanda sint mutentur, Rex per seipsum id saciet; & cum ad Parliamentum ventum suerit, ipse suae Majestatis authoritatem interponet.  
De Wintoniensi jam actio quarta in judicio habita est; neque dum respondet, alio spectat, quam ut se a Contumacia purget. Verba ejus a Papisticis hominibus, ut docta & acuta praedicantur: a veris autem & sanis judicibus, vafra, subdola, alien● a causa, &, ut uno verbo dicam, sophistica. Quod mihi etiam ●it verisimile, cum illum in rebus Theologicis non aliter agere animadverterim. Verum quicquld sit, causa omninò existimatur casurus.  
Quae de Hoppero ad me scribis, non potuerunt non videri mira. Certè illis auditis obstupui Sed bene habet, quod Episcopi meas literas viderunt, unde invidia ego quidem sum liberatus. Et illius causa sic jacet, ut me ioribus & pijs nequaquam probetur. Dolet, dolet inquam, mihi gravissimè talia inter Evangelij professores contingere. Ille toto hoc tempore, cum illi sit interdicta concio, non videtur posse quiescere; suae sidei confessionem edidit, qua rursus multorum animos exacerbavit. Deinde queritur de Consiliarijs, & fortasse, quod mihi non refertur, de nobis. Deus selicem Catastrophen non laetis actibus imponat.  
Doctor Smithus, quondam Oxonijs Professor▪ qui me de votis Monasticis praeterita jam aestate lacessivit, nunc librum, Anglicè scrip●um, contra Dominum Cantuariensem edidi● de re Sacramentari●. De quo, cum lingua mihi sit ignota, nequeo judicare. Sed tamen sensum ejus, & ineptias, brevi cognoscam. Nam scribit se etiam sub prelo habere, qua● contra me de eadem re composuit. Quanquam haec ego vel parum vel nih●● mo●or, cum a Satanae atque Papae Mancipijs nihil nisi mendacia expectem. Peccata nostra me terrent, atque pertenuis Evangelij fructus: Necnon ex altera parte Caesaris Successus, quem Severissimam Dei virgam esse video. Et inter haec mala nostris Peregrinorum ecclesijs vacat nugari.  
Est enim inter illas de Templo a Rege concesso exorta magna contentio: adeoque sunt animi eorum implacabiles, & eò exarserunt, ut eorum dissidium per Concilium Regium sit dirimendum. Precor Deu● ut res non malè juxta merita cadat.  
Multo antea voluissem discedere: sed hodie tandem abeundi facultatem impetravi. Scriptum tuum Petro Alexandro tradam, ut id tibi, cum ipsum perlegerit, remittat. Tibi vero interim, & omnibus tuis, cuncta salutaria & felicia precor, unà cum julio, qui vos plurimum salvere jubet. 10 Jan. 1551. Ad Lambeth.  
Tuus in Christo, Petrus Martyr. Clarissimo & eruditissimo D.D. Martino Bucero, Theolog●ae Professori regio, mihi plurimum observando, Cantabrigiae.   

NUM. LXII. The Archbishop's letter to procure Wolf, the Printer, a licence to publish his Book.  

Sr. W. H. MSS.  AFter my veray hearty commendations. these be to signify unto you, that Rayner Wolf, at my desire, hath fully finished the printing of my Book, for answer to the late Bishop of winchester's, written against mine of the Doctrine of the Sacrament. And forasmuch as both printing and selling of any matiers in th'English tongue is prohibited by a Proclamation set forth, unless the same matter be first allowed by the King's Majesty, or vi. of his Majesties privey Counsel, as you shall more plainly perceyve by the Proclamation, which herewith I send unto you: Therefore I hertily pray you to be a Suitor to the king's Majesty, or to the privye Counsel, that Mr. Rayner may have licence for the printing and selling of my said Book accordingly. And the same so obtained to send me with convenient speed. For in the beginning of the Term I think it were veray necessary to be set forth, for the contentation of many, which have had long expectation of the same. Assoon as I shall receyve advertisement, when the King's Majesty will be at Hampton court, I will come thither to see his Grace, and do my duty towards the same. Thus fare ye hertily well. From my Manor at Croyden, the xxix. of September, 1551.  
Your Loving Friend, T. Cant. To my veray love friends, Mr. Cecil, one of the King's Majesties two principal Secretaries. Or to Mr. Cheek.   

NUM. LXIII. Articles, whereunto William Phelps, Pastor and Curate of Ceciter, upon good advisement and deliberation, after better knowledge given by God's grace and goodness unto him, hath subscribed, consented and agreed, willingly without force, compulsion, and all manner of impulsion; and is willing and desirous to set forth the same to his parishioners, for the better edifying of them, and declaration of his new aggreement to God's verity and holy word.  

Foxij MSS.  FIrst, That the holy word of God doth acknowledge, confess, maintain, avouch, hold and defend, that in the holy Sacrament and Communion of Christ's precious body and blood, the very substance, matter, nature and condition of bread and wine, do remain after the words (as they be commonly called) of Consecration, as verily and truly as they were in substance and matter bread and wine before: Although that the use of the bread and wine in the Sacrament be changed▪ For whereas before it was common bread and common wine, n●w by the virtue of God's word it is made the Sacrament of the precious body and blood of Christ, and a Seal, confirmation, and augmentation of God's mercy and gracious promise to all men, that receive it in the Faith of Christ Jesus, with hatred of sin, and intent, purpose and mind to live always a virtuous life. And that is the very Transubstantiation and change▪ that God delighteth in, in the use of the Sacraments, most, that we should earnestly and from the bottom of our hearts, be converted into Christ, and Christ's holy commandments, to live a christian life, and to die from sin, as he gave us example, both by his life and doctrine; and meaneth not, that the bread and wine should in substance be turned or converted into the substance of his body and blood, or that the substance of the bread should be taken away, and in the place thereof to be the substance, matter, and corporal presence of Christ's corporal, holy, humane and natural body.  
Item, That the same holy word of God doth confess, hold, defend, acknowledge and maintain, that the very natural, substantial, real and corporal body of Christ, concerning his humanity, is only and solely in heaven, and not in the Sacrament and Communion of his precious body and blood. But whosoever worthily with true repentance, and lively faith in the promise of God, receiveth that holy Sacrament, receiveth Sacramentally by faith all the mercies, riches, merits and deservings, that Christ hath deserved and paid for, in his holy blood and passion. And that is to eat Christ and to drink Christ in the holy Sacrament, to confirm and Seal Sacramentally, in our Souls, God's promises of eternal Salvation: that Christ deserved for us, not in, or by, his body eaten, but by, and for, his body slain and killed upon the Cross for our Sins: as S. Paul saith Col. 1. Eph. 1.3. Ebru. 2.7, 8, 9, 10.  
As for eating of his flesh, and drinking of his blood, really, corporally, materially and substantially, it is but a carnal and gross opinion of man, besides and contrary to the word of God, and the articles of our faith, and christian religion: that affirmeth his corporal departure from th'earth, placeth it in heaven above at the right hand of God the father Almighty, and keepeth, retaineth, holdeth and preserveth the same corporal body of Christ there, till the general day of judgement, as the word declareth: From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.  
And that heretofore I have been in the contrary opinion, and believed myself, and also have taught other to believe the same, that there remained no substance of bread and wine in the Sacrament, but the very self same body and blood of Christ Jesus, that was born of the blessed Virgin Mary, and hanged upon the Cross, I am with all my heart sorry for mine error, and false opinion, detesting and forsaking the same from the bottom of my heart, and desire God most heartily in, and for, the merits of his dear sons passion, to forgive me, and all them that have erred in the same false opinion by and through my means: Praying them in the tender compassion and great mercies of God, now to follow me in truth, verity and singleness of Gods most true word, as they were contented to follow me in error, superstition and blindness, and be no more ashamed to turn to the truth, than they were ready to be corrupted by falsehood. If the holy Apostle S. Paul, and the great Clerk, S. Augustine, with many more Noble and virtuous members of Christ's church, were not ashamed to return, acknowledge and confess, their error and evil opinions; what am I, miserable creature of the world, inferior unto them both in knowledge, holiness and learning, that should be ashamed to do the same? Nay I do in this part thank God, and rejoice from the bottom of my heart, that God hath revealed unto me the truth of his word, and given me leave to live so long to acknowledge my fault, and error: and do here before you protest, that from henceforth I will, with all diligence and labour, study to set forth this mine amended knowledge, and reconciled truth, as long as I live, by the help of God in the holy Ghost, through the merits of Jesus Christ, our only Mediator and Advocate. To whom be all honour for ever and ever, Amen.  
Subscribed and confirmed 29 of April 1551. in the presence of John Bp. of Gloucester, and divers other there present.   

NUM. LXIV. The Archbishop to the Lords of the Council concerning the Book of Articles of Religion.  
AFter my veray humble recommendations unto your good Lordeships: 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  I have sent unto the same the book of Articles, which yesterday I receyved from your Lordeships. I have sent also a Cedule enclosed, declaring briefly my mind upon the said book: beseeching your Lordeshippss to be means unto the Kings' Majesty, that all the Bushops may have authority from him, to cause all their preachers, Archdecons, Deans, Prebendaries, Parsons, Vicars, Curates, with all their Clergy, to subscribe to the said articles. And than I trust, that such a concord and quyetness in religion shall shortly follow thereof, as else is not to be looked for many years. God shall thereby be glorified, his truth shall be advanced, and your Lordeships shall be rewarded of him, as the setters forward of his true word and gospel. Unto whom is my daily prayer, without ceasing, to preserve the Kings Majesty, with all your honourable Lordeships. From my house at Ford the 24 of this present month of November.  
Your Lordeshippss ever to command T. Cant. To my veray good Lords of the King's Majesty his most honour able Council.   

NUM. LXV. The Archbishop nominates certain persons for an Irish Archbishopric.  
To my very Loving friend Sir William Cecyl Knight, one of the King's Majesties principal Secretaries.  
THough in England there be many meet men for the Archbushopricks of Ireland, yet I know very few, 
Sir W. H. MSS.  that will gladly be persuaded to go thither. Nevertheless I have sent unto you the names of iiij. Viz. Mr. Whiteheade of Hadley, Mr. Turner of Caunturbury, Sir Thomas Rosse, and Sir Robert Wisdom. Which being ordinarily called, I think for conscience sake, will not refuse to bestow the talon committed unto them, wheresoever it shall please the King's Majesty to appoint them. Among whom I take Mr. Whiteheade for his good knowledge, special honesty, fervent zeal, and politic wisdom, to be most meet. And next him Mr. Turner, who, besides that he is merry and witty withal, nihil appetit, nihil ardet, nihil somniat, nisi jesum Christum; and in the lively preaching of him and his word declareth such diligence, faithfulness and wisdom, as for the same deservithe much commendation. There is also one Mr. Whitacre, a man both wise and well learned, Chaplain to the Bushopp of Winchester, veray meet for that office, if he might be persuaded to take it upon him.  
I pray you commend me unto Mr. Cheke, and declare unto him, that mine ague, whither it were a quotidian, or a double tertian (whereof my Physicians doubted) hath left me these two days, and so I trust I am quite thereof: Notwithstanding my water keapithe still an high colour. Now the most danger is, that if it come again this night, it is like to turn to a quartane. However the matter chance, the most grief to me is, that I cannot proceed in such matters as I have in hand, according to my will and desire. This Terrenum Domicilium is such an obstacle to all good purposes. Forasmuch as I perceive that the King's Majesty's progress is altered, I pray you send me the gests of the latter end of his Progress, from this time unto the end, that I may from time to time know where his Majesty shall be; whom I beseech Almighty god to preserve and prosper in all his affairs, with his most honourable Council, and all his court. From my manor of Croyden, the xxuth. of August 1552.  
Your own assured T. Cant.   

NUM. LXVI. That Mr. Turner, intended for the Archbishopric of Armagh, was come up to court.  
To my loving friend Sir William Cecyl Knight, one of the Kings' Majesty his principal Secretary.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  AFter my veray hearty recommendations, Now at the last against his will, Turner is come up unto the court. He preached twice in the camp, that was by Canterbury: for the which the rebels would have hanged him; and he seemed than more glad to go to hanging, than he doth now to go to Armachane, he alleged so many excuses, but the chief is this, that he shall preach to the walls and stalls, for the people understand no English. I bear him in hand Yes; and yet I doubt whether they speak English in the diocese of Armachane. But if they do not, than I say, that if he will take the pain to learn the Irish tongue (which with diligence he may do in a year or two) than both his personne and doctrine shall be more acceptable not only unto his diocese, but also thorough out all Ireland. I commit him to your cure praying you to help him to have as ready a dispatch as may be, for he hath but a little money.  
I have sent the book of Articles for Religion unto Mr. Cheke, set in a better order, than it was, and the titles upon every matter, adding thereto that which lacked. I pray you consider well the articles with Mr. Cheke, and whether you think best to move the kings majesty therein bifore my coming; I refer that unto your two wisdoms.  
I pray you let me have your advice unto whom I might best write concerning Rayner Wolf; for I wot not to whom I might write, but to my Lord of Northumberlande. The everlyving god ever preserve you in this life, and in the life to come. From Croyden the nineteen th'. of September. [Anno 1552.]  
Your assured friend, T. Cant.   

NUM. LXVII. Wherein the Archbishop justifies himself and the rest of the Bishops against the charge of Covetousness.  
To my Loving friend Sir William Cycil, one of the Kings' Majesties principal Secretaries.  
AFter my most hearty commendations and thanks, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  as well for your gentle Letters, as for the copy of the Pacification, and for your good remembrance of the two matters, which I desired you not to forget, the one concerning the B. of Colens letters, and the other, Mr. Mouse: for whom eft-sonnes I give you my most hearty thanks.  
As for your Admonition, I take it most thankfully, as I have ever been most glad to be admonished by my friends, accounting no man so foolish as he that will not hear friendly admonishments. But as for the saying of S. Paul, Qui volunt ditescere, incidunt in tentationem, I fear it not half so moche, as I do stark beggary. For I took not half so much care for my living, when I was a Scholar of Cambrige, as I do at this present. For although I have now much more revenewe, yet I have much more to do withal; and have more care to live now as an Archbuschope, than I had at that time to live like a scholar. I have not so much as I had within ten years passed by CL l. of certain rent, beside casualties. I pay double for every thing that I buy. If a good Auditor have this account, he shall found no great surplusage to wax rich upon.  
And if I knew any B. that were covetous, I would surely admonish him, but I know none, but all beggars, except it be one, and yet I dare well say, he is not very rich. If you know any, I beseech you to advertise me, for peradventure I may advertise him better than you. To be short, I am not so doted, to set my mind upon things here, which neither I can carry away with me, nor tarry long with them. If time would have served, I would have written of other things unto you, but your servant making haste, compelleth me hear to cut of the thread; beseeching almighty god to preserve the Kings Majesty with all his council and family, and send him well to return from his progress. From my Manor of Croyden the xxj. of july.  
Your own ever, T. Cant.   


NUMB. LXVIII. Purchases made by the Archbishop. Extracted out of K. Edward's Book of Sales. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi Sexti primo.  The name of the Purchaser. The some of Money for the purchase. The Lands. The yearly value of the lands. The rent reserved. The time of the issues. The Teste of the Patent. Thomas Archiepiscopus Cantuar. In consider. promis. Dom. R. H. VIII. & perform. Test. sui, ac in escamb. Manner. & Parc. de Mayfeld in Com. Sussex. ac divers. all terr. & ten. in Com. Midd. Hertf. Kant. Buck. & Ebor. ac pro summa Rect. de whaley, Blackborne & Rachdale in Com. Lanc. nuper Monastio sive Abbie de whaley in eodem Com. Lancastr. modo dissolute. dudum spectan. & pertinent. ac divers. al. terr. & ten. in Com. Lanc. Kant. Surr. London, Bangor, etc. CCCClxxix 1. 2 d. ob. lv 1. fourteen s. uj d. q. A festo S. Michael. Arch. Ao. xxxvij o. H. viij vi.      Test. xxxj o. die Augusti. Thomas Cranmer Archiepiscopus Cantuar. v c. iiij l. viij s. iiij d. Manner. de Sleford in Com. Lincoln, & manner. de Middleton Cheny in Com. Northam. ac divers. al. terr. & ten. in Com. Northam. & Lincoln. x l. uj s. iiij d. xv l. Nichil. A festo Annunc. B. Marry Virgin. ultimo praedicto.    iiij l. xv s. viij d.    Thomas Archiepiscopus Cantuar. iiij c. xxix l. fourteen s. ij d. Et in compliment. Testi Dom. Regis H. VIII. & in consider. Servicij. Scit. nuper Prioratus de Arthington in Com. Ebor. ac diversa alia Maneria terr. & ten. in Com. Ebor. Not. & Kant. v l. viijs. iiij d. lj l. xvijs. s. iiijd. xv l. seven l. x s. x l. xuj s. j d. ob. xij s. uj l. j d. xxxiij s. iiij d. xuj s. viij d. A festo S. Michaelis Arch. ultimo praeterito. Test. uj to. die Junij.   

[NUM. LXVIII.] An Instrument of the Council, swearing and subscribing to the Succession, as limited by the King.  
EDWARD.  
WE whose Names be underwritten, 
MSS. D. Wil Petyt.  having heretofore manitimes heard the King's Majesty, our most gracious Sovereign Lords earnest desire and express Commandment, touching the Limitation of the Succession in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and others his Majesty's Realms and Dominions; and having seen his Majesties own Devise touching the said Succession, first wholly written with his most Gracious hand, and after Copied out in his Majesty's presence, by his most high Commandment, and Confirmed with the Subscription of his Majesties own Hand: and by his Highness delivered to certain Judges, and other learned men to be written in sul Order: DO, by his Majesty's special and absolute Commandment, eftsoons given us, aggree, and by these Presents signed with our hands, and sealed with our Seals, promise by our Oaths and Honours to observe, fully perform and keep all and every Article, Branch and Matter contained in the said Writing, delivered to the Judges and others, and subscribed with his Majesty's hand in six several places; and all such other matters, as his Majesty by his Last Will shall appoint, declare, or command, touching, or concerning the Limitation of the Succession of his said Imperial Crown. And WE do further promise, by his Majesty's said Commandment, never to vary or swarve, during our lives, from his said Limitation of his Succession: But the same shall to the uttermost of our powers Defend and Maintain. And if any of us, or any other, shall at any time hereafter (which God forbid) vary from this Aggrement or any part thereof, We and Every of us, do assent to ●ake, use and repute him for a Breaker of the common Concord, Peace and Unity of this Realm, and to do our utmost to see him or them so varying or swerving, punished with most sharp punishment, according to their deserts.  
T. Cant. T. Ely. Wynchester. Northumberland. I. Bedford. I. Suffolk. W. Northampt. F. Shrewsbury. F. Huntyngdon. PEMBROKE. E. Clinton. T. Darcy. G. Cobham. T. Cheyne. R. Rich. john Gate. William Petres. joan Cheek. W. Cecyll. Edward Mountagu. john Bakere. Edward Gryffyn. john Lucas. john Gosnald.  
These are the Names, with which this Instrument is signed: but there be no Seals.  

The Kings own Writing, directing the Succession. My Devise for the Succession.  

MSS. D. Wil Petyt.  FOR lack of issue for my Body, to the L. Fraunceses' heir Masles, if she have any such issue before my Death. To the Lady jane, and her Heir Masles. To the Lady Katerins' Heir Masles. To the Lady mary's heir Masles. To the Heirs Masles of the Daughters, which she shall have hereafter. Then to the Lady Margaret's heirs Masles. For lack of such issue to the Heir Masles of the Lady janes' Daughters. To the heir masles of the Lady Katerins' Daughters, and so forth till you come to the Lady Margaret's daughters heirs masles.  
If after my Death, their Masle be entered into eighteen years old, than he to have the whole Rule and Governance thereof.  
But if he be under 18, than his Mother to be Governess, till he enter 18 years old.  
But to do nothing without the Advice and Aggrement of Six, Parcel of a Council to be pointed by my last Will, to the number of Twenty.  
If their Mother die before their Entry into Eighteen, the Realm to be governed by the Council. Provided, that after he be 14 years, all great matters of Importance be opened to him.    

NUM. LXIX. A Letter of Q. Jane's Council to the Lord Rich, L. Lieutenant of the County of Essex.  
AFter our right hearty commendations to your Lp. Although the matter contained in your letters of th'earl of Oxford's departing to the Ladi Mari, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  be grevous unto us for divers respects, yet we must neades give your Lp. our hearty thanks for your redi advertisement thereof. Requiring your Lp. nevertheless like a Noble man to remain in that promise and steedfastnes to our Sovereign Lady Queen janes' Service, as ye shall find us redi and firm with all our force to the same. Which neither with honour, nor with safety, nor yet with duty we mai now forsaake. From the Tower of London, the nineteen th'. of julie, 1553.  
Your L. assured loving friends, 

T. Cant.  
T. Ely, Canc.  
I. Suffolk.  
Pembroke.  
William Paget.  
Winchester.  
Arundel.  
T. Darcy.  
T. Cheyne.  
W. Petre S.  
Io. Bakere.  
I. Bedford.  
F. Shrewsbury.  
Richard Cotton.  
Io. Cheek.  
Robert Bowes.     

NUM. LXX. Queen Jane to Sir John Bridges, and Sir Nicolas Poyntz, to raise forces against a rising in Bucks.  
JANE the Queen,  
TRusty and Well-beloved, we great you well. 
Foxij. MSS.  Because we doubt not, but this our most lawful possession of the Crown, with the free consent of the Nobility of our realm, and other the States of the same, is both plainly known and accepted of you, as our most loving subjects: Therefore we do not reiterate the same, but now most earnestly will and require, and by authority hereof warrant you, to assemble, muster and levy all the power that you can possible make, either of your servants, Tenants, officers or friends, as well horsemen as footmen, reserving to our trusty and right well beloved Cousins, the Earls of Arundel and Penbroke, their tenants, servants, and officers: and with the same to repair with all possible speed towards Buckinghamshire, for the repression and subduing of certain tumults and rebellions moved there against us and our Crown, by certain seditious men. For the repression whereof we have given ordre to divers others our good subjects, and gentlemen of such degree as you are, to repair in like manner to the ●ame parties. So as we nothing doubt but upon the access of such our loving subjects as be appointed for that purpose, to the place where this Seditious people yet remain, the same shall either lack hearts to abide in their malicious purpose, or else receive such punishment and execution, as they deserve, seeking the destruction of their native country, and the subversion of all men in their degrees by rebellion of the base multitude. Whose rage being stirred, as of late years hath been seen, must needs be the confusion of those common weal. Wherefore our special trust is, in your courage, wisdom and fidelities in this matter to advance yourself both with power and speed to this enterprise in such sort, as by our Nobility and Council shallbe also prescribed unto you. And for the sustentation of your charges in this behalf, our said Council by our Commandment do forthwith give order, to your satisfaction: as by their letters also shall appear unto you. And besides that, we do assure you of our special consideration of this your service to us, our Crown, and expressly to the preservation of this our Realm and commonweal. Yeven under our signet at our Tower of London, the xviij. day of july, the first year of our reign.   

NUM. LXXI. The Councillors of Q. Jane, their letter to the Lady Mary, acknowledging her Queen.  

Sir W.H.MSS.  OUR bownden duties most humbly remembered to your most excellent Majesty. It may like the same to understand, that We, your most humble, faithful and obedient Subjects, having always (God we take to witness) remained your Highness' true and humble Subjects in our hearts, ever sithence the death of our late Sovereign Lord and Master, your Highness' brother, whom God pardon; And seeing hitherto no possibility to utter our determination herein, without great destruction and bloodshed, both of ourselves and others, t●l this time; Have this day proclaimed, in your city of London, your Majesty to be our true natural Sovereign Liege Lady, and Queen, Most humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon and remit our former infirmities, and most graciously taccept our meanings; which have been ever to serve your Highness truly: And so shall remain in all our powers and forces to th'effusion of our bludds: as thighs bearers, our very good Lords, th'earl of Arundel, and L. Paget can, and be ready more particularly to declare. To whom it may please your Excellent Majesty to give firm credence. And thus we do, and shall daily pray to Almighty God for the preservation of your most royal person long to reign over us. From your Majesty's city of London this day of july, the first year of your most prosperous Reign.  
Thus endorsed by the hand of Sir Will. Cecyl. Copy of the letter to the Queen from Baynard's Castle, 20 July 1553.   

NUM. LXXII. The Archbishop to Mrs. Wilkinson, persuading her to fly.  

Foxes Acts.  THE true Comforter in all distress is only God, through his son jesus Christ. And whosoever hath him, hath company enough, although he were in a wilderness all alone. And he that hath twenty thousand in his company, if God be absent, is in a miserable wilderness and desolation. In him is all comfort▪ and without him is none. Wherefore I beseech you, seek your dwelling there, whereas you may truly and rightly serve God, and dwell in him, and have him ever dwelling in you. What can be so heavy a burden as an unquiet conscience, to be in such a place as a man cannot be suffered to serve God in Christ's religion? If you be loath to depart from your kin and friends, remember, 
Mar. 3:  that Christ calleth them his mother, sisters and brothers, that do his fathers wil Where we find therefore God truly honoured according to his will, there we can lack neither friend, nor kin.  
If you be loath to depart for slandering God's word, remember, that Christ, when his hour was not yet come, 
Joh. 4.  departed out of his country into Samaria, to avoid the malice of the Scribes and Pharisees; and commanded his Apostles, that if they were pursued in one place, 
Mat. 10.  they should fly to another. And was not Paul let down by a basket out at a window, to avoid the persecution of Aretas? 
2 Cor. 1●.  And what wisdom and policy he used from time to time to escape the malice of his enemies, the Acts of the Apostles do declare. And after the same sort did the other Apostles. Albeit, when it came to such a point, that they could no longer escape danger of the persecutors of Gods true religion, than they showed themselves, that their flying before came not of fear, but of godly wisdom, to do more good, and that they would not rashly, without urgent necessity offer themselves to death: Which had been but a temptation of God. Yea, when they were apprehended, and could no longer avoid, than they stood boldly to the profession of Christ: Then they showed, how little they passed of death: How much they feared God more than men: How much they loved and preferred the eternal life to come, above this short and miserable life.  
Wherefore I exhort you as well by Christ's commandment, as by the example of him and his Apostles, to withdraw yourself from the malice of yours and God's enemies, into some place where God is most purely served. Which is no slandering of the truth, but a preserving of yourself to God and the truth, and to the society and comfort of Christ's little flock. And that you will do, do it with speed, lest by your own folly you fall into the persecutors hands. And the Lord send his holy spirit to lead and guide you, whersoever you go. And all that be godly will say, Amen.   

NUM. LXXIII. The words and sayings of John Duke of Northumberland, spoken by him unto the people at the Tower-hill of London, on Tuesday in the forenoon, being the 22d. day of August immediately before his death; as hereafter followeth.  
GOod people, I am come hither for to die this day; for the which all you are come hither to see. 
Titus. B. ●▪  And that although this is most horrible and detestable▪ yet justly have I deserved the same; for that I have been most grievous sinner unto Almighty God, and to all the whole world, and to the Queen's grace: In as much as I did presume of myself in the plain field to bear armour against her Grace. Wherefore I do acknowledge that I have offended her laws; and that justly she might have put me to death, without any Law, had she so pleased. But of her most clemency hath weighed my death by a law, which justly hath condemned me. But the more, I trust, for my Salvation, and the more better for me; to consider the greatness of my sins. And therefore the better for my Salvation.  
And forasmuch as I am permitted to speak my conscience, this I do protest before God, the World, and all you, that this my death hath not been altogether of mine own procuring, but hath been incensed by others; Whom I pray God to pardon, For I will not name, nor accuse any man here.  
And now I shall show how I have been of a long time led by false Teachers, somewhat before the death of K. Henry VIII. and ever since: Which is a great part of this my death. Wherefore, good people, beware, and take heed, that you be not led and deceived by these seditious and lewd Preachers, that have opened the Book, and know not how to shut it. But return home again to your true religion, and Catholic faith, which hath been taught you of old. For since the time, that this new teaching hath come among us, God hath given us over unto ourselves, and hath plagued us sundry and many ways, with wars, commotions, tumults, rebellions, pestilence and famine: besides many more great and grievous plague's; to the great decay of our common wealth. Wherefore, Good people, be obedient unto the Queen her laws, and be content to receive again the true Catholic faith; from which of long time you have been led. Examples we have of Germany: Which in like manner being led and seduced, how are they now brought to ruin, as well it is known to the world. And also we are taught by our Creed, in the latter part of the same: Where it is said, We believe in the holy Ghost, the holy Catholic faith, the Communion of Saints. Thus you may see the Articles of our belief do teach us the true faith Catholic. This is my very faith and belief. And these were in my heart, as my Lord Bp. [Hethe of Worcester] can testify. Neither was I commanded thus to speak, but even of mine own free wil  
And then he went to his prayers, and died.   

NUM. LXXIV. Archbishop Cranmers' Letter to the Queen, sueing for his pardon in the Lady Janes business.  
MOst Lamentably mourning and moaning himself unto your Highness, Thomas Cranmer, 
Letters of the Martyrs.  although unworthy either to write or speak unto your Highness, yet having no person, that I know to be mediator for me, and knowing your pitiful ears ready to hear all pitiful complaints, and seeing so many to have felt your abundant clemency in like case, Am now constrained most lamentably, and with most penitent and sorrowful heart, to ask mercy and pardon for my heinous folly and offence, in consenting and following the Testament and last Will of our late Sovereign Lord K. Edward VI your Grace's brother; Which, well God he knoweth, I never liked; nor any thing grieved me so much that your Grace's brother did. And if by any means it had been in me to have letted the making of that Will, I would have done it. And what I said therein, as well to the Council, as to himself, divers of your Majesty's Council can report: but none so well as the Marquis of Northampton, and the L. Darcy, than Lord Chamberlain to the King's Majesty. Which two were present at the Communication between the King's Majesty and me. I desired to talk with the King's Majesty alone, but I could not be suffered: and so I failed of my purpose. For if I might have commoned with the King alone, and at good leisure, my trust was, that I should have altered him from his purpose, but they being present my labour was in vain.  
Then, when I could not dissuade him from the said Will; and both he and his Privy Council also, informed me that the Judges, and his learned Council said, that the Act of entailing the Crown, made by his Father, could not be prejudicial to him: but that he being in possession of the Crown, might make his Will thereof; This seemed very strange unto me. But being the sentence of the Judges, and other his learned Council in the Laws of this realm, (as both he and his Council informed me) methought it became not me, being unlearned in the Law to stand against my Prince therein. And so at length I was required by the King's Majesty himself to set to my hand to his Will; Saying, that he trusted, that I alone would not be more repugnant to his Will then the rest of the Council were. Which words surely grieved my heart very sore: And so I granted him to subscribe his Will, and to follow the same. Which when I had set my hand unto, I did it unfeignedly and without dissimulation.  
For the which I submit myself most humbly unto your Majesty, acknowledging mine offence with most grievous and sorrowful heart, and beseeching your mercy and pardon. Which my heart giveth me shall not be denied unto me, being granted before to so many; Which travailed not so much to dissuade both the King and his Council, as I did.  
And whereas it is contained in two Acts of Parliament, as I understand, that I with the Duke of Northumberland, should devise and compass the deprivation of your Majesty from your royal Crown, surely it is untrue. For the Duke never opened his mouth to me, to move me any such matter. Nor his heart was not such toward me, (seeking long time my destruction) that he would ever trust me in such a matter, or think that I would be persuaded by him. It was other of the Council that moved me, and the King himself, the Duke of Northumberland not being present. Neither before, neither after, had I ever any privy communication with the Duke of that matter, saving that openly at the Council table, the Duke said unto me, that it became not me to say to the King, as I did, when I went about to dissuade him from his said Will.  
Now as concerning the state of religion, as it is used in this realm of England at this present, if it please your Highness to licence me, I would gladly write my mind unto your Majesty. I will never, God willing, be author of Sedition, to move Subjects from the obedience of their Heads and Rulers: Which is an offence most detestable. If I have uttered my mind to your Majesty, being a Christian Queen and Governor of this Realm, (of whom I am most assuredly persuaded, that your gracious intent is, above all other regards, to prefer Gods true word, his honour and glory) if I have uttered, I say, my mind unto your Majesty, than I shall think myself discharged. For it lies not in me, but in your Grace only, to see the Reformation of things, that be amiss. To private subjects it appertaineth not to reform things, but quietly to suffer that they cannot amend. Yet nevertheless to show your Majesty my mind in things appertaining unto God, methink it my duty, knowing that I do, and considering the place which in time passed I have occupied. Yet will I not presume thereunto without your Grace's pleasure first known, and your Licence obtained. Whereof I most humbly prostrate to the ground, do beseech your Majesty, and I shall not cease daily to pray to Almighty God for the good preservation of your Majesty from all Enemies bodily and ghostly, and for the increase of all goodness heavenly and earthly, during my life, as I do and will do, whatsoever become of me.   

NUM. LXXV. Cardinal Poles Instructions for his Messenger to the Queen.  
Instructions for Master Thomas Goldwel.  

Cotton Library, Titus B. 2.  MAster Goldwel. After ye have made my most humble Salutations, with all due reverence to the Queen's Highness on my behalf, and presented my Letters to the same, then pleasing her Grace to hear your Commission given by me, and to understand the cause why I do send you to her, ye may expound the same in that form that followeth.  
First of all, Seeing that the whole cause of my sending you to her Highness at this time is grounded upon the request, that her Grace maketh unto me in her letters sent me these days passed from the Emperor's court, dated in London the xxviij. of October, in the Latin tongue: Whereunto her G. doth demand answer of me in two points: One is, touching the difficulty she feareth, by signs she seeth already, touching the renouncing of the title of the Supremacy of the Church in her Realms, when it shall be put forth in the Parliament: Which signs be, that whereas her Majesty already hath caused to be put forth to the Parliament the abolishing of those laws, which concerned the annullation of the Legitimate matrimony of the gracious Lady, the Queen Mother to her G. the same passing the Upper house, and put forth to the Lower, albeit in the effect they would not refuse to aggree to all that might make to the establishing of the right of her G. to the Crown, yet they did not gladly hear of the abolishing especially of that law, that gave that title, of the Supremacy of the Church in the Realm, to the Crown: Suspecting that to be an introduction of the Pope's authority into the Realm: Which they cannot gladly hear of. And for this cause cannot gladly hear of my Legation in the Pope's Name: Whereupon her G. in the same letters doth exhort me to stay my voyage until a more opportune time: And asketh my council, in case the lower House make resistance in the renouncing of the title of Supremacy, what her G. were best to do, and what course she had best to take:  
One other point is, that her G. desireth in the same letter to be certified by me, how it came to pass, that a Commission given by her to Mr. Francisco Commendone in secret, was published in the Consistory; as her Grace's Ambassador resident in Venice, doth certify her:  
These be the two points, wherein her G. requireth my answer: And for to obey her demand, which to me is a Commandment, I do send you, not only to present my letters, but also my mouth, and with these present Instructions, for more satisfaction of her G. in all points.  
As touching the first point, which is of most weight, and so great touching the honour and wealth of her G. both spiritual and temporal, as none can be more; ye shall show her G. that my first advice and council shall be, to obtain of God by prayer, that which I pray him to give me writing this; Which is, to have Spiritum Consilij & Fortitudinis. And this her G. must now pray for; that as in the attaining the Crown, his high providence showed by manifest tokens to have given her these two graces; so in the maintaining thereof, he will confirm these two gifts in her mind. Her Highness knows, if she had relented at that time for any peril, when that both man's council and force were against her, she had lost. So if she for any fear do relent, and do not renounce the title of Supremacy, which took the name of Princess and Right heir from her; she cannot maintain that she hath gotten already by the spirit of Council and Fortitude. So that my first council is this, that obtaining by prayer these two gifts, which her G. had at that time, to show herself no less ardent in the leaving of the title of Supremity, for to maintain her right, than the King her father was in the acquisition thereof, to the privation of her right. Which so much more she ought to do, and be more fervent in this, than her Father was in that; Because that was done against all law both of God and man; and this that her Majesty doth now, showing herself most fervent herein, doth fulfil both God's law and man's. And that is her very duty, if she should lose both state and life withal. As she hath known she ought to do, by the example of the best men of her realm. Which for this cause, resisting the King's unlawful laws, lost both.  
And now the goodness of God putting no such hard conditions to her G. nor laying afore her eyes only Praemia futura with loss of temporal, as he did to those men, but praemia coelestia with terrena joined together: That serving to the honour of God, which is in this point to render the title of Supremacy of the church in earth, to whom God hath given it, she doth establish her own Crown withal: If now she should relent herein for any fear of men, being brought to that state, that other men should rather fear her than she them, especially in so good a cause; this afore God and men were most perpetually to be blamed. Wherefore what my Council is herein, on this manner now rehearsed, you may inform her Highness.  
Now to come to the execution of the thing. After her G. is determined to have it done, casting away all fear, the same stondeth to have it put forth, and causing it to pass by the Parliament; this is another council necessarily to be pondered; Consisting the whole after my opinion in the proponement of the person, that hath to put forth the same, that with les difficulty, and more favour it may pass.  
Here ye may say, that I much pondering the same, and considering, that it must be a person of Authority, that should propone the same, if it should take effect; When I look in my mind upon all them I know of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal, and persons of the Lower House, that might have authority; I do see none, but that other he hath defended the contrary cause by his Sentence and writing, as the Spiritual men have done; which taketh away a great part of authority to persuade others, when men heareth them accepting that matter, that aforetime they have oppugned: Or else to speak of the Temporal Lords, or others, being all entangled with private profit, enjoying goods of the Church by rejecting the authority of the same, they cannot speak with that freeness of spirit, as such a matter requireth. Wherefore ye may conclude with her G. mine opinion herein; that after long consideration hereof, I see no person but one, that is able, with authority and also favour, to propone this matter. And that person is her G. herself. God having brought it to her hand alone: She being in this matter, and all other immaculate, and without blot, ordered of God to defend his cause, and her own withal.  
And this, ye may say, the Council that it pleased God to put in my mind is, that her G. do in this case as I remember the Emperor did in his own case, passing by Rome, whereas his mind was to justify his quarrel touching the war betwixt him and the French king afore the Pope and the Cardinals. When doubting if onye other person should propose the same, it might have contradiction of that party that did favour France, he determined without any conference either with his Council or others, to put forth the matter himself. And so when nother the Pope, nor no other looked for any such thing, his Holiness and the Cardinals being now congregate, he entered in among them in the Consistory, and made a long Oration, in justifying his cause, and obtained that he would without any resistance.  
Underneath this manner my poor advice should be, that her Majesty should personally come into the Parliament, and put forth the same herself, and I dare be bold to say, what for her authority, and the justness and the equity of the cause itself, she shall have no contradiction. And if need were also to show herself to the Lower house, the thing itself so near toucheth her wealth, both godly and temporally, that it would be taken rather cum applausu, then otherwise.  
Further, and jointly with this, it shall be necessary her highness make mention of the Pope's Legate, in my person, to be admitted and sent for. Wherein her G. hath this first to entreat, that the law of my banishment may be abolished, and I restored to name and blood. And herein her G. doth know what extreme injustice hath been done to me, and all our house: And touching my person, what ever was done that could be laid against me, why I should be ashamed, which never thought nor did in that cause I was banished for: but that whereby I deserved rather great reward then any pain, being so given with heart and mind to the King's honour, and wealth both of him and his realm, that with no reward that was offered me great, the King himself could not persuade me to do, or sentence any thing against his honour and the wealth of the realm, and to his damnation. Here is all the cause why I suffered banishment, with so great loss of those kinsfolks, that were dearer to me then my life. And this being done by consent of the Parliament, though, I doubt not, against their mind, the Parliament is bound afore God and man, to revoke me again, and especially now coming with extraordinary Commission, that bringeth the establishment of your Grace's Crown, to the comfort of the whole realm, both temporally and spiritually.  
And this her G. may boldly say of all the time of my exile, wherein God hath given me honour more than I did require, or would have had, if it had lain in my own choice, and goods sufficient to maintain my state, if ever it should be found, that for any respect of persons, for ambition, pleasure or lucre, I swarved from that I judged the honour of God, and, in matters of my Country, from the wealth thereof; I am content not only to be excepted at this time, but perpetually to be banished. But if they prove all the contrary, and that with the King your Father, not only as a faithful subject, but with that love also, that no servant could show to his master more, nor son to his father, I showed ever to exteame more his honour and wealth, than mine own goods or Country, and never procured other than the wealth of the same; then let them believe now, that I never would come unto them after so many years' absence, your G. bearing the crown, with other Commission than that I know surely should be to the honour, comfort and wealth of your G. and the whole Country.  
And so touching this point of my council, that her G. requireth of me, here ye have explicated how the whole matter, wherein my council is required, may be concluded. For otherwise at this time I see not what might be taken, nor can imagine no other so good▪ as this way; Which me seemeth God hath ordered should be taken and preferred above all other.  
After this, ye shall show her G. if this way be not followed, or deferred, what I most fear: And this is first, that the Pope's Holiness being already persuaded to grant to the stay of my journey, contrary to his first Commission, when her G. showed more fervency to receive the obedience of the Church, that the next Commission I shall have shall be to return back into Italy again. And the cause why I fear this is, that the Pope shall think by offering to her G. and the Realm, all those graces, that do pertain to the reconciliation of both to the church, when he seeth it is not accepted with that promptness it is offered, he shall think that both afore God and man, he hath satisfied all that could be required of him, touching the demonstration of his paternal affection to her G. and the realm. In the which the College of Cardinals peradventure will judge, that his Sanctity hath been over much bountiful, especially when they hear of this my staying being made without their consent: Which they will ever take for a great indignity, hearing no greater, nor more urgent cause thereof, then hitherto hath been showed; and knowing how her G. cannot maintain her Right, nether afore God nor man, without having recourse to his Holiness, and to the See Apostolic, and of whose Authority and Dispensation the whole right of her cause doth depend: as some of them then would have had his Holiness at the beginning not to have sent his Legate, until he had been required, and much more now, after he hath sent, and he not accepted, they will all be of opinion, that he shall be revoked. And then what peril both her G. and the whole realm standeth in, by the reason of the Schism yet remaining, it is manifest of itself.  
And yet this is not all my fear of my revocation, but that which may follow, that I fear more. Which is this: that whereas now if I had been accepted with that promptness and sincere affect, as I was sent of the Pope's Holiness, and that I brought with me, my Person I trust should have brought more comfort to her Highness, and the rest of the Country than any stranger; as the Pope's Holiness thought, when he made me Legate; so now on the contrary, for the self same circumstances and causes, that pertain to my Person, not being accepted, it shall more aggravate the cause, at all times, that the Realm hereafter should require to be absolved of the Schism, and all other that would seek to prevail against her Grace's title, by the reason of the Schism, for the self cause, that I was not accepted, returning again to Rome, would take this for a great proof of the obstinate enduring in the same, which all divine laws doth most condemn. So that my Person, I desiring nothing more than to bring comfort to her and the realm, not accepted, shall be cause of more discomfort, which as I say God of his mercy forbid. Expounded under this manner my fear, which stondeth in my revocation, not for myself, but for the damage that may come to her Majesty and the realm thereby; (the same being very likely, if my stay be deferred any longer space; knowing that his Holiness and the College will not suffer such indignity:) than you may declare withal the remedies, that I thought best to be used at this time to avoid this inconveniency.  
And herein you may show, how the first Remedy is, that the Pope and the College of Cardinals be well persuaded, that my stay here is but for a small time, and for to bring a more sure conclusion, and to make the way more plain, as I have caused the Pope's Holiness to be informed by a servant of mine sent by post, showing the tenor of the bill her G. wrote Herrye my servant. Wherein was contained that her Highness shortly trusted that the matters of the Parliament should have that conclusion, that I most desired. And upon this hope that messenger had to show his Holiness, that I had sent my stuf afore, towards Flaunders: and now also for confirmation of that hope I have sent a part of my company afore to tarry me there. So that this you may say is the first remedy I can find to keep the Pope and the College in hope of a brave and good resolution.  
One other chief Remedy is, because I perceive the Emperor's Majesty's Council hath ever been, that her G. in matters of religion, and in the renouncing the title of the Supremacy, should proceed with great moderation, and not to be hasty therein, until other matters temporal were better settled; for this cause, beside that what I could do by letters, if it were possible, as much as was in me, to remove his Majesty from the opinion, that dilation in this matter would be profitable to her Highness, or the realm; as she may perceive by the copy of my letters, written to the Emperor, sent by H●rry Pyninge: I have likewise persuaded his Majesty's Confessor, whom I found here a man of great sanctity, and learning, that for the love he beareth towards his Majesty touching his souls wealth, and honour of the world beside, and affection to her G. that he would personally repair himself to his Majesty, and by all means possible attempt to remove this worldly fear. And herein I have given him Instructions, whereof you have the Copy with you, that you may show the same to her Highness.  
The third Remedy is, that I attempt now, by sending you to her Majesty, that she may be well informed of the peril; which in mine opinion is now more great, then when the Duke of Northumberland did set against her. And the same must be overcome with the means that her G then had the victory. Which was by putting her hope and trust wholly in God, and in the justice of her cause, casting away all fear worldly. Which doing, her Highness may be sure her cause pertaining to the honour of God, and wealth of his Church, for the which his Son died for, that is Lord of all, she shall find les difficulty, and much readier help, than she can now imagine. And this now shall be sufficient you inform her G. touching the matter, wherein it hath pleased her to ask my advice and council.  
Touching the other matter, wherein her Highness seemeth to be offended for the relation made openly in the Consistory by Master Francisco Commendone, of those things, which her Majesty had told him in secret. Of this you may say, her G. being informed of the truth hath more cause to accept that which was done most gratefully, then in any part to be offended therewith. And the truth is this, he did not open any thing that was told him in secret, nor did not make his relation as I thought myself he had done at the beginning, as of things heard of her G.'s mouth, but that he had heard of other Catholics and devout persons, that knew her G.'s mind. Which was in general of the devout mind that her Majesty bore to God and the Church; and of that particular point, that she would have had showed only the Pope's Holiness, nothing was spoken. And all this done to confirm the Cardinal's minds touching the approbation of that the Pope had done, in making so suddenly his Legate, afore any information was given what mind her G. bore to the obedience of the Church: Which some did not approve at the first. And after this relation made by Master Francisco, that had been in England, all were well satisfied. So that all turned to the honour of her M. and to corroborate all that was done to her service. And that she may the surelier be advertised how all things passed in this matter, I have caused to be copied one part of a letter, which the Pope's Holiness wrote unto me upon this Act; and the same you may show unto her Grace.  
And because I do know what great service it might be to her G. to be truly informed in all parts that pertaineth to the return of true obedience to the Church, both touching the time and manner, and the consequence thereof; and to discern the crafts and wiles, that the enemy of mankind ever useth to make it seem true obedience, when it is not: whereupon dependeth the whole ground of the maintenance of the State, that God hath given her G.: And how few there be in the realm, (all being maculate therein,) that can or will endeavour themselves, to explicate the peril, and show the remedy: therefore considering that I in person cannot come so soon to give her Highness' information, as I know the necessity of the matters to be concluded doth require; you may show her M. that among those Gentlemen of my company, whom I have sent afore to Flaunders, there to remain, there be two, of whom if it will please the same to take information of, and as her G. findeth it, to the honour of God and wealth of the realm, in this first settling of the obedience of the church, so to execute the same; I would think that her G. should be well satisfied, and satisfy all good men withal; these being men of that quality that ye know; which have godly prudence, and humane, joined both together. Of the which one I know by long experience, that hath been many years so conversant with me, as no man more familiar. Of whom I have ever judged myself to have that treasure, that few great Princes hath the like. And of the other to have as great pleasure for the time he is content to serve me. But whether her Highness will serve herself to be informed of them in this first settling of her State, this is in her G.'s pleasure.  
This only I would desire her M. willing the same, if they should come, that they might come to be known to come from me, for the causes that I have showed you.  
Further, your Commission here be to expound to her Highness my whole mind and sentence, touching the demand it pleased her G. to make in her gracious Letters dated the xxviij. of january, concerning those persons, whom for the good opinion her G. had of their Virtue, Learning, and Catholic good mind, she intended to make Bps, how that they may be provided for, without derogation to the authority of the See Apostolic, her G. not intending further to extend the powers of the Crown regal, than it was customable in use afore the Schism entered. In this point, wherein her G. demandeth mine answer, you shall make the same conformable to that which, by long and often conference with me, ye know to be mine utter sentence. Wherein ye need not to have any further explication by writing.  
Besides this, touching the two Acts of Parliament; one of the legitimation of the Matrimony betwixt the most gracious Queen her Mother, and the King her Father; the other of the Sacraments to be used under the manner, that they were used the last year of K. Henry VIII. her G.'s father: Which both it pleased her M. of her goodness to send unto me, for my satisfaction of mind, to know how they were passed by consent of the Parliament; you may show her G. that these two, perfectly enacted and concluded, be those in truth, that of all Acts that could be made to my comfort, none could bring me more satisfaction. Whereof the only cause is, that I know nothing can pass by the Parliament more to the establishment of her Highness' State, both afore God and man, than the sure establishing of these two. And for this cause whatsoever lacketh to the establishing thereof, me seemeth, I am bound to utter plainly to her G. and truly to say what doth not satisfy me in those Acts; my whole satisfaction depending of the fruit, that may redound to her G. and the realm, when they shall be perfectly concluded.  
And therefore herein you shall not let pass to inform her G. pleasing the same to give you benign audience, as well wherein they were not to my utter satisfaction, as also wherein they satisfied me, and brought me some comfort.  
And first of all, how the former Act of the ratifying of the Matrimony seemed unto me much defectuous; in that the Parliament, taking for chief ground, the Wisdom and Goodness of the Parents of both parties in making the Matrimony, doth not follow that wisdom in the conclusion and establishing of the same. Their wisdom in making it was▪ that they thought not sufficient to conclude the Matrimony, notwithstanding the consent of the parties, unless by the Pope's dispensation and authority of the See Apostolic, the impediments of conjunction, named in the laws of the Church, were taken away, and it so made legitimate. And hereof the Act of Parliament, that would justify the same, with derogation of another Act, made to the condemnation of that Matrimony, maketh no mention. Which me seemeth as great a defect, as if one should take a cause to defend, which hath divers causes all concurrent to one effect, whereof the one dependeth upon the other, and one being principal of all the other, and would in defence thereof name the other causes, and leave out the principal. For so it is in the case of the Matrimony: the consent of the parties and parents depended upon the Dispensation of the church, and the See of Rome: Without the which the wisdom of the Parents did not think it could be well justified, as the effect did show, in demanding the same: and this is that which now is left out in the justification, that the Parents have made, alleging the wisdom of the two Parents, the Kings of England and of Spain.  
And if it be here said, as I understand some do say, that the Dispensation was asked of those Princes, not because it was so necessary, that the marriage could not be justified without that, but as they say ad majorem cautelam: how this answer cannot stand to that effect, I have so sufficiently informed you, that you of yourself I doubt not, without further declaration by writing can expound the same. Therefore leaving that to your memory and capacity, to fly multiplication o● writing, this only I will put you in remembrance of, that if the Dispensation of the Pope in that matter was asked of those two Princes ad majorem cautelam, which was to stop all men's mouths, making pretence of justice, that might have been brought forth, or objected, against the Matrimony, unless this Dispensation had been obtained; at the least for this cause in this Act should also have been made mention of the Dispensation, following the wisdom of those Princes ad majorem cautelam; being now more fear of pretenced justice against the Matrimony, as the effect hath, and doth show, than ever could be imagined by the wit of those Princes, when they obtained first the Dispensation.  
As touching the other Act of the Confirmation of the Sacraments, ye shall show also wherein it seems to me defective. Which is, that whereas the ground of the making thereof, as the Act doth express, is taken to redress the temerity of them, who, being affected to nuelty of opinion, did other take them away, or abuse the administration of them, against the ancient and laudable custom of the Catholic church; This being a very necessary and pious cause to make that Act; in the prosecuting and concluding of the same I find this great defect, that never being approbate by the Church, that those persons which remain in Schisma, should have the right use of the Sacraments; but rather to such is interdict the use of them. This Act maketh the gate open to them, that be not yet entered into the Unity of the Church; to the use of the Sacraments, declaring itself how they should be ministered, with relation to the time and year of that King; and nameing him; that is known to be the chief author of the Schism. What defect this is it seemeth manifest of itself.  
This showed, wherein both these Acts were defectuous, and thereby not bringing me full comfort, ye shall then expound wherein, at the reading of them, I took some comfort. Which was that the conclusion of both was passed, granted and enacted by the Parliament. So that touching the effect, there could be no difficulty hereafter in the Parliament, the same being now bound to the approving and observance of their own Act. And wherein they were defectuous, this aught to be supplied by the Prince's Authority, that is to say, by her G.'s authority, as right Queen. To whom it appertaineth, as chief head of the Parliament, and of the whole realm withal, in all Acts, that the Parliament doth determe, both to interpret that that is obscure, and to supply and make perfect that which is defectuous, as well in the time of the Parl●ment, as when it is dissolved. So that now these both Acts, being passed by the Parliament, they are brought to her G.'s hand to interpret and supply, as it shall be judged by her G.'s wisdom, how they may best take effect. And to do the same other out of the time of Parliament, or in another Parliament, binding them, by their own decree, ratifying the marriage, and the use of the Sacraments, according to the form of the Catholic church, to admit the authority of the See of Rome. Which not admitted, nother the one Act, nor the other can take effect: And admitting and establishing of the same both those Acts, by this one reason, (wherein is comprised the reduction of the realm to the unity of the Church) shall be established and made perfect.  
For conclusion of all this, ye shall inform her G. that as I consider daily the wonderful goodness of God to her Highness with all paternal care of her soul, person and estate, and his so manifest protection every day, and by so many ways calling her G. to establish this unity of the Church in the realm, whereof the breaking hath been cause of so great misery, in the realm, both spiritual and temporal, with travail temporal of her M. and utter jeopardy of losing her State: So also I do consider what ways the enemy of mankind Satan, Qui expetivit cribrare ●cclesiam tanquam triticum, hath used, and continually useth to let, that her G. cannot put in execution that whereunto God continually doth call her. I dare be bold to say in this particular case, that that the Apostle saith generally, speaking of Satan's malice, Non ignoramus cogitationes ejus.  
And so herein I do see how by all means he doth tempt to make her G. fall from that simplicity, Quae est in Christo jesu, the which God hath ever hitherto maintained in her. And this I having noted of the special goodness of God towards her, how all the rest falling from the unity of the church at the time of her Father's reign, when she was in most trouble and travail, yet her Highness never committed any thing that was prejudice to the same, being protected of God in that simplicity, and bringing that mind with her to the Crown: Satan knowing that by open tempting her to do against that, by way of commission, he should not prevail to make her to fall by this other way of omission; whereby his malice trusteth, that commission shall follow. Against the which, albeit my very trust is, the prayer of the Church at this time for his grace shall defend her; yet until I see by herG.'s goodness so necessary and godly Act of the reduction of the Realm to the perfect obedience of the Church concluded, I cannot be without some fear: and therefore be more solicitous in advertiseing her M. of the great peril, whereof few or none do, or will, speak unto her. And not only to advertise her G. but withal to show the remedy; whereof you being sufficiently informed, this shall be the end of my Commission by writing: Praying Almighty God to inspire her Highness to accept your sayings on my behalf, as he hath inspired me with all sincere affection by such means to utter the same.   

NUM. LXXV. † The Form of the Restitution of a married Priest.  
DECIMO octavo die mensis Octobr. Anno Dom. 1554. in Aedibus solitae Residentiae Magistri Anthonij Huse, Armigeri, 
Regist. Eccles. Christ. Ca●t.  in Occidentali angulo Vici nuncupati Pater Noster Row, Civitatis London. notoriè situatis▪ Coram venerabili viro Magistro Henrico Harvy, LL. D. Vicario in Spiritualibus Generali, etc. in presentia mei joannis Incent, Notarij publici propter absentiam Magistri Anthonij Huse, Registrarij, etc. assumpti, etc. comparuit personaliter Robertus Vevian Presbyter, nuper Rector Ecclesiae parochialis de Hever, Decanat. de Shoreham, Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis jurisdictionis immediatae, ac quandam professionem in Scriptis redactam & conceptam fecit, & publicè legebat, sub eo qui sequitur Verborum tenore.  
Whereas I Robert V●vian, Clerk, late Parson of H●ver in the County of Kent, being of the peculiar jurisdiction of the Church of Cant●rbury, being ordered a Pressed about xxvij years past, having ministered as a Pressed in all kind of priestly function and ministration of 〈◊〉 and sacramentals, as to the office of a Prest appertaineth; have i● 〈◊〉 that time, contrary to the State of mine Orders, Decrees of the Church, and laudable Customs of the same, married one Agnes Stanton, being a single or solute Woman, and with her in one House, as man and wie●▪ have cohabited and dwelled, to the offence of my Christian brethren, and bre●h of the Unity of Christ's said Church: I the said Robert do now lament and bewail my lief past, and th'offence by me committed: Intending firmly by Gods g●ace hereafter to lead a pure, chaste and continent lief, according to such grace as Almighty God of his mercy, upon my humble petition and prayer, shall grant me: And do here before you, my competent Judge and Ordinary, most humbly require absolution of and from all such Censures and pains of the Laws, as by my said offence, and ungodly behaviour I have incurrid and deservid; Promising firmly, and solemnly professing ●efore you in this present Writing never to return to the said Agnes Stanton, as to my wife or Concubine: but from hensefourth to abstain from her, and to keep myself sole, pure and chaste from all carnal affections and copulations; especially from her, and also from all other women, according to the Laws and Constitutions of our Mo●her, the Catholic church, and as my order also requireth. In witness of this mine advised and deliberate mind, promise and profession I have to the same in this writing subscribed my name ●ith mine own hand. Yeven the 18 th'. day of October in the year of our Lord God ●554, etc.  
Per me Robertum Vevian.  
Qua quidem Professione per praenominatum Robertum Vevian publicè lecta, & manu suâ propriâ subscripta, ac praestito juramento, etc. de parendo juri, & stando mandatis Ecclesiae, Dominus ad humilem ejus petitionem, absolvit eum a sententia Excommunicationis & aliis Censuris & poenis juris per ipsum, ex causis superius expressatis, incursis, & eum Sacramentis Ecclesiae, ac Officio suo Presbyterali, & integrae functioni ejusdem restituit & redintegravit; & decrevit sibi literas Testimoniales, etc.  

Restitutio joannis Browne, Rectoris de Wymbaldowne in Decanata de Croyden.  
Restitutio H●nrici William, Presbyteri.  
Restitutio Petri Williamson, Presbyteri.   
These are all in the same Form with the above written, only Mutatis mutandis. And no more are Registered but these.   

NUM. LXXVI. John Fox his letter to the Parliament, against reviving the Act of the six Articles.  
FRequens hic per omnium ora ac aures jactatur non suspicio modo, 
Foxij. MSS.  sed co●●ans certissimáq●e praedicatio, id Vos Summi, sanctissimique Patres, moliri▪ u● sanguinariae leges illae sex Articulorum titulo inscriptae▪ quondam benè sopitae, nunc demum, velut ex Orco revocentur ad Superos. Quod si verum sit, quam vobis plausibile, ac quibu●dam sit gra●um, ignoro, cer●è quam Reip▪ sunestum ac ominosum sit futu●um, 〈◊〉 jam pridem declara● publicus maeror, tristissima rerum ●ere humanarum, ac Luctuos● facies, optimi cujusque gemitus; ne● tacita solum suspiria, sed ubertim ex doloris acerbitate prorumpentes Lachrymae, quotidiana bonorum fuga, totius deniqu● Re●p. (si tamen Resp. aliqua sit) squalor: ut interim taceam Conscientia●●m occul●a judicia ac vulnera, in omnibus ferè horror, in nonnullis etiam funera ac mortes ex rerum perturbatione contractae. Quae si calami●ates, tot tantaeque quidem illae, quantas vix in ulla unquam Rep. conspeximus, ex concepta rerum imagine a●que recordatione duntaxat ipsa, cives adeo perstringunt vestros, quid vos futurum tandem existimati●, suspiciendi Domini, exhibitis jam rebus ipsis, ubi ●n exhibendis tanta sit trepidatio; Ubi into erabilis ipse Legum rigor▪ & acutissima acies cervicibus jam incumbit civium: Ubi tot millia hominu● non vitae libertatem, quam jam amiserunt, sed vitam ipsam cogentur deserere? Nec jam vita, sed & conscientia etiam erepta hom●nibus: nec Deo quidem supplicare licebit pro arbitratu suo, sed ad libidinem p●ucorum.  
Quae quum ita sint, vel deteriora etiam, quam a me referri queant, considerabit prudentia vestra, quae docum●ntis nostris non eget, sed pro communi salute rerum, consilia vestra potissimum flectenda sunt. Haec etenim jam ipsa agun●ur tempora, quibus vobis jam in manu situm est▪ felices nos velitis, an perditos. Si tam vilem habeatis civium vestrorum Sanguinem, si nihil vos moveant tot hominum gemitus, quer●lae, l●crymae, bonorum miseriae, si parum sit vobis una ab ijsdem legibus accepta clades; Age d●nuo, revoc●tur Trojanus equus in ur●em, quo soli, ve cum pauc●s, r●gnum hoc possideatis. Sin vero ulla subit animos vestros Reip. charitas, si quod patriae studium maneat, siquid preces nostrae siquid bonorum supplices manus, siquid denique Reip, siquid ecclesiae Christianae (quam advolutam genubus vestris existimetis) fle ilis q●erela va●eat; efficite modo, pii Proceres, pro summa pietate, ut pluris 〈◊〉 apud vos salutis publicae conservatio, quam privata quorundam ●●licita●io; Nec quid possi● pro imperio authoritas, sed quid aq●itas potius Civibus de●eat vestra, velitis considerare.  
Nihil enim in ●mni officiorum genere fieri aequius arbit●or, quam ut quorum ●os Pa●ri● Patr●s conscripsit ipsa, eos in filiorum loco ascitos tue● mini: quique s●am ad Vos omnem reverentiam, ac dignitatis authoritatem transferunt, ijdem a Vobis salutis ac tranquillitatis vicissim accipiant suae incolumitatem. Quod si communis Patriae respectus vos minus attingat, at quod vobis ipsis dignum, quod generosa ac heroica sanguinis vestri nobilitas, tacito quodam sensu vobis suggerat, attendite. Nam quum inter humanos omnes affectus, nil sit tam hominis proprium, quam clementia, qua divinae Naturae imaginem maximè referre vel infimi etiam videntur homines; quid tum a vobis expectari convenit, Illustrissimi Heröes, qui quo sublimiorem honoris in his terris gradum sortiti estis, hoc expressius supremo huic imaginis divinae archetypo respondere omnibus modis decet?  
Porrò, habetis ad hoc Reginam, ut Nobilissimam, ita ad sana & salubria quaeque obsequacem Principem. Habetis & Cancellarium, ut doctrina praestabilem, ita natura non improbum, siquorum absint consilia. Verum ut inter Animantium genera, quaedam noxia, alia ad hominis usum, creata existunt: rursus sunt, quae in hoc tantum dicas nata, ut reliquis molestiam ac perniciem moliantur: Sic in humanis rebus, nulla Resp. nec vitae genus est, quod suas non habet vomicas, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Atque hi sunt potissimum, qui religione praeposteri, natura saevi, alteri Ecclesiae, alteri Reip. exitiales existunt. Quibus cum benè esse non possit, nisi perturbatis rebus, turbam, quantum queant, intendunt ad saevitiam. Mitissimos Principum animos, hoc est. Reip. fontes, vitiant, consilia instillant, non quae honesto, sed quae ventri suo, ac quaestui serviant: Simile quiddam exercentes in humanis rebus, quale Ate tribuit Homerica narratio. Deinde quum tutius laedunt sub umbra Nobilitatis, ac se occultant, quo siquid adveniat adversi, illos postremo feriat: siquid boni sit, ipsi primi sint ad carpendam messem. Et quoniam juxta imperitorum legem, nihil his recte fieri videtur, nisi quod ipsi faciunt, ad arbitratum suum universam religionem, cum ipsa Scriptura, corrigendam putant, Quicquid ipsis non placet haereticum est. Nil sibi placere potest, quod non illico alba amussis sit quantum libet a scopo alienum.   

NUM. LXXVII. An instrument of the University of Cambridg, appointing certain of their members to repair to Oxford, to dispute with Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer there.  
Procuratorium Academiae Cantabrig.  

Foxij MSS.  UNiversis Christi fidelibus praesentes literas visuris, lecturis & audituris, & quos infrascripta tangunt, seu quovis modo tangere poterunt; Nos Vicecancellarius Senatusque tam Regentium quam non Regentium almae Academiae Cantabrigien. Salutem, & dilectionem in Christo Ihesu. Cum jampridem ex parte Sacrae Synodi, sive Convocationis praelatorum & cleri Cant. provinciae, aucthoritate & mandato Sereniss. & religiosiss. Dominae nostrae Reginae Mariae convocatae, Nobis in Senatu nostro ad effectum infrascriptum in simul congregatis exhibiti fuerint quidam Articuli tenoris infrascripti, Viz.  
In Sacramento Altaris virtute verbi divini a sacerdote prolati praesens est realiter, sub speciebus panis & vini, naturale corpus Christi, conceptum de Virgine Maria: Item, naturalis ejusdem Sanguis.  
Post Consecrationem non remanet Substantia panis & vini, neque alia ulla Substantia, nisi Substantia Christi, Dei & hominis.  
In Missa est vivisicum ecclesiae Sacrificium, pro peccatis tam vivorum quam mortuorum propitiabile:  
Simulque requisiti fuerimus, eosdem Articulos matura deliberatione legere, expendere & considerare: Et si sanam, veram & Catholicam doctrinam contineant, eosdem approbare velimus: Nos in Senatu nostro, sic ut praefertur, convenientes, perlectosque nobis Articulos, & contenta in ijsdem, quanta decebat in re tam gravi maturitate & deliberatione, perpendentes & librantes, quandoquidem ipsos, & contenta in ijsdem, cum Catholica virtute & fide orthodoxa per omnia convenire animadvertimus, eosdem unanimi consensu nostro atque assensu, ut veros, catholicos, orthodoxos, ac veritati & doctrinae catholicae, ac aperto Dei verbo consentientibus, veterum orthodoxorum patrum testimonijs, Generaliumque Consiliorum authoritatibus per omnia innitentes & congruentes, tam consentientibus animis comprobavimus, ut nostrâ plurimum interesse arbitrati sumus doctrinam articulorum hujusmodi contra omnes illius oppugnatores defendere & tueri.  
Intelligentes itaque tam facti notorietate, quam famae publicae relatione, esse nonnullos perditionis & iniquitatis filios, seditiosos errorum innovatores, & ecclesiae Christi hostes, qui hujusmodi sacram, Catholicam & orthodoxam doctrinam, ac ecclesiae unitatem modis omnibus perturbare, dilacerare, infestare, affligere & evertere satagunt, & conantur, quorum praecipui authores & Antisignani nominatim sunt, D. Thomas Cranmerus, nuper Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, Nicolaus Ridleius, nuper Roffensis, & Hugo Latimerus, jam olim Wigorn. Episcopi, Aca●emiae nostrae Cantabrig. quondam alumni, modo apud inclytam Universitatem Oxoniensem existentes, nostrarum partium esse duximus, non modo veritatem Catholicam praedictam verbo & scriptis comprobare, ac mundo palam facere, verum etiam eandem nedum contra eosdem principales adversarios, sed & contra omnes alios ecclesiae hostes & veritatis Christi oppugnatores, pro virili nostra, manifesto Dei verbo, Sanctorumque patrum testimonijs, defendere, tueri & propugnare. Ac proinde quo veritas magis elucescat, quosdam pios & eruditos viros ex eadem nostra Universitate ad hoc muneris publico omnium nostrûm nomine obeundum, Viz. D. johannem Yong, Vicecancellarium nostrum, Gulielmum Glyn, Richardum Atkynson, Cuthbertum Scot, Thomam Watson, Albanum Langdale, & Thomam Sedgwyke, Theologiae Professores, conjunctim & divisim selegimus, nominavimus, & deputavimus: Dantes & concedentes eisdem, prout, & tenore praesentium sic damus & concedimus, conjunctim, ut praefertur, & divisim, plenariam potestatem, aucthoritatem & facultatem, vice & nominibus omnium nostrum, Almam academiam Oxon. quibuscunque diebus eis visum fuerit, petendi & proficiscendi. Ac si quidem libera eis, pro more, aucthoritate Universitatis Oxon. in hac parte dabitur venia & facultas, cum dictis dominis, Cranmero, Ridleio, & Latimero, caeterisque ejusdem farinae monstris palam & publicè, sive privatim, congrediendi, hijsque de rebus disserendi, disputandi & argumentandi, sanamque doctrinam praedictam contra eos patrocinandi, & propugnandi, adversariosque praedictos, & eorum perversas opiniones, & sententias, atque haeretica dogmata refellendi, refutandi, & convincendi, Eosque ad resipiscentiam modis omnibus quibus poterint, hortandi, reducendi & persuadendi: Caeteraque omnia & singula faciendi, exercendi & expediendi; quo hujusmodi negotij qualitas & natura de se exigunt & requirunt, Promittentes nos ratum, gratum, & firmum perpetuò habituros totum id, & quicquid ab eisdem eruditis viris nomine & vice nominis in praemissis, aut eorum aliquo actum aut gestum fuerit. In quorum omnium & singulorum fidem & testimonium praemissorum, has nostras Commissionis, & Deputationis literas nostro communi sigillo communiri fecimus. Datum e Senatu nostro Cant. x die mensis Aprilis, anno verbi incarnati supra Millesimum quingentesimum quinquagesimo quarto.   

NUM. LXXVIII. The University of Cambridg to that of Oxford, relating to the former matter.  
Reverendis in Christo viris D. Vicecancellario Oxoniensi, & universis Doctoribus illius Academiae, atque Magistris Regentibus & non Regentibus.  
GRavi nuper & turbulenta tempestate, sicut vos scitis & experti estis, 
Foxij. MSS.  Reverendi in Christo fratres, Ecclesiae nostr● horribiliter jactatae sunt. Tetra etenim sedit●osi erroris, & protervae atque obstinatae haeresios pestis ac lues omnes Angliae oras perg●as●ata, ipsas etiam Academias corripuit, atque gravissimè & periculosissimè insestavit. Christi pura & orthodoxa religio, mendacibus Sectariorum commentis & prodigiosis subinde pullulantium falsarum doctrinarum monstris miserè deformata & dilacerata, jacuit. Jam tamen singulari Numinis beneficio, & D. nostri jesu Christi atque illius Sacri Spiritus afflatu, serenior aura & placida atque amaena amabilis concordiae tranquillitas affulgere occaepit. Gratias proinde indesinenter agere debemus coelesti patri, qui propter suam misericordiam Ecclesijs nostris, magna persecutionis violentia afflictatis, optabilem & serenum statum restituerit. Qui per optimam & religiosissimam Reginam religionis Catholicae integritatem, quae corruptorum maliciosa improbitate paenè extincta fuerat, restauravit, atque Academijs nostris antiquam suam libertatem, quae nephandorum tyrannide opprimebatur, reddidit. Nostrarum verò partium esse ducimus tantam & tam illustrem Dei erga nos beneficentia agnoscere & confiteri; atque etiam eundem Deum & propitium nostrum Dominum, assiduis precibus interpellare, ut haec quae jam restaurata est religionis orthodoxa & pura integritas, in dies magis ac magis augeatur; atque ea quae jam conciliata est pax & concordia firmius & solidius coalescat. Hoc etenim est quod vas electionis, & Christi Apostolus Paulus, hortatur, & admonet, dicens, Cum patientia supportate Vos invicem, soliciti servare unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis. Vnum corpus, Vnus spiritus; sicut & vocati estis in una spe Vocationis vestrae. Vnus dominus, una fides, Vnum baptisma, Vnus Deus & pater omnium; qui est per omnia, & super omnia, & in omnibus vobis.  
Nos p●oinde eandem spiritus unitatem, cum Catholica Christi ecclesia, retinentes articulos, de quibus postrema Synodo Londoniensi inter ecclesiarum nostrarum proceres conveniebat, unanimi consensu comprobantes, atque veram, sanam, & Catholicam doctrinam ijsdem exprimi & explicari agnoscentes, optamus lupos omnes, qui Christi ovile dissipare, & simplices oviculas seducere conantur, ab ecclesiae castris procul abarceri. Dilectos itaque nobis, & eruditos viros D. Io. Yong, Vicecancellarium nostrum, D. Gulielmum Glyn, Richardum Atkynson, Cuthbertum Scot, Thomam Watson, Albanum Langdale, & Thomam Segiswyck, Theologioe Professores, atque Catholicae fidei & Academiae nostrae Alumnos, ad vos legare destinavimus: Non quod doctrinam articulorum, in questionem & disputationem vocent, quam nos omni ambiguitate seposita, veram & orthodoxam esse agnoscimus; utpote quae & aperto Dei verbo & consentientibus patrum testimonijs, & generalium Conciliorum aucthoritate, fulciatur & confirmata sit; sed ut nostro omnium nomine sanae doctrinae unà vobiscum patrocinentur, atque orthodoxam fidem propugnent, & eos qui eidem adversantur, convincant, & hereticae atque perversae sententiae authores refellant & refutent. Quales apud vos esse credimus Thomam Cranmerum, N. Ridley, & Hug. Latimerum, nuper Episcopos, & Academiae nostrae, atque Christi ecclesiae filios obedientes; nunc vero, sicut quidam referunt; quod nos dolentes scribimus, falsae & corruptae doctrinae contumaces patronos. Quorum Nos miserandum statum multum deploramus, mentem illis meliorem precantes, quo mutata sententia per resipiscentiam in matris Ecclesiae sinum simul sese recipiant. Quam quisquis non habuerit suam Matrem, is Deum Patrem habere non poterit. Ut ergo vos intelligeretis, quae nostra esset his de causis sententia, pios & eruditos hos viros ad vos publica authoritate nostra mittimus, atque has literas communi nostro sigillo sigillari fecimus. Christus Iesus vos vestrámque illustrem Academiam pietate & bonis literis florentem, ad verae religionis augmentum, & corruptae errorum profligationem perpetuo conservet, E senatu nostro 10 Aprilis 1554.  
Vestrum omnium in Christo amantissimi, Vicecancellarius & Regent. & non Regent. Senatus Cantabr.  
Concordat cum originalibus literis missivis & procuratorijs.   

NUM. LXXIX. Cranmers Letter to the Queen's Council after his Disputation at Oxon.  

●oxes Acts.  IN right humble wise showeth unto your honourable Lordships, Thomas Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury, Beseeching the same to be a means for me unto the Queen's highness for her mercy and pardon. Some of you know by what means I was brought and trained unto the Will of our late Sovereign Lord K. Edward VI and what I spoke against the same; Wherein I refer me to the reports of your Honours and Worships. Furthermore, this is to signify to your Lordships, that upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last passed, were open Disputations here in Oxford, against me, Mr. Ridley, and Mr. Latimer, in three matters concerning the Sacrament. First, of the Real presence. Secondly, Of Transubstantiation. And thirdly, Of the Sacrifice of the Mas. Upon Monday against me: Upon Tuesday against D. Ridley; and upon Wednesday against Mr. Latimer. How the other two were ordered I know not; for we were separated: So that none of us knoweth what the other said; nor how they were ordered. But as concerning myself I can report. D. Chadsey was appointed to dispute against me. But the Disputation was so confused, that I never knew the like: every man bringing forth what him liked, without order. And such haste was made, that no answer could be suffered to be taken fully to any argument, before another brought a new argument. And in such weighty matters, the Disputation must needs be ended in one day, which can scantly be ended in three months. And when we had answered them, they would not appoint us one day to bring forth our proofs, that they might answer us: being required by me thereunto. Whereas I myself have more to say, then can be well discussed, as I suppose, in twenty days. The means to resolve the truth had been to have suffered us to answer fully to all that they could say; and then they again to answer us fully to all, that we can say. But why they would not answer us, what other cause can there be, but that either they feared their matter, or that they were not able to answer us? Or else for some consideration they made such haste, not to seek the truth, but to condemn us: That it must be done in post hast, before the matters could be throughly heard. For in all hast we were all three condemned of heresy. Thus much I thought good to signify to your Lordships, that you may know the indifferent handling of matters: Leaving the judgement thereof unto your Wisdoms. And I beseech your Lordships to remember me, a poor prisoner, unto the Queen's Majesty; and I shall pray, as I do daily, unto God, for the long preservation of your good Lordships in all godliness and felicity. April 23.   

NUM. LXXX. The Lord Legates Commission to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, deputing them to Absolve and Dispense with the Clergy, in his stead; and absolve the Laity.  
Commissio Domini Reginaldi Poli Legati de Latere.  
REginaldus miseratione divina Sanctae Mariae de Cosmeden Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Diaconus Cardinalis Polus nuncupatus Sanctissimi D. N. Papae & Sedis Apostolicae, 
Registr Eccles. Cant.  ad Serenissimos Philippum & Mariam Angliae Reges, & universum Angliae regnum, de Latere Legatus, Venerabilibus ac nobis in Christo dilectis DECANO & CAPITULO Ecclesiae Metropolitices Christi Cant. ad quos omnis & omnimoda jurisdictio Spiritualis & Ecclesiastica, quae ad Archiepiscopum Cant. sede plena pertinuit, ipsa Sede jam vacante, notorie dinoscitur pertinere, seu eorum in Spiritualibus Vicario Generali, Salutem in Domino sempiternam. Cum Sanctissimus in Christo Pater Dominus noster Dominus JULIUS providentia divina Papa tertius, inter alias facultates, pro hujus regni omniumque personarum in ea existentium Sanctae Ecclesiae reconciliatione facienda, necessarias nobis in hac nostra Legatione concessas, hanc specialiter indulserit, ut quoscumque in haeresium & schismatis errores lapsos, ab eis & a quibuscúnque censuris & poenis propterea incursis, absolvere, & cum eye super irregularitate praemissorum occasione contracta Dispensare, & alia multa adhaec necessaria seu quomodolibet opportuna facere: Et hoc idem munus Catholicis locorum Ordinarijs & aliis personis Deum timentibus, fide insignibus, & literarum scientia praeditis demandare possumus, prout in ejus literis tam sub plumbo, quam in forma Brevis, expeditis plenius continetur:  
CUMque de benignitate, & Serenissimorum Regum pietate, Regnum hoc universaliter, & omnes Domini Spirituales & Temporales, aliaeque personae Communitatum in eo, quod proximè celebratum est, Parliamento congregatae, singulariter primùm, & deinde universum corpus Cleri provinciae Cantuariensis, & omnes ferè personae singulares dictum corpus repraesentantes, coram nobis existentes, aliaeque pleraeque fuerint sanctae ecclesiae Catholicae per nos ipsos reconciliatae: Speremúsque fore, ut omnes aliae, quae reconciliatae adhuc non sunt, reconciliatae fuerint: Difficiléque & potius impossibile sit, ut tam numerosa multitudo per manus nostras reconcilietur: Ideo vices nostras in hoc, locorum Ordinarijs & aliis Personis, ut supra qualificatis delegandas duximus:  
CIRCUMSPECTIONI igitur vestrae, de cujus probitate & charitatis zelo plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinemus, Authoritate Apostolicâ nobis per Literas ejusdem Sanctissimi D. N. Papae, & per nos vobis nunc impensâ, omnes & singulas utriusque Sexus, tam laicas quam ecclesiasticas singulares, & quorumvis ordinum Regulares vestrae civitatis, & Dioceseos, personas, in quibusvis etiam sacris ordinibus constitutas, cujuscumque etiam status & qualitatis existant, etiamsi Capitulum, Collegium, Universitas, seu Communitas fuerit, quarumvis haeresium & novarum Sectarum professores, aut in eis culpabiles, vel suspectas, ac credentes, receptatores & fautores ipsorum, suos errores agnoscentes, ac de illis dolentes, & ad orthodoxam fidem recipi humiliter postulantes, cognita in ipsis vera & non ficta aut simulata poenitentia, ab omnibus & singulis haeresium & schismatis, & ab orthodoxa fide Apostasiarum & blasphemiarum & aliorum quorumcúnque similium errorum, etiam sub generali sermone non venientium, peccatis, criminibus, excessibus & delictis, (de quibus tamen inquisiti vel accusati seu condemnati non fuerint) & quibúsvis excommunicationis, suspensionis, & interdictionum, & aliis ecclesiasticis & temporalibus sententijs, censuris & poenis in eas praemissorum & infra scriptorum occasione ac jure, vel ab homine latis, vel promulgatis, etiamsi eis pluribus annis insorduerint, & earum Absolutio dictae Sedi, etiam per literas in die coenae Domini legi consuetas, reservata existat; In utroque Conscientiae scil. & contentioso foro, eos vero qui jam inquisiti vel accusati aut condemnati fuerint, vel ut praefertur ad cor revertentes, in foro conscientiae tantum, plenariè absolventes & Liberantes.  
NECNON cum eis super irregularitate per eos occasione praemissorum contractâ, etiam quia sic Legati. Missas & alia divina officia, etiam contra ritus & ceremonias hactenus probatas & usitatas, cel●braverint, aut illis alias se immiscuerint, contracta: Quodque irregularitate & aliis praemissis non obstantibus in suis ordinibus, etiam ab haereticis & schismaticis Episcopis, etiam minus ritè, dummodo in eorum collatione Ecclesiastica forma & intentio sit servata, per eos susceptis, & in eorum susceptione etiam juramentum contra Papatum Romanum praestiterint, etiam in Altaris ministerio ministrare, ac quaecúnque quotcúnque ac qualiacúnque etiam curata, invicem tamen se compatientia beneficia Secularia vel Regularia (dignitatibus in Collegiatis eccle●●js principalibus & in Cathedralibus, etiam Metropolitanis post Pontificalem majoribus exceptis) etiam Schismaticis Episcopis, seu al●js Collatoribus, etiam laicalis potestatis praetextu habita, authoritate Apostolica retinere, dummodo alteri jus quaesitum non sit, & non promotos ad omnes etiam sacros & presbyteratus ordines a suis Ordinarijs, si digni & idonei reperti fuerint; rite & legitimè promoveri, ac beneficia ecclesiastica, etiam curata, si eis alias canonicè conferantur, recipere & retinere valeant, qualitate temporis, ministrorum defectu, & ecclesiae necessitatibus utilitatibúsque ita poscentibus, DISPENSANDI & indulgendi, & omnem inhabilitatis & infamiae maculam sive notam ex praemissis quomodolibet insurgentem, penitus & omnino abolendi, necnon in pristinum, & eum, in quo ante praemissa quomodolibet erant, statum; ita ut & omnibus & singulis gratijs, privilegijs, favoribus & indultis, quibus caeteri Christi fideles gaudent, & gaudere quomodolibet possunt, uti & gaudere valeant; in omnibus, & p●r omnia, perinde ac si a fide Catholica nunquam in aliquo defecissent, restituendi, reponendi, & redintegrandi, ac eis (dummodo corde contriti) sua errata & excessus circumspectioni vestrae, seu alicui alteri per eos eligendo Catholico Confessori sacramentaliter confiteantur, & paenitentiam Salutarem eis pro praemissis injungendam omnino adimpleant, omnem publicam confessionem, abjuratio nem, reconciliationem, & paenitentiam juxta debitas arbitrio vestro moderandi, & in totum remittendi: Necnon quoscunque REGULARES & Religiosos, extra eorum regularia loca, absque sedis Apostolicae licentia, vagantes, ab Apostasiae reatu, alijsque censuris, & paenis ecclesiasticis per eos propterea, etiam juxta suorum ordinum instituta, incursis, injuncta eis pro modo culpae paenitentia salutari, pariter absolvendi, & super quacunque irregularitate propterea per eos contracta, aut cum eis, ut alicui curato beneficio de illius obtinentis consensu, in habitu clerici saecularis, habitum suum regularem sub honesta toga Presbyteri saecularis deferendo, deservire, & extra eadem loca regularia remanere, ad beneplacitum nostrum, libere & licite possunt, eadem autoritate Apostolica, ob defectum ministrorum, & alias praedictas causas, Dispensandi;  
AC QUOSCUNque qui in sacris ordinibus constituti, Matrimonia, etiam cum viduis & corruptis mulieribus de facto contraxerint, postquam mulieres sic copulatas rejecerint, illisque abjuraverint, ab hujusmodi excessibus & excommunicationis sententia interposita, eos pro modo culpae paenitentia salutari in forma ecclesiae consueta, absolvendi, ac cum eis, postquam paenitentiam peregerint, & continenter & laudabiliter vivere cogniti fuerint, super bigamia propterea per eos contracta, ita ut ea non obstante, in quibusvis susceptis & suscipiendis ordinibus, etiam in Altaris ministerio ministrare, ac alicui beneficio ecclesiastico, de illius obtinentis consensu, deservire, extra tamen Diocesin, in qua fuerint copulati, eisdem de causis dispensando. Necnon paroch●alium Ecclesiarum tuae Diocesios Rectores sive Curatos, de quorum fide, probitate, circumspectione, & charitatis zelo plena fiducia conspici potest, ad quarumcúnque utriúsque sexus suae parochiae, personarum laicarum tantum, absolutionem, & ecclesiae Catholicae reconciliationem (ut praefertur) autoritate Apostolica faciendam: Et siqui ex Curatis praedictis ad id idonei non fuerint, in eorum defectum alias idoneas & sufficientes personas, quae eorum vices suppleant, nominandi & deputandi: Quos sic per vos nominatos & deputatos in locum nostrum, in praemissis absolutionibus & reconciliationibus, substituimus: Praemissis, ac Regula de insordescentibus edita, & quibusvis aliis constitutionibus & ordinationibus Apostolicis, & omnibus illis, quae in literis praedictis Sanctitas sua voluit non obstare, contrarijs non obstantibus quibuscunque praesentibus in praeteritis casibus locum habentibus, & ad beneplacitum nostrum duraturis. Datum Lambethi prope Londinum, Wintoniensis Diocaesis, Anno a Nativitate Domini MDLV. idibus Februarij, Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris & Domini nostri Domini julij divina providentia Papae tertij anno 5 to.  
Reg. Car. Polus Leg.   

NUM. LXXXI. The Lord Legates Instructions to the Bishops, in the performing of his orders about absolving their Clergy and Laity.  
SInguli Domini Episcopi, necnon Officiales Ecclesiarum, quae nunc vacant, 
Registr. Eccles. Cant.  pro executione eorum, quae a Reverendissimo Domino Legato sunt eis demandata, ordinem qui infrascriptus est, poterunt observare.  
Primùm, Vocatum ad se totum singularum civitatum, quibus singuli praesunt, Clerum, de h iis quae sequuntur, instruere procurabunt.  
De paterno amore & charitate, quam Sanctissimus D. N. julius Papa tertius erga Nationem Anglicam declaravit, qui ut primum cognovit Serenissimam Mariam Reginam fuisse declaratam, Reverendissimum Dominum Reginaldum Cardinalem Polum de suo Latere, ad has partes Legatum misit, ut Regnum hoc, tot jam annos ab Ecclesia Catholica separatum, ad ejus unionem reducere, & in errores lapsos consolari, atque in Dei gratiam restituere studeret.  
De ejusdem Domini Legati adventu; quanta laetitia atque honore is acceptus fuit, tum a Sereniss. Regibus, tum ab aliis omnibus.  
De hijs quae in proximo Parliamento acta & conclusa sunt. Scil. De omnibus Dominis de Parliamento, & universo regno a schismate & censuris incursis absolutis, & Ecclesiae Catholicae reconciliatis. De dam legibus, quae contra authoritatem Sedis Apostolicae & Romani Pontificis fuerunt per Henricum VIII. & Edwardum VI latae & promulgatae, revocatis & abolitis. De restituta Sanctiss. N. D. Papae & Ecclesiae Romanae eadem obedientia, quae ante hoc perniciosissimum schisma praestabatur.  
De authoritate Episcopis restituta; & maximè ut possint contra haereticos & schismaticos procedere, & eos juxt a canonicos Sanctiones coercere & punire.  
Hijs ita expositis, veniant ad facultates sibi ab eodem Reverendiss. D. Legato concessas, quae recitentur: Et hic omnes, qui in schisma & alios errores lapsi sunt, invitentur ad Absolutionem & conciliationem humiliter ex toto corde petendam, necnon & Dispensationes, tam super ordinibus, quam super beneficijs necessarias & opportunas postulandas. Praefigatur Dies, intra quem dicti de clero humiles & paenitentes compareant ad petendam suppliciter absolutionem, reconciliationem & dispensationes praedictas.  
Idem vero Domini Episcopi, postquam illi omnibus erroribus suis renunciaverint, & promiserint sacramentaliter ipsis, aut alteri Sacerdoti Catholico, confessuros esse errores suos & paenitentiam sibi adinjungendam impleturos eos, absolvent, & Ecclesiae reconciliabunt, & cum ipsis juxta formam facultatum, pro petentium necessitatibus, prout sibi visum fuerit, dispensabunt: adhibendo semper convenientem distinctionem inter eos, qui solum in schisma & hereses inciderunt, & eos, qui etiam eos publicè docuerunt, & alios ad peccandum adduxerunt.  
Eodem die constituetur dies festus & solennis, in quo, adstante in Ecclesia populi multitudine, Domini Episcopi, & omnes Curati in ecclesijs suis omnia eadem, quae clero jam exposita fuerunt, Populo quoque insinuabunt, & omnes invitabunt, paternè & cum omni affectu, ut agnitis erroribus suis ad Ecclesiae Catholicae gremium revertantur, promittendo fore, ut omnibus praeterita crimina omnia condonentur, & remittantur, modo eos ex animo illorum paeniteat, & illis renuncient.  
Praesigatur autem terminus, ut putà tota Pascatis Octava, intra quem terminum omnes Ecclesiae reconcilientur. Alioqui eo lapso contra ipsos, & eos etiam, qui post reconciliationem ad vomitum reversi fuerint, severissimè procederetur. Dicatur de facultate concessa a Reverendiss. Domino Legato Episcopis & aliis, ut absolvere possint omnes quicúnque ad cor reversi fuerint.  
jidem Domini Episcopi & Officiales nominabunt & deputabunt Ecclesiarum parochialium Rectores, seu alias Personas idoneas, quae Laicos ab haeresi & Schismate, & quibuscúnque censuris absolvant juxta facultatum formam & tenorem, data per Episcopos formula, qua in absolutione & reconciliatione uti debeant.  
Eadem poterunt cum Clero totius Diocesios observari prout commodius visum fuerit.  
Domini Episcopi & Officiales praefati, necnon omnes Curati seu alij ad id deputati, habeant librum, in quo nomen & cognomen, & parochia omnium reconciliatorum inscribantur, ut postea sciatur, qui fuerint reconciliati, & qui non.  
Idem Domini Episcopi & Officiales Octava Pascatis elapsa, poterint facere Visitationem Civitatis primo, dein Dioceseos; Et siqui non fuerint reconciliati, poterint ad se eos vocare, & cognoscere causas, propter quas ab erroribus suis nolunt recedere. Et si in eis obstinatè perseverarint, tum contra eos procedent.  
In hac facienda Visitatione attendant diligenter, quae in hoc brevi compendio sunt notata, & maximè faciant, ut omnes Ecclesiasticae personae ostendant titulos suorum Ordinum & Beneficiorum; ut si in iis aliquis alius defectus notetur, illis provideant, & omni studio procurent, ut errores, quibus Dioceses eorum sint infectae, extirpentur, & veritas fidei tum in concionibus, tum in confessionibus doceatur, deputando personas idoneas ad conciones faciendas, & confessiones audiendas. Id etiam curent, ut sacrorum Canonum instituta in omnibus observentur, & nomen Divi Thomae Martyris, necnon sanctiss. Domini nostri Papae ex libris dispunctum, in illis restituatur, & pro eo secundum morem ecclesiae, ut ante Schisma fiebat, oretur.  
In publicationibus hujusmodi erit ante omnia commemoratio miseriarum, & infelicitatis praeteritorum temporum; & magnae Gratiae, quam nunc Deus pro misericordia populo huic exhibuit: hortando omnes ad haec grato animo cognoscenda, & infinitas gratias Divinae ipsius bonitati assiduè agendas.  
Hortandi sunt etiam omnes, ut devotè orent Deum pro salute & felici statu horum Serenissimorum & de hoc regno optimè meritorum, ac merentium Regum, & specialiter pro felici partu Sereniss. & pijssimae reginae.  

Formula Absolutionis.  
Dominus noster Jhesus Christus, summus Pontifex per suam pijssimam misericordiam, & clementiam Vos cruore suo preciosissimo redemptos, de ineffabili sua pietate, ab omnibus peccatis per vos commissis, misericorditer absolvat. Et ego authoritate Apostolorum Divi Petri & Pauli, ac Sedis Apostolicae mihi commissa, Vos & Vestrûm quemlibet ab omnibus peccatis, criminibus, excessibus, & delictis, atque ab omni Haeresi, Schismate, Apostasia, irregularitate, & quocunque errore vestris; necnon a juramento contra Papatum Romanum per vos praestito; & a quibuscunque excommunicationis, suspensionis, & interdictionum & aliis sententijs, censuris & poenis ecclesiasticis a jure vel ab homine latis, per vos ratione praemissorum incursis & contractis, absolvo, ac communioni fidelium, & S. Sanctis Dei ecclesiae Sacramentis restituo, reduco & redintegro. In nomine Patris & Filij & Sp. Sancti. Amen.    

NUM. LXXXII. An Italian to his friend, concerning Car. Pole.  
NOnne solitus fuisti affirmare, Cardinalem illum tuum Polum optimè nosse justificationem sola fide in Christum? 
Ex Balaei Cent●●●ijs.  mirificè cupere promotam doctrinam nostram, quam mundus odit? Expectare autem tempus atque occasionem, qua se patefaciat? Certe audivi ego te centies omnia haec affirmantem, atque audierunt quotquot erant tibi aliqua necessitate conjuncti, & gustarunt bonum Dei verbum. Quum aliquis eorum aliquando quereretur, diceretque se non posse ferre Polum ita esse addictum Papis, atque ita palam, & tam malo exemplo consentire quotidie Missis, atque aliis illicitis cultibus, tu solebas prodire & affirmare, illam esse dissimulationem ad tempus, sed patefacturum se brevi, magno cum fructu Ecclesiarum Dei. Annon desines nunc ita de illo sentire ac loqui? Non objicies patrocinium tam injustae causae? Non fateberis una nobiscum, Polum tuum aut veritatis & pietatis studium abjecisse, & peccare in Sp. Sanctum ad mortem, aut nunquam serio in religione egisse? Ea vero colloquia, quae apud eum aliquando instituebantur de Christo, de Evangelio, de viva fide & de justificatione, huc spectasse, ut nobis tandem pulchrè imponeret? O miserum illum, & infelicem! Proh! quam atrociter laesit aeternam Dei, Christi & Sp. Sancti majestatem, atque omnes piorum Ecclesias? Nam in regno Angliae docebatur, & summa cum laetitia audiebatur, Justificatio sola fide in Christum▪ satisfactio peccatorum per Christum, certitudo salutis nostrae per Christum, vera paenitentia, vera absolutio, verus ac legitimus usus Sacramentorum, atque aliae hujusmodi doctrinae, omnino conformes propheticis, Evangelicis, Apostolicisque oraculis, atque usui veteris Catholicae ecclesiae, ita ut essent inde sublati, extirpatique illi soedissimi abusus, abominabilesque superstitiones atque idolomaniae, quae scatent, regnántque in Papatu. Cum vero ageretur de his faecibus rursus in illud regnum invehendis, divinis vero doctrinis abolendis, Polus tuus obtulit hic suam operam, quia speravit se autoritate & gratia plurimum illic valiturum. Ac statim regnum ingressus est, praecedente scilicet idolo crucis & cum omni illa pompa atque abominatione, qua Legati Antichristi uti solent. Populo vero imperavit in palatium convenire, genua flectere ante se. (quin & Rex & Regina unà procubuerunt in genua, nec puduit illum Antichristi Vicarium id sustinere.) Ubi autem populum admonuit hactenus a vera fide deviasse, atque haereticum suisse, addidit se absolutionem Papalem velle impartiri, eumque Sanctae Rom. Ecclesiae reconciliare: & confestim erecta manu, crucéque illata, populum ipsum absolvit, id est, arripuit atque avulsit, (quantum in se quidem fuit) a studio verae pietatis, ac ipsiusmet veritatis. Arripuit, inquam, atque avulsit è sinu atque custodia ipsius veri pastoris Dom. nostri jesu Christi, projecitque rectè in sentinam pristinorum abusuum atque errorum, & sub meram tyrannidem Antichristi insigni proditione posuit. Quid potest sceleratius, quid horribilius excogitari? Praesertim de homine, qui favere nostrae causae aliquando visus est. Annon agnosces nunc, quem virum tandiu & tantopere, colueris, & paene ut divinum aliquod numen adoraveris? Annon desines tandem?  
Quum tuus ille amicus nuper sub nomine Athanasij edidisset scholia in orationem ipsius Poli, in qua Evangelium vocaret Semen Turcicum, Principes vero Germaniae Turcas, tu mirè tergiversationibus Cardinalem desendebas; indignissimum putabas, qui ita vexaretur: quin jurabas, eum longe aliter nunc sentire, quicquid aliquando sensisse visus fuerit. At quo pacto poteris excusare, quod nunc in Anglia gessit? Adde multorum literis nuntiari, restitutam illic fuisse statuam divo (ut ipsi inquiunt) Thomae Cantuariensi, proditori olim sui regis pessimo. Proh Deum immortalem! hocne etiam tuus Polus potest pati? Sed Dei beneficio factum esse audio, ut nunc caput illi imagini amputatum sit, & corpus in partes disceptum.  
Quin adde, agi nunc in misera illa Anglia de lupanaribus etiam restituendis. Sed quidni? Quemadmodum enim umbra corpus, sic prostibula ac reliquae faeditates ac vitia, in primis vero idola, Papatum consequuntur. Sed audi reliqua, audi quae filius Dei non poterat legere, quin adhuc magis perhorrescat, ac intimis medullis contremiscat. Thomas Archiepiscopus Cantuariae, una cum tribus quatuorve aliis Episcopis vere pijs ac Sanctis, qui justificationem vera fide in Christum, gratuitamque peccatorum remissionem docuerat, exutus archiepiscopatu, & deterrimos carceres conjectus, vitam degens in tenebris, in squallore, in egestate, singulis horis gladium carnificis expectans, tum demum igne absumptus est, tyrannide certe in audita. joannes Hopperus Vuigorniensis Episcopus, & D. joannes Rogers, & Doctor Rolandus Taylerus, veri martyres Christi, passi sunt ignes constantissimè.  
Contra Stephanus Gardinerus falso episcopus Vuintoniensis (nam joannes Ponetus verus illius ecclesiae pastor, & verus Servus jesu Christi exulat) cum octo aut decem aliis Episcopis impijs & sanguinarijs, qui Evangelium atque ipsissimum Christum fuerant acerrimè insectati, nunc sub Cardinali tuo Polo, in summo splendore, summisque divitijs & luxibus illic regnant. Ecce itaque Christum in vinculis, omni infamiae ac tormentorum genere confectum, exutum vestibus, & tanquam ovem ductam ad macellum. Et vicissim ecce Barabbam latronem, alijsque tragicis facinoribus coopertum, liberatum, exultantem, & ferocientem. Atque ecce milites dividentes inter se spolia Christi. Ecce, inquam, ecce, ut videmus, accidere membris eademmet, quae capiti nostro Christo acciderunt. Necesse enim est ut simus conformes imagini ejus.  
In summa. Tuus Cardinalis regnat & triumphat, fruiturque honoribus fere Papalibus, fruitur actione gratiarum, gratulatione ac gloria ex tota Rom. curia, atque ex omni regno hypocritarum: denique fruitur spe potiundi Pontificatus. Verum ●go illi vicissim nuntio, omnes eos qui spiritum Dei sentiunt, (atque hi sunt nostra aetate plures, quam ille forte putet, & quotidie crescit numerus) cogi pejus de illo sentire, ac loqui, quam aut de ipso julio III. aut de quovis alio dissolutiore & sceleratiore Cardinale. Quandoquidem tum Antichristus ille, tum reliqui ex Cardinalium grege, aut potius armento, palam a●que aperte nobiscum pugnarunt: & nunc imprimis pugnant; Quia victoria Poli eos reddit insolentiores. Polus vero insidijs, ac sub praetextu pietatis: Quamobrem cum hac aetate, ac in reliqua posteritate, rasi & uncti, atque id genus hypocritarum encomijs ac laudi●us illum onerabunt, celebrabúntque, omnes piorum ecclesiae non poterunt non queri, se tam indigne suisse delusas ab eo. Quamquam esset id Polo utcunque serendum, si nullam aliam poenam experturus esset, praeter dedecoris atque infamiae sempiternae. Alia enim eum manet multo gravior. O! iterum illum miserum, infelicémque: Nam non multo post justissimi Dei nostri ita & vindicta aget, aget illum praecipitem in prof●ndum abyssi; ubi cum Dia●olo atque angelis ejus, sempiterno igne cruciabitur.  
Illud vero hic addere opus est. Nam sedes illa Rom. stultè sibi persuasit fore, ut nunc tota Germania redeat ad ejus obedientiam; scilicet, quia videt Anglian● utcunque redijsse: partim circumventam multis fallacijs dolisque, partim apertè vi coactam. Quare cum audierit Comitia Augustae celebrari, ex toto Cardinalium grege selegit Moronum, quem mitteret eo legatum, hominem, qui in agnoscenda & persequenda veritate persimilis est Card. Polo. Ab eo itaque expectandae ●unt similes fallaciae, similis hypocrisis, atque impietas: ut non lac lacti magis simile sit: qui unum videt, alterum videt.   

NUM. LXXXIII. Bradford to Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, concerning the Freewillers, about 1554.  
To my dear Fathers, Dr. Cranmer, Dr. Ridley, Dr. Latimer, Prisoners in Oxford, for the testimony of the Lord Jesus, and his holy gospel.  
ALmighty God, our heavenly father more and more kindle your hearts and affections with his love: 
Martyr's Letters.  that our greatest cross may be to be absent from him, and strangers from our home, and that we may godly contend more and more to please him, Amen, etc.  
As for your parts, in that it is commonly thought, your staff standeth next the door, ●ee have the more cause to rejoice, and be glad, as they which shall come to their fellows under the Altar. To the which Society God with you bring me also, in his mercy, when it shall be his good pleasure.  
I have received many good things from you, my good Lord, Master and dear Father, N. Ridley; Fruits I mean, of your good labours. All which I send unto you again by this bringer [Augustin Benher] one thing except, which he can tell, I do keep upon your further pleasure to be known therein. And herewithal I send unto you a little treatise, which I have made, that you might peruse the same: and not only you, but also ye, my other most dear and reverend Fathers in the Lord for ever, to give your Approbation, as ye may think good. All the prisoners here about in manner have seen it, and read it: and as therein they agree with me, nay rather with the truth, so they are ready and will be, to signify it, as they shall see you give them example. The matter may be thought not so necessary, as I seem to make it. But yet if ye knew the great evil, that is like hereafter to come to the posterity by these men, as partly this bringer can signify unto you; Surely then could ye not but be most willing to put hereto your helping hands. The which thing that I might the more occasion you to perceive, I have sent you here a writing of Harry Harts own hand: Whereby ye may see, how Christ's glory and grace is like to lose much light, if your sheep quondam be not something holpen by them that love God, and are able to prove, that all good is to be attributed only and wholly to God's grace and mercy in Christ without other respects of worthiness than Christ's merits. The effects of salvation they so mingle and confound with the cause, that if it be not seen to, more hurt will come by them, than ever came by the Papists: in as much as their life commendeth them to the world more than the Papists. God is my witness, that I write not this, but because I would God's glory, and the good of his people. In Free will they are plain Papists, yea, Pelagians. And ye know that Modicum fermenti totam Massam corrumpit. They utterly contemn all learning. But hereof shall this bringer show you more. As to the chief captains therefore of Christ's church here, I complain of it unto you: as truly I must do of you even unto God in the last day, if ye will not, as ye can, help something, Vt veritas doctrinae maneat apud posteros, in this behalf; as ye have done on the behalf of matters expugned by the Papists. God for his mercy in Christ guide you, Most dearly beloved Fathers, with his holy Spirit here, and in all other things, as most may make to his glory, and the commodity of the Church, Amen.  
Al here, God therefore be praised, prepare themselves willingly to pledge our Captain Christ, even when he will, and how he wil By your good prayers we shall all far the better; and therefore we all pray you to cry to God for us, as we, God willing, do and will remember you. My brethren here with me have thought it their duty to signify this need to be no less, than I make it, to prevent the plantations, which may take root by these men.  
Yours in the Lord, Robert Ferrar Rowland Taylor john Bradford. john Philpot.   

NUM. LXXXIV. The Prisoners for the Gospel, their Declaration concerning K. Edward his Reformation.  
To the King and Queens most excellent Majesties, with their most honourable high court of Parliament.  
WE poor Prisoners for Christ's religion, require your Honours, in our dear Saviour Christ's name, 
Foxij MSS.  earnestly now to repent, for that you have consented of late to the unplaceing of so many godly laws, set forth touching the true religion of Christ before, by two most Noble Kings, being Father and brother to the Queen's Highness, and agreed upon by all your consents; not without your great and many deliberations, free and open disputations, costs and pains taking in that behalf, neither without great Consultations, and conclusions, had by the greatest learned men in the realm, at Windsor, Cambridg and Oxford, neither without the most willing consent, and allowing of the same by the whole Realm throughly: So that there was not one Parish in all England, that ever desired again to have the Romish Superstitions and vain Service, which is now by the Popish, proud, covetous clergy placed again, in contempt not only of God, all Heaven, and all the holy ghosts lessons in the blessed Bible: but also against the honours of the said two most noble Kings, against your own Country, fore aggreements, and against all the godly consciences within this realm of England, and elsewhere. By reason whereof Gods great plagues must needs follow, and great unquietness of consciences; besides all other persecutions and vexations of bodies and goods, must needs ensue. Moreover we certify your honours, that since your said unplaceing of Christ's true religion, and true service, and placing in the room thereof Antichrists Romish Superstition, heresy and idolatry, all the true preachers have been removed, and punished, and that with such open robbery, and cruelty, as in Turkey was never used, either to their own Countrymen, or to their mortal enemies.  
This therefore our humble suit is now to your honourable estates, to desire the same, for all the mercy's sake of our dear and only Saviour jesus Christ, and for the duty you owe to your native Country, and to your own souls, earnestly to consider from what light to what darkness this realm is now brought, and that in the weightiest, chief and principal matter of Salvation, of all our souls and bodies everlasting, and for ever more. And even so we desire you at this your assembly, to seek some effectual reformation for the afore written most horrible deformation in this church of England. And touching yourselves we desire you in like manner, that we may be called before your Honours; and if we be not able both to prove and approve by the Catholic and Canonical rules of Christ's true religion, the church Homilies and Service set forth in the most innocent K. Edward's days; and also to disallow and reprove, by the same authorities, the Service now set forth, since his departing; then we offer our bodies, either to be immediately burned, or else to suffer whatsoever other painful and shameful death, that it shall please the King and Queen's Majesties to appoint. And we think this trial and probation may be now best, either in the plain English tongue by Writing, or otherwise by disputation in the same tongue. Our Lord for his great mercy sake grant unto you all the continual assistance of his good and holy Spirit. Amen.   

NUM. LXXXV. John Fox to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Queen Mary's time: relating to the persecution.  
UT singularis vigilantia vestra cum pari conjuncta prudentia, neutiquam eget consilijs aut documentis meis, 
Foxij. MSS.  Proceres & Patres inspiciendi, ita nihil vicissim a pudore ac verecundia mea alienius esse possit, quam summates viros ulla in re interpellare literis. Atutinam hunc naturae affectum, ut hactenus, perpetuò tueri liceret. Nunc vero ubi in eas difficultates, ceu inter Symplegadas, incidimus, ut neque obticescere sine impietate, nec loqui sine periculo liceat, considerabit, opinor, prudentia vestra non tam quid me deceat, quam quid officij exigat ratio. Quóque gravior sit ad scribendum causa, hoc faciliorem spero impetrabit veniam audacia. Equidem nihil addubito, quin eximia authoritas vestra divinae cujusdam potentiae vicariam nobis imaginem representat in terris, semper & egit sedulo, & actura est, ut cum dignitate vestra, simul publica totius ditionis vestrae tranquillitas salúsque contineatur. Quid enim aliud vel ab amplissimo hoc loco expectare, vel de singulari vigilantia vestra suspicari convenit, quam a vobis, qui Patres sitis Re●p. paratissim● fore omnia, sicubi vel auxilij fidem, vel juvandi voluntatem res communis desiderabit, ut neque facultati vestrae quicquam adjici, nec in voluntate quicquam desiderari poterit Atque enimvero si in iis duntaxat sita esset Reip. administratio, quae per se satis possent humanae prudentiae praesidia moderari, ni●is insanire videretur, qui vos monendo instituere, hoc est Solem meridianum luce ascititia illustrare speraret. Quanquam n● id quidem sapientia, opinor, vestra postulabit sibi, hujusmodi censeri vos, qui non communi conditione nati cum caeteris▪ pariter cum reliquis mortalibus, etsi minus fortasse, at nonnunquam tamen, labi atque exorbitare possitis: Etiamsi humana forent maxime, atque intra proprij ingenij vires clausa, quae ageretis.  
Nunc vero cum omnis Reip. gubernatio divin● sit, magnaque ejus pars in religionis versetur tractatione, longe supra humanum captum ardua, ut alteram partem vobis lubenter tribuimus, ita in altera societatem aliquam consilij haud omnino estis, opinor, aspernaturi: praesertim cum id non tam siducia arrogantiae aliqua sacimus, quam temporis atque officij necessitate impulsi. Quis enim, vos obtestor, Gravissimi Patres, ferat; quis non deploret; Quem non ad gemitus, ad lacrymas pertrahat, tametsi Angliam nunquam viderit, tantum in Anglia fundi Christiani Sanguinis; tot cives ingenuos, tot liberales & innocentes promiscuè cum soeminis viros, capite ac fortunis quotidie periclitari, caedi, exu●i, laniari; prope sine modo & numero? Quod si Barbari ex ultima Turcia barbarosa, aut exterae nationis ferus hostis aliunde irrumpens in Angliam, tantam hanc gentis nostrae stragem designasset, haud minor fortasse calamitas, aut minor prosectó esset queremonia. Saevitiam etsi omnino per se grave●n, nationis tamen minueret distinctio. Nunc quorum saluti apud vos potissimum esse perfugium conveniebat, ●osdem vos ipsi capi, exagitari, discerpi, dilacerari, Angli Anglos, Magistratus subditos, Christiani Christianos, cernitis & toleratis. Quique nuper sub Edwardi auspicatissimi Principis divino imperio florentissima tranquillitate, cum domum vitae non securitate modo, sed voluptate etiam utebantur, nunc ijdem invertente se rerum humanarum scena, miseris cruciatibus vitam, quam tueri nequeunt, deserere coguntur; non quia vita aut mores mutati ipsorum, sed quia duntaxat tempora mutata sunt.  
Et ubi interim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa Paulina, ubi Clementia vestra, Mitissimi proceres, ubi inveterata illa semperque laudata etiam erga hostes, Anglorum pietas, si in vestros tam esseri tamque exitiales esse velitis? Scio ingeniorum immensam ac infinitam prope varietatem esse in mundo; apud homines haud secus quam apud belluas. Quidam natura mitiores. Contra sunt, quos natos saevitiae dixeris, ac truculentiae. Alij consuetudine prava hoc vitio delectantur, Nonnulli rursus ab aliis, ceu contagium, accipiunt. Verum utcunq●e aliis aliud natura insevit, certe nihil viris generosis tam proprium ac genuinum, nihil naturae ipsorum (si naturae tueri velint) quadrans magis, quam generosa quaedam indoles ac morum ingenuitas: Quae prosit omnibus, officiat nemini, nisi lacessita forte. Ac ne tum quidem, nisi coacta magis, quam sua sponte: idque magis Reip. ratione, quam sua saevitia: ac ne tum quidem sui oblivisci potest generosa pietas, semper ad salutem miserorum, quam perniciem intentior; excusans, patrocinans, sublevans, relinquens, quo misericordiae cognoscentiae esse locus possit.  
Ecquae haec nunc tanta hominum, ne dicam, an temporum degeneratio, in viros, non improbos modo, sed innocenti ac inculpata vita, a quibus nemo unquam laesus vestrum, aut lacessitus sit, publice simul ac privatim bonos, sic inardescere saevitiam quorundam, ut nulla sit hostium natio tam barbara, ubi non tutius conquiescant, quam apud suos? Quondam apud priscos Romanos plusquam sontium censebatur, quod civem in discrimen adduceret capitis; ubi & octo erant suppliciarum genera▪ quorum mors, ut ultima, ita nisi clarissima, non indicebatur: Q●id quod ne tum quidem deerant etiam vitae defensores, ac libera apud populum actio. Ex quo effectum est, ut eloquentiae studium tanto in honore ac usu apud omnes esse, ut urbem prope universam ad sui conten●ionem excitaret. Tantus in gentilitio populo patriae amor, ac salutis cura, apud patricios vigebat viros, quorum omnis fere laus in conservandis quamplurimis cerneretur. Atque istos nondum ulla religionis inbuerat gratia, tantum natura ipsa, ac literarum humani●as ad tantam excolere potuit civilitatem. Et ô brutorum jamdudum in Anglia extinctum genus, quod apud Ethnicos natura, quod literae valuerunt civiles, non idem valebit pietas, non Evangelij vig r, non a Christo inculcata toties impetrabit charitas; quin ob quamlibet levem causam, aut nullam potius, ad paenas rapiuntur, adeo frigescente ubique charitate, ut haud sciam, an hoc ipsum capitale futurum sit, quod pro afflictis fratribus mutire audeam; i●●mque in hac re eveniat mihi, quod Iustino olim, pro Christianis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui dum pro Martyribus deprecatur, fit & ipse Martyr.   

NUM. LXXXVI. Dr. Ridley late Bishop of London to West, formerly his Steward, who had complied with the Romish religion.  

Foxij. MSS.  I Wish you grace in God, and love of the truth. Without the which truly established in man's heart by the mighty hand of Almighty God, it is no more possible to stand by the truth in Christ's cause, in the time of tribulation, than it is for wax to abide the heat of the fire.  
Sir, know you this, that I am (blessed be God) persuaded that this world is but transitory, as S. john saith, Mundus transit & concupiscentia ejus. 
1 I●an. 2.  I am persuaded Christ's words to be true, Qui me confessus fuerit coram hominibus, I will confess him before my father, which is in heaven. 
Matt. 10.  And I believe that no earthly creature shall be saved, whom the Redeemer and Saviour of the world shall before his Father deny. This the Lord grant that it may be so grafted, established, and fixed in my heart, that neither things present, or to come, high or low, life or death, be able to remove.  
It is a godly wish that ye wish me deeply to consider things pertaining to God's honour and glory. But if ye had wished also, that neither fear of death, or hope of worldly prosperity should let me to maintain gods word, and his truth, which is his glory and true honour, it would have liked me very well.  
You desire me for God's sake to remember myself. Indeed, Sir, now it is time for me so to do. For so far as I can perceyve, it standeth me of no les danger, then of the los both of body and soul: And I trow, than it is time for a man to awake, if any thing will awake him. He that will not fear him, that threateneth to cast body and soul into everlasting fire, whom will he fear? Oh Lord, fasten thou together our frail flesh, that we never swarve from thy Laws.  
You say, you have made much suit for me. Sir, God g●aunt, that you have not, in sueing for my worldly deliverance, impaired or hindered the furtherance of God's word and his ●ruth.  
You have known me long indeed, in the which time it hath chanced me to mislike some things. It is true, I grant. For sudden changes without substantial and necessary causes, and the heady setting forth of extremities, I did never love. Confession to the minister, which is able to instruct, correct, comfort, and inform the weak and ignorant consciences, I have ever thought might do much good in Christ's Congregation. And so I assure you I do think, even at this day.  
My doctrine and my preaching, you say, you have heard oft: and after your judgement, have thought it godly, saving of the Sacrament. Which thing, although it was of me reverendly handled, and a great deal better than of the rest, as you say, yet in the margin you write (warily, and in this world wisely) thus: And yet methought, not all sound. Well, Sir, but I see so many changes in the world, and so much alteration, or else at this your saying, I would not a little mervayl. I have taken you for my trusty freynd, and a man, whom I fantasied for plainness and faithfulness, as much, I ensure you, as for your learning. And have you kept this so close in your heart from me unto this day? Sir, I consider more things than one; and will not say all that I think. But what need you to care what I think, for any thing that I shall be able to do unto you either good or harm?  
You give me good lessons, to stand in nothing against my learning, and to beware of vain glory. Truly, Sir, herein I like your counsel very well; and by God's grace I intent to follow it unto my lyves end.  
To write to them whom you name, I cannot see what it will avail me. For this I would now have you know it, I esteem nothing avaylab●e for me, which also will not set forth the glory of God.  
And now because I perceive you have an entire zeal and desire of my deliverance out of this captivity, and worldly misery; if I should not bear you a good heart in God again, methynk I were to blame. Sir, how nigh the day of my dissolution and departure hence out of this world is at hand, I cannot tell. The Lords will be fulfilled. How soon soever it shall come, I know the Lords words must be verified on me, that I shall appear before the uncorrupt Judge, and be countable to him of all my former life. Although the hope of his mercy is my shote anchor of eternal Salvation; yet am I persuaded, that whosoever wittingly neglecteth and regardeth not to clear his conscience, he cannot have peace with God, nor a lyvely faith in his mercy. Conscience moveth me, considering you were one of my family and of my household, (of whom then I think I had a special cure, and of all them which were in my house, which indeed ought to have been an example of godliness to all the rest of my cure, not only in godly life, but also in promoting of God's word, to th'uttermost of their power: But now alas! when the trial doth separate the corn from the chaff, how small a deyl it is God knoweth, which the wound doth not blow away:) This conscience, I say, doth move me to have fear, lest the lightness of my family shall be laid unto me, for lack of more earnest and diligent instructions, which should have been done. But blessed be God, which hath given me grace to see my default, and to lament it from the bottom of my heart, before my departure hence. This Conscience also doth move me now to require both you, and my freynd Dr. Harvy, to remember your promises made to me in time past, of the pure setting forth and preaching of God's word and his truth. These promises, although you shall not need to fear to be charged with them of me hereafter before the world; Yet look for none other, I exhort you as my freynds, but to be charged with them at God's hand.  
This Conscience, and the love that I bear unto you, biddeth me now say to you both in God's name; Fear God, and love not the world; for God is able to cast both body and soul into hell fire. Cum exarserit in brevi ira ejus, beati omnes, saith the Psalm, qui confidunt in eo. And the saying of S. john is true, Quicquid est in mundo, 
Psal. 2.  veluti concupiscentia carnis, & concupiscentia oculorum, & fastus vitae, 
1 Joan. 2.  non ex patre, sed ex mundo est. Et mundus transit, & concupiscentia ejus. Qui autem facit voluntatem Dei manet in aeternum. If these gifts of grace, which undoubtedly are necessarily required unto eternal salvation, were truly and unfeignedly grafted, and firmly established in men's hearts, they would not be so light, so suddenly to shrink from the maintenance and confession of the truth, as it is now, alas! seen so manifestly, of so many in these days.  
But here peradventure ye would know of me, what is the truth. Sir, God's word is the truth, as S. john saith, and it is even the same that was heretofore. For albeit man doth vary and change, as the Moon, yet God's word is stable and abideth for evermore. And of Christ it is truly said, 
Heb. 13.  Christus heri & hodie, idem etiam in secula.  
When I was in office, all, that were esteemed for learned men in God's word, agreed this to be a truth in God's word written: that the Common prayers of the Church should be had in the common tongue. You know I have conferred with many, and I ensure you, I never found man, so far as I do remember, neither old nor new▪ gospeler or Papist, of what judgement soever he was, in this thing to be of a contrary opinion. If then it were a truth of God's word, think you, that the Alteration of the world can make it now an untruth? If it cannot, why do men, so many, shrink from the confession and maintenance of this truth, once received of us all? For what is it, I pray you, else to confess or deny Christ in this world, but to confess and maintain the truth taught in God's word, nor for any worldly respect to shrink from the same? This one have I brought but for an example. Other things be in like case, which now particularly I need not to rehearse. For he that will forsake wittingly, either for fear or gain of the world, any one open truth of God's word, if he be strained, he will assuredly forsake God and all his truth, rather than he will endanger himself either to lose, or to leave that he loveth indeed better, than he doth God and the truth of his word.  
I like therein very well, your plain speaking, wherein you say, I must either aggree or die: and I think you mean of the bodily death, which is common both to good and bad. Sir, I know I must die, whether I aggree, or no. But what folly were it then to make such an aggreement, by the which I could never escape this death; which is so common to all; and also I might incur the guilt of eternal death and damnation?  
Lord grant, that I may utterly abhor and detest this damnable aggreement so long as I live.  
And because I dare say, you wrote of friendship to me this short earnest advertisement, and I think verily wishing me to live, and not to die: Therefore bearing you in my hear no less love in God, than you do me in the world; I say to you In verbo Domini, that except you, (and this I say to you I say to all my friends and lovers in God) except ye confess and mainteyn, to your power and knowledge, things which be grounded upon God's word, but will either for fear, or gain of the world, shrink and play the Apostata, indeed you shall die the death. You understand what I mean. And I beseech you, and all my true freynds and lovers in God, remember what I say. For this peradventure may be the last time, that ever I shall write to you. From Bocardo in Oxenford, theighth day of April, Anno 1554.  
Yours in Christ, Nicolas Rydley.   

NUM. LXXXVII. John Hopton Bishop of Norwich, to the Earl of Sussex, giving account of the joy conceived, and Te Deum sung, for the news of the Queens being brought to bed of a Noble Prince.  
RIght honourable, and my singular good Lord. After mine humble commendations, 
Cotton Library, Titus. B. 2.  with like thanks for your honourable and gentle letters sent to me, touching the behaviour of the Curate of Bokenham, and the reformation of other enormities there; It may please you to understand, that I did send immediately for the said Curate, and the Churchwardens and the Quest-men there. And upon their appearance with twelve or fourteen of the most substantial men of the parish, and upon due examination, I could perceive none other thing, but all things to be well, and decently ordered, and provided for at this holy time of Easter, contrary to the information given to your good Lordship. And if there had been any thing amiss, they should have been punished according to their demerits. Beseeching your good Lordship, if any further knowledge come to you, either for that Town, or any other, concerning the Reformation of my jurisdiction, or the negligence of mine Officers, that I may be advertised thereof, and have your favourable aid and assistance. And I shall do the best I can for my discharge.  
And where it pleased your honourable Lordship to will me to take a dinner, or a supper with you in the time of my Visitation, I humbly thank you therefore most heartily. Beseeching your Lordship, when occasion shall serve you to visit this city, that ye will vouchsafe to take this my poor house at your commandment; whereunto your Lordship shallbe as welcome as unto your own.  
Further, I understand that Mr. Mayor here hath certified your Lordship of the sudden good news brought to us by one of the city, of the Queen's highness most joyful deliverance of a Noble Prince. Whereupon to laud God Te Deum was solemnly songen in the Cathedral church, and other places of the city, with wonderful joy and much gladness of all people throughout the whole city, and the country thereabouts. And if ye have any further knowledge thereof, I beseech your honourable Lordship, that I may be partaker of the same by this bringer, my servant, whom I send purposely therefore, as knoweth the Holy Ghost; who preserve your Lordship in continual health and honour. At Norwich, the thread of May 1555.  
Your Lordships assuredly, john Norwich.  
Postscripta. I received even now knowledge from a friend of mine of two witnesses more of the good and joyful news above written, as this said bringer can declare to your good Lordship.  
john Norwich.   

NUM. LXXXVIII. A Proposition in the Convocation against Residence. With Reasons for the said Proposition; and Remedies against Nonresidence.  
Decretum perpetuae Residentiae juxta Canonum Sanctiones optant pij, sed multa sunt, 
C. C. C C. Libr. Synodalia.  quae hodie impediunt, quo minus suum effectum juxta bonorum virorum vota consequatur.  

The Reasons.  
I. THE Statutes of the Kingdom, not disallowed, as we hear, by the Pope, do permit to the Barons, and other great men of the kingdom, a certain number of Priests, having cure of souls.  
II. Not only the Statutes of the kingdom, but the Canons do permit Bishops a certain number of fellow workers, to assist them.  
III. Bishops and Prelates, who by reason of their great learning, prudence, integrity of life, and high faith, are chosen to be the King's Counsillors, and whose counsils are very necessary for the restoring of religion, ought not, as it seems, to be compelled to perpetual Residence.  
IV. When the Barons and other great men may be retained in the orthodox faith, by the doctrine, honesty, age and frequent exhortations of Reverend men, it seems not convenient, that such men should be driven from them; provided they do reside a good part of the year upon their Churches.  
V. Since the Dispensation of two or three benefices hath been granted by former Princes to some Priests, for the merit of their life and manners, they cannot without injury be deprived of them; Nor yet can they in all respects reside personally and perpetually.  
VI When many have designed their sons for the Universities, and have been at no small charges to give them learning, because they have entertained good hope, that they might hereafter be assistant to their friends and relations: this hope being gone, their care about this matter will also grow cold, otherwise of itself cold enough. For as he said, Where there is no honour, there is no Art.  
VII. The houses of the Rectories in many places are either ruined, or none at all, or let out by Indentures.  

Going to the Court of Rome.  
Going to a General Council.  
Going to a Synod, or Parliament.  
Violent detaining.    

Remedies.  
That there be a les number of those that follow the Court, who heap up benefices upon benefices.  
That they who have many Benefices, reside a certain time upon each.  
That a way be found, whereby such as live in Towns and Cities may be forced to pay Personal tithes. Which being now almost quite taken a way, the Benefices in such places are in a great part lessened.  
When some of the Bishops, by reason of the slenderness of their possessions, cannot afford Stipends to the Priests, their fellow laborers, that they who serve them reside for a certain time of the year in their own parishes.  
That Rectors, who heretofore have paid pensions to Monasteries in ready money, be not now compelled to pay the same in breadcorn to Lay-proprietors.  
That in Woody places, where the custom hath always obtained, tith may be paid of Sylvae caeduae [that is, Wood that is cut to grow again,] especially when there is a great scarcity of corn in such places.  
Parishes are not divided jure divino. Whence followeth, that as many Benefices may be laid into one, so one, by reason of the greatness of it, may be divided into two.    

NUM. LXXXIX. Pole Cardinal Legate, to Archbishop Cranmer, in answer to the Letter he had sent to the Queen.  
ALmighty God the Father, by the grace of his only son, god and man, 
Foxij MSS.  that died for our sins, may give you true and perfect repentance. This I daily pray for myself being a Sinner: but I thank God never obstinate sinner. And the same grace the more earnestly I do pray for to be given to them that be obstinate, the more need they have thereof, being otherwise past all man's cure, and admonition to save them. As your open sayings, in open audience, doth show of you. Which hath caused, that those judges, that hath sit upon the examination of your greviouse faults, seeing no lykelod of any repentance in you, hath utterly cast away all hope of your recovery: Whereof doith follow the most horrible sentence of condemnation, both of your body and soul, both your temporal death and eternal. Which is to me so great an horror to here, that if there were any way, or mean, or fashion, that I might find to remove you from error, bryngeng you to the knowledge of the truth, for your Salvation: This I testify to you afore God, upon the Salvation of mine own soul, that I would rather choose to be that mean, that you might receive this benefit by me, then to receive the greatest benefit for myself, that can be given under heaven in this world: I easteme so much the salvation of one soul.  
And because it happened to me to see your private letters directed to the Qwenes Highness, sent by the same unto me, wherein you utter and express such appearaunt reasons, that cause you to swarve from the rest of the Church, in these Articles of the authority of the Pope, and of the Sacrament of the altar, Concluding with these words, That if any man can show you by reason, that the authority of the Pope be not prejudicial to the wealth of the realm, or that your doctrine in the Sacrament be erroneous, than you would never be so perverse to stoned wylfullie in your own opinion: but shall with all humility submit yourself to the truth in all things, and gladly embrace the same: These your words, written in that letter, giveth me some occasion, desiring your wealth, not utterly to despair thereof; but to attempt to recover you by the same way, that you open unto me: Which is, by reason to show you the error of your opinion, and withal the light of the truth in both causes. But whither this may help you indeed, or bring you to revoke the same, with true repentance, this I know not; and I fear much the contrary. For that I see the ground and beginning, how you fell into error in both these articles, not to be of that sort, that maketh men commonly to fall into errors and heresies. Which sort and way is by meddling with your wit and discourse natural, to examen the Articles of the faith▪ Making your reason judge thereof, which ought to be judged and ruled by the tradition of the faith. Which abuse causeth men daily to fall into errors and heresies. And the same also is in you, and is joined with that you have done. But here standeth not the ground of your error, nor yet in this other common manner of faulling from the truth, which S. Paul noteth in the Gentiles, and is in all me● commonly that followeth their sensual appetites, Qui veritatem D●i in injustitia detinent: Which thing also hath been occasion of your ●rrour. But yet not this is the very ground thereof, but a further assault: that you geveng your oath to the truth, you mocked with the same, as the jews mocked with Christ, when they saluted him saying, Ave Rex judaeorum, and afterwards did crucify him. For so did you to the Vicar of Christ, Knowledgeng the Pope of Rome by the words of your oath, to be so, and in mind entendeng to crucify the same authority. Whereof came the plague of deep ignorance and blindness unto you. Which is now that bringeth you to this grievous peril, to perish both body and soul. From which peril no reason can deliver you.  
But you discovereng yourself, touching the entry, when you should make the customable oath of all legitimate bishops in Christendom, which is the door for you to entre to the service of God, in the highest spiritual office within this realm, and seeing you made the same but for a countenance, nothing meaneng to observe that you promised by the oath; this is a door, that every thieffe may entre buy. This is not the door that they entre by, that mean earnestly the service of God. Wherein the Prophet's sentence is plain, askeng this question, Quis ascendet in montem Domini? aut quis stabit in loco sancto ejus? And then answering to the same saying, Innocens manibus, & mundo cord, qui non accepit in vano animam suam, nec juravit in dolo proximo suo. Haec est generatio quaerentium Dominum, quaerentium faciem Dei jacob. So that you now entering to the mownteyne of God, which was to that high Archbushoprick, and to the Primacy in the realm, by a clean contrary way, which is, as you confess yourself by a feigned oath, by fraud, and dissimulation, what more plain sentence can be against you, if you have a thousand reformations in your mind, then that all this doeth not make, that this should be the way to the true service of god, nor that you, useng a false oath, should be of that generation, which with their hart sought god, but utterlye concludeth against you, that if those that abstain from all deceit with their neighbour, specially in oath, be blessed of God, he that confesseth to have used such dissimulation in his oath, not with one neighbour or twain, but with the hole realm, with the hole church, what can he receve, but the malediction of god? What can more evidently show that man to be none of that generation that seeketh god? As if there were none other proof, that followed in your acts, such a deceitful and shameful entry, doith manifestly declare; and most of all, one of the furst acts you did after this. Which was to pluck the rest of the realm (of whom you had chief cure) out of the House of God, bryngeng them forthwith into the Schism.  
And that we see now, that the hole realm by the high mercy of God, being brought into the House of God again, there to receive his grace and benediction: and this to be done by those princes, and those ministers, Qui non acceperunt in vano animam suam, nec jur averunt in dolo proximo suo: your person yet remayneng without, deprived of the grace granted to them, what doeth this show, but that it is the just sentence of god against you, for your deceitful entry into his service; and the mercy of God toward them, that not wyllenglie went forth; but by your traitorous means were thrust out?  
So that here now I have told you, whither you hear me, or no, the very cause of your blindness and ignorance: Which is the vengeance of god against you, for your dissimulation and perjury, to him and to the hole church, at your ent●eng to the high service thereof. Whereby you have deserved to be cast out of the house of god, which is the church, in tenebras exteriores, ubi est fletus, & stridor dentium. Which is the place and state, wherein I see ●ow now lie; and the same I saw so evidently in your letters, from the begynneng to the eand, as nothing can be more plain: you showeng yourself in the same to be so ignorant, that you know not those things, which be evident to every man: which every man, that hath any exterior light, by experience and knowledge of things past, doth know— Here much is wanting. that be once of the church as dead bodies, when the spirit is out. But to all that be within the body of the Church, this giveth comfort and life, as the spirit doth to the body. And this shall be sufficient to say for every man's information of the truth in this matter, that will beleave, other that old or late experience, or the continual doctrine of the hole church, hath taught in every christian realm. Whereof none ever found this fault, that the Pope's Laws Spiritual were not to be exercised, because the same could not aggree with their politic laws: but rather found fault, when the Pope himself, or his Ministers▪ did let the course of those laws, which agreed with every politic body, as the Soul of man with all complexions, and form of body. And when they were stopped, then seemed to be stopped the breath and life of justice, as no realm can give, as I said afore, greater or surer testimony than ours. For when the authority and laws of the Pope did flourish in the realm, all justice flourished wythal; and that stopped and cast out, as it was these latter years, all good justice, and civil manner of lyvyng was stopped and cast forth withal.  
So that when you came furst to mervayle of a thing never seen, nor hard of afore in this realm that a bishop, made by the Pope's authority, should not be deposed, without his authority, what doeth this show, but a deap blindness and ignorance of the use of the law in this realm, ever continual, and never broken of any just prince, until you yourself were made bishop: Which helped them to break all good laws and customs of the realm; and then afterward to make this for a great reason, that the Pope's laws should not be now again admitted, for than you say, all the hole realm that cast out his authority, must needs knowledge themselves accursed: Which god, you say, forefend. And this you show you cannot abide, for nothing by any manner that the realm should knowledge themselves accursed: Which they cannot, you say, avoid, if they admit the Pope's law, as good. This word you should have said afore the realm had cast forth the Pope's authority, for to have let●ed them from their fall into the curse; and this had been the very part of a good bishop. But after that they were faulen from the laws, which they had admitted afore, and thereby run into the curse, (which you say cannot be avoyed of them that hath ones admitted them) Then I with all good and catholic men, do say, god ●ore●end, they after this should not knowledge their state to be accursed. Which if they did not, they could never be absolved from the curse. And he that forbeddeth now the knowledge of the same▪ doth in effect procure, that being accursed indeed, they remain ever accursed. This is your monstrous and blind love you pretend to bear to the realm, being accursed yourself, and blinded in the knowledge of your state, to have the hole realm remain still accursed. But the true affection these two Catholic princes bear to the realm, with the blood of those that resisted th● swarveng from the Pope's authority, hath obtained of the high mercy of God, that the hole realm hath with repentance knowledged their evil state they stood in, syneth the leaveng of the authority of the Pope in the realm, and with repealing of those laws, made contrary, have asked absolution, and received it, and be delivered of all curse, received into the grace of go●, and brought into the church's lap again: they only left out, that doeth refuse this grace, and hath not so much grace to accept it. Whereof if any should be deprived, none hath deserved it more by the just wrath of God to be deprived, than he that was chief doer, to make the realm less it, as you; by showeng yourself in this to be the very member of Satan, both then, but most of all now. Which deprived of grace of repentance himself, would draw all other to his damnation, and dissuadeth all return to grace.  
This your charity you now show to your country, which, as I said hitherto, is very vengeance of God toward you. Of the which this great blindness giveth a great testimony, that you show in your letter, writeng of these things, as though you had never knowledge what had been done in the realm afore your time, nor what was the state of your time, nor yet what is the state of the realm at this present, bryngeng for a great inconvenient, that if the Parliament should accept the laws of the Pope, they should be constrained to repeal those that were done against his laws and authority: As though this were not so done already. And showeng so great ignorance, both touching the doctrine of the church, and in this ●oyncte touching the Pope's authority, and the experience of the custom of the realm, yet you conclude, that ignorance might excuse other men, how prejudicial the canon laws be to the wealth of the realm, if they would accept the same. But you cannot be excused by ignorance. And seeing in this the very truth, that ignorance cannot excuse you, as in truth it cannot, being of that kind it is. But if that do not excuse you, than malice doeth condemn you: Which is the very cause to bring you to ignorance inexcusable, both in this point of the authority of the Pope, as in the doctrine of the Sacrament: Wherein it is no less monstrous. And this you show most, where you think to speak with less obstinacy. As where you say, that if they that follow the Pope's doctrine herein, could bring in but one old ancient Doctor of the Church of their opinion, you have offered afore, as you offer yet, to g●ve place unto them, and to consent to the same. What a proof is this to show your profound blindness? If there be no let but this, because you see not of the old Doctors, at the least one, that were against your opinion, in the defence of the Pope's doctrine, other men seeing so many, and not one ancient approved doctor that ever dissented, what a wonderful blindness is this, not to see one against you? For this is plain, when the Pope showeth his sense and doctrine in this Article, he doeth not speak thereof, as of an Article, that he himself hath newly found, nor yet any of his predecessors, but that all hath uniformally received one of another of their fathers, unto the Apostles time, and they of Christ. Which argument is so strong, so evident to the condemnation of your opinion, and confirmatyon of the Popes, that many sage and learned men writing against the opinion you follow, being divers sorts of arguments to confound the same, set apart all form of reasoneng, and only stick upon the testimony and uniform consent of all the old Doctors of the Church to this day. Which testimonies be so many, that they fill up great books; as amongst other, my Lord of Durham at this present, in his book written of this matter, taketh this way, to ground himself most upon, the perpetual consent of the old Doctors, continuing unto this age: and all against your opinion. Which book is abroad, and hath been seen of you.  
Then if ye will think him of so small judgement or knowledge, that in such a nombre as he bringeth, there is not one, that maketh to his purpose, but all for your purpose, whom he intendeth to oppugn, other this must prove a wonderful blindness in him, and not in him alone, but in so menie learned men, that taketh the same way; or else in you▪ that amongst so meinie testimonies, some more clearer than some, not to see so moche as one alone: this is an evydent proff, that ye be stark blind. For if ye were not, if it were but one brought forth unto you, as is mentioned in that book, the condemnation of Berengarius, that was of your opinion; and that done by a General Council of all the Nations in Chrystendom; growndeng itself upon the uniform doctrine of their forefathers; Were not this enough, if you had yies to see, to show that more than one old Doctor were of the Pope's doctrine? And if this be not sufficient proff unto you, the same being enough to Berengarius himself, which was converted thereby, and persuaded to recant his opinion; what doth this show, but that he was not utterly blinded, but that he saw some testimony against him, you utterly to have lost all sight, that see not so much as one.  
But of this your monstrous blindness I mervell the less, the more I see the same to proceed of the very justice and wrath of God against you; with whom you mocking on that manner as you showed in coming in such a high place, in service of the church, as was to be Archbishop and Primate of the Realm, as to swear in dolo, not only Proximo, but Vniversae Ecclesiae: Wylleng afterward to pervert the old order of the church, which you called a Reformation, me seemeth to here the very words and curse of S. Paul, that lighted upon the false Prophet Bariesu, letting the course of the doctrine Evangelical preached by him, when he then curseng him, said, O! plene omni malo, & omni fallaciâ, fili diaboli, inimice omnis justitiae, non desinis pervertere vias Domini rectas? Et ecce nunc manus Domini super te, & eris caecus, non videns solemn, usque ad tempus. The effect of this I do see hath lighted upon you; for entreng by deceit to be a chieff Doctor in the church, perverteng Vias Domini rectas, to be blinded, I pray God it be but ad tempus. But hitherto I have not known a more deaper blindness. And if that was punishment of that false prophet, to less his corporal sight for a time, that being an infidel, for very ignorance did put obstacle to the very true doctrine of the faith never hard of afore, to be blinded corporally for a time, you that first knew the doctrine, and preached the same, which afterward you do pervert, if you were stricken with a greater, and more notable blindness, the which you show now, this is evident to come of the very hon of god, which man's hon cannot heal, but only the hon of god, that justly punished you therewithal. And the sorer and more desperate cure is of this your blindness, the more you acquyett yourself therein: as though you had a great gift of light above all other. For so you show in your letters, persuadeng yourself to have found a way in teacheng the doctrine of the Sacrament of the altar, that other hath not seen: Which is to take away the absurdity both to the sense and reason of man, that is in the catholic doctrine, toucheng the Sacrament of the altar, as you say, in that form of bread and wine, to be the very true real presence of the body of Christ, and that it is his body and blood that is showed in the form of bread and wine, what reason will admit this? What sense? And how much probable were this, if this doctrine were taught, as you teach it, to say, that you see in the form of bread and wine, is a figure only of the body of Christ that is in heaven; whom in spirit in that figure you do honour. This manner no doubt were more probable saying to the ears of men that judge things, other by reason or by sense. But the more probable it is, the more false it is, the great Sophister and father of all lies ever deceiving us by probability of reason, proponing ever that which is more agreeable to the sense, But the true doctrine of Christ is taught by another way. Here is another deficiency. being faulen therein not so much for fault or abuse of reason, as by malice against reason And such, I say, no hand can cure, no reason, no discourse; but only that it please the high mercy of god, that doeth chastise your malicious handleng of the truth, with such ignorance and darkness, to withdraw his hon of vengeance upon you: for otherwise you heareng reason, and seeing some light thereof, yet you have not so much grace, as to receive it, nor follow it.  
This is the thing I greatly fear in you, haveng knowledge of your proceeding syneth your furst notable error in rejecteng the doctrine of the Pope's Supremi●ie, and afterward of the Sacrament; which as I said afore, was not after the common manner of faulleng, as other did, by curiosity, or by frailty, but by deliberate malice, to forsake the truth in both points, to satisfy your carnal appetites, to the which you dissembleng furst, and mockeng with the truth, and afterward openly forsakeng the same, did serve you. Which as yet you do not knowledge: and this must be the first things, that you should knowledge, makeng open confession with repentance thereof, if you shall ever come to receive any fruit of the mercy of god.  
So that if I now, that desire your recover, should go about by way of discourse, or argument, to bring you from your error to the truth, this must be the furst point, to show how you fell into the same darkness, to the intent that God so moche remytteng his hon of justice, that you may see your abomination in abuseng the truth, you might knowledge by fear the justice of god, in letteng you fault into so great darkness; and by the hope of his infinite mercy cawl to him for grace to be restored to some light of his infallible verity. And this I with all my heart praying for you, in the mean season, until God give you the grace to do the same for yourself, shall withal open unto you the manner of your foul.  
Touching your furst Article of the Pope's authority, which I need not open any further than you have opened yourself, nor cannot better express it, than you have set it forth, I haveng no knowledge thereof, but by your own saying and writing, for defence of perjury objected to you. And now mark you well, if you have any sense of knowledge left unto you to see yourself and your own deeds, if ever there were hard such kind of a defence, in any perjury of onie man, that had left him onye light of reason, or knowledge of justice. Which for to know, furst you must be put in remembrance of the kind of your oath, and the manner of makeng thereof. The kind was such, that it was no new oath, but the very same, that all Archbusshops of Canterbury, which be Primates of this realm, all Archbusshops, and bishops, in every christian realm, doth accustomable make to the Pope's holiness, as to the Vicar of Christ in earth, swearing to him obedience: Such was your oath. And as touching the manner of makeng of it, none could be more solemn; being made in the hon of a bishop, with the testimony and assistence of other bishops, openly in the Church, in the presence of as much people as the church could hold; at such time as you arrayed with the sacred vesture of a bishop, come afore the aultre to be consecrated Archbusshop. All this you cannott, nor do not deny; nor yet that after all this solemn and open oath, you did directly and openly against the same. Which must necessarily condemn you of perjury.  
But this necessary consequence you deny; granteng notwithstanding to have done contrary to the oath. But you say for your defence, that where you went to make the oath, even than you never thought to observe it. And lest this should be an inconvenient, and a thing much dommagious unto your fame and eastimation▪ if it were not well known, that you swore one thing in the most solemn fashion you could, and meant another, here you bring such a testimony by writing, you bring forth a previe Protestation, made with previe witnesses, haveng the hon and sign of the Notary, to prove that when you went to make that solemn oath you were nothing minded to observe it. Which former Protestation, whereto doth it serve, but to testify a double perjury, which is to be forsworn afore you did swear. Other perjurers be wont to break their oath after they have sworn, you broke it afore. Quis sapiens & intelliget haec, & intelliget malitiam Satanae? And a wonderful aggravation of the wrath of God towards you.  
But let the malice of Satan be furst considered, in deludeng you, when you thought to delude other. This delusion was this: That because it had been hard some Protestations to be made, also of some good men, in a case, when they not being at their own choice and liberty, when per vim & metum, qui aliquando cadit in constantem virum, they be made to swear to that, which afterward they have done contrary to their former oath: In which case a Protestation, excuseng the Will, and alledgeng the fear, hath some colour of defence: This, I say, you hearing, and S●than putting you in remembrance hereof, with the similitude of this deluded you; Makeng you believe, that such a kind of Protestation might serve for a premeditate perjury. Whereunto you were not driven, nother vi, nor metu, as you were not in this your case: except you cawl that a just fear, that you did s●e, if you did not swear, you could not satisfy your ambition and covetousness, in haveng the Busshoprick. For so it was, Leave you these two affections, care ye not for to be made bishop, and who did constrained you to swear? Were ye not by that refuse quite delivered of all necessity to swear? This also ye cannot deny. Whereunto therefore serveth your Protestation made by the hand of a Notary, but to make your previe perjury more notoriously known, but to make it known to the world, that you entreng to the rule of a part of the flock of Christ, you entered not in by the door; and not entreng by the door, but aliunde, what comfort could your flock look for to have by you? But that which Christ saith to follow of those, Qui non intrant per ostium, ●ed aliunde, to be stealers and thieffs, Qui non intrant nisi ut mactent, & perdant; as the effect hath showed by you.  
But here you deceive yourself again, and would deceive other, makeng your defence of your simulate oath, that you did the same so, for the more service of God, haveng in your mind then to reform the church, to the which being no way, but to make that oath for a countenance; this you thought for such a purpose might be acceptable afore god: and also entreng by the authority of the Pope, called by him, that had authority to name you: than you think it cannot be justly of onie man objected unto you, that you did not entre by the door. And this truly if you could have kept your own council, toucheng me, I durst not object the same unto you, seeing nothing outwardly, but as that you were lawfully called and institute bishop. And of your inward I wo●d not make myself judge. More wanting here. and see, as is the furst point in your letters; Where you make a great marvel, saying it to be a thing, that was never seen in the realm, that to condemn any subject thereof, justice should be sought of a foreign power, as is the Popes. How this is to be called a Foreign power, I will declare afterward. For this I do not mervel, if you do not well know, not being so open to them that lacketh spiritual doctrine, nor of that ignorance I do not speak now, but of that outward light and knowledge, which is open to every man by experience. The which you not knoweng, it may be well said, you be cast In tenebras exteriores, and that you have lost both interior and exterior knowledge of things. For so you show in this case, where you say, it was never seen in the realm, that to condemn any subject thereof to death, should be required any other sentence, than that cometh from the Imperial Crown of the realm, and their temporal laws. Wherein that which I note furst is this, that in that place you seem to lament, that being condemned already, as you say, by the laws of the realm, of high treason, this dilation is given to your death, not to suffer, afore all such things as be laid to your charge, were furst known at Rome, this being natural unto all that be in jeopardy of life, if they cannot hope by any just de●eance to extue the same, at the least to have time all desire: followeng that proverb, In space cometh grace. The which natural affect being extinct in you, this followeth withal, natural knowledge to be extinct, as in the proheme of your letter is more declared.  
And now to come nearer to that you say was never seen, that onye subject to be condemned, had need of any outward justice, calleng outward justice, the Canon laws, that come from the Pope. To this I say, the experience and use of the laws, and justice in this realm, doth show clean contrary to your mervel, that it was never seen in the realm, afore the time of your malicious oath, that there was ever any man condemned for the crime of heresies, by the mere justice that cometh from the temporal laws, but all were first declared to be such by the spiritual laws of the Canons, which you call foreign laws. And this beside I say, afore that same time, of all other crimes, as treason and other, there was never spiritual man put to execution, accordeng to the ordre of the laws of the realm, but he were furst by the Canon Laws condemned, disgraded, and then given to the temporal hands. Whereof there be as meinie examples, afore the time of breakeng the old ordre of the realm these last years, as hath been delinquents. Let all the records be seen; and specially this is notable of the bishop of— which being imprisoned here for high treason, the king would not proceed to his condemnation and ponnishment, afore he had the Pope's bull geveng him.  
And this is the trade of justice, which the King and Qwene use with you at this time, being condemned of treason, being consecrate bishop, to have the Pope's sentence from Rome afore you suffer: Which manner of proceeding, you say, was never afore in the Realm: and the practice and experience in like cases doith show never to have been otherwise, afore the time of your notable perjury. And so Catholic Kings, as it pertaineth to the privilege of the See of Rome, when they be crowned, doth swear.  
And now look what ignorance is this, to think that the like was never seen in the realm, when it was never seen otherwise, amongst those princes, that were counted to be in the obedience of the Laws of Christ, and of the Church.  
But now to come to that you speak of, the Pope's law and power: Which after a seditious manner of speakeng, you call A foreign power, this stondeth under such a fashion, if God leave you so much sense to understond what I say, that the Pope's power can no more be called Foreign power, coming not of man alone, but of him that is god and man, that was secundus hom●, de coelo coelestis, then may be called a Foreign power, that the soul of man coming from heaven, hath in the body generate in earth. And so it is in the politic body of this realm, ruled with politic laws, founded by m●ns reason, that be called Temporal laws: To them coming the Pope's laws spiritual doth no other, but that the soul in the body, to give life to the same; to confirm and strengthen the same. And this is it the angel speakeng in Christ's conception, and declareng what his authority should be, signified, saying, he should sytt Super Domum Davyd, which was a temporal reign, ut confirmet illud & corroboret. And so doeth the spiritual laws, proceeding of his Spirit: As be the laws of the Church, and canon laws. Which wheresoever they be well observed, doth this effect, ever to confirm and establish the temporal laws of the realm, as no realm hath had more experience than this, ever sineth the time they received the faith, and obedience of the Pope; from whom came their doctrine of the faith. There was never notable trouble in the realm of any kind, if it dured any space, but it was ever lightly eased, and the realm established by some Legate sent from the Pope and the See of Rome, following the prescript of the Canons, and the Spiritual Law: Without the which no realm can well be governed, but all be like to the Thorn-bush: Whereof it is written In libro judicum, when the Sichimites had chosen a Tyranny over them, against the law of God, than it was prophesied unto them, what should come thereof, which was that fire should come forth of that thorn, which was their King, that should devour the people, and from the people, to burn him, as it was, and ever shall be, where mere temporal laws, without spiritual, doth rule. Which state may be compared to be like such a thorn, whereof fire doeth come forth, to the destruction, both of the governor and the people. And how the laws of the realm might be well likened to such a thorn, after that the spiritual authority was cast forth, the destruction of such a sort of men, of all degrees, both great and small, the great spoils that were taken, may give sufficient proff to all them, that hath any sense, or remembrance of things so lately done.  
And now coming again to the spiritual authority and Law, to join itself with the Temporal, this is like to the fire that Moyes saw In rubo: which gave li●ht, and did not burn, nor never doth, when it is well used. And if it be not well used, the fault is in the persons, and not in the thing; as the fault is not in the Temporal laws, when the Prince doeth abuse them; howbeit of their nature they be tanquam s●inae, as was also Moyes law, sharp to which was mitigate●; and so shall be in every when they be joined with the spiritual ought not to be called Foreign Laws More here wanting. Non in probabilibus humanae sapientiae verbis, ne evacuetur crux Christi: As it should be in this case. For if this probability were followed, the slander of the cross should be void. For this were no slander to the jews to hear Christ honoured in a figure, they being ever used to the same. Nor it would seem so much foolish to the Gentiles and infidels, after we had accepted Christ for God, to honour him in a figurative manner. But this being the counsel of Christ to utter his great mystery in form that he should have it sklander to both the jews, that seek signs, and were used to be taught by figures; and also the Gentiles, that stick upon the judgement of reason; The more probable you make it, the further you swarve from the true doctrine of Christ, and very true manner to teach it. And here may no new manner be taught. What a heinous pride is this, this doctrine passeng a thousand year, and as meinie hundred beside, as hath been syneth this Sacrament was instituted, by the midst of the jews and Gentiles, with this slander and appearance of foolishness, never being foun● fawtie in any one of the bishops and preachers of the word of God, that they confessed the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament of the altar: but all found faulty and condemned of heresy, which denied the same. And ever the doctrine of the presence prevailing and triumpheng above man's reason, or sense, may be capace of the same. Which both God will have mortified and die utterly, when this mystery and meat of li●se is spoken and taken. For as that was the beginneng of the destruction of man, when followeng the probability of reason, he would feed himself with meat prohibit unto him; So the council of God hath ordained, this to be the begynneng of the life of man, to take a sensible meat, wherein nother reason nor sense can find any probability, or make any judgement thereof.  
But because I have entreated this part more largely in another epistle, that I send unto you, wherein I show that stondeng, as you do, without repentance of the manner of your entry to the service of the church, you could never be nother good scholar of this doctrine, and much less a Master, I will now proceed no further to reason with you herein, knoweng all to be in vain, and no help nor mean to recover you, but only prayer. Which with all my hart, as I would for mine own soul, I will not fail to use for you, to him, whom you have so greatly offended, as I never red of any bishop, that ever was in the church. But the fountain of his mercy is never closed to them that will call for it; as mine own entire prayer is to the infinite mercy of God, that you may have the grace so to do: sendeng you for obtaining of that, his holy Spiri●, Qui condemnat mundum de peccato, de judicio, & de justitia: that seeing furst your sore condemnation, you may therewith be stirred, with all humility and contrite hart, to demand some comfort: Which cannot be hoped of without your former condemnation of yourself. Whereunto to bring you, it hath caused me by writing to set forth so earnestly some part of your grievous offences afore you: Wylleng you no less comfort, than I would to mine own soul.  
And the same I say, concludeng and eandeng, as I began: It may please the paternal love, that God beareth unto all sinner's, for his sake, that being his only Son, God and man, died to pay their ransom, for to forgeve you, and to deliver you ex Ore Leonis, which hath so devowred you, that if you be not plucked out as theProphet Amos saith of Israel, Quomodo si eruat Pastor duo crura, aut extremum auriculae: I say if you be not plucked out by the ear, you be utterly undone both body and soul. Which yet again, and ever, the infinite mercy of God may defeande you from. Wrytten in the coorte at St. james, the vi. of Novembre. 1555.  
Your very true coumfortore in God, you not refuseng his grace, R. Pole. Car. Leg.   

NUM. XC. Archbishop Parker to the Secretary, desiring the Counsels letters, in order to his discovering of certain Writings of Archbishop Cranmer.  
SIR, Being here, and would be loath to be idle; 
Sir W. H. MSS.  and thereupon having consideration as well of these quarters, for the common quiet among the people, as respecting the common service of the better sort toward the Q. Highness, and her affairs; I find them all in so good order, that I do rejoice therein. As for my ecclesiastical persons, I deal with them indifferently, that I find also obedience in them.  
Now, Sir, with spying and searching, I have found out by very credible enformation, among other things, in whose hands the great notable written books of my predecessor, Dr. Cranmer, should remain: the parties yet denying the same; and thereupon despair to discover them, except I may be aided by the Counsels letters, to obtain them. I pray your honour to procure their letters, to authorize me to inquire and search for such Monuments by all ways, as by mi poor discretion shall be thought good: whether it be by deferring an oath to the parties, or veweng their studies, etc. This opportunytie of enformation being such, I would wish, I could recover these books to be afterward at the Q. Commandment. I would as much rejoice, while I am in the country, to win them, as I would to restore an old Chancel to reparation. Because I am not acquainted with the stile of the Counsels letters in this case, I send you no minute: trusting that your goodness will think the lauber well bestowed, to cause the clerk of the Council to devise the form. And thus hearing of the liklywood of the plague to be in beginning in some placies hereabout; and yet mine own house, thanks be to God, in good quiet, I wish the Q. famylye to be defended by gods hand. At my house from Bekesborne this 22. of August. 
An. 1563.   
Your honours assured, Matthue Cant. To the Right honourable Sir William Cecyl, Knight, Principal Secretary to the Q. Majesty. At the Court.   

NUM. XCI. Dr. William Mowse, Master of Trinity Hal in Cambridg, his letter of thanks to Secretary Cecyl.  
Ornatissimo Equiti G●lielmo Cecillio, R●gio S●cretario.  
QUOD nullam adhuc grati animi significationem ob acceptum benesicium fecerim, 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  vereor nequid de me mali suspiceris. N●m cum ●anta ●u in me fuit benevolentia, quantam in nemine ad●uc sensi, valdè dubito, nè magnitudo tuorum in me meri orum, id quod negligentiae crimen vix effugere possit, in majoris sceleris periculum volet. Nam ut in omnibus rebus naturaliter evenire videmus. ut quaeque res sit affecta, ità plerú●que se statim ostendat▪ sic a gratis animis, beneficij accepti aliqua significatio haud mul●ò post s●bsequi debeat. Pra●sertim si hujusmodi sit, in quo singularis benevolentiae insigne argumentum extitit. Nam cujus animus in rece●●i beneficio languescit, illum d●●turnam beneficij memoriam retin●re no● est verisimi●e. Haec me valde perturbant, & eò magis, quod ab hoc vitio q●àm longissimè abesse desidero, cujus suspicione meâ culpâ non omninò careo. Ut enim aliae meae res sese habeant, optimorum virorum gratiâ multum adjutus sum: ut omittam singularem Cantuariensis munificentiam, quam in me multis annis sine ullo meo merito exercuit. Chaeci vero tam egregius animus & constans voluntas in me suit, cum id nec ullâ officiorum necessitudine, nec familiaritatis conjunctione effectum sit, an ejus virtuti & singulari humanitati id tribuere debe●m, aut deorum voluntati, & meae fortunae, non facilè dicere possum. Sed de tua benevolentia quid dicam, quâ omnes meas fortunas & amicorum studia complexus es? Nam quod illi mihi cupieban●, id tu solus, reluctantibus inimicis, confecisti. Quare sicut in beneficio conserendo princeps fuisti, ita & ego illud totum tibi praecipuè acceptum referre deberem. Et licet id proprio quoque tempore pro beneficij magnitudine significatum non sit, jucundam tamen tui ●ecordationem semper habui. Nec minus laboravi quâ potissimum ratione meipsum saltem voluntate ipsâ, gratum ostenderem. Nam liberum amoris & officij mei iter conditionis humilitas & exiguae facultates interrumpunt. Tum ipsa scholasticorum officia, quae in crebris literis consistere solent, nec isti meae aetati, nec huic studiorum rationi satis conveniunt, cum illae gratiores esse soleant, quae a pueris, atque iis eloquentibus, perveniunt. Ut nè addam tuas gravissimas occupationes, quas meis nugis perturbare plusquam scelestum ducerem. Quare quod tua integritas pro tot beneficijs a me exigebat, id sedulo praestabo, ut quibus muneribus tuá operâ praesum, in his me probè exercendo tuae de me opinioni satisfaciam. Vale, 20 februarij. Cantabrigiae.  
Tuae humanitati devinctissimus, Gulielmus Mowseus.   

NUM. XCII. Justus Ionas to Secretary Cecyl concerning the Miseries of Germany, occasioned by the Interim: and that he might receive the king's intended munificence.  
Clarissimo Viro Domino Sycilio, etc. domino meo observando ad manus proprias dentur.  
S. D. P. Quanta sit tua erga miseros, in omni genere officij, pietas, equidem ante hoc tempus non ignorabam: Sed certè, 
SirW. H.MSS.  ut quemadmodum sentio, Loquar, nunquam tantam esse putavi, quantam hodie expertus sum. Me enim miseris annumerare non vereor, siquidem varij fortunae casus graviter me afflixerint. Hoc intelligere si voles, audias quaeso pauca quaedam verba ex Parentis ad me epistola bonâ fide recitata. utinam, inquit, coram tibi, mi fili, exponere possem afflictum staetum rerum cum publicarum, tum privatarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mallem tibi tam magno spatio montium & marium a nobis dissito scribere laeta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed difficultates assiduè adhuc crescunt; & propter non receptum Librum Interim, cogar forsan iterum aliquo migrare. Potes cogitare quam difficile & mol●stum futurum sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Hactenus Pater. Hoc tam triste exordium qualis secuta sit narratio ipse cogitare poteris. Equidem haec scribens chartam lacrymis madefeci. Subibat enim longè tristissima paternarum calamitatum recordatio; quarum siqua pars in filium redundat, ut certè redundat, quis miretur, si me miserum dixero? Apud te praesertim, cui tanquam medico causam morbi reticere vix benè possum. Cum itaque illis vel asperiratibus rerum, vel injurijs temporum, eò usque dejectus sim, ut aliorum benignitate casus meos sustentare cogar; non putavi Regiae Majestatis munificentiam, quâ nescio quos meos Labores benignè potius, quam merito remunerari constituit, hoc tempore negligendam esse.  
Si fortè eam spem avidius prosequi videor, non cupiditati, sed necessitati id ascribes me●e. Festino enim ut ante hyemem in Galliam revertar, ea●úmque rerum cognitione me instruam, quarum mihi olim in Anglia usus esse posset. Hanc enim patriam non minus diligo, quam s●in ea natus essem. Cúmque de studiorum meorum fine cogito, non minus Angliam, quam Germaniam, mihi propono. Quidquid igitur Regia Majestas hoc tempore in me contulerit, id mihi loco arctissimi vinculi erit, quo me in totam reliquam vitam huic regno obligatum arbitrabor. Benè & faeliciter Valerius  
Tuae dominationis d●ditissimus, Justus Ionas Junior.   

NUM. XCIII. Miles Wilson to Secretary Cecyl, Lamenting the Spoils of the Revenues of Schools, Benefices, and Hospitals. To which are added his Arguments against this Sacrilege.  
Ornatissimo, Clarissimóque Viro, Gulielmo Cecilio, Regio Consiliario prude●tissimo, & Literarum Patrono maximo.  

Sr. W. H. MSS.  CUM in Aula nuper essem, Vir Ornatissime, & Sermones cum tua Dominatione sererem de multis varijsque rebus, partim ad Christi religionem propagandam, partim ad Remp. conservandam ac augendam, imprimis pertinentibus; tradidi (ut scis) tibi lectitandam Orationem quandam de rebus ecclesiae non diripiendis, a me superioribus hisce diebus confectam, & in publicis Academiae Scholis recitatam, in praesentem causae defensionem, quae jam tum tractabatur in publica disceptatione. Sed cum animadverterem te hominem in gravissimis Reip. negotijs semper occupatissimum, nec tum satis quietum fuisse ad meum perlegendum opus, paulo longius quam pro tantillo spacio temporis cúmque te percupidum esse intelligebam audiendi & videndi quid de tam inusitato argumento ex sacris scripturis proferri potuisset; existimabam me & te tuo paululum posse levare onere; & etiam ea tecum communicare, quorum particeps fieri vehementer cupidus mihi videbare, si ea in angustas, & concisas argumentandi formas conjicerem, quae ibi fusius, ac liberiore Orationis cursu jam tum prosequebar. Itaque ex eo tempore ratiocinia nonnulla & syllogismos contexui, qui & ad urgendum aptiores, & ad recordandum faciliores, & ad permovendum commodiores existunt, quam laxum quoddam & solutum illud Orationis genus: Ut si illa superiora, propter eorum longitudinem, & infinitas tuas occupationes legere non liceret, saltem haec brevia dialecticorum consectaria, quae sequuntur, cum vac●r, inspectares. Cujus mei laboris me fructum satis magnum per●epi●se arbitrabor, si tantum apud T. D. effecerint, ut quae Scholae percelebres sint nuper dirutae, in Academiae ruinam maximam, hae tuo labore extrui mandentur: Ut quae Sacerdotia sunt miserè despoliata per avaros patronos, ad acerbissimum ecclesiae vulnus, ea restituantur in integ●um ad incredibile Reip. decus; Ut quae Hospitia delumbata f●erint perditè, ac ex●irpata funditus, per importunitatem non ferendam cupidorum hominum, ea, quantum fieri potest, per te adjuventur apud Concilium Regium, quo ad pristinum redeant st●tum, nempe in subsid●um verè pauperum.  
Valeant enim, valeant Academiae, per exigu●e nunc certè, sed brevi futu●ae nullae, si earum nutrices, Scholae, negligantur, Seminarium & seges florentis Academiae. Ut enim mare cito exarescit non influenti us undiquaque rivulis ac s●uminibus; sic absorbebuntur statim Academiae, & in nihilum recident, si ex scholis aditus illis praecludantur, sic ut il●inc ad Academias nullus, aut quam paucissimi commeant. Doctrina omnis generis conticescet, Papismi ●egnum, & plusquam Gothicus barbarism●s omnia pervadet loca; si non eruditis m●lius, quam jam est, consulatur, si proemia eruditionis, Rectoriae, Prae bendae, & omnia auserantur. An dimicabit miles, stipendium si negetur? An tellurem proscindet aut bos▪ aut arator, si pabulum illis non satis abunde praebeatur? An trajiciet mare mercator spe questus omni s●blatâ? An terra profundet herbas, imbribus non depluta? An molendinum molare possit, si alveum interturbes, & aliorsum cursum ejus vertas? Nequaquam certè. Sic neque quisquam acrioribus studijs doctrinae operam navabit, nisi ager suus aliquo quasi rore amoeno irrigetur & proemijs ac muneribus con●ignis feriatur.  
Si exempla quaeras S●holarum eversarum, Rectoriarum delumbatarum, Hospitiorum excisorum, petas exempl● licet affatim horum nefandorum sacrilegiorum, vel a summo Angliae Cance●lario; cui, te absente, consarcinata multa obtuli; vel ab Episcopo Eboracensi, apud quem etiam ista omnia diligentissimè explorata deposui. T. D. novit oppidum, ha●d procul a nobis dissitum, nomine Childerl●y; hic una generos● Domu●, sed hic multum degener, (quae est Magistri Cuttes) exedit universum oppidum, nè unâ quidem domunculâ relictâ, exceptâ suâ Domo; hic q●ia desunt homines, quos Templum capiat, recipiuntur ●qui, quos pro hominibus Templum pro Stabulo contineat: Et qu●a triricum Domini non est quod in tectum recipiatur, i. Homines Christiani, recipitur hordeum & avena, & stramentum omnis generis. Sic oves Christi minuuntur, sic pecudes augentur, sic perit bonus pastor, & pastoris Virtus: sic Templum partim fit horreum pro frugibus condendis, partim vero stabulum pro custodiendis equis.  
Argumenta hic subjungo, quae prius pollicitus fueram. Longior sum quam vellem; sed magnitudo causarum, & zelus huc me vel invitum produxit. Quare ignoscet, spero, T. D. cui omnia prosperrima in Domino precor. 3 Februarij 1552.  
Tuae dignitatis studiosissimu●, Milo Wilsonus.  

Argumenta, quibus ostenditur; Impium esse Bona ecclesiae ab ecclesijs divelli.  
I. 

Quicquid Domino consecratum est in usum sacratissimi sui ministerij, sive homo, sive animal, sive ager fuerit, nec vendi potest, nec redimi a quoquam. 
Levit. 27.  27. Levitici.  
Bona ecclesiastica, ut aurum, argentum, aedes, praedia, Domino consecrantur in usum sacri ministerij.  
Ergo bona ecclesiastica nec vendi, nec coemi possunt. Et per consequens, nec auferri, nec mutari debent.  
Minor Liquet. Nunquam enim agrorum possessores agris suis & bonis ecclesias dotassent, suos exhaeredando, nisi ut ministris Dei abundè prospiceretur, in ministerium suum probè incumbentibus. Ac 2 do, communia facientes omnia.   II. 

Quod nostrum non est abripere, nefas est, & contra justitiam omnem, quae est virtus sua cuique tribuens.  
Bona ecclesiae, nostra non sunt: nullius sunt, quia Christi, cui dicata & donata sunt.  
Ergo iniquum est bona ecclesiae diripere quovis modo.  

Levit. 27.  Probatur Minor tum lege divinâ, tum Imperatoriâ. Quicquid enim fuerit consecratum sanctum sanctorum erit Domino. Domino dicabitur, & non redimetur. Et jure civili, Quae domini juris sunt, ea in nullius bonis computanda sunt.   III. 

Quod cum lege naturae pugnat, Legitimum non est.  
Divellere terras Sacerdotum cum lege naturae pugnat.  
Ergo eas divellere Legitimum non est. Minoris probatio.  

Gen. 47.  Pharaoh, sub lege naturali vivens, non patiebatur terras & possessiones suis adimi sacerdotibus, aut allevari pretio ullo: Sentiens, secundùm naturam, id maximè esse, ut indè viverent undè laborarent. Praetereà, ex horreis publicis gratuitò aluit sacerdotes, cum suae res parum sufficerent sibi. Et cum omnem terram Aegypti quintas pendere coegit joseph, unicas Sacerdotum terras exemit, quas liberandas censuit omni dura conditione.   IV. 

Nemo civis bonus est, qui ex communibus privata facit, qui non magis communitati studet, quam proprijs adaugendis commodis.  
Qui opes ecclesiasticas, & praedia sacra distrahunt, ex communibus privata faciunt, sua commoda quaerunt, publicum negligunt bonum.  
Ergo qui ecclesiae bona abstrahunt civium bonorum numero ponendi non sunt, sed civitatis eversores, & Reip. putandi sunt.   V. 

In omni bene administrata Rep. semper summa cura fuit religionis conservandae, & bonarum artium.  
Direptio bonorum ecclesiae, & religionem quatefacit, imo demolitur, & artes bonas vigere impedit.  
Ergo direptio opum ecclesiasticarum in benè temperata Rep. consistere nequit.  
Minor ostenditur. Quod nullus in vinea Domini opus faciet, portans pondus & aestum diei, nec in praemijs hujuscemodi aetatem suam conteret, nisi praemio ad laborem aliquo concitetur: Nullus artes consectabitur ingenuas, sublatis illis praesidijs unde sustentarentur: Honos enim alit artes. Nec triturabit bos, si obligetur os; nec pastor pascet oves, si de lacte non bibat; nec militabit miles, si stipendium subtraxeris; nec in vinea faciet opus, qui de denario non conducitur.   VI 

Si conferatur nostra Resp. cum judaeorum, quae per Dominum nostrum instituta est, minus reperietur nostris ministris dari, quam V. Testamenti Levitis fuerat deputatum. Nam Numerorum 3. Levitarum Viginti duo millia tantum recensentur, qui Tabernaculo Domini tum temporis inserviebant. Et hic exiguus numerus universas per omnem judaeam decimas, primitias, oblationes recepit in viaticum & victum suum, cum 48 urbibus, atque suis suburbanis Locis ad tria circumcirca milliaria.  
At nostrorum ministrorum numerus quadruplo major est, ut apparet ex parochiarum limitatione & numero. 
† Quid per hanc notam, Quaere.  So enim cum duobus Templa vulgariter connumerantur hic in A●glia, & duo ad minimum in singulis sacerdotes sunt, omnibus simul collatis.  
Ergo cum solum decimas recipiant sacerdotes Anglicani, idque imminutas, & delumbatas valdè, non detractio, sed additio potius facienda esset, si par ratio utrobique retineretur.   VII. 

Nulla pauperum bona eripienda sunt. Pauperibus enim Paulus ubique Collectiones facit.  
Bona ecclesiae sunt bona Pauperum.  
Ergo bona ecclesiae eripienda non sunt.   VIII. 

Si diripere aliquid privato sit impium, si commune civitatis aerarium expilare sit nefarium, unde robur & praesidium urbis pendeat; quanto magis scelestum & iniquum erit Capitis nostri Christi bona divellere, & ministris ecclesiae opes despoliare, quae sunt nervi religionis, & spiritualis regni Chr●sti.  
At privato detrahere, impium est, & gazas urbis exinanire sceleratum, mortéque plectendum in omni ben● temperata Republica.  
Ergo scelere carere non potest, publica ecclesiae & Christi Capitis bona ad istum modum miserè dilacerare.   IX. 

Qui vendentes in templo & ementes ejecit, ipsum Templum, & omnia in Templo ad vendendum proponentes, impunitos, opinor, nunquam permitter.  
At cum flagello in Templo vendentes & ementes ejecit Christus, magno percitus furore.  
Ergo non connivebit ad eos, qui omnia diruunt, & ex domo Orationis speluncam Latronum faciunt.   X. 

Quaecúnque ad Sabbatum rite sanctificandum & celebrandum spectant, conservanda & retinenda sunt. Est enim pars Decalogi Sabbati Sanctificatio.  
Bona ecclesiae ad Sabbatum rite sanctificandum pertinent.  
Ergo bona ecclesiae integra conservanda sunt. Minor sic probatur.  
Sabbatum rite celebratur Evangelij praedicatione, Sacramentorum administratione, Precum profusione, & pro pauperibus diligenti provisione.  
Sed ecclesiastica bona & verbi praedicationem fovent, & sacramentorum administrationem alunt, & pauperes in ecclesia sublevant: dum eos sustentent ministros, qui & haec peragunt officia, & indigentibus necessaria subministrent.  
Ergo bona ecclesiae pernecessaria sunt ad festum rite sanctificandum.   XI. 

Unicuíque ad perfectionem contendendum est. Estote enim perfecti, sicut pater Vester coelestis perfectus est.  
At Christianae perfectionis est vendere quae habemus omnia, & pauperibus dispertire. Nam, si vis perfectus esse, Vade & vende omnia, quae habes, & pauperibus dato.  
Ergo de Christo & ecclesia nihil detrahendum, sed pauperibus potius indies adjiciendum erit.   XII. 

Bonum quò communius, eò melius. Quò multiplicatius eò laudatius.  
Sed pastores ecclesiae & Episcopi, bonum est.  
Ergo augendus eorum numerus, non minuendus existit. Ergo, quò plures Episcopi eo rectius est; & per consequens plures constituendi, potius quam deponendi, & abjiciendi, qui nunc constituti sunt.  
Major Liquet, Minor sole clarior est. Nam siquis episcopatum appetit, bonum opus desiderat. Certè episcopus esse non potest non esse bonum.   XIII. 

Balthasar graviter punctus est ob vasorum Deo consecratorum direptionem & profanum eorum usum. 
Dan. 5.   
Achan insigniter plectebatur ob sacrilegam distractionem.  

Josue 7. 2 Macch. 5.  Antiochus horribili mortis genere perit, ob impiam sacrorum diripiendi voluntatem, & conatum.  
Lysimachus Lapidibus obruitur propter consimile facinus.  

3 Macch. 9 3 Macch. 4.  Heliodorus gravissimis vulneribus conficitur a Deo, quod sacra templi vasa abducere conaretur. Et sic de universo numero Sacrilegorum dici potest.  
Ergo omnes, qui Sacrata Deo divellunt, gravissimas paenas expectent oportet.   XIV. 

Sic Divus Paulus ratiocinatur. Sub spe debet is, qui arat, arare; & qui triturat sub spe, 
1 Cor. 9  spei suae particeps esse debebit.  
Ergo qui in agro Evangelico arat, & qui in area Domini sedulò triturat, sub spe percipiendorum fructuum, & arare & triturare debent.  
At quae relinquitur spes, cum aufertur res?   XV. 

Quin on seminant spiritualia, carnalia ne metant.  
Laici Spiritualia non seminant. Quippe quia nec verbum annunciant, nec Sacramenta administrant.  
Ergo Laici non debent metere carnalia. Iniquum est, ut indè quis vivar, undè non Laboret. Et Panlus dicit, Qui non laborat, non manducet.   XVI. 

Dignus est operarius mercede suâ. Ergo qui non operatur, dignus non est. Et per consequens, 
Mat. 10.  neganda esset merces non omninò operanti. Sic pellantur omnes inutiles ●uci, sive Laici sive Clerici extiterint, qui alienis insidiantur Laboribus; quique mel exugunt omne, parùm aut nihil mellis relinquentes hijs, qui verè apes sunt, valdéqué laboriosae.   XVII. 

Dominus ordinavit, ut qui Evangelium annuntiant, ex Evangelio vivant.  
Ergo è contrario, de Evangelio nè victitent, qui Evangelium aut nolunt, aut non possunt denu●tiare.   XVIII. 

Paulus inter Ecclesiasticos ita se gerebat, ut gratis panem a neminè acciperet: sed cum labore & sudore nocte diéque faciebat opus, nè cuiquam eorum oneri foret. Praecepit item illis, Vt siquis nollet operari, is nec ederet.  
Ergo quâ conscientiâ de ecclesiasticis bonis vivere illi possunt, de Prebendarum fructibus, de Rectorijs, de hospitijs, de Episcoporum patrimonijs, & reliquis ecclesiae proventibus, qui nullo ministerio ecclesiastico inserviunt, nec praedicando evangelium, nec sacramenta exhibendo, nec ecclesiasticam disciplinam, ut par est, exercendo?   XIX, 

Qui praesunt Presbyteri, duplici honore digni sunt; maximè qui Laborant in verbo & doctrina. Qui duplex honos duplicatum designat subsidium; & ut putavit Theophilactus, abundans, praeter stipendium commune  
Ergo tribuatur hic duplex honos sedulis ministris; nec ita minuantur quotidie victus eorum, ut sibi & suis parùm sufficiant in propria vocatione, & munijs obeundis.   XX. 

Quae sunt militibus stipendia, ea sunt bona ecclesiae & earum ministris.  
Sed militibus stipendia detrahere iniquum est. Ergo iniquum bona ecclesiae.   XXI. 

Vinitori fructum & vinum, Opilioni lac, Agricolae fruges, eripere non licet. Sed quod Vinitori vinum, Opilioni Lac, Agricolae fruges, id ecclesijs opes suae.  
Eas ergo subducere, & hijs vitae adjumentis fraudare Verbi ministros, nullam profectò habet aequitatem.   XXII. 

Ministris ecclesiae omnia ad vivendum necessaria suppeditanda sunt.  
Necessaria autem definio, quae sibi, uxori, liberis, 
Deut. 25. 1 Cor. 7. 1 Tim. 3.  familiae satis sunt; quaeque hospitalitati servandae & exhibendae sufficiunt peregrinis, egentibus, mancis, claudis, coecis, decrepitis, orphanis & viduis.  
Ergo bona ecclesijs aliquando deputata, adimenda non sunt: ne fortè his singulis satis relinquatur, & ita necessarijs vitae praesidijs despolientur hi, quos Spiritus Sanctus praecepit, ut de ecclesia viverent.   XXIII. 

Qui ecclesiae bona spoliant, hij ministros verbi & Dei spoliant.  
Qui ministros Dei spoliant, hij Christum ipsum despoliant. Nam quod uni horum feceritis, & mihi feceritis.  
Ergo ecclesiae bona diripere est Christum ipsum, & ejus ministros victu suo defraudare; & Christi tunicam ac patrimonium in partes dissecare. Quod quam horribile sit sacrilegij genus, omnes pij norunt.   XXIV. 

Irritum esse non debet, quod testator piè, & secundùm scripturas testamento suo condidit. 
Gal. 4.  At multi pij morientes testamentis legaverunt sua bona ecclesijs, in ea rum necessarios usus.  
Ergo impium est, hoc spernere testamentum, vel frustrari quovis modo, sic ut surripiatur avarè, quod munificè, quod sanctè praebitum fuerat.   XXV. 

In nascenti ecclesia Christi, Apostolorum in temporibus, pij terras & possessiones & omnia vendiderant, 
Acts 2.  ut pauperibus, & publicantibus evangelium abundè prospiceretur.  
Ergo jamdiu donata, & ad longum tempus confirmata ecclesijs, in hos ipsos usus, nec vi nec dolo rapienda sunt; ut conferantur in eos, qui nec paupertate ulla premuntur, nec ullo ministerio sacro ecclesijs deserviunt.   XXVI. 

Quod vel promittitur, vel destinatur in usum ecclesiae, subtrahendum non est, 
Act. 5.  nec callidè submovendum. Id quod probatur ex Anania & Sapphira. Duo horrenda exempla.  
At bona ecclesiarum destinantur in maximè necessarios usus, in sustentationem pauperum, & in subsidium Ministrorum.  
Ergo, non astu, non vi avellenda sunt dicta ecclesiae bona: nè fortè id avellentibus accidat, quod Ananiae & Sapphirae supra eveniebat.   XXVII. 

Qui templum jerosolymitanum spoliebant, poenas Sacrilegij gravissimas luebant: 
2 Macc. 1.3, 9  Certè qui Christianorum templa diruunt, ac despoliant, & ex illis, ut scopis, omnia everrunt, impunè nunquam, opinor, ferent.   XXVIII. 

Est in hijs abusus. Reformentur ergo. Alunt Superstitionem. Nutrian tergo exin veram & sinceram Christi religionem. Indignis tribuuntur ecclesiae praedia. Ergo dignioribus concedantur. Fuci pellantur, telluris inutile pondus.   XXIX. 

Homicidae putantur, qui violentas manus injiciunt in alienum corpus, & illi vitam corporis eripiunt.  
Ergo erunt multò magis, qui pabulo coelestis doctrinae animas piorum orbant, atque destituunt, sic ut aeternum pereant. Quod Laici faciunt, qui victus ministrorum sibi rapiunt, qui soli illos rore coelestis verbi pascerent. Et ità impediunt, ne possint hoc facere.   XXX. 

Sacerdotes Iudaeorum impij, qui in nece domini consenserant, pretium Sanguinis recipere nolebant, in eos per judam rejectum; Sed eo mercandum decernunt agrum in sepulturam peregrinorum.  
Ergo Nostri Scribis & Pharisaeis deteriores sunt, qui patrimonium Crucifixi, i. Christi tunicam, etiam non oblatam, sibi auferunt, & quoque jure quaque injuriâ sibi attrahant.  
Nullum Sacrilegum impunitum sinet Deus.   XXXI. 

Bona ecclesijs divellere Sacrilegum est.  
Ergo haec ecclesiae bona diripere, ultionem Dei gravem commeretur.  
Minoris probatio. Omnis ablatio Sacri de Sacro Sacrilegum est. A definitione.  
Diripere bona ecclesiae est rem Sacram de Sacro auferre.  
Ergo bona ecclesiae divellere Sacrilegum est.      

NUM XCIV. Peter Martyr to procure a licence from the Court for one of his Auditors, who desired to preach.  
Verè fidelissimo Christi Ministro Domino Jacobo Haddono, has tradas, Londini.  
S. D. In Collegio Magdalenae, Haddone in Christo charissime, 
SirW. H.MSS.  cui frater tuus praesidet, est pius & probus Vir, qui Hugo Kirke appellatur, Magister artium, inter suos bonae famae, atque studio Evangelij Christi (quantum judicare licet) vehementer incensus. Proindè incitatur (ut mihi persuadeo) spiritu Dei, ad praedicandum; quo sanam doctrinam, cujus est Sectator non ignavus, ovibus ecclesiae communicet; quae in nostris his regionibus, rarò, & paucis in locis, quemadmodum oporteret, pascuntur. De universo autem isto negotio, puto illum egisse tecum, quantum ex ejus verbis colligo. Cum itaque me rogaverit, ut ad te scriberem, id libenti animo facio. Et ei, quod possum, fero testimonium; quoad mores benè audit, sacrarum litterarum est admodum studiosus, mihi docenti semper adest, & sacram profitetur doctrinam. Quae de eo bonâ fide possum dicere, haec habeo. De quo etiam potes, si visum fuerit, fratrem interrogare, qui jam hinc discessit, & ad negotia sui Collegij procuranda est profectus. Quod mihi (ut verum fatear) parùm est gratum. Nam illius conversatione piâ, jucundâ & eruditâ, plurimùm delector. Sperabam fore, ut te hic quandoque, vel saltem ad aliquot dies, haberemus: at nunc quod sperandum sit non video. Equidem licet adversa valetudine aliquandiu laboraverim, nunc tamen dei gratiâ sum restitutus. Piam vero, & mihi nunc maximè necessariam conjugem (ut audivisse te non dubito,) ad Dominum praemisi. Quod ideo scribo, ut deum roges, quod mihi nunc, dum vivo solus, ac tali adjutorio destitutus, suum conduplicet auxilium. Vale & Christo faelix vivito. 18 Aprilis. Oxonij. 
An. 1553.   
Tuus in Domino, P. Martyr.   

NUM. XCV. That one who officiated in Dr. Weston's place, might receive the Stipend detained from him.  
Clarissimo Viro Domino Guglielmo Sicello, Majestatis Regiae Secretario, ac Equiti Honestissimo. In Aula.  

sr. W.H. MSS.  S. D. Quoniam, Vir Clarissime, cum tuam pietatem, tum eruditionem habeo compertissimam, ideo ad te de hoc pio & erudito Christi Ministro, quo familiarissimè utor, scribendum esse censui. Ita sanè res ejus habet: Sacras litteras a duobus propemodum annis, Oxonij, pomeridiano tempore publicè profitetur, eo plane loco, quo Doctor Westonus olim docere, magno religionis dispendio, con●ueverat. Cúmque is religiosè atque accuratè commisso sibi fungatur munere, stipendium, quod sibi pro universo tempore, quo laboravit in vinea domini debetur, nunquam adipisci potuit: Siquidem id Westonus conatur sibi vendicare. Quod ut sit justum vel aequum, tu quaeso apud quem justitia & aequitas plurimùm valent, apud temetipsum expendito. Ille hic non est, officio suo non fungitur; neque si adesset, & doceret, posset auditoribus nisi quam pessimè consulere, cum religioni puriori tantoperè adversetur. Iste vero loco ejus est legitimè surrogatus, adest, susceptum munus obit sedulò; atque cum meus discipulus & adhuc sit, & fuerit, veraeque religionis studiossimus, quoad piam doctrinam mecum omninò consentit. Haec, scio, si apud te cogitaveris, facilè adducent, ut quem tibi commendo, & favore & auxilio non indignum putes. Cui existimationi justissimae, ipse meas addo preces, quibus etiam atque etiam rogo, ut in ejus negotio ipsum juves. Quod si feceris, non modo erit acceptum Deo, sed ecclesiae quoque non parùm conducet. Etenim illi vehementer expedit, ut & laborantibus in verbo evangelij stipendia non negentur; & juvenes aliqui tandem excitentur, qui loco Seniorum juventutem sanâ doctrinâ imbuant.  
De meis autem rebus non scribam multis, cum te audivisse non dubitem, piam dulcissimámque conjugem in Domino quievisse, quae sanctissimè atque incredibili pietate migrando ad Dominum, ut me in luctu reliquit, quem doctrinâ coelesti & mitigo, & indies magis leniam, ità oppressum gravissimo corporis morbo deseruit. Quare tum corpus, tum animus codem tempore vexatus est acerbissimè: cúmque adhuc non convaluerim, sed tamen aliquanto melius habeam; non tamen quantum satis esse possit ad meum obeundum munus, te rogo, Vir Optime, ut precibus tuis coneris impetrare mihi a Deo, vel absolutionem ab hujus vitae molestijs, vel saltem Vitam, quâ scholae & ecclesiae prodesse valeam; quandoquidem ità vivere, ut sim utilis nemini, propemodum intolerabile judico. Idémque oro, ut tua lectissima conjux, quam plurimùm abs te salutari mihi cupio, suis castissimis votis a Christo mihi concedi postulet. Vale atque deo vivas faelix, méque in Christo, ut facis, ama. Oxonijs, Martij 7. 1552.  
Tuus ex animo quantus est, Pet. Martyr.   

NUM. XCVI. John Sleidan to Cecyl. Advises of the state of affairs in Germany.  
Magnifico Viro, Domino Caecilio, Equiti, & Serenissimi Regis Angliae Secretario.  
QUAS Aprili mense tibi scripsi, Vir ornatissime, 
Sir W. H. MSS.  〈◊〉 te pridem accepisse puto. Vellem quidem ex tuis hoc ipsum certo cognoscere. Fuit hic nobiscum superioribus diebus Serenissimi vestri Regis orator, D. Picorinus, expatiatus huc è vicinis castris cum Veneto & Ferrar, legatis. Galliae Rex, post occupatam Lotharingiam & Metim urbem venit Zaberniam, quod est quatuor hinc milliaribus, Episcopi ditionis oppidum. Ibi habito delectu, petivit Haganoam, illinc Weissenburgum; quo in oppido litteris acceptis a Mauritio, castra movit ad xiii diem hujus mensis, & partitis copijs retrocessit. Ejus rei quae sit causa nondum constat. Electores etiam principes quatuor, ij qui Rhenum accolunt, Wormaciâ suos ad ipsum miserunt legatos, deprecandi opinor causa. Basilienses quoque nuper ipsum adierunt Zaberniae, & pro finitimis locis intercesserunt. Nunc autem omnes Helvetiorum pagi, communi missa legatione, idem faciunt. Nam haec nostra regio frumentum eis abundè subministrat quotannis; eáque co●moditate nolunt se spoliari: & hoc ipso die, opinor, eos compellare Regem: Nam ante biduum hâc transierunt. A nostra civitate Rex alimoniam flagitavit; bis fuimus ea de re in castris, primùm apud Sarburgum, dein Zaburniae. Pabulatores multum sanè incommodarunt agricolis, qui propè omnes tamen in urbem confugerant. Cujusmodi sint urbis nostrae muni●iones, audisse vos non dubito. Veruntamen hoc ipso tempore novum opus instituimus, utilissimum Reip. futurum. Vlmam frustra obsederunt principes, ac miserè vastatis circùm agris, alia quoque loca tentarunt. Mauritius fuit cum rege Ferdinando. Redijt quidem ad castra Sociorum; sed ad xxvi diem hujus mensis erit rursus cum Ferdinando. Nam is intercedit, & ad Caesarem profectus esse dicitur, Aenipontem, ut certi aliquid statui posset. Quod si fiat, magna pars consiliorum regis mutabitur & intercidet. Caesar comparat exercitum, & erit bellum haud dubiè valdè atrox. Concilij nulla jam fit mentio, & silent inter arma leges. Pacem Iulius ter●ius fecit cum Gallo, & Mirandulae solvit obsidionem, & arctius quoque soedus cum eo fecisse dicitur. Per Neapolim quoque gravis est proregi simultas cum Salernitano, qui & Venetias confugit. Ferdinandum aiunt ratas habere, quas cum Mauritio tractavit pacis conditiones; ideoque profectum àd sratrem, ut & ipsi persuadeat. Conditiones autem illae cujusmodi sint, nondum planè constat. Hoc solum fertur, eas ad Germaniam tum dignitatem, tum libertatem pristinam omninò spectare. Deus benè fortunet. Albertus Marchio bellum facit Norenburgensibus. De rebus Turcicis nihil habemus comperti. Gallus in Lotharingiam redit, ut exercitum Belgicum retundat.  
Haec sunt, de quibus ad vestram Magnif. in hoc tempore scribendum duxi, tum meo, tum Soceri nomine, Quaeso, ut tandem de meo negotio aliquid cognoscam; quod ut commendatum habeas, & Rever. Domino Primati commendes, plurimum oro. Vale, Argent. 18 Maij, 1552.  
Tuae Magn. deditissimus, Jo. Sleid.  
Sal. Literas hucusque distuli, expectans occasionem mittendi. Rex benignè respondet Helveticis legatis, & Lucemburgum dicitur petere. Expectamus quae sit futura actio ad 26 hujus mensis. Gallus respondet Electorum principum legatis, perfecisse jam se quod voluit: nempe captivos principes liberatum iri, & se, qui jam satis gloriae consecutus sit, redire domum. Ita respondet xiii hujus, quo die castra movit. Iterum vale. Dat. 24 Maij, 1552.   

NUM. XCVII. More advices from Germany. Desires a Patent for his stipend granted him by K. Edward VI.  
Domino Gulielmo Caecilio, Regio Secretario, etc.  

Sr. W. H. MSS.  SAL. Literae meae diutius hic haeserunt, quam putaram. Ecce, dum omnes erecti sumus, & avidè expectamus vicesimum sextum diem Maij, quo die alter erat futurus conventus Ferdinandi & Mauritij, nuncius adfertur, Mauritium profligâsse quasdam copias Caesaris. Id autem accidit in Alpibus. Est oppidum iis locis, Rutam vocant; ibi futurus erat delectus militum, qui pro Caesare cogebantur. Mauritius autem antevertit, & novem signa profligavit: deinde celeriter progressus, aditum quendam in angustijs Alpium, & arcem ibi positam, Erenburgum cepit. ●uit hoc decimâ nona die Maij. Caesar eo accepto nuncio statim Aeniponte discessit; quod oppidum ab arce illa distat iter bidui. Erat cum eo Ferdinandus, qui transactionis futurae causâ illuc venerat, ut alteris literis significavi. Simul ergo discesserunt, ingressi iter Tridentum versus: nam in Italiam Caesar cogitabat. Sed aiunt eum monitu fratris Ferdinandi, mutato consilio profectum esse in Austriam. An Mauritius eum insequatur, nondum planè constat. Est infra Aenipontem alter aditus, positus in augustijs, Kopfsteinum vocant. Hunc quoque si teneat ille, vix ullum ex Italia militem sit habiturus Caesar. Hic nunc est rerum status: caetera brevi cognoscemus. Tunc ad te, plura. Sed, oro, cognoscam ex tuis literis, num meas accipias; & de meo stipendio fac aliquid boni cognoscam. Vale. dat. xxx Maij, 1552.  
Io. Sleid.  
Reverendissimo D. Cantuariensi cup●o imprimis commendari. Facito, quaeso, ut Diploma mihi conficiatur ejus, quod Sereniss. Rex mihi constituit, stipendij, & ut solvatur quod jam praeterijt. Per Richardum Hils mercatorem vestratem rectè curabitis. D. Checum, oro, plurimum ex me salutes.  
Haec ubi scripsi, literae mihi adferuntur a Socero. Commendat se vobis omnibus plurimum. Jubet ut ego vobis subindè scribam, eò quod ipsi non sit integrum ex iis locis. Est autem in finibus Lotharingiae. Exercitus Gallicus tripartitus, Walderfingi, oppidi Lotharingiae, ad Saram flumen, conuênit omnis 23 die Maij; & quatriduo post ingressus iter petijt rectâ Lucemburgicam regionem, trajecto flumine Mosellâ. Quâcunque eunt iis locis, omnia devastantur incendijs & direptionibus. Is fuit ibi rerum status 28 die Maij, quo die Socer mihi scripsit.   

NUM. XCVIII. Intelligences concerning the motions of the Emperor, and the state of the Protestant Princes.  
Magnifico Viro, D. Gulielmo Caecilio, Sereniss. Angliae Regis Secretario.  
SAL. Motum hujus anni perscripsi, Magnifice Domine, 
SirW. H. MSS.  ad initium usque Septemb. & Serenissimum Regem paucos intra dies accepturum spero. Fortasse priusquam hae tibi reddantur, acceperit. Postremum est, de capto rursum Lantgravio: sed is denuo dimissus, jam est domi. Calendis Septembris Caesar Augusta discedens, joannem Fridericum, Saxoniae Ducem, amplissimis verbis & amanter admodum dimisit, prolixè de sua benevolentia illi pollicitus; & religionem ei suam permisit. Ille postridie domum redijt. Mauritius in Hungariam iturus ex pacto, copias suas Doneverdâ misit Ratisbonam, xxii. die Augusti; ipse domum recurrit, paulo post rediturus ad exercitum. An redierit, adhuc quidem ignoratur. Albertus Marchio Brandeburg. 28 Augusti Trevirim urbem ad M●s●llam flumen occupavit. Mansit ibi dies octo; post, Lotharingiam petivit, relictis Treviri praesidio xii signis: & xiii die Septembr. prope Sircum oppidum trajecit Mosellam, & in Lucemburgicum agrum invasit. Caesar Augustae treis quidem concionatores abrogavit, ob singularia quaedam dogmata, sicut fertur: sed reliquis tamen permisit, ut secundum Augusta●ae Confessionis, quondam exhibitae, formulam doceant, & Sacramentis utantur xv die Septembr. Caesar cum exercitu venit in nostros fines, & in vico quodam, milliare unum ab urbe, permansit in quintum diem: tunc demum impedimentis omnibus Rheno transmissis, in quo magna fuit difficultas, plurimúmque laboris & exercitu jusso progredi praeter urbem, ipse cum paucis quibusdam heri ingressus est, & sumpto prandio discessit. Sunt in ejus exercitu praeter G●rmanos, Itali, Hispani▪ Bohemi, qui sanè plurimum damni dederunt miseris agricolis. Caesar omnino putatur iturus Metim, ut recuperet; Galli strenu● illam muniunt, & alimoniam omnem totius agri convehunt eò. His rebus omnibus pracest Guisius.  
Fuit hic nobiscum D. Morissinus, & Aschamus. Oratores omnes Caesar jussit ire Spiram. De Hungaria nihil habemus. Haec sunt, Magnifice D. quae tibi scribenda putavi: Quanquam fortassis aliunde habeo. Quod reliquum est, ut per eum, quem Socer meus ad vos mittit, de mea conditione certi quid cognoscam, & ut causam ipse promoveas meam, plurimum oro. Videlicet ut Diploma conficiatur, mittatur, & anni jam exacti, vel sesquianni potius, solvatur pensio. Quicquid unquam in tui gratia potero, faciam. Jamdiu Saxum hoc volvo. Vale. Argent. xx. Septemb. 1552.  
Io. Sleidanus. joannes Marchio Brandeburgicus adducit Caesari ad duo millia equitum, religioni est addictissimus. Nec aliter etiam militat, quam ut hoc ei sit liberum.   

NUM. XCIX. Advises of the State of the Empire.  
Magnifico & spectabili viro D. Gulielmo Caecilio, Equiti, Sereniss. Regis Angliae Secretario, Domino suo multùm colendo.  

Sir W. H. MSS.  SAL. xx die Septemb. ad te scripsi, Vir ornatissime. Quod Albertus egerit apud Treviros, jampridem audistis. Octobris die xxii reconciliatus est Caesari per Ducem Albanum. Impunè fecerit omnia, & militabit Caesari, quocúnque loco jusserit. Pacta, cum Bambergico & W●rcibergensi Episcopo sacta, erunt rata. Caesar in gratiam recipit Aetingenses Comites, & Mansfeldios, patrem atque filium. Novembris die quart● cepit Aumalium Albertus, Guisij fratrem, caeso illius atque fugato equitatu. Curatum ipsum ex vulnere nuper misit in suam quandam arcem, ad Bohemiae fines. Caesar in castra venit xx Novemb. Interea muri pars magna dejecta, sed oppositum est Vallum, & praesidiarij crebras faciunt eruptiones. Caesarem aiunt nolle obsidionem solvere, neque discedere priusquam urbem receperit. Guisius fuit hactenus in urbe cum N●morensi principe, cum Roschsurio, & Petro Stroza; num adhuc sint, ignoramus. Nar● superioribus diebus eruptione factâ in Alberti castra, qui tum fortè quosdam ad prandium invitaverat, xviii equites dicuntur ex urbe evasisse in Galliam. Tormentorum & oppugnationis fragor non solùm hic exauditur, quod trid●i viâ distat, verum quatuor etiam trans Rhenum milliaribus & eò ampliùs. Cuniculis opinor jam tentari urbem. Mauritius ex Hungaria domum redijt▪ dimissis copijs; Turcae domum & ipsi reverterunt: si non impetrentur induciae, magnus indè motus expectatur. Castaldus dicitur bonam operam iis locis navare Ferdinando Regi. Nostrates Episcopi sollicitant nova foedera, quandoquidem vident, & experiuntur, quid sit periculi. E Saxonia mittuntur aliquot verbi doctores Augustam. Mansfeldicus bellum fecerat Henrico Brunsvicensi: num sit composita res, ignoramus. Is nunc est rerum status, nec aliud habeo quod scribam.  
A vobis nihil responderi mihi miror, neque scio quid expectare debeam. Oro te, Magnifice Domine, age causam cum Reverendissimo Cantuariensi. Equidem totus pergo in opere illo, & diligenter omnia conquiro. Dedi vobis occasiones & ansas, quibus apprehensis negotium nostrum conficeretis apud Sereniss. Regem. Haec autem mora valde me coquit. Utinam aliquid saltem rescriberetis. Vale. xvii Decembr. M. D. LII. Argent.  
Magnificentiae tuae deditiss. Jo. Sleid. Commendes me velim D. Rever. Cant. & D. Checo.  
Cuperem habere Seriem actionis, quae Regi Henrico fuit cum Clemente Septimo, priusquam ab eo se suumque regnum in libertatem asseruit. Nam & haec erunt inserenda suo loco.   

NUM. C. Concerning his Commentaries, which he had sent to K. Edward. Desires Sr. William Cecyl to send him an exact information of the business between K. Henry and Pope Clement. His resolution of continuing his Commentaries, and of writing the History of the Council of Trent.  
Magnificis & spectatissimis Viris, D. D. Joanni Chaeco, & Gulielmo Caecilio, Dominis suis plurimum observandis.  
SAL. Autumno superiori misi Sereniss. Regi belli Germanici Commentarios, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  ad illud usque tempus conscriptos; & perjucundum mihi fuit, ex tuis literis, D. Caecili, cognoscere, non ei displicere genus hoc scribendi: vobis etiam illud probari, gaudeo, Viris doctissimis, & acri judicio praeditis. Itaque rectè me facturum putavi, si Concilij Tridentini totam actionem, cujus etiam ego pars aliqua fui, regis causâ potissimùm conscriberem; ut cujusmodi sit Conciliorum forma perspiciat; deinde, ut de reliqua historia restauratae religionis, quam conscribo, judicium faciat. Nam inde ab anno salutis M.D.XVII. quo quidem anno fecit doctrinae suae Lutherus initium, rem omnem ordine deduxi ad annum usque M.D.XXXVI. & quod superest, eodem filo contexam, Dei beneficio. Sum autem in eo jam totus, & huic me rei soli trado, neque desistam, adjuvante Deo, priusquam perfecero. Quale sit au●em futurum opus, & quam utile non huic aetati modò, sed etiam toti posteritati, malo vos judicare, vestríque similes, quam me prolixius de eo loqui.  
Mense Decembri petebam abs te, D. Caecili, per literas, ut actionem omnem, quae fuit Henrico Regi piae memoriae cum Clement VII. quando se suùmque regnum in libertatem asseruit, mihi curares. Habeo quidem ejus rei quaedam, sed non tam exactè, neque certò, quam velim. Cupio en●m propriè & quam verissimè omnia describere. Quod quidem in iis Commentarijs, quos jam mitto, quique sunt futuri pars operis, animadvertere vos posse puto. Magni ergo benesicij loco mihi erit, si in eo mihi gratificaberis. Est enim locus illustris atque memorabilis, & omnino dignus de quo posteri cognoscant. Siquid praeterea sit apud vos hujus generis, unà velim transmitti. Quod superest, notum est vobis, Magnifici & Clarissimi Viri, tibi cumprimis, D. Chaece, quemadmodum Sereniss. Rex, ante biennium, nempe anno M. D. LI. sub finem Martij, stipendium mihi constituit annuum absenti, Coron. aureos ducentos; uti Reverendissimus D. Cantuariensis, tunc temporis abituro Socero meo, domúmque redituro, Doctori Brunoni, nomine regis confirmavit. Et quoniam ejus pecuniae nihil adhuc accepi, plurimùm vos oro, quod antehac quoque seci non semel, de●is operam, ut tandem solvatur. Possem equidem alia facere negotia magno meo cum emolumento, sicut alij plaerique, sed ad hunc laborem divinitus me vocatum esse judico, nec animo possum esse quieto, donec ad hoc usque tempus perduxero. Quo magis etiam spero, Vos, qui pro vestra humanitate atque prudentia rectè omnia intelligitis, in ●oc esse elaboraturos, ut de biennio jam exacto, mihi nunc satisfi●t, & in posterum caveatur, quò videlicet tanto commodius atque liberius huic rei vacare possim. Quanti enim hic labor mihi constet, vobis aestimandum relinquo. Pertinet autem ad reges, ut ejusmodi labores, qui sunt & literis ornamento & religioni, & utiles Reipfoveant. Siquid est omnium rerum, in quo vicissim ego vobis inservire queam, & gratificari, paratum me semper habebitis.  
Veruntamen, ut hoc meum scriptum de Concilio, diligenter asservetur in bibliotheca regis, nec in aliorum manus perveniat, nec ulli detur ejus exemplum, vehementer vos oro. Nam mea plurimum refert, ne spargatur: & est solùm, ut ante quoque dixi, particula quaedam operis futuri.  
De statu rerum nostratium, scire vos arbitror. Galli, sub finem Januarij, libros de religione scriptos a nostris hominibus, ubi per monachos conquisivissent in aedibus, publicè per Carnificem exusserunt Meti. Postridie discessit Guisius, inque Galliam redijt. Luneburgi fuit multorum principum atque civitatum Saxoniae Conventus. Nuper etiam Palatinus Elector, Bavarus, Clivensis, atque Wirtembergicus convenerunt Wimpffae. Brevi cognoscemus quid sit. Princeps Vrbinas dicitur esse factus minister julij tertij. Transylvani pacem feceruut cum Turca, de voluntate Ferdinandi Regis, ut scribitur, & annuum ei pendunt vectigal. Augusta Vindelicorum tenetur adhuc praesidio, quod Caesar ante sextum mensem ibi reliquit. Videtur aliquis ibi motus impendere: Nec enim omnes praesentem statum ferre possunt. Volratus Comes Mansfeldius habet adhuc exercitum, neque certò scitur, in quem usum. Sed non diu latere potest quicquid est. Quod reliquum est, ut laetum atque jucundum a vobis nuncium accipiam, imprimis opto. Deus vos servet. Argentorati. Idibus Martij. M. D. LIII.  
Oro vos plurimum, ut has meas literas atque scriptum Sereniss. Regi exhibeatis cum nostri commendatione. Habetis opportunissimam negotij mei conficiundi occasionem. Obsecro, perficite, ne mihi sit opus in posterum eâdem de re scribere.  
Vestri observantissimus, joan. Sleidanus. Li.  
Richardo Hils, mercatori Londinensi, qui nobiscum aliquando habitavit, licebit dare quicquid mihi debetur. Cupio autem, atque etiam oro, ut per eum, qui has reddit, Soceri mei famulum, mihi respondeatis. Conjunctim vobis scribo, quia summam inter vos esse animorum conjunctionem accipio, ut judicij similitudinem  
Mauritius Elector dicitur sollicitare, ut exercitum Mansfeldicum ad se traducat, & coquere nova consilia.   

NUM. CI. Concerning the Affairs of Germany; and particularly of the Council of Trent.  
Ornatissimo Viro D. Gulielmo Caecilio, Serenissimi Regis Angliae Secretario.  

SirW. H.MSS.  SAL. De rebus actis Tridenti, non dubito quin ex Aschami Rogeri literis, ad quem scripsi, cognôris, Vir Ornatiss. Post impetratam fidem publicam, quod fuit sub finem Januarij, Dux Mauricius putabatur omnino missurus esse Philippum & alios. Norenbergam enim usque praemiserat. Sed cum aliquandiu fuissent ibi commorati, sub finem Februarij revocavit eos, ad maturitatem jam prope deductis belli consilijs & apparatu. Dux Christophorus autem Wirtembergicus, qui doctrinae Confessionem exhibuerat antea per Legatos Tridenti, Brentium eò misit cum tribus collegis, quibus se conjunxerant duo nostrae civitatis Theologi; & hi quidem Tridentum venerunt, ad xviii diem Martij. In alterum diem fuerat indicta, quam vocant, sessio. Sed nihil tum fuit actum: eaque sessio fuit ad Calend. usque Maij prorogata. Postquam ergo Legati Wirtembergici, qui nuper eò venerant recentes, & ego, nostrae Reip. nomine, Theologos nostros, apud Caesaris treis Oratores ibi, certis legibus, ad futuram actionem obtulimus & admisimus: Ego, qui jam in quintum mensem ibi fueram, sub finem Martij discessi, & ad xii Aprilis huc redij. Priusquam abirem, de voluntate Sociorum egeram diligenter apud alterum Caesaris Oratorem, de modo processus, & urgebam ut Theologi nostri publicè audirentur, aut super articulis ibi definitis, aut super capitibus doctrinae, juxta seriem Confessionis exhibitae. Hoc autem invitissimi faciunt; neque publicum ipsis auditorium, opinor, facilè concedent. In quo quidem si perseverent, tum nostri discedent. Et hic quidem fuit, me discedente, rerum status. Qui sunt ibi doctiores, Brentium norunt ex scriptis, & ipsius expetunt colloquia. Sunt ibi Hispani Episcopi xxv, Itali totidem aut plures: & hi quidem actionis atque morae pertaesi, spectabant abitionem; illi verò, Caesaris authoritate, qui caetum illum dissolvi non temerè patitur, continentur. Jam Episcopi nostrates omnes abierant, praeter Curiensem & Constantiensem, qui tamen & ipse paucis post me diebus dicebatur esse discessurus.  
Videt Caesar, quam non facilè recolligi possit ejusmodi caetus posthâc, si nunc eum dissip●ri contingat: ideóque tantopere studuit hactenus eum continere. Digressus, cum venissem Aenipontem, D. Legatum Morisinum Halae conveni Calendis Aprilis. Postridiè continuato itinere intelligebam obsideri Augustam Vindelicorum ab duce Mauricio, filijsque Lantgravij, & Alberto Brandeburgico. Biduo pòst occurrit mihi in via D. Morisini Conjux, quae per Augustam huc profectura, cum difficilem fore transitum audisset, ad maritum redibat. Eodem die deditionem fecerunt Augustani, qui fuit hujus mensis dies quartus. Erant in urbe tria peditum signa, ductore Walthero Hir●beincio: qui omnes liberaliter, nullâ devincti lege dimissi fuerunt. Postridiè sunt urbem ingressi principes, qui veteri restituto Senatu & tribubus, uti in reliquis etiam oppidis fecerant, & constitutâ nouâ Rep▪ & tormentis tum Civitatis, tum Caesaris, quae sunt ibi plurima, perquisitis, die Aprilis septimo discesserunt. Quibus autem conditionibus pacti sunt cum Oppidanis, adhuc quidem ignoro. Fuggerus Antonius pridie deditionis excesserat urbe, & quatuor ab Aeniponte milliaribus, mane mihi occurrit, tribus tantum comitatus. Vlma post iter feci, qui tun● praesidium habebant, tria signa peditum, & videbantur ad defensionem omnino spectare. Postridiè quam illinc abij, nempe octauâ hujus mensis die, Principes, Mauricius, Lantgravij filius, & Megelburgins, datis ad eos literis, commeatum & alimoniam, & alia quaedam, ab ipsis petebant. Eas ad literas cum nihil illi responderent, Principes undecimâ hujus denuò scripserunt, séque ipsos appropinquaturos nunciabant; & hoc ipso tempore oppidum obsident. Est autem ea civitas valdè locuples, & quia magnam obtinent circùm ditionem, arces, castella, oppidula, praedia, vix opinor tolerabunt obsidionem. Proximus est impressioni Dux Wirtembergicus, qui sanè pacem libenter coleret, si per tempora liceret: ab eo rectum est iter ad nos. Altera ipsorum pars exercitus petit Alps, credo, ut aditus occupent, nequis externus miles egredi possit. His copijs, opinor, praeest Albertus Brandeburgicus una cum Hedeckio.  
Quid Caesar agat, aut ubi sit, nescimus. Ego cum essem Aeniponti, nihil quicquam vidi apparatus; maguúmque tum erat ibi silentium in aula, magnáque solitudo, nisi quod eo ipso die nonnullis fuit datum negotium conscribendi copias. Dubium tamen non est, quin Italum & Hispanum militem Caesar evocarit. Electores Rhenani suos habent apud principes Legatos de pace: sed plaerique putant difficillimam esse futuram tractationem. Aeniponte mihi dicebatur, Caesarem in hoc esse totum, ut Mauricium placaret. Et hic quidem paroxysmus nobis imminet ab oriente sole: jam vero ab occidente multò ferè terribilior instat. Nam Metim urbem Gallus tenet, & per vicinum nobis agrum iter faciens, volet etiam hanc nostram urbem fortassis videre, multúmque hoc ad suam gloriam pertinere putabit, eoúsque signa promovisse. Quod si alter exercitus, occupata Vlma, caeterisque domitis, ad nos etiam propius accedet, vides in quantis simus augustijs. O! quis erit hujus tragediae tandem exitus? Gorziam oppidum & Abbatiam praedivitem Galli, ante diem octavum, vi ceperunt, diripuerunt, incenderunt, opinor, praefecto Hispano, cum 38 militibus, suspenso. Theonis villa, Luc●mburgic●e ditionis oppidum munitum, quatuor à Meti milliaribus, ad Mosellam flumen● habet equitum peditumque praesidia, & nuper emissis faeminis atque pueris, obsidionem tolerabit. Eo enim capto oppido, nihil ferè est iis locis, quod vim ullam majorem diu sustinere possit.  
Haec est rerum apud nos facies. Vos multò faeliciores, qui festinam pacem colitis in pulcherrima regione. Socer meus, quem nosti, datis ad me literis (nam est in agro Metensibus vicino) multam tibi salutem nunciat, séque diligenter vobis omnibus commendat, & jussit ut haec, tam suo quam meo etiam nomine, tibi scriberem, quandoquidem ex iis locis, ubi nunc est, & in hac temporum asperitate, non ita commodè potest ipse ad vos dare literas. Quod cum ità sit, nolui hoc officium praetermittere, ut de ipsius apud vos observantia studióque perpetuo cognosci posset. Quanquam & ipse, pro meo in vos affectu, mea sponte scripturus eram: & spero vos in optimam partem haec accepturos esse, quae fortasse jam aliundè etiam accepistis. Attamen quia rebus ipsemet tractandis interfui Tridenti, puto vobis tanto futuram esse gratiorem hanc qualemcúnque narrationem. Quod superest, ut meum negotium, quod aliquot nunc annis agitatur, & de quo Reverendiss. D. Cantuariensis, anno superiori, Socero meo certum quid dixit, promoveas, Vir ornatissime, etiam atque etiam rogo. Sereniss. Rex constituit mihi, sicut Cantuariensis dixit Socero, annuos ducentos absenti. Ut ejus rei conficiatur Diploma magnoperè pe●o, sicut hactenus, eámque mihi pecuniam dependi flagito. Scis rem omnem haud dubiè, a●ioqui prolixior essem: & priusquam irem Tridentum, scripsi eâ de re D. Chaeco, sicut etiam Reverendiss. D. Cantuariensi. Nihil hactenus mihi responsum est à vobis: quo magis peto, ut per te certi aliquid cognoscam. In eo feceris & Socero mihique gratissimum. Vale. Argent. xviii. April. 1552.  
joan. Sleidanus, Licent.  
Has literas oro communices Reverendissimo D. Cantuar. Nam sic scribo ad ipsum. Per Richardum Hillis mercatorem vestratem rectè poteritis ad nos, nisi alia sit ratio commodior. Clarissimo Viro D. Checo plurimùm & officiosè me commendo.   

NUM. CII. Martin Bucer to the Secretary, for the speeding of Sleidan's business.  
Summâ dignitate viro, & pietate praecellenti D. Sicilio, Regiae Majestatis a Secretis, Domino ac Patrono suo summoperè colendo.  
S. P. Vir Clarissime, Accipies hic meas literas, quamlibet aegrè dictatas, 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  ad summè doctum & pium Medicum D. joannem Quercetanum. Sed te per Christum rogo, nosti supplicationem nostram pro Sleydano, si possis ullâ ratione impetrare, dari responsum, in utram placeat partem. Nosti hoc decere administrationem Regni, & ceteris, & Religionis beneficio tantoperè ornatam. Dominus prosequatur te, tuósque omnes beneficentiâ cumulatissimâ. Cantabrigiae, 18 Feb. M.D.LI  
Clarissimae Dominationi tuae deditissimus in Domino, M. Bucerus.   

NUM. CIII. Ralph Morice, the Archbishop's Secretary, his Supplication to Queen Elizabeth, for Prior Wilbore's Pension, lately deceased.  
To the Quenies most excellent Majesty.  
IN his most humble wise, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  showeth and declareth unto your most excellent Majesty your highness' humble subject and Orator Ralph Morice, sometime servant unto that worthy Prelate of godly memory, Tho. Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury. That whereas your highness said Orator for the space of 20 years and above, being reteynid in service with the said most Reverend father, in the room of a Secretary, bestowed and spent both his time, youth and prosperity of his life, not so much in writing of the private business of the said most Reverend father▪ as in travailing with his pen aboughte the serious affairs of the Prince and the Realm, commyted unto him by those most noble and worthy princes, K. Henry the eighth, and K. Edward the Sixth, your Majesty's dear father and brother, concerning aswel the writing of those great and weighty Matrimonyal causes of your highness said dear Father, (the good effect, success and benefit whereof to Gods glory, this hole realm with the Subjects thereof, in your highness' most noble and royal personage, do now most happily enjoy,) As also about thexstirpation of the Bishop of Rome his usurped power and authority, the reformation of corrupt religion, and Ecclesiastical Laws, th'alteration of Divine Service, and of divers and sundry conferences of learned men, for thestablishing and advancement of sincere religion, with such like. Wherein your highness said Orator most painfully was occupied in writing of no small Volumes, from time to tyme. As in that behalf divers learned men now lyving can testify; namely Dr. Hethe, Dr. Thirleby, the bishops of Elie, Chichester and Heriford. And for that the said most Reverend Father was mindful and desirous some deal to recompense the painful service of your said Orator, he of his own mere motion and good disposition procurid for your highness said Orator, a lease of the parsonage of Ospringe within the Count of Kent, ympropriated unto the College of S. john's in Cambridge: which towards the maintenance of your said Orators lyving was better than 40 marks by the year de claro, when Wheat was but a Noble the quarter. Which lease of the said parsonage being so granted, and ready to be sealid by the Master and fellows of the same College, one H●●kyns of the Guard, by his importunate suit, made unto your highness said dear father the King's Majesty, so wan his highness' favou● therein, that his Majesty obteynyd the said Lease to be sealid to the use of the said H●●kyns. His Majesty nevertheless promising unto D. Day, than Master of the said College, and soon after unto the said most Reverend, that his highness would otherwise recompense your said Orator for the same with like value or better: as the said Hawkyns now lyving can testify the same. This notwithstanding, most dear Sovereign Lady, Almighty God preventing the time of any such recompense by calling your highness said father unto his mercy, your highness said Orator remaineth as yet unrecompensed to his great hindrance, and ympoverishment. For now being declined unto age, and having 4 daughters left by their mother marriageable, your said Orator is neither of hability to bestow them according to his vocation, as he might have done, if that small lyving so prepared for him might have remained to his use; Nor himself to live withouten danger, unless your Majesty, of your benign great goodness, do extend your highness' liberality, aid and succour unto him. And for that your highness said Orator doth understand, that one Mr. Wilbore, sometime Prior of the Monastery of S. Austin's, departed this transitory life before Mighilmas last passed, who hath a yearly pension of your Majesty of now by reason of his death in your gracious disposition, It may please your highness in consideration of the premises, and for that it is reported, that your said most noble, and dear father provided and willed in his last testament, that such of his subjects, as by his highness did sustain any manner of damage or hindrance should be satisfied for the same; to be so good and gracious Sovereign Lady unto your said Orator, in the furtherance of his said poor daughters marieges, as to grant unto him the said pension during his life, with tharrearages of this last half year deu at the said feast of S. Michael th'archangel last passed. In accomplishing whereof your highness shall not only do a right charitable and a meritorious deed, but also thereby throughly satisfy and recompense your said Orator for the said lease so surrendered at the request of your highness said dear father. Although the said Orator hath lost in forbearing of the same above M. mark for the space of these eighteen years and above, corn being at such a price as it hath been: And finally bind both him and all his, during their lyves, daily to pray unto Almighty God for the most prosperous estate of your Majesty in moche honour and felicity to endure.   

NUM. CIV. A Prologue or Preface, made by THOMAS CRANMER, Late Archbishop of Canterbury, to the holy Bible.  
COncerning two sundry sorts of people, it seemeth much necessary, that something be said in the entry of this Book, by way of a Preface or Prologue: Whereby hereafter it may be both the better accepted of th' m, which hitherto could not well bear it, and also the better used of them, which heretofore have misused it. For truly some there are, that be too slow, and need the spurr; some other seem too quick, and need more of the bridle. Some loose their game by shor● shooting, some by overshooting. Some walk too much on the left hand: some too much on the right. In the former sort be all they, that refuse to read, or to hear read the Scripture in the vulgar tongue, much worse they that let also, or discourage the other from the reading, or hearing thereof. In the Latter sort be they, which by their inordinate reading, undiscrete speaking, contentious disputing, or otherwise by their licentious Living, slander and hinder the word of God most of all other, whereof they would seem to be greatest furtherers. These two sorts, albeit they be most far unlike the one to the other, yet they both deserve in effect like reproach. Neither can I well te●l, whether of them I may judge the more offendor, him that doth obstinately refuse so godly and goodly knowledge, or him, that so ungodly, and so ungoodly doth abuse the same.  
And as touching the former, I would marvel much ●hat any man should be so mad, as to refuse in darkness, Light; in hunger, Food; in cold, Fire. For the word of God is Light. Lucerna pedibus meis Verbum tuum. Thy Word is a Lantern unto my feet. It is food. 
Psal. 119. a.  Non in solo p●ne vivit homo, sed in omni verbo Dei. 
Mat. 4. a.  Man shall not live by bread only, b●t by ever● word of God. It is fire. Ignem veni mittere in terram, & quid v●lo, nisi ut ardeat. I am come to send fire on the earth, 
Luke 12. ●.  and what is my desire, but that it be kindled? I would marvel, I say, at this, save that I consider, how much custom and usage may do. So that if there were a people as some write De Cymmerijs, which never saw the sun, by reason that they be si●uated far toward the North-Pole, and be enclosed and overshadowed with high mountains; it is credible and like enough, that if by the power and will of God the mountains should sink down and give place, that the light of the Sun might have entrance to them, at the first some of them would be offended therewith. And the old Proverb affirmeth, that after tillage of corn was first found, many delighted more to feed of mast and acorns. wherewith they had been accustomed, then to eat bread made of good corn. Such is the nature of custom, that it causeth us to bear all things well and easily, wherewith we have been accustomed and to be offended with all things thereunto contrary. And therefore I can well think them worthy pardon, which at the coming abroad of Scripture doubted and drew back. But such as will persist still in their wilfulness, I must needs judge not only foolish, froward and obstinate, but also peevish, perverse and indurate.  
And yet if the matter should be tried by Custom, we might also too allege custom for the reading of the Scripture in the Vulgar tongue, and prescribe the more ancient custom. For it is not much above one hundred years ago, since Scripture hath not b●en accustomed to be read in the vulgar tongue within this realm: and many hundred years before that, it was translated and read in the Saxons tongue, which at that time was our mother tongue: whereof there remain yet divers copies, found lately in old Abbeys, of such antique manner of writing, and speaking, that few men now been able to read and understand them. And when this language waned old, and out of common usage because folk should not lack the fruit of reading, it was again translated into the newer Language, whereof yet also many copies remain, and be daily found.  
But now to let pass custom, and to weigh, as wise men ever should, the thing in his own nature. Let us here discuss, what it availeth, Scriptu●e to be had and read of the Lay and Vulgar people. And to this question I intent here to say nothing, but that was spoken and written by the noble Doctor, and most moral Divine, S. john chrysostom, 
S. Chrysostom.  in his third Sermon De Lazaro; albeit I will be something shorter, and gather the matter into fewer words, and less room than he doth there, because I would not be tedious. He exhorteth there his Audience, that every men should read by himself at home in the mean days and time, between Sermon and Sermon, to the intent they might both more profoundly fix in their minds and memories that he had said before upon such texts, whereupon he had already preached; and also that they might have their minds the more ready and better prepared to receive and perceive that which he should say from thenceforth in his Sermons, upon such texts as he had not yet declared and preached upon. Therefore, saith he there, My common usage is to give you warning before, what matter I intent after to entreat upon, that you yourselves, in the mean days, may take the book in hand▪ read, weigh and perceive the sum and effect of the matter, and mark what hath been declared, and what remaineth yet to be declared: So that thereby your mind may be the more furnished to hear the rest that shall be said. And that I exhort you, saith he, and ever have and will exhort you, that you not only here in the Church, give ear to that that is said by the Preacher; but that also, when ye be at home in your houses, ye apply yourselves, from time to time, to the reading of holy Scriptures. Which thing also I never li● to beat into the ears of them that be my familiars, and with whom I have private acquaintance and conversation. Let no man make excuse and say, saith he, I am busied about matters of the commonwealth, I bear this office or that; I am a craft's man, I must apply mine occupation: I have a wife, my children must be fed, my household must be provided for. Briefly, I am a man of the world, it is not for me to read the Scriptures, that belongeth to them that have bidden the world farewel, which live in solitariness and contemplation, and have been brought up and continually nursilled in Learning and religion.  
To this answering, What sayest thou Man, saith he, is it not for thee to study and to read the Scripture, because thou art encumbered and distracted with cares and business? So much the more is it behooveful for thee to have defence of Scriptures, how much thou art the more distressed in worldly dangers. They, that be free and far from trouble and intermeddling of worldly things, Live in safeguard, and tranquillity, and in the calm, and within a sure haven. Thou art in the midst of the Sea of worldly wickedness, and therefore thou needest the more of ghostly succour and comfort. They sit far from the strokes of battle, and far out of gunshot, and therefore they be but seldom wounded. Thou that standest in the forefront of the Host, and nighest to thine enemies, must needs take now and then many strokes, and be grievously wounded, and therefore thou hast most need to have thy remedies and medicines at hand. Thy Wife provoketh thee to anger, thy Child giveth thee occasion to take sorrowand pensiveness, thine enemies lie in wait for thee, thy friend as thou takest him, Sometime envieth thee, thy neighbour misreporteth thee, or piketh quarrels against thee, thy Mate or partner undermineth thee; thy Lord, Judge or Justice, threateneth thee; Poverty is painful unto thee; the loss of thy dear and well-beloved causeth thee to mourn; Prosperity exalteth thee, Adversity bringeth thee low: Briefly, so divers and so manifold occasions of cares, tribulations and temptations, beset thee and besiege thee round about. Where canst thou have armour, or fortress, against thine assaults? Where canst thou have salves for thy sores, but of holy Scripture? Thy flesh must needs be prone and subject to fleshly lusts, which daily walkest and art conversant among women, seest their beauties set forth to the eye, hearest their nice and wanton words, smellest their balm, civet and musk, with other like provocations and stir; Except thou hast in a readiness, wherewith to suppress and avoid them, which cannot elsewhere be had, but only out of the holy Scriptures. Let us read and seek all remedies that we can, and all shall be little enough. How shall we then do, if we suffer and take daily wounds, and when we have done, will sit still and search for no medicines? Dost thou not mark and consider how the Smith, Mason or Carpenter, or any other handy crafts man, what need soever he be in, what other shift he make, he will not sell nor lay to pledge the tools of his occupation. For then how should he work his feat, or get his living thereby? Of like mind and affection ought we to be towards holy Scripture. For as mallets, hammers, saws, chesells, axes and hatchets be the tools of their occupation; So be the Books of the Prophets and Apostles, and all holy Writers inspired by the holy Ghost, the instruments of our Salvation. Wherefore let us not stick to buy and provide us the Bible, that is to say, the Books of holy Scripture, and let us think that to be a better jewel in our house, than either gold or silver. For like as thiefs be loath to assault an house, where they know to be good armour and artillery, so wheresoever these holy and ghostly books be occupied, there neither the Devil, nor none of his Angels dare come near. And they that occupy them be in much safeguard, and have a great consolation, and be the readier unto all goodness, the slower unto all evil. And if they have done any thing amiss, anon, even by the sight of the books, their consciences be admonished, and they wax sorry and ashamed of the fact. Peradventure they will say unto me, How and if we understand not that we read, that is contained in the Books? What then? suppose thou understand not the deep and profound Mysteries of Scripture, yet can it not be, but that much fruit and holiness must come and grow unto thee by the reading. For it cannot be, that thou shouldest be ignorant in all things alike. For the holy Ghost hath so ordered and attempered the Scriptures, that in them, as well Publicans, fishers and shepherds may find their edification, as great Doctors their erudition. For those books were not made to vain glory, like as were the Writings of the Gentile Philosophers, and Rhetoricians, to the intent the makers should be had in admiration for their high styles, and obscure manner of writing; whereof nothing can be understanded without a Master, or an Expositor. But the Apostles and Prophets wrote their books so, that their special intent and purpose might be understanded and perceived of every reader: which was nothing but the edification or amendment of the life of them that read or hear it. Who is it, that reading, or hearing read in the Gospel, Blessed are they, that be meek; Blessed are they, that be merciful: Blessed are they, that be of clean heart, and such other like places, can perceive nothing, except he have a Master to teach him what it meaneth? Likewise the signs and miracles with all other histories of the doings of Christ, or his Apostles, who is there of so simple wit and capacity, but he may be able to perceive and understand them? These be but excuses and cloaks for the rain, and cover of their own idle slothfulness. But still ye will say, I cannot understand it. What marvel? How shouldest thou understand, if thou wilt not read nor look upon it? Take the books into thine hands, read the whole story, and that thou understandest, keep it well in memory: that thou understandest not, read it again and again. If thou can neither so come by it, counsel with some other that is better Learned. Go to thy Curate and Preacher, show thyself to be desirous to know and learn. And I doubt not but God seeing thy diligence and readiness, if no man else teach thee, will himself vouchsafe with his holy Spirit to illuminate thee, and to open unto thee that which was locked from thee. Remember the Eunuch of Candace Queen of Ethiopia: which albeit he was a man of a wild and barbarous country, and one occupied with worldly cares and business, yet riding in his chariot, he was reading the Scripture. Now consider, if this man, passing in his journey, was so diligent as to read the Scripture, what thinkest thou of like was he wont to do sitting at home? Again, he letteth not to read, albeit he did not understand: What did he then trowest thou after that, when he had learned and gotten understanding? For that thou mayest well know that he understood not what he read, hearken what Philip saith there unto him. Understandest thou what thou readest? And he nothing ashamed to confess his ignorance, answered, How should I understand, having no body to show me the●way? Lo! when he lacked one to show him the way, and to expound to him the scripture, yet did he read. And therefore God the rather provided for him a guide of the way, that taught him to understand it. God perceived his willing and toward mind, and therefore he sent him a Teacher by and by. Therefore let no man be negligent about his own health and salvation. Though thou have not Philip always, when thou wouldst, the holy Ghost, which then moved and stirred up Philip, will be ready and not fail thee, if thou do thy diligence accordingly. All these things be written for us, for our edification and amendment, which be born towards the latter end of the world. The reading of the Scriptures is a great and strong bulwark or fortress against sin: the ignorance of the same is a greater ruin and destruction of them that will not know it. That is the thing that bringeth in heresy; that is it that causeth all corrupt and perverse Living; that is it, that bringeth all things out of good order.  
Hitherto all that I have said, I have taken and gathered out of the foresaid sermon of this holy Doctor S. john Ch●ysostom. Now if I should in like manner bring forth what the self same Doctor speaketh in other places, and what other Doctors and Writers say concerning the same purpose, I might seem to you to write another Bible, ra●her than to make a Preface to the Bible. Wherefore in few words to comprehend the largeness and utility of the Scripture, how it containeth fruitful instruction and erudition for every man, if any thing be necessary to be Learned, of the holy Scripture we may learn it. If falsehood shall be reproved, thereof we may gather wherewithal. If any thing be to be corrected and amended; if there need any exhortation or consolation, of the Scripture we may well learn. In the Scriptures be the fat pastures of the Soul; therein is no venomous meat, no unwholesome thing: they be the very dainty and pure feeding. He that is ignorant, shall find there what he should learn. He that is a perverse sinner, shall there find his Damnation to make him to tremble for fear. He that laboureth to serve God, shall find there his Glory, and the promissions of eternal life, exhorting him more diligently to labour. Herein may Princes learn how to govern their Subjects: Subjects obedience, Love and dread to their Princes. Husbands how they should behave them unto their Wives, how to educate their Children and Servants. And contrary the Wives, Children and Servants, may know their duty to their Husbands, Parents, and Masters. Here may all manner of persons, men, women, young, old, learned, unlearned, rich, poor, priests, Laymen, Lords, La●ies, officers, tenants, and mean men, Virgins, Wives, Widows, Lawyers, Merchants, Artificers, Husbandmen, and all manner of persons of what estate or condition soever they be, may in this book learn all things what they ought to believe, what they ought to do, and what they should not do, as well concerning Almighty God, as also concerning themselves and all other. Briefly, to the reading of the Scripture none can be enemy, but that either be so sick, that they Love not to hear of any medicine; or else that be so ignorant, that they know not Scripture to be the most healthful medicine.  
Therefore as touching this former part, I will hear conclude, and take it for conclusion, sufficiently determined and apppointed, 
The conclusion of the former part.  that it is convenient and good the Scriptures to be read of all sorts and kinds of people, and in the vulgar tongue, without further allegations and probations for the same; which shall not need, since that this one place of john Chrysostom is enough, and sufficient to persuade all them, that be not frowardly and perversely set in their own wilful opinion. Specially now that the King's Highness, being Supreme Head next under Christ of this church of England, 
The King's Highness hath allowed the Scripture as necessary for us.  hath approved with his Royal assent the setting forth hereof. Which only to all true and obedient. Subjects ought to be a sufficient reason for the allowance of the same, without further delay, reclamation or resistance, although there were no preface, or other reason herein expressed.  
Therefore now to come to the second, and latter part of my purpose. Here is nothing so good in this world, but it may be abused, and turned from unhurtfull and wholesome, to hurtful and noisome. What is there above better than the Sun, the Moon and the Stars? Yet was there, that took occasion, by the great beauty and virtue of them, to dishonour God, and to defile themselves with idolatry, giving the honour of the Living God, and Creator of all things, to such things as he had created. What is there here beneath better than fire, Water, meats, drinks, metals of gold, silver, iron and steel? Yet we see daily great harm and much mischief done by every one of these, as well for lack of wisdom and providence of them that suffer evil, as by the malice of them that work the evil. Thus to them that be evil of themselves, every thing setteth forward, and increaseth their evil: be it of his own nature a thing never so good. Like as contrarily, to them that study and endeavour themselves to goodness, every thing prevaileth them, and profiteth unto good; be it of his own nature a thing never so bad. As S. Paul saith, Hijs, qui diligunt Deum, omnia cooperantur in bonum. All things do bring good success to such as do love God. Even as out of most venomous worms is made treacle, the most sovereign medicine for the preservation of man's health in time of danger. Wherefore I would advise you all, that come to the reading or hearing of this Book, which is the word of God, the most precious jewel, and most holy Relic, that remaineth upon earth, that ye bring with you the fear of God, and that ye do it with all reverence, and use your knowledge thereof not to vain glory of frivolous disputation; but to the honour of God, increase of virtue, and edification both of yourselves and other.  
And to the intent that my words may be the more regarded, I will use in this part the authority of S. Gregory Nazienzen, like as in the other I did of S. john Chr●sostom. It appeareth, that in his time there were some, as I fear me there be also now at these days a great number, which were idle babblers and talkers of the Scripture out of season, and all good order, and without any increase of virtue, or example of good living. To them he writeth all his first book De Theologia. Wherefore I shall briefly gather the whole effect, and reci●e it here unto you.  
There be some, saith he, whose not only ears and tongues, but also their fists be whetted, and ready bend all to contention and unprofitable disputation, whom I would wish, as they be vehement and earnest to reason the matter with tongue, so they were all Ready and practive to do good deeds. But forasmuch as they, subverting the order of all godliness, have respect only to this thing, how they may bind and lose subtle questions, so that now every marketplace, every alehouse and tavern, every feasthouse, briefly, every company of men, every assembly of women, is filled with such talk: Since the matter is so, saith he, and that our saith and holy religion of Christ beginneth to wax nothing else, but as it were a Sophistry, or a talking craft, I can no less do, but say something thereunto. It is not fit, saith he, for every man to dispute the high questions of di●vinity▪ neither is it to be done at all times, neither in every audience must we discuss every doubt: but we must know When, to Whom, and How far we ought to enter into such matters.  
First it is not for every man, but it is for such as be of exact, and exquisite judgements, and such as have spent their time before in study and contemplation; and such as before have cleansed themselves as well in soul as body, or at the least endeavoured themselves to be made clean. For it is dangerous, saith he, for the unclean to touch that which is most clean: like as the sore eye taketh harm by looking upon the Sun.  
Secondarily, Not at all times, but when we be reposed, and at rest from all outward dregs and trouble; and when that our heads be not encumbered with other worldly and wand'ring imaginations. As if a man should mingle balm and dirt together. For he that shall judge and determine such matters and doubts of Scriptures, must take his time, when he may apply his wits thereunto, that he may thereby the better see and discern what is truth.  
Thirdly, When and in what audience? There, and among those, that have been studious to Learn. And not among such as have pleasure to trifle with such matters, as with other things of pastime. Which repute for their chief delicates the disputation of high questions, to show their Wits, Learning and eloquence in reasoning of high matters.  
Fourthly, It is to be considered how far to wade in such matters of difficulty. No further, saith he, but as every man's own capacity will serve him; and again no further, than the weakness or intelligence of the other audience may bear. For like as too great noise hurteth the ear, too much meat hurteth the man's body, heavy burdens hurt the bearers of them, too much rain doth more hurt than good to the ground; Briefly, in all things, too much is noyous: even so weak wits and weak consciences may soon be oppressed with over hard questions. I say not this to dissuade men from the knowledge of God, and reading, or studying of the Scripture. For I say, that it is as necessary for the life of man's Soul, as for the body to breath. And if it were possible so to Live, I would think it good for a man to spend all his life in that, and to do none other thing. I commend the Law, which biddeth to meditate and study the Scriptures always, both night and day; and sermons and preachings to be made, both morning, noon and eventide; and God to be lauded and blessed in all times, to bedward, from bed, in our journeys and all our other works. I forbid not to read, but I forbid to reason. Neither forbid I to reason so far as is good and godly: but I allow not that is done out of season, and out of measure and good order. A man may eat too much of honey, be it never so sweet; and there is time for every thing; and that thing, that is good, is not good, if it be ungodly done. Even as a flower in winter is out of season; and as a woman's apparel becometh not a man, neither contrarily, the man's the woman: neither is weeping convenient at a Bridal, neither laughing at a Burial. Now if we can observe and keep that is comely and timely in all other things, shall we not then the rather do the same in the holy Scriptures? Let us not run forth, as it were wild horses, that can suffer neither bridle in their mouths, nor sitter on their backs Let us keep us in our bounds, and neither let us go too far on the one side, lest we return into Egypt, neither too far over the other, lest we be carried a way to Babylon. Let us not sing the song of our Lord in a strange land: that is to say, Let us not dispute the word of God at all adventures, as well where it is not to be reasoned, as where it is: and as well in the ears of them that be not fit therefore, as of them that be. If we can in no wise forbear, but that we must needs dispute, let us forbear thus much at the least, to do it out of time and place convenient. And let us entreat of those things, which be holy, holily; and upon those things that be mystical, mystically, and not to utter the divine Mysteries in the ears unworthy to hear them: but let us know what is comely, as well in our silence and talking, as in our garments wearing, in our feeding, in our gesture, in our going, in all our other behaving. This contention and debate about Scripture and doubts thereof (specially when such as do pretend to ●ee the savourers and students thereof, cannot agree within themselves,) doth most hurt to ourselves, and to the furthering of the cause and quarrels, that we would not have furthered above all other things. And we in this, saith he, be not unlike to them that being mad set their own houses on fire, and tha● slay their own children, or beat their own parents. I marvel much saith he, to recount whereof cometh all this desire of vain glory whereof cometh all this tongue-itch, that we have so much delight to talk and clatter? And wherein is our communication? Not in the commendation of virtuous and good deeds, of hospitality, of love between Christian brother and brother, of love between man and wife, of Virginity and chastity, and of alms towards the poor: not in Psalms and godly songs, not in lamenting for our sins, no● in the repressing the affections of the bo●y, not in prayers to God. We talk of Scripture, but in the mean time we subdue not our flesh by fasting, watching and weeping: we make not this life a meditation of death: we do not strive to be Lords over our appetites and affections: we go not about to put down our proud and high minds, to abate our fumish and rancorous stomaches, to restrain our lusts and bodily delectations, our undiscrete sorrows, our lascivious mirth, our inordinate looking, our insatiable hearing of vanities, our spe●king without measure, our inconvenient thoughts; and briefly, to reform our life and manners. But all our holiness consists in Talking. And we pardon each other from all good living,, so that we may stick fast together in argumentation; as though there were no more ways to heaven but this alone, the way of speculation and knowledge, (as they take it,) but in very deed it is rather the way of superfluous contention and sophistication.  
Hitherto have I recited the mind of Gregory Nazianzen in that book, which I spoke of before. The same Author saith also in another place, that the Learning of a Christian man ought to begin of the fear of God, to end in matters of high speculation: and not contrarily to begin with speculation, and to end in fear. For Speculation, saith he, either high cunning or knowledge, if it be not stayed with the bridle of ●ea: to o●●end God, is dangerous, and enough to tumble a man 〈◊〉 down the hill. Therefore, saith he, the fear of God must be the first beginning, and as it were an A. B. C. or an introduction to all them, that shall enter into the very true and most fruitful knowledge of holy Scriptures. Whereas is the fear of God, there is, saith ●ee, t●e keeping of the Commandments, there is the cleansing of the flesh. Which flesh is a cloud before the Souls ey, and suffereth i● not purely to see the beam of heavenly light. Whereas is the cleansing of the flesh, there is the illumination of the holy Ghost, the end of all our desire's and the very light, whereby the verity of Scriptures is se●n and perceived. This is the mind and almost the words of Gregory N●zia●zen, Doctor of the Greek Church; of whom S. Jerome saith, that unto his time the Latin church had no Writer able to be compared, and to make an even match with him.  
Therefore to conclude this Latter part, Every man, 
The conclusion of the latter part.  that cometh to the reading of this hol● book, aught to bring with him first and foremost this feat of Almighty God: and then next, a firm and stable purpose to reform his own self according thereunto: and so to continue, proceed and prosper from t●●e to time; showing himself to be a sober and fruitful hearer and learner. Which if he do, he shall prove at length well able to teach, though not with his mouth, yet with his Living and good example: which is sure the most lively and affectuous form and manner of teaching. He that otherwise intermeddleth with this book, ●et him be assured, that once he shall make account therefore, when he shall have said to him, as it is written in the Prophet David, Peccatori dicit Deus, etc. Unto the ungodly said God, 
Psal. 50.  why dost thou preach my La●es, and takest my Testament in thy mouth? Whereas 〈…〉 to be reform, and hast been partakers with adulterers. Tho● hast l●t thy mouth speak wickedness, and with thy tongue thou hast set forth decerpt. Thou sattest and spakest against thy brother, and hast slandered thine own Mother's son. These things hast thou done, and I held my tongue, and thou thoughtest wickedly, that I am even such an one as thee self, but I will reprove thee, and set before thee the things that thou hast done. O consider this ye that forget God, lest I pluck you away, and there be none to deliver you. Whoso offereth me thanks and praise, he honoure●● me, and to him that ordereth his conversation right, will I show the Salvation of God.  
Praise be to God.   

NUM. CV. Bucer and others Learned strangers from Lambeth to Cecyl, to prefer the Petition of some poor French Protestants to the Protector.  
Clarissimo Viro, Domino Sicilio, illustrissimi Principis Protectoris Angliae, à Secretis, Domino & amico summopere Colendo, & Charissimo.  
GRatiam & benedictionem Domini nostri jesu Christi, augeri tibi precamur, 
Sir W. H. MSS.  Vir ornatissime & religiosissime. Cum summa fide & studio ministrare oporteat Christo Domino nostro afflicto in membris suis, & nostris, non debuimus officium nostrum negare iis captivis Domini, quorum caussam exponent hi Ecclesiae Gallicanae Ministri, Collegae nostri, & his ipsis fratribus & collegis nostris, ut utrósque tuae charitati comm●ndaremus, id T.D. à nobis boni consulet. Veniunt vero ad te hi Collegae nostri, jussu Reverendissimi Domini, ac Patroni nostri, Arch●●piscopi Cantuariensis, rogatum, ut Captivorum illorum Supplicatione●n velis offerre Illustrissimo Principi, D. Protectori, adjuncta tua commendatione; fidèmque faci●nt, eos, quorum offerunt Supplicationem, nulla alia, quam Religionis c●ussa, patriam suam deserere coactos, in hoc regnum venisse, tanquam ad Christi asylum. Quod cum ita habere propter testium sanctiratem, nihil dubitemus, D. T. quantum licet oramus, ut caussam horum Captivorum Christi apud Illustriss. Principem, D Protectorem, diligenter agas, & nostras quoque illius Celsitudini supplices preces, ad eam caussam offerre non graveris. Quod Christus Dominus tibi cumulatè rependet. Cui Illustrissimum Principem D. Protectorem, teque & tuos omnes etiam atque etiam commendamus. Lambethi XIII Augusti, Anno MDXLIX.  
Tui in Domino Martinus Bucerus. Pet. Martyr. Petrus Alexander. Paulus Fagius.    

These Letters following, though they have no particular Reference, yet being made use of in the former Memorials, I have thought fit to publish them with the rest.  

NUM. CVI The Archbishop to the Secretary, concerning a French man, that desired a Patent to translate the Common prayer into French, and print it.  
To my veray loving freunde Sir William Cecil, Knight, one of the King's Majesties principal Secretaries.  
AFter my verai hearty commendations. I thank yove for your news, 
Sir W.H.MSS.  but specially for that ye advertise me, that the King's Majesty is in good health, wherein I beseech God long to continue his highness, as he hath twice (as I trust) restored me to the same.  
It seamithe by your letters, that a peace should be concluded betwixt themperor and Duke Morris, which whither it be according to tha●ticles, that afore ye sent unto me, or otherwise, I would gladly understand. The commodity that might arise by printing the book of Common prayer, and administration of Sacraments in the French tongue, (if any be) I reckon it were meet that it should come to them, which have already taken pains in translatinge th● same. Which was first done by Sir Hugh Paullets commandment, and overseen by my L. Chancellor, and other at his appoinitement: an● now altered according to that which must be put in execution at the feast of All Saints next, at the appointment of my L. Chancellor, by a learned French man, a Doctor in Divinity. And therefore needless of any other to be travailed in. Aug. 26. 1552.   

NUM. CVII. Mention of Letters sent by him to the Duke of Northumberland, excusing his not proceeding in a Commission. His reflection upon the News.  
To my Lovenge friend Sir William Cecil, Knight, and Secretary to the kings Majesty.  
AFter my veray hearty recommendations, 
Sr. W.H.MSS.  and no less thanks for your friendly letters, and advertisements Be you assured that I take the same in such part, and to proceed of such a friendly mind, as I have ever looked for at your hands. Whereof I shall not be unmyndeful, if occasion hereafter, shall serve to requite the same. I have written letters unto my Lord of Northumberlande, declaring unto him the cause of my stay in the Commission; which is because, that all the gentylmen and Justices of the peace of Kent, which be in commission with me, be now at London. Bifore whose coming home, if I should proceed without them, I might perchance travel in vain, and take more pain, than I should do good. I have written also unto him in the favour of Michael Angelo: whose cause I pray you to help so moche as lieth in you.  
The Sophy and the Turk, themperor and the French king (not much better in religion than they) rolling the stone, or turning the wheel of fortune up and down, I pray God send us peace, and quietness with all realms, as well as among ourselves; and to preserve the Kings' majesty with all his council. Thus fare you well. From my house of Ford the xx day of November, Anno 1552.  
Your assured. T. Cant.   

NUM. CVIII. Signifying his desire to have the good will of the Lord Warden, his neighbour.  
To my loving friend Sir William Cecil Knight, Secretary to the King's Majesty. Yeve thighs,  
AFter my hearty commendations and thanks for your letters; there is no man more loath to be in contention with any man, 
Sr. W. H. MSS.  than I am, specially with my Lord Warden, my near neighbour, dwelling both in one contrary, and whose familiar and entire friendship I most desire, for the quietness of the hole contrary. For the example of the rulers and heads will the people and membres follow And as touch learned men, I shall send you my mind with as much expedition as I can, which by this post I can not do, evyn in the cold snow sitting opon coals until he be gone. But heartily fare you well in the Lord jesus. From Ford, the last day of November.  
Your Loving friend T. Cant.   

NUM. CIX. Desiring Cecyl to inform him of the cause of Cheeks indictment.  
To my very Loving friend Sir William Cecyl Knight.  
AFter my very hearty recommendations; Yester night I hard reported, 
Sir W. H. MSS.  that Mr. Cheke is indicted: I pray you heartily, if you know any thing thereof, to send me knowledge, and wheruppon he is indicted. I had great trust, that he should be one of them, that should feel the Queen's great mercy and pardon, as one who hath been none of the great doers in this matter against her: and my trust is not yet gone, except it be for his earnestness in religion. For the which if he suffer, bl●ssed is he of god, that suffreth for his sake, howsoever the world juge of him. For what ought we to care for the judgement of the world, when god absolveth us? But alas, if any means could be made for him, or for my Lord Russel, it were not to be omitted, nor in any wise neglected. But I am utterly destitute both of counseil in this matter, and of power, being in the same condemnation that they be. But that only thing which I can do, I shall not cease to do, and that is only to pray from them, and for myself, with all other, that be now in adversity. When I saw you at the cour●e, I would fain have talked with you, but I durst not: nevertheless if you could found a time to come over to me, I would gladly come with you. Thus fare you heartily well, with my Lady your wife. From Lamhith this 14 day of this month of August.  
Your own assured T. Cant.   
FINIS.   

READER,  
MY Reverend Friend Mr. Wharton, as he formerly Encouraged and Assisted me in the Foregoing History, hath also further obliged me by the Perusal of it, and by communicating to me his Ingenious and Learned Observations and Animadversions thereupon; which do highly deserve to be made more Public; and therefore are here gladly added by me (together with his Letter) as a Supplement to my Book for the Reader's Benefit.   

To the Reverend Mr. STRIPE.  
SIR,  
AT the Desire of Mr. Chiswell, our Common Friend, I have perused your Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, not without great Satisfaction; being much pleased to see the Actions of that Excellent Prelate, and the Affairs of the Reformation of our Church, happily begun and carried on in his Time, and by his Conduct, disposed in so clear a Method. I have not been able to make my Observations upon it with that Exactness and Fullness which I desired, and you may perhaps expect; being at this time placed at a very great distance from all my Papers and Collections, and not enjoying the use even of such Printed Books, as would be necessary to this Design: So that I have been forced to pass by very many Places of your History, wherein I have suspected some Error to have been committed, but could not either confirm or remove my Suspicion, for want of farther present Evidence. However, I have noted several Places, which at first Reading appeared Suspicious, and after farther Consideration, were judged Erroneous by me; although even in some of those Places I have only Pointed at the Error, not being able always to rectify it, without the Assistance of Books and Papers, whereof I am now wholly destitute. Be pleased to accept of my Performance herein with that Candour, wherewith I read your Book, and made the following Observations; since I willingly profess, That the commission of Errors in writing any History, especially of times past, being altogether unavoidable, ought not to detract from the Credit of the History, or Merit of the Historian; unless it be accompanied with Immoderate Ostentation, or Unhandsome Reflections upon the Errors of others; from which Imputation, that Indifference and Candour which appear throughout your whole Work, wholly exempt you; although no History of those Matters or Times, which I have seen, be wrote with equal Exactness.  
PAGE 16. Line 4. It is the sense of an Ingenious and Learned Friend of mine, That the pretended Martyr Thomas Becket, though he died in Vindication of the Privileges of the Church, yet he was the First Betrayer of the Rights of his See; viz. of Canterbury. He made the greatest Breach upon the Authority of the Primacy of Canterbury, by resigning the Archbishopric into the Pope's hands, and receiving it again from him as the Pope's Donation.] Thomas Becket was not the First nor the Chief Betrayer of the Rights of the See of Canterbury. The first and greatest Breach upon the Authority of the Primacy of that See, was made by his Predecessor William de Corboil, Thirty seven years before; who after he had been fully Invested in the Archbishopric of Canterbury by due Authority, solicited and accepted the Bulls of Pope Honorius, conferring it upon him as by Papal Gift, and other Bulls constituting him the Pope's Legate in England; whereby he subjected his own See, and the Church of England, to the Authority of the See of Rome, which were before wholly independent of it.  
Page 21. line 21. The Twelfth Article of Cranmers Judgement of the Unlawfulness of K. Henry's Marriage, is this, We think that the pretended Matrimony of K. Henry, etc. hath been and is none at all.] You will please to consider, whether the Latin words, fuisse & esse nullum, should not have been rather translated, hath been and is null; which is the Canonical Term expressing Avoidance in Law.  
Page 23. line 44. Licenses were granted this year, 1533, to the Lady Guildford, and the Marchioness of Dorset, to have the Eucharist, etc. ministered to them in their private Chapels; whether indulged to them by the Archbishop, the rather to free them from danger for not frequenting their Parish-Churches, and for the avoiding the Superstitious and Idolatrous Worship there performed, etc. or only for the Convenience of those Ladies, the Reader hath liberty to judge.] The Archbishop cannot be hence supposed to have countenanced any Separation from the Parochial Worship of that time, or to have insinuated his Judgement of the Danger, Superstition, or Idolatry of the Public Worship then used; since such Licenses were customary acts, very frequent before and at that time. Many hundreds of them may be found among the Faculties granted by the Predecessors of this Archbishop more than Two hundred years upwards. Private Oratories were then more used, and Domestic Chaplains entertained in much greater number than in latter times: Yet none then presumed to make use of either, without Licence first obtained of their Diocesans: Which Discipline was formerly observed by all strictly, and continued in great measure till the time of Archbishop Abbot, although now little regarded. So that hereby Archbishop Cranmer gave no occasion for any such Conjecture as is here made, any more than Archbishop Parker did, when he granted a like Licence to his own Wife, although she was no Puritan, or Separatist from the Established Worship.  
Page 25. line 40. This year, 1534, all the Learned and Spiritual men in England, subscribed to it with their Hands, That the Pope hath no Jurisdiction in this Kingdom. The Archbishops' Church in Canterbury began; for the Prior and Convent thereof solemnly subscribed an Instrument for abolishing the Pope's Supremacy, etc. The Original whereof is in a Volume of the Cotton Library] The Right Reverend the Bishop of Salisbury in his History of the Reformation, giveth two or three such Instruments of the Subscription of so many particular Convents, and supposeth that no more remain, but that all the rest were in the Reign of Queen Mary destroyed by Bp. Bonner, by Virtue of a Commission granted to him for razing of Scandalous Records. In truth, all those Instruments do yet remain, and are a most Authentic Justification of the Proceedings of the King in abolishing the Papal Supremacy. The Originals of them do yet remain in their proper place, the King's Exchequer, into which they were at first returned, and where they have been hitherto kept. There are in my hands no less than One hundred seventy five such Instruments, transcribed long since from thence, containing the Subscriptions of all the Bishops, Chapters, Monastries, Colleges, Hospitals, etc. of Thirteen Dioceses. The Subscriptions of those of the other Nine Dioceses are to my certain knowledge yet remaining in another place, but I have not yet gained Copies of them: Some of these Instruments have been transcribed into the Volume of the Cotton Library here mentioned; but that is only a Transcript, containeth not the Originals, as is here supposed. Nor did the Church of Canterbury begin the Subscription; for however the Instrument of that Church may be placed first, upon account of the Preeminence of it, the Instruments of several Religious Houses, even in that Diocese, are dated before it.  
Page 29. line 31. Nix Bishop of Norwich died two years after, September 1534. and came in to be Bishop in the year 1500.] He died in the middle of january, 1535/6; and was Consecrated Bishop in April, 1501.  
Page 32. line 6. ab imo. The Archbishop began his Provincial Visitation jure Metropolitico, the last year, 1534. It was somewhat extraordinary, for such a Visitation had not been in an hundred years before.— The Diocese of Winchester having been visited but five years ago▪ by his Predecessor Warham.] The Archbishop in his Letter in answer to the Bishop of Winchester, in the Appendix, Pag. 21. saith truly, That the Diocese of Winchester was visited by his Predecessor Warham the third year before this. But when he addeth, That else it had not been visited by any of his Predecessors these forty years, he is to be understood cautiously. For although perhaps it had not been visited by any Archbishop since the death of Bishop Langton, which was in the year 1493, yet it had been visited Metropolitico by the Chapter of Canterbury, in the beginning of the year 1501. Again, when it is said from Bishop Stok●sly's Letter in the Appendix, page 22. That such a Provincial Visitation had not been held by any of the Archbishop's Predecessors in an hundred years before; this also is to be understood dextrously. For men in their Juridical Answers are wont to allege any thing which may seem to make for their Cause, little regarding whether it be exactly true or no. It is true, the Archbishops of Canterbury had not for so long a time undertaken or performed a Metropolitical Visitation of their whole Province at one time; but they had often within that time visited particular Dioceses jure Metropolitico; which was a sufficient Precedent to the Cause then in hand.  
Page 36. line 32. Suffragan Bishops were not unusual in the Realm.— To give some Instances of them.— Certain bearing the Title of Bishops of Sidon, assisted the Archbishops of Canterbury; one of these was named Thomas Wellys, Prior of St. Gregory's by Canterbury; he being Archbishop Warham's Chaplain, was sent by him, etc.— There was afterwards one Christopher, that bore that Title, and assisted Archbishop Cranmer about these times (1535.) in Ordinations. And another Thomas, entitled of Sidon, succeeded.] It should seem to be here supposed, That the Suffragans of the Diocese of Canterbury did then commonly take their Titles from Sidon; whereas indeed none of them, (save that Thomas Wellys here mentioned) was entitled from thence. As for Christopher, he was not Suffragan to the Archbishops of Canterbury; and that other Thomas of Sidon was in Cranmers time Suffragan to the Bishops of London. That Thomas Wellies moreover, who was Prior of St. Gregory's, and Titular Bishop of Sidon, was not Chaplain to Archbishop Warham; for Archbishops never entertained Regulars in the quality of Chaplains. Archbishop Warham had indeed a Chaplain of that name, but he was neither Prior nor Bishop, but a Secular, Doctor of Divinity, and Rector of Chatham near Canterbury.  
Ibid. line 47. Long before these, I find one William Botlesham Episcopus Navatensis, Anno 1382. at the Convocation in London, summoned against the Wicklivites.] If this were a Titular Bishop only, he had nothing to do in the Convocation, nor any Right to be summoned to it. That Willelmus Botlesham, Episcopus Navatensis, was in truth no other than Willelmus Episcopus Landavensis, Bishop of Landaff, whose Title of Landavensis the Ignorance or Mistake of the Scribe changed into Navatensis. By a like mistake, very frequent in our Ancient Records, the Bishop of Lincoln, Lincolniensis, is corruptly styled Nicoliensis.  
Page 37. line 6. john Thornden, who was often Commissary of Oxon, while Archbishop Warham was Chancellor of that University, was styled Episcopus Syrinensis.] His Name was john Thornton. Many years after him, Richard Thornden was Suffragan Bishop in the Diocese of Canterbury. In Thornton endeth the Catalogue of Suffragan Bishops, which you could find, Consecrated before the time of Archbishop Cranmer, being in all seven. If it pleaseth God to permit me to to finish my Angli● Sacra, I shall exhibit a perfect Succession of Suffragan Bishops in almost all the Dioceses of England, for about Two hundred years before the Reformation.  
Ibid. line 8. And hereafter we shall meet with a Bishop of Hippolitanum, who assisted Archbishop Cranmer at his Ordinations.] It will be hard to find such a City as Hyppolitanum in the world. We had in England many Suffragan Bishops, who successively assumed the Title of Bishops of Hippo, the See of the Great St. Austin. These were wont to style themselves Hipponenses; but some of them, not being so good Grammarians, took the Style of Ypolitanenses, and Hippolitanenses▪ which latter Appellation might give occasion to the mistake concerning a Bishop of Hippolitanum.  
Page 38. line 3. ab imo. The King sent to the Archbishop to make Thomas Manning Suffragan of Gipwich, who was accordingly Consecrated by the Archbishop.] This Gipwich is no other than Ipswich, the chief Town of Suffolk, in Latin called Gip●svicum, and Gipwicum; from which place Manning at his Pr●motion to the Office of a Suffragan Bishop, took his Title.  
Page 41. line 3. This choice Treasure (the Original Book, containing the Subscription of the Members of the Convocation to certain Articles of Religion) Sir Robert Cotton afterwards procured.— And at the bottom of the first Page is written Robertus Cotton Bruce●s, by Sir Robert's own hand, signifying his Value of this Monument.] Sir Robert did not by that Subscription of his Name testify any extraordinary Value of this Volume; for he wrote the same words at the bottom of the first Page of all, or almost all, the Manuscript Volumes of his Library.  
Page 50. line 26. june— Anno 1536. William Rugg was Consecrated Bishop of Norwich. His Consecration is omitted in the Register. Probably he was consecrated with Samson Bishop of Chic●ester, who was Confirmed june 10 th'.] Rugg could not be Consecrated in june, for he was not Confirmed till the 28 th'. of that Month; and the first Sunday after that day, was july 2 d. Bishops were wont to be Consecrated on the next Sunday after their Confirmation. So that it is most likely Samson was Consecrated june 11 th'▪; and Rugg, together with Warton of St. Asaph, on july 2 d.  
Page 61. line 18. ab imo. june 24. Anno 1537. john Bird was Consecrated Suffragan of the See of Penrith in Landaff Diocese; and Lewis Thomas Suffragan Bishop of the See of Salop.] It should have been said, that Bird was Consecrated Suffragan of the Diocese of Landaff, with the Title of Bishop of Penrith; Bishop of Shrewsbury (not Salop); for Penrith is no more in Landaff Diocese, than Shrewsbury is in that of St. Asaph. But it may be observed, That in the first Act of Parliament made in this Reign touching Suffragan Bishops, certain Titles were appointed, to which the said Suffragans should be Consecrated, taken from several of the chief Towns in England; but it was not required, that the Suffragan of any particular Diocese should take his Title from some Town in that Diocese, but was left at liberty to take it from any Town mentioned in that Act. Which was accordingly practised indifferently till the Promulgation of the second Act concerning Suffragans.  
Ibid. line 2. It was now forbidden by the Parliament, that the Feast of St. Thomas a Becket, the pretended Martyr, should be celebrated any more. He is also styled Thomas a Becket, Page 70. line 21. & 28. Page 92. line 4. etc.] This is a small Error; but being so often repeated, deserveth to be observed and corrected. The Name of that Archbishop was Thomas Becket; nor can it otherwise be found to have been written in any Authentic History, Record, Calendar, or other Book. If the Vulgar did formerly, as it doth now, call him Thomas a Becket, their Mistake is not to be followed by Learned men.  
Page 62. line 8. The Reason why Archbishop Cranmer all this while, that is from the first making the Act concerning Suffragans in the year 1534, to this time (1537.) had nominated none for Suffragan to this See (Dover) till now (when he nominated and consecrated Richard Yngworth in December) might be, because there seemed to be a Suffragan already, even the same that had been in the time of Archbishop Warham, namely, john Thornton▪ Prior of Dover, who was one of the Witnesses appointed by that Archbishop to certify what was found and seen at the opening of St. Dunstan's Tomb. Richard Thornden seems to have succeeded Yngworth in this Office.] St. Dunstan's Tomb was opened in April 1508, and Thornden died not till the last year of Queen Mary: So that if to Thernton succeeded Yngworth, and to Yngworth succeeded Thornden▪ there will be no room for any of those three Bishops of Sidon, who were before in this History (pag. 36.) said to have assisted the Archbishop's Warham and Cranmer in the Quality of Suffragan Bishops. For the very first of them, Thomas Wellys, was Suffragan Bishop after the year 1508. I know not when he was made Suffragan, or when he died, but I am certain that he survived the year 1511. As for Christopher, and the other, Thomas, Bishops of Sidon, they indeed were not the peculiar Suffragans of the Archbishops of Canterbury, as I before said.  
Page 63. line 28. March 24. 1537. Henry Holbeach was Consecrated Suffragan Bishop of Bristol in the Bishop of London's Chapel in the said Bishop's House, situate in Lambeth-Marsh, by the said Bishop, etc.] The Bishops of London never had any House situate in Lambeth-Marsh, but the Bishops of Rochester at that time had; which House was soon after conveyed from the See of Rochester to the Crown; and afterwards from the Crown by exchange to the See of Carlisle, to which it now belongeth.  
Page 86. line 22. ab imo. In this Consecration (of Bonner's Bishop of London, Anno 1540) the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury insisted, it seems, upon an Ancient Privilege of their Church, which I do not find in this Register (that of Archbishop Cranmer) they had at other Consecrations done; namely, that the Consecration should be celebrated at the Church of Canterbury, and at no other Church or Oratory, without their allowance. And so in a formal Instrument they gave their Licence and Consent.— The renewing of this their old pretended Privilege, looked like some Check to the Archbishop, and as though they required of him a sort of Dependence on them now more than before; and it showed some secret Ill-will towards him.] This Privilege was first granted to the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury by Thomas Becket, but afterwards more amply confirmed to them by St. Edmund the Archbishop, in the year 1235; from which time to the present year 1540▪ I dare confidently ●ver▪ That no Bishop of the Province of Canterbury had been Consecrated by the Archbishops or by any other by their Commission, in any Church or Place without the Metropolitical Church of Canterbury, without Licence first desired and obtained in writing from the Chapter of Canterbury under their Seal; if we except only two or three Cases between the years 1235, and 1300; which were the occasions of great Controversies between the Archbishops Consecrating, and the Bishop's Consecrated, on the one part, and the Chapter of Canterbury on the other part; which yet always ended to the advantage of the Chapter, and the farther Confirmation of their Privilege herein. If these Licenses be not registered in the Archbishop's Registers, it is not to be wondered at; it being not their concern to cause those things to be enregistered, which were not essential to the Confirmation or Consecration of the Bishops of their Province, but related merely to the Privileges of the Chapter of Canterbury. But they are all enregistered, and may be found in the Registers of that Chapter. If therefore the Prior and Convent of Canterbury did at this time require Boner to take out such a Licence before his Consecration, they thereby gave no more evidence of any sinister Design or Ill-will against the Archbishop, than they had done at any time before to him or any of his Predecessors for 300 years, whensoever any Bishop of the Province was to be Consecrated out of their Church.  
Page 95. line 18. Robert King, Titular Bishop Reonen, Suffragan to the Bishop of Lincoln, was this year (1541.) Consecrated Bishop of Oxford. The Date, or his Consecrators, I cannot assign, the Act being omitted in the Archbishops' Register.] Whensoever a Suffragan Bishop was promoted to any real Bishopric, he had no need of any new Consecration, the Character and Order of Bishop having been all along as full, valid, and effectual in him, as in any Bishop whatsoever. So that in such a Promotion no other Form was observed, than in the Translation of any Bishop from one Diocese to another; viz. Election and Confirmation. But in this case not so much as that was necessary; for the Bishopric of Oxford being then newly erected, King the first Bishop of it was to be put in Possession of it, not by any Act of the Archbishop's, but by Letters Patents of the King the Founder of it; which Letters were not issued out until the first day of September in the following year.  
Page 111. line 13. The names of the chief Actors (of a Conspiracy against the Archbishop) were Thornden, who lived in the Archbishops' Family, and eat at his Table, and with whom he used to converse most familiarly. So also Pag. 121. line 12. Thornton who was Suffragan of Dover, the Archbishop made Prebendary of his Church, and whom he always set at his own Mess. Page 120. line 5. Dr. Thornton, who was very great with the Archbishop, but secretly false to him. Page 304. line 7. ab imo. This had the Suffragan of Dover, Dr. Thornton done.] In these and other Passages of this History, the Names and Persons of Dr. Thornton and Dr. Thornden, both Suffragans of the Diocese of Canterbury, are confounded. john Thornton, Prior of Dover, was Suffragan to Archbishop Warham, and died in his time. Richard Thornden was Monk of Christ-Church, Canterbury, and at the dissolution of that Monastery in 1539, or 1540, and Conversion of it into a College of Secular Canons, was constituted the first Prebendary of it, and soon after made Suffragan of the Diocese, with the Title of Bishop of Dover; in which Office he continued till his death, ultimo Mari●. He never lived in the Archbishop's Family, but in the Monastery till the Dissolution of it; and after that constantly resided upon his Prebend and other Benefices which he held in the Diocese. You might perhaps find it noted, That the Archbishop always set him at his own Mess; which might give you occasion to think that he sometimes lived in the Archbishop's Family; whereas indeed no more was meant thereby, than that the Archbishop was wont to show to him extraordinary Respect, whensoever he attended him; for in those days Suffragan Bishops, however usual, were treated with Contempt enough, not wont to be admitted to dine at the Archbishops own Table in the Hall of the Archbishop's Palace. There were generally three Tables spread in the Archbishop's Hall, and served at the same time: The Archbishop's Table, at which ordinarily sat none but Peers of the Realm, Privy-Counsellors, and Gentlemen of the greatest Quality. The Almoners Table, at which sat the Chaplains, and all Guests of the Clergy beneath Diocesan Bishops, and Abbots. The Steward's Table, at which sat all other Gentlemen. The Suffragan Bishops then were wont to fit at the Almoners Table; and the Archbishop in admitting his Suffragan Thornden to his own Table, did him an unusual Honour; which was therefore noted to aggravate the Ingratitude of the man, conspiring against the Archbishop.  
Page 126. line 13. About this time (1544.) it was, I conjecture, that the King changed the Archbishops' Coat of Arms; for unto the year 1543, he bore his Paternal Coat of Three Cranes Sable, as I find by a Date set under his Arms, yet remaining in a Window in Lambeth-House.] Those Arms of Archbishop Cranmer, here mentioned to remain in a Window in Lambeth-House, together with the Arms of the other Archbishops succeeding to him since the Reformation, and placed in the same Window, were painted at the cost of, and set up by my Lord Archbishop Sancroft, not many years since.  
Page 141. med. One of the very first things that was done in K. Edward's Reign, in relation to the Church, was, That the Bishops, etc. should be made to depend entirely upon the King and his Council, &c.; and should take Commissions from him for the exercise of their Office and Jurisdiction, and those to last only during the King's Pleasure.— In this I suppose the Archbishop had his hand.— And therefore he began this Matter with himself,— Petitioning for such a Commission,— which was granted to him, Feb. 7. 1546.] This Matter was not now first begun or done. The Archbishop and all the Bishops of England had taken Commissions from K. Henry in the very same Form, mutatis mutandis, in the year 1535.  
Page 161. med. An English Exile, naming himself E. P. in Q. Mary's days published again the Archbishops' Book against Unwritten Verities, and prefixed to it a Preface of his own,— I will add one Passage taken out of this Book, about the middle, whereby it may be seen what a Clergy was now in England. He makes a heavy Complaint against the frequent practice of beastly sins in the Priests, Adultery, Sodomy, etc. and that they never were punished. And in my memory, (as he proceeds) which is above thirty years, and also by the information of others that be twenty years older than I, I could never learn that one Priest was punished] These Exiles are a sort of men who generally write with Passion and Prejudice against their own Country; so that ordinarily little more credit is to be given to their Information, than to the Intelligence of Deserters from an Army. I am sure he hath shamefully belied the Clergy of England in accusing them of the frequent practice of such beastly sins, and then affirming that he could never learn that one Priest was punished for it in the space of fifty years before that time. It is true, that Crimes of Incontinence, as such, especially in the Clergy, were then cognoscible and punishable only by the Ecclesiastical Law, and in the Spiritual Courts; but Rapes were, then as well as now, in Clergymen as well as Laymen, tryable and punishable at Common-Law. And of this the Laity took such malicious advantage, immediately before the Reformation, that they were wont to pretend all Acts, and even Indications of Incontinence in Clergymen, to be so many Rapes, and to Indict them as such: Insomuch, that scarce any Assizes or Sessions passed at that time, wherein several Clergymen were not Indicted of Rapes, and a Jury of Laymen Impannell'd to Try them, who would be sure not to be guilty of showing overmuch favour to them in their Verdicts. Neither was the Ecclesiastical Authority then so remiss (as is pretended) as not to have punished any one Priest for Incontinence within the space of fifty years before: If I had my Papers by me, I could produce Examples of many Incontinent Clergymen punished and deprived by their Ordinaries within that time. About this very time wherein this Preface was wrote, Dr. Weston, although otherwise a man of great Note and Interest among the Popish Party, was deprived of the Deanery of Windsor, for a single Act of Incontinence, and about twenty years before this, Stokesly Bishop of London is by john Bale reported to have deprived john Lord Abbot of Colchester for an horrible Act of Incontinence. Indeed I know Bale to have been so great a Liar, that I am not willing to take any thing of that kind upon his Credit; however, his Testimony may serve well enough against such another foul-mouthed Writer as this E. P. seems to have been.  
Ibid. line 11. ab imo. The Archbishop supplied the City of Canterbury with store of Excellent Learned Preachers, Turner, the two Ridleys, Becon, etc.] Turner never was Preacher in Ordinary at Canterbury, but at Chartham near Canterbury. He is said indeed afterwards in this History to have been one of the Six Preachers of the Church of Canterbury; which may be true; yet to Preach there three or four Sermons in a year upon so many Holidays, is not a sufficient ground to say, that that City was supplied with such or such Preachers.  
Page 164. in imo. The University of Cambridge laboured under great suspicions of being spoiled of its Revenues; she having observed how those of her Sister the Church were daily invaded by Secular hands.] The University hath ever been so dutiful, as to own the Church to be her Mother.  
Page 183. line 10. ab imo. Farrar was Consecrated Bishop of St. David's, by Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, endued with his Pontificals. The latter words are a Translation of Pontificalibus indutus, which signifies no other than being Invested or Attired in his Episcopal Habit.  
Page 184. med. Bishop Farrar hearing of great Corruption among those belonging to the Chapter of the Church of Carmarthen, and chiefly Thomas Young, Chanter, after Archbishop of York, etc.] I suppose the Chapter of the Church of St. David's is here meant; for there was no such Church at Carmarthen; and Young was at this time Precentor of St. David's.  
Page 208. line 13. ab imo. Bishop Ridley, at his entrance upon the See of London, was exceeding wary not to do his Predecessor Bonner the least injury, but rather did many kindnesses to his Mother, Servant's, and Relations; he continued Bonner's Receiver, one Staunton, in his Place.] In this last case Ridley could not give any evidence of Kindness or Unkindness; for Staunton held his Place of Receiver by Patent for life.  
Page 224. med. The Council sitting at Greenwich, the Bishop's (Gardener of Winchester) Servant's came, and desired that certain of them might be sworn upon certain Articles for Witness on his behalf. And if they might not be sworn, etc. And they were allowed.] From this relation any Reader would imagine, That the Bishop's Servants desired that themselves might be sworn in behalf of their Lord and Master; whereas in the Council-Book (from whence this Matter is reported) it is plain, that they desired that some of the Privy-Counsellors might be sworn, or at least be obliged to declare upon their Honour what they knew of the matter then in question, in favour of the Bishop.  
Page 267. line 21. This Scory (Bishop Elect of Rochester) was at first preferred by the Archbishop to be one of the Six Preachers at Canterbury, and always continued firm for the Purity of Religion, and endured Trouble for it.— He was a Married man, and so deprived at the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, fled beyond Sea, etc.] Scory was so far from continuing always firm to the Purity of Religion, that in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign he reconciled himself to the See of Rome, submitted himself to Bishop Bonner, made a formal Recantation, and did open Penance for his Marriage; however, afterwards he resumed his former Principles, when he had got beyond Sea.  
Page 270. line 17. ab imo. All this I have related of this Divine (Dr. john Redman, who died in 1551.) that I may in some measure preserve the Memory of one of the Learnedest men of his time; and lay up the Dying Words of a Papist, signifying so plainly his dislike and disallowance of many of their Doctrines.] I cannot imagine why Dr. Redman should be accounted or called a Papist at the time of his Death, who had all along lived and then died in the Communion of the Established Church, and had but little before joined with the Archbishop and other Bishops and Divines, in compiling the Book of Common-Prayer. If because he had once held the Popish Doctrines concerning Justification, the Sacrament of the Altar, etc. with equal and for the same reason Cranmer himself, and all the Bishops and Eminent Divines of that time may be called Papists: Or if it was because he judged it unlawful for any Priest to marry a second time (as is related page 157.) he therein followed the Canons and received Doctrines of the Ancient Church, and hath many Learned and Worthy Divines of our own Time and Church concurring with him in the same Opinion.  
Page 274. line 5. ab imo. The other was Richard Turner, in former time Curate of Chatham in Kent, and commonly called Turner of Canterbury, living in the Family of Mr. Morice the Archbishops' Secretary, who held the Impropriation of that Parsonage, and had presented this man to the Vicarage.] It would be very ill for me, if the Parsonage of Chatham were Impropriate: It never yet was, and, as I hope, never shall be in the Possession of any Layman, Mr. Morice only held it at that time by Lease of Richardson, the Rector of it, with obligation to provide and pay a Curate, which was this Turner.  
Page 275. med. And this I judge to be that Turner whom the Archbishop nominated for Ireland (to the Archbishopric of Armagh), having lived long in his Diocese, and so well known to him, and whom he had, I suppose, removed to Canterbury, to a Prebend, or some other Preferment there.] He never was Prebendary of Canterbury.  
Page 279. line 5. ab imo. While King Edward was in his Progress, 1552. some about his Person, to make the better way for their Sacrilegious Designs, and to make the King the more inclinable to lay hands on the Episcopal Demeans, or at least to clip and pair them, buzzed about Rumours. etc.— This Sir William Cecyl, the Secretary, who was now with the King, laboured to hinder; for he was a very great Favourer, as of the Reformed Clergy, so of their Estate and Honours.] He gave but bad evidence of such Favour to the Clergy and Estate of the Church, when many years after this (the Revenue of the Church being then also much more diminished than it was at the time of this Design) he tore away from the Bishopric of Peterborough the far better part of the Lands and Revenues wherewith it had been endowed; which he effected by procuring Bishop Scamler to be translated from thence to Norwich; which Translation, by the baseness of that Bishop, conspiring with the sacrilegious greediness of two Potent Courtiers, was the ruin of both those Bishoprics.  
Page 307. line 10. So on the day appointed, Aug. 27. 1553. the Archbishop, together with Sir Thomas Smith, K. Edward's Secretary, and Dr. May, came before the Queen's Commissioners; and the Archbishop brought in his Inventory. We are le●t to guests what he was now cited for. I suppose it was to lay to his cha●ge Heresy and his Marriage.] It was undoubtedly to charge him with Treason, for what he had done in the business of Queen Ia●; which the appearance o● Smith and May at the same time with him confirmeth. It was too early yet ●o object to him either Heresy or Marriage.  
Page 310. line 7. Cuthhert Bishop of Durham, formerly deprived, was restored. Edmond Boner Bishop of London restored, Nicolas Ridley being removed from the said See, and cast into Prison, etc.] These words are said to be verbatim described out of the Register of the Church of Canterbury. I know not, Sir, whether you inspected that Register with your own eyes; but I assure you, that Register relateth the matter otherwise; viz. that Boner was restored to the See of London, then Canonically void by the Translation of Ridley the Bishop of it to the See of Durham (made in the very end of K. Edward's Reign); and that Tunstall was restored to Durham, void by the Deprivation of Ridley, deprived thereof for Heresy and Sedition.  
Ibid. line 13. How they proceeded with the Clergy in general for being married, may be measured, etc.— Some were deprived, never convict nor called (I use the words of an Author that then lived, Dr. Parker.)— Some induced to resign upon promise of Pension; and the Promise as yet never performed.] Over-against these latter words, are placed in the Margin the Names of Dr. Ponet, Tailor, Parker. Of Ponet and Tayler it had been said immediately before, in this and the foregoing Page, that they were deprived of their Bishoprics. If then they were deprived, they were not induced to resign upon Promise of Pension. Of Poinet particularly it was related from the Register of Canterbury, that he was ejected, and imprisoned, and deprived of Episcopacy for being Married. I suppose the words of the Register are privatus Episcopatu, which ought to be rendered, deprived of his Bishopric (viz. of Winchester), not of Episcopacy; for the Order is indelible, and so allowed to be by those who deprived him. The Causes of Tayler's Deprivation are reported from the same Register; but Marriage is not mentioned among them. Nay, we are assured by undoubted Testimony (vide supra, Page 156.) That he never was married. Farther, this Account, said to be taken from the Words of Dr. Parker, is not his, but they are the words of the Anonymous Large Defence of Priest's Marriage, published by him.  
Pag. 318. med. In the first year of Queen Mary▪ a very soul Scandal was blown about of her, That she was with Child by Bishop Gardiner; however it was raised, whether of her Enemies, to render her odicus; or of some Zealots of Popish Religion, to show the desire they had of her matching with him.] It will be very difficult to persuade the world, that any Zealots of the Popish Religion, who are so prejudiced against the Marriage of the Clergy, should desire the Marriage of a Queen, whom they loved so much, with a Bishop of their own Communion, whom they no less admired.  
Page 324. line 2. Cardinal Pole, in answer to both Queen Mary's Letters, thought fit to send his mind at large by his Messenger Thomas Goldwell, who was once, if I mistake not, Prior of the Church of Canterbury, but long since fled out of England, and lived with Pole, and by the Queen afterwards preferred to the Bishopric of S. Asaph.] The Prior of Canterbury, and Bishop of St. Asaph, had nothing common but their Names. The one was a Regular, the other a Secular. The first, Doctor of Divinity before the other was born, and dead before the other was made Bishop.  
Page 328. line 4. ab imo. This is some account of the Church of Canterbury's doings, in pursuance of the Queen's Instructions beforementioned, viz. against the Married Clergy.] This account relateth only the Proceedings of that Chapter against the Married Clergy, Members of the Cathedral Church, or Incumbents within the Deanery of the Arches. The same Register of that Church (from whence this account is taken) relateth at large their Proceedings against all the Married Clergy within the whole Diocese of Canterbury, and in the other Deaneries of the peculiar Jurisdiction of that See.  
Page 329. line 11. Bernard Ochin, Prebendary of Canterbury. So also pag. 400, etc.] His Name was Bernardinus; a man sufficiently known.  
Page 331. line 9 ab imo. The other thing thought hard concerning these Orders taken with the Married Clergy, was, that after these poor men had thus done their Penances, the Imposers of these Penalties were not so good as they pretended they would be, etc. towards them, not restoring them to their Ministration.] This is not universally true. All Secular Married Clergymen, who desired it, were restored after such Penance undergone, unless some other great Demerit intervened. But no Regulars could obtain that favour; Marriage in them being accounted Apostasy from their Vow and Order.  
Page 331. line 12. The said Poinet, late Bishop of Winchester, but now an Exile, very learnedly answered this Book (of Dr. Martin against Priest's Marriage) in two several Treatises.— The second Treatise he lived not to finish; but the Copy falling into the hands of Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, he published it in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, with very large and excellent Additions of his own. The same Book is ascribed to Poinet, infra, lin. 39 with some doubt, pag. 330. med. page 53, 69, etc.] This Book was most certainly none of Poinets; for the Author of it saith of himself more than once, that he was a Layman; had designed indeed to enter into Holy Orders, but was prevented by the Death of K. Edward, and the Iniquity of the Times succeeding to it. He lived in or about either Norwich or Lincoln; and died before the end of Q. Mary's Reign. Archbishop Parker in Publishing it, did not adjoin his own Additions to all the Printed Copies, but only to a few of them.  
Page 369. line 3. etc. Latimer 's Character is best taken from them who best knew him, and lived in his time. One of these (Thomas Becon) thus speaks of him, while he was yet alive, in the beginning of K. Edward.— Latimer was very famous for the Sincerity and Goodness of his Evangelical Doctrine; which since the beginning of his Preaching had in all points been so conformable to the teaching of Christ and his Apostles.— His Fame began to grow apace, while he was at Cambridge, some years before 1530. doing abundance of good there among the Student's by his Sermons.— Before them he did by invincible Arguments, etc. prove, That the Holy Screptures ought to be read in the English Tongue of all Christian People, whether they were Priests or Laymen, etc.] Good Mr. Becon did herein either want true information, or hath imposed upon his Readers. Latimer was so far from maintaining this Doctrine ever since the beginning of his Preaching, that he was one of those Divines, who (being deputed by the University of Cambridge) joined with Archbishop Warham, and other Bishops and Divines, in Condemning all English Translations of the Scripture; and solemnly subscribed this Determination, The Publication of the H. Scripture in the Vulgar Tongue, is not necessary to Christians; and the King's Majesty and the Bishops do well in forbidding to the people the common use of the H. Scripture in the English Tongue. This was done in the year 1530.  
Page 383. line 16. ab imo. The Queen would not alter her Determination to have Archbishop Cranmer burned, by the Instigation, as I suppose, of Pole the Legate.] I would not have remittted you to so obscure an Author as Anthony Harmer, if yourself had not mentioned him in your Preface. He hath offered some Reasons (in his Specimen, page 144.) not altogether contemptible, to clear Cardinal Pole from this Imputation. I am so charitable, as to be willing at least to assent to his Reasons; yourself can better judge of the Validity of them.  
Page 398. line 9 Among Archbishop Cranmers Writings are reckoned (from Bale) Letters to Learned Men, one Book; and thereto is added, This I cannot hear any tidings of.] The Archbishop's Letters to Learned men never were either by himself or others collected into one or more Books, especially at that time. But it was Bale's foolish way, to account to every great man whom he hath placed in his Rhapsody of Writers, One Book of Epistles.  
Epist. Dedicat. page 3. The Judgement of Archbishop Arundel was for the Translation of the Scriptures into the Vulgar Tongue, and for the Laity's use thereof. For he preaching the Funeral Sermon of Queen Anne in 1392. commended her particularly for her Study of the Holy Scriptures,— as I find by an Ancient MS. Fragment, formerly belonging to the Church of Worcester, etc.] This MS. Fragment hath been often published. And Arundel, when he preached this Sermon, was not Archbishop of Canterbury, nor one of Cranmers Predecessors, as is here supposed. But after all, the Judgement of Archbishop Arundel in this Case is better declared by an Authentic Decree, than by a Rhetorical Passage in a Sermon, wherein he was obliged to commend the Deceased Queen. He was so far then from favouring the Translation of the Scriptures into the Vulgar Tongue, or the use of them by the Laity, that in the year 1408, he made this famous Decree in the Synod of Oxford, Periculosa res est, etc. It is a dangerous thing to translate the H. Scripture.— We decree therefore and ordain, That henceforth no man by his own authority translate any Book of H. Scripture into the English or any other Tongue, by way of Book, Libel, or Treatise; and that no such Book or Translation be read by any one, upon pain of the higher Excommunication. I might also observe to you, That the Case of Archbishop Chichely, which you had mentioned immediately before this, is mistaken, he doing therein nothing more than what was usual; as also the Case of Archbishop Islip, who decreed in the Case by you mentioned, nothing but what was consonant to the Rules of Canon Law, and the Papal Definitions; it being a Rule in both, that Simplex Votum impedit matrimonium contrahendum, sed non dirimit contractum. But I fear I have been too long already. I will only put you farther in mind, that when in the following Pages you compare the Archbishops of Canterbury preceding to, and succeeding the Reformation, and accuse the former to have minded chiefly great Worldly Pomp and Appearance; but praise the latter for regarding littl● or nothing the vain shows of exterior Grandeur and Glory; the Comparison is not altogether just: For Parker and Whitgift (whom you choose to instance in) lived in as great State, Pomp, and Magnificence, and were attended with as large a Retinue, as most of their Predecessors. And that in your Preface, page 7. instead of an Augustine Monk of Canterbury, should be substituted, a Monk of St. Augustine's in Canterbury. And lastly, That Page 11. Edward Howes should (if I mistake not) be changed into Edmund Howes.  
These, Sir, are the only Errors which I have discovered in your History. That the Observation of them may in any measure contribute to the Illustration of your Work, (as I doubt not but your Work will highly contribute to the Information of the Curious, and the justification of our Reformation) is the Hearty Desire of,  
SIR, Your most Humble Servant, HEN. WHARTON. Novemb. 13. 1693.   

A TABLE OF THE Letters, Instruments, Records, etc.  
Made use of in this History, and contained in the Appendix to the Memorials of Archbishop CRANMER.  
With the NUMBER and PAGE under which each may be found, and the PLACE whence Transcribed.  
 Number. Page. Place. AN Account of Mr. Pole's Book by Dr. Cranmer. I. 3 Sir W.H.MSS. Dr. Cranmer, Ambassador with the Emperor, his letter to the King. II. 6 Ibid. A Parcel of jewels sent from Greenwich to Hampton court to the King. To the receipt of which he set his hand. III. 7 Ibid. The King to Dr. Boner, his Majesty's Agent, to declare to the Pope his Appeal from him and his Sentence. IV. 8 Ibid. Cranmers Protestation at his Consecration. V. 9 Cranm. Reg. Cranmers Oath taken to the Pope at his Consecration VI. ib. Ibid. Cranmers Oath to the King for his Temporalties. VII. 10 Cleop. E. 6. The King's Proclamation for bringing in Seditious Books. VIII. ib. Cleop. E. 5. Bishop Fisher to Secretary Crumwel, declaring his willingness to swear to the Succession. IX. 13 Cleop. E. 6. Lee Bishop Elect of Litchfield and Coventry, to secretary Crumwel, concerning Bishop Fisher. X. ib. Ibid. The Archbishop to Secretary Crumwel, in behalf of Bishop Fisher, and Sir Thomas More. XI. 14 Ibid. Nix Bishop of Norwich, to Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, for suppressing such as read books brought from beyond Sea. XII. 15 Cleop. E. 5. Archbishop Cranmer to K. Henry, complaining of a Prior in Canterbury, that had preached against him. XIII. 16 Cleop. E. 6. Cleop. F. 1. The Archbishop to Mr. Secretary Crumwel, concerning his styling himself Primate of all England. XIV. 19 Cleop. F. 2. The Appeal of Stokesly Bishop of London to the King, against the Archbishop's Visitation. XV. 21 MSS. C.C.C.C. An Inventory of the Cathedral Church of St. Swithins in Winchester, as it was given in by the Prior and Convent, to Crumwel, Secretary of State, and the King's Vicar-General. XVI. 24 Cleop. F. 1. A Reply to the Archbishop, against his Court of Audience. XVII. 28 Ibid. Archbishop Cranmers Order concerning the Proctors of the Court of Arches, shown to be inconvenient, by a Paper presented to the Parliament. XVIII. 30 Cleop. E. 5. The Archbishop to the L. Crumwel, giving him some account of his Visitation of his Diocese. XIX. 37 Ibid. Richard Grafton, the Printer of the Bible, to the L. Crumwel, complaining of some that intended to Print the Bible, and thereby to spoil his Impression. XX. 38 Cranm. Reg. Archbishop Cranmer to the King, for a Suffragan of Dover. XXI. 40 Ibid. The Archbishop's Letters of Commission to Richard Suffragan of Dover. XXII. 41 Cleop. E. 5. A Declaration to be read by all Curates upon the Publishing of the Bible in English. XXIII. 42 Ibid. The Answer, or Declaration of Richard Bishop of Chichester, in the presence of the King's Majesty, against the sixth Reason or Argument of John Lambert, concerning the most holy and blessed Sacrament of the Altar. XXIV. 43 Ex Dudith Or. & Opuse. Tho. Cranmeri Archiep. Cant. Epistola, super Controversiam de coena Domini ortam. XXV. 45 Cleop. E. 5. Part of a Letter from a Member of Parliament, concerning the Transactions of the House, about p●ssing the Act of the Six Articles. XXVI. 47 Ibid. The Solution of some Bishop to certain Questions about the Sacraments. XXVII. 48 Ibid. The judgement of another Bishop upon the aforesaid Questions. XXVIII. 52 Ibid▪ Archbishop Cranmer to Osiander, concerning some abuses in Matrimony among the Germans. XXIX. 54 Ibid. The French Kings Licence to print the English Bible in Paris. XXX. 56 MSS. C C C.C. Three Discourses of Archbishop Cranmer, occasioned upon his review of the King's Book, entitled, The Erudition of a Christian man. XXXI. 57 Ibid▪ Other Discourses of Archbishop Cranmer. XXXII. 62 Ibid. Interrogatories for Dr. London. Dr. Willoughbies' Confession, etc. XXXIII. 63 A Letter prepared for the King to sign, to ratify certain Ecclesiastical Laws. XXXIV. 72  The Bishop of Winchester to Archbishop Cranmer, relating to the Reformation of Religion. XXXV. 73 Foxij MSS. The said Bishop to the Duke of Somerset, concerning the Book of Homilies, and Erasmus Paraphrase Englished. XXXVI. 77 Vespas. D. 18. Roger Ascham to Mr. Cecyl, Giving him an acount of a Disputation in S. John's College, Whether the Mass and the Lords Supper be all one. XXXVII. 81 MSS. SirW. H. The University of Cambridg to the Archbishop. XXXVIII. 83 Ascham. Ep. Richard Smith D. D. his Recantation of his Books. XXXIX. 84 Becon 's Rep. Archbishop Cranmers Answers to the fifteen Articles of the Rebels in Devon, Anno 1549. XL. 86 MSS. C.C.C.C. The Archbishop's Notes for an Homily against the Rebellion. XLI. 113 Ibid. The Lady Mary to the Council; justifying herself for using the Mass in K. Edward's Minority. XLII. 115 Sir W.H.MSS. The Archbishop's Letter to Martin Bucer; Inviting him over into England. XLIII. 116 Buceri Script. Aug. A Catalogue of Books published by Paulus Fagius. XLIV. 117  Dr. Cox, the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, his Oration at the Conclusion of Peter Martyr's Disputation. [XLIV.] 119 P. Mart. Opera. Dr. Treshams' Epistle before his Relation of the Disputation between himself and Peter Martyr, at Oxford. XLV. 121 Foxij MSS. The Sententious Sayings of Master Martin Bucer upon the Lord's Supper. XLVI. 124 Ibid. Bishop Hoper to the Clergy of his Diocese of Gloucester. XLVII. 133 MS. Private. Hoper Bishop of Gloucester to Sir William Cecyl, Secretary of State. XLVIII. 135 MSS. SirW.H. Another of the same Bishop to the same Person.  136 Ibid. A Popish Rhyme fastened upon a Pulpit in K. Edward's reign. XLIX. 137 Foxij MSS. An Answer to it.  Ibid. Ibid. An old Song of John Nobody.  138 Private. MS. John a Lasco's Letter from Embden, signifying the dangerous condition they were in, and the Persecutions they expected. L. 139 Sir W.H.MSS. A Lasco's request, that those of his Church might have a Warrant from the King's Council, that they might not be disturbed for not coming to their Parish-churches. LI. 141 Ibid. Michael Angelo, Preacher to the Italian Congregation, his complaint against some of his Flock. With a List of their Names. LII. Ibid. Ibid. Place.  Number. Page. Sir W.H. MSS. Michael Angelo endeavours to appease the Secretary, greatly offended with him for a gross miscarriage. LIII. 143 Ibid. A Lasco to the Secretary to procure the King's Letters Patents for a French Protestant, to set up a French Printing Press. LIV. 145 Ibid. Valerandus Pollanus, Superintendent of the Stranger's Church at Glastenbury, to the Secretary, concerning the State of the Strangers Weavers fixed there. LV. 145 Ibid. The Superintendent to the same, earnestly desiring, that one Cornish might not be set over the strangers there, who had already dealt illy with them. LVI. 147 Ibid. The Superintendent to the same. Giving some account of the present settlement of their affairs. LVII. 148 Ibid. Mr. John Calvin to the Duke of Somerset, His advice for the rectifying some Abuses in our Church and University; Relating to the Alienation or Misuse of their Revenues. LVIII. 149 MSS. CC. CC. Sir John Cheke to Dr. Parker, Upon the death of Martin Bucer. LIX. 151 Ibid. Peter Martyr to Bucer, Concerning the Oxford Act, Anno 1550. LX. 152 Ibid. Peter Martyr to Bucer, Concerning their Review of the Book of Common Prayer. LXI. 154 MSS. SirW. H. The Archbishop's Letter, to procure Wolf, the Printer, a licence to publish his ●ook. LXII. 156 Foxij MSS. Articles, whereunto William Phelps, Pastor and Curate of Ciciter, upon good advisement and deliberation, after better knowledge given by God's grace, hath subscribed. LXIII. Ibid. MSS. SirW. H. The Archbishop to the Lords of the Council, concerning the Book of Articles of Religion. LXIV. 158 Ibid. The Archbishop nominates certain Persons for an Irish Archbishopric. LXV. 159 Ibid. The Archbishop to Sir Will. Cecyl, that Mr. Turner, intended for the Archbishopric of Armagh, was come up to Court. LXVI. 160 Ibid. The Archbishop to the same. Wherein he justifies himself and the rest of the Bishops against the charge of Covetousness. LXVII. 161 Ibid. Purchases made by the Archbishop. Extracted out of K. Edward's Book of Sales. LXVIII. 162 MSS. D. Wil Petyt. An Instrument of the Council, Swearing and subscribing to the Succession, as limited by the King. [LXVIII.] 163 Ibid. The Kings own Writing, directing the Succession.  164 MSS. SirW. H. A Letter of Q. Janes Council to the L. Rich, L. Lieutenant of the County of Essex. LXIX. 164 Foxij MSS. Q. Jane to Sir John Bridges, and Sir Nicolas Poyntz, to raise forces against a Rising in Bucks. LXX. 165 Number. Page. Place. The Counsillors of Q. Jane their Letter to the Lady Mary, acknowledging her Queen. LXXI. 166 MSS. Sir W.H. The Archbishop to Mrs. Wilkinson, persuading her to flee. LXXII. Ibid. Foxes Acts. The Words and Sayings of John Duke of Northumberland, spoken by him unto the people at the Tower Hil of London, on Tuesday in the forenoon, being 22th. of August, immediately before his Death. LXXIII. 167 Titus B. 2. Archbishop Cranmers' Letter to the Queen, suing for his Pardon in the Lady Janes business. LXXIV. 169 Letters of the M●rt. Cardinal Poles Instructions for his Messenger to Queen Mary. LXXV. 170 Titus B. 2. The Form of the Restitution of a married Priest. LXXV †. 179 Regist. Eccl. Christ. Cant. John Foxes Letter to the Parliament, against reviving the Act of the Six Articles. LXXVI. 181 Foxij MSS. An Instrument of the University of Cambridg, appointing certain of their Members to repair to Oxford, to dispute with Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer there. LXXVII. 182 Ibid. The University of Cambridge to that of Oxford, relating to the former matter. LXXVIII. 184 Ibid. Cranmers' Letter to the Queen's Council after his Disputation at Oxon. LXXIX. 186 Foxes Acts. The Lord Legates Commission to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, Deputing them to Absolve and Dispense with the Clergy in his stead; and Absolve the Laity. LXXX. 187 Registr. Eccl. Cant. The Lord Legates Instructions to the Bishops, in the performing of his Orders about Absolving their Clergy and Laity. LXXXI. 190 Ibid. An Italian to his Friend concerning Cardinal Pole. LXXXII. 192 Balci Cent. Bradford to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, concerning the Freewillers, about 1554. LXXXIII. 195 Martyrs Letters. The Prisoners for the Gospel, their Declaration concerning K Edward his Reformation. LXXXIV. 196 Foxij MSS. John Fox to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Q. Mary's time, relating to the Persecution. LXXXV. 197 Ibid. Dr. Ridley, late Bishop of London, to West, formerly his Steward; who had complied with the Romish Religion. LXXXVI. 200 Ibid. John Hopton, Bishop of Norwich, to the Earl of Sussex; giving account of the joy conceived, and Te Deum sung, for the News of the Queens being brought to bed of a Noble Prince. LXXXVII. 203 Tit. B. 2. A Proposition in the Convocation against Residence. With reasons for the said Propositions, and Remedies against Nonresidence. LXXXVIII. 204 C. C. C. C. MSS. Pole Cardinal Legate, to Archbishop Cranmer; in answer to the Letter he had sent to the Queen. LXXXIX. 206 Foxij MSS. Place.  Number. Page. MSS Sir W H Archbishop Parker to the Secretary, desiring the Counsels Letters, in order to his discovering certain Writings of Archbishop Cranmer. XC. 217 Ibid. Dr. William Mouse, Master of Trinity Hal in Cambridg, his Letter of Thanks to Secretary Cecyl. XCI. 218 Ibid. Justus Ionas to Secretary Cecyl, Concerning the Miseries of Germany, occasioned by the Interim; and that he might receive the King's intended Munificence. XCII. 2●9 Ibid. Miles Wilson to Secretary Cecyl, lamenting the Spoils of Schools, Benefices and Hospitals. To which are added his Arguments against this Sacrilege. XCIII. 220 Ibid. Peter Martyr to James Haddon, To procure a Licence from the Court for one of his Auditor's, named Hugh Kirk of Magdalen College Oxon, to preach. XCIV. 227 Ibid. Peter Martyr to Secretary Cecyl, That one who officiated in Dr. weston's place, might receive the Stipend detained from him. XCV. 228 Ibid. John Sleidan to Secretary Cecyl. Advices of the State of Affairs in Germany. XCVI. 229 Ibid. Sleidan to the same. More Advices from Germany. Desires a Patent for his Stipend granted him by K. Edward VI. XCVII. 230 Ibid. Sleidan to the same. Intelligences concerning the Motions of the Emperor, and the State of the Protestant Princes. XCVIII. 231 Ibid. Sleidan to the same. Advices of the State of the Empire. XCIX. 232 Ibid. Sleidan to Sir John Cheke and Sir William Cecyl; Concerning his Commentaries, which he had sent to K. Edward. Desires them to send him an exact Information of the Business between K. Henry and Pope Clement. His resolution of continuing his Commentaries, and of Writing the History of the Council of Trent. C. 234 Ibid. Sleidan to Sir William Cecyl; Concerning the Affairs of Germany, and particularly of the Council of Trent. CI. 236 Ibid. ●artin Bucer to the Secretary, for the speeding of sleidan's business. CII. 238 Ibid. Ralph Morice, the Archbishop's Secretary, his supplication to Q. Elizabeth for Prior Wilbore's Pension, lately deceased. CIII. 239  A Prologue or Preface made by Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Holy Bible. CIV. 241 Number. Page. Place. Bucer, and other Learned Strangers from Lambeth, to Cecyl; To prefer the Petition of some poor French Protestants to the Protector. CV. 250 MSS. Sir W.H. The Archbishop to the Secretary, Concerning a French man, that desired a Patent to translate the Common prayer into French, and print it. CVI Ibid. Ibid. The Archbishop to the same. Mention of Letters sent by the Archbishop to the Duke of Northumberland, Excusing his not proceeding in a Commission. His Reflection upon the News. CVII. 251 Ibid. The Archbishop to the same: Signifying his Desire to have the good Will of the Lord Warden, his Neighbour. CVIII. 252 Ibid. The Archbishop to the same: Desiring Cecyl to inform him of the Cause of Cheeks Indictment. CIX. Ibid. Ibid.  
The End of the Table of Letters, etc.   

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