SUNDRY CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING Naturalisation of Aliens: WHEREBY The alleged Advantages thereby are confuted, and the contrary Mischiefs thereof are detected and discovered.  
THERE being much Discourse about Naturalising Foreigners, and great Conveniences and Inconveniences being suggested pro & con, as to the Consequences thereof in respect to Trade, I beg leave, having myself an Interest in the Trade of this Nation, that I may deliver the Sense of a worthy Patriot, (Sir Matthew Hales late Lord Chief Justice of England) who in a Manuscript, accidentally falling into my hands, affirms, and from the following Arguments proves, the Naturalisation of Foreigners never to have been the judgement of honest, thinking, but only the opinion of unthinking, notional, or designing Men, and the inconveniences that follow hereupon never to he remedied. It is a Subject that very nearly concerns the Good of this Kingdom, the English having been always tenacious of their Liberty, and Jealous of being wronged in their Trade by Foreigners, as is apparent by the many commotions formerly on that account, especially the Ill Mayday in the 9th. Year of King Henry the Eighth (1657.) of which our Historians take especial notice: If it was thus, when Trade was in its Infancy, it may possibly be much more so, now the Trade of Europe is chief in our hands.  
And at this present time the countenancing of a Foreign Trade, (tho' in a Sister Nation) to the prejudice of our own Merchants appears to be of such high and National concern, that both Houses of Parliament (those great Assertors of our English Liberties) have taken notice of it.  
But to wave further prefacing, I come directly to the subject Matter, and observe.  
I. THAT there is no present necessity of any such thing: not from abroad, for we are not under the fear or power of Foreign Princes that might impose it upon us. Nor from within, for tho' we have many Foreigners among us, yet they are not able so far to give us the Law, as by a bold importunity to command it: The Natives of this Kingdom very much exceed them in strength and number, neither do the Natives of this Kingdom, except some few speculative and notional men, desire, much less demand it; so that we who have above five hundred years continued under distinct Policy from other Nations, and have enjoyed the Privilege of our own Kingdom, without communication thereof promiscuously and generally to Aliens may continue so still without the necessity of Naturalisation of Aliens; and for aught I know, with as much happiness, and wealth, and honour, as our Ancestors have done before us. And altho' it is true, that while the King, of England had their Hereditary Territories in France, the French of those Territories were in effect by the Union Naturalised as Postnati in Scotland are with us at this day, yet that is nothing to the business in hand, namely an universal Naturalisation; so that there seems nothing of necessity in the case, only if there be any thing of reason for it, it must be the business of convenience, and that in relation to Trade.  
II. Therefore the conveniences of Naturalisation of Aliens must be considered, and this certainly must be in relation to Trade: And herein will be these Considerations following. Namely; First, What kind of Naturalisation that must be which must most advance Trade. Secondly, What kind of advance of Trade will arise by such Naturalisation.  
Touching the former of these; certainly the general reason of the advance of Trade by Naturalising Aliens must be, because it will be a means to invite Foreigners to come hither, to bring their Stocks, their Wealth, their Trading, their Manufactures hither, where they may find as great, if not greater advantage, than they have in other, or their own, Countries.  
The consequence whereof must needs be, that the more ample and extensive their Privilege is, the greater the advance of Trade will thereby be; because the Invitation is the greater, and on the other side the more narrow, contracted, and restrictive, the Naturalisation is, the less it will conduce to the advance of Trade.  
The Naturalisation therefore must be Universal. First, In respect of extent, it must extend to all Persons of all Nations, of all Religions, Protestants, Papists. Jews, Mahometans, Turks, Moors, Pagans, for otherwise it answers not the Latitude of the Design, if Trade be the Saint that is adored only, other Considerations must be laid aside, or else the Latitude of the Design is narrowed. Secondly, In respect of Intention or the Nature of the Privilege, it must be to all Intents and Purposes, there must be no discrimination in Customs nor in Hereditary Successions, nor in any other Privileges belonging to natural born Subjects.  
Touching the later, the advance of Trade hereby will be thus,  
England is most certainly in the most advansageous place of the World, to be the Mistress of Trade, both in reference to Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, the Eastern, Western, Northern, and Southern World, it hath the best Ports and Harbours for Shipping of any place in the World, and not only the best, but the most numerous, as well as most useful. It hath the most advantageous Rivers, for the transporting into the Body of the Kingdom, and educing out of it all manner of Commodities, as Thames, Severn, Humber, Tyne, and by divers others, and by new Cuts and Sluices there might without much difficulty in comparison of the Profit, for the communication between the Ports themselves, and the Ports and Inland Towns. Again, it hath Timber for Shipping, is not far distant from the Baltic Sea, for its supply of Masts and Cordage, hath Iron. Tin, Led, Leather, Wool, Cloth, etc. for the maintenance of Trade, is excellently fitted with fishing for the increase of Mariners, hath all sorts of Victuals for the Victualling of Ships, and in Sum is supplied with all conveniences and accommodations to make it the common Port almost of the whole World. And besides all this, though it be very populous for a Continent, it is nothing in comparison of what it might be as an Island or Common Port; there is room enough for the reception of Millions of People in those vast unpeopled Plains and Coasts almost in all Countries; the Netherlands that are not much larger than Yorkshire, yet in respect of their Trade are infinitely more populous than the most populous part of England, except London, Bristol, Exeter and Newcastle, and some other Port-Towns.  
And therefore were the Country free for all Nations to come into, with the same advantage as in their own, certainly all these advantages, besides the pleasantness and temperateness of the Country would invite infinite numbers of Foreigners, especially the Trading and Manufacturing part of them to come and settle here; and the Consequences hereof to the Trade and Wealth of the Kingdom would be such as these.  
1st. It would presently advance the Price and Rents of Land by the increase of the Wealth, the Trade, and the Inhabitants of the Kingdom.  
2dly. It would draw over the Trading Merchants and their Stocks hither, which would in a moment advance the Wealth of the Kingdom.  
3dly. It would bring over the Artificers of all Foreign Countries hither, and the rather considering that here would be the great Magazine of Commerce, and also a sufficient store of Materials for their Employment, which either are here native, or would be speedily acquired, as Iron, Steel, Tin, Led, Wool, Hemp, Flax.  
4thly. And by this means the Natives of this Kingdom would be instructed in all kind of Manufactures, and which is yet a greater advantage the idle Poor of this Kingdom which is at present the burden, and will be in time the destruction of the Kingdom, will become the Wealth of the Kingdom being habituated, and as it were fermented by the industry of Foreigners, who at this time, and almost in all ages have been more happy in Manufacture than the English who have most of their curious Manufactures from the Dutch and French.  
5thly. And by this means England will be the common & nobile Emporium of the World, their Shipping, Mariners and Trade, and consequently their Wealth, Power, and Strength immensly increased, for experience and reason tell us, that whatsoever place is the Seat of Trade, that place must abound with Wealth, Shipping and Mariners, as is seen at this day, especially in Holland and Venice, for by these means the Merchandise of all parts of the World, will in effect become the Native Commodities of this Kingdom, the same being become the common Receptacle and Store-House thereof for Exportation into all Places of the World.  
And these be many of the most considerable Reasons that seem to evince the convenience of this Expedient, and indeed carry a specious Pretext for it.  
But for all this I do think that neither the event will answer the expectation, and if it did yet the inconveniences that accompany this thing will be too great.  
First, Therefore this Expedient seems utterly incompetent for the Ends propounded, namely, the Increase of the Wealth and Trade of this Kingdom, and for the Evidence thereof, I shall not use Notions and Suppositions, but appeal to experience and observation, which in a matter of this nature proves more effectually than conjectural Notions and Imaginations, and I shall use but these two Instances.  
First, If this were a means to increase the Trade, and consequently the Wealth of this Kingdom, it would have been the means thereof in some former Ages, and if it had been so, surely they had had as much reason, both in respect of their Wisdom, and Prudence, and Interest, to have seen it and allowed it in former Times; but in all the Tracts of former Times, this was never so esteemed or found, and therefore we have as much reason to believe that it would not so prove now.  
And that former Times never esteemed or found this Expedient useful for the increase of the Wealth and Trade of this Nation, is evident in this, that they ever most strictly kept up the discriminations betwixt Natives and Aliens. First, The Exclusion of them from the privilege of purchasing Lands in England, hath always made their Purchases forfeit to the Crown, and their Issue disabled from Hereditary Succession, which in the time of Henry the VIII. was extended also to the purchasng of Houses.  
2dly, The Aliens always even from the first Settlement of the great Customs in Edward the I. his time, as in all Acts of Parliament for Subsidies since, have been charged with an increase of Customs above the Native.  
3dly, Great care was ever used in Naturalizations by Act of Parliament, which were rarely granted and upon special Reasons.  
It is true, that in all times some particular encouragement were given to Foreigners to bring in their Arts here, as to the Weavers in the time of Henry the II. and also to Merchants to bring in their Goods and sell them here, as by the Statute of the 9th. of Edward the III. for selling by retail in London, and other Cities, and particularly to the Hanse Merchants, and the Merchants of the Style Yard by King Henry the III. by King Edward the I. in his Charta Mercatoria, by King Edward the iv in enlarging the Privileges of the Merchants of the Stile-Yard, but still they maintained and kept up the Discrimination between English and Foreigners, as to the point of Naturalisation and disparity of Customs in general.  
2dly, In all Ages Merchants in amity had, and to this day have as great liberty in point of Trade and Commerce in this Kingdom, except as to the Purchasing of Lands, and equality of Customs, as the universal Naturalisation of them would give, our Ports are equally open to them (except the late Act for encouraging Navigation) as they would be if Naturalised, and the convenience of our Ports are as much now as they would be then. So that if the point of Commerce and convenience of our Ports are as much now as they would be then, it is not credible that the giving them privilege of purchasing Lands, which is collateral to Trade, and the little disproportion of their Customs would so abundantly increase the Trade of the Kingdom as to matter of Commerce, the supposed grand advantage, over what it now doth.  
2dly, But touching the second considerable, I say, that altho' some possible advantage might grow to our Trade by such an extensive Privilege, yet the inconveniences that would thereby arise to the Safety, Satisfaction, Preservation and Wealth of this Kingdom, would excessively surmount that imaginary advantage, as will evidently appear by these ensuing Considerations.  
1st. It would in a little time surcharge the Kingdom with Aliens, and either drive out, straighten, consume, or quite blot out the English Nation. If the Wealth they bring with them were small and inconsiderable, they would be our Burden, if great, they would be our Canker to eat the Natives out of their Possessions, and by degrees, transfer our Possessions to Strangers; and so while by Naturalising them, we should demonstrate a great Zeal to the increase of Trade, we should at the same time discover a great neglect, and indeed betraying of our Country and Countrymen, exterminating them, that we might increase Trade for Strangers.  
2dly, It would presently give an universal disgust to the whole Kingdom, who would reasonably think that we sold them to purchase Trade, and let any man look upon the examples of former times, especially in the times of Edward the II. and some others; no one thing gave a deeper and more general discontent than the filling of the Kingdom with Aliens, what the inconveniences of such a general distaste would be, is not difficult to judge.  
3dly, What if Wars should arise between this Kingdom, and those Kingdoms from which the great resort of Aliens should come, can any man reasonably think that they would not have respect to their Native Countries, where possibly many of their Relations, and Possessions, and a great part at least of their Wealth should lodge, or can we think they should wholly be dismissed of their Allegiance and Subjection to their Native Princes and Governors, if not, than we have so many Enemies Incorporated to us, who may quickly join with Native Countrymen, and ruin our Peace and Kingdom, betray all our Counsels, or at least keep us in that awe and fear, that we must not break with those Countries upon any Terms, but keep a servile and base Peace with them upon their own Terms, or engage, in a War with them to our extremest danger and disadvantage. Neither will the Objection of the Parity of our Condition any way help us, for as the Advantage of the English Country, and the convenience of Trade here, would most certainly draw over many Aliens hither, especially out of the populous places of France and the Netherlands, so the inconveniences of their Countries in comparison of ours, would send but few English among them, in comparison of their numbers here; so we should pour in by this means France and Germany into England, to the straightening and undoing of the Native English, but without reciprocal disburdening of ours there, till necessity or the want of room or trade in England, force the English to that miserable exchange.  
4thly. It is but a fond dream to think that at least the first generation of naturalised Aliens would thereupon transfer all their Estates hither, there are infinite reasons why they should not. First, War may arise between this Kingdom and the Country from whence they came, and the jealousy of that will make them secure, at least, the most considerable parts of their Estates in their own Countries. 2dly. In all probability they will have some estates which must abide there: Debts due to them, and not gotten in, Houses, Possessions. 3dly. At least, they will have many of their Relations, as their Fathers, Mothers, Children, Brothers, Kindred which will still keep them upon a dependence upon that Country, notwithstanding their Transportation. 4thly. Again, here they will find Animosities and Heart-burnings by the Native English against them; upon all which accounts and many more, we may be well assured that most of them will not venture all in one bottom, but will keep a considerable part of their Estates and Trade and Relations in the Countries from whence they came: and he is blind that sees not what the consequence of that will be, namely, that they will drain the wealth of England into their own Hands and Purses, which they will easily transmit to their own Countries; that they will make our Country the Instrument to enrich themselves, and their own Country without enriching us; that they will trade from hence into their own Country and Plantations upon better, easier, and safer Terms than the English shall, whereby they will be able to undersell and undermine the English Traders, who shall thereby be undone, and not know who hurt them. 5thly. We are mistaken if we think that our English will be better instructed by them, it is true, if a few come over, necessity will put them upon employing the English under them, as is done in Colchester, and some other places at this day; but if many come over they will keep the Trade and Manufacture among themselves, for tho' some of us English have so little judgement and good nature as to deliver over our own Country to Aliens, yet when they come hither we shall find them more discreet, politic, and better natured to their Countrymen  
6thly. Neither will our Manufactures be better but worse. We have Laws that Traders in some things must have served their Apprenticeships; but if Aliens come over, must they be bound Apprentice before they trade? If so, we shall have but few of the Artificers come unto us: But if not? Then any Alien may work at any Trade without Control, the Law for Apprentices must be repealed as to them, and they may work as they please.  
And of the same Consideration will be the privileges of our great English Cities, London, York, Bristol, etc. Where none but a Freeman may by Custom exercise their Trades. Shall all these privileges be resumed as to Aliens? If so, the Aliens are put into better Condition than the rest of Englishmen that are not free of the Cities; and besides, it is very obvious to see what Combustions may follow, upon such Invasions of Liberties of great Cities: but if they shall not exercise their manual Trades, there the Aliens are disappointed of what they most expected: Namely, trading in these places where the greatest benefit is to be expected; and will not thank us for our Indulgence. And though these two last Articles concern Manufactures, and not foreign Merchandise, yet the Consequence and Extent thereof is large, the Arificers of the Kingdom are a numerous Company, and those none of the wealthiest, they will soon be pinched by this Design, and will complain loudest. It is true the foreign Artificers are many, and perhaps more dextrous in their Manufactures, and possibly as well as the Merchants more frugal in their Expenses than ours are, or (it may be) are like to be; but all the Consequence thereof, that is probable to ensue, is that they will beat the English out of Trade and Custom, being able to undersell and underwork them, which will have this effect indeed, that the Manufacture of England will be advanced, because delivered ever to Aliens, but the Manufacture of the English impoverished, and they at length necessitated to become the Journey men and Servants, the Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water to Strangers that have beaten them out of their Trade, and eaten them out of their Country; and we must remember these Artificers are a numerous indigent querulous Company of People, and if oppressed by Aliens may be troublesome, discontented, and unquiet. We see with how much difficulty they are restrained from disorder upon smaller Occasions, even in relation to those few foreign Artificers that settle among us, what will then become of things when every second House shall be inhabited and Handicrafts exercised by Foreigners in many Places? And this the Wisdom of Parliaments have wisely foreseen, and therefore have not only inhibited the importation of foreign Manufactures, but also though they encouraged in some kind the foreign Merchant, yet have always discountenanced, as much as might reasonably be, the unlimited boundless access of foreign Artificers, farther than might be necessary in some particular cases, and places, and purposes, and members. To bring over a competent number to teach the English, but not a deluge to overflow and destroy the English Artificers, as will appear by the Acts of Parliament, and practice of other times.  
7. As large as the Naturalisation is propounded to be, so large must the Toleration of the exercise of Religion be. If the Naturalisation be universal to all people, as Jews, Turks, Moors, Pagans, as well as Christians, of all sorts of all Professions and Persuasions, such certainly must be the Extent of the Liberties for the exercise of their Religion. The Jews must have their Ceremonies, Circumcisions, Synagogues. Turks must have their Mahomitan Service, and so must the Moors, and also Socinians, Papists, Lutherans, and others. For since the foundation of the proposal is the politic consideration of the increase of Trade, and the supposition is that the more universal the Confluence of foreign Traders is, the greater will be the increase of Trade, and the more ample and extensive the encouragement is, the greater will be the confluence. Of necessity, upon these suppositions, the unlimited Toleration of all Religions will necessarily follow; for it will be ridiculous to think, that those People (who are perchance more zealous in their false persuasions and Religions, than many of us English are of the true Religion) should think themselves much gratified with a civil privilege in point of Trade, Commerce, Commorance, and participation of civil Immunities, and yet be fettered from the free Practice and Exercise of their Religion; unless we please ourselves with that base Hope, that possibly by this means the sense of Religion will become a matter of Indifferency, and strike sail to profit, or at least with that unwarranted hope, that true Religion will be more likely to rectify those false Religions, rather than to be corrupted by them.  
And if as an Expedient it shall be proposed that the Toleration shall not be universal, but only of the Christian Religion, (tho' there be much to he said against the universality of such a Toleration) yet let such proposers consider, First. That they will not thereby answer the latitude and extent of their design, for the advantage of Trade to its full Extent; since a great part of the trading Men of the World, are Jews, Turks, and Infidels. Again, what Criterium shall be used that may be practicable for the discovery of such, and discriminating them from others of the Christian Profession. They may come in and plant themselves here in considerable Numbers, and keep their Religions close to themselves till their Number swell to such a proportion, as may defend them in the open profession and practice of that, which at first they more modestly and politicly concealed till their Numbers, and Wealth, and Interest, give them Safety and Impunity in a more free and open profession; so that by this means, in a little time, Men of all Nations will be mingled with our Parliaments, and Counsels, and public Employments, to the hazard of the Ruin and Extirpation of the English Nation, Policy, and Government: and Men of all Religions will be mingled with our Parliaments, Counsels, and public Employments, to the hazard and destruction not only of the Protestants, but of the Christian Religion itself; or else to the corrupting it to a kind of mongrel Religion, like that of the Samaritans after their Captivity, they feared the Lord, and served their Idols.  
8thly. This very pouring in of Foreigners into this Kingdom, will endanger the dissolution, or at least a considerable Alteration of the municipal Laws of the Kingdom, and this hath been the experience of this and all other Kingdoms, which have suffered considerable Inroads of other Nations, either with or against their Wills, the Inroads of the Danes and Saxons into this Kingdom soon brought either Diversities or Alterations of Laws, and the Reasons thereof are evident considerable Numbers of Foregners transplanted into another Kingdom, bring along with them the Acquaintance and Knowledge and Love of their own Laws and Customs; which doth ordinarily occasion, First, Diversities of Laws, for when they come in considerable Companies, they many times plant themselves together, and there mantain a considerable Government and Law among themselves, which in time prevails and prospers into a Particular Law for that Society and Tract wherein they plant themselves; and so breaks the Unity of the Law, and in time of the Government of a Kingdom. Their Solemnities of Contracts, their Obligations and Rules of Commerce, their Rules of Successions become different, which in process of Time, rankles into the adjoining Parts and Counties. 2dly, Dissolution, and alteration, and instability in Laws, for in time these Foreigners having seated themselves, and grown rich, and potent, will necessarily mingle with our Councils, yea, and with our Parliament, and ferment and assimilate our Laws to their own; and it will be, and always hath been found, that diversity of Laws, and too much lubricity, instability, and change of Laws are the causes of confusion and instability in Government.  
Now perchance against these dangers and inconveniences, especially in relation to the corrupting of Religion and municipal Laws, these, or such as these expedients or objections may be projected or imagined.  
1st. That the true Religion is so reasonable and effectual, that it may rather reform the false Religions than be corrupted by them.  
2dly. That this Toleration of other Religions here may induce the permission, toleration, and favour, of the true Religion in other Countries where it is interdicted, and thereby a greater advance of the True Religion may ensue in Foreign Countries, and more than recompense the detriment that true Religion may suffer by the entertainment of false Religions.  
3dly. That there may be such modifications of the indulgence to Foreigners, as may secure it against innovations either in Religion, Laws, or Government, as may be feared from an imprudent, unlimited, unqualified admission, perchance the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy might be a fitting Expedient, or an exclusion of them from Public Offices, or distributing them into several quarters, might be a sufficient corrective for this Fear.  

I ANSWER.  
I. To the first of these, it is true, that the true Protestant Religion hath a great advantage of evidence and worth above other Religions, and it hath by the Blessing of God, much prevailed in the World; but we must remember our Saviour's answer to the Devil's temptation of throwing himself down from the Pinnacle of the Temple, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. God Almighty hath given the Children of Men Reason and Prudence, and it is to be employed as well in Matters relating to Religion, as in civil Concerns. It were a wildness to expect that the corrupt Religions should not more probably infect our weak and corrupted Nature, rather than to think that a true Religion would not receive Corruption by the mixtures of Persons of corrupt Principles, we see at this time, Idolatry, Turcism, and Popery hath prevailed in six parts of seven at least, in the habitable World.  
II. To the second, I answer, First, How do we know that other Princes will grant a reciprocal Indulgence unto the Protestant Religion? 2. If they will, that they will observe and keep it? It will take up a considerable time to be sure of both these, and till we are sure thereof, we are not in any tolerable condition to make or receive this Proposition. 3. But if we had sufficient assurance, they would make and keep such a reciprocal compact, yet the disadvantage will still be on our parts. We shall never have the advantage to invite the English into the Foreign Parts of Europe or Asia, as they will have to invite them hither; England is a fine spot of Ground, a rich and convenient Pasture, handsomely enclosed by Natural Enclosures, and by civil against the Incursion of Aliens; namely, the Sea and our Laws, and if this enclosure were to be thrown open, that our Neighbours should become intercommoners with us upon the supposed advantage of the liberty of ours with them, where one Englishman would transplant himself into France, a thousand Foreigners would transplant themselves hither, and starve the English into a necessity of an unwilling transportation of ourselves into our Neighbour common, and how long, or how well they would be entertained there, we might perchance hereafter know to our loss; but be it never so well, we well know it would be to our loss.  
III. As to the third, I say, we have no necessity, thanks be to God, of trying this Experiment: were the Trade of England as well managed as it might be without this Experiment, we should have no need of searching after such projects to advance it, and therefore it is extreme folly to make unnecessary and hazardous Experiments, in hope to cure them by Expedients, which we are not sure will be either effectual or sufficient for it. If the Sea hath broken down the Banks, it becomes us to use the best means we can by new Ditches and Provisions to stop its progress, and since we cannot wholly prevent the danger and avoid the loss, yet to use the best and likeliest means we may to render it as easy, and as remediable as may be. But it is a madness to break down the Banks, and let in the Deluge upon hopes of Expedients, to render it less inconvenient, and to run so great a danger upon prospect of petty notional imaginations that might as well think to circumscribe it. The Safety of States and Kingdoms is of too great a moment without inevitable necessity to practice experiments of such a nature. And the Experiment itself in proposal, is of such a kind, as is not easily governable; but will be too unruly for the magement and disposal in point of practice, whatever Men may think in Notions and Speculations: And when all is done, as it may probably do very much harm, so it doth not appear to any considerate man (that is not fond of his own or others fancies or novelties) that it can bring any equivalent benefit.  
Upon the whole matter it seems, that the Proposal is to be rejected as dangerous and hurtful to the Kingdom, to Religion, and to the Interest of the English Nation, as utterly unevident to produce any considerable good to the Kingdom, any way proportionable to the damage and danger thereof; that this excellent boundary and rampire, that the Laws of this Kingdom have settled, and at all times have tenaciously observed against the Inundations of Foreigners, aught to be preserved as the great Security of the Safety, Privilege, and Interest of the Natives; and altho' pro hic & nunc upon emergent reasons, and personal merit and assurance of some particular persons, acts of Naturalisation have been granted; tho' very sparingly, and cautiously, and not by the shoals (as hath been too much done of late Times) yet there is neither Wisdom, Prudence, nor fidelity to the King or Kingdom, to go about to throw open this Enclosure, either by an universal Naturalisation of all, or by any general or national Naturalisation of any Foreign Countries or People.  
FINIS.